- Budapest, Budapest, Hungary
How many clicks are we from destruction? None of the capitalist search engines can find the truth of the human species-being. The roots of the post-truth condition have sprung from the anti-Soviet soil of Cold War funding and... more
How many clicks are we from destruction? None of the capitalist search engines can find the truth of the human species-being. The roots of the post-truth condition have sprung from the anti-Soviet soil of Cold War funding and organization, so that any action against the extinction of life on Earth is now constrained by the fruits of rabid anticommunism. The elements of an explanation can be found in Lukács’ ontology. In this book I try to reconstruct his philosophical legacy to reflect our post-factual time.
What should we being great on more than the survival of humanity and the living world? Setting tankers and container ships in motion? Shuttling at high frequencies in planet-sized greenhouse? Use more energy to endure the heat generated? Send chainsaws and road rollers into forests? Pave over more farmland and river banks? Poke genes and torture laboratory animals? Overthrow governments and discipline colonies? Exchange sexes or ideas? Boring “normalcy” makes you unworldly, but abnormality is no more inspiring. However, it can be seen and felt that it is always worth the effort to have a humanly life.
Either we are destroyed – or the capitalist mess. Either everyone will own the land – or sooner or later there will be no one left on Earth. Party cells unite today – or the associations of shore cells may weave the fabric of life again tomorrow.
What should we being great on more than the survival of humanity and the living world? Setting tankers and container ships in motion? Shuttling at high frequencies in planet-sized greenhouse? Use more energy to endure the heat generated? Send chainsaws and road rollers into forests? Pave over more farmland and river banks? Poke genes and torture laboratory animals? Overthrow governments and discipline colonies? Exchange sexes or ideas? Boring “normalcy” makes you unworldly, but abnormality is no more inspiring. However, it can be seen and felt that it is always worth the effort to have a humanly life.
Either we are destroyed – or the capitalist mess. Either everyone will own the land – or sooner or later there will be no one left on Earth. Party cells unite today – or the associations of shore cells may weave the fabric of life again tomorrow.
Research Interests:
The seeds of post-truth condition had grown from anti-soviet soil of yesterday to break saving acts targeting life of Earth with its fruits today. Following this hypothesis, firstly the Soviet Era has characterized, secondly the... more
The seeds of post-truth condition had grown from anti-soviet soil of yesterday to break saving acts targeting life of Earth with its fruits today. Following this hypothesis, firstly the Soviet Era has characterized, secondly the act-neutralizing and in other ways harmful, matured postfactual age has studied. The second edition contains a critical overview of the novel coronavirus pandemic policies. Because the politics of post-truth has resulted in appearing of new fetishisms, especially jab-fetishism.
Its own gravediggers’ producer capitalism has outsourced pit-digging to colonies, and has tried to grab humanity to its own grave with itself. So, the Lukácsian ontology has been more topical with its references to the ʻrisk of destruction’. Either we will die off – or the capitalist disorder will die out. Either the land will belong to everyone, or nobody will live on Earth. Party-cells has united today – or cells of shores could weave tissue of Life tomorrow.
(The language of this book is hungarian.)
Its own gravediggers’ producer capitalism has outsourced pit-digging to colonies, and has tried to grab humanity to its own grave with itself. So, the Lukácsian ontology has been more topical with its references to the ʻrisk of destruction’. Either we will die off – or the capitalist disorder will die out. Either the land will belong to everyone, or nobody will live on Earth. Party-cells has united today – or cells of shores could weave tissue of Life tomorrow.
(The language of this book is hungarian.)
Research Interests:
The Burden of Extinction This book has written to understand origins of our so-called ʻpost-truth’ era and to characterize some steps for its sublation. This political and philosophical non-fiction study has aimed to show a few... more
The Burden of Extinction
This book has written to understand origins of our so-called ʻpost-truth’ era and to characterize some steps for its sublation. This political and philosophical non-fiction study has aimed to show a few hypothesises based on carefully collected facts. The post-factuality could harm only reality-interested epistemology – because reality could be mirrored by ontology and aesthetics. But the needed datas have been available for anyone who is faithful enough to reality. (I hope this proved by this book.) Declining number of people feels affection for reality.
The seeds of post-truth condition had grown from anti-soviet soil of yesterday to break saving acts targeting life of Earth with its fruits today, according to this book. Following this hypothesis, firstly the Soviet Era has characterized, secondly the act-neutralizer and in other ways harmful, matured postfactual age has studied. The full text of this book has aimed at strenghtening the ontological restructuration of current political philosophy which had written in my first book with known historical interdependency understood in my second book.
Its own gravediggers’ producer capitalism has outsourced pit-digging to colonies, and has tried to grab humanity to its own grave with itself. So, the Lukácsian ontology has been more topical with its references to the ʻrisk of destruction’. Either we will die off – or the capitalist disorder will die out. Either the land will belong to everyone, or nobody will live on Earth. Party-cells has united today – or cells of shores could weave tissue of Life tomorrow.
A saját sírásóját termelő kapitalizmus kiszervezte a gödörásást, hogy utolsó erejével beránthassa az emberiséget sírgödrébe. De a pusztulás terhét mázsáló lukácsi lételméletet utolérte az élet, kortársaink előtt szokatlan, a „politikai senki földjére” néző távlatok nyílhatnak.
Mi lehetne emberhez illőbb és méltóbb létmód az emberi nem, valamint a földi élet túléléséért végzett munkánál, amely az egykor elért öntudat meghaladva megőrzését célozza meg?
Vagy mi pusztulunk – vagy a tőkés rendetlenség. Vagy végre mindenkié lesz a föld, vagy előbb-utóbb senki nem lesz a Földön. Pártsejtek szövetkeznek ma – vagy a parti sejtek társulásai szőhetik újra az élet szövetét holnap.
This book has written to understand origins of our so-called ʻpost-truth’ era and to characterize some steps for its sublation. This political and philosophical non-fiction study has aimed to show a few hypothesises based on carefully collected facts. The post-factuality could harm only reality-interested epistemology – because reality could be mirrored by ontology and aesthetics. But the needed datas have been available for anyone who is faithful enough to reality. (I hope this proved by this book.) Declining number of people feels affection for reality.
The seeds of post-truth condition had grown from anti-soviet soil of yesterday to break saving acts targeting life of Earth with its fruits today, according to this book. Following this hypothesis, firstly the Soviet Era has characterized, secondly the act-neutralizer and in other ways harmful, matured postfactual age has studied. The full text of this book has aimed at strenghtening the ontological restructuration of current political philosophy which had written in my first book with known historical interdependency understood in my second book.
Its own gravediggers’ producer capitalism has outsourced pit-digging to colonies, and has tried to grab humanity to its own grave with itself. So, the Lukácsian ontology has been more topical with its references to the ʻrisk of destruction’. Either we will die off – or the capitalist disorder will die out. Either the land will belong to everyone, or nobody will live on Earth. Party-cells has united today – or cells of shores could weave tissue of Life tomorrow.
A saját sírásóját termelő kapitalizmus kiszervezte a gödörásást, hogy utolsó erejével beránthassa az emberiséget sírgödrébe. De a pusztulás terhét mázsáló lukácsi lételméletet utolérte az élet, kortársaink előtt szokatlan, a „politikai senki földjére” néző távlatok nyílhatnak.
Mi lehetne emberhez illőbb és méltóbb létmód az emberi nem, valamint a földi élet túléléséért végzett munkánál, amely az egykor elért öntudat meghaladva megőrzését célozza meg?
Vagy mi pusztulunk – vagy a tőkés rendetlenség. Vagy végre mindenkié lesz a föld, vagy előbb-utóbb senki nem lesz a Földön. Pártsejtek szövetkeznek ma – vagy a parti sejtek társulásai szőhetik újra az élet szövetét holnap.
Research Interests:
ISBN 978-963-12-8005-0 By the Cart of Democracy Reconstructed Bolshevist policies from instructors’ mood-reports of Central Directorate’s Nationwide Propaganda Division of Hungarian Communist Party (1947-48) and from memorandums of... more
ISBN 978-963-12-8005-0
By the Cart of Democracy
Reconstructed Bolshevist policies from instructors’ mood-reports of Central Directorate’s Nationwide Propaganda Division of Hungarian Communist Party (1947-48) and from memorandums of Central Directorate’s Party and Mass Organizations Division of Hungarian Workers’ Party (1950-55)
On the 60th anniversary of the Hungarian Autumn should be clarified complex motives and causes of every day’s earlier resistance. In our procedures legitimized age often have been forgotten similar aiming methods of peoples’ democracy. Interactions between state-agencies and classes of society have just been hidden – but were not missed in reality.
The lonely political organization mobilized various civil groups to rebuild our country. Places, frames and tools had given in this process by the communist government to reorganize the society itself. Average citizen engaged most of the one-party goals – and party paid continuous attention to citizens’ (and especially party-members’) mood. They got influenced also by forced habits of ancient régime and contemporary foreign propaganda. If people did not accept party’s goals, then officials repeatedly were changing their tactics in consequences of local group-consciousness. Punishment was considered as only one side of conviction.
The government applied mood-oriented political method had let the people became more brave to resist. Every seventh happening among 894 reported ones has seen dissent in eight-year long created divisional party-papers. The spectrum of protests contained administrative disobedience, scare-mongering, boycotts of party organized events, flyers droppings, graffiti paintings, sabotages, celebration-crashings, and cadre-beatings. The modernization has moved forward, across constant fights, but the party lost its cadres to autumn of 1956.
По колеснице демократии
Реконструкция большевистской политики на основании инструкторских донесений настроения граждан Отдела Пропаганды Центрального Управления Венгерской Коммунистической Партии (1947-48) и записей Отдела Партийных и Общественных Организаций Центрального Управления Партии Венгерских Трудящихся (1950-55)
В связи с 60-й годовщиной венгерских событий осенью 1956 года следовало бы рас-крыть те сложные причины и мотивации повседневного противостояния населения, ко-торые предшествовали этим событиям. В наш век, когда подобные процессы становятся узаконенными, часто забываются эти методы народной демократии. Создается види-мость исчезновения взаимодействия органов государственного управления и классового общества, несмотря на то, что в действительности существовало.
Единственная в то время политическая организация мобилизовала огромные массы гражданских группировок для возрождения нашей страны. Коммунистическое прави-тельство предоставило перерожденному обществу материальные базы, финансовые рам-ки и средства. Простые люди в основном поддерживали цели единственной партии у власти, а партия, в свою очередь, постоянно следила за настроением граждан (особенно членов партии). Наряду с привычками, насильно вызванными бывшей властью, население подвергалось иностранной пропаганде. В тех случаях, когда люди не поддерживали цели партии, местные аппаратчики меняли свою тактику. Наказание было всего лишь одним из методов убеждения.
Методы правительства по слежке за политическим настроением населения вызывали противостояние. Среди изученных партийных материалов за восьмилетний период каждое седьмое из 894 донесений оказалось враждебным. Полный спектр противостоя-ния состоял из различных событий, начиная от неповиновения, вплоть до срыва праздно-ваний и избиения партийных кадров, через преднамеренное распространение паники, бойкот событий, распространение листовок, саботаж. Модернизация продвигалась через постоянную борьбу, но партия к осени 1956 года уже потеряла свои кадры.
Der Wagen der Demokratie
Rekonstruierte bolschewistische Politik aus den Stimmungsberichten der Lehrer für die Lan-desweite Propaganda-Abteilung des Zentralkomitees der Ungarischen Kommunistischen Partei (1947-48) und aus Memoranden der Abteilung für Partei- und Massenorganisationen des Zentralkomitees der Ungarischen Arbeiterpartei (1950-55)
Aufgrund des 60. Jahrestag des ungarischen Herbstes sollten die komplexen Ursa-chen und Beweggründe des Widerstands endlich geklärt sein. In unseren Zeiten, wenn alles durch Verfahren limitiert ist, werden ähnliche Prozesse der Volksdemokratie oft vergessen. Die Interaktie den Staatswesen und den Klassengesellschäfte scheinen zu verschwinden – obwohl sie eigentlich immer Teil der Realität waren.
Die einzige politische Organisation hat mehrere Zivilgruppen für die Wiederaufbau des Landes mobilisiert. Dazu hat die kommunistische Regierung der sich neuorganisierenden Gesellschaft Austragungsorte, Rahmenbedingungen und Mittel sichergestellt. Der Durchschnittsperson hat die meisten Ziele der einzigen Partei akzeptiert – und die Partei hat ständig die Stimmung den Bürgern (insbesondere den Parteimitglieder) mitgefolgt. Zusätzlich zu den von den alten System erzwungene Gewohnheiten war die Bevölkerung unter dauerhaften Einfluß ausländischen Propaganda. Falls die Menschen mit den Zielen der Partei nicht einverstanden waren, haben die öffentlichen Beamten die die öffentliche Stimmung verfolgten auf eine andere Taktik gewechselt. Strafe war nur eine Methode der Überzeugung.
Die Menschen wurden wegen die Methode der Stimmungsschwankungen zur Widerstand gefördert. Jeden siebten – aus den 894 – berichteten Ereigniße den bisher aufgearbeiteten 8 Jahren schien systemfeindlich zu sein. Bürgerlicher Protest manifestierte sich im amtlichen Ungehorsam, Panikmache, Boykott von Veranstaltungen, Faltblätterstreuung, Graffitis, Sabotagen, wie auch Spielverderbe und Kaderschläge. Die Modernisierung ging dennoch weiter durch die konti-nuierlichen Kämpfe – nun hat die Partei ihren Genossen bis den Herbst 1956 verloren.
By the Cart of Democracy
Reconstructed Bolshevist policies from instructors’ mood-reports of Central Directorate’s Nationwide Propaganda Division of Hungarian Communist Party (1947-48) and from memorandums of Central Directorate’s Party and Mass Organizations Division of Hungarian Workers’ Party (1950-55)
On the 60th anniversary of the Hungarian Autumn should be clarified complex motives and causes of every day’s earlier resistance. In our procedures legitimized age often have been forgotten similar aiming methods of peoples’ democracy. Interactions between state-agencies and classes of society have just been hidden – but were not missed in reality.
The lonely political organization mobilized various civil groups to rebuild our country. Places, frames and tools had given in this process by the communist government to reorganize the society itself. Average citizen engaged most of the one-party goals – and party paid continuous attention to citizens’ (and especially party-members’) mood. They got influenced also by forced habits of ancient régime and contemporary foreign propaganda. If people did not accept party’s goals, then officials repeatedly were changing their tactics in consequences of local group-consciousness. Punishment was considered as only one side of conviction.
The government applied mood-oriented political method had let the people became more brave to resist. Every seventh happening among 894 reported ones has seen dissent in eight-year long created divisional party-papers. The spectrum of protests contained administrative disobedience, scare-mongering, boycotts of party organized events, flyers droppings, graffiti paintings, sabotages, celebration-crashings, and cadre-beatings. The modernization has moved forward, across constant fights, but the party lost its cadres to autumn of 1956.
По колеснице демократии
Реконструкция большевистской политики на основании инструкторских донесений настроения граждан Отдела Пропаганды Центрального Управления Венгерской Коммунистической Партии (1947-48) и записей Отдела Партийных и Общественных Организаций Центрального Управления Партии Венгерских Трудящихся (1950-55)
В связи с 60-й годовщиной венгерских событий осенью 1956 года следовало бы рас-крыть те сложные причины и мотивации повседневного противостояния населения, ко-торые предшествовали этим событиям. В наш век, когда подобные процессы становятся узаконенными, часто забываются эти методы народной демократии. Создается види-мость исчезновения взаимодействия органов государственного управления и классового общества, несмотря на то, что в действительности существовало.
Единственная в то время политическая организация мобилизовала огромные массы гражданских группировок для возрождения нашей страны. Коммунистическое прави-тельство предоставило перерожденному обществу материальные базы, финансовые рам-ки и средства. Простые люди в основном поддерживали цели единственной партии у власти, а партия, в свою очередь, постоянно следила за настроением граждан (особенно членов партии). Наряду с привычками, насильно вызванными бывшей властью, население подвергалось иностранной пропаганде. В тех случаях, когда люди не поддерживали цели партии, местные аппаратчики меняли свою тактику. Наказание было всего лишь одним из методов убеждения.
Методы правительства по слежке за политическим настроением населения вызывали противостояние. Среди изученных партийных материалов за восьмилетний период каждое седьмое из 894 донесений оказалось враждебным. Полный спектр противостоя-ния состоял из различных событий, начиная от неповиновения, вплоть до срыва праздно-ваний и избиения партийных кадров, через преднамеренное распространение паники, бойкот событий, распространение листовок, саботаж. Модернизация продвигалась через постоянную борьбу, но партия к осени 1956 года уже потеряла свои кадры.
Der Wagen der Demokratie
Rekonstruierte bolschewistische Politik aus den Stimmungsberichten der Lehrer für die Lan-desweite Propaganda-Abteilung des Zentralkomitees der Ungarischen Kommunistischen Partei (1947-48) und aus Memoranden der Abteilung für Partei- und Massenorganisationen des Zentralkomitees der Ungarischen Arbeiterpartei (1950-55)
Aufgrund des 60. Jahrestag des ungarischen Herbstes sollten die komplexen Ursa-chen und Beweggründe des Widerstands endlich geklärt sein. In unseren Zeiten, wenn alles durch Verfahren limitiert ist, werden ähnliche Prozesse der Volksdemokratie oft vergessen. Die Interaktie den Staatswesen und den Klassengesellschäfte scheinen zu verschwinden – obwohl sie eigentlich immer Teil der Realität waren.
Die einzige politische Organisation hat mehrere Zivilgruppen für die Wiederaufbau des Landes mobilisiert. Dazu hat die kommunistische Regierung der sich neuorganisierenden Gesellschaft Austragungsorte, Rahmenbedingungen und Mittel sichergestellt. Der Durchschnittsperson hat die meisten Ziele der einzigen Partei akzeptiert – und die Partei hat ständig die Stimmung den Bürgern (insbesondere den Parteimitglieder) mitgefolgt. Zusätzlich zu den von den alten System erzwungene Gewohnheiten war die Bevölkerung unter dauerhaften Einfluß ausländischen Propaganda. Falls die Menschen mit den Zielen der Partei nicht einverstanden waren, haben die öffentlichen Beamten die die öffentliche Stimmung verfolgten auf eine andere Taktik gewechselt. Strafe war nur eine Methode der Überzeugung.
Die Menschen wurden wegen die Methode der Stimmungsschwankungen zur Widerstand gefördert. Jeden siebten – aus den 894 – berichteten Ereigniße den bisher aufgearbeiteten 8 Jahren schien systemfeindlich zu sein. Bürgerlicher Protest manifestierte sich im amtlichen Ungehorsam, Panikmache, Boykott von Veranstaltungen, Faltblätterstreuung, Graffitis, Sabotagen, wie auch Spielverderbe und Kaderschläge. Die Modernisierung ging dennoch weiter durch die konti-nuierlichen Kämpfe – nun hat die Partei ihren Genossen bis den Herbst 1956 verloren.
Research Interests:
ISBN 978-963-08-2817-8 Who or what can legitimize for us the Marxism again? Only our class-conscious thinking and acting can do it. The Marxism has returned – as a general theory, as a methodological basis and as an empirical reality. It... more
ISBN 978-963-08-2817-8
Who or what can legitimize for us the Marxism again? Only our class-conscious thinking and acting can do it. The Marxism has returned – as a general theory, as a methodological basis and as an empirical reality. It would be important to show how failed other today’s political studies (political science, political philosophy, modern socialtheory) when they are ignoring the class-analysis. First of all, the originally Marxian theory has definied as dialectic-historian materialism, and as social-ontology.
The political culture has reprimitivized. The hegemony of global capitalism has caused many semi-politic, spontaneous turmoils (like terrorism, centrist extremities), which have found paralell with the archaic forms of social movements in the 19th century (like banditism, the mob, mafia, etc). The reprimitivisation has definiated as the ‘false knowledge’ dominated process, which has naturally followed from the minimizing of welfare state. Till this time the ‘welfare-addicter’ capitalism had turned succesly the euroatlantic region’s organized mass-movements of class-struggle to the atomistic, individual revolts or ‘the clash of civilizations’.
The Marxism has revived (or it has not been dead ever). The theory of anamarxism has fed permanent from the utopistic rebelling of proto- and anticapitalist middle-classes and from theoretic answering of global missioner elite. Both of the political philosophic waves have fought for Marxist heritage. But both of them has missed it. Six or more Marx-picture have characterised by them, including (1) the freemason, (2) the ancient terrorist, (3) the anticapitalist ghost, (4) the postmaterialist, (5) the market-regulater and (6) the globalist-liberalist-communitarist Marx.
So, the party systems have segregated and dualisated. The upper sectors have divided by the cartel-parties of international capital and the under sectors have loaded by centrist extremities of middle-classes’ reprimitivised rebels. The ‘democracy’ of cartel-parties has left by the conscious and unconscious anamarxist rebels by the fear of lumpenisation. The ideology of under actors have stolen in assimilated forms by the uppers’. In the last eight-nine years the hungarian ‘governmental-socialism’ has failed to realize its beautiful pieces of program.
The european-american middle-classes will have to unite with the working-class’ movements of the world (especially: of the ‘third world’), and will have to become more conscious about Marxism. Till that time the non-parlamental and non-governmental powers, anamarxist and reprimitivised rebels will not reach the succeses. This will be a long process, but without this theoretic attitude every fights on capitalism will be unremarkable.
Who or what can legitimize for us the Marxism again? Only our class-conscious thinking and acting can do it. The Marxism has returned – as a general theory, as a methodological basis and as an empirical reality. It would be important to show how failed other today’s political studies (political science, political philosophy, modern socialtheory) when they are ignoring the class-analysis. First of all, the originally Marxian theory has definied as dialectic-historian materialism, and as social-ontology.
The political culture has reprimitivized. The hegemony of global capitalism has caused many semi-politic, spontaneous turmoils (like terrorism, centrist extremities), which have found paralell with the archaic forms of social movements in the 19th century (like banditism, the mob, mafia, etc). The reprimitivisation has definiated as the ‘false knowledge’ dominated process, which has naturally followed from the minimizing of welfare state. Till this time the ‘welfare-addicter’ capitalism had turned succesly the euroatlantic region’s organized mass-movements of class-struggle to the atomistic, individual revolts or ‘the clash of civilizations’.
The Marxism has revived (or it has not been dead ever). The theory of anamarxism has fed permanent from the utopistic rebelling of proto- and anticapitalist middle-classes and from theoretic answering of global missioner elite. Both of the political philosophic waves have fought for Marxist heritage. But both of them has missed it. Six or more Marx-picture have characterised by them, including (1) the freemason, (2) the ancient terrorist, (3) the anticapitalist ghost, (4) the postmaterialist, (5) the market-regulater and (6) the globalist-liberalist-communitarist Marx.
So, the party systems have segregated and dualisated. The upper sectors have divided by the cartel-parties of international capital and the under sectors have loaded by centrist extremities of middle-classes’ reprimitivised rebels. The ‘democracy’ of cartel-parties has left by the conscious and unconscious anamarxist rebels by the fear of lumpenisation. The ideology of under actors have stolen in assimilated forms by the uppers’. In the last eight-nine years the hungarian ‘governmental-socialism’ has failed to realize its beautiful pieces of program.
The european-american middle-classes will have to unite with the working-class’ movements of the world (especially: of the ‘third world’), and will have to become more conscious about Marxism. Till that time the non-parlamental and non-governmental powers, anamarxist and reprimitivised rebels will not reach the succeses. This will be a long process, but without this theoretic attitude every fights on capitalism will be unremarkable.
Research Interests:
Vázlat a 2011-es kötet tartalmáról.