Is China truly establishing dominance over neighboring Southeast Asia, or is it a prevailing perception among academics and journalists who have uncritically adopted a pervasive pro-China narrative built on Beijing’s rising investment and influence in the region?
Two recent Southeast Asian elections denote a shifting spectrum. Last month’s general election in Cambodia, by far China’s most loyal ally in the region, was taken by some as indication of how far the country has moved away from its past Western backers and closer to Beijing.
As Cambodia abandons multi-party democracy for one-party authoritarianism, similar to the dominance of the Communist Party in China, some see Cambodia as the first domino to fall in China’s grand regional ambition for political and economic control over the nearby region.
Indeed, some in Cambodia’s exiled opposition have claimed that the country has become a de facto “Chinese colony” under Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).
The Harapan coalition’s win at Malaysia’s May 9 general election, however, pointed in the opposite direction. The long-ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) was ousted by an alliance whose campaign narrative was built in part on opposing Chinese investment, which boomed under the previous government.
Now as prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad has cancelled US$22 billion worth of Chinese-backed infrastructure projects, including a Belt and Road Initiative-inspired high-speed rail line, for reasons of fiscal prudence.
While Mahathir warned of the risk of new forms of “colonialism” during a recently concluded tour of China, he also made the diplomatic point that his government isn’t anti-China.
“We should always remember that the level of development of countries are not all the same,” Mahathir said this week at a joint press conference with Chinese premier Li Keqiang. “We do not want a situation where there is a new version of colonialism happening because poor countries are unable to compete with rich countries, therefore we need fair trade.”
It is undeniable that China now plays a major and growing role in Southeast Asian affairs, even if judged by only its economic heft.
A recent New York Times report noted that every Asian country now trades more with China than the United States, often by a factor of two to one, an imbalance that is only growing as China’s economic growth outpaces that of America’s.
With China’s economic ascendency projected to continue – the International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicts China could become the world’s largest economy by 2030 – some believe that Beijing aims to replace the US-backed liberal international order in place since the 1950’s with a new less liberal and less orderly model.
Cambodia’s case, however, tests the limits of that forward-looking analysis. The US and European Union (EU) refused to send electoral monitors to Cambodia’s general election last month on the grounds the process was “illegitimate” due to the court-ordered dissolution of the country’s largest opposition party.
Washington has since imposed targeted sanctions on Cambodian officials seen as leading the anti-democratic crackdown, while new legislation now before the US Senate could significantly ramp up the punitive measures.
Hun Sen aired a combative response to threats of sanctions, saying with bravado that he “welcomes” the measures. Some commentators read this as an indication that Phnom Penh no longer cares about the actions and perceptions of democratic nations because it has China’s strong and lucrative backing.
Yet the CPP still made painstaking efforts to present a veneer of democratic legitimacy on to its rigged elections, something it would not have done if it only cared about Beijing’s opinions. Hun Sen now says he will soon defend the election’s legitimacy at the United Nations General Assembly, yet another indication that he still cares what the West thinks.
China’s rise in Southeast Asia is viewed primarily in relation to the US’ long-standing strong position, both economically and strategically. Many see this competition as a zero-sum game where China’s gain is America’s loss.
Along those lines, some analysts saw US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s recent whirlwind trip to Southeast Asia as “parachute diplomacy” that only underscored certain entrenched regional perceptions of the US as an episodic actor that has no real strategy for Southeast Asia.
The Donald Trump administration certainly lacks an overarching policy comparable to his predecessor Barack Obama’s “pivot to Asia,” a much-vaunted scheme with strategic and economic components that made Southeast Asia key to America’s policy of counterbalancing China.
Despite no new policy moniker, Trump’s administration has in many ways continued Obama’s scheme: Vietnam remains a key ally, support for other South China Sea claimants is unbending, military sales remain high, and containing Chinese expansion is still the raison d’etre.
It’s also been seen in the number of visits to Southeast Asia by senior White House officials, including high profile tours by Pompeo and his predecessor Rex Tillerson, Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, and Trump himself to Vietnam in November 2017 and Singapore in June.
A little noticed December 2017 National Security Strategy document, produced by Trump’s White House, explicitly notes that “China seeks to displace the United States in the Indo-Pacific region, expand the reaches of its state-driven economic model, and reorder the region in its favor.”
Yet perceptions of new Cold War-like competition in Southeast Asia often fail to note the imbalance between America and China’s spheres of influence in the region.
China’s two most loyal regional allies are arguably Cambodia and Laos, countries of less economic and strategic importance than America’s main partners Indonesia, Thailand, Singapore and Vietnam.
The historically pro-US Philippines has gravitated somewhat into China’s orbit under President Rodrigo Duterte, though at most there has been an equalization of its relations between the two powers rather than outright domination by China.
Strategic analyst Richard Javad Heydarian recently noted that Duterte likes to think of himself as a “reincarnation of mid-20th century titans of the so-called Non-Aligned Movement,” though Heydarian suggested that this could prompt a backlash from the Philippine public that remains resolutely pro-America.
Malaysia, another country that was thought to have been moving closer to China, has ricocheted strongly in the other direction after the change in leadership from pro-China Najib Razak to China-skeptic Mahathir Mohamad.
Thailand has boosted military ties with Beijing since the country’s military coup in 2014, which caused some panic in Washington, but a recent incident has shown just how fragile their bilateral relations remain.
After two boats sank near the resort island of Phuket in early July, killing dozens of Chinese tourists, Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan blamed the Chinese tour operators, commenting the accident was “entirely Chinese harming Chinese.”
His claim led to calls in China for tourists to boycott Thailand, which could cost the country roughly US$1.5 billion in cancellations, according to some estimates. Thailand’s tourism sector is now facing a major public relations problem after China’s jingoist state-owned media lambasted Prawit’s tactless response.
More explosively, rare nationwide protests in Vietnam in June were sparked by nationalistic concerns that a new law allowing 99-year land leases in special economic zones would effectively sell sovereign territory to China.
There are strong perceptions, aired widely over social media, that Vietnam’s ruling Communist Party is too close to Beijing, a cause of resentment that some analysts suggest is the country’s biggest potential source of instability.
Even in perceived pro-China nations like Cambodia and Laos, anti-China sentiment is rising in certain sections of the public. Arguments that Chinese investment actually harms the livelihoods of many Cambodians, especially in places like coastal Sihanoukville and Koh Kong, is on the ascendency.
Social media criticism has centered on a concession deal the Cambodian government entered with a Chinese company that effectively gives it land rights to an estimated 20% of Cambodia’s coastline.
The same goes for Laos’ ruling communist party, which has taken steps to curb the growth of certain sectors dominated by Chinese investment, such as banana plantations and mining, over public complaints about their adverse health and environmental impacts.
The IMF and others, meanwhile, have expressed concerns that Laos risks falling into a Chinese “debt trap”via its Beijing-backed US$6 billion high-speed rail project, a claim that Prime Minister Thongloun Sisoulith felt the need to publicly rebuff in June.
Still, there is a certain misapprehension that China’s rising economic importance to the region, both as a provider of aid and investment and market for exports, necessarily equates to strong political and strategic influence.
It doesn’t always add up that way. In January, China fractionally overtook America as the largest importer of Vietnamese goods, according to the General Department of Vietnam Customs. Nonetheless, Hanoi remains decidedly pro-US in regional affairs and that position isn’t expected to change, even if its exports to China continue to outpace those to America.
More fundamentally, China’s rising economic presence in the region is in many instances destabilizing relations. Rapid growth in Chinese investment to Malaysia in recent years prompted a public backlash, a phenomena seized on by the victorious Harapan coalition.
There are incipient signs the same type of backlash is now percolating in Cambodia and Laos.
Chinese investment is likely to play a role in Indonesia’s presidential and legislative elections next year, perhaps negatively for incumbent President Joko Widodo, under whose tenure China has become the country’s third largest investor.
“The relationship with China could turn toxic for [Widodo],” Keith Loveard, senior analyst with Jakarta-based business risk firm Concord Consulting, recently told the South China Morning Post.
To be sure, China has translated some of its economic largesse to strategic advantage. Philippine President Durterte, for example, said in October 2016 that his country’s one-way security ties with the US would come to an end, though America’s provision of “technical assistance” during the Marawi City siege last year cast the extent of that into doubt.
China has also developed closer ties to the militaries of Thailand and Cambodia, so much so that the latter cancelled joint military exercises with the US last year. It has also resumed its past position of shielding Myanmar’s generals from Western condemnation during the recent Rohingya refugee crisis.
But America still remains the predominant security ally of most Southeast Asian nations, something that will only become more important as concerns about the spread of Islamic terrorism heighten. This month, Washington provided an additional US$300m in security funding to the region.
Only Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar buy more arms from China than America, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. The rest of Southeast Asia’s military procurements, sometimes exclusively, come from the US.
Still, some of China’s recent regional successes have been the result of America’s missteps. China has been greatly helped by Trump’s withdrawal of America from its long-standing leadership role in certain multilateral institutions, as well as his ad hoc policy towards Southeast Asia that favors more bilateralism.
Had Trump not withdrawn the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a multilateral trade deal championed by Obama that excludes China, regional trade flows would be geared more towards America, providing an important counterbalance to many regional countries’ rising dependence on Chinese markets.
By doing so, Trump allowed Beijing’s multilateral economic institutions, like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank, to gain an upper hand.
Yet most reporting on China’s influence in Southeast Asia rests on the assumption that the trends of the past decade will continue into the future. But it’s not clear that Chinese investment will keep growing at the same rate – or even faster – while America continues to fumble over how best to engage with Southeast Asia.
China cannot rule out that in 2021 America could have a new president able to articulate and implement a more coherent policy towards Southeast Asia, nor that upcoming elections in Indonesia and possibly even Myanmar see the rise of anti-China candidates.
Neither can Beijing rule out that India won’t become a major player in the region, despite it so far failing to live up to expectations. A recent report by the Council on Foreign Relations, a US-based think tank, asserted that it can be “a more forceful counterweight to China and hedge against a declining United States.”
Moreover, there is great uncertainty over whether the South China Sea disputes pitting China versus the Philippines, Malaysia and Vietnam, among others, might at some point turn hot, which would significantly alter the region’s security approach in place since the 1990s.
China’s growing trade war with the US could also impact on its relations with the region. Some believe China could soon devalue its currency in response to the US-China trade war, though Beijing says it won’t.
Not only would a devalued renminbi make Chinese-made products cheaper, negatively affecting competing Southeast Asian exporters, it would also affect the region’s supply chains as Chinese buyers would be expected to demand cheaper prices. Few, if any, in the region would win from rounds of competitive currency devaluations.
But viewing China’s power in the region vis-a-vis America’s is only part of the picture. Japan, and to a lesser extent South Korea, are also major players and potential counterweights to China.
Since the 2000s, Japan’s infrastructure investment in the region has been worth US$230 billion, while China’s was about US$155 billion, according to recent BMI Research, an economic research outfit. The balance might tip in China’s favor with the US$1 trillion Belt and Road Initiative, but probably not for another decade or so, BMI projects.
Tokyo rarely boasts of its own soft power in Southeast Asia. Indeed, while Philippine leader Duterte’s overtures to China are among his major talking points, quietly it has been Japan, not China, that is funding his government’s ballyhooed major infrastructure programs.
Japanese diplomacy towards the region falls somewhere between China and America’s. While Washington’s, at least past, insistence on human rights and democracy-building puts off to many regional countries, Beijing’s diplomacy is more laissez faire, as long as Chinese interests are protected by sitting governments.
Tokyo, by contrast, tends to practice quiet sustained diplomacy, decidedly in support of rule of law but without the threat of punitive measures if a partner government strays. That is likely one reason why there is little anti-Japan sentiment in the region and why its relations receive much less public attention.
Malaysia’s Mahathir, whose first trip abroad after May’s election win was to Tokyo, not Beijing or Washington, has recently spoken of Japan’s importance in regional affairs.
Mahathir shaped Southeast Asia’s approach to great powers during his previous tenure as prime minister from 1981-2003, and his belief that Japan can play an even larger role in regional affairs could soon be taken up by other regional governments.
“Specific Southeast Asian states are now seeking to diversify their strategic partnerships, beyond a binary choice between Beijing and Washington,” reads a recent report by the Council on Foreign Relations.
Mahathir’s apparent desire is for a more diversified regional network, similar to the hedging policies he promoted in the 1990s. Mahathir is certainly not pro-China, but neither is he pro-US.
What most Southeast Asian nations desire is not unipolarity but competition among many foreign partners that allows them to maximize benefits and negotiating leverage. When America and China, or Japan and India, compete to gain an economic and political footing, regional nations often win through the bidding.
Dominate? HAHA
They cannot do any SHIT of Thailand if there is no advantage for Thailand. Everything is all about Win-Win Factor.
China should move on, with the same momentum in Asean region as it belongs to the nation of that region…
Americans should be pushed back to their teritory as South china sea is infact under us occupation since WWII…
Better if Japan could also start similar approach to counter balance….
So far south korea role will completly be undermined at least for 15 years due to engamate with north korea…
No one can stop chinese intrest in this region and even with BRI chinese will access the market from Pakistan to Iran to Afganistan and central asia to russia…even from poland to germany
Indians cant even protect their market from entry of chinese comodity flood through open boarder of nepal…. Indians can do nothing except taking propoganda of debt trap….
Its time for neplese to setup bottled water factory to fill the water bottle by melting all ice caps of himalayas and diverting and channeling through tunnels all the rivers to banglades rivers to bangabandhu channel…
Any Country with power to dominate to region or its neighborhood– dominates either with consent or against their will. China indubitably, is not an exception.
Richard Truong
Joe Wong
That’s the best explanation I have heard so far about the US withdrawal from TPP. Indeed, without anything to export other than weapons and faked freedom, the US will be wide open to zero tariff imports from all the TPP countries. This will uproot the US agricultural, steel, automobile, and cell phone sectors.
Before the advent of western colonialism, 500 years ago, India and China were in peaceful contemplation in southeast Asia.
India’s influence was cultural, religious and trade. Even China got her maths, religion and philosophies from India.
China’s influence was military and diplomatic.
Both Asian giants were the richest and most developed nations in the world.
The cycle of history, and the wheels of fortune, are turning once again.
Beijing’s failure to turn around the Chinese economy from being export-oriented to focus on domestic consumption has been left out in this story.
Also, China cannot drink the South China Sea, it wants access to the oil and gas resources, hopefully in partnership with the claimants.
South China Sea nations will draw a line when it comes to marine resources.
China should develop Thailand’s Kra Canal instead of wasting time and money on Malaysia.
Stephen Wieprecht, TPP needs goods to be traded to become meaningful, otherwise it is only a house of cards that will fall apart by slightest influence from outside like Chinese investment and market. American has nothing worthwhile to trade other than toxic color revolution and regime change. Donald Trump did the graceful thing for the USA instead of letting TPP becoming an eye sour or laughing stock for the USA on the international stage.
Phillip Pan, in according to the American Iraqi also process WMD that needed to bombed, killed and waterboarded into total destruction.
For over seventy years the US has dominated Asia, ravaging the continent with two major wars in Korea and Indo-China with millions of casualties, and multiple counter-insurgency interventions in Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, the Philippines, Timor, Myanmar, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The strategic goal has been to expand its military and political power, but the Americans call their war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes against peace as humanitarin intervention.
The American even faked their landing on the moon in Hollywood studio, what else the American cannot fake? Vietnamese fisherman attacked by Chinese ships is fake news jobs assigned to freshman home work in the Dick Cheney School of Imperialism, Phillip Pan you have done your homework.
When Trump killed the trade deal with Southeast Asia, among others, and failed to come up with one to replace it of his own – he literally turned this region over to Chinese influence. Absolutely disastrous strategical Blunder on trumps part. Mad Max – Barter town. China has heavily invested in dams on the Mekong River. Soon they will simply be able turn the power off to the area whenever it suits them.
stalin, your english is out of bound
You can take a man out of the West, but you can not take the West out of a man. Mr. Hutt. Spare us your wisdom.
The Westerners, having had sway over the globe for a good 200 years 1750-1950, have begun to consider themselves a bit wiser than us rest.
Little they realize that the source of their wealth was not their knowledge. Says so factually the West’s Prophet of Doom Samuel Huntington:
” .. The West won the world not by the superiority of its ideas or values or religion, but rather by its superiority in applying organized violence. Westerners often forget this fact, non-Westerners never do ”
—— The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, p. 51…
After 1914-45 suicide where the West killed 120,000,000 of its own (1 in 4), Westerners still reserve the right to pontificate on Human Rights, Economy, Polity. Did you wonder why they do not apply their knowledge to their own below replenishment societies that are on a banana peel?
Do Westerners realize that we Asians simply laugh at them? Even when they say something valuable we have come to suspect their motives.
By ignoring your model Asia has done well, and will keep on doing so. Only those who still listen to you (like your ex-colonials India, Pakistan, et al) are biting dust. Sooner or later they will too abandon your ways and join ther rest of Asia and prosper.
Hey kid, Have you seen Vietnamese fishermen attacked by Chinese ships? Do you know that China invaded the territory and sea of Vietnam? Do you know the history of Chinese aggressed vietnam for thousand years. Look at the truth going on, or you are blind in thought, where are you coming from ?!
Not true. Only true for those brainwashed Vietnamese.
And the result? Vietnam always remains dirt poor.
Reason? Stupid enough to ignore their own identity to be used by the West against China.
Chinese government has always been the enemy of the people of Vietnam
Dominant power does not automatically translate to intention to dominate.
The west and western writers project onto China what the west has been doing for hundreds of years, that is , regime change, invasion, conquest, control and dominate. The west is still doing it today: in Mid East, Europe, C Asia, in Asia, and Latin America.
For the west there is no other way and this has caused endless chaos and wars. The west views the world through the lenses of zero-sum psychosis, there is no win-win, no shared future, no live and let live.
China’s thousand years civilisation has the DNA of Confucianism and Taoism. Confucius taught " Within the four seas, all men are brothers."
Taoism taught the Yin and Yang, that is the world is made up of a mixture of positives and negatives. There is no hell for unbelievers.
But THE WEST CAST ALL UNBELIEVERS INTO HELL.
The writer assumes, by extrapolation of his own Western intention, that China’s intention is to dominate SE Asia. That can only reveals his Western intention.
It is clear that "this guy", as you say, writes craps. It lacks coherence and tries to disseminate American propaganda. I think that he (or the institution he works for) is funded by one of the agencies of USA (perhaps the CIA) to write anything against China and to glorify USA. If he does not do what its paymaster asks him to do, he does not get paid. He lies by omission and thinks that his readers are stupid.
this guy just comb together trivia news and bundle it as backlash agaist china. what a clown
no matter what this article tries to sell you that china is not dominate in asia .its a cia lie. china is the dominate power in asia and willl continue to expand. the belt and road initiative is contamount and will be the success it is billed to be. this should have happened centuries ago .but the british and portugese and dutch and french plus the us. interference to dominat a weak china of the time cause it to be a late bloomer.