The Influence of African Sculpture on British Art, 1910-1930

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PHDTHESISbyDrBucknerKomlaDogbe submittedattheUniversityofStAndrews DATE 1989 SOURCE StAndrewsResearchRepository©The Author

THESIS THEINFLUENCEOFAFRICANSCULPTURE ONBRITISHART,1910-1930 BYDRBUCKNERKOMLADOGBE

THEINFLUENCEOFAFRICANSCULPTUREONBRITISH ART,1910-1930

BucknerKomlarDogbe

AThesisSubmittedfortheDegreeofPhD atthe

UniversityofStAndrews

1989

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THE INFLUENCE OF AFRICAN SCULPTURE ON BRITISH ART

1910 TO 1930

Buckner Komla Dogbe

A Thesis presented in the Department of Art History in the University of St. Andrews for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY.

1988

ABSTRACT

This thesis aims to discuss the influence of African wood sculpture on British art from 1910 to 1930. It proposes that the works, tastes and pronouncements of various 20th century British artists betray this influence and that although the British artists did not initially understand the conceptual foundations of African sculpture their limited knowledge was just sufficient for the modernization of British art through the adaptation of the formal qualities of African art.

In assessing the validity of these propositions the thesis examines the factors and issues that facilitated the influence. Chapter 1 discusses the formal qualities of African wood sculpture that attracted the British artists. It outlines the unusual figural proportions, the free and direct use of planar, linear and solid geometry, the treatment of material and its surfaces.

The conceptual foundations of African sculpture are generally outlined in Chapter 2. The extent to which the British artists understood these foundations is also discussed.

Chapter 3 concerns the introduction of African sculpture to Britain and discusses the development of the anthropological and subsequent aesthetic interest that it aroused. Both the Post-Impressionist Exhibitions and the Omega Workshops which facilitated its influence are examined. Chapter 4 examines the concept and attempts to categorize the nature of this influence.

The last three chapters act as case studies in which the impact of African sculpture on Epstein, Gaudier-Brzeska and Henry Moore is examined. The conclusion discusses the term 'Primitive' and the British artists and the 'Primitive' • ..

Declarations

I, Buckner KomIa Dogbe, hereby that this thesis which is approximately 81,000 words in length has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree.

Signature •

B. K. Dogbe

I was admitted as a Research Student under Ordinance No.12 on 10 October 1984 and as a candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy on 24 June 1985; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St. Andrews between October 1984 and June 1988.

Signature

B. K. Dogbe

III

Copyright Declaration

In submitting this thesis to the University of St. Andrews I understand that I am giving permission for it to be made available for use in accordance with the regulations of the University Library for the time being in force, subject to any copyright vested in the work not being affected thereby. I also understand that the title and abstract will be published, and that a copy of the work may be made and supplied to any bona fide library or research worker.

Signature

I hereby certify that the candidate, Buckner Komla Dogbe, has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolutions and Regulations appropriate to the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of st. Andrews and that he is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree.

Certificate
••.•.•.••.••
of supervisor .................. ........ . Dr. Anthony Parton v
Date
Signature

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In order to provide me with the best facility and supervision in my research, Professor Martin Kemp suggested the title "The Influence of African Sculpture on European Art" when I applied for admission into the Department in 1982. When I arrived in St. Andrews two years later in November 1984, my supervisor Dr.Christina Lodder suggested the present subject, for which I am grateful to her. Nevertheless Professor Kemp has shown continued enthusiasm in the progress of my research and I appreciate his encouragement.

I am also indepted to several people for assistance in the preparation of this thesis. Especially I wish to thank Peter, Monica and Elizabeth Wengraf, who unreservedly gave me access to their archives, photocopying machine and African collections at the Arcade Gallery, Royal Arcade, London. This proved of great inspiration and an enormous privilege.

I wish to thank Dr D.H.A.Kaferly for introducing me to the basics of the computer and also Mrs Philippa Hill and Ms Dawn Wadell who have helped me in many ways.

Many scholars have also guided and helped my research. Dr.Elizabeth Cowling provided me with many sources of information on primitive art and introduced me to other scholars. Ms Jane Bywaters gave me useful information on the Museums with Ethnographical collections in Britain. Dr George H.A.Bankes also willingly shared light on the ethnographical holdings of museums in the United Kingdom. Dr Terry Friedman has been tremendously helpful by giving me access to the collections and archives of The Henry Moore Centre for the Study of Sculpture, Leeds. Dr Evelyn Silber most willingly shed light on Epstein's work and introduced me to other scholars including Mr Michael Paddington who was also helpful on the same subject. Mr Malcolm McLeod

VI

gave me valuable information on the African sculptures in Epstein's collection.

Among the staffs of several institutions, archives, museums and galleries who deserve especial thanks for their courteous and generous response to my requests are: the staffs of King's College Library, and the Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge; The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; Manchester Museum, Manchester; City Art Gallery, Manchester; Witt Library, Courtauld Institute of Art, London; The Courtauld Intitute Galleries, University of London; The Henry Moore Centre for the Study of Sculpture, Leeds; City Art Galleries, Leeds; City Museum, Leeds; The County Museum, Liverpool; Pitt Rivers Museum and Department of Ethnology and Prehistory, University of Oxford; City Museums and Gallery, Birmingham; City Museum and Gallery, Bristol; The Museum of Mankind, London; The British Museum, London; Ipswich Museum, Ipswich; Sainsbury Centre for Visual Arts, University of East Anglia, Norwich; Victoria and Albert Museum, London. And abroad I wish to thank the staff of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

I am grateful to the Staff of the Computer Laboratory of University of St. Andrews as well as the Inter-Library Loan Section of the University of St.Andrews Library whose remarkable efforts have immensely improved many aspects of this thesis. MY sincere thanks also go to the staff of Photographic Unit of the University of St. Andrews whose marvelous work has improved the quality of the photographs of this thesis, which I personally took without the proper skill.

I am also grateful to Mr Tom Normand who was briefly my supervisor from July 1987 to January 1988, for his useful suggestions. Finally I greatly thank Dr Anthony Parton who took over the supervision of the thesis from Mr Normand, and whose encouragement and quick responses led to its ultimate completion.

Abstract ...............................•...•.•....................... 1.J.. Acknowledgement •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• vii List Of Illustrations ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
INTRODUCTION •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 1 CHAPTER 1 Formal Analysis of African Sculpture •••••••••••••••••••••• 11 CHAPTER 2 The Conceptual Foundations of African Sculpture ••••••••••• 40 CHAPTER 3 The Developing Interest in African Sculpture •••••••••••••• 74 CHAPTER 4 Defining The Influence ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 114 CHAPTER 5 Jacob Epstein, Passionate and Obssessive Approach •••••••• 137 CHAPTER 6 Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, An Experiment ••••••••••••••••••••• 170 CHAPTER 7 Henry Moore, An Inspiration •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 196 CONCLUSION ••••••••••••••.•.••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 215 NOTES ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 221 APPENDICES •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 246 BIBLIOGRAPHY •••••••••••••••••••••••.••••••••••••.••••••••••••••••••• 259 MAPS ILLUSTRATIONS
CONTENTS
Xl.

In the list below items are categorised according to the following system: tribe and country or artist, subject or title, medium, size, location, and in the case of African sculptures the date of acquisition by the museum or gallery if known.

FIG.1.1. Baluba, Zaire, Female Figure (back and front), wood, 18ins (46cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1910.

FIG.1.2. A Diagram of Formal Analysis of African Wood sculpture. Louis Perrois, La Sculpture Traditional du Gabon, Paris, 1977, p.

FIG.1.3. Stages of Carving Showing Examples of Proportions. Louis Perrois, La Statutaire Fan Gabon, Paris,1978, as Fig.82. After 33. After

FIG.1.4A. Kulango, Ivory Coast, Female Figure, wood, 18ins (46cm), Fried Collection, New York. Reproduced in William Rubin ed., "Primitivism" in 20th Century Art, New York, 1984, p. 530.

FIG.1.4B. Mbuun, Cameroon, Staff, Wood and metal, 33in (83.8cm), ErIe Loran Collection, Berkeley. Reproduced in Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 530.

FIG.1.5. Examples of Types Head-shapes of African Wood sculpture.

FIG.1.6. Types of Concave Faces in African Sculpture. After D.E.McCall and Edna Bay, Essays in African Iconology, Boston, 1975, pp. 253-7.

FIG.1.7. Two Masks with Heart-shapes Ending in Upper and Lower Lips Respectively. British Museum, London.

FIG.1.S. Bamum, Cameroon, Headdress, wood and fibre, Pierre Harter Collection, Paris. Reproduced "Primitivism", p. 156.

FIG.1.9. Bakuba, Zaire, Ndob, wood, 21.5ins (54.6cm), London, acquired 1909. 11.75ins (30cm), in Rubin ed., British Museum,

FIG.1.10. Basongye, Zaire, Standing Male Figure, wood, 21.75ins (55cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1905.

FIG.1.11. Dogon, Mali, Female Figure, wood, 23.6ins (60cm), Musee de I 'Hamme, Paris, acquired 1906.

FIG.1.12. Mende, Sierra Leone, Female Figure (front and side), wood, 46.5ins (118cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1901.

FIG.1.13. Eye Types of African Sculpture.

FIG.1.14. Nose Types of African Sculpture.

FIG.1.15. Mouth Types of African Sculpture.

FIG.1.16. Ear Types of African Sculpture.

FIG.1.17. Bajokwe, Angola, Figure, wood, 11ins, (28.9cm), British Museum, London.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIG.1.18. Breast Types of African Sculpture.

FIG.1.19. Types of Male Sexual Organs in African sculpture.

FIG.1.20. Baluba, Zaire, A Female Figure, wood, 21 ins (53.3cm), W.O.Oldman Collection, London.

FIG.1.21. Az and e , Central African Republic, Female Figure, wood, 20.75ins (52.7)cm, British Museum, London.

FIG.1.22. Balwena, Congo, Ritual Female Figure painted Red and Black on The Chest, wood, 11ins (28.9cm), Musee Royal de l'Afrique Centrale, Tervuren, Belgium.

FIG.1.23. Fang, Gabon, A Woman on Horseback Carrying a Bowl, wood, 38ins (96.5cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.1.24A. Bateke, Congo, Human Figure, wood, 6.75ins (17.1cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1906.

FIG.1.24B. Bateke, Congo, Fetish Figure, wood, 5ins (15.25cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1906.

FIG.1.24C. Bateke, Congo, Fetish Figure, wood, 5.75ins (14.6cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1906.

FIG.1.25. Bangwe, Cameroon, Dancing Royal Couple, wood. 34.5ins (87.6cm) and 33.25ins (87.1cm), The Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. Reproduced in Hugh Honour, A World History of Art, London, 1983 as Figs 18 and 16.

FIG.1.26 Ashanti, Ghana, Akuaba, wood, 13ins (33cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.1.27. Bakota, Congo, Reliquary Figure, wood and brass, 26ins (66cm), British Museum 1924, London.

FIG.1.28. Yoruba, Nigeria, Two Ikenga, wood, 18ins (45.7cm) and 18.25ins (46.4cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1873.

FIG.1.29. Senufo, Ivory Coast, Mask, wood, 36ins (91.5cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.1.30. Bamileke, Cameroon, Throne, wood, 46ins (116.8cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1900.

FIG.1.31 Yoruba, Nigeria, Epa Mask (front and side), wood painted red, blue and white, 54ins (137.1cm), Leon Underwood Collection, London. Reproduced in Leon Underwood, Masks of West Africa, London 1948, as pl.34.

FIG.1.32. Ogoni, Nigeria, Mask, wood, fibre and cane, (41.2cm), British Museum, London. 16.25ins

FIG.1.33. Wazaramo, Tanzania, Human Figure, wood, 33.5ins (85cm), Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, acquired 1889. Reproduced in Fagg, Tribes and Forms in African Art, London, 1965, p. 119.

FIG.1.34. Ijo, Nigeria, Memorial Screen, wood. British Museum, London, acquired 1910.

45.5ins (115.6cm),

FIG.1.35. Bambara, Mali, Chi wara Antelope Mask, wood, 29.5ins (75cm),

M.Nicaud Collection, Paris. Reproduced in Pierre Meuaze, Africa Art: Sculpture, London, 1968, p. 48.

FIG.1.36. Swazi, Namibia, Milkpot, wood, 19x15ins (48x38.1cm), Private Collection, London. Reproduced in Werner Gillon, A Short History of Africa Art, London, 1984, p. 206, as pl.253.

FIG.1.37A. Bambala, Congo, Headrest, wood, 10.75ins (27.3cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1907.

FIG.1.37B. Ashanti, Ghana, Stool, wood, 28ins (71.1cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1880.

FIG.1.38. Bagirmi, Chad, Doll, wood, 8.75ins (22.2cm), Charles Rat ton Collection, Paris. Reproduced in Fagg, Tribes And Forms, p. 69.

FIG.2.1. Dogon, Mali, Sanctuary Shutter, wood, 29x18ins (73.1x45.7cm). Private Collection, Cannes. Reproduced in Meuaze, African Art, p. 153.

FIG.2.2. Dogon, Mali, Mythical Ancestors (front and back), wood, 26.25ins (66.5cm), Rietberg Museum, Zurich. Reproduced in Elsy Leuzinger, The Art of Black Africa, London, 1972, pl.A20.

FIG.2.3. Yoruba, Nigeria, Shango Sacred Staff, wood, 16.6ins (41.9cm), Ipswich Museum, Ipswich.

FIG.2.4. Bambara, Mali, Chi wara Headdress, wood, 40ins (101cm). Reproduced in Ladislas Segy, Masks of Africa, London, 1960, as Fig.38.

FIG.2.5. Bambara, Mali, Two Masked Dancers with and Female chi wara Headdresses. Reproduced from Segy, Masks of Africa, as Fig.37.

FIG.2.6. Senufo, Ivory Coast, (96.5cm), Private Collection, "Primitivism", p. 130.

Deble (Rhythm Pounder), Paris. Reproduced from wood, 38ins Rubin, ed.,

FIG.2.7A. Yoruba, Nigeria, Odudua (Fertility goddess), wood 30.5ins (76.1cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1912.

FIG.2.7B. Yoruba, Nigeria, Odudua (Fertility goddess), wood, 27.5ins (64.7cm), Horniman Museum, London, acquired 1925.

FIG.2.8. Baga, GUinea, Nimba Mask, wood, 46ins (116.8cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.2.9. Baga, GUinea, Nimba Figure, wood, 24. 75ins (63cm), Rietberg Museum, Zurich. Reproduced in Elsy Leuzinger, The Art of Black Africa, London, 1972, pl.E26.

FIG.2.10. Bundu, Sierra Leone, Bundu Mask, 15ins (38.1cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.2.11. Bundu, Sierra Leone, Bundu Staff, wood, 30ins (76.2cm), University Museum, Philadelphia. Reproduced in Paul Wingert, The Sculpture of Negro Africa, New Yeork, 1950. pl.11.

FIG.2.12. Yoruba, Nigeria, Bowl, wood, 15ins (38.1cm), British Museum.

FIG.2.13. Types of Fetish Figures.

FIG.2.14A. Yoruba, Nigeria, Gelede Mask, wood, 40ins(101.6cm), British Museum.

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FIG.2.14B. Yoruba, Nigeria, Egungu Mask, wood 17.25ins (43.8cm), Rantenstrauch-Joest Museum, Cologne. Reproduced in William Fagg and Margaret Plass, African Art:Anthology, London, 1964, p. 90.

FIG.2.15. Baluba, Zaire, Kneeling Female Figure with Bowl, wood, 21ins (53.5cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1905.

FIG.2.16. Yoruba, Nigeria, Ibeji Figures, wood, British Museum, London.

FIG.2.17. Bawongo, Congo, Bowl and Lids with Animal and Human Forms,

FIG.2.18. Types of Bakuba Wooden Cups ...

FIG.2.19. Sakal ave , Madagascar, Grave Post, wood, 38ins (96.5cm), Musee de l'Homme, Paris.

FIG.2.20. Types of African Carved Drums.

FIG.2.21. Bamileke, Cameroon, Door Frame, wood, 77.4ins (200cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.2.22. Sculptures showing Tottoo, Scarification and Cicatrices.

FIG.3.1. Yoruba, Nigeria, Equestrian, wood, 12.5ins (31.8cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1830.

FIG.3.2. Baluba, Zaire, Stool (front, back and side), wood, 25ins (63.5cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1901.

FIG.3.3. Fang, Gabon, Spirit Head, wood, 10.6ins (27cm), The Philadelphia Museum of Art, Philadelphia. Reproduced in Kenneth Clark, ed., Last Lectures London, 1939, as pl.89.

FIG.3.4. Henri Matisse, Girl with Green Eyes, 1909, Oil on canvass, 26x20ins (66x50.8cm), San Francisco Museum of Art, San Francesco. Reproduced in Ian Dunlop, The Shock of The New, London, 1972, p. 151.

FIG.3.5. Pablo Picasso, Head of a Woman, 1909, gouache on paper, 24x18ins (61x45.7cm), Museum of Modern Art, New York.

FIG.3.6. Pablo Picasso, Head and Shoulder of a Woman, 1909, gouache on paper, 25.25x 19.12ins (64x48.5cm), Gallerie Beyer, Basel.

FIG.3.7. Pablo Picasso, Buffalo Bill, 1912, oil on canvass, 18.25x13ins (46x33cm). Present collection unkown.

FIG.3.8. Henri Matisse, La Serpentine (front and back), 1912, bronze, 21.5in (54.6cm), Philadelphia Museum of Art, Philadelphia.

FIG.3.9. Bambara, Mali, Seated Ancestor Figure, wood, formerly Matisse Collection now in Private Collection. Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 229.

24ins (61cm), Reproduced in

FIG.3.10. Duncan Grant, The Queen of Sheba, 1912, oil on wood, 47.25x47.25ins (120x120cm), Tate Gallery, London.

FIG.3.11. Pablo Picasso, Head of a Man, 1912, oil an canvass, 24x15ins (61x38cm). Private Collection, Paris. Reproduced in Pierre Daix, Picasso: The Cubist Years 1907-1916, London, 1979, as Fig.468.

FIG.3.12. Ducan Grant, Couple Dancing, 1913, pencil and gouache, 30x15.5ins (76.2x39.4), Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

FIG.3.13. Pablo Picasso, Nude with Raised Arms, 1907, oil on canvass, 24x17ins (61x43.2cm), Thyseen-Bornemisza Collection, Lugano, Switzeland.

FIG.3.14. Pablo Picasso, Nude with Drapery, 1907, oil, 60x39ins (152.3x101cm), Hermitage Museum, Leningrad.

FIG.3.15. Duncan Grant, Head of Eve, 1913, oil on board, 29. 75x25ins (75.5x63.5cm), David Garnet Collection. Reproduced in Roger Fry, Duncan Grant, London, 1924, as pl.8.

FIG.3.16. Duncan Grant, Adam and Eve, 1913, oil, 84x132ins (213.3x335.2cm), damaged in the Tate Gallery flooding in 1928.

FIG.3.17. Pablo Picasso, African Head, 1907, oil and sand on panel, 6.8x5.5ins (17.5x14cm), Claude Picasso Collection, Paris.

FIG.3.18. Pablo Picasso, African Head, 1907, oil on canvass, 7x5.3ins (17x8.14.3cm), Claude Picasso Collection, Paris.

FIG.3.19. Duncan Grant, The Tub, 1912, watercolour and tempera on board, 30x22ins (76.1x55.9), Tate Gallery, London.

FIG.3.20. African sculpture in Matisse's collection in his appartment at Hotel Regina, Nice. Reproduced in Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 237.

FIG.3.21A. Wyndham Lewis, Design for Drop-Curtain, 1912, and crayon, 12x15.3ins (30.5x38.9cm), Theatre Museum, Albert Museum, London.

FIG.3.21B. Wyndham Lewis, Indian Dance, 1912, black watercolour, 10.75x11.5ins (27x29cm), Tate Gallery. pencil, ink Victoria and chalk and

FIG.3.22. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Marquetry Tray, 1913, wood, 25.25ins (64cm), Charles L.Strong Collection, London.

FIG.3.23. Pablo Picasso, Dryad, 1908, oil on canvass, 72.75x42ins (185x108cm), Hermitage Museum, Leningrad.

FIG.3.24. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Bird Bath (two views), 1913, plaster, 10.5in (26.7cm), Mercury Gallery, London.

FIG.3.25. Dan, Liberia, Mask with Monkey Hair, 6ins (15.2cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1868.

FIG.3.26. Roger Fry, Mother and Children, 1913, painted wood, 11.25x9x4ins (28.5x23x10cm), private collection, London.

FIG.3.27. Roger Fry, Marquetry Cupboard, 1915-16, inlaid wood, 84x45.5x16ins (213.5x115.5x40.7cm), Lady Tredegar, London. Reproduced in Isabelle Ascombe, Omega and After, London. 1981, as pl.18.

FIG.3.28. Roger Fry, Essay in Abstract Design, 1914, oil and bus tickets on panel, 14.25x10.5ins (36.2x27cm), Tate Gallery, London.

FIG.3.29. Roger Fry, Tennis Players, Q1914, pencil on paper, 7.5x11.5ins (19x29.2cm). Private Collection, London. Reprpoduced in Judith Collins, The Omega Workshops, London, 1983, as pl.44.

FIG.3.30. Roger Fry, Reclining Nude, Q1914, pencil on paper, whereabout of original is unknown, photocopy in the Witts Library, Courtauld Institute of Art, London.

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FIG.3.31. Wyndham Lewis, Circus Scene, 1913, pencil, watercolour and gouache, 20.2x15ins (51.1x38.7cm), Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

FIG.3.32. Wyndham Lewis, Omega Workshops Letter Head, 1913, printed paper, Whole sheet 9.8x8ins (25x20.3cm), private collection, London. Reproduced in Richard Cork, Beyond the Gallery, London, 1985, as Fig.161.

FIG.3.33. Wyndham Lewis, watercolour, 11.6x12.4ins London.

Theatre Manager, 1909, (29.5x31.5cm), Victoria pen, ink and and AI bert Museum,

FIG.3.34. Baga, GUinea, Nimba Headdress, wood with copper eyes, 25.25ins (64cm), Rietberg Museum, Zurich. Reproduced in Elsy Leuzinger, Art of Black Africa, London, 1972 as pl.E9.

FIG.3.35. Wyndham Lewis, Fire Place, 1913-14, painted side panels each 92.8x14.5ins (236x36.8cm), painted top panels each 9x86.25ins (23x219cm), mirror 67x61ins (170x155cm), private collection, London. Reproduced in Wyndham Lewis ed., Blast l (London), June 1914, as illustration vii.

FIG.3.36. Duncan Grant, Decorated Omega Plates, Q1914, earthernware with white tin glaze decoration, diameter 9.75ins (24.8cm), private collection, London. Reproduced in Isabelle Anscombe, Omega and After, London, 1981, as pl.26.

FIG.3.37. Pablo Picasso, Standing Nude and a Foot, 1909, 11.8x9ins (30x22cm), Musee Picasso, Paris.

FIG.3.38A. Frederick Etchells, Head, 1914, watercolour, 17x12ins (43x30.5cm), lost, Reproduced in Blast l as illustration x.

FIG.3.38B. Frederick Etchells, Head, 1914, watercolour 17x12ins (43x30.5cm), lost. Reproduced in Blast l as illustration ix.

FIG.3.39. Ulvira, Zaire, Mask, wood, 24ins (61cm), Courtauld Institute Galleries, London.

FIG.4.1. Wyndham Lewis, Three Figures (Ballet Scene), 1919-20, crayon and wate rcol our , 14,75x19.5ins (37.5x49.5cm), private collection. Reproduced in Walter Michael, Wyndham Lewis. Drawings and Paintings, London, 1972, p. 382, as pl.73.

FIG.5.1. Adrian Allinson, Mr Epstein doubting the authenticity of a South sea Idol, 1914, pen and ink, 20x20ins (50.8x50.8cm), Reproduced in Colour (London), November 1914, p. 142.

FIG.5.2. Fang, Gabon, "Brummer Head", (front and side), wood, 24ins (61cm), formerly Epstein Collection. Reproduced in Kenneth Clark ed., Last Lectures London, 1939, as Figs. 93 and 94.

FIG.5.3. Jacob Epstein, Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1912, stone, Pere Lachaise Cemetery, Paris.

FIG.5.4. Jacob Epstein, Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1912, detail.

FIG.5.5. Assyrian, Winged Man-Headed Lion, from the Palace of King Assur-Nasid Pal, 880-860BC, Marble, 192.9ins (490cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.5.6. Jacob Epstein, Sketch for the Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1910, .,eiy

pencil, 15x22.75ins (38.1x50.8cm), Anthony D'Offay Gallery, London.

FIG.5.7. Jacob Epstein, Sketch for the Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1911, pencil, 11x11.5ins (27.9x29.17cm), Simon Wilson Collection, London.

FIG.5.8. Jacob Epstein, 19x8.25ins (48x21cm), Collection), Walsall.

Study Walsall for Girl Museum with Dove, 1906, pencil, and Gallery (Garman-Ryan

FIG.5.9. Jacob Epstein, Head, 1910, crayon and wash, 25.75x19.5ins (65x49cm), private collection, London. Reproduced in Richard Buckle, Epstein Drawings, 1962, pl.30.

FIG.5.10. Jacob Epstein, African Carving, c.1908-10, pencil, no size given. Photograph in the Witt$ Library, Courtauld Institute of Art, London.

FIG.5.11. Jacob Epstein, Crouching Sun Goddess, 1910, limestone, 37.5ins (95.2cm), Nottingham Castle Museum, Nottingham.

FIG.5.12. Jacob Epstein, Sunflower, 1910, stone, 23x10.5x9.5ins (58.8x26x24cm), National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne.

FIG.5.13. Fang, Gabon, Head, 22.8ins (58cm), formerly Epstein Collection, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Reproduced in Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 430.

FIG.5.14. Jacob Epstein, Maternity, 1910, stone, 82ins (208.3cm), Henry Moore Centre for the Study of Sculpture, Leeds.

FIG.5.15. Fon, Dahomey, RitualBowl, wood, 7ins (17.8cm), diameter 5.5ins (13.3cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1889.

FIG.5.16. Jacob Epstein, Cursed Be the Day Wherein I was Born, 1912, wood and plaster, 45.5ins (115.5cm), lost, photograph owned by the Witt Library, Courtauld Institute of Art, London.

FIG.5.17. Amedeo Modigliani, Caryatid, 1913, pencil and blue crayon, 16.25x21.75ins (41.5x55cm), Wasall Museum and Gallery, Walsall.

FIG.5.18. Analytical Study of Modigliani's Caryatid of 1913.

FIG.5.19. Jacob Epstein, A Nude Figure, 1913, 25.25x20.75ins (64.1x52.8cm), Epstein Estate, London. blue chalk,

FIG.5.20. Constantin Brancusi, First Step, 1913, wood, 44ins 115cm). Destroyed except for the head. Full figure reproduced in Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 348.

FIG.5.21. Bambara, Mali, A Male Figure, wood, 25.6inc (65cm), Musee de I 'Homme, Paris. Reproduced in Marius de Zayas African Negro Art, New York, 1916, as Fig.16.

FIG.5.22. Jacob Epstein, Mother and Child, (front and back), 1913, marble, 16.25ins (41.3cm), Museum of Modern Art, New York.

FIG.5.23. Fang, formerly Epstein York. Gabon, Reliquary Head, wood, 18.25ins (46.5cm), Collection now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

FIG.5.24. Jacob Epstein, First Venus with Doves, (front and side), 1913, marble, 48.5ins (123cm), Baltimore Museum of Art, Baltimore.

FIG.5.25 Jacob Epstein, Second Venus with Doves, (side and front), 1914, marble, 92.5ins (235cm), Yale Gallery, Yale.

FIG.5.26. Dogon, Mali, Seated Figure, wood, 27.2ins (69cm). Formerly Epstein Collection now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

FIG.5.27. Jacob Epstein, Drawing for Birth, 1913, brush and ink, lost. Reproduced in Blast l, as illustration xxvi.

FIG.5.28. Jacob Epstein, Birth, 1913, stone, 12x10.5ins (30.5x26.6cm), Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto.

FIG.5.29. Jacob Epstein, Study for Man and Woman, 1913, pencil and wash, 24.25x16.5ins (61.1x41.3cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.5.30. Sakal ave , Madagascar, Funerary Post, wood, 39.75ins (101.cm), formerly Epstein Collection.

FIG.5.31. Jacob Epstein, Totem, 1913, pencil and wash, 24x16.5ins (61x42cm), Tate Gallery, London.

FIG.5.32. Jacob Epstein, Study for Rock Drill, 1913, pencil and red and blue crayon, 18x23ins (58.4x45.5cm), Anthony d'Offay Gallery, London.

FIG.5.33. Baule, Ivory Coast, Mask, wood, 35.8ins (91cm). Paul Guillaume Collection. Reproduced in The Burlington (London), Vol.36, No.205, April 1920, p. 168, as pl.1.

Formerly Magazine

FIG.5.34. Baule, Ivory Coast, Mask, wood, 35.75ins (91cm). Formerly Paul Guilluame Collection, Paris. Reproduced in Paul Guillaume and Thomas Munro, Primitive Negro Sculpture, New York, 1926, as Fig.28.

FIG.5.35. Jacob Epstein, Study for Rock Drill (back views), 1913, (A) crayon, 16x26.5ins (40.6x67.5cm), Anthony d'Offay Gallery, London. (B) Lost. Reproduced in Bernard van Dieren, Jacob Epstein, London, 1920, p. 237, as pI. XII.

FIG.5.36. Jacob Epstein, Study for Rock Drill (front views), 1913, (A) black crayon, 21x25ins (53.3x64.1cm). Tate Gallery, London. (B) charcoal, 16.75x26.5ins (42.5x67.5). Walsall Museum and Gallery, WalsalI.

FIG.5.37. Jacob Epstein, Rock Drill, 1914. Reconstruction 1973-74 by K.Cook and A.Christopher after the lost original, matal and wood, 98.5ins (250.1cm), Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery, Birmingham.

FIG.5.38. Jacob Epstein, Genesis, 1930, marble, 64ins (162.5cm). Granada Television Limited, London.

FIG.5.39. Dogon, Mali, Seated Female Figure, wood, no size given. Albert Barnes Collection, New York. Reproduced in Guillaume and Munro, Negro Art, as Fig.16.

FIG.5.40. Baule, Ivory Coast, Male Figure, wood, no size given. Albert Barnes Collection, New York. Reproduced in Guillaume and Munro, Negro Art, as Fig.21.

FIG.5.41. Jacob Epstein, Two Studies for Genesis, 1929, (A) pencil, 11x16.75ins (28x42.5cm). Private collection, London. Reproduced in Richard Buckle, Jacob Epstein. Sculptor, London, 1963, p. 153, as pl.236. (B) pencil, 11.25x17.5ins (28.5x44.6cm), Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery, Birmingham.

FIG.5.42. Dan-Ngere, Liberia, Mask, wood. 10.5ins (26.8cm). Formerly Jacob Epstein Collection. Reproduced in Evelyn Silber, Terry Friedman, et al., Jacob Epstein. Sculpture and Drawings, London, 1987, as pl.III.

FIG.5.43. Bakota, Zaire, Female Figure, wood, 23ins (58.4cm), Formerly Jacob Epstein Collection. Reproduced in Christies Sales catalogue, Egyptian. Greek and Roman Antigues and Primitive Works of' Art of' Af'rica etc. From Jacob Epstein Collection, London, 1961, Cat. No.13, pl.4

FIG.6.1. Yoruba, Nigeria, Divination Bowl, wood, 7.8ins (20cm), Bristol Museum, Bristol, acquired 1896.

FIG.6.2. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Ornament Mask, 1912, painted plaster, 30x27ins (76.2x68.5cm), Musee du Petit Palais, Geneva.

FIG.6.3. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, A Letter f'rom Gaudier-Brzeska with a Sketch of' Epstein's Tomb of' Oscar Wilde, 1912. Reproduced in Roger Cole, Burning to Speak, 1978, p. 22.

FIG.6.4. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Head of' a Young Man, 12x9.5ins (30.5x24.1cm), Stadt Bielef'eld, Germany. Burning to Speak, p. 56, as pl.9.

1912, sandstone, Reproduced in Cole

FIG.6.5. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Redstone Dancer, 1913, stone, 17x9x9ins (43.2x22.9x22.9cm), Kettle's Yard, University of' Cambridge, Cambridge.

FIG.6.6. Bambala, Congo, Fertility Doll, wood, 2.25x3.75xO.5ins (5.4x9.5.x1.2cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1907.

FIG.6.7. Bapende, Congo, Mask, wood, 16.8ins (42.8cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1907.

FIG.6.8. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Study f'or Redstone Dancer, 1913, watercolour and charcoal, 18.7x12.25ins (48x31cm), Musee d'Art Moderne, Centre Georges, Pompidou, Paris.

FIG.6.9. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Portrait of' My Father, 1910, dry clay , painted bronze. 10.75ins (27.2cm), Museedes Beaux Arts, Orleans

FIG.6.10. Auguste Rodin, Man with Broken Nose, 1864, bronze, 9x9x10ins (22.8x22.8x25.4cm), Rodin Museum, Paris.

FIG.6.11. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Imp (two views), alabaster, 16ins (40.6cm), Tate Gallery, London. 1914, vained

FIG.6.12. Bambala, Congo, Female Figure, wood and human hair, 20ins (50.7cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1907.

FIG.6.13. Gaudier-Brzeska, Drawing f'or Imp, 1914, charcoal, 9.5x6.25ins (24.1x15.6cm), The St.Louis Art Museum. Reproduced in Alan G.Wilkinson, Gauguin to Moore: Primitivism in Modern Sculpture, OntariO, 1981, p. 125.

FIG.6.14. Baule, Ivory Coast, Doll, wood 16ins (40.5cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1908.

FIG.6.15A. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Self' Portrait with Pipe, 1913, pencil, 18.5x12ins (47x30.5cm), Kettle's Yard, University of' Cambridge, Cambridge.

FIG.6.15B. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Self' Portrait with Pipe, 1913, pencil, 18.5x12.2ins (447x31cm), Kettle's Yard, University of' Cambridge,

')<.vii

Cambridge.

FIG.6.16. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Three Women, 1913, Charcoal and wash, 9.25x7.5ins (23.2x1B.5cm). Reproduced in H.S.Ede, Life of Gaudier-Brzeska, 1930, as pl.LIV.

FIG.6.17. 1B.25x12ins Cambridge.

Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Woman and Dog, 1913, (46.4x30.5cm), Kettle's Yard, University of charcoal, Cambridge,

FIG.6.1B. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Vase, 1913-14, marble, 17ins (43.2cm), Ezra Pound Collection, Brunnenburg. Reproduced in Cole, Burning to Speak, as p1.45.

FIG.6.19. Bambala, Congo, Snuff Mortar, wood, 16ins (40.6cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1907.

FIG.6.20. 25xB.5ins Cambridge.

Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Garden Ornament 2, (63.5x47cm), Kettle's Yard, University 1914, plaster, of Cambridge,

FIG.6.21. Baluba, Zaire, Chief's Stool, wood, 21ins (53.3cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1905.

FIG.6.22. Illustrations of the possible process of development of Gaudier-Brzeska's Garden Ornament 2, by the author of this thesis.

FIG.6.23. 14.5x11ins Cambridge.

Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Garden Ornament 3, (36.Bx27.9cm), Kettle's Yard, University 1914, plaster, of Cambridge,

FIG.6.24. Henri Gaudier-Brzeka, Men with Bowl, 1914, bronze, Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge.

FIG.6.25. Lozi, Zambia, Kneeling Woman with Bowl, wood, 22.25ins (56.5cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1905.

FIG.6.26A. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Design for A Door-knocker, 1914, ink and watercolour, 11.75x7.75ins (30x20cm), Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge.

FIG.6.26B. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Design for A Door-knocker, 1914, charcoal, 10.25x7.5ins (26.3x1B.5cm), Wolmark Collection, London.

FIG.6.27. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Door-knocker, 1914, brass, 6.Bx3.25x1.25ins (17.5xBx3cm), Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge.

FIG.6.28. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Couple, Q1913, ink and wash, size and provinance unknown. Reproduced in H.S.Ede, Life of Gaudier-Brzeska, London, 1930, p. 71.

FIG.6.29. Gaudier-Brzeska, Female Figure, 1914, ink, 1B.5x12.25ins (46x31.1cm), Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge.

FIG.6.30. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Hieratic Head of Ezra stone, 36x24ins (91.3x61cm), private collection, London. Cole, Burning to Speak, as pl. 50.

Pound, 1914, Reproduced in

FIG.6.31. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Maternity (front and back), 1913, marble, 11x10.25ins (27.9x26cm), Musee d'Art Moderne, Paris.

FIG.6.32. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Charity (front, back and sides), 1914, stone, 17.75x8ins (45.1x20.3cm), Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge.

FIG.6.33. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Carved Toothbrush Handle (front and back), 1914, bone, 6.75xO.8ins (17.2x2.3), R.A.Bevan Collection, London. Reproduced in Richard Cork, Vorticism and Abstract Art in the First Machine Age, London, 1975, p. 444.

FIG.6.34. Yoruba, Nigeria, Ivory Baton, ivory, 24ins (61cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1910.

fIG.6.35. Yoruba, Nigeria, Fetish Staves, wood, cane and metal, 58ins (147.5cm), 56 ins (142cm) and 52.25ins (140cm) respectively, British Museum, London, acquired 1903.

FIG.7.1. Baule, Ivory Coast, Seated Female Figure, wood, Paul Guillaume Collection, Paris. Reproduced in Roger Fry, Vision and Design, 1920, London, as pl.III.

FIG.7.2. Henry Moore, Head the Virgin (after Virgin and Child by Dominic Rosselli in Victoria and Albert Museum, London), 1922-3, marble, 21ins (53.3cm), Ramon Coxon Collection, London. Reproduced in David Sylvester, ed., Henry Moore. Vol.1, London, 1954, as pl.6.

FIG.7.3. Henry Moore, Studies for Reclining Figure (page 39 from No.3 Notebook) ,1922-24, pencil, 9x6.75ins (23x17.2cm), The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham.

FIG.7.4. Baule, Ivory Coast, Mask, wood, 25ins (63.5cm), British Museum, London.

FIG.7.5. Henry Moore, Ideas from Negro Sculpture (page Notebook), 1922-24, pencil, 9x6.75ins (23x17.2cm), Foundation, Much Hadham.

102 from No.3

The Henry Moore

FIG.7.6. Henry Moore, Sketches of African and Oceanic Sculptures (page 103 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24, pencil, 9x6.75ins (23x17.2cm), The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham.

FIG.7.7. Junkun, Nigeria, Standing Male Figure, wood, 34.6ins (88.8cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1909.

FIG.7.8. Henry Moore, Sketches of Negro Sculpture (page 105 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24, pencil, 9x6.75in (23x17.2cm), The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham.

FIG.7.9. Mumuye, Nigeria, Standing Female Figure, wood, 18.8ins (48cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1922.

FIG.7.10. Baga, GUinea, Head, wood, 24 ins (61cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1889.

FIG.7.11. Henry Moore, Head (page 126 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24, pencil, 9x6.75ins (23x17.2cm), The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham.

FIG.7.12. Henry Moore, Drawings of African and Inca Sculptures (page 120 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24, pencil, pen and ink, 9x6.75ins (23x17.2cm), The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham.

FIG.7.13. (18.4cm). Ubangi, Central African Republic, Negro Head, wood, 7.25ins Private Collection, New York. Reproduced in Carl Einstein,

Negerplastik, Leipzig, 1915, as pl.15.

FIG.7.14. Henry Moore, Sketches of Standing Figures (page 143 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24, pencil and chalk, 9x6.75ins (23x17.2cm), The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham.

FIG.7.15. Henry Moore, Studies of African and Eskimo Sculptures, 1931" pencil and chalk, 10.75x7.12ins (27.3x19.4), private collection. Reproduced in Rubin, ed., "Primivism", p. 602.

FIG.7.16. Henry Moore, Girl, 1932, wood, 12ins (30.5cm), private collection. Reproduced in Sylvester, ed., Moore Vol.1, as pl.112.

FIG.7.17. Nkole, Zimbabwe, Figurines, stone, 3ins and 4ins (7.6cm and 10.1cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1905.

FIG.7.18. Henry Moore, Head of a Girl, 1922, wood, 9.5ins (24.1cm), City Art Galleries, Manchester.

FIG.7.19. Henry Moore, Standing Woman, 1923, wood, 12ins (30.5cm), City Art Galleries, Manchester.

FIG.7.20. Henry Moore, Caryatid, 1924, stone, 12ins (30.5cm), private collection. Reproduced in Sylvester, ed., Moore Vol.1 as pl.17.

FIG.7.21. Henry Moore, Torso, 1927, wood, 15ins (38.1cm), Marborough Fine Art Gallery, New York. Reproduced in Moore Vol.1, as pl.47.

FIG.7.22. Azande, Sudan, Pipe-bowl in Human Form, wood, 11.8ins (31.2cm), British Museum, London, acquired 1860.

FIG.7.23. Henry Moore, Mother and Child, 1922, stone, 11ins (27.9cm), private collection. Reproduced in Sylvester, ed., Moore Vol.1, as pl.3.

FIG.7.24. Henry Moore, Maternity, 1924, stone, 9ins (22.9cm), Leeds City Art Galleries, Leeds.

INTRODUCTION

In 1935 a book of Hest Africa (Excluding Husic), edited by Sir Hichael Sadler, with an j.ntroduction by Sir \llilliam Rothenstein was published under the auspices of the Colonial Office in London, for the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures in London. It is a short illustrated book intended to be of service to those Ivho, in Britain and Overseas, are interested in the life of West Sir Hichael's own essay, I Significance and Vitality in African art f, also appeared in this book. Here, he briefly but effectively outlined the salient qualitties of African sculpture. He then pointed out that the sincere appreciation of African art by Europeans would take place only in the distant future. He therefore feared that the true recognition of the high merits of African sculpture vlOuld manifest too late or not at all because, liThe shado,;vs ax'e falling fast on 1.vhat is best in Hest African art."[1]

The indigenous religiOUS, economic, social, moral, political, and philosophical values that formed the cultural matrix of African sculptur'e was undergoing a fast and unprecedented change was undermining its significance and vitality. In order to arrest this unfortunate situation and to maintain a high aesthetic level of this ar·t form in it's native place, Sir Michael made a suggestion which began rhetorically:

vlhat then can be done? 'Send!, some may argue, I as soon as funds allow, to each British dependency in Equitorial Africa, and especially the west, an of outstanding capaCity who has shown insight into the significant quality of African art, and who can judge between what is good and ,vhat is indifferent or bad in it with a masterly penetration shown twelve years ago by Mr. Roger Fry vThen he lirote for the Athenaeum the memorable article on "Negro Sculpture", since published in his Vision and Design. '[2]

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This artist of Fry's calibre was charged with several duties proposed by Sir Michael. He was to excite a general interest among Africans and Eur-opeans in the profound problems '\>Jhich implicated in the study of African art. He was to promote this art in African schools and to organise exhibitions in many places in the provinces, with a full explanation of the finest qualities in \'Jest African art. [3] Although there are indications of the appreciable success of this scheme, it has yet to be fully assessed. However, on the other hand, it can be claimed with a degree of certainty that there has been an increasing, sincere and discriminating appreciation and recognition of the vitality of African sculpture in Britain, Europe, and America since the first decade of this century. This is reflected in the high prices achieved by African sculpture in public auctions, in the acquisition programmes of Western museums and art galleries, in its indisputable and profound influence on modern art and its subsequent addition to the aesthetic vocabulary. Today numerous, well-illustrated, and at times colourful books, monographs, and essays on African sculpture are turned out each year. [4] From time to time major exhibitions of African sculpture are witnessed by the public in all the artistic centres of Europe and &'1lerica.

In Britain, in there have been no less than sixty major exhibitions of African sculpture since the beginning of this centur'Y. There rune over fifty private and public museums and galleries in Britain that have SUbstantial collections of African sclupture, (see Appendi.x III). No less than ten British artists, critiCS, decorative artists and so on have collected sculpture since 1912 to the present. It is impossible and needless to be statistical about numerous private individual collectors allover Britain.

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The appreciation of the vitality of ,African sculpture in Britain had never been too late as Sir Michael feared. Britain can boast of scholars with deep 'insight' into African sculpture in the persons of i'lHliam Fagg, r-:lalcolm HcLeod, David Attenborough, Sir Herbert Read, Sir Kenneth Clark, Frank vlillet, Michael himself and others, whose appreCiations are often cited. The salesrooms in Britain are witnessing , and recording high prices and an increasing interest in prtmitive art, African and Oceanic sculpture in particular. London is the indisputable centre of the primitive market although New York is now the centre of American Indian objects. There are about 16 major sales of African and Oceanic sculptures in London every year. [5]

The leadership of Britain in this area is not fortituous. In the first place, Britain ''las a colonial pm'ler that had the most extensive trade links with several parts of fl£rica and by these links many ar'tefacts found their l'lay into Britain. In the second place, the leadership can also be attributed to the responsibility of a fevl British artists, critics and dealers who developed an aesthetic interest in African sculpture, admired, imitated, collected and evolved it, then developed a nevI connoisseurship in regard to it.

Paradoxically, since the discovery of African sculpture at the beginning of this century with its influence on Western art, its aSSOCiation with British art and artists in the process of modernization has not been stUdied. This phenomenon has been related to the French and German artists in PariS, l:'lunich and Dresden.

Of the several publications on African art only few included material on the relation of it to modern art. Robert Goldwater's Prim). tivism in Modern Art [6], is the most ci ted study in this area. It discussed the historical and aesthetic problems brought by

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African and Oceanic art on modern painting, and related these problems to the French and German artists. It also discussed the influence on the works of Epstein, Gaudier-Brzeska and Henry Noore as modern artists and not as representatives of the British school; except Epstein whose relation to Vorticism was mentioned in passing. The most recent publication "Primitivism" in 20th Century Art[7], edited by William Rubin, discussed the influences of many primitj.ve arts on 20th century artists in general, from Gauguin to Moore. African influence on Italian paitings, French, German and American art were also discussed excluding British art.

The reluctance of writers to discuss the crucial role of African sculpture on the British art scene could be attributed to the fact that the influence on British art is not a neatly self-defined phenomenon and great effort is needed to look into incidents that helped to realize it. For instance, the two Post-Impressionist exhibitions in London, the Pre-"lar conditions of art and the sudden and unprecedented prominence given to sculpture. And many writers on African and Oceanic influences seemed less concerned about them. The difficulties of analysing the complexity of British modern art in their essays has been epitomised by some writers. For example, Bryan Robertson stated: liThe difficulties of British painting during the twenties and the thirties are too complex to analyse definitely here ••• II [8]

There are other reasons for overlooking the role of the British school. The British were late to develop interest in African sculpture and were influenced by it at the time its impact on the continental artists, critics and 'iv-riters \Vas less dramatic. [9] In general the French were inspired by the formal quality of African sculpture and evolved Cubism, while the Germans were inspired by the sentimental impact of it and invented the Expressionism. [10] These approaches are distinct and

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separate the two schools in the study of African influence on European art. The British were inspired by the formal quality after the French, but did not invent any African inspired movement to distinguish them. Another reason is that the British sculptors were prominently and for a longer period, influenced by African sculpture. But in the cases of the French and the Germans it was the painters. This seemed to be a disadvantage to the British because many writers on the subject concentrated on painting while sculpture was only occasionally mentioned. These reasons have more or less created the impression that the artistic scene in Britain was altogether barren of interest in African sculpture and its influence, although more went on in London than is often acknmvledged. Britain deserves in this area to be appreciated in terms of its own development in modern art.

This thesis seeks to investigate: how African sculpture has influenced the 20th century British artists between 1910 and 1930; to the what extent the artists influenced understood the conceptual foundation of African wood sculpture and if there is any need for such understanding in regard to the artistic development of the British artists.

The problems are: (i) To identify the formal qualities that characterised African sculpture which can be seen in the works of the British artists influenced by African sculpture. (ii) To identify the conceptual foundations and to see how and why the influenced British artists became interested in it and of what use it was to their development. (iii) To identify the problems aroused by the influence and to categorise the influence that affected the British artists.

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The research is limited to 1910 and 1930 since this was the period of struggle for British artists to bring their- 1rlOrk to the level of those of their contemporaries in Europe, and it was the period in which the influence of African wood sculpture occured. After the 1930s the influence began to recede as a result of total establishment of or representational traditions which had been accepted in all variations as true means of expression; and the influence had been absorbed into the fabric of the history of modern art. The research is also limited to African wood sculpture and will not consider sculptures in stone, metals, ivory, terra cotta and other materials except for reference and except composite sculptures in which wood had been largely combined with other materials. It is difficult to deal with date of production and individual artists in regard to early African 1vood sulptures because most of them "Jere works of anonimity and the early collectors had no significant knmvledge of their production. Only very few of the wood carvings knmvn to us today are more than 150 years old and the majority are considered less. Generally African wood sculptures were shortlived in a tropical climate and in use. But in the case of the influence the dating can be limited to African wood sculptmnes that found their way into private and public museums and collections from 1800 to the 1920s in Europe, Britain, and tunerica that had been seen by the British artists directly or indirectly through illustrations. The actual ages of production of the sculpture and who produced them do not matter in the study of their influence but it is the date of their acquisition in Europe, Britain and America, and their provenance in Africa which matter. The research does not seek to establish the tribes in Africa whose sculptures influenced the British artists most because artists themselves ,,[ere not concerned with tribal styles and this is an independent study which is beyond the scope of this research.

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The term African wood sculpture in this research refers to wood carvings of Africa, south of the Sahara, just below latitude 20 North of the Equitor including Madagascar, (see Hap 1), that conformed to ideas and practices established as valid to customs and beliefs of the African. The carvings therefore strongly adhered to styles, forms and functions determined by customs and beliefs. They are wood sculptures produced in the period long before European contacts with Africa and several decades after the contacts where European influence had not affected them due to the fast and unprecedent acculturation of the African continent. of these sculptures are found in European, British, American, Russian and African museums and galleries. Large numbers of them are also found in private collections allover the world. They are the works seen physically or through photographs and appreciated by the European and the British artists. Other terms used historically to imply African wood sculpture are: "Negro art"; "Negro sculpture"; "African Negro art"; "African art"; "Black African art"; "Tribal art"; "Traditional tribal art"; and "Primitive art". Although many of these terms are unSUitable terminology, it is not necessary to redefine them here but they will be used in a context of African wood sculpture. On the other hand the term African art shall be used in broader sense to cover architectural decorations, design works, pottery, jewellery, textile and other African artefacts. For the matter of simplicity the term African sculpture shall be used throughout this thesis.

The term Primitive art will be used in broader sense to cover sculptures of Africa, Pacific Islands, North Indians, Eskimos, etc.

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Conceptual foundation is a term that refers to the concepts that formed the basis of African art. The concepts refer to factors like meaning, form, style, motivation or inspiration, aspiration and functions which determined the goals and manifestations of artistic expressions which in turn culminate in the cultural totality or complex.

The procedure here is to use the most up-to-date names if

Due to several field studies of African art tribal names have changed. possible.

The first assumption in this research is that there are visible influences of African sculpture on some 20th century British artists. The second is that the British artists influenced by African sculpture did not initially understand the conceptual foundation of African sculpture although in the later years their writings reflected a limited contextual meaning of the sculpture. They were irrelevant to their critical studies of the formal qualities and their modern artistic development. The third and final assumption is that the extent and nature of the influence can be determined through the study of works, pronouncements, writings, and publications of and on some 20th century British ffi1 tists and critics.

The paintings and sculptures of the British artists that show African influence are studied in comparison with the African sculptures that are supposed to influenced them. Examination of brief but revealing explanations and views on African sculpture and the subtle revelations of methods and meanings of the artists are made. The first four chapters deal with the factors that contributed to the manifestation of the influence. The last three chapters consider three British sculptors as case studies. The first chapter deals with the analysiS of the formal qualities of African sculpure. It establishes

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the generalised formal characteristics that interested the British artists and influenced their drawings, paintings, sculptures and tastes. The second chapter states how the British artists became interested in the conceptual foundations of fl£rican sculpture. It explains these foundations by discussing the motivations, functions, purposes and sometimes the meanings of the works and explains to what extent these foundations were understood by the British artists and how little they were related to their artistic development. In this chapter P£rican sculptures in many museums in Europe and the United States of America are cited to illustrate points. This does not mean that the British artists had seen them. Chapter three deals with how African sculpture was introduced into Britain and how the ethnographic and the aesthetic interests were developed in it. It examines how it came to influence the works and tastes of British artists. Chapter four discusses the artistic problems posed by the influence, the misunderstanding of the term influence. It examines some previous definitions of the term and then redefines as well as outlining types of influence that affected the British artists. Chapter five discusses the passionate and obsessive approach of Jacob Epstein to African sculpture, his interest, writing and collection of it. And how his drawings and sculptures were influenced by it. Chapter six discusses the experimental approach to African sculpture by Gaudier-Brzeska, and hmv and to what extent his sculpture and drawings and taste were inlfuenced. Chapter seven deals with how Henry Moore derived his inspiration from African sculpture and how it influenced his works and then led him to other forms of SCUlpture.

Although this research does not claim to exhaust the study of the subject it will hopefully serve as documentary evidence of the influence of African sculpture on 20th century British artists. As a body of

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knmvledge the result of this research will be useful to other researchers in Art History, anthropology and other related fields of knowledge.

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FORMAL ANALYSIS OF AFRICAN SCULPTURE

African sculpture is usually approached in terms of its purely formal or plastic characteristics and the way they have been organised. For instance J.J. &,eeney considered that the plastic qualities manifested in African sculpture were unrivalled:

It is not the tribal characteristics of Negro art nor its strangeness that are interesting. It is its plastic qualities. Picturesque or exotic features as well as historical and ethnographical considerations have a tendency to blind us to its true worth... It is the vitality of Negro art that shOUld speak to us, the simplification without impoverishment, unerring emphasis on the essential, the consistent three-dimensional organization of structural planes in architectonic sequences, the uncompromlslng truth to material... The art of Negro Africa is a sculptor's art ••• It is as sculpture we should approach it.[1]

&veeney epitomises the way British and European avant-garde artists approached African sculpture as SCUlpture. It was the formal characteristics which attracted and influenced them and sustained their visual interest. They were not initially interested in the subject matter nor any ideological content that African art possessed. It was a few years later that some of the artists began to develop interest in these areas. By analysing the basic qualities of African art, (the forms, surface treatment, and organisation), it is possible to understand and indentify the nature of the visual stimulus that the avant-garde experienced. Yet some scholars are still uncertain as to how far the formal aspect can be separated from the content of African sculpture or primitive art in general for a meaningful aesthetic appreciation. Eckart von Sydow believed that, "to separate the object from its social significance, from its ethnic role, to see and look for aesthetic side alone is to remove from these specimens of Negro art

CHAPTER 1
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their sense, their singnificance and the reason for their existence."[2]

This Chapter concentrates on the formal aspects since initially it was only these that interested the avant-garde. As William Fagg, one of the foremost authorities in the field of African art, confirmed when he wrote: "What interested and influenced the 20th century avant-garde was the pure form of African carvings; they knew nothing of the meaning of the forms, of their content of their belief, and cared less, for among their revolutionary purposes was the liberation of form from content in art."[3J

The formal analysis here is based upon selective generalization arrived at from the author's observation of African sculptures in museums in Britain, and from the results of field-studies by other writers. Some writers are reluctant to make general statements about African sculpture because it is so diversified and covers such a vast area which according to them is not homogenous. For example Andre Terisse argued that, "it is very difficult to classify or to generalise in the domain of African art."[4] Other writers, such as Werner Gillon believed that in spite of the stylistic diversity there are certain common characteristics in the treatment of forms and masses in most African sculptures, wherever it originated.[5J Fagg also accepted generalisation in African sculpture on broader terms in relation to art in general. [6]

African sculpture largely consists of human figures and masks; comparatively few animal were carved. The formal analysis of the human figure is divided into two sections: - Major Forms (the head, the neck and torso, and the limbs); Minor Forms (the eyes, nose, lips, ears, the female breasts, the navel, the forearms, the fingers and toes, the buttocks, and the male and female genitals.)

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African figural sculpture .vas alvTays divided into three parts and the most striking characteristics of the figure is the disproportionately large head. This usually forms one-third of the total height of the figure. For instance, the Female Figure, FIG.1.1, Baluba, Zaire, acquired by the British Museum in 1910, has a large head vlhich is approximately one-third of the total height of 18ins. (46cm). This intriguing and unusual proportion is known as 'Reducing Proportion', 'Diminishing proportion', 'Proportion of Significance', or 'African proportion'. In his analysis Jan Vansina explained that the head forms one-third or one-quarter of the total height of many African figural sculputres. He illustrated this with a diagram, FIG.1.2, which is based on Louis Perrois's analysis of over two hundred Fang statues. [7] The numbers in the vertical order the percentages of the parts to the whole figures. In accordance with thiS, it has been argued by iHllet that, in general, sculptors traditionally began by carefully dividing the block of wood to be carved into separate sections which would eventually represent the head, body, and legs. Hence these proportions deliberately established at the outset. Robert Hottot first observed this as early as 1906, although his work was only published posthumously in 1956.[8] FIG.1.3 shows the various stages of carving: Diagram 1 represents the cylindrical log of wood to be carved; Diagram 2 shows the first stage of cutting away of the round surface to give the vlOod flat planes to make it more stable and easieln to grip as it is worked by the sculptor siting on the ground or on a low stool. One end is held in one hand the other end stands on the ground. The tool is held in the free hand. Sometimes the wood is worked on the ground on its side, where it \vould roll around out of control if it vias not cut into planes.

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In Diagram 3 the block is divided into sections establishing the proportions. The three brackets and the corresponding sets of numbers indicate the three primary divisions and proportions. The horizontal lines indicated by the second, fourth and fifth arl"OV1S represent the secondary scorings which guide the carver to fit the various parts of the body into the format of the wood; Diagrams 4 and 5 ShOVl the wood rudimentarily shaped in accordance with various parts of body, while Diagram 6 shmis the completed figure. [9] The practice of giving figures large heads is often attributed to the fact that the African regarded the head as the seat not only of intellect but also of the emotions. The sculptor stressed its importance by exaggerating its size. Leon Underwood explained that, "The head, regarded as the seat of all human wisdom, is a symbol the meaning of which, in Europe, belongs to the heart. ,,[ 1 0] There are a feo,r exceptions to this general rule vlhere the proportions of the heads to the bodies are in the ratio of 1:5 for example in the Female Figure, and even 1:12 as in the Staff, Mbuun, (See FIG.1.4)

Apparently thepe is no specific established shape for the head which is common to all African sculpture. The head may be egg-shaped, conical, pyramidal, oval or squarish. In some cases the treatment of the hair makes the head larger and defines the form. FIG. 1.5 illustrates examples of different head types. They are all geometriC in shape, ie. they are all based on cones, spheres, half spheres, cubes, pyramids, or combinations of these (eg. FIG.1.5E) Another common feature is the prominence given to the forehead i'lhich may protrude dramatically in a dome-like sweep or form a horizontal shelf-like overhang as in FIG.1.5E. Often the prominent forehead gives a prominent concave profile to the face as in FIG.1.5C.

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Generally speaking there are two types of faces in African sculpture, namely, the concave and the convex faces. In the concave faces the dome-like foreheads and the depressed bridge of the noses form a'S' curve in the profile, while the shelf-like overhang forms a 'C' curve. In the convex face the sweep of the forehead continues downwards with the nose without any depressions forming a bow. (See FIG.1.5D)

Douglas Fraser, Lavachery, Perrois, and Hans Himmelheber have all observed that the two types are equally common and can be found in the same tribe and place. Himmelheber stated: "Probably no tribe is destined by nature or by some inherent aesthetic to carve in one manner and not in the other(sic)."[11] As an example he cited the Senufo, whose works are generally concave, but who occasionally produce convex pieces. He identified three geographical regions where the concave tendencies predominated: the Sudan (the Senufo, Bambara, and Bobo tribes); the area between the Lower Congo and the Ogowe Rivers (the Bakota, Pangve, Bapende, Bakwele, and Ossyeba tribes); and the Eastern Congo (the 11bole, Hetoko, Balega, Babembe, and Baluba tribes). Yet he also emphasised that in these regions there were tribes producing convex pieces. For instance in the western Sudan, the ¥asage, Pumi, Benjabi produce convex 'ivorks. Outside these regions both tendencies equally common. Map 2 shows the Regional Distribution of Concave and Convex Faces. 11ap 3 gives more detailed positions of the tribes. Fraser and Lavachery linked the concave tendencies to the survival of the oldest Black Cultures, the 'paleonigritique' [12] Fraser explained that 'paleonegritique' is an African prehistoric culture of the Neolithic period often referred to as Hegalithic tradition which is 5,000 years old. This tradition is similar to those of Europe, Hiddle East and Asia. He therefore observed that the concave motif is in several art styles of these periods and traditions. He cited examples

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of Hegalithic ivory figurines with concave faces excavated near Beersheba in Palestine, in Scandinavia and in the Urals of Russia in comparison with two wooden grave effigies excavated in South Ethiopia now in the Sammlung flir Volkerkunde, University of Zurich. [13]

Another characteristic of the face that has been by some writers is the 'heart-shape'. The term 'heart-shaped face' was coined by Paul Wingert. [14] Elsy Leuzinger described the face as having I high-arched eyebrows, s,V'eeping outward across the temple and cheeks, and meeting at the mouth'. [15] Fraser considered it a complex idea that runs through African sculpture and elaborated:

••• the face is shown as a smooth depression or concave face which extends from the under side of the eyebrows to the vicinity of the mouth. Within the heart-shaped plane, the nose appears in a relief as a downward extension of the forehead and the eyes as raised oval shapes.[16]

Edna Bay divided the heart-shaped faces into six types, (see FIG. 1.6). In the first type, the strong arch of the eyebrows ends in a pointed or rounded or rectangular chin. This shape is commonly found among the works of the Bakota, Mpongwe, and Fang tribes; the Baga, Senufo, Baule and Kissi in the west; Ibibio, Ibo, Ijaw, and Ijala in South Nigeria; Bapende, Ndugu, Balega, Bene Lulua, Balubu, and Bakuba in Zaiere; Ometo in Ethiopia; Zaramo, Yakonde and Zulu in the east and south. In Type 2, the heart-shape ends in the upper or lower lips, ie. the lower or the upper lip forms the base of the heart shape; for example a Bala'lele mask 't'lhere the heart shape ends in the upper lip, (see FIG.1.7A); and a Bakete mask with the lower lip forming the base of the heart shape, (FIG.1.7B). Figures and masks with the heart-shape ending in the lower lip are less common and often found among the Fang, Barega, and the Makonde. Those with the heart shape ending in the the upper

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lips are common to the Baule, Afo, Ibibio, Ekoi, lbo, Ometo. In Type 3, the archs of the brows meet the rectilinear edges of the cheeks which formed a V-shape. This is common among the Bakete, Barega, Bapende, and Bakuba. In the fourth type the concave plane of the face is very shallow. The intersection of this plane and the planes of the jaws forms a rounded ridge, unlike the sharp ridges of types 1 and 2 faces. It is frequently found among the Baule, Guro, Fang, Dan, Bapunu, Baluba, 11akonde, Balumbo, Bapende, Basuku and Senufo. In Type 5, the brows descend in steep diagonals to meet the edges of the cheek and form a diamond-shape enclosing the concave plane of the face. This is common among the Barega, Dogon, Baga, Bakota, Baluba, and Ngombe. Type 6 is characterised by a straight and strongly emphasised forehead which overhangs the lower face, replacing the arched brows. The chin can be either rounded or pointed, but the face is often elongated. Although this type hardly looks heart shaped, Professor Bay considers it to be an adaptation of the long shape of Type 1. It is common among the Toma, Dogon, Bobo, Mende, Baga, Bambara, Malinke, Senufo, Dan Ngere, Ijaw, Ibibio, Bakota, lbo, Ngumba and Duma. Type 1 and 2 are the most common and Wide-spread, while Type 5 is the least common, (see r1ap 4). Apparently, the concave and the heart-shaped characteristics are inseparable. Their meaning and functions are still obscure. Fraser thought that the origin of the concave trait might be at least fifteen hundred years old, from the time of the beginning of the migrations by the Bantu-speaking peoples whose ancestral roots lie in Nigeria. [17]

Owing to the emphatic use of geometric shapes, planes, and sharp and rectilinear edges the face is often devoid of emotional expressions such as joy or anger. The face is mute and impersonal and this invokes a feeling of tranquility (perhaps induced by a trance-like state), serenity and dignity. These characteristics were to remind or

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reassure the African of the peace and har'ID.ony the physical and the spiritual world which necessary for his survival. [18] However, there are some sculptures that display rather threatening features: glaring eyes and rows of aggressive teeth revealed through square or oval mouth, (see FIG.1.8). Perhaps they were to invoke a sense of fear or humour in the onlooker.

In spite of the generally stylised treatment of facial features in African sculpture there is some evidence that there have been attempts to carve portrait statues or portrait masks among the Bushongo, Baluba and the Baule. These are, not portraits in the European sense, intended to convey a reasonably accurate likeness of a specific person at a particular moment. African portraits are conceptual, not visual, representations of the individuals. In other "lOrds they have the same formal characteristics as other sculpted figures but with the difference that they are commemorated to, or associated with specific individuals. The examples most frequently cited are the Baluba figures or Ndobs, which commemorated the kings of the Baluba people of Zaire,(see FIG.1.9). The earliest of these been dated to about 1600.[19] The almond shaped eyes with horizontal slits are closed probably to emphasise the repose of the dead king. It shows a huge head; thick cylindrical neck; square shouders; short arms with blunt fingers; and cross-legged posture. Such characteristics are found in other figural sculptures except perhaps the cross-legged posture.

The Baule portraits also depicted imaginary individuals living in the ancestral world or heavens, to elicit their protection for the living owners. They were associated with the Baule belief that every human being lived in Heaven before they "Iere born. Since the earthly spouse was not necessarily the heavenly spouse, the latter might appear in a dream. Then the heavenly spouse was described to the sculptor who

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made the portrait. [20] Such portraits were characterised by the heart-shaped motif, sl it eyes, long narrO',i inverted ! T I shaped noses, pursed lips, rounded chins, and dome-shaped foreheads. The cheeks, the temples, the necks and at times the chins were decorated vlith cicatrices in 10Vl relief. These were tribal marks of identification which have now lost their meaning.

The second section of the African sculpted figures comprises the neck and torso. The neck is often cylindrical and elongated; it seems to be the extension of the torso '-lith relation to the thickness of it. In other words the thickness of the torso often determined the thickness of the neck. This trait is well depicted in FIG.l.l0 Standing r-hle Figure, Basongye, Zaire, in the British Huseum since 1908. The torso is often cylindrical with occasional bulges at the front as in FIG.l.l0, or at the left and right sides, giving it slightly conical or pyramidal effect. These bulges sometimes were to facilatate holes in the torso in which magical substances were stuffed. In such cases they are described as Fetish Figures. The Female Figure, Dogon, FIG.l.l1, acquired by the in 1906, shows an unusual type of torso that is flattened on both sides. This is a common feature of the ancestor figures of the Dogon.

The Lmier limbs form the shortest section of the body; the thighs and legs are short and often thick, the feet are broad and either flat or pyramidal. Guillaume observed: "Such legs and feet are characteristic plastically like stability. It [21] of nearly all sculpture ••• They function the base of a pyramid to serve fundamental

Besides the structural significance of flat or broad or pyramidal feet as a support and balance to the figure, Fagg suggested that it symbolised man's faith in a stable universe and his intimate relation to Hother Earth. [22]

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The knees are often bent to give a zig-zag impression to the lower part of the body. Andreas Lommel assumed that this was derived from squating figures but the actual origin and meaning were unknown to him. [23] Ladislas Segy interpreted the bent-knee as a restrained posture and therefore called it 'latent motion'. [24] There are, however, several African \'looden figures with relatively straight legs. A Female Figure, Hende, (FIG.1.12, which was acquired by the British Nuseum in 1908), from Sierra Leone has straight long legs but disproportionately small, short, and weak arms. The figure is blackened and it is used by the Yassi, a society devoted to the art of magical healing. It is supposed to trasmit the wishes of the spirits through the medium of the shaman priestesses. [25] The head is approximately one-sixth of the height46.25ins (117.5cm). The unusual proportion Cnot of the usual African proportion) and the straight legs of this figure cannot be attributed to its magical significance.

The Hinor forms or secondary anatomical features such as the eyes, the nose, the breasts, the toes and fingers, the navel, the buttocks the genitals, etc., can be considered to be the most expressive parts of African figures and masks. As well as expressing mass and volume, they are also sometimes decorated with symbolic details, the significance of most of which are obscure.

Eyes carved in an immense variety of forms. They may be incised or projecting almond shapes, coffee beans, or mere horizontal slits either straight or curved, and or sometimes they are gouged out like craters. In some masks and a few figures, the eyes are square, rectangular or diamond shaped holes. Sometimes they project in high relief as cylinders, cubes, pyramids, and cones. They may be tiny or disproportionately huge, close together or wide apart.

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FIG.1.13 illustrates different Eye Types:- Type Al, is a raised lozenge shaped eye with a dot for the pupil; A2 has incised lozenge shape eyes. Type B shows almond shape eyes (B1 is concave, B2 is convex). Type C shows slit eyes: diagonal slits, horizontal slits, and curved slits. Type D are conical projections. Some have pointed ends and others rounded tips. Others are prisms. Type E represents the pierced eyes: round, square and cut out horizontally or vertically. Type F are cylindrical eyes without holes and with holes like tubes. [26] Type G consists of eyes represented by other materials such as seeds, metal discs, shells or pebbles. For instance G1 shows eyes represented with cowry shells. All of these varieties of eye shapes are found among the works of all the different tribes.

The nose may be thin or thick, long or short; a triangle, an inverted 'T' or a rectangular block. In most cases the nose represents the continuation of the forehead. In concave faces the nose is dramatically depressed at the bridge. FIG.1.14 shows the different Nose Types:- A is a pointed and up turned nose which is commonly found on Bayaka and Basuku figures and masks. It is usually described as the nose of Cyrano by some writers. [27] Type B is a long triangular nose in high relief. Triangular noses are the commonest type of nose found generally in African SCUlptures. Type C is a huge projection with the base shaped like an arrow head. It is common to Baga SCUlpture. It is believed to symbolise the phallus, fertility and fecundity. [28] Type D, the inverted 'T' shaped nose is common among the Baule. Type E, is used by the Basuku, Baluba, Bakuba and Yoruba. Type F is the long and sharp ridge nose which anticipates Modigliani's sculptures and was used by the Dogon, Guro, Senufo and Baule.

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Other features shOiv an equal range. The mouth could be oval, almond, or diamond shaped, rectangular tube, (see FIG.1.15, eight-shaped or Mouth Types). even a circular or The ears often carved as horse-shoe, saucer, or cup shaped, (see FIG.1.16). The arms may be straight or curved cylinders; attached or detached from the torso. The way in which the arms are joined to the torso makes the shoulders square and vital, or rounded and drooping. The hands are usually less carefully treated with tube-like and blunt fingers, although among the Bajokwe of Angola, the hands and feet are carved with great care and detail, the finger and toe nails, (see FIG.1.17, A Figure, Bajokwe). It represents the ancestral hunter and warrior Chibinda Ilungu holding his gun and staff in hands and ,vearing an elaborate hat of a chief. The size of the hands and feet suggest physical strength and endurance. Their elaboration emphasises their importance to a warrior and hunter. [29] The arms may be raised above the shoulders to support an object placed on head as in caryatids.

The female breasts are usually depicted as large or small cones which are placed high on the collar bones, at right angles to the body. They may also be spherical or cylindrical thrusting horizontally or downwards. Sometimes they are represented as by the inverted two sides of a triangle in high relief, (see FIG.1.18). The navel is often represented with a small or a large plug or cone, or even a small rounded form like a boil. It generally expresses the link betiveen man and his physical and spiritual origin and his unshakable attachment to nature. [30]

The buttocks are usually rendered as masses jutting out to counterbalance the thrusting breasts and the slightly bulging stomach at the front. The backvlards thrust of the buttocks sometimes creates a strong curve at the back of the torso.

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The male and female organs are sometimes exaggerated and shown in an uninhibited way. The penis, for instance, may be elongated to the level of the knee or the shin. It may also be a roughly shaped, horizontal, diagonal or downward pointing appendage. The testicles are less prominently represented, usually being shown as two small balls attached to the sides of the penis at the base between the thighs, (see FIG.1.19). The scrotum sack occasionally as a hernia. In the first three figures of FIG.1.19 the penis is elongated and it is almost as thick as the legs. The position and size of the penis in relation to the body and the legs were determined by aesthetic and material considerations. A penis of such length and size would easily break off in wood if positioned horizontally, and it would also introduce a strong element of horizontality which would break the vertical rhythm of the figure. The exaggeration is often adjusted to the overall structure of the statue. In the female figure the pubic triangle is emphatically broad and occasionally covered with cicatrices as seen in FIG.1.1. The vagina itself is at times represented by or inverted little isosceles triangle, a vertical slit or an apperture. It is sometimes rendered open in an attempt to show the internal details. The clitoris and the libia are sometimes seen grossly protruding and parted in the middle. FIG.1.20 shows a figure with a protruding sexual organ with cicatrices covering the pubis and the stomach and hands resting on flat triangular breasts. FIG.1.21 shows a vertical slit representing the sexual organ and small conical breasts; FIG.1.22 shows a figure with a small triangle for the vagina; and FIG.1.23 shows a female rider carrying a huge bowl. Her vagina is a large round and deep hole. The overt display of the sexual organs is an acknowledgement of their procreative powers. Such figures were associated with fertility rites, and were not directly aimed at sensuality or eroticism. [31] R.H.Wilenski stressed:

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There was sexual meaning in Negro sculpture but not sensual meaning. Even making the maximum allowance for the known and presumed differences between the white man's and the black man's erotic, it seems impossible to assume that the caressibility was a character that the negro sculptors were mainly concerned with in their rendering of the naked human body. [32]

There are androgynous or hermaphrodite figures which show the male and the female attributes Simultaneously, (eg. combining female breasts with a peniS, see FIG.1.19A). Ladislas Segy pointed out that these figures did not "indicate hermaphrodites as we might think" but he believed that they "re-emphsise the fertility concept." [33] There are also figures that shmv no sexual elements at all, (see FIG.l.24A). Most of these were meant to be partially covered with magical substances like mud and other objects as seen in FIG.1.24B and C. Thus there t-las no need to indicate their sex.

African sculpture is characterised by frontality and The head and the body are almost always directed to the front without the slightest turn to the right or left. Exceptions do occur. For example

FIG.l.l0, illustrates a male figure with a ram's horn inserted into the top of the head which is turned to the left. R.L.Rogers attributed the frontality and symmetry to the axis of the cylindrical trunk of ivood from which the sculptures vI ere carved. [34] Yet African sculptures ir: brass, bronze, iron, terra cotta and stone are also frontal and symmetrical. Leuzinger argued that it was a stylistic feature and that it would be wrong to thiru( that the repose and harmony (ie. frontality and symmetry) of African sculpture derived from the fact that it was carved from a single block of cylindrical wood. He thought it derived from a successful correlation of curves, planes, and cubes, of depreSSions and elevations, vihich had been well conceived by the carver. He explained that while carving the carver turned his iwod 'round and

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round, examining it from all angles with an eye to true forms'. [35J This, he believed, led to a greater concentration of form and stylistic features like symmetry and frontality and the others. In a symmetrical figure or mask the left and the right sides of a central vertical line are mirror reflections of the other. There are few asymmetrical masks and figures, found among the tribes in Cameroon, Congo, and Angola. Joseph Cornet pointed out that the Congo artists were less obedient to the law of frontality than most other primitive sculptors. His belief that, "It is possible that European influence them to interpret their subject in this ''lay, although the actual execution conformed to African taste," is highly debatable. [36]

Generally speaking, dynamism is lacking in African sculpture, al though the Bangvle of Cameroon did attempt to portray movement in their dancing figures. For instance in FIG.1.25, a king and a queen are engaged in rhythmic turning and crouching movements. The king, wearing a huge crown, necklace and anklets, holds his pipe in the left hand. The queen holding a bell in her left hand, part of her right arm is broken off. She has a little scallop hair style on the top of her head and five rings around the neck. She also wears a necklace. Her mouth is open showing rows of triangular teeth to indicate singing. Her breasts are huge shapes and downward pointing. Hovement is felt in the two figures through the crouching and slightly turning postures. This is more obvious in the body of the queen whose head is turned from the axis to the left and upvlard. The twist in the body of the l<:ing is felt in the left shoulder' which is slightly higher and pushed fort-Jards. The two figures suggest of movement in a way rar-ely attempted in African SCUlpture.

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Afr'ican sculptures are characterised more by gestures than by movement. Figures have hands clasped to the chin or on chest, hands resting on the thighs or the stomach, or holding in front of the body in supplication. In female figures hands hold or support the breasts. Figures are usually depicted in a limHed of poses. Both the male and the female are posed Sitting, squatting, kneeling and standing with both legs parallel. The way a person stands in African societies indicates his or her personality. Proper stance, that is standing straight and firm, symbolises life, strength, and nobility. The carved female figure, with the hands supporting the breasts, related to many beliefs such as the blessings and acceptance of ,vomanhood, inherent maternal goodness implying generOSity and protection for the social group. A female figure with the hands on the stomach might represent pregnancy and the protection of life. Both male and female figures standing with the hands parallel to the body indicated readiness to hear the supplicant and to act. A kneeling figure might symbolise an act of greeting, a request for a favour or for forgiveness from the elders. Seated figures symbolised responsible deliberation for the good of the community.

The surfaces of the masks and figures reveal marks of the tools or are smooth. They are generally dyed or coloured or treated "lith palm oil, gums, resins, camvlOod (ie. the red powder of pterocarpus or camwood tree), and sacrificial blood. Simple earth and vegetable pigments were used for colouring, such as red tukula (povldered cam-wood); r'ed and yellOlv ochres; kaolin for white; soot for black; and indigo. Traces of commercial 'tvashing blues have been found on some old Yoruba works by Leon who traced it to the Rickett's commercial blue which was an early aJ. ticle of trade on the 1rJest coast of Africa. [37] The application of several different colours to one

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sculpture is fairly common, especially among the Yoruba and the Dogon.

Colours are often used to enhance the plastic qualities of the sculptures, yet they also have certain ethnic meaning. 1.J'hite, for instance, symbolises but it also represents the spirit world and is sometimes referred to as 'ghost-colour'. The Yo rub a associate blue or indigo with the sky god Olurum, the owner of the heavens, and apply it to the heads, hair and headdress of the SCUlptures. [38] the Ashanti gold or yellO\v represents wealth and power, while green symbolises abundance and hope. Red is generally associated with life giving energy.

The surfaces of the sculpture are sometimes covered cicatrices in relief, or with incised or painted striations of short or long lines either arranged diagonally or vertically. Frequently incised geometriC patterns, of triangles, lozenges, circles and other shapes were used. Occasionally, the surfaces are decorated with other materials like human and animal hair, seeds, cowry shells and coloured beads. For instance, Bamileke cover the entire sculptures with little cylindrical beads of different colours in particular patterns. The Bakota nailed copper strips with striations embossed on them, to part of their reliquery sculptures. Gold-leaf and silver sheets were also used among the Ashanti to coveln some sculptures.

The sculptures are characterised by abrupt transitions between the forms and volumes. Each major part of the figure or mask seems to have been produced separately as a self-contained formal entity producing abrupt changes of planes. There is rarely any continuous flow of one form into another to create soft and smooth joints partly because of the geometriC nature of the forms. For example a triangle or rectangular nose placed on the concave or convex plane of the face will inevitably

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produce angular joints. Similarly, a cylindrical neck on square shoulders also creates a harsh angularity. There are, sculptures that show the use of gentle flowing joints at certain parts, as in the hips of the Baluba Female figures in FIG.1.1, and FIG.1.20.

Distortions have a particular signifiance in African sculpture. Helville emphasised African sculpture t s "ruthless distortion of human and animal forms."[39] Albert Barnes compared such distortions with those in ancient Egyptian and Chinese art, but emphassised: "In Negro sculpture, however, the body is altered more freely and extensively \vith the resulting achievement of a greater wealth of striking and different rhythms."[40]

There are three kinds of distortions in African sculpture. The first type involves changes in the relative size of the different parts of the anatomy, for example, the enlargement of the head; unusual figural proportions; the exaggeration of the minor anatomical elements such as the penis or the nose, (see FIG.1.19B and FIG.1.14A, Band C, respectively) •

In the second type of distortion the human and animal forms are reduced to geometric or quasi-geometric figures. For example in the Akuaba of the Ashantis, the head is reduced to a disc (in FIG.1.26), the neck and the torso to cylinders, and breasts and the navel to cones. Another example is the Reliquery Figure, Bakota, Zaire, FIG.1.27, where the body is reduced to a diamond shape balanced on a cone, linked to the huge head by a cylinder. The outline of the head formed an egg-shape whose plane is concave. The head is crowned with a circant and is flanked on both sides with flat arched shapes. A cone is attached to each of the horizontal bases of these shapes. The face is covered with

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copper plate into which striations have been hammered. The sex of the Bakota Figures are hard to determine although the crmin and decorations might have originally had some significance which would have clarified this. The third categor7 of distortions is the human-animal form where stylised animal and human forms are harmoniously fused into a composite form. These types of figural sculptures are scarce but fairly common in masks. [41] Ikenga, FIG.1.28, of Yoruba, which were acquired by the British Huseum in 1873, show the front and side views of two such figures. The figures have antelope painted black and gray. The heads in profile are animal-like (ie. the javJ and the mouth protrude like the snout of a calf), but from the front the faces, (eyes, nose and cheeks), look human. The necks are long and The torso of the figure on the left is a rectangular block with the left and right sides covered with rigdes; while the right figure has a cylindrical torso with ridges. Both figures are sucking or smoking pipes. The one on the left is seated on a stool. Another example of such sculptures is the mask vlaniugo of the Senufo, \lThich combines pOirler"ful symbolic animals; such as the chamelion (considered spiritually powerful for its ability to change the colour of its skin), wild boar, buffalo, antelope, crocodile and vulture, (see FIG.1.29).

Melville argued that these distortions were not the result of the primitive will to abstract or the result of any exercise in imagination but were governed by various social functions or usage. [42] Although this may be possibility true in general it ilTould not be incorrect to discuss any of using their imagination. Subsequent field-studies, for instance, by Carl Kjersmeier have suggested that artists did used their imagination. Between November, 1931, and April, 1932, in Kjersmeier's expedition to French vJest Africa, nmv- Mali, he collected over a hundred and fifty different sculptures by the Bambara

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people, including fifty-six antelope masks called Chi wara. Each one was absolutely different from the other and Kjersmeier reported:

had I seen such gift of outstanding variations, so bold an artistic fantasy... In the making of these antelope-masks the fancy of the artists has a free rein and boldness without compare in other Negro art. It is as if each Bambara smith had tried to outdo the other in imagination. From village to village the shapes and the compositions vary ••• [sic]

When I went to Africa I had the theory that the Negro sculpture ivas a tradition art, and that all the masks and figures had been created according to a fixed tradition 'tvhich the tribe laid down to be respected from generation to generation, though naturally with a certain freedom conceded to the gifts and personality of the artist. MY studies in the art of Bambara have convinced me that - like all Negro art this, is an individual and not a collective thing [sic].[43]

African sculpture is monoxylic, which means that it is carved from one piece of '\wod • This has puzzled European writers such as Dmitry Olderogge: "it is difficult to understand how they could simply have carved them out of logs. African scupture is usually carved from one piece of wood without parts being stuck, nailed or wedged on afterwards."[44] This is the case even with very complex sculptures like the Wooden Throne, FIG.1.30, from Bamileke, Cameroon, now in the British Huseum. Elaborately carved, the chair is approximately 3 feet in diameter, and 3 feet 10 inches in height. This throne, according to Rev.F.Christol, who obtained it in the late 1890s from the Cameroons under the French Mandate, was used by a chief when administering justice, or on other specially important occasions. [45J The figures forming the back of the seat represent the chief vlith his wives on 'tvhose heads his hands are resting. The figure on the right holds a bowl and the other holds a horn cup. The length of his arms indicated his authority. The portion belO1iv the seat, and betvleen it and the annular base, is in opemwrk and shows a series of alternate human and conventional elephant's heads, some of which rest on a

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crawling leopard. There are masks of an even more complex composition from one piece of wood. The intricate Epa mask, (FIG.1.31), 54ins high, carved in .Q. 1908, by a traditional Nigerian carver named Bamboye. The helmet-shape mask supports the disc on iv-hich are mounted a chief seated on horseback under an umbrella flanked on both sides by attendants and warriors holding matchets and flintlock. Such masks were painted to pick out the forms and it indeed shows traces of red, blue, and iv-hite.

In a fei'; very exceptional instances parts of the masks or figures were carved separately and put together. An Ogoni mask, (FIG.1.32), has movable jaws, cane teeth and tusks painted white. Vegetable fibres (raffia) are attached to the base of the head. The technique of making parts of the sculpture movable has been attributed to the influence of Arabian and European carpentry. For example Fagg argued that Wooden Figure, (FIG.1.33) "lith moving limbs, collected by Stuhlmann in 1899 vlaS influenced by the Arabs iv-hose presence had been very strong along the whole of the East P£rican coast for many centuries. The Funerary Screen of the Ijo, Nigeria, (FIG.1.34), British Museum, is an example of assembled articulated figures. The Ijo people, according to Fagg, have been long in contact vlith European ships, for they were slave-traders; the development of their funerary screens therefore might derive from their knowledge of European carpentry. [46]

The sculptures were not only carved from single pieces of wood but ,iTere also carved directly, vlithout preparatory models or preliminary sketches on the wood to be (See FIG.1.2 which shows the stages of direct carving). The technique is an analytical operation consisting of cutting away superfluous material until the desired form is exposed. The mental image of the sculptor is immediately concretised in the iwod without being diluted through preliminary studies. This is why many

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African sculpture to be so sure and pure. who observed that these aspects (especially sureness), pervaded the works of African sculpture stated: " ••• nothing appears to be there that should not be added. The work is complete in itself."[47J Andre Salmon agreed that he had no conception of the purity of pieces of Dahomian sculpture although he had an idea of their 'savage beauty'. He, however, stated: "Since 1906 purity has been visible in the black statuary of the Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Senegal and the Pacific Isles." [48J 1rlerner Gillon also emhasised that the purity, simplicity and spontaneity were the marks of the best African SCUlpture. [49]

The technique of direct carving from one piece of wood possibly accounts for the great respect accorded the material. ¥any artists and writers like Henry Noore, Epstein and Stanley Casson have commented on the African sculptor's respect for his material. Casson for instance stated that "the sculptor did not carve ivory as if it Ivere stone or wood as if it were ivory; in his bronze-work he achieved flmling lines, as befitted the nature of the material; and in wood he carved shapes he desired \vithout forgetting that he vIas carving wood."[50]1r]00dis treated within the limit of its physical properties. Generally, the wood was 'tvorked, as far as possible, with the grain, although some details might require vlOrking against the grain. It/ood is fibrous and hard but even the densest woods like ebony and Lignum vitae are not as structurally homogenous as stone or iron. The wood available to the African sculptor ranged from a soft and light wood like the silk-cotton wood, to a hard and dense wood like ebony. Generally, hOvlever, he preferred a medium hard wood like camwood, Sese (Halarrhona wulsbergii), and Ofrumtum (Funtumia elastica) in the ivet or green state, when it was easier and quicker to carve. Sometimes he even soaked vlOod that ivas too dry or seasoned, to moisten it before carving it. The disadvantage of

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this, hOl-lever, was that the completed carving might crack when it dried. Such cracks are visible in some old pieces (eg. FIG. 1. 10). Cracking seldom occured because the wood was chosen after a careful study of it to avoid any natural weak point. Oiling the '1-lood also prevented cracking because it sealed the pores and prevented excessive evaporation of wood

Tt-lo factors determined the choice of ivood for a particular work: the '1v-ood I s physical properties like colour, densi ty, strength and durability derived from the belief that trees were occupied by spirits which gave them their spiritual powers. The efficacy of the power "Iv-as determined by the size and medicinal value of the leaves, bark, seed, fruit and the root of the tree.

Fagg was the first scholar to relate the formal characteristics of African sculpture to mathematics. He did not suggest that the African sculptors i.Jere interested in mathematics or knowledgeable about it, but implied that they seemed to apprehend certain facts of nature which are defined mathematically. He emphasised particuarly the mathematical significance of the curves:

The most important of these is perhaps the curve of grOlv-th, which 'tv-e call the exponential or logarithmic or equiangular Curves of this kind such as the horns of rams and of antelopes, the tusks of elephants and the shells of snails, are among the most obvious manifestations of growth or increase in the African world, and that their significance is not lost upon the priests and the artists is made perfectly plain by the constant use of these excrescences in art, either by actual incorporation (as when a horn of buffalo or duiker antelope is inserted in the head of a Basonge figure) or by carved representation. [51]

Fagg further suggested that the relation between many exaggerations of human and animal features and those features themselves can be explained in terms of exponential co-ordinates. He argued that although the

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exponential curve might not directly be in evidence, it nevertheless supplied the principle of growth which produced the sculptural form.[52] He also explained that although mathematics and its concomitant philosophical concepts did not provide the motivation for African sculpture they may assist Europeans to understand elements of African dynamism.[53] In African sculpture, emphasis is pi aced on the plastic construction, rather than on the anatomical. The structural organisation is based on principles by aesthetic and practical considerations. These features led Kjersmeier to draw a parallel between the inspiration behind the Bambara masks engineering:

A Chi wara Antelope (FIG.1.35) of Bambara, Bali, seems and to epitomise such spatially open forms. The top right hand figure seems to be riding on a kind of a mechanical contraption in space. The lmfer figure on the left seems hoisted up by the arched shape. The kangaroo like creature supported on the thin cylindrical pole suggests a weathercock. The downward sharp pointed form with the saw edge adds dynamism "Thile, the small hollmved cube supporting the vleight suggests lightness. This mask exemplifies the remarkable architectonic qualities often found in African sculptures. FIG.1.36 illustrates one of the intricate milkpots carved in the Swazi in South-Ivest Africa. The jar with its domed lid crowned with an inverted cone is held within an outer structure consisting of four short tubular elements that joined the jar at the neck and base, and which are joined together in the middle by a

These stylised sculptures of the Bambara belong to that form of Negro art which is most appreciated by the generation that saw the beginning of Cubism and Expressionism. These geometric and constructive carvings are like the daring work of engineers, and are born from a spirit analogous to that \vhich has made our century an era of motors and flying machines. [54]

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ring. The ridging that covers the supports and the central vessel enhances this interplay of space and form. Such milkpots were used for milk rituals. Among the Namibians milking was done ceremoniously, and before the milk Ivas used it was stored in such pots and tested by the chief or other authorized persons. These rituals of milking and testing it give VIa blessing to the milk, making it free from any physical and ritual harms, and thereby safe for human consumption. VI [55] Another example of architectonics is found in P£rican caryatid sculptures such as the Bambara Headrest and the Ashanti Stool, (FIGS.1.37 and B). In the Headrest the forms used in enclosing the spaces are vertical and horizontal rectilinears. The of the sculpture is emphatically horizontal. In the stool the .vide arc of the topmost form is repeated in the powerful arms of the caryatid to emphasis the upward thrust and the exponential curve of This is balanced by a downward arc which is described by the bent knees. In this case the downward thrust is checked by the flat horizontal base. The upper runcs are linked to the bottom one by a strong cylindrical torso. The vertical effect of the torso is echoed in the cylindrical hands and the ridged fingers. The strong arched brows echoe the arcs of the knees while the triangular nose echoes the shape of the space between the legs. In both sculptures the caryatids are androgenous figures with flat broad feet.

The geometric quality of African sculpture has been seen as the major contribution to modern art. [56] Although applying geometry to art is not exclusively African, never had geometry been used in so pure and unmodified a form with such consistency and to such an extent as in African sculpture. However, this does not mean that the African sculptor had any more knowledge of geometry than any other race of SCUlptors. His use of it is attributed to the fact that certain of its qualities enhanced his visual representations of certain concepts of

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life.

Geometry in its simplest term is a branch of mathematics that deals with the properties of lines, pOints, solids, and surfaces. There are different types of goemetry, but only three can be applied to the graphic and plastic arts: Plane geometry, Solid geometry, and Descriptive geometry. The great need for order and balance and measure and rhythm in all art calls for a kind of mathematic organisation that reflects these three. The application of geometry to art is either consciously or more often than not instinctive, for an instinctual knowledge of geometry, not as a pure mathematical concept but as a commonsense is "deeply rooted in man". [57]

Plane geometry comprises of flat and curved surfaces bound by regular or irregular outlines. In African sculpture the planes are narrow or broad, horizontal or vertical or slanted, rugged or smoothed to capture or reflect the intensive tropical day light, the strong moonlight or the flames of the camp fires at night. Derain was fascinated by the emphatic use of planes in Atfrican sculpture and remarked in a letter to Vlaminck, Q. 1906: "the forms issue from full outdoor light. This is the thing to which we should pay attention in terms of what, in a parallel way, we can deduce from it."[58J British and European artists itlere influenced by the planes in African sculpture This is seen in the use of broad planes and facetting in works by artists like Jacob Epstein, Henri Gaudier-Brezeska, Picasso, and others.

Solid geometry, concerns three dimensional bodies like cones, cubes, pyramids, cylinders and spheres. Our familiarity ,\'lith these bodies enables us to analyse them in any spatial orientation. This quality is most suitable to the purposes of African sculptures, of which most "Jere used in movement especially the masks.

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The sculpture of numerous tr-ibes provides an extY'aordinary display of solid geomety'y, representing juxtapositions of almost disassociated geometric forms. For instance, the head of a Bagirmi Doll, Chad, (FIG. 1.38) is half a spheroid ,·,hose surface is cover vlith intricate striations and it is symmetrically placed on a cylindrical neck. The body is a cone decorated with linear patterns and a small slit in the centre front represents the vagina. small cones represent the breasts while t1oJO almost rectangular horizontal blocks represent the arms.

At the same time, t1oJO dimensional geometric forms like triangles, circles, squares and polygons are extensivelly used for decorative purposes in African SCUlpture. They had various meanings and gave the sculptures symbolic meaning. For example, the triangle is often used as symbol of fertility by many tribes, especially the Yoruba. The upright isosceles triangle may represent the penis and the testicles, inverted, it represents the vagina. circles symbolise the sun and pOlver and it is called Adinkra hene by the Ashanti. This does not mean, hOlvever, that every little sign possesses a pOvlerful symbolic content. Sometimes such ornamentation is used vJithout thinking of the ancestors and the gods.

Jl.frican sculpture differs in many vlays from primitive sculptures (eg. Oceanic, Eskimo, North kerican Indian and Pre-Columbian), although it shares characteristics like frontality, symmetry, and the bent-knee motif \vith them. African sculpture ,vas the first primitive art to attract the attention of the English avant-garde. Paul Wingert suggested that: "African sculptures could be aesthetically enjoyed independent of their inner qualities of motivation, function, and meaning more easily."[59] He attributed this to the use of geometric forms which universally discernible. Fry had emphasised the clarity

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of lI..fr'ican sculptors did not co-ordinate the most complicated forms as the Hayan artists, in "incoherent luxuriance".[60J In other words the African sculptor did not use a picturesque style of decoration which emphasised demoniac forces while overwhelming the viewer and his formal contemplations, as did the 11alanesian, Polynesian, and Oceanic works. These may be some of the reasons 'i-Thy the African objects in the collections made bet"leen 1906 and 1919 by some artists and connoisseurs outnumbered Oceanic and other objects. [61]

The stylistic diversity of African sculpture is also outstanding. Fagg suggested that the stylistic variety in lI..frican sculpture surpassed European sculpture at any pe:ciod. [62] And Guillaume observed: "In negro masks, unlike those of other peoples, there is rarely an emphasis on exaggerated facial expression. is enough expression to relate the face with salient human experiences, never to approach melodrama."[63J He also pointed out that African sculpture is more diversified than the other art in his catalogue published in 1917.[64] African sculpture is conceived as a whole and not as a of bas-relj.efs placed back to back and loosely intergrated.

These differences may explain why it was less interesting to the Surrealists. As Elizabeth Cowling has suggested: "the surrealists believed that African art "las too terrestrial in its themes, too concerned with rendering the hUBan figure in a more or less realistic way, and "lith beauty and perfection of form." [65 ]

Yet it was these qualities VIhich inspired British ar·tists, as a later commentator wrote:

NoVI, in its aftermath African sculptur<e can be appreCiated more clearly for itself. Sculpture wherever and by whoever it is created, makes its effect by the subtle balance of shapes and volumes, by the counterpoints of its components, by the sweetness of a line or the strength of a profile. African

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sculpture does these things as r'ichly and as skillfully as any. But has, in addition, a particular characterristic that makes its exploration a continous excitement. [66]

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CHAPTER 2

THE CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS OF AFRICAN SCULPTURE

When European avant-garde ru"'tists discovered African sculpture in Dresden and in Paris (1905), they initially did not set out to explore or understand its contents. Even if they had wanted to there was little documentation available. African wOl"'ks in ethnographic museums were poorly displayed and considered primarily as religious or ritual objects. Jacob Epstein pointed out how poorly this art was displayed in / " the Husee d t Ethnographie du Trocade:"'o, (1'10\'1 Nusee de l' Homme) and the British Huseum, describing the exhibits as "a mass of primitive sculptUl"'e none too \vell assembled. II [1] Vlithin a decade or two critics, dealers and artists had made it an accepted of art, and attempts vlere made to classify the according to regions, to discover the purposes for which they vlere created, and to explore or understand its conceptual foundations. These later approaches interested the British artists who were influenced by this art form and their views reflect some understanding although not a total comprehension of the conceptual foundations. However, their limited understanding did not playa major role in the influence African sculpture had on their tastes and works; and in their mm vie't"ls such undel"'standings vlere irl"'elevant to their appreciation of this art. Yet recent writers, mostly vdth anthropological and ethnogI'aphical bias like Fagg and "lHllet, have ahlays stpessed the significance of the conceptual foundation in the proper appreciation of African sculpture. This school of thought still has not actually accepted the position of the artists unconditionally. This chapter ,vill discuss the African conceptual foundations and \rJill try to establish the extent to vlhich they 1ere understood by and relevant to some British artists.

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Religion and philosophy were the fundamental motives for the creation of African sculpture. The African's beliefs and philosophy were woven into a tight system that formed the basis for his social organisation, customs and culture. African philosophy was based on the concept of force which Placide Tempels called "vital force", and Edwin Smith "dynamism". [2] This philosophy considered the idea of 'being' as a process of progression rather than as a static state of existence. This 'being' included inanimate objects as manifestations of forces, or energy, rather than of matter. [3] This philosophy offered a rational and comprehensive basis for the tribal laws and ethics; it also provided an understanding of the mysteries of nature and brought them under control thereby protecting humanity against misfortune, disease, and death, and also establishing unity among the living and the dead.

African religion comprised a belief in a Supreme deity, in the ancestors, spirits and magic. The whole system of belief can be considered as a triangle. (See Diagram below).

Ani mals, Plants and Inanimate Objects

THE STRUCTURE OF AFRICAN RELIGION

At the apex of the triangle is the Supreme deity. Along the left side are the natural spirits and lesser gods and goddesses; on the right side are the ancestors and the ancestral progenitors of the tribe. At the base are the animals, the plants and the inanimate objects. Man is

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enclosed in the triangle because he "las influenced by these forces and dependant on them. The forces represented a hierarchical order and interrelated ,;v-ith each other. Han had to co-operate constantly i-lith all the forces either jointly or independently. [4]

The Supreme Being, God, was the creator of the universe, who moved all forces and determined the course of events. He was the ultimate judge. He "IaS therefore considered by a number of tribes to be ominiscient, ominipotent and ominipresent.[5] He has numerous personal and descriptive names, because of His eternal and intrinsic attributes. [6] For instance He was called Nyame by the Akan, and .Il.m.mon by the Dogon. To worship Him the African did not build temples, nor make any representations of Him. He could not be confined to one place or one single thing. Everythj.ng bore "Ii tne ss to Him. Dr. Geoffry Parrinder referred to a carving of Ha1rlU, the Supreme Being of the EVIes of Ghana and Togo as the only one he had ever seen. [7] Regular cOEmunal worship of Him was very rare; it existed only among the Dogon, Ashanti and Kikuyu where shrines have been found. The usual practice VIas for the individual to pray or make sacrifices to Him at any time and in any place alone. There numerous myths about the Supreme Being. The commonest explained that once He resided close to the earth but moved into heaven because of mankind's disturbances and perSistently requests. According to a Ghanaian myth a woman annoyed God by hitting the sky "lith a pounding-stick. He retired far up where He remained unapproachable in a solitary glory. All the celestial bodies like the sun, moon and stars and natural phenomena like shooting-stars, rain, thunder and lightening VIere taken as symbols of Him. [8]

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The cult \Vas based on the belief that God had given po\Ver to the early tribesmen, the ancestors of the tribe and the family. They 1rlere therefore in a position of authori ty. This belief led to the creation of a number of sculptural images which served as temporary or abodes for the spirits of the ancestors. The image provided means of their physical manifestation vlhen the need arose. The images Iver'e human figures of both sexes, animal and animal-human figures, according to the forms which they \Vere believed to be. The belief apparently did not determine the shapes of the images but the motifs and functions of the images. The dead and the living existed in symbiosis, with nothing separating them so that they could communicate with each other. Shrines were built as rendez-vous for the ancestral spirits. These might be natural sanctuaries or set up in a hut in the village. The Dogons built their shrines in the village covering the surfaces of the wooden doors, shutters, posts and the altars of the sanctuaries in high relief sculptures representing important persons and animals constituting the mythical geneology of the Dogon.[9] A Dogon Sanctuary Shutter CFIG.2.1) depicts a schematised crocodile and figures in high relief. The Senufo also carved similar shutters for their shrines and granaries. Family shrines were also set up in a room in a house. These shrines ,vere used to solicit the aid of the ancestors and to appease them \vhen wronged. Both involved complex rituals "lhich IcJere directed to images in the shrines. For instance the ancestors were invoked into the images by blood sacrifice and chanting which might be accompanied \Vith the ringing of bells or rattles. The entry of the ancestral into these images, it "lvas believed, could be fe=..t by those around, and i.n some cases the image bO"lved, trembled, or rocked as in the case of Hinsereh, a female figure (FIG.1.12), of the Yassi Secret SOCiety of \Vomen of Sierra Leone [10], of the Ijo figures, and Bukundu figures in the case of perjury. In all agrarian and political clubs or

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societies the Heine called upon to kvitness the activities, to encourage and protect those involved against evil forces and to make them successful. images and drums were the material objects which the ancestors occupied for the occasion. Some of the ancestral images w'ere made specially to serve as memorials to house the deceased.

The Ashanti Stool, (FIG.1.37B), is an example. Stools of this kind ,,,ere important parts of the chiefs regalia among the Akans, Ewes and Ga-Adangmes of Ghana. They symbolised high office and the support or the presence of the ancestors. The acquisition of a stool Has regarded as a prime necessity among the people of Southern Ghana. It was the first gift a father gave to his child. It vras the custom to present or use a stool on special occasions, for example, a deceased person was bathed seated on a stool before being laid in state. A husband would present his nelV bride 't.ith a stool to make sure of keeping her. Thus, there was a close association betlveen a person and his or her stool. It vias believed that a man I s inhabited the stool regularly used by him, and even continued to do so after his death. A stool was tilted on its side Ivhen not in use to prevent someone else! s spirit or an evil spirit from occupying it. Stools of dead chiefs or ancestors were blackened by smearing them allover with a mixture of soot and the yolk of an egg. They vlere then preserved in the ancestral stool house of the palace. [11] There were innulnerable designs for the stool which embodied animal, human and geometric forms representing events and maxims. The overall design of the stool was not determined by the religious belief but by the imagination of the artists and or his patron, and the practical function. Functionally the stool must be large enough to support the weight of the average man or woman, comfortable to sit on, and light enough to be moved about as a houeshold furniture. The average height is 16in (40.6co). The motifs of the stool may bear some symbolic meanings.

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Several tribes had mythical ancestors. The Dogons, for instance, had such ancestors sculpturally represented by hermaphrodite, male and femal e, (see FIG. 1 • 19A and FIG. 2.2) They \1Tere mortal men and .1Tomen vJho turned themselves into snakes in order to go on living in the spirit kingdom. [12] These figures \1Tere out of their shrines at the annual festivals of the dead when they ,'Tere asked to ensure health, fecundity and a rich harvest. a dignitary died his body vIas left for some time in the grotto in the sanctuary next to the statues. This vlas to ensure safety for the spirit of the dead. [ 13] Ancestral masks 'ivere also used on such occasions. The unusually thin and flat torsos of the ancestor figures 'l-lith theiln rounded buttocks, plug like navels, square shoulders, schematised faces, blunt limbs and cylindrical necks were not dictated by the belief but by the imagination of the Dogon carver. Strictly speru{ing, the apparent cultUral determinants are the hairstyle and probably the elongation. The hairstyle ,vas a coiffure found among the Dogon, who being tallish people would readily render the images of their ancestors tall.

Spiritism was the belief and practices associated with spirits and lesser gods. Some of these had once been human beings, but had become gods through great feats pelnformed while alive vlith the aid of the spirits, for example, Shango, the god of thunder, of the Yoruba. He is represented either as an armed rider or by the symbol of the t • The Shango Sacred Staff, (FIG.2.3), is a double thunderbolt used to invoke Shango. Thunderbolts are stone axes of early which the Yorubas, like many tribes, believed to have dropped from the sky during a rain storm and were therefore charged i1Tith magic. A staff of this kind could ward off evil and work miracles. It was believed to protect and cU!"e diseases. The blood of sacrificial rams was poured on it by the priest from time to time. [14] Shango staffs

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often depict a kneeling woman or a woman on horseback with pendulous breasts, 1.Jell defined nipples and elaborately decorated pubis. She is at times seen with a child on her back or standing in front of her. She is believed to represent a devotee of Shango and fertility.

Other gods personified natural phenomena and controlled the rain, thunder and fertility of men, animals and crops. They were created to be patrons of fishing, hunting, crafts, agriculture, justice, war, peace, medicine and all human activities. Chi 'VIara for instance, 'VIaS sent by the Creator to teach the Bambara how to cultivate corn. He was half man, half antelope. After men had mastered the act of cultivating crops they became lazy 'Vlhich displeased Chi wara and he buried himself in the ground. So the Bambara carved antelope masks (headdresses) to comemorate him. [15 J These 'Vlere used in agricultural festivi ties and rituals, at different stages of the crop cycle: clearing the land, planting, reaping the first fruits, the harvest, and filling of the food stores. Agricultural rituals using masks are common to almost all African tribes. The basic concept underlying these festivities and rituals 1iJaS the sacredness of the soil and the desire to ensure the assistance of the ancestors and the spirits for a good harvest. The land belonged to the ancestors and it i'i'aS maintained and protected by them.

FIG.2.4 illustrates the most typical version of the Chi wara. The long horns and the ShOVI the exponential curves. The curved tubular neck is separated from the mane of triangular openwork by the space of a corresponding arc. The horns and the mane are covered with striations. The cylindrical body and the legs form a trapeziod. The base is attached to a cap by irlhich it is worn on the head of the dancer. Such headdresses were used in pairs by tivO dancers repr'esenting the male and female antelopes and wear'ing long vegetable fibres.

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FIG.2.5 shmvs tvTO dancers imitating the leap of the antelope to promote soil fertility. The artistic liberty involved in the creation of these headdresses was never hindered by the content or the traditional belief. Kjersmeier has observed this (see pp. 29-30). In addition to masks some tribes like the Senufo used carved pole-like figures or Deble with which they rhythmically fertility, (see FIG.2.6). have important communal and ceremonially pounded the soil to induce Parrinder observed: "All African peoples ceremonies at the time of sOvling and harvest."[16] The extensive agricultural activities as an essential part of African culture have been related to the prolific production of art works. Fraser pOinted out that agriculture had secured the African freedom from ,lTant, given him 't'ITealth and enabled him to turn to political organisation and elaborate forms of art.[17]

There are also female spirits or goddesses like the Earth Mother, Odudua of the Yo rub a , and Asaaseyaa of the Akan, and some maternity goddesses of the matriarchal tribes of Zaire, Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya. Since the survival of any tribe depended on the fertility of the soil and of the women, images of goddesses ,iere carved depicting a mother with one or two children, or a pregnant woman with her hands on her stomach. FIG.2.7 shows two versions of Odudua. l'lomen gave offerings and prayed to these figures for a successful marriage, many children, wealth and a long life. In Zaire, Hother and child figures were used as magic means of ensuring heirs. [18] The image of mother and child therefore epitomised the sense of dynamic continUity, of the social interpretation of individuals, families and generations which is the root of African life. The images often schematised or conventionalised, with the child either being nursed at the breasts, carried on the mother I s back or other'Vlise situated. There is ahTays a lack of sentimentality or affection shovm between the mother and the

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child. This could be related to the concept that children belonged to the ancestors and came from them therefore were not complete human beings, until they passed through the rites of passage to attain human and adult status. Other writers give different explanations. Cornet, for instance, explained: "It is certainly true that ,,,oman is primarily ancestor and the founder of the clan, but the deeper meaning of the figures seems to spring from a remoter source, harking back to the tradition of a 'spirit' or 'po1:ver l governing female fertility in general. This may be the l"'eason 't\Thy the mothers are slightly aloof, with their veiled eyes, and seemingly indifferent to the children they " [19] Host mother figures have generously proportioned breasts. This was to ensure a plentiful supply of nourishment for the child.

FIG.2.7A which i"as acquired by the British Huseum in 1912, shows of FIG.2.7B huge rounded-tip conical breasts. The breasts are disproportionately long and pointed with four planes making them pyramidal. The bodies of both figures are elaborately covered with striated designs. Hasks such as the Nimba Nask of Baga, Guinea, (FIG.2.8, British Museum), were also carved to represent such spirits. The huge nose and the eyes represent the male genitals and there are tvlO betvleen the two huge flowing breasts which Boris de Rachewitz believed to represent the female organ. [20] The t'i-1O appertures served as holes through which the wearer of the mask sees his way. They probably had no such symbolic significance because not all the forms of the mask had symbolic meanings, for example, the pouting, little mouth, the thin cylindrical neck, the plug-like nipples, the planes and angularity of the breasts. The geometric facial incisions related to facial scarifications as elements of beauty. Similarly the crest is related to an ancient Baga coiffure. The distortion and the architectonic of this mask were dictated by the carver's imagination.

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Secret societies, responsible for' the different activities of the spirits, Here formed. The societies were essentially groups of men, women, boys, and girls, bound together under the aegis of particular spirits. Strict rules determined the conduct of these societies.[21]

Their duties Here to organise the rituals and festivities by selecting a place and time, provide the leadership for such occasions, enforce the observations of taboo and propitiation, train the youth by teaching neH songs and dances. K.L.Little groups the activities of the secret societies into: (a) General education in the sense of social and vocational training and indoctrination of social attitudes; (b) Regulation of sexual conduct; (c) Supervision of political and economic affairs; (d) Operation of various social services, ranging from medical treatment to forms of entertainment and recreation. [22] Secret societies were regular patrons of the carvers because they used carved figures, masks and drums extensively. Cornet cited instances where ritual sculptures Here constantly needed by the Bayaka because of the repeated modifications in their beliefs. Once the ceremonies i"ere over the masks created as accessories vlere discarded or bur·nt. [23]

The distruction of masks i-laS a common practice in Afr'ica. It ,,,as believed that since the spirits had left them after the occasion, blood-thirsty spirits might occupy them when left about, or they might spiritually anyone coming across them because they had been charged 'lvith forces by the entry of the spirits. Some of the spirits remained in the masks and figures in the precint of a sh:nine to receive sacrifices from time to time. Once spirits had been identified and induced permanently into these carvings they became human-like, 'ioJith human needs, establishing relations vlith man. This entailed rituals and offerings. Other spirits returned to the mystical vlOrld from vThence they 'i"ere called frequently. The images or masks of such

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spirits might be placed at the cross-roads, in the village, outside or inside a family house as tutelary deities. They vlere believed to protect and help people in various vlays. The Nimba Figure of Baga is an example. It 'I-laS placed at the cross-roads to protect and guide those I1ho passed by it, (see FIG.2.9). The Bundu Hask of the Bundu

society of vwmen, Sierra Leone, (FIG.2.10, in the British is an example of masks usually kept for further use in the mask house. It shows a small concave and heart-shaped face placed low in the facial area, and extraordinarily high fore head. The head ShOVIS an elaborate hair style "lith a crest believed to represent an open female organ. The mask ShOt.lS rolls of fat around the neck - corpulence lvas r'egarded as a sign of beauty in a girl. [24] This large and bl a cl<: ene d n:ask: ,vas \vorn by the leader of the Society. It covered the entire head like a helmet, "lith tvlO for the eyes of the 'tvear'er '\vho 1;vore a black palm fibre costume and carried a short black staff often decorated vlith spiral geometric designs and carved heads (see FIG.2. 11). It ,vas the sceptre of the spirit. The ring at the top, middle and bottom of the sceptre were signs of corpulence. The other geometric deSigns, in addition to their decorative functions, could have names and symbolic meanings i-lhich at present are unknovm.

Animism [25 ] vlas the belief that inanimate objects, plants, and animals possessed inherent vital forces of their Oim. These forces especially the animal spirits could be harnessed for human benefit through rituals and ceremonies. Although animal appear commonly in African sculpture, they much less extensively used than are human forms. Segy explained that the P£rican feared evil spirits and the wrath of the ancestors more than the \vild animals: "Against the latter he can defend himself, but against spirits his only defence is magic or po,vel" as in the fetish. "[26] Animal forms also

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represented spirits and ancestors. They were carved as fetish figures, and as symbols or decorative forms on ceremonial and utilitarian objects. The animals represented often had a religious ru1d sociological significance for certain tribes and societies. For example, the Yoruba had the Agassu, a legendary leopard and its claiv marks as it tribal symbol. The long and parallel incisions on the cheeks of the two figures of Odudua in FIG.2.7, represent the marks of Agassu. The porcupine is the symbol of the most ivar-like tribe Ashanti. The porcupine fights by shooting quils at its predators and grOivs nevI quils to replace those lost. To the Ashanti this is analogous to their reinforcement :i.n battle.

The snake is often shOim tn carvings. Nany tribes belteved that snakes were the incarnations of ancestors, (eg. the Baga, the Yoruba, the Dogon and the peoples of Dahomey and Togo.) The snake symbolised life, eternity, and fertility. In some myths it taught man and woman the mystery of procreation. The Bakuyu of Congo had a kebe-kebe snake dance ivhich was in honour of ebongo, the mythical snake 1'Tho created the ancestors. Tall ivooden carved poles vlith anthropocephalic at the top Ivere used :Ln this dance. [27] The snake is associated with the act of procreation in the customs of many tribes especially among the Senufo vlhere the iWIllen visited a grove of the snake when they conceived to offer thanks to the snake and to solicit its protection. ll...mong the Nurumas it vTaS believed that a woman vlould become pregnant if a snake enter'ed her hut. Some tribes believed that meeting or stepping over a snake cause conception. An:.ong the Ashanti, Elve, and Yoruba the role of the python in a myth was a procreating agent, and for a woman to dream of the snake meant she would surely become pregnant if she had sex. Ladislas Segy summarised the concepts connected with the snake cuI t ru1.d the use of snake r:lotifs as follovlS: (a) The snake vlas

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seen as a fertlizing organ that assumed phallic significance in the concept of fertility. Cb) A concept which saw the snake as the residence of the ancestpal spirit which \;ras linked to the concept of procreative act which brought the tribal ancestors into being and thereby lilli{ing this to the ancestor cult. (c) The snake is linked to the as female symbol. Since the earth gro\Vs grain after rain and sun these acquired male attributes. The snake symbol comes into conjunction vlith these in various ways. For example, thunder, and lightening which precede rain symbolised snakes, which thereby became symbols of cosmic order. Cd) Rain as a fertilizing agent ,"vas, of course, associated ,;rith ivater and ,\ojater was a living agent, a of food, including fish. By association therefore, the snake ,-las regarded as the protector of ",ells, rivers and lakes. Lakes "Jer'e believed to be the abodes of spirits. (e) In some healing cults the snake, as the abode of a spirit, was invoked to sunmon that spirit's protection. (f) In mythology the snake may appear as the protector or of a tribe. [28] The Hooden Bowl, (FIG.2.12, in the British Nuseum) , sho,,1s a snake carved on the top of the lid. Under the head and the tail ape a man and vloman holding hands. Their eyes, the skirt of the VlOman and par-ts of the snake are painted 'IvhUe. The snake is decorated i.li th triangular motifs which are often found on fertility figures and masks. Used in some sculptures to represent the female breasts and organs, (see FIG.1.18B, and 22), they usually as fertility symbols. fertility rites. By implication the bOlvl might be used in Hagic ,vas an aspect of r'eligion in almost all African societies. It ViaS believed that protection from unseen events (diseases, drought, accident, etc.) could be achieved through the use of certain substances and objects in particular vlays. Deliberate harm to a

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This has

person or could also be caused by similar means. Since most activities benefited the individual and society they were accepted and often in demand. There were magical rituals for almost all possible occasions: for success in hunting, obtaining justice, securing love, and ensuring good healing, harvesting and so on. Some magical acts required ritual objects such as carved statues or masks. Such carvings generally called 'fetish' figures or masks. Human fetish are carved in the style of the ancestor statues, but usually '\'lithout care, although there are exceptions like FIG.1.10. Hany of the fetish figures can be recognised by common characteristics such as, objects added to the 1:vhich "Jere not intended for embellishment (eg. nails, beads, animal teeth, or horns which were disorderly attached), magical substances "Jhich "Jere inserted into a cavity in the torso which gave the figure povJer. The additive materials vlere added by the fetish priest medicine man after the carving vIaS done by the carver. Fetish animal figures were also carved. They are strange and impossible to identify. They are usually a cross betiveen a dog and leopard, and sometimes have a head at either ends of the body. FIG.2.13 sho"13 different kinds of fetishes ,-lith carved ,veoden figures. The nail fetish are the most common ones in P£rica. They were first imbued with power by the deposit of magical substance in the cavity cut into the abdomen. Then they were studded ,vith nails, knife-blades, and pointed objects. The purpose of these nail fetishes VIas to inflict sickness in turn upon caused it in the current victim. Another purpose of na::l driving vIas to injure the evil spirit \vhich caused the illness and, thus, by reducing his power, to lessen the virulence of the disease. [29] The flnee and easy use of the fetishes for all purposes accounted for their 'ivide distribution throughout Africa. The Congo region has produced an amazing of fetishes. been vie"\ved as a characteristic of their art.

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Sorcery and \vithcraf't ,ve1'"'e common practices based on magical techniques ,,1hich "Iv ere socially disapproved. Anthropologists who have w·orked in Africa have distingu:;:'shed between the t"lw. Sorcery is the conscious practice of "magic that is illicit or is considered immoral", while "I·dtchcraf't is a manifestation that is inherent in persons having a "supposed psychic emanation from witchcraft substance", a harmful material, thought to be present in the bodies of certain persons, that may be diagnosed by oracle in the living and discovered by autopsy in the dead. [30] For the fear of i,ricthcraft some secret societies like the Gelede, Epa, and Egungu of "the Yoruba, performed annual propitiation rites to placate the "lvitches and women or the mothers of the tribe. They used masks as dance accessories in their rites. The Gelede masks are hemispherical. They worn on head or at a slant on the forehead. They are characterised by large open eyes with round holes for the pupils, complex hair-dress, receding forehead, protruding jaws, thick lips with the corners cut off vertically at the sides, and an amiable expression, (see FIG.2.14A). Even in more complex ones, the top features forming superstructures epitomised the exercise of the carver's imagination, where he combined symbols with scenes representing anecdotes from daily life. Gelede Hask, FIG.2.14A, for example Sh01vS a bunch of bananas as a superstructure and t'lvO snakes. The mask with the bananas "lere carved in one piece but the snakes v[ere separately carved and nailed to the mask. Decorative triangular motifs are painted on the snakes. RachetvJil tz intel"preted the super stl"uctulhe as a phallic elements because such masks ,-Jere used in fertility dances. The three hOlnizontal scar·ifications on the cheeks of the mask represented marks of Agassu. SOffietimes they vertically indicated. Gelede masks ,vorn by men dressed as "(vomen "lho w·ent once a year into ever-y village at the festival of gl"o,rlth at "\vhic11 fertility Ivas sought, evil driven a1rlay and "tvitches placated. [31] Epa masks are monuIilental and they enclose the

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head of the like helmet. They are often Janus-headed face i'lith vJide mouth and protruding large bulbous eyes. They superposed vlith tOiver'ing superstructures of daring compositions often painted in bright colours (see FIG.1.31). Some Epa masks iveigh about 140lbs and about six feet in height. Egungu masks are characterised by large hare-like ears and tension drum motif ,,[hich resembles an hourglass on top of the mask, (see FIG.2. 14B). Apart from the annual propitiation rites the Egungu masks were used in contacting the dead. In a ceremony the spirit of a dead person took possession of the masked dancer. The spirit then the dear ones alive and made his or her vlishes known to them through the of the mask.

Rites of Passage comprise varioUS rituals and ceremonies \vhich marked man!s passage from one stage of life to another, that is, from birth, puberty, marriage and death and then starting again with birth. Some of the ritual ceremonies were done on a family basis like birth and giving names to the child, and most marriages; but the others observed by the >vhole community. The ceremonies had much religious meaning, and through their observations religious ideas were perpetuated and passed on to the next generations.

Birth vms as the change from non-physical existence to the physical existence. A nevlly born baby came from the ancestors, or was the reincarnation of them. Vlhen children died the ancestos 'iv-ere blamed because the child was considered to belong to them. Naming ceremonies iv-ere perfopmed seven or eight days after birth. The child was brought out of the birth room for the first time; it received a personal name to mark its entry into the family, and the break of bond betiveen it and the ancestors. The gods were thanked for the safe arrival of the child into the physical vlOrld. Prayers for good heal th ,",ere offered and liba tions poured on the ground vlith iv-ine or milk or water for the ancestors and

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Earth. The rituals of b:Ll"th actually began T/lith pregnancy of the mother. Pregnancy is received with rejoicing and precautions were taken to ensure normal gestation and delivery. The precautions included medical and attentions. Thanks were given to the Supreme God, the family gods and ancestors sacrifices. Prayers said for the health of the mother and the baby. Protections against dangers, and help "Jere derived from fertility, ancestral, fetish and goddess figures representing the relevant spirits. Figurines in some cases might be carried about but the big figures might be placed in the abode of the Ivoman. After a successful delivery, sacrifices might be offered to the spirits di.J"elling in the figures as a sign of gl"atitude. The Kneel :l.ng Female FigUl"e "lith Bowl of Baluba, CFIG.2.15, in the British MUSeUl'TI. since 1905 and often called Hendicant Figure) is an example of a spirit placed at the entrance of the house of a pregnant woman. It is believed that gifts (eg. cosmetics, incense, medicinal oil, etc.) were put in the bOld held by the figure by visitors. They were the matelnial help needed by the pregnant "lOman. Hagical or medicinal pOt.J"der could be put in the bm·ll to be used by the vloman. The elaborate coiffUl"e on this figure represents a hair style found among the Baluba women.

Infant mortality, especially in the case of twin, gave rise to the Tvlin Cult and subsequent production of sculptill"es of tl'.i'in figures. Tiv-ins lv-ere believed to possess special defensive and offensive pO"Ter's which I'Jere allover I'Jest and parts of East Africa. If one tvlin died a human figure was carved to replace it, to keep the living twin company and to house the spirit of the dead twin. This figure was treated in all respect as the living counterpart till the living reached puberty. it might be kept as a memento, given as a doll to a Child, 01" forgotten and discarded. If both ti'1in died, hTO figures were provided which the mother treated in the same manner, for some period as

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custom might demand. [32] The Ibeji Figures of the Yoruba tribe are typical examples. (FIG.2.16 Ibeji figures in the British Huseum). They show different elaborate hairstyles covered with striated patterns. These figures can be considered as quasi-portraits. They never resembled particular children but commorated them. They 1"lere usually bought directly from the sculptor or from the market. The parallel tribal marks of Agassu are seen on the cheeks of these ones. The decorations on the various figures might not necessarily be symbolic, for example, the elaborate hair-dresses could be the carver's own creation to enhance them.

Puberty 1-laS the passage fr'om childhood and adolescence into muturity and adulthood. [33] It is of spiritual significance because it represented the borderline betueen the and adult i"orld. At this stage the child became sexually and spiritually significant. The essential principle was to make the child into an adult and introduce him or her to sex life. The stage vlaS marked by a series of complex initiations, rites and rituals for both males and females. The rigours of the initiation ceremonies could cause the death of an initiate although this happened very rarely. At puberty the adolescents were initiated at "Bush schools" run by priests or magicians. In many cases the secret societies were responsible. For instance, in Sierra Leon, Poro (Hen! s society) and Sande or Yassi (vlOmen' s society) organised the male and female 'schools' respectively. Here the young members of the tribes were subjected to hard tasks, exercises and games. Co-operations "Jere learnt. Disgusting foods vJere eaten at times and they sometimes slept at uncomfortable places. These to instill humility, patience, and obedience in the initiates. Instructions in the mysteries of sex, religion, ethics and law and custom ,""ere given. Songs, danCing and some crafts like basketry and pottery, laying of

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traps were learnt. In the case of girls personal hygiene, childcare, home management, to entertain the opposite sex and guests, how to live vlith cO-\lives in polygamous societies vlere parts of the Among the lbo, girls were secluded for months, fed on fatty food and their bodies anointed Ivith oil, so that they became as buxom as possible. Plump girls and women were the most beautiful in many P£rican societies. This idea is seldom reflected in African \lood carvings.

The initiation ceremonies often began tv-ith circumcision which is practised \v-idely over P£r'ica. The operation loias done in some areas by a masked person or in his presence as the representative of the ancestral spirits. [34] There are tribes 'I",'ho did not and still do not Circumcise at all. Others practised it just after the naming ceremonies on the eighth day after birth. The of the Ashanti are not to be circumcised because it "as a taboo for them to be touched by the knife Oln to be scarred. Circumcision is also noticed in African scultures that have exaggerated male organs, (see FIG.1.19). This might symbolise manhood in some cases.

Clitoridectomy or the mutilation of the labia vlaS practised in many parts of Africa as an equivalent of circumcision. There is no documentary evidence for comprehensive reasons for this practice except perhaps to make girls brave and prepare them to endure pain during gestation and [35] HOlv-ever, this practice accounted for the exaggeration of the clitoris and the labia in some female sculptures, (see FIG. 1.20 ) •

The period for passing out of the 'Bush schools' varied from tribe to tribe, nevertheless, the occasion was marked by grand communal celebrations accompied by drumrring and dancing and masquarades.

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is the logical result of the puberty rites. It had little spiritual significance because without marriage, sex and procreation could take place betvleen people, since the individual had attained spiritual and sexual significance and had been prepared for sex life. It vlaS primarily a social matter except for the ancestor I s blessing for the couple. In some areas marriage might be accompanied by masquarades, drumming and dancing. The masks and drums used on such occasions often belonged to secret societies invited to mark the occasion with entertainment. The Bundu Hask (FIG.2.10), and the masks of the Gelede, Epa and the Egungu are examples. In Ghana the bride vlaS given a 1iJOoden stool as previously mentioned. Bawongo women were presented with carved 'Iwoden lids for vJOoden bovlls, each bearing a symbol or a scene 'fhich expressed a certain situation or a wish. (See FIG.2.17)'

Leizinger explained that if a Bawongo ,wman carried the food bmfl 'Ilith one of these lids on it, her husband kne'i,," "lrlithout her saying "lrlhat she was complaining about. They can be considered as a sort of ideography. He cited an example in the Nuseu d'Etnologia do Ultramar, Lisbon. This provelnbial lid shmfs a boa constrictor entwined round a man lying on his back ';'lith his head in the serpant I s n::.outh; this signifies: said "Yes" 'Ivithout ever having seen for ourselves'. [36]

As adults men and women were concerned to acquire 'Ivealth, pm'ler and fame to make them worthy ancestors after death. The individual joined a secret society to attain some status. The Balega men and 'iwmen of the B"lrJami Sect acquired figurines and diminutive masks calnved from ivory or wood as emblems of rank. These miniature figures and masks often symbolised some particular events. The men of Bashongo and Bakuba tribes used highly polished carved 'Iwoden cups for drinking palm-vline. Nost of these cups are anthropomorphic in form and others are cylindrical. The cups had distinct prestige-vanity significance as

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aesthetic forms, (see FIG.2.18 - Types of Bakuba vlooden Cups.) Among the Igbo and Igala of DIigeria, the men use the Ikenga, (FIG. 1 .28), as a mark of masculine achievement in public life.

At death, the individual attaj.ned his or her' highest status, and re-established their former link with the ancestors. This was not automatic. Solemn, time consuming and extravagant mortuary ceremonies were performed to enable the deceased to gain this status. Insufficient ceremonies rendered the vital force of the person local and earth bound. He became a haunting spirit or a ghost. This practice ensured and marked the conquering of death. Nortuary ceremonies were conducted vlith prescribed sculptural images, masks and drums. The deceased ,-las sometimes buried with the figures or placed on his grave to symbolise the tribe's or the family's esteem for the dead, of things liked or done by the deceased alive. They also assured a successful journey to the und er'\v 1 d • Some of the figures guarded the grave against evil spirits. The Hbulu Ngulu, (FIG.1.27, Bakota Reliquery figure in the British Huseum), is a typical example. The Bakota placed this figure on the basket in I"hlch the skeletons of the dead kept to guard the bones and the spirit. It is believed to be inhabited by strong spirits who protected the skull. At regular times in cel'''tain it vTaS cleaned and rubbed with materials that ensured the continuance of their spirit povler. [37] Hbulu Ngulu ::neans "the guardian of the spirit of the dead" or "image of the sp:l.rit of the dead ll • The significance of the use of the lozenge for the body of this figure is still uru{nown. It seems unlikely that it "\-las by the shape of the skeleton, since the skull was not schematised in a similar manner. The Grave Post of Hadagascar (FIG.2.19 / in Trocadero), is an example of figures placed on the grave. It depicts a man and woman with a jar on her head. It probably represented the dead man being accompanied by his wife or maid

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on his journey; and the jar fOl' water to be drunk when thirsty. Hasks itTere used at the end of mOUl'ning in many parts of Africa to limit the period of deep SOrrOitT by announcing irlith ritualistic approbation rnan I s right to forget death.

Drums played significant roles in alnost all African rites and They are the conmonest musical instrument in Africa and represented the voice and the of the ancestops. They val'y not only in shape but also in artistry. They ape car7ed from one piece of a tree trunk or branch that may be betitleen titJO and six feet long. The diametep may vary from one foot to four feet. Sone drums retained the shape of the ,olood from 'iolhich they "iolere carved, others may taper at one end to look conical, some have human or animal figures as caryatids; others have tripod stands or four supports at the base. (See FIG. 2. 20 for Drum Types). They are hollowed and one end is covered with the hides of animals like the antelope, the buffalo, the leopard, deers, goats the cow and so on. The cylindpical surfaces of the drums ape often decorated with reliefs depicting mythical animals and symbolic designs. FIG.2.20A from Ghana, for example shows tlVO huge protruding female breasts. These might represent the breasts of the earth goddess, Asaaseyaa, and symbolised fertllity. The rest of the surface is covered with symbolic designs in relief. They are composed of leopards, snakes, tortoises, siamese crocodiles birds and daggers. There are squares, triangles and rectangles. They could represent talismans. These "".rere supposed to protect the drums and the drumoers from the evil forces that might be attracted by their sounds. A single drum could be used or a series of them to form an ochestra. Drums are used for entertainment, for various rites, for sending messages in times of limr and peace. Some drums are sacred and they are played only on special occasions and by specially trained and authorised persons. Such drums are played at the

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funeral of a king. There are "lar drums, talking drums, ceremonial drums, fetish drums and so on. They have their local names. example, in Ghana the i·lar drums alne called fontomfrom. All types of drums can be found among the same tribe. S.R.Rattray listed over thirty different types of ivith their individual names among the Ashanti. [38]

Dance is a passionate act in Africa and it accompanies almost every occasion, both sacred and secular, Ivhere the drum is used. It comprises vigorious and graceful body moveoents, rhythmic footsteps, and complex arm and hand gestures iolhich are symbolic. It is perhaps the only aspect of the culture that is hardly depicted in the sculptures. The sculptur'es are often used as accessories to the dance or costumes and carried about or used as a of focus for all movement.

It is difficult to separate religious sculptures from non-religious works because the spiritual cannot entirely be separated from the secular in African philosophy. Secular objects often required the direct or indirect approval of the spirits and the ancestors. Such objects could also be banned by the fetish if they disapproved of them. Despite these difficulties Trrnvell has established three main categories: (a) Spirit-Regarding Art, (b) t1an-Regarding Art, and (c) Art of Ritual Display.

(a) Spirit-Regarding objects iiere directed at the spirit forces. They "Jere to harness the povlelns of the spirits to help the living members of the tribe. [39] Examples are the ancestral and spirit figures like FIG.1.11 and FIG.2.7.

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(b) Nan-Regarding sepved l.iving patrons and reinforced the social prestige. They often consisted of articles, the perequisite of cast, and Here made to please. [40] Such objects 'lilere also given as presents. Examples are the wooden bo;·;ls ,vith proverbial lids and cups, (see FIG.2.17 and 18).

(c) The Art of Ritual Display served both religious and secular purposes. These objects are spipit-regarding in the sense that they ieJere used in ritual ceremonies to attract and control spiritual fOl"ces fOl" the benefit of the tribesmen. They are also Eran-regarding in that they Vlel"e designed to appeal to an audience, and intended for public display, and had decorative and expressive qualities. The most obvious examples are the Epa, Gelede and Eg;ungu masks and the Chi ,vara headdresses.

Secular' objects uere produced to satisfy the desire for aesthetic expression and to assert personal prestige. Host of them indicated the socio-economic status of their owners. Aesthetic independent of utilitarian aspects. For example, the anthropocephalic wooden cups of the Bakuba (FIG.2.18) had elaborate relief designs and shapes that did not contribute to their use. Secular objects 'lilere carved in all forms and shapes in the round and in relief. They ranged from household utensils like bo;vls, jelivel and snuff boxes, ladels and spoons, combs, ornaments, insignia and regalia. They ru"'e in the forms of musical instruments, architectural decorations (eg. reliefs on door posts, shutters, panels, caryatids and decorated house poles) and other luxury objects like tobacco mortars and pipes, cosmetic containers which could be in anthropomorphic or zoomorphic The Door Frame, FIG.2.21, is an example of carved ru"chitectural decoration from Bamileke palace in Cameroon, nOiV' in the Bri tish The front and the back are covered Hith bas l"'eliefs of figurative images. It is hal"d to guess

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the pur'pose of the overt display of the male and female sexual organs. beside their probable meaning of they contribute to the overall rhythmic patterns of the cOEposition. The I"hole structure is 77.4in, (200cm) high. Definitely their decorative impact overshadovls their function and any symbolic meanings.

Some erotic may be considered as secular. They have been largely unexplored because they are usually regarded as fertility emblems, or allegorical designed to enforce sexual morality and ethics. Hmlever, erotic figures made of bronze or brass found among the Baule and the Ashanti were used as goldweights. Wooden erotiC carvings often form a decorative part of the chief's furniture and ritual objects. They show human beings or animals copulating and were probably associated with ritual intercourse to stimulate fertility and to arouse desire in ,"wmen. These figures uere possessed by a feitl pOl-lelnful people in the society or by the secret society. Some masks of the Gelede society depict animals copulating. Eroticism was, however, mostly expressed in dances designed to release sexual and emotional tensions in connection initiation and certain festivities. Erotic and courtship dances and games vlere often alloi'led in many African societies during the time of plenty or "rites of These are also known as purification rites in some African societies, ego in Ghana, Togo, and Nigeria. There ivas license of sexual behaviour. For instance, a young "'loman could strip herself naked except for her 'catch sex I (a type of native "I"hich looks like a modern bikini) at a challenge of a man. There was also license of vulgar speech where even the gods, kings and chiefs could be insulted:

o king, you a fool

He ru""e taking the victory out of your hands

o king, you are impotent

He ru"'e taking the victory out of your hands. [41]

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The for such license i'las explained to Rattray in Ashanti that the ancestors opdained a time, once a year, l'lhen ever'y man and i'loman, free man and slave should have freedom to speak just vlhat vIas in his mind to release tension. [42]

The runt of body decoration is also an aspect of the conceptual foundations of African sculpture. It the sculptures vlith the complimentary elements of symbolism and aesthetics. Aesthetic treatments and values welne directly and indirectly imposed upon or applied to the living body_ These were connected 'ltlith social, religious, hygienic and sexual demands and, therefore, sometimes assumed secondary symbolic meanings as well. Because of this many scholars believed there is no decoration in African art. Professor Segy, for instance, stated:

On many African carvings there ape inclslons or relief carvings vlhich form geometlnic designs... A i'lestern observer may see these designs as pure decorations, but to the African they functional and meaningful. The small tncisions or relief patterns often indicate scarification marks. The circle-dot symbol indicate the sun (male power) and vital energy (dot); it increases the pm'ler of the... carvings. [43]

However, the present ''lriter belives that there alne 'pure decorations' in African runt. They have a universal function, to please or arouse our aesthetic emotions.

Body decorations took various forms but can be grouped into t,<JQ parts: the body and its part that can be modified; and the attachment of foreign elements to the body.

(A) Decoration of the body involved processes ranging from painting, scarification, tatooing to aesthetic mutilation.

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Skin painting: This consisted of application of colouring matters directly to the skin in rectilinear or cur'vilinear patters. GeometI'ic shapes like the Circle, lozenge and others also used. The colours ranged from "ihite to different shades of other colours 'tV'hich could be in pOiV'ders and solutions from animal and vegetable sources. Oils, perfumes and creams from animal and vegetable sources were also applied to the body. These substances may be classified as cosmetics. On the body the cosmetics served various purposes as mentioned above: for religious purposes they used to invite or drive a,iay spirits; for hygienic purposes they were preventives and curatives, they protected the skin from insect-bites, rough weather and restored damaged skins; they were used SOCially for prestige and vanity. The application of cosmetics to sculptures served similar purposes in addition to their technical and aesthetic purposes outlined in the previous chapter.

Tatooing, scarifications and Cicatrices are body decorations that vlere interpreted in the SCUlptures. Tatooing and scarifications are made by incisions and grooves as noticed in FIGS.2.7A and 8 and in FIG.2.22A. Cicatrices, on the other hand, are indicated by cutting out the backgrounds of the designs vlhich alne left in relief as noticed on the pubis of FIG.1.1, on the human shaped Bakuba wooden cups, (FIG.2.18). In life cicatrices look like keloids. The best examples are seen in the sculptures of the Bene Lulua, (see FIG.2.22B). The designs and patterns on the sculptures could have names and meanings vlhich are nOVI The skill and the patience vlith IV'hich these body markings were rendered on the sculptures impressed several vlesten'l writers including Roger Fry.

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Aesthetic mutilation was an accentuatuion of parts of the body by reshaping them through artificial means for aesthetic means only.

Cranium mutilation the most noted of all the body mutilations in many tribes. The cranium was shaped from infancy by pressing or r2assaging it. In some cases the head i'laS bandaged to the shape desired. Three different shapes are commonly observed: straight tubular, round and oblique tubular. These practised by the Baule, Ashanti and r':Ta.ngbetu. They were sometiwes practised in their as "Jell. These practices had also contributed to the several variations of head shapes in African sculpture. There ·fflaS also dental mutilation in vlhich the teeth of people "Jere carved or filed to pointed tips. This 117as common among the Bakongo, Barnum, Basongye, Baj olCirle, and several other tribes. Their sculptures sometimes ShOI17 this, (eg. FIG.1.25B the Queen figure).

(B) Beauty aids or body accessories: costumes, ,Jigs and jewelry (earings, ring, bangles, neck-rings, necklaces, beads and anklets etc.)

i",ere attached to the body for beauty. Often these '\"ere sho"m in the sculptures as vTell. For example the big ring around the neck of Odudua (FIG.2.7A) is a bangle and the rings around the arms of the second figure (FIG.2.7B) are also bangles for beauty. The male figure in FIG.2.2 is also "learing an

In several African societies wooden combs, hair-pins of metal and i17ood, and objects I",ere used to fashion elaborate coiffur-'es v1hich had sometimes been copied in the sculptures, (see FIG.1.1; FIG.2.7A and 2. 15)

The functions of African sculpture as derived from the discussions so far can be classified as: Political (administration, leadership, clubs and societies); Economical tur'e, trade, impliments);

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Hedical (healing, sympathetic magic, preventive and curative medicines); Religious (worshipping, rituals, and cults); Educational (establishing and dissipating tribal values and ethics); Entertainment (recreactional activities); Psychological (ensuring security, safety, continuity, and reducing tensions and releaving fears). These classes overlap each other and therefore cannot be taken as absolute. A sculpture may serve one pur'pose only or may ser've all the purposes simultaneously.

The preceeding discussions have outlined the conceptual foundations of African sculpture. It explains the aims, the functions and the subject matter of the and some of the symbolic meanings, but not the l"easons for the ,vonderful formal and plastic richness of l1..frican sculpture and its unique geometl"Y like the conical breasts, cylindrical or diamond-shaped torsos, cup-like ears, tubular eyes, and so on. It is impossible to find reasons for all the plastic qualities. All the fieldwork to date has not provided solutions to these problems. GuHlaume and Hunro, therefol"'e, observed that anyone interested in l1..frican sculpture might be interested also in the subject, and in the sort of people that made them: how the African lived, ivhat god or being he intended to portray, in vThat strange rites he used the mask or fetish. For the art was intimately bound vlith the rest of life and these facts, no doubt, had largely determined the forms the African's art assumed. They concluded: "But just hO'O-l these influences vlOrk is a tremendously intricate question; one can only guess at it."[44J

The British avant-garde artists and critics that were influenced by African sculpture and i'ihose ,-n'itings shOi'i some understanding of its cultural context are Roger Fry, Jacob Epstein, Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, and Noore. Epstein's understanding Ivill be discussed in Chapter Five vlith the influences of African sculpture on his taste and art because the two issues are closely related more than of any other

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artists.

Fr'y Vias the first Brj_tish art critic i..rhose aesthetic taste was influenced by P£rican sculpture and his writings reflect this. His writings on the subject have been considered as soree of the best on some aspects of the subject and have often been quoted. [45J His first al"ticle, I Negro Sculptur"e I and the second article which vIas published in KeJ.'l..neth Clark I s Last Lectures ..Qy Roger Fry in 1939, although they primarily discuss its formal qualities, do deal with some aspects of the cultural context of African sculpture.

Fry noted that African sculpture is extremely paradoxical. The P£rican lived in an evironment where the forces of nature could be devastating and life a continous cOJ.'l£rontation with wild beasts and poisonous reptiles. His art might, therefore, be expected to be dominated by animal forms and personification of natural forces. Yet zoomorphic forms are fei..r. This suggests that Fr'y kneii that the African regarded cosmic forces as more dangerous than the mere physical of ,-dId beasts. The same Vie-iiI lias reiterated by Prof. Segy who could have been influenced by Fry's opinion.

African sculpture consists predominantly of small-scale human figures. Fry this vIas anotheln paradox. He observed that the African "had passion unequalled anywhere else for the dance, and l-:is dances ShOlrl an intense feeling for the plastic dynamism of the body."[46] The African sculptor had great resources for studying the of the human body and opportunity to do so. But African figures are characterised by a profound sense of discouragement and reSignation, gestwnes and strange melancholy. Fry continued that emphasis is laid on the head and face although the aim was not to express individual characteps or create portraits. The sculptupe aims

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only at expressing the vital essence of man, "that energy of the inner" life vlhich manifests itself in certain forms and rhythm."[47J \"Jhat failed to mention are the practical factors which determine the small size of the statues. They needed to be portable for their ritual and secular functions.

Fry observed that Afr'ican sculpture vlas narrOiv-ly and exclusively spir'itual because it expressed an intensely animated religion \v-hich to the acts of spirits. These 'iv-ere largely the spirits of the dead tribal ancestors. According to Fry, the need to placate and satisfy these spirits accounted, to some extent, for one of the most extraordinary characteristics of African sculpture, "the extlneme freedom with Iv-hich the actual forms of nature are tInea ted. " [48]

"Everything I needed to knO\cJ about ll.frica is in those

Although Fry had some understanding of the content of African sculpture he never found it significant in the appreciation of this art. He ahrays saw art as offering us multiple choices of appreciation and comprehension and he asserted that grasping the meaning of art did not involve accumulating an erudition of past experiences. For Fry understanding therefore lies simply in open-mindedness and alertness to the arrangement of shapes, lines and colours. This to him did not embrace the underlying cultural matrix. Picasso put it in a more succinct ,"v-ay: objects."[49]

Gaudier-Brz eska 's vievls about primitive art, in general? iiere formed during his visits to the Huseum between 1911 and 1914. He pointed out that there ar-e rich aesthetic traditions in the work of the primitive people which need to be discovered and used by the modern artists. [50] On the other hand Gaudier-Brzeska once complained of boredom in seeing primitive sculpture in a large quantity lv-hereas European sculpture seen in the same quantity interested him

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infinitely. [51] This could be due to the poor' display of these i,wrks. Arnold Haskell, '1'111.0 sa,v over 200 African and Oceanic figures and masks of Epstein's collection dumped together in 1931, explained that it vias only vlhen they i'lere isolated piece by piece that their individual character and beauty could be understood. [52] Gaudier-Brzeska also complained about the lack of dynamism in African SCUlpture. This complaint was motivated by the influence upon him in 1912 of Rodin's concept of movement in art. This ShOi-lS Gaudier-Br'zeska' s initial dislike for static poses, frontality and symmetry rather than a misunderstanding of them. For he later explained that the movement in African sculpture vIas positive, synthesized and tOi-lards one end. [53] HO,vever, these dislikes did not prevent him from taking keen interest in the form and content of sculpture. The extent of Gaudier-Brzeska's understanding of the conceptual foundation of African sculpture can be realised in his concise historic account of world sculpture: "Vortex", published in the British magazine Blast in July 1914.

Gaudier-Brzeska stated that the Africans and the Oceanic Islanders pulled the sphere lengthways and made the cylinder i'IThich became the "VORTEX OF FECUNDITY", and it had left us with the masterpieces that are knovm as love charms. He pointed out the environmental conditions of the African: that the soil was hard; materials were difficult to win from nature; storms vlere frequent and fevers and other epidemics as Hell. These had perpetuated the "VORTEX OF FEAR" i'IThich motivated the creation of fetish masterpieces "the POINTED CONE". He concluded that the hardships of the avant-garde in a itlaY corresponded to those of the African: "and WE moderns: Epstein, Brancusi, Archiperu<o, Dunikoitlski, Nodigliani and myself through the incessant struggle in the complex city, have likewise to spend much energy. II [54] These indicate

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Gaudier-Brzeska v S

knovlledge of the conditions of the environment of the African, his fears and beliefs which resulted in the creation of fecundity and fetish figures and n:asks their geometric characteristics and sybolism.

In his article 'Primitive published in the The Listener, April, 1944, Noore sho",ed some understanding of some of the meaning and reasons for the creation of African sculpture. Of "i'ihich he stated:

For the Negro, as for other primitive peoples, sex and religion Ivere the t",o main interacting springs of life. Nuch Negro carving, like modern Negro spirituals but without their sentimentality, has pathos, a static patience and resignation to unknOlvn mysterious pOvfers; it is religious and, in movement, upward and vertical like the tree it was made from, but in its heavy bent legs are rooted in the earth. [55J

r'loore! s explanation of the heavy bent legs is presumptuous. For, as already indicated in the previous chapter, there is no satisfactory explanation for this.

The under'standing of the conceptual foundation of African sculpture by the British avant-garde artists and critics cover the main purposes of this art '\'Jhich lias to convey religious feeling and meaning. Their understanding may be short of an in-depth knowledge but this did not affect appreciation of nor their being influenced by African SCUlpture. All that mattered to them was reiterated by Moore in his summal"'y explanation. Hoore explained that primitive art, and, for that matter African sculpture, is a mine of information for the historian and the anthropologist, but to understand and appreciate it, it is more important to look at it than to learn the history of peoples, their religion, and social customs. Hoore pointed out that such knm;Tledge may be useful in helping us to look more sympathetically, and the interesting titbits of information on the labels attached to the carving

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in the museum can serve a useful by giving the mind a needful rest from the concentration on intense lookj_ng. Hoope added:

But all that is really needed is response to the carvings themselves, Hhich have a constant life of their olNn, independent of 'i'lhenevep and hm'lever they came to be made, and they remain as full of sculptural meaning today to those open and sensitive enough to perceive it as on the day they finished. [56]

Although the of the conceptual foundations of African sculpture by the artists Has limited and not essential to their appreciation of the sculpture, it is nonetheless of some importance in the influence of sculptur'e upon the artists. The role of this understanding Hill be reflected in the discussion of the influence upon some of the artists.

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CEAPTER THREE

Th'E DEVELOPING INTEREST IN AFRICAN SCULPTURE

evidence shOlvs that Afr-ican art had in Britain in the 19th century. "A lj_ttle Afr'ican material" lVas in the pl"'ivate collection ,'lith \"lhich \'Jilliam Bullock established the eal-,liest Ituseum in Liverpool in 1801. [1] This I Aflnican cannot be traced and identified because il'l 1809 Bullock moved to London \-lith his collections 1'1hich ,vel-'e dispel"'sed in 1819. [2] Since 1820 the Br-istol Huseum had 't"loman s Stool, F pr'esented by a husband on rr:ar'!"'iage!, Ghana. In 1825 Capt. Fredelnicl{ Harryat (1792-1848) a naval officer and novelist gave the British Nuseum a small collection fr'om Africa, r1exico, Australia and the Arctic. [3] One of the wost fascinating early items is the YOlnuba Equestr-' an, (FIG. 3.1) in the British It ,vas presented to the brother'S Robert and John Lander by the king of Borgu Village of Kaiama in Nigelnia in 1830, Hith a "\'lOoden stool. The draHings of the hJO carvings published in the 1833 edition of the Journal of Richalnd and John Lander shovl the l>iide brim of the l>J:deln I S hat intact v1hich is nou broken off.

into Britain by miSSionaries, sailors, soldiers 7 adventurers and colonial administrators mostly as mementoes; trophies of military, ecclesiastical and economic success. [Lf] The carvings that found their ivay into the public museums thr-ough donations op purchases became the subject of ethnoglnaphic interest.

collectors they called various names: lithe stuff the sailors blning back"; "native cur-ios":; "the \'lOdcs of Savages" [5]; "r.:.anufactur-es of unbaptised mankind" [6]; "fetishes"; "idols"; etc. It -,vas not until the second decade of the 20th century that aesthetic interest in .l\.f';:>ican sculptupe began in Blnitain. The development of J:nterest in African alnt

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can be divided into t'l;JO parts: (a) Ethnographical (b) Aesthetic

The ethnographical interest of African sculpture developed from the 17th century British tradition of voyages of discovery and the creation of ? cabinets of curiosities! by \'leal thy individuals 1'1ho collected from exotic peoples. Such some of Hhich exquisite artefacts, weI>e displayed in a cabinet or rooIr.S set aside for this The arrival of large quantities of curiosities from the South Seas in Britain in the second of the 18th century, the three voyages of Captain Janes Cook (1728-1779), Ividened the possibil:5.ties of collectors.

Al though the Pacific and Oceanic collections ser'ved as an impetus for the interest in African curiOS, the latter became more i'liidely collected because of the expansion of colonial in the early 19th century, the rediscovery of the interior of Africa and the activities of traders, misSionaries, military personnels and 'I'li11.o brought the CUl1 ios to Britain. [7] In addition contact vIas easier because Britain is closer to Afl"ica than to the Oceanic and the Pacific Islands. Steven Philips obser'ved: "ReliCS from these and more difficult to obtain than those fr-om Africa, uhich i'liaS physically and had active and missionary sel"'Vices and indigenous peoples conve1"'ted to px'oduce traditional of art and artefacts Ulltil recent years,"[8] Collecting 'I'laS stimulated by: the of many Benin bronze and ivory sculptur-es and 'Iwrks fr'om the Congo in Britain; geographical and ethnographical missions into the interior of Africa sponsored by the British GovernRent; the development of public and private museums irlith ethnographic sections in the cities of Britain; and enthusiastic in Afr'ican and othe11 plnimi tive art.

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In Feb?uary 1897 Benin city in sacked by the British as a punitive measure against its ruler and over tvlO thousand b?onzes and ivory from the palace ';vere seized. In lIarch these on sale in London, and many found their ivay into the great collections of African ar't: the r,1useum; the Pitt-Rivers HuseuD in 2nd the Berlin NuseUill. The Liverpool vIaS also able to acquire about one hundred of the bronzes and ivory carvings at the same time. [9] The study of these sculptures resulted in briO publications: Antiques fr'om the City of Benin, London, 1899 by C.H.Read and O.l"l.Dalton; and Antiaue Hode of Art fpom Benin London, 1900, by A.L-F.Pitt-Rivers.

Betvleen 1850 and 1910 carvings and textiles from Central and East Afrj_ca, especially the Belgian Congo arrived in The British Huseum purchased items from the explorer Emile Torday betlveen the years 1904 and 1910. In 1841 David Livingstone led his first British sponsored expedition to Central Africa folloHed by Stanley and others. [10] The i'li"itings of explorers, missiona?ies and colonial administrators stimUlated ethnographical studies. It vIaS in this that C.Hose stated; VI ••• one iLlportant function of the administrator consists in a study of the country, their manners and customs "[11] Such study vIaS extended to A.C.Haddon that it Has to study these al.,ts because they dying cuI tures; and some j_nsight into the prinCiples which underlie the evolution of deco?ative art. He suggested that to civilised art? ! barbaric' ? savage art' should be studied. [12] The establishment of the Ethnographical and Anthropological Societies in London in the last tvlO decades of 19th centur'y reflected the interest in the study of primitive peoples. At the meeting of the Institute on 27 November 1900 in London objects, including a carved stool (FIG.3.2) Here exhibited and discussed. They

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had been collected by HI'. Alf=.-'ed Sharpe, Assistant of Uganda and sent to the Institute for study. [13] Anthropology and ethnography became disciplines in Cambridge in 1904. Although the official to such study vvas ambigious, it ivas generally accepted as a corollaI'Y to administration. Hissionaries, and colonial often pr'ovided data for' the academics 1-]ho stimulated them to activity and helped them Tflith publications of Oi'm. One such ,-]as J .R.Roscoe. He vlO:"ked in Uganda betT,leen 1888 and 1913 i;Jith the Society, supplying facts to BrItish experts and eventually donating his collection, including T{;Qod carvings to the Cambridge University [14]

The ethnographical collections of major rr:.useums out of the 'cur'iosity cabinets! bequeathed by the nobility. The Br'Itish Huseum I s collection ,'las built on that of John Sloane i s, 1;;Jho had acquired a wooden drum probably collected in 17503 ]_n Vilnginia, liof undoubtedly Ashanti type - the ,wrk no doubt of some unfortunate Negro slave l;Jho had taken his tr'aditions 'l'lith him. It [15] In the 1860s Sir Augustus Hallaston Ft'anks presented his collection of apt! to the British Nuseum. In 1888 and 1889 John Kidc and H.H.Johnston gave their collections of African to the respectively.

By the end of the 19th museums in Bristol, Liverpool, Eanchester, London and Ips'l;Jich had become great repositories for .wrks collected in Africa and For instance in 1895 the Liverpool Huseum began to receive contributions from Arnold RidyaI'd, an engineering i"iith the Dempster Steamship Company. For twenty-one years, his retirement in 1916, Ridyard collected nearly three thousand objects the museUlli. From Senegal to Angola, along the coast, he established a net1ilork of and friendships ,'lith administrators and Aflnicans 'I',ho rl8.d access to the hinterland

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and 'i,ere to collect for him. He secured the interest of goverfl..ment officials like r-::r.A.A."\1jhitehouse, the Eastern Divisional Commissioner for Southern Nigepj_a vlho in 1903 gave the museun about fifty Ijo masks and figm"es seized dm"ing a punitive expedition to Island. [16]

The museum collections 1-1ere often haphazal-'dly displayed 'iJith little docucentation. Horks vJeJe'e usually labe2.led Hith the year of acquisition and the provenance and an indication of pl"obable use. HuseU!.ll directocs frequenlty had little knovJledge or inter>est in them although B:;'''itish collections acquired bete-1een the 1800s and the 1930s LVere of a high aesthetic quality.

Undoubtedly the British Huseum has the finest and the largest ethnographic collection in the "wr>ld of which 1I..£'1"ican v70dcs form the largest pm"t. The museum has about 77,000 African ,,'lOl"ks pI us the same amount of primitive vlOl"ks from other sou:"ces. In Br>itain there a further fifty museums vlhich possess mOl"e than a hundred works often amounting to a few thousand African artifacts. [17] (See Appendix III).

British ethnographical collections reflect Britain's colonial interest. They contain large quantities of African sculptures from the British colonies in Africa, but ve17 fel'l fe'om those belonging to the French, German and Portuguese. This colonial bias, houever, is not a significant factor in the study of the aesthetic influence of sculpture on Blnitish ar't and al.,tists. Bet,,"leen 1910 and 1930 British avant-ga.:::-'de artists Hho appreciated African sculpture saH vlOrks fr'om other parts of Africa in private and public collections in Paris, Hunich, Berlin, Dresden and Hei/l YOl"k. Jacob Epstein, for instance, Sal\' and collected African sculpture in Paris; Fry's Vision and Design illustrated Baule and Fang sculptures from collection in

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Paris ,,1hich the first African sculptuY'es Henr'y Hoore sa"l.

Betueen the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century dealeps sprang up 'I17ho produced illustrated catalogues of items for sale, and bought and sold items. (See Appendix One example of one of the Illustrated Catalogue of Ethnographical Specimens published in October 1900 by 1'T. D. They supplied the museums and collectors. Hell knoim dealers included 'I'1illiam Uarehar::. of Leicester Square, London; Steven of King Street, Covent Garden, London; H.O.Oldman and H.D.1;iebster. l'iebster, a London dealer betVleen 1890s and 1920s, was one of the first English ethnographers in England to realize that African carvings and artifacts had an intrinsic beauty and were not merely n savage curios". acute, he possessed interesting items that nOv1 in the Pitt-Rivers Nuseum, Oxford and the British There vlere also paim, junk and antique shops vThere African sculpture could be bought, such as those on Fleet Street and the Caledonian Road in London in the 1920s.

The development of an aesthetic interest in African sculpture in Britain and its impact on the contemporary art scene bett;een 1910 and 1930 is associated vlith Roger Fry. A discussion of Fry's interest in this art and his manner of promoting it involves examining his writings on the formal aspects of Afr'ican sculpture and non-European art; his tHO Post-Impressionists exhibitions; and his organisation of the Omega i"lorkshops.

Hhen Kenneth Clad:: edited the Last Lectures .Qy Roger Fr7 in 1939 he emphasised the importance of art for Flny:-

rJegro art provided in concentrated form the qualities w"hich Fry most admired, to him these nameless, dateless, i17ere as near as anything could be to his I ideal ' , a perfect, 'Iwrk of They have, he says, the same control of expressive elements of plastic fopm

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as the delicate vitality

mUSlClan has of the relations tact and restraint; they in the highest degree. [18]

to his notes; they have have sensibility and

Clack is not the only critic to ackna.dedge the influence of African sculpture on F::,y's aesthetic taste. Keith Robert an exhibition of tribal from NeH Guinea and in 1964, he also pointed out that these ",Jere vel7 much to the taste of if [19]

Such references indicate the extent to 1,..rhich Fry was interested in African art.

The fipst documentation of such interest Ivas in 1917. It is possible that Fry was inspired by the non-ethnographic approach of Paul Guillaume and Guillaume s book Negres published that because on 4 April 1917 he Krote to Rose Vildpac concerning his intention to publish in The Burlinp;ton Hagazine an article on African sculpture:

For a long time I have been looking for a Irlell-illustrated article on Negl"o sculptupe. If you going near Guillaume il'ho deals in it, IrJould you ask hi:n if he could arrange to get photographs and an article? There is an iI..merican artist, he has a French name Hhich I forget: he is one of the moderns and has a collection of Negro sculpture and he might produce an he is velJ T intelligent. [20]

Neither able to concede to Fpy? s Andre Salmon's 'Negro Art' published in The Burlington Nagazine in April 1920. At the sar1e time in The AthenaeUL1, F:cy Irlrote his first article 'Negro at The Chelsea Book Club I. This an exb.ibi tion of African sculpture shOim \"lfith "\vOl"k by four young Bl"itish aptists. [21] This exhibition Irlas extr'emely i.mpOl"tant fOl" it was revieI-Jed by othel" critics - Clive Bell, R.H.1Jilenski and J The lattep "In spite of its and remoteness thel"e is a considerable chance of its becoming an aesthetic battle-ground of the first importance."[22J

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Fry's article formed the basis of his lecture on the same subject probably behleen 1929 and 1930. In it he argued that ,African sculpture is rich in precisely those qualities Vlhich pertain to sculpture. He plastic freedom as a concerning form in three dimensions. According to Fry, this freedoLl had been 1ac1:ing in all European sculpture had approached plasticity from the starting point of the bas-relief, and conceived three dimensional form as a combination of front, back and side bas-reliefs. Hriters like LoR. Rogers and Elsy Leuzinger attributed this to the fact that European glyptic sculptures were produced from blocks of ,'lood or stone on "hich dravlings made. African \"i'ere mostly produced from tr"unks or branches thout any p:rel j..minar-y dra,Jings, (see FIG. 1 • 3 ) [23 ] 1

the geometrical format of the material contributing to the effectiveness of the three dimensionality of the finished sculpture. Hm-lever, :Lt rr:ust be remembered that there some Afr'ican sculptuJ:'es that are produced from l"'ectangular blocks of ,",wod, like the traditional Ghanaian stool 1',1hich the relief-like approach. Yet in this case, too, the begins Ivith a cylindJC'ical log of and r'educes it to a Inectangular piece before the

Generally speaking, the African sculptor' right fl"'om the beginning conceived his form in three dimensions, producing the finished vlOrk from his mental iDage 'tii thout any prel ininary 01'" model s. observed that complete plasticity came to European art only after it had attained a high degree of reppesentational accuracy. Fry found it strange that P£rican sculpture had not gone through this process to attain complete plastiC freedom. He observed that the neck and the torso are concieved as cylinders, and the head is conceived as a mass and suggested that it had taken Eur'opean a feT.,-]

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centuries to the shapes fOl"IDs. also observed the concavity of ll..frican :1asks as another feature that differentiated African sculpture from European. Fry explained that the European emphasis on forms is not determined by plasticity but by the preferences for forms ,·,hich physical symbols conveying certain inner qualities such as thoughtfulness through a pensive brow. He noted that the African s choice of forn 1;JaS more clearly dictated by his feeling for the pure plastic design. This uas l"eflected in the ease "\,ith i"lhich h::'s al"t depa;."ted f:r:"om natural proportion, arbitrarily altering the thickness and length of natural fOl"ID to achieve plasticity.

Fry Has also fascinated by the exquisite taste shO"lrm by the Afl"ican sculptor in handling his materials. He noted the patience and dexterity in executing the laborious surface treatment of cicatrices, tatoos, and incisions vlhereby the background "l1fas cut a,fay or cut j.nto the sur'face. Fry felt that this must have something to do vJith the enormous pleasure 1r/hich the sculptor derived from the mar'Vellous finish of his vwrk. Fry speculated that other artists, especially the Europeans, 1rlould have found some less laborous methods of rendering these madcs. He noted that the surface treatment added to the "iwdc! s subtlety and refinement of taste comparable to the finest Oriental craftsmanship.

In his second al"ticle VNegi"o Ih"t v '"lhich vIas conceived in lecture form and published by Clark in 1939, Fry briefly examined i"lhy African sculpture had not been readily accepted in Britain. He attpibuted this to the belief that the power to expressive plastic form vTas one of the greatest human achievements and therefore beyond the capability and comprehension of the savage African. For Europeans =..t v"JaS unj.maginable that certain anony::aous Africans could possess such Because of "the extreme freedom viith '"lhich the actual fOl"IDS of natmne

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are treated" in African sculptur'e, Fry observed that there Has no set of rules to form (even faces) and the sculptor was free to choose any fOl"ln for his purpose provided it created an illusion of the life of the spirit I"hich the African believed. Yet, Fry stressed African sculpture "laS not a of the \'lhole concept of life and it "ias not narrative. For instance, Fry pointed out that in the Spir:Lt Head, (FIG. 3.3), the dome-like dominance of the forehead b'laS supported by the bulging salience of the eyes and the prominence of the nose; balanced by the line of the base of the nose and the horizontal arrangement of the protpuding mouth I·lith teeth, and the chin. The head a complete understanding of the language of plastic expression b'Jhich had enabled the to create a human head vrithout resorting to exciting forms. The control of such expressive plastic elements 'I'Jas equal to the musician! s contlnol of notes. This "ias an area '\\There, according to Fry, the modern Eur-opean sculptor had failed, often ending Tllith producing only decorative arrangement. 'Fr-y suggested that such failur'e \\Tas due to the European sensibility 'I7hich derived from Greek art. I S general isa tions "jere based on a pecognition that African sculptures "Jere produced by different tribes and that considerable stylistic differences existed bet'l'leen them. For instance, he noted the presence of individual portraits, yet observed that even these 'I'Jere created '\dth "a feeling for for continuity of its plastic lnhythns 0

Fry did not discuss the influence of Afr'ican sculptupe on Eupopean apt, but concluded:

As it is art Ovles more to the tradition, and it is to the credit the fir'st to see its inportance, the clue to that purer, less contigent they have often dpeamed. Negro art remain '\-lith us. [24 ]

Negros than to any othep of alntists that they '\,;ere fir'st to look to it for a plastic language of I"hich must, I think, ahrays

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Fry! s on non-European art forms "Jere to enable him "to take note of the presence or absence of the qualities we call sensibility in the 't'Jorks of different and countries. n[25] In his article on African sculpture he had presented African art as a supreme alntistic achievement. Ii brief examination of his other i'Jrit ings ,rill indicate to "lhat extent 11..:frican sculpture influenced his aesthetic taste.

Fry's 'The Art of The Busli...men' published in Halnch 1910 "las a revie"l of Helen Tongue's Bushman Dra,vings, Oxford, 1909. [26] Fry observed that the dra'tvings ,,7hich depicted hunting, fighting and dancing c'lithout decoration, revealed different degrees of skill. He explained that the 'artist does not seek to transfer a visual sensation to paper, but to express a mental image i"hich is coloured by his conceptual habit.· [27]

On drai'ling in general? Fry argued that theIne different types of draivings and each expressed different concepts; and that they 'tvelne all important for the modern draughtsman. In other' "lOrds all types of dralvings important the development of the modern artists including the Bushmen dravTings. This arguement hit at the accepted notions of dravving at this time, such as John Fothergill! s IThe Principles of Teaching Dra'lving at the Slade School' of 1907 and 'Elementary Propositions in Dl"avling and Painting', 'tvhich Henry Tonks t"Tote 1vith Sir George Clausen in 1909. [28] Tonles, of at the Slade saH no J:'eason to regard the Bushmen draidngs as something of great quality, and "don't you think might find sorr.ething more intepesting to T;lrite about than Bushmen, Bushmen!! [29 ]

found the dra,"ings Inemarkable not only for theiln realism, but also for their freedom from the delineation in profile 1"1hich generally characterised the dra\Vings of primitive peoples, and the ancient Egyptians. He then compared the Bushmen dralvings to those of AnCient

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Greece, Assyria, Egypt and Paleolithic

Hith the exception of Paleolithic Fry found the Bushmen drawings full of more expression of sensibility than the others. In contrasting the Bush.'TIen Hith Egyptian and Assyrian art Fr'y noted that the latter remained intensely conceptual throughout, and there Has no serious attempt made to give greater verisimilitude to the symbols employed. He praised the extraordinary draughtsmanship of the Bushmen I"hich he found compar'able to Japanese dravlings in skHl and He considered that both retained the and rapidity of transcription, that is, 'ultra-primitive directness of vision I. [30] In Fr'y argued that the appeal of Geek art "liaS thr'ough corroecting and revising accepted conceptual images. [31]

In the to the exhibition of Hohammedan art in r:runich in 1910, Fry argued that the r·:Iohammedan arot was a meeting point of many influences. [32] TheIne ,Jere t;:"aces of the once wide-sproead Hellenistic traditions. Then there vlaS constant >ii th Byzantium. Nohammedan art, accoroding to Fry, vlaS also influenced by Chinese and Indian arot. He cited the cloisonnee enamel technique and style and the Groaeco-Roman palmette ornament as striking examples of European influence on Hohammedan art. The palmette ornament vJhich vIaS often rigid, unvarying and frequently lifeless in Greaco-Roman art, became the source of the flexible and infinitely varying systems of Hohammedan designs. This revealed skilfull intervleaving and subtle adaptation to different purposes and it had perpetuated a '\oJell-knOim style - the Arabesque. Hellenistic tlnaditions Here seen in Hohammedan as designs composed of classic vases from lihich sprung stems bending into series of Some of the an:i.mal bronzes shm-red faint outlines of Indian forms. Assyrian figural sculptures with aggressive schematization of forms with deep linear incisions also anticipated

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t'lohammedan art. The aniDal fj,gures sometimes appeared in stylistj_c lryeliefs Hith feeling for mass and grandeUln. The human fi_gures sholled extl'aOl"'dinary aptitude but ,vas pegettably abondoned by the r-':ohammedan artists in the 12th century. Hovlever, the use of the human figU!:-'e continued as designs for potter'y decorations but it vIaS ratteY'" than naturalistic. Fry pointed out that one of the many pl"oofs of continual interchange betiveen the Nohammedan and the Chinese civilizations 'liaS seen in the examples of China of Hhich an example l'laS shovm at the exhibition. There \',e1"e also bronze mirlnors viith Zodiac designs in relief '(",Thich I'Jere del"'ived from Chinese mirrolrys.

Fry asserted that on the 'l-1hole f10hammedan and European art developed in close contact and harmony during the great period of artistic in the mediaeval period. In this respect some and C!'afts as Hell. I!ohaIllll1edan he indicated? I"las characterised by beauty and delicacy of outlining patterns; harmony and purity of design rendered '(clith cosummate mastery of draughtsmanship. HOVlever, Fry did not indicate any influences of al",t on Europeal: al't; nei ther did he indicate any advance OP superiorj_ ty of the sensibility of Hohammedan apt over European art as he 'ioIaS bold to establish in the case of Afl"'ican sculpture. Fry I s impl"'ession '.-las that Nohammedan art rathel" shar'ed a ce:",tain sensibj_l_ity i"iith European, Chinese and Indian art.

on Ancient art in 1918, [33] found Hexican art subser7ient to l"'eligious demands but did not find it (especially Hayan art) characterised by the mechanical pepetition of religious symbolisD, that typifies Egyptian art. He consider'ed that it displayed a highly developed and self-conscJ"..ous aesthetic sensibility 'ilhich "i'laS close to that of Chinese sculptUl"'e and that among the finest examples of

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scu:r..ptupe iJeI'e those of iJegras, of i-lhich casts he:r..d by the Fry considered modern artistic responses to Aztec and Eayan sculptures to be a l'esul t of the general aesthetic al'Jakening Hhich followed the revolt against the Gl'aecc-Roman tradition. He detected strong stylistj.c similarities bet";;-reen Inca and Hayan but felt that the Incas displayed their ambition more effectively in arhitecture and \,Then Fry began to ilJr,:::.te on art his interest Has in the Old He often peferred to them as Primitives not because there is any visual similarity vrith the prim:.tive art of Oceania, Africa, Australia and the ./1.l11ericas, but because they shaped a striking similarity of apppoach tmJards the simplif:'cation of fopms and formal design. It ivas this aspect of the art of the Old r'1asters vlhich Fry fcund interesting but reglnetably lacking in the rueot of his contemporaries. He explained:

It i·Tas an innate desire for this aspect of ac'"'t v111.ic11 dl"ove me to the study of the Old t"Bsters and, in particular, those of the Italian Renaissance, in the hope of discovering from them the secret of that architectonic idea 'I-111ich I missed so badly in the \vorks of my

F:"'y's study of Giovarlni Bellini pub2.ished in 1899 established him as a leading scholar in the field of Florentine art. This secured him the position of art critic on the Pilot and The Athenaeum in 1899 and 1900 respectively. He also became the co-editor to The BU1"lington r<Iagazine in 1903. His intension ,JaS to help extend its scope because he felt that Britain needed a periodical that could educate the public about art:

England alone of all serious ancient shameful per:'odica:r.. The '\Jant. [35]

cultural European cOill1tries, lacks a devoted to the disinterested study of Burlington Hagazine vIaS to fill this

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It "lms due to that some leading and iClen of lettel"'s such as nagazine.

As Cur-ator of Painting for the Huseum in Nell York from 1906 to 1909 Fry acquired Old I'Tasters rather than viOrks by a:>tists or non-European ax't. Al though he that there was no modern art capable of satisfying his predilections, his concern vlith the Old 'iJas motivated by a desire to complete the collection so that it represented a coherent historical developnent. This desil'e coincided "'lith contenporaI'y because at that time American collectors, dealers and museum curators were enthusiastic about the Italian Primitives. [36] Pre-Columbian ru.,t came to Fry's notice because of studies by scholars, and it undoubtedly contributed to the development of his general interest in primitive art. This is suggested by a that Fry urote to The Burlington ro1a.gazine in Hal"ch 1908, protesting against a of the Society exhibition "ihich had denounced the ,wrks of Hatisse as infantile and those of r'Ionet, Ce'zanne 9 Van Gogh and Gauguin as representing the decline of Imppessionisn. [37] Fr-y! s reply assey'ted that Ce'zanne and Gauguin ,Jere Pl"oto-Byzantine than neo-Impressionists and displayed ! a finer and more scrupulous sense I • [38 ]

At this time F17 Vlrote that h:_s imrr,ediate concern "as "hOH to use the mode::-n vision vlith the constructive design of the Old Hasters". He even indicated that C,{zanne had solved this p:"oblem of combining mode:;:cn vision uith the sensibility of the Old Hasters [39 J. He began to that a nelJ PUl"pose and methods of painting uel"e emerging. Subsequently '" he published 11aurice Denis's essay on Cezanne of September 1907, in The Burli.ngton Hagaz-;ne in October 1909. He emphasised his intention:-

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for the benefit of a of Hould them the opportunity tendencies that had manifested in the last feiv years. [40]

English This of observing the nei'J modern French art in the

To achieve his aim he needed the assistance of l:..ke Frank

Rutter, the organise?' of the Allied Association[41], and Hichael

Sadler t-Jho translated Kandinsky!s Concerning the in [42]

Fry to Uilliam Rothenstein on Janua:'y 2, 1910 that he felt 'a nell hope altogether about art and all those who care and are not fossilised Dust get and produce something? [43] A fee-J days later Fry his intention of shovring the most recent paintings of French artists to the British pubJ.ic. This happened when he organised the Post-Impressionists in October the same year.

The Post-Impressionists Exhibition vJaS held in the Grafton Galleries j,n London October 1910 to January 1911. TJ::e title

I Post-Impressionists! Has chosen because, to 'they came after the Impresssionists.! [1.1,4] He prefaced this "lvi th I r'fanet! because

Banet vJaS an accepted and Inecognised artist and "HaS regarded as the / father of painting in Britain. [45] Cezanne, Van Gogh, and Gauguin ,>Jere prominently featured in the ShOi-J and their i>1orks inspilned a """ide-spread interest in sculptm"e.

Banet i'Tas l"epresented by one pastel and eight oil paintings; Van Gogh by hJenty-tHo oil paj.ntings including his SunflO\>1er, and Pieta UU'ter Delacroix) ;Gaugu:'n by thirty-six paintings including The t

/ That Keeps Hatch and a of his Tahitian paintings; Cezanne

" by hlenty-one paintings including the Bathers and !1adame Cezanne; Picasso vJaS represented by sane dlnavlings and two pl"'e-Cubist vJod::s; Derain by pictm"es of 1907-9; Natisse by three oils, tvJelve dra'i-lings and eight bponzes; Vlaminck by nine pictures from 1907-9. The

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Fauves, Friesz, Herbin and represented by one each. Other items listed in the catalogue included potter'y by f'1atisse, and Vlaminclq drai·Jings, lithog:naphs 1 bronzes by various artists; and three statues by r'laillol - one in cotta and tvlO in bronze.

HacCarthy t S preface in the catalogue vIas based on the notes made by Fry. He later related that Fl:''Y handed to him "uith a feiv notes, the ticklish job of Hr'iting the pr'eface to the catalogue - the unsi.gnec IV [46] HacCarthy, presumably follo\ving Fry, emphasised the simplification, rejection of :"'epresentati.ons in the ljwrks, and their affinity lj·lith and exploitation of p:t'imitive al"'t.

The exhibition provided excitment for the people of London. [47J Fry repeatedly received abusive letters and parents sent chilcish scribbles vlhich they lj'Jel"'e fa:::, supel"'io:(" to the ,vorks of Cezanne. [48] Fry defended the exhibition in the Nation, in 1912. He argued that the artists \-Jepe in fact because they uere rejecting the photogpaphic vision of the 19th century and had stumblec upon the principle of primitive cesigns. He believed that the misapprehension ,vas due to the insulari.ty and provinci_alism of English art Ivhere imagination iJaS limited by excessively detailed, painting.

Natisse' s "\·;ere the lea.st appreCiated. The Hith Green Eyes, of 1909, (FIG.3.4), everyone \-Jith its b:::'ight coloUl"'s, the exaggerated form of the elongated neck and the sloping shoulders and the decorative nature of the composition. Fry did not point out that the eight bponze lj·w:cks he exhibited possessed affinities with Afl"'ican sculptur'e, although Alfred Bapr Jnr., in 1966, emphasised that the African influence on sculptures bet"IVeen 1906 and 1908 Has general and ,vell assimilated. [49J In other 'iwrds, Hatisse employed the

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African principle of design, and his sculptures reflected the African vlhich excluded specific, purely formal similarities. F17

Hatisse one of those modern artists .Jho "Jere looking for formal designs in a ,'lay close to children r s art. Uhen he visited Natisse! s studio in Nay 1910, he 1iJrote to his vIife comparing Natisse! s iwrk vi:l th the vlOdc done by his seven year old daughter:

He vlent to Impressionists, queer'. He does

Hatisse's studio. He's one of the neo, neo quite interesting and lots of talent but very things very much like Pamela's. [50]

Equally had indicated sj.milarities bet,Jeen children I s art and pl'"'imitive " hen he had vll"i.tten on Bushmen al"t. Fry \<las not concerned to identify the influence and values of any par'ticular OceaniC or Afri.can primitive art in modern Rather, he Has interested in the genel"al primitive outlook that contempOlnary artists vrere using in their iwrk as a source of inspiration.

The Post-Impressionist exhibition had an impact on British institutions like the Royal Academy of lkt, and especially on the Slade School of Sickert regarded the exhibition as 'an evil thing that had seduced the most gifted of the Slade students, those very ones that Tornes had relied upon to continue the tradition of Turner, Gainsborough, and Constable, vlith a thought nOilJ of rlHlais and of Hunt. I [51] Paul Nash, then a student, recalled that the Slade 1;.,as seething under the influence of Post-Impressionism, and noted that the virus of the nel'l al"t ,.,as at vlOrk and that Tonks ,vas "panic stl"iken", in case the students t"lould imitate Hatisse. "He could not p:revent our visiting the Grafton Gallel"j_es; he could only wapn us to stay a"\<ray. "[52] Tonks himself seeing his former student.s joining the l"et:larked, "l'lhat an unholy bl"ood I have rai.sed up." [53] Some of the teaching staff 1-Jel"e also affected by Post-Impressionist:l, notably Frede:..nick Broi-Jn, Slade

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Prafessar. Frs reparted:

I was much gratified that Fred Brolm, the Landan Slade Prafessai." vlha had ahlays been antaganistic to' By ideas and began by scaffing, Hrate Be a saying that he had campletely canverted to' the ideas embadied in these pa:I..ntings. [54]

I'illen the exhibitian clased, the discuss ian cantinued far \-leeks.

This i:'esulted in the publication af books on Past-Impressianism, fOl' example, Notes on Past-Impressionists Painters, Landan 1910 by Charles J.Halmes; Past-Impressianism Landan, 1911, by C.Lev1is Hind;; and Frank Rutter's Revalutian In Art. Rhytbm, an avant-garde magazine, vJas launched by J anll in the suc.mer 1911, and the edi taI"'ial declared:

"RHYTHH is •.• the ideal af a neli art, to' "llhich it 'lill end eav aur' to' give expressian in England."

The effect af the exhibitian an the i'TaS sUIDilled up by Quentin Bell Hha declared that 'Fr'y had de strayed the tissue af the carr:.far'table falsehaad an '.Thich that age had based its beauty, pr'apriety and [55] H.C.l';'ees, an the ather' hand, the impact 'i-Jith that af the palitical issues af the time:

'r'lanet and the ••• might nat be like the 'Suffragettes', 'Black Friday' ar Carsan's attack an Hame Rule. As it aut, h011eveln a Van Gagh, a Gauguin, 0'1" a L'1atisse araused as vialent a public react ian as Little Lentan ar a Sir Ed'i;J"apd Carsan. [56]

Ten years later Fry suggested that the upraar "I'laS caused by peaple "11110 felt instinctively that their culture "\las a social asset. Hhile theircould not rival them in appreciating academic art? by theiln selnvants cauld surpass them in appl"'eciating madelnn ar't -;;-1hich uas naive, childish and primitive. The accusatian of r'eval utianalny anal"'chism levelled at the shal" Llay had been due to' sacial pather than to

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aesthetic prejudice. [57J the exhibition brought Fry's name to aIilong a public ,-;11.0 began 'co be affected by his aesthetic taste. Fryts enthusiasm for modern particularly French increased The al"tists 'Vrere credited \-Ji th discovering and assimilating Afpican sculpture, as Clive Bell the exhibition "sent the more aler·t not only to Pal"is but to lLuseums and col:_ections I-There they could look at primitive, Oriental and savage Fry later found himself surrounded by a of progressive young artists, most of 'Ivhom Here familiar ,-lith the latest French painting and had even lived in Paris. Hyndbam for instance had lived in Pm"'is and Ginner lived in Paris from 1904 to 1910. Etchells, in 1909 had met Hodigliani, Picasso, Braque, Natisse and others in Paris. As Duncan Grant 'Vlho had been to Pa:"':i..s in 1906 "this viaS really a ::::loment ';1hich had bl"'ought all the young painters in England into a SOl,.,t of movement. II [59] These young artists brought vIi th them to London the lj_fe style of theil'" Parisian contempOl"aries. The /Cafe Royal became theil" intellectual and social centl"e. lktists formed into groups such as the Camden Tmm gr"oup, the Fitzroy Stlneet g-20UP, the Cumberland Iifarket group, the Grafton gpoup, the London gr-oup, the Slade group, the Fl"'y gl"OUp, the Le,-Jis gl"'oup, the John group, the English RevievJ group, the Nelv Age group, the Egoist gpoup, the group, the IElagist group, and the Vorticists group. The history of these groups is a complex one, because of divergent opinions, overlapping of memberships and intel"nal schisms. The intellectual activi ties of these artists composed mainly of discussions. r'la.l"k Gelntler attended such discussions and remad;:ed that the follmving welne discussed: ar"t, Neo-J-IDpress:Lonism, Cubism, , Cave-dwelling, etc.[60] The life-style adopted from Paris and the

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enthusiasm by the young British artists, according to John lJoodeson, Has described as a II'Paris:"an Co:'ossus' '\1ho emasculated almost an entire generation of British

In 1912 Fry organised the Second Exhibition at the Gr'afton Galleries 1:1h1ch opened on 5 and closed on Decerr.ber 20. In the catalogue Fry explained that having shmJl1 the .". Hork of the v Old I-1asters of the modern movement such as Cezanne, Gauguln and Van Gogh, he nOli Hanted to sh01:J developments, j.n the home of and England i-,here it beinG Fry li,as mindful of Der Blaue Reiter and Die ,;.yi1en he that the Post-Impressionist schools flourishing, in Svritz erl and , Austro-Hungary and particularly in but chose to concentrate on developments in England, France and Russia. responsible for the French, Clive Bell for the English and Boris von for the Russian sections.

Cezanne, Bonnard, Rousseau, Seurat, Vuillard, Friesz, Signac, Rouaul t and Redon \,Jere an represented as Liell as (19 paj.ntings, 8 and a large group of cove;:'ing the period 1900-12 ",hich included his Fauve Picasso (13 paintings and 3 dra\lings including examples of African Cubist Hodes, (see FIGS.3.5 and 6); L 'Hote by 12 paintings;; Vlaminck by 8 paintings; 6 De11 ains; and 4 each of llarchand and Braque including Fauve and Cubist 1:lOI'ks. Less 1:Jell-knol,rn alntists like Herbin, Von Dongen, Chadan, Puy and \Vere also Fr'y that all these artists 1:7ere to find a neH pictorial language but the public, convinced that painting's purpose Has to iDitate natural forms, '(vas not receptive to these new ideas:-

these mntists do not seek to give what can, after all, be but a pale reflection of actual appearance, but to the

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conviction of a and definite Ineality. They do not seek to imitate fm"1l1, but to cpeate fOlnm; not to ir:1itate life, but to find an equivalent to life. By that I mean that they 1;·;ish to make images 'VIhich by the cleapness of their logical structure, and by their closely-knit unity of texture, shall appeal to our distnterested and contemplative imagtnation Ivith something of the same vividness as the things of a.ctual life appeal to practical activities. In fact, they aim not at illusion but at reality. [62J Fry cited Picasso! s arralytical cubist work Buffalo Bill 1911, ,'lhich Has a head of a man (FIG.3.7), as an example of a portrait that did not 'set out to make a dtrect imitation' of the actual model. the affi.ntty of Natisse! s cor..tinous flm! of lines and colour scheme to Oriental ar..d Chinese art. He also observed the influence of Picasso on the younger artists. Fry pointed out that the main dj.fference bet,'leen the English and the French at the exhibition

Ivas the markedly 'Classical spirit' of the latter. Fry at this point 'VJas trying to evolve a ne1li aesthetic concept 'Classicism in modern art! 9 Ivhic!:: he ,'las applying to the French Post-Impr'essionists. He explained that by Iclassical', he did not mean dull, pedantiC tradition, the painting of themes fr'om ancient Greek or Roman history. He defined the ne,;v as I classical' because their I'lorks did not rely on associated ideas as Romantic and Realistic did. He did not mention the specific influence of Afric2J."'l. on Picasso I s or' I'Jatisse's Ivorks. Some of the vwPics especially of Picasso and Hatj_sse shot,;ed affinities to ll£rican sculpture. In Hatisse's La Serpentine 1912, (FIG.3.8) the influence is seen in the dramatic deformed and elongated torso, arms and legs; the rigid cylindrical neck which is noticeable from the front; the thick and heavy looking legs that end in flat splayed feet. The small conical are placed in l:1.ne of the shoulders and they seem to out of th collar-bones. These fOlnmal elements ape comparable to the Seated Ancestor Figupe, Bambara, r"lali,

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(FIG.3.9) "\vhich Hatisse had in his possession at that time. It is difficul t to say exac1 ty iihen Natisse a1 though it vIas probably 1909 because that year KahnHeiller repmnted that f'latisse had about hl'enty pieces of ll..frican sculpture. [63]

The English section vlas by Etchells, and his sister Jessie, Stanley Spencer, Hyndham LeTIJ:is, Duncan Grant, Henr'y Lamb, GOlne, Bernard Adney, Roger Fpy and Vene ssa Bell. Seven sculptm"es by Eric Gill I"Jere included. Vias considel'''ed the most talented of the group. His six Tdorks vary in style, ranging from as seen in The Queen of Sheba, 1912, (FIG.3.10) to Post-Impressionism as in the The Danceps, 1912. Simplification, brilliant colours and decorativeness dominated his ivod(s. The Queen cf Sheba shoHs the Neo-Impressionist approach to painting vlhere everything is painted in small touches of pure colours v1hich blended optically to produce the sh-immeping effect of nature. A similar technique is seen in the Portrait of Pamela Fry. In both cases Gr"ant 1 s dark and harsh outline had been softened by the pointillist method. In his po]:,trait, Henri Doucet, 1912, and Byzantine Lady 1912, is seen a technique of painting it1hich he and Venessa innovated. They called it 'i-lobbling' . It is a rich decorative marbling technique. His last t,170 paintings, the Dancers and Seated lrJoman, 1912, reveal the tightly hatching blnushstr"okes of Post-Impressionism.

vath the remarkable of the 1910/11 Exhibition in mind Clive Bell that there ,vas no need to be defensive about the one:

The battle is VIon. r,-1e all nOvi, that any form in Hhich an artist can express h:.'J:tJ.self is legitimate, and the Llm"'e sensitive pe2"ceive that are things vlorth that could never have been expressed in traditional forms. [64]

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Bell pointed out that the sought truth in their subjects and their choice of form "was determined by the need to express it. On the other' hand he acknOl1Tledged that the British ru"tists uere indebted to the French for simplification of and bright and plastic designs. that the British art ,-1as to the French because the British did not go directly to the root of the inspiration Hhich was primitive art. Bell concluded that the British artists intended neither to please, flatter nor shock, but to express great emotions. [65J

On 16 February 1913 Fry lectured on 'Post-Impressionist Design' at the Sandon Studios, Livel"pool and he Hlustrated his points 'l1"ith Picasso's Head of .§.. r':a.n 1912, (FIG.3.11) "\-;hich had been shOlm at his exhibition. He complained to Gertrude Stein that the English audiences not responsive to the painting, and had no sensibility of form. The painting built up of intersecting lines and planes ioTaS a complete departure from the European tradition of setting the image in time and space by the use of perspective and light and shade. Three years pictures like this, 8hOll1"ing an affinity to and primitive art, still baffled the British. In August 1919 Osber-t Situell Olnganised The Exhibit-von of Hodern F:nench Apt at Heal's Galler-y, ,,[hich included %'m'k by Picasso, Hatisse, Derain, Vlaminck, Hodigliani and A self-styled ! Philistine' ,",lrote to the editop of the Nation:

The Cubist school: These are the gentlemen I suspect of pulling my leg. Do they see things like that, op are they trying it on to see hOi"1 much the and the public lJill stand? I have tI'ied the picture f:::'om eveT'y angle short of standing on my head, and to me they absolutely meaningless. Granted it is a neu convention, can the base of this convention be stated? I should like to be able to appreciate the pictures, but that I despair of it - is it possible to UJ."'lderstand the convention they used? [66]

Fry had been explain:Lng the basis of this convention and hOlJ to

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app:ceciate it since 1910. Despite such pemarks the impact of the t,w Post-Impressionists Exhibitions on the artistic life in Bpitain had been tremendous.

In his promotion of modern apt and Afr-'ican sculptur'e in Britain realised that some support system for artists or patl"onage Here necessa:'y. He expressed these ideas in 'The State' published in 1912 and reprinted as 'Art and Socialism' in Vis"on and Design[67]9 in response to an invitation to contpibute to The State, a compilation of Essays edited by H.G. Hells and others dea12.ng vrith social progress in all spheres of }_ife. lu though he the idea of being ! a socialist' Fry expressed h:ts belief that less ostentation? '\lould the situation fop and designeps. He discussed the effect plutocracy had on art at time and l'las likely to have in the near future. He concluded that the creative impulse iJOuld be crushed and atrophied by manufactured artefacts, and the consur;:,ption of an iIilmense mass of art. He also examined the pos:'Ltion of the aptist j_n society and kied to find hO,l the Ideal State might malce the best use of the s by the public a11d tl1.e state commissioning the artists on a la,::'ge scale. [68] Fry's urge to ameliorate the plight of young artists and his cOIiJll1itment to cOIlTTIunity prompted him to establish the Omega Uorkshops announced in the 5 Appil 1913 issue of The Chponicle and officially opened at Fitzroy Squa::oe on 8 July 1913.

The Omega Limited one form of absopption of ='.nto English aI't. It viaS also one of the bases of ppoTIoting African sculpture in Britain. It had blO aims: - To help to :I:.alee a living by providing theE vlith a regular job and to educate public taste. Fry intended to the decorative of modern art :.uto the art of and design and by this extend the influence of Fine art into everyday life.

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THO conditions set up fOl" the aI'tists Hho Horked at the Omega l'lorkshops. In the first place no Has to 'tlOrk on the premises illore than thpee and half days a \leek, so that he she cou::'d have enough time fop more serious creative i-lOrk. As one of the conditions each artist vIas I'las to i"eceive 30 shillings "loJeek OI' 7s 6d day.

In the second place all Or;:ega ,,,rere to be sold anonYlliously undep the Omega Stamp. This uas to guaY'antee that no paY'ticulaY' aY'tist sought and thepeby earn more than the others. This also gave the artists the f;.needom to expe::'''i.rrrent Hith styles they might not attempt under their oem na.mes, enabling them to explOl"e altel"natives and extend theil" am stylistic ho,;>izons.

i1any artists joined the ,;wrkshops including LeioJis, Etchells, Cuthbert Hamilton, John Turnbull, Hilliam Roberts and eska \'Jho ;;'las the only sculptor at the i'lOrkshops. Phy::'lis Barron and l'lcKnight rCauffel" did not on the but subm:7.. tted the:::':" textile designs for exhibitions. Gertler, Paul Nash, and David Bomberg Horked ocassionally. Doucet, Jessie Etchells, Nina Hamnet t and her husband Raold Kristian iJel"e l"egulaln vlOrkers. There is evidence that Houcha a half-Russian and half-Spanish paintep, Ediml'd Holfe and Bernar>d Adeney also "iwdced there. The I'lorkshops \'Je:ne opened to all artists, especially those with aims and tastes CODEon to Post-Impressionism.

Omega pT'oducts included painted toys, painted. ti'ays, potte!""y, lampshades and any conceivable creative items that could be Textiles iiere designed by aptists and hand prj_nted. Co:m.missions of a decorative natul"'e undertaken at the vlorkshops. Exhibitions of I ivod<: l'Jel"e held time to time. The products by simplicity; emphasis laid on decoT'ation rather' than on the structu:::,al aspect of design; freedorr:. of

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surface application; exuberant colom"s? less emphasis on precise finishing thereby avoiding machine-made deadness and achieving at the same tiille the quality of flSrican art.

The interest of the Omega artists in African sculpture I,as sholjvn above all in the Hay they embraced the principles that gover'ned the of Afl'ican artefacts. FrjT explained in an undated cata:_ogue of the

If you look at a pot or a Hoven cloth by a negro savage of the Congo with the crude instrument at his disposal, you may begin to despise it fOi" its ',Jant of finish. If you put them beside a piece of r:::oder'n Sevres china or ave::' vet bl'ocade from a Lyons factol"y, you may per>haps be congl"atulating yourself upon the iwnders of modern industrial and think I·lith pi ty the poor savage. But if you \vill allou the poor savage! s handii-lorks a longer contemplation you 1ilill find something in it of greatel" value and significance than in the Sevres china or Lyons velvet.

It "'Jill become appal"ant that the negro enjoys making his pot or cloth, that he pondered delightedly over the possibilities of crafts and that his employment finds in many and as these become incl"easingly apparant to you, you share his joy in creation, and in that forget the roughness of the result. [69J

Fry that modern factory products were made entirely for profit, vr:: th no othe:" joy than money making coming into their creation. The skill 1-1hich made them is adrr:irable, but it cannot cOrDl!lunicate disinter'ested delight. Fry concluded that the artists uorking at Omega ieJe:'e \·mrki.ng on the same princ::' ple as the Negr'o, a::'lolving fr'ee play to their delight in making of objects for everyday use. They refused to spoil the expressive quality of their by sand-paper'ing it dO\m to a shop finish or trying to attain the elegance of the machine-made pl"oduct. They tpied to keep the spontaneous of pr'imitive ",hile satisfying the needs and expressing the feelings of modepn cultivated man. [70]

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The influence of ltfi'ican sculptuT'e on the Omega and artists .las largely derived in one or' the other' the influence of Picasso, Derain, I\1atisse, Hodigliani, Brancus:' and Braque. Only did the artists attempt to Hode from specific examples of sculptui'e, to directly assimilate the vlOrks, as Picasso and had

Because of this, the iwrks of the Omega artists often lacked the immediate impact, vigour and vitality of ft..f:('ican sculpture .lhich charaterised the Horks of their French Vanessa Bell co;:::plained of this in lettep of 12 August 1912 to She deplOl'ed the "English siiieetness ••• because I have been seeing all those

Per'haps they look so bad by comparison .lith Depain, Picasso, Natisse etc. n [7l] .Alnost all the Omega artists had in one i/lay Oln the seen African ,wod sculptu::"'e in museums in Brita:'n, F2:"ance and Ger'many, (especially in the British Euseum and the Trocadej:"o)? and in the collections of artists like Picaso and others. For instance in 1909 Duncan G11ant had seen riatisse ! s African collection of cope than If 20 pieces from places." [72]

Duncan Grant!s Couple Dancing 1913 (FIG.3.12), is a painted panel lJhich hung at the first floor level outside the Omega l'iorkshops. It depicts elongated fu"1d entHined dancing figures. The thick long curves ape compalnable to those seen in Picasso! s r;ude i'lith Raised Ar'ms 1907 (FIG.3.13) and the Nude Hith Drapery 1907 (FIG.3.14) One sees peflections of the Ion.; nap p 0"1 almond shape heads in Grant I s Hork. Grant had seen some of these or s Hodes by Picasso in Stein's collection in Paris. [73] Gr'ant!s Head of Eve 1913 (FIG.3.15) is a study a painting Adam and Eve 1913 (FIG. 3. 16) vras con:missioned by Clive Bell for the Contemporar'y ihnt Society. The lattep ,vas damaged in the Tate Gallery flooding in 1928. The Head of Eve shaHS

VigOl'OUS and sj.mplification of fonn. The curved

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and the nose ::i:.nto :celief by hatchings, the little round mouth, and the kidney shaped ears correspond to the impact of Afr:'.can sculpture. Grant I s cr'oss-hatchings and sinplification influenced by Picasso's African Heads 1907 CFIG.3.17 and 18). The long cylindrical neck "'"lith angular shoulders and the huge breasts that are placed slightly high is also reminiscent of African sculpture. The Adan and Eve, a painting Grant called "thankless offsprings", Adam standing on his pOl<le:,-'ful hands Vlith his tlVO thin elongated legs up. Adam is separated from Eve by a tall stylised tree. There is similarly gecorative tree on the left of Eve. Eve's torso is distorted, the thighs are ipS1ated, the right thigh larger than the left. Another early painting by uhich 8ho,,18 a affini ty to l\Srican sculpture is The Tub 1912, (FIG.3.19), The African influence is noted in the simplified and distorted arms and limbs; the snall heal"t like shaped face beaping a tube-like nose that runs dovm the length of the face to the base line of the chin; hlO strands or locks of hair enclose the face to accentuate its roundness and smallness; and the hips show a considerable enlargement caused by the short thick thighs that tapper dm-m into the aloQ.ond shaped tub. The ttW pOlverful thighs, SUPP0l'"'ting a short th:l.ck torso have almost replaced the vagina. tried to indicate the firmness of the stomach by using shopt parallel horizontal hatchings, ,-,hich rather suggest scarifications. The sturdiness of the figuroe the tvlO Baga Figures (FIG.3.20) vihich a2.so in Natisse's collection. might have seen them he visited !/[attise in 1909. Similarly the Baga ShOl-1 short and thick legs that to the feet enc::"osing spaces of triangular shapes, and shoy't and thick torsos. The Tub seems to have inspired LevJis I Design for in The Cave of the Golden Calf 1912, and Indian Dance 1912,. (FIGS.3.21 A and B) The figures in both paintings have common stylistic traits derived from a similar soupce as The Tub.

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Grant epitomised for all that he admL--ed in contemporary painting v'lith its influence from primitive The influence of African sculpture and other art forms on Grant has been observed by "One could catch to Byzantine mosaics, to Hatisse, to African sculpture, to early

The Harguetry Tray, FIG.3.22, designed by in 1913 is an of a '\rJOoden trays desigr:.ed by hi.J.-n and Grant.

It depicts hlO vThose body moveL1ents accentuated by the angularity of the composition. The stylistic indebtedness to Cubism is undoubtedly clear. It noted in the angular, simplification and planar' tl°eatnent of the com.posi.tion. These ilere achieved by the adopt:i_on of the cubistic conventions of slant:',-ng lines the figm."es and flat planes. Apparently the methods and materials used at Omega in producing such trays and panels demanded a cubistic approach. The designs involved cutting and pasting of papers. In the next stage, veneers of different shapes of Hood ""Jere cut according to the shapes of papers and then glued to a flat and broad piece of ""lOod imitating the paper ',Jork. Another method is by drmJing on a piece of ,·woden board.

gauges about half an inch deep into the ,-lOod forming an Egyptian relief sunk-in Pieces of different shades of irlOod cut and laid in the The Omega ai'tists definitely used straight and slant cut out pieces of Hood ,-7hich easier" to use than :1ound and cu:cvinG forms. Gaudier-Brzeska r s t11ay sho'ds some sim.ila!"ities to Picasso! s African-inspired cubist painting Dryad 1908, (see FIG.3.23). There is no evidence that Gaudier-Brzeska ever saw this painting. H01:leVe11 ? the coincidence :'cS not a mean one, but shotlS hml he had undel"stood the p11inciple of Cubism. Gaudie11 -Br'zeska! s ga11 den ornament Bird Bath, 1914 VIas produced in the Oc.ega \<,Jorkshops 7 commissioned by Fry for his house

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in Durb:'n. It is a bmil, suppor'ted by hunan caryatids. FIG. 3.24

b-lO vie"Vis of the Bird Bath 11hic11. is composed of sharp angular planes that reflect P£rican-inspired cubist influence. The caryatid is supposed to represent a squating figuT'e I'lith tuo heads and tl-lO hands supporting a bmJl but due to excessive distortion and simplification it is impossible to cleaply distinguish the other fopms of the f:i..gure. It looks like a lump 1riith hacked a,'lay to reveal shapes ,-lith pleasing facets. The t,-JQ hands seen in FIG.3.24A, are boldly simplified into broad and angular fm'!:1s and ended in blunt figures. The hands and the fingers similar to those of the car'yatid fiGure of the Central AfT'ican capved stool, (FIG. 3. might have seen the in the British Iluseum. OEs intet'est in Afr:Lcan carved bmJl s "\-;H,h be fully discussed in Chapte:n 6). The head in FIG.3.24A almond shaped, coffee bean shaped eyes, a lozenge shaped mouth, boldly curved eyebr01Js and a block-like nose, all reflecting AfT'ican elements discussed in Chapter 1, and it sho,\-ls some to Hasle i-li th , Dan? CFIG.3.25), "I'lhich ,\ias

The second head, seen in FIG.3.24B, :.s than the It shm'is a snaIl pointed cl'dn but similar schematisation to the fj_rst. They bear no affinity to any particular Afr'ican mask or figu::'e but they Ineveal the generalised African forns that had influenced the cubists.

A similar sty1istic approach can be seen in Fry I S onJ.y 1rlOod ca,:'ving, and Chi1dl"en of 1913, (FIG.3.26) vlhich vIas done a fe,,] months earlier than Gaudier-Brzeska! S Bi:cd Bath. Fry's approach vIaS derived Cubism rather than from the direct study of African SCUlpture. At this point F7§ had not become involved in the total liJit11 Afr:"can sculpture but he r.ad partially the Cubism derived from African sculpture.

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:"nd:"cate a conscientious study of this art as his lilritings proEinently advocate and inspire. For this reason he has been accused of not pr'actising uhat he had been pron:oting :.n modern art. His ';-0"ith Cubism dates back to 1910, during his trips to and contact 1'lith Hatisse, Picasso and Stein had been collecting and dealing in Picasso's cubist paintings. The cub:"st facetting is Hell epitomised in his and TilThich shoi"JS a kneeling seated affectionately cuddling t1'l0 standing naked The heads and the faces of the figures are highly schematised with the barest ind:"cation of the featUlnes like the eyes 1 noses and mouths. The heads are irregular in shape because of the emphatic planes used in shaping them. The bodies al"e also in planes.

CFIG.3.27) also displays the influence of Cubism. The interplay of curvilinear and lnectilinear fm'1.l1 is similar' to that in Les Desmoiselles d I Avignon 1907 by Picasso. The execution of the marquetr:i..es involved cut-out papers. This process might have motivated Fr'Y to pI'oduce his first collage Essav In Abstl'act Design of 1914 (FIG.3.28). Al tho1.!gh he al so Olrmed

Cubist collages by Picasso and Juan Fr'Y attached t1j-Jo real bus tickets to his oil painting on plYVJood. The tickets can be identified as tickets for the No. 88 issued bet\oleen December 18, 1913 and 1911f, ,111en the No. 88 bus puote uas changed and extended to s Bush. The 5d. ticket liIaS a jour'ney from Picadilly to tiiitcham and night have been issued to himself on one of hj_s visits to Hitcham vJhere he \lent to throu pots for sales in the Omega. [75] Fry's undated study of Tennis Playelns (FIG. 3.29) ShOllS the curvil inea1" hatchings seen in Grant 1 s Coupl e Dancing. The left figure apparently to the FutUlnist principle of path of motion obser'Vable in the ,wd:::s of Balla 0:::-' Duchamp, (eg. Girl Running On A

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Bal cony 1912 by Giacomo Balla Nude Descendinrs ! Stail"case 1912 by Harcel Duchamp). vIaS only attecpting to find the appropriate position the hind pa:ct of the for an effetcive composition. This skecth Has probably done in 1912 in t'elation to the Hural of .£ Game of Tem1is by Grant in the same year', vlhich l'jaS cOJl11l1issioned by Adrian Stephen and painted in his l"oom at 38 BpUl1s1;lick Square, London. Grant S mural ,'Vas influenced by Na tisse ! s strong and floHing 1:i_nes seen in Hatisse's Dance of 1910. Grant saw' and admir'ed the Dance \lhile 11atisse lias Horking on tt in his studio in 1909.

I-Ie also saH the finished Hork at the Post-Impressionist Exhibition in Loncon :i.n 1912. Anothel" undated dra"oling by Ft,y, FIG.3.30, 191 Lf ), of a reclining nude penc1ered Elo::'1 e siIl1ply and precisely than FIG.3.29 affinils a di::."ect assimilation from Natisse.

Lampshades and painted screens Here Cor1l10n features of the Omega. Levlis designed nine lampshades and painted a fe"vJ screens, including the Cil"CUS Scene, (FIG.3.31) vlhich S1101'IS a sl:i1l11ittle aCr'obat balancing on the broad shoulders of a strong man. Next to them is a standing l·lOman ';lith a vlhip and a cloim beyond. The figures have small pointed faces, thin elongated noses, small round eyes and mouths "\'lhich resemble masks. Fry r'emadced to an inter'vievlep about this painting that, tI hO\l much 'i'lit there is in these figUl1 es. A11t is a significant defoln mity."[76] Let'Jis' Omega Lettedlead 1913 (FIG.3.32) also shot-ls some :i1l1pact of African SCUlpture. His f:Lgur-es al"e geometriC ,lith almond shaped heads and schematised faces, cylindrical torsos and distorted angular and l:i1l1bs.

LeHis I S pa::Lntings in from 1910 and through his bl"ief association Fry and the Omega to the end of 191 L[ reveal an ai:Tareness of African and it may have been a factor in his development as one of the foremost figures of the British avant-garde.

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Lei-lis claimed that his interest in pceimitive dated back to his student days. In 1947 he urote to James Soby:

"(-Ie have in the British 11usetL.'1l some vels fine collections of NeTt; Island masks, Island monoliths and othe:e varieties of Pacific and South American stuff. Even uhen at the Slade I i"as to the Room at the and to study the dl1 aHings of Raphael and riichaelangelo. I had ahlays to pass betvTeen cases full of more savage symbols on my \vay.... In an ea::-ly sketchbook the day full of Leonardo's old man I"ith sHollen underlip and Hichaelangelo i s heavy vTeight I came across Pacific Island masks. [77J

Lel·Tis attended the Slade from 1898 to 1901, so this implies that his interest in prinlitive art arose independently of the influence frOB French artists. are no ,,,orks of his Slade School pepiod to this. :::::n the sa;:r.e letteI' to Soby, Lellis acknovlledged that the Polynesian influence occured all along. In the eai1 ly days Leuis talked to C. R. W. Nevinson Ita great deal about masks and the curious earth coloul1s and brick-red of the early Derains". [78J The influence of African sculpture in on Le,-lis viaS der-ived fr'om the influenced ,-lOdes of Picasso such as Les Desmoiselles d I Avignon. This is noticeable in his Theatre Hanager 1909, FIG.3.33. [79J Lei-lis's painting shov1s figures vlith mask like heads, strong aquiline noses v1hich at some look phalliC, and tubular arms. The bears a curious 11esemblance to N-imba Headdress of Baga, FIG.3.34 by the neck, ridgeless pointed nose, the short forehead, the :r'idge at the back of the head, and the shoulder that terminates in tubular arr2s. The faint zigzag lines along the arms correspond to the decorative inCisions that character'ise NiLlba Headdresses. There l-lere tiVO diffe::'ent ones at the in Paris at the time that Lev1is painted this picture. They in 1902 and 190 1.\ and varieties in the Zurich, Basel and other German museurrls about the sa;:r.e time. Leviis '\v::Lth his acclaimed enthusiasm. for primitive

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art, flight have noticed them during his travels in Paris and Germany just after leaving the Slade School. The African influence could also be due to his tentative involvement Picasso and Hatisse both of liJhoID he singled out in an unpublished as the only artists in Pa!'is attention. [80J Picasso vIas also influenced in his "lOrl{s by the Nimba Headdress in and he also possesssed an example v1hich was similar to the one in the British (see FIG.2.8). In 1914 Le"lis demonstrated his knov1ledge of the aesthetic qualities of Hhen he the intlnoduction to the catalogue of the l'!odel'n Art exhibition at the Tvlenty-one Gallery in London. Of the of the Ger'mans 7 he said:

This is Afl'ican, in that it is cutting through evelJ time to the monotonous '\-7all of space, and intense yet hale: perr.1eated by Eternity, an in 1I1hich only the black co;;"e of Life rises and is silhouetted... The quality of the 1j'lOodcut is rough and brutal, of the senses, cutting and not scratching: extraordinarily limited and It is one of the greatest tests of fineness. [81J

Hhen Lei/is o,:"ganised the X exhibition in 1920 in London he entl'eated that, "the e:;cperiments by all over duping the last ten yeal"S should be utilised alld developed and not lightly in general terms derived influence. An example is The Fir·e Place At 40 Hilton Crescent, 1913-14, FIG. 3. 35, designed fo:" Lady Drogheda I s dining rooID, 101hich reveals tlilO pl"imitive totemic figu:ces. Fr'om the mid-1920s om.Jards LeHis began to draH compleJ: f01ThS of hULlan figUlnes which irere full of stl"ong cUie'vilinem"s and at times Cil"cular fOl"ms depicting some sopt of totemic poles VIith and manacillg looks. Tl::ese are the result of deep assmilation and har'nessing of the stylistic of Cubism. and Afr:Lcan sculptu:c'e to his OvIn unique ends.

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exemplified in his letter to Hoel in "I picked up a piece of JI..fr'ican sculptuC'e, 15.ke they have in the British HuseUD., for 108.1 :'::t gave ::rre a delight and it is like my \wrk. IV [83]

Host of the designs of the Omega composed of and cm'"'v:'.lineap for'I:ls. FIG. 3.36 Sl":OTilS plates 1:lith hatch:"ngs designed by Grant. iIe had been :i:.nfluenced by Picasso I S striated dra'\,rings many of 1:1hich Grant sai1 in s shop in I S peC"'sistent use of striations? most often fo:" non-three-d-irnensional decorative purposes, can be compared to the Standing Nude and 11 Study of Foot 1909 (FIG.3.37) by Picasso for its effective use of this technique. Picasso 'ioTaS influenced by the Bakota Reliquery copper-covered Figur'e fl:'OEl Gabon - FIG. 1.27, It is obser'ved by HHliaID Rubin that:

Stlniation hatching is a v:l:sual convention, a of linear' signs on a flat surface signifying the shadings of relief. Its advantage to the modern painter is that unlike modelling, it does not necessarily lead to an illusion of volume. [84]

The technique is apparently ffi1 old one. Picassso the hatching in Afr>ican sculpture and fully exploited it betueen 1907 to 1909. Picasso! s Head of £. 1·;Oillan 1909 (FIG. 3.5) and Eead and Shoulders of £. 118.1'1 1909, (FIG. 3.6) lent by Kahnueile2" to the Second Post-Impl"essionists Exhibition. The emphatic , diagonal brush-strokes deillonstrate this technique ,-,hich infl uenced Grant and other's. Etchells I s tvJO paintings of the same and title, FIG.3.38A and B, emUlate Picasso's tilO paintings. Etchells did not only exploit the hatching technique but also strove to capture the simple blocked-out effect of the features and the slit-eyes

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derived froB sculpture by Picasso. considered that pottery "/as essen'Gia::'ly a fOl"'E of sculpture 7 and that and its should the artist! s sensibility. DU1-'ing his visit to London "lith Derain in 1919 Pi.casso 'L,as fascinated by the Omega pottery and according to Spalding, Picasso i_nfluenced in his Olm decopative

The activities of the Omega began to diElinish as the First ';·.Jar' and in January 1919 the Horkshops \;Tent into voluntar-y liquidation.

FryVs interest in African sculpture and his understanding of 'J.. ll"S significant elements denonstrated in his cp:.tism. In August 1916, revieHing Pound? s book on in The r·Iagazine)

Fr>y reBarlced: "the deformity of the legs by the gJ:'eat elongation of the tOl'''SO \il'h::ch 'ile found in the Dancer and 'Imp I '1laS due to the influence of n[86J Nine in the same nagazine Fry revielied Dobson I s sculpture and related the artist I s confinement to purely sculptural plasticity to the 'compleJ: and richness of the of the lTegro.' Yet in the same Fry failed to detect a similal' influence in Epstein's ,'Jo::'k and u;:'ote, "One rc.ight even concede that Hr. Epstei.n expresses in solid fm1ll a rich invention and more vivid iBaginative outlook, but all that he is not playing the same game. n [87J

t S enthusiam led him. to collect A.fr'ican It is difficult to establish exactly when he began, but certainly during the early h'!enties he Has in fr'equent touch 1:Jith Paul Guillaume, Joseph Picasso? r-Jatisse, Derain, Vlaminck, Stein and other and dealers in Paris. [88J FIG.3.39 is an mask he bought in in 1924. He it j.n a letter to Josette Coatuellec in Paris as 'a

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beautiful thing of "Jh:Lch I am vel"-y u [89] The numbeln of Af:':-'ican sculptUl?es collected by Fry lS not knovT11, but four of them. including this mask, a:ce no\-, in the Courtauld Institute in London.

Fr'y's influence on life in the 1920s Has even greater than it :1ad been befo::,e the Hap. Those TJJho r,ad earlier' disagreed Hith hiB began to give in. In 1923 Sicker-t confessed, "No sooner- do I see the feet of Fry on the r:::ountain than I bleating to sit at them. II [90] Tonks confessed that he feared Fry! s influence because he vIas a gifted man and a splendid advocate and fffiv young men could resist him. But to Tonles, \'las a shocking judge. [91]

Fr-y's article on African sculpture in Vision and Design of 1920 had a gI'eat influence on and on artists l:.ke Henr-y HepHor-th, John Slceaping and It mope reJIl3.rkable in the case of Hoor-e ,"1ho pead the book :'n the Leeds School of Art L:l.brary in 1920.

Clive Bell also publ:l.shed an article in 1920 :l.n The AthenaeUhl and the lJegro reprinted in his Since Cezanne in 1923. Bell observed that the cu::' tivated public 'Ivere nm-, vis:.ting the collection of the r:useum, and t.hat fine lad:'es, younger- painter's and eJ:quisite amateui"s no\-j to be seen in the lor.g rooms that once abandoned to and colon:'al enhancing: prestige by pointing out to stay-at-home cousins the relics of a civilization they helped to [92] also published in the in 1920. Such stimulated an interest in Afr'ican sculpture that in Britain immediately after the ,var. Hany people including Nancy Cunard, Hoffat and otheps began to collect Afr:Lcan :Lts aesthetic value. pointed out, "Apagon and I

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came several times to England in the mid-tvlenties before the Hour's to rake through the and of English ports and London. Ever since Ii[offet, the artist and pl:otographer, had stimulated my in and Oceanic art around 1921, 1. had found. England to be an excellent hunting

.••• II [93 ] In 1921 just an exhibition of IJegro Ar't \las held at the Goupil Hoore i-lho had arrived in London in October the sa.TJle year that P.f:nican sculpture "lms being apppec:Lated and he ,rished to collect it, and added that a good Afpican sculptur'e cou::"d. be pupchased 10 pounds in the Caledon:_an Hapket. [9 11]

IIuseums in Britain became responsive to the interest by opganising exhibitions of African sculpture so that the public could study African art at first hand on an aesthetic basis. Since the exhibition of Negro sculpture at Chelsea Book Club in 1920 at least one has taken place each year in Britain, (see II).

Fr'y continued to travel France and Bpitain, lectur'ing, organis:1.ng exhibitions, and until the end of his life. He continued to paint, but his art did not influence anyone. the "I-Tar' he had a var'iety of sty:"es, and had experimented ,-Jith Post-Impressionism, particularly Cezanne. .ll.fter the vIar he r'etul"'ned to a naturalistic sty:"e. Critics such as P .G.Konody Hei."e disdainful: "t1r. Fry, the eneBY of ! l"eppesentation! and champion of self -expl"ession is very often pu::-'ely r'epI'esentational because he has nothing to express." [95] After' his one-man at the Independent Galle::-'y in London in 1923, 1:Jhich ffiooused bitter criticism, Fry Has advised by Turnel" 1 the of the gall ery, to give up painting.

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Fry gave a of talks the Radio in 1929 entitled, 'The of Pictw:'es'. These \-Jere later in The Listener. Fry noted hio.self that, "Certainly if influence is having, I have got that; and certainly I have accomplished a great deal for the understanding of in England. "[96] For his achievements, he 'lIaS elected a Fe:::'lOfiJ" of King's College? Cambl'idge in 1927. A later critic

I have been trying to think if there irlaS any other English critic vrho has stood in clarifying and stimulating relation to contenpo:;:"ary ar't and yet possessed such iJide expeI'ience of of othep ages: I have found no one to set beside him. He has influenced pr'ofoundly our approach to the visual arts, and contributed bore than any critic to of a vocabulary by Hh:Lch attention can be directed to different aspects of aesthetic experience. [97]

Certainly helped to create the atmosphere uidening aesthetic horizons in and influencing it his OHn taste. He achieved this by opganising exh:'.bi tions; by founding the Omega Horkshops; by irlriting and publishing and books. these bases he irlaS able to promote and sustain genuine aesthetic in Afpican sculpture for tuo decades. The impact of that aesthetic interest led to the subsequent influence of African sculpture on British art and artists.

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DEFINING THE INFLUENCE

In the Spipitual in Art, Hassily Kandinsky indicated in 1912 that prcgressive artists were passing thrcugh an imitative stage that \Vas a step to'iv2.rds fr'ee::Lng themselves frcm the cf the Eurcpean traditicn, (ie. naturalistic representaticn); and that these 'scught to' emphasise gccd art as mcdels frcm all places and times ' .[1] Indeed African and Oceanic sculptures se1"ved as mcdels the Brucke, Blaue Reiter, Fauve, Cubist and English avant-garde artists. Yet the influence cf P£rican sculpture cn these ar>tists has still nct been prcperly studied 0'1" understccd.

In the earliest publicaticn cn the subject vJhich appeared in 1916, Haroius de Zayas did nct examine the precise cf this influence althcugh he stated: !l0f all the arts cf races, the cf the African NegrO' savage is the cne vlhich has had a pcsitve inlfuence upcn the art cf cur epcch."[2] He ccncluded that NegrO' sculpture had brcught intO' mcdern tithe means to' express cur purely senscrial feelings in regard to' fcrTI: cr to' find nevI fcrm in cur ideas. IT [3] de Zayas i'las primapily precccupied loJ'ith the ccntrast bet'iveen the intellectual evcluticn cf the NegrO' and cf the Eurcpean. He asserted that the NegrO' 1·;as incapable cf any intellectual sentiment and that his a.."'t vIas the lcgical Inesult cf the ccnditicnal state cf his brain 1:1hich, acccrding to' de Zayas, '-ras lithe first state cf the evcluticn cf the brain cf man". Even cn this grcund he failed to' establish heM the NegrO' I s art came to' infl uence the Eurcpean 'Ivi th the I supericr I brain. [4]

Lack cf prcper and insufficient study cf the influence cf African sculpture cn Eurcpean mntists, in the first place, has given rise to' scme ccntradicticns and ccntrcversies. Fcr instance,

CHAPTER 4
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stated: flI must, once more, dispute the validity of the thesis of direct influence of African art on Picasso and Braque, •••• "[5] Yet the most authoritative account of the direct influence of African on Picasso, and specifically his use of cylinders to represent the holloH of the guitar in some of his paintings and reliefs, in imitation of the representation of eyes by cylinders in Grebo and Hobe masks, had been given by Kahnweiller himself. [6] He even illustrated the rare Grebo mask from the Ivory Coast that had been in the since 1900, \'lhich so much inspired Picasso. [7] He also pointed out that, Hatisse, vlith his intelligence and acute sensibility was capable of appreciating these sculptures for their true artistic value but neither his painting nor sculpture any signs of his admiration. [8] This is quite misleading and contradicted the expositions by Barr, Pier:ce Daix, Guillaume Apollinaire and 'ivTiters Ivho discuss the influence of Aflnican sculpture on Hatisse I s iwrk, especially his

In the second place, ar'tists had been Y'eproached for' imi tating African and Oceanic sculptures. Gertrude Stein, for example, reproached Picasso for using Afpican sculpture as a crutch. [10] Some British critics perSistently abused and reproached Epstein for imitating sculpture. As he put it: tiT have, because of my apppeciation and enthusiasm for P£rican vlodc, been accused - as if it Here a crime - of being influenced by it. ff [11] In the early 20s Hep..ry Noope I s dravling vIaS condemned by a Professor at the Royal College of Art for being infl uenced by AfrJ:can sculptur"e: tlThis student has been feeding on garbage anyone can see that."[12] Attitudes such as these implied a lack of creative originality vision which so embarassed and angered modern artists that they began to deny the influence of African on their Ivork. Some artists even went to the extent of

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destr'oying or modJ:fying that looked too African in appearance; and advised or iJarned their collegues against the influence of African sculpture. Picasso, one of the main disseminators of this influence, at times denied its lllpact on his art.[13J In 1914 Brancusi who had often advised his colleagues against submitting to the influence of African sculpture, destroyed those of his v10rks vihich looked too African. [14] Although Umberto Boccioni, the futurist painter and sculptor, acknm'lledged that African sculpture had helped European artists to free themselves from classicism, he was against the emulation of it and w'arned that ::'Lt Ivas harmful to the development of a completely ffiodern plastic outlook. [15 ]

There leJ'ere certain Ivho sympathised lvith the artists j_n their embarassment and anger, and attempted to free them from such accusations reproaches. Instead of explaining the significance of the African influence upon them, they rather praised those i1'orks ,""hich revealed the pure European tradition of realistic represention. Some of these 'Ivriters even vlent to the extent of absolutely denying any such influence upon the ivork of these ar-tists. In addition to this they believed that to admit to such a influence 'Iwuld discredit the concerned. For instance, in 1920 when the composer Bernard van Dieren published his book on Epstein, he not only praised Epstein's i'lorks but also categorically denied any Afl'ican influence on the wodes and condemned those who sau any. van Dieren stated:

But by the aid of these superficial observations and umlarrantable conclusions Epstein I S ,,1Ork has been, to the satisfaction of a great many vlho are ready to have thinking done for them like their laundry, proved to be aboriginal, Polynesian, or at least, as an favourite of technical parlance has it, "arcbaic n • [16]

He added that there might be a similarity in all these manifestations,

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but to speak of imitation in this "las absurd; and that it vlaS equally absurd to believe that Epstein, after a study of such art had accepted their canons and mannerisms for his m'ln. For example he acknovlledged the between Epstein v s Cupsed be the day that 1. vlaS born and an African wood capving, but attributed this to the simila:;:"i ty of ma ,'lhich vre may call the "logic of material VI. Thus he explained that, I the of the create the style and that certain must appear if ,wod is logically handled vlhether by an African or by Epstein. I [17] This of couz'se cannot be and as logical as it seems because, for instance, we cannot compare the stone carvings of the Classical Greek pepiod, the Gothic period and the Aztec for are vast differences in these styles irrespective of the common material employed. Kahnweiller's cited above was partly written in this regard because he mentioned that, "Imitation embarassed them", (ie. Picasso, Braque and others), "more and mOlne". [18] j'Vhat these sympathetic vlriters failed to emphasize was that the artists they tr>ying to defend spent personal resources in collecting African and Oceanic '\wrks. This in one respect could be considered as an influence on the taste of the artists. Horeover the content of their personal collections shavled a maI'ked affinity to their olm '\'101'''ks; especially in the case of Picasso, rlatisse, Brancusi, Nodigliani and Epstein.

Another basic error derived from the improper study of the subject is the assumption that the resemblance to African and Oceanic sculptures in the works of British and European was due to direct influence irrespective of place and time. Such assumptions have resulted in arbitrary and startling v:Lsual comparisons of modern art >'lith African never seen by the Europeans. For example, Alan Wilkinson enthusiastically compared Gaudier-Brzeska's pencil drawing Caritas,

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(1914), ,,,1th the Hother and Children, lifo, Nigeria, by the Huseum in 1929, Cie. about years after the death of Gaudier-Brezeska). [19] The Afo figure illas collected by Hajor F. H. Ruxton from Northern rageria probably in the 1920s, so the artist could not possibly have seen it. Barr also fell into this errol" by comparing a Babangi mask from Etumbi in the Republic of Congo, with the right-hand face of Les Desmoiselles d,Avignon 1907 by Picasso. This mask illhich is in the Husee Barbier-Huller, Geneva, came to Europe ,in the late 1920s, probably in 1929. Therefore Picasso could not have seen it before then. [20] In answer to such an erroneous approach J.B.Donne commented: "It is patently absurd to discuss the influence of art on the Cubists on the basis of pieces and even styles that the artist did not and could not know."[21] Therefore in his essay, 'African Art and Paris StudiOS, 1905-1920', Donne made a ppeliminary investigation of the styles of African art that could be seen in Paris betvleen 1905 and 1920, and where possible the actual pieces that came to the attention of the artists of the day. [22]

For the proper i111derstanding of the influence of African sculpture on British artists this chapter will briefly discuss the conditions under 1.o1hich the influence manifested in Britain; it vJill also define the types of influence that Afpican sculpture had upon the British artists.

The beginning of the influence of African sculpture upon the British artists is linked with the development of its aesthetic appreCiation inspired by as discussed in Chapter Strictly speaking it began after the second e:::hibition in London. It ,'las then that the African influence began to reveal itself in the I"orks of young British painters and sculptors. HOirlever, there exceptional cases illhere some early ilJOrks of Levlis and Epstein had ShOvll'l African influence in 1909 and 1910 respectively. The influence in

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Britain occurred a feT,l years latel' than j.n France and Germany because of the prevailing artistic conditions and not because the young artists lclere Unai-lare or reluctant to be subjected to it.

Until 1910 British art ivas dominated by the tradHion of the absolute and accurate representation of classical and literary themes perpetuated by the Royal Academy. Patronage of the Fine 8.ln ts l.;as guided by the academicians and the of the Academy vlaS the public T s concept of what Art should be in Britain. The Academy brought the artists of its choice great popularity, th and fame by promoting work through engravings and prints. Young and proglnessive artists ll.."lattached to or disliked by the Acaderry thus had no chance of being seen in public. George had described the Academy in 1893 as an 'incubus' that had to be destroyed before a new and vital art could develop in England. [23]

The He,.; English Art Club VIas formed in 1886, at the instance of a number of young British artists tr'ained in France, (eg. Fred Broun ",1'10 became the Slade Professor) in order to destroy such conservatism. By the 1890s the had become a rallying ground of opposition to the Academy and older British The Slade became a sort of nursery for the Club from whepe young and rebellious aptists vlho rejected all restrictions imposed by the Academy vTere recruited after probation. The Club I s rules 1rlere flexible and progressive for' the young alntists: elective juries; a suffrage of exhibi as well as raembers; submission of nembers I as uell as exhibitors! 1-l0Pl-C to the jury thus elected.

Artists sucr.. as John Sargent, Sickert and Hilson Steer uere called and their' ,vorks considered as paintings of unsentimental Sites, mean interiors, lOi,] music halls and portraits of 10107 and unimportant persons. By 1900, hOvlever, the NEAC and the Slade lost their rank as revolutionaries and were relegated

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to the academic category, displaying subjects of extreme conservatism. Some of its members even drifted. over to the Academy: J.S.Sargent, Henry Turke, 'ihlliam Orpen and others became associates of the Academy. [24] Once again young artists T/lho iiished to develop painting beyond Impressionism faced major opposition from the Royal Academy and the NEAC. In a revie"\-l of the NEAC exhibition in 1902, Fry, whose paintings had been rejected by the Club in 1893, pointed out that British art seemed to have come to a standstill. [25J In the same year Lewis wrote to HUl"belnt l'Jillington: "The Hevl English is a deplorable display of degradation of a function, iv-hich irIaS originally intended to give delight, but ",hich nOirl extracts delight fr'om all it touches, leaving a for-mal dullness". [26] To Leiiis and young artists, the NEAC had failed to Come to terms vlith the radical developments in Europe. TirlO years later Le"\-lis I s \vorks iiere rejected by the Club. He remained in relative obscurity, moving beti,een Paris and ilunich, hOl'V' to establish his r"'eputation as an artist, only returning to London in 1908. [27] In 1910 Sickert remadced on the enduring of the NEAC: I A glance round the i,alls of any NEAC exhibition does certainly not give us the sensation of a page from the book of life. There is an over insistence on tvl0 motifs. The one the august-site motif, and the other the smartened-up-young-men motifs. '[28]

In 1908 the Allied Artists Association ];'las for'hled to exhibit the ,\'lodcs of young a:ctists. Some years later Frank Rutter stated his reasons for forming the PiliA:

friends in Paris, French as well as British and Americans, used to lament at the difficulty of shovling their vlOrlcs in London, 'The cost of carriage is bad enough,' they complained, 'but to pay freight both vlays and then have our vlOdc rejected by your Academy - ah! that is too disgusting. if '\-le YJlei'V' fm"' certain that our vlOrk Hould be exhibited, then the cost of/ sending it vlOuld be worth l.hile. I They pointed to the Societe des Independents in which everyone has the right to have so many works exhibited. It has no selection jury, and each

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member car:. exhibit just vrhat he :Likes. I Have you nothing like the Independents in London? I... I vIas urged to star't a society on these lines in London, so the AAA came into being. It vias a free house, no selection jury. [29]

In the summer of 1908, the held its exhibition at the Royal Hall. The exhibition, opened to all nationalities and all types of art \¥'ork, included vlOrks by J .D.Fergusson, S.J. Peploe, Rafaelli, Lepine, Pissarro and others. In the sane year an enthusiastic appreciation of Impressionist and Post-Impressionj.st painting was made available to readers i-lhen Julius Heier-Graefe I s Art vIas publised in English pointed out that Manet had set forth the general programme of a neVl alnt vlhich pUlne and simple decoration and through ,·jhich he ,-las the father of the great moderns: ,Cezanne, Van Gogh, and Gauguin. I s book had great influence on the artistic thought and taste of the younger generation in England, and Fry in particular derived many of his early ideas Cafter 1908) about modern from its pages. [30]

In spite of the signs of revolt, defiance of the Academic and the NEAC and famUiarity vlith some French contemporary paintings, the British artists still lacked a definite direction. Fry's Post-Impressionist exhibitions iv-ere Fry gave British artists confidence, championed their efforts, and stimulated the true spirit of the avant-garde that prevailed in Europe. John Hothenstein pointed out that Fr'y I s influence flbrought near to them the exhilarating events and personalities of the Paris art \wrld. n [31] Young began to ",v-ork on the basis of group interest lnather than in response to the demands of patrons or old institutions.

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British began to emulate a French Cubism, that itself embraced the formal qualities of African sculpture. The influence of both of these on British painters lasted from 1912 to 1915, a period considered as the peak of modernism in art. As the painter' Frederick Gore i-ncote: '1913-15 years of full-blooded model"nism. '[32] the First Horld caused a loss of excitement in modernist painting, it cannot be seen as the major cause of the end of the influence of African sculpture. Before June 1914 a neVI style, Vorticism, had been developed by the British avant-garde. It "laS basically a combination of the flat and linear rhythm of Cubism and the repetetive dynamism of Futurism and was characterised by the complexity and variation of styles adopted in the Omega Workshops. HOivever, despite occasional echoes, the elements of African sculpture are hardly discernible in it. r'1any practised Vorticism just the outbreak of the "Tar, but most of the avant-garde became .lar ru.,tists from 1916 to 1918. Some endeavoured to depict military subjects and scenes from the front in variations of the Vorticist style, but the bitter experiences of compelled many of them to pevel"t to the tl"aditional descriptive peal ism.

In the 1920s with a few exceptions such as Etchells, Jessica Dismorr, Cuthbert Hamilton and Ben Nicholson, most of the avant-gapde \Vas producing less radical vlOrk than before the ,..rar. Ed\olal"d HadSlvorth, David Bomberg, Christopher Nevinson, Lel'lis and Grant are cases in point. [33] Clearly, the pre-vmr experiments had largely ceased and the revolutionary zeal had died. In Harch 1920 Lewis made an unsuccessful attempt to revive these by organising the Group X eirnibition at the r,1ansard Gallery, London. In the catalogue he wrote that: "the experiments undertaken by allover Europe during the last ten years should be utilized and developed and not lightly abandoned."[34] Lewis's

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contemporary "'lOrks such as Three Figures (Ballet Scene), 1919-20, (FIG.4.1) are executed in a retrospective vein recalling the spirit of previous expeJ."iments. It is reminiscent of his \-lorks of the Omega period "'lhich reflected African influence, \'ihich can be in the elongated necks; schenatised faces that recall the concave planes of African masks; the heads depicting a combination of two geometric shapes - the circle and triangle; the limbs Shovling strong curvilinears that recall Picasso's African inspired "rorks or Vlatisse! s rhythmic archs; and the feet, l"epresented by triangular shapes, also recalling African formal elements. Despite the fact that there 1'laS an interest in African sculpture on the part of some British critiCS, certain sections of the public and some runtists in the 1920s, the avant-garde painters did not re-explore its formal qualities.

In contrast, sculpture demonstrated a forceful and consistent development in both pre- and post vIar Bpitain. This 1vas an impo::-tant development, especially in the 1920s Since, as Sir John Rothenstein emphasises, Britain had produced very little sculpture of consequence betl'leen the Biddle Ages and the beginning of the 20th centur'Y. [35 ] in the 18th and 19th centuries had been considered infelnj,or to painting. [36] 1910 British sculpture VIas Victorian in outlook, combining a narrative tradition with the naturalistic style evolved by and his French contemporaries. The leading British sculptors at the beginning of the centur'y were Homo Thorncroft, Onslow Ford, Thomas Brock, George Frampton and Alfred Druney, most of \'1hom had recieved at least part of their trai.ning in France. Sculptupe ,v-as lalngely subselnvient to architecture and there I"as hardly any public building "\·,hich did not have any sculptural decoration. Epstein arr'ived in London in 1905 and in 1908 in his first major public commission of 18 statues for the British Hedical Association Building on the Strand in

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London departed radically from the decorated style of the period. His figures were naked and depicted all ages of both sexes. This caused a great furore in London. Epstein later explained vlhy: "Perhaps this ,vas the first time in London that a decoration was not purely "decoration"; the figures had some fundamentally human meaning, instead of being adjuncts to an alnchi tect! s mouldings and cornices." [37] This ivork marked the beginning of modern sculpture in Two later in 1910 Epstein began to produce works that combined non-European styles like Egyptian, Assyrian, African, and Oceanic elements.

Eric Gill ,vas another young sculptor who by 1910 vJas also producing ieiork that differed radically from Victorian tradition. He evolved, what vTilliam Rothenstein described as 'a style so simple as to be almost pri)l1itive. '[38] Gill vlaS influenced neither by primitive art nor Vorticism. Although he was associated with Fry, the Post-Impressionists and Epstein he ,vas not inspired by their vie"\vs of and interest in primitive art. His style was literary, representational and decorative. His themes were mostly of Biblical origin and were heavily underlined by sensuousness and It ViaS not until 1916 that Frank Dobson began to produce SCUlptures. His vJork had often been related to African sculpture by Fry, but basically they reflect the influence of the full-rounded forms of Aristide Haillol, a style ,vhich Dobson intr-oduced into Britain. Gaudier-Br'zeska on the other hand I"ho started in 1912 soon became inf::'uenced by African and Oceanic sculptm"e. Hm'lever, the war caused a major interruption in the influence of African sculpture on British SCUlpture. The death of Gaudier-Brzeska in 1915 on the Front vIas a great loss to this artistic exp::'or-ation. Epstein sel'ved in the army as a soldier from 1917 to 1918 being l'efused emplo:;,ment as a It'lar artist because of controver'sies over his public commissions. HOi'lever, the IvaI' did not bring the dialogue "lith Afr'ican

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sculpture to a total halt. In the post-vlar era Epstein! s taste and i-lOrk continued to be influenced by P£rican sculpture until 1930. In the earlyj920s a generation of sculptors including Henry Hoore, Bal"'bara Hepworth and John Skeaping began to build upon the artistic foundation laid dOim by Epstein and Gaudie,:,-Brzeska. the \,v-ar. By the late 1930s their effort had culminated in Abstraction and Surrealism.

At this point it seems appropriate to examine the concept and nature of influence.

The duration of influence one artist or art form exerts over another is by the interest, purpose, and goals of the latter 1rlhich can be sustained, interrupted or bpought to a complete halt by external forces or pressures, by the encouragement OP opposition of apt c:citics, art institutions and al.,tists. For instance, the influence of Post-Impressionism on British artists was inspired and encouraged by Roger Fry and others while the interest of the aJ..,tists involved \-Jas discouraged and disrrupted at cel.,tain stages by the old established institutions like the Royal Academy and the imAC. The development and spread of the influence of FutUl"ism on the British artists vlas brought to a halt by a group of led by Lei-;is assisted by Gaudier-Brzeska and Etchells. This group of artists signed. and published a statement denouncing and disassociating themselves from Futm"ism and its manifesto. As a result only Nevinson remained to SOEe extent influenced by Futurism. Other external factors can disturb the dUl"ation of an influence. The liJorld is a case in point: its devastating effect on art and society in general is vlell-knmm. The socio-economic position of the artist is another factor. In the case of Jacob Epstein, for instance, Iv-ithout a relatively regular income fl"om modelling portraits, he would have been unable to pursue his long interest in African sculpture. The duration of an influence can be

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eithe11 shopt Oln prolonged but it is the effect Oln the impact of the influence that counts, as historical evidence has s11oi1n. For example, Gaudj_er-Brzeska vIas influenced by African sculpture for a Inelatively short period, but the nature and impact of its influence upon him are equivalent to those of Epstein and Brancusi on vlhom the influence lasted longer. Therefore the effects of a short period of influence can be as dramatic as those of a longer duration.

Some Hriters have identified certain types of influence. Goldvlater is particularly important for classifying the influence of African, Oceanic and other primitive art on the modern European runtists as: "emotional"; and "intelligent". Gold1lJater described the attitude of Gauguin and the Fauves as "romantic in [39] He pointed out that Gauguin included som.e pl-'imitive motifs in his ovm painting, but neither he nor the Fauves assimilated the forms OP theil-' spirit any serious Instead he argued that these aptists attempted to evoke an atmosphere of primitivism. He considered that the Fauves appreciation of P£rican sculpture in particular did not represent an admiration fOln the formal because they admired any "vork IiThether or not j_ts formal qualities corresponded "lith those of other primitive "iOr'ks IiThich they admired. [40] Theiln attitude ,vas 'romantic' because they believed that anything primitive expressed a union Hith nature ivhich they sought to emulate. [41 ]

The influence of Aflnican and Oceanic sculptures on the Brucke and the Blaue Rei ter' ,"vas described by GoldHater as "emotional" because the Gel"IDan painters used these plnimitive viOrks as exotic forms to po::.-.tray emotions and passions in as outspoken a manner as possible. In other iriOl-.ds they used the artefacts of the primitive peoples in place of tradj_tional plaster' casts and bronze cupids. For eXaLlple in Nolde's painting The t1issionary 1912, a Imeeling Yor'uba mother and child figur'e

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and Bor..go mask are simply a Yoruba figure and Bongo mask. HOHever, GoldVlater believed that by using African in this Hay in their paintings that these artists were attempting to bring into cor..scious prominer..ce the emotion behind the physical setting. [42] The paintings not conceived "'lith purely concerns in mind but i'Iere regarded as expressions of the fundamentals of human life and destiny. He believed that the German artists appreciated the qualities of primitive art. Hmvever, at the same time he discerned the fopmal qualities of Cameroonian and Dahomian sculptures in the Hork of E.L.Kirchne:c, Nolde and others. [43] Fop example, in Kirchneln's pelief, the Alp Procession 1918, Goldvlater observed the qualities of Cameroon vlhich the artist had seen in the Berlin r':useum: "the zig-zag outline used by on door posts and lintels; lonzenge eyes, mouth and chin." [lj.1,l]

E.L.Ettlingep carried Golduater! s argument one stage fUI"ther and suggested that the Genrran aptists never subjected pr5.ruitive capving to a formal analysis and hence did not experience the intensity of infl uence "0Jhich informed Cubism. [45] He also that Kirchner and the others came to an of primitive al't not through an aesthetic experience but through reading ethnogpaphical matepial on the subject. [46] Yet Ettlinger also acknoHledged the influence of the formal qualities of primitive in the 1r1Odc of the Ger'man artists. He stated: "The actual influence of primitive apt lIaS all'Jays only accidental Hith Die Brucke and did not occup befope the second decade of the century Hhen the of Negro art for Cubism 'ivas becoming knOlm in II [47] GoldvJater I s vie";point has become entrenched in recent years. Nevertheless, there have been vlriters Hho have taken a different vievl of the notion that the influence on the German artists ,·;as unifOlnraly emotional and natupe based. For example,

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Oska11 Pfiste11 11eckoned that the emotional influence Has a stage of transition for further progress: step on the road to progress is possible only through the detour of such a progression. II [48] This vlaS true of Picasso in accordance vlith Ettlinger's obsepvation. D.E.Gordon pointed out that the B11ucke! s pesponse to sculpture "lIaS "analytical" as 'iV'ell as "emotional VI [49]; '{"[hile Y.!anfred Schneckenbmnger stated that it "'lOuld be "Trong to reduce the German Expressionist IS reception of primitive art to a kind of mysticism, \vithout understanding

Goldwater considered the influence of African sculpture on Picasso and the Cubists as "intellectual" because it involved direct analysis and formal borrovling. [51] Yet he saVl this as the result of Picasso's emotional Inesponse to priI:1itivism: "Nevertheless, it vlaS hardly pmne form alone that inspired him. But his m,n concept of the primitive Vlhich he had read into its simplification and geometriC, and rhythmically static composition, an inner nervousness and violence."[52]

Ettlinger 11eiterated the same vie',"l pointing out that Picasso uas first influenced emotionally by African sculpture before he began about 1907 "to g11asp the :Lntellectual and aesthetic principles of pal1 ticular types of masks and to relate Kegro sculpture more thoroughly to Heste11n art"[53]

s three types of influence are but can be misleading. Firstly they imply that that 'emotional' influence is inferior to 'intellectual', through being anti-intellectual Ol1 irrational. John Grahan for example opposed Goldillate11 ' s vie,'lpoint by stating that some paintings bear' an 'honest influence' "lhilst others Inevealed an' intelligent influence' but on the all bear some S011t of infl uence 1vhich is ei the11 'opened! or 'camouflaged'. Al though he did not elaborate these kinds of influence he observed that one type OP the

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other was not the t ef lack of intelligence. [54] Goldi:later i s analysis also appears teo schematic. It is especially difficult to separate his "emotional" category from the "intellectual" categor·y as noted in the case of Picasso. the "intellectual II influence as the best as it \'laS underlined 'Ilith academicism. His follOVler Ettlinger stressed the academic undertone: "Picasso studied Negro sculpture as artists formerly had studied the of classical sculpture, but German artists neVel" subjected primitive to a searching formal analysis. tI [55J Horeover Gold"\iater and his follOlvers did not t'eckon vlith the fact that the had different interests Ivhich determined the various '.iays in which primitive art vIas employed. Some such as Gaudier-Brzeska for example had clearly pointed out that he and other avant-garde artists had been influenced by African sculpture and arts according to theip av.Tn individual personalities. As he put it: "He the moderns: Epstein, Brancusi, Ar"chipenko, DunikOliski, iclodigliani, and myself, through the incessant struggle in the complex City, have likewise to spend ouch He have been influenced by Hhat lie like most, each according to his OVln individuality. [56] Thus the primitive ar·ts offered the artists three (ie. "emotional fI and intellectual") in addition to the technj_cal and the conceptual elements flnOI:l v1hich they had the to choose accOlnding to their personalities.

Secondly the avant-garde artists \'lere not intel"ested in the acadeLlic approach for so long had been considered the best and only possible means of expression. It vIas to avoid the academic approach that the avant-garde turned to African, Oceanic and other primitive art forms including Children's art. The artists did net regard one of influence as being better than another in terms of

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intelligence but only as a means of personal development. Thirdly Goldvlater and Ettlinger attributed the analysis of formal qualities of primitve art as an intellectual process to Picasso and the Cubists. They then related this to the formal analysis of classical art. On the other hand they pointed out that the artists substituted primitive art for the study of plaster casts of classical art. Yet they did not see any intelligence in their process of analysis.

These confusions over the type of influence primitive exel'"'ted upon a.vant-garde ru,.,tists, prompted Epstein to define the term influence from his personal point of as an artist. He explained ivhat the influence meant to him during a vlith Apnold Haskell in 1930 in "tv-hich Epstein stated: "The wopd I influence' as I understand it, means more than a mere surface study: it means a full comprehension of both mind and technique, that go into the composition of work, and a tl'"'anslation of that acco:i."'ding to the personalities of the ru.-,tists. "[57]

Epstein's definition highlights three factors that governed the influence of primitive art. Firstly the understanding of the i'lOrk of art evolved through the appreciation of the aesthetic prinCiples, creative thought and imagination. This involves indentifying the shapes, lines and volumes as creative elements and appreciating their significance. Secondly understanding the process involved in the composition of these elements. That is understanding the artist's choice of shapes and lines and their sizes, thickness and volumes; their relation of one to another, the harmony of their colours and finally the treatment given to the surface. This process involves skill, 0,,'" technique, as Epstein called it. Anothel'" aspect of technique is the treatment of the artist's medilli'TI ,,yithin its physical limitations and according to the artist's virtuos::ty. influence manifests itself in specific ways according to the personal interpretations of a

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specific al"'tist. The inter'Pl">etations ar'e detel"Wined by the likes and dislikes, the aims, in short the personality of the artists or the pepson being influenced by the lilOPk. The various pelnceptible means of intel">pretation are: (a) 'iilpiting critical appreciation of the art

(b) collecting the IvOl">k of ai">t; (c) imitating the motifs and the aesthetic ppinciples of the art.

(a) The influence of a Iv-ork of al">t on an artist! s or a cri tic! s judgment Oln taste can be discerned in his lilritings. For example, Rogeln Fry Vlhose initial liJr'itings influenced by his taste for the Old Hasters liJaS late:c influenced by African sculpture. His Ivritings therefore epitomised his perceptive recognition of the qualities of Afr'ican sculpture as already discussed. Guillauoe Apollinaire, Carl Einstein, and Clive Bell liiel"e vnnitel"'s and critics Hhose tastes 1.lere also influenced by African SCUlpture. Some artists have also shoHn this influence on their taste through their writings, especially Epstein and Henry £'loore.

(b) Collecting liwrks of art, in this case pl"'imit:'ve art, has been regarded as an instinctive dl"'ive but has not previously been considel"'ed as a form of influence. Yet collecting apt requires a degree of understanding and appreciation as defined by Epstein. The collector H.D.\iJebster's insight into primitive apt at the beginning of the century far beyond pure ethnogl"'aphic interest. Avant-garde artists collected Afl"'ican sculptur-e and other p::-imitive runt reveals the impact of these arts on thei:t' taste. IIo1ileVel"', collecting a Hode of art can soon become a fashionable and hence pl"'estigious activity_ This ,-las true of P£rican sculpture in the 1920s and the late thirties.

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(c) Imitation as an essential aspect of influence has been greatly misunderstood. Terns such a c • .,. 'study'; 'copy'; 'translate'; 'transcribe'; 'modify'; etc. have all, at times, been substituted so as to avoid any derogatory meaning. example, in attempt to avoid a public uproar in 1926 against h:I.s use of non-European motifs Epstein call ed a Hork of his II A Study". As he put it: ''1;'lhen I exhib i ted the work at the Leicester Galleries, Hishing to avoid controversy, I called it "A Study". By this disguise I succeeded for once in evading the critics, ahlays ready to bay and snap at a 'iV'ork."[58] H01vever, imitation in art requires a measure of insight and understanding of qualities. In many circUI!2stances it also the selection and rejection of other motifs. The selection and rejection of motifs is the artist I s personality plays a major r'ole. Imitation is therefore a act in itself. That is 1iIhy Kandinsky related it to the early stages of development of the avant-garde artists \..rho T,lere being influenced by African sculpture and other primitive art.

The three factors derived fron: Epstein I s definition of j,nfluence involve intelligence and emotion. Influence cannot be classified according to intelligence per see Since the significance of an influence of a 'I'lOrk of art on an artist is its contribution to the artist! s individual development and the evolution of art on the ",hole, it is needless to see one type of influence as better than the other. This is an important prinCiple in the classification of the influence of African sculpture on British artists.

Therefore I am suggesting that useful categories of influence are:

(i) Direct Influence (ii) Indirect influence. (iii) Formal influence.

(iv) Conceptual influence. (v) Technical influence. (vi) Influence of taste. (vii) Open influence. (viii) Can:ouflaged These are obviously interrelated and are not firmly den:arcated and an can

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be influenced by all of them si:c:ultaneously in different il'lays.

(i) Direct influence is exer·ted 'ivhen the artist comes into direct contact i1ith an artistic stimulus such as primitive art. It can be profound or less so, prolonged short-lived.

(ii) influence is exerted vlhen an artist is influenced by second-hand infor'illation about a lIJOrk of ar·t thr'ough an or i10rk of another artist. An example is the case of the British avant-garde artists such as Duncan Grant, Frederick Etchells, Venessa Bell, and Wyndham Le'ivis amongst others, vlhose initial interest in sculpture vlaS derived from the Cubist works exhibited at the Post-Impressionist exhibition of 1912 in London. (See FIG.3.6 by Picasso and FIG.3.38 by Etchells). This often leads to a direct influence as \vill be noticed in the case of Henry Hoore lvho is discussed in Chapter Seven.

(ii:J Under influence the alntist adopts the formal qualUies of African art as described in Chapter One; (eg. concaVity of plane, proportions, quasi-geomtric and geometric forms etc.). This category is Goldvlater considered intelligent.

(iv) Conceptual influence is vlhereby the adopts a certain subject or theme from a vlOrk of art. For instance the themes of frank sexuality and fertility and the relationship of mother and child are in African sculpture and have influenced the \"lOrk of the British artists.

(v) hw major aspects of technical influence, that have affected the British artists, namely: Truth to material and Direct carving. These are often described as principles and have been discussed in the first chapter and are not limited to African sculpture.

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Direct carving i'TaS part af the Eurapean sculptural t:::-'aditian fram the Archaic Greek periad to' abaut the end af the 18th century, after' \'lhich its practice ceased. The pracess af indipect "Thereby plaster ar Vlax r2aquettes "Jere repraduced in stane 01" "lOad by means af a painting machine then intraduced. The revival af at the beginning af the Tvrentj.eth centur'y uas stimulated by African sculptu;:'e and ather primitive ar'ts. Hark Batten believed that it vIas Eric Gill '17ha it. He stated: "At the time when the late Eric Gill began the revival af direct carving, nO' 'artist' had carved in stane far a periad af twa hundred years. In 1909 he became the first man in madern times to' carve a figure directly in stane. Very saan ••• Epstein and Gaudier'-Brzeska T,Jere alsO' daing it."[59J It is difficult to' establish the truth af this statement and recent Vlriters hald different viel.vs. Halcalm Yal"'k, far instance, painted aut that Jahn Ruskin had preached the dactrine as early as 1880, and that Hildebrand (1847-1921) and Barlach (1870-1938) had practised it an the cantinent. Berlach began to' practise direct cal"ving in 1906 i17hen he stapted using \\laad as a medium far his Yark argued that in these precursars fallO't'1ed by Brancusi, Hadigliani, and Arp; and in England by Epstein, Gaudier-Br'zeska, and Dabsan viha vJere strang advocates af it. They in turn follaVied by Naare, HepviOrth and Skeaping. HaViever? Yark admitted that the avant-garde artists af the century "adapted it because they admired primitive r,1exican, African, Pacific ..• art all af which directly car'Ved uith no preliminary dravlings ar maquettes, and n:a10 e aften in iwad than in stane."[60]

Sinan r.Hlsan also explained that the avant-garde uho saught inspiratian in forms and themes af African sculpture and ather primitive arts continued to' use Eurapean traditional methods and materials but they develaped nei, apppoaches to both. According to him, they extended

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the range of types of stone and mapble and vlOod employed, but r::tost important of all, they adopted the use of carving, specifically direct carving, as primary method. [61] "Hilson explained the two principles as inspired by African He pointed out that in practice the artist must execute the "l-lOl"'k himself and must not have a detailed primary model to guide him. This of course made it a significantly diffepent practice from the normal vlay in i-lhich stone or marble car'ving "I"ms genepally executed in the late 19th century, typified by Rodin, "I-1ho made a plaster model and handed it ovep to a professional marble carver to reproduce. Sometimes the aJ:"'tist himself used a pointing machine to reproduce the plaster cast or the maquette in stone. In both cases the object or work ended up in a different medium and often on a different scale from the original. But in the artist forges the final form directly into the chosen material, thinking and feeling it out as he goes along. pointed out that this apppoach resulted in a ne"ll1" immediacy of impact and freshness of inspil"'ation, togethel" ,-lith a neVI and aesthetically, extremely satisfying relationship betw"een for1ll and material in 1il1"hich the form tended to grol"; out of the matepial and reflects its nature. This effect ,;las delibel"'ately sought by the avant-garde artists and i came to have the status of a doctrine "\..]hich can be summed up in the phrase "Truth to l''laterial''. I [62 J

(vi) Influence of taste, besides being demonstl"ated by vJriting and by the impulse of collecting, is "seen as an attempt to adopt a ceptain code of life-style 1ilrhich is assumed to be in sympathy il1"ith that of the African carver or the primitive artist. This aspect of influence is Hhat Goldvmter classified as "romantic" and is best typified by Gauguin.

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(vii) Open influence involves a straight-fOl"lvard imitation of a specific African sculpture or primitive artefact, 101ith or' vlithout any modifications.

(viii) Camouflaged influence is the artist has used the generalised motifs of African sculpture or primitive art, or using the forms of a specific African sculpture but modifying them beyond outright recognition.

The aspects of influence discussed in this ,Iill reflect in the discussions of the 11'10rks of three Bri tish avant-garde artists selected for case studies.

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JACOB EPSTK'::!.\I - PASSIm:ATE Arm OBSESSED APPROACH

In November 191LI ivhen Adrian Allinson published his cartoon entitled Hr Epstein doubting the authenticity of a South Sea Idol!, he did not that he Has ppoducing a document of cons e significance to [1] Recent have cited this cartoon to emphasise Epstein!s expertise in African and Oceanic sculptures. Dr Evelyn Silber' stated: suff:.cien';:ly i-Jell knolm in 1914 for lUI :.nson to lampoon him in the magaz ine COlOUr'. Ii [2] The cartoon 1 (FIG. 5. 1 ), Sb.O';·l s the bulky figur-e of Epstej.n holding a female statuette uhich he is looking at from the of eye. For us, it is significant because it suggests that Epstej.n could differentiate Afpican, Oceanic and arts from each othel". s claim of 16 late:" supports thj.s: flI can pick out pieces in my Olin collection that I all: convinced a:'0e iw:eks of one particular a::otist. II [3J 1ilas a achievement by Epstein as an artist, because identifying the provenance style of primitive art in those days had baffled Dany artists, dealers and Epstein himself pointed out that? "although the wopks of each had ceptain Hell-marked charactel"istics... 'i,le:ce many that could not be c1 early classified. II [LI] \'lhen Jacques for instance, bought a painted ,woden Dahomian cup in 1909 in Paris he vIaS supe that. it ',.las Egypt:Lan. It about one and 11alf years later, 't·lhile v:"sitJ.ng the .Trocadero? that he learnt ft T.rIaS an Afrfcar:. sculpture. [5] Carl Einstein's book published in 1915, exac.ple 7 contafned some Cceanic sculptures T.rJhich 1iJepe not dj.stinguished frolll t.he Afl°::'can. [6] Even :Dade Idstakes and it uas not unt.:Ll the 19503 that tvlO Dan-Ngel'e of acquired in 1863 by the Br>f Nuseum and p:"eviously thouZht to be NOr'th Amez':"can

5
CHAPTER
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cO::''Y'ectly indentified. [7] The of authenticating primitive a:et in betueen 1915 and the 19,208 ems due to the designation of CNegpo a:::,t) to Oceanic and many othel"

The same true of the II

These terms irJel"e used :Lnte::ochangeably iriith IIpr'j_m::Ltive art II. [8] The is not the only r:leans of establ ishing the extent of Epstein! s and interest in lU'rican sculpturoe, he also r/n'ote on the subject, and ar:lassed a collection of Afpican and PacifiC sculpture.

Epstein! s interest in and approach to African art are the eapliest and most comprehensive by an avant-gar-de artist in either Britain OP Europe. I-Es VieirlS on Afl"ican sculptur'e ,Jere fj_l"st reco:cded and published in 1931 after a series of irJith At'nold L.Haskell and he subsequently L'ei te:"a ted them in his oim autobiographical ::lonograph published in 1940. They Epstein's aesthetic interest and his gene::oal knoviledge of the conceptual foundation of Afrj_can scuIptupe. The aesthetic aspect of this art, so rich in plasticity, had an obvious appeal to Epstein as an artist seeking a model for a neu Hay of Some aspects of the conceptual foundation, like motivation and funct::_ons, had been learned f!'om scanty sources since his first encounter \11ith pl1imitive art in the Louvre in Paris in 1902 I-Ihen he ,las a student sculptor. Huseulll labels 7 dealer'S, and the Iv11ib_ngs of Gu:Ulaume Apollinaire, Paul Guillaume; Thomas and Andre Salmon in Paris and later those of Fry and Clive Bell in London intlnoduced him to the rudiments of the subject. HO'i,rever 7 the kncHledge acqu:1red L'om such irlaS l:Lm:1 ted.

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Epstein \'las the first avant-garde artj_st in the 1930s to cr:Lticise the qua1:Lty of being at that time as a result of the revival of traditional in Hest ppoposed by Nichael Sadler. He the unsatisfactory results to the of the native conceptual foundation ,I)"ith European aesthetic values. In other" ilOrds the 'uas producing \'wd:s that satisfied the European, but of no signtficance to himself. Epstein felt that the African only retained h:::_s craftsmanship, and had lost his inspiration and values. As he put it:

I be:!..tve there is an attempt in Africa, sympatlletic governlnent teachers? to revive the art of vwod carving and clay-modelling. :::: have seen some exa..1'J1ples of this Hork and they aJ,'e disappointing. The life has gone out of them; the impulse is not a living one. A outlook has been substituted the native and hovJeve:n bard the young tries to embody his OIiVll ncdve feelings he is no a "believeI'"? and the I'esul t is only or less trained craftsmanship. "[9]

He predicted that a ne,-7 Afr"ican genius l"Jould in the future but that their vlOpk VJould be different from ilhat is nO\'l. Yet Epstein did not think that a:'tists needed to understand the conceptual foundation of African sculpture in to have pos,tponed the fOI'mal and exploitation of sculptuI'e until there i'las a total understanding of its conceptual foundation. Epstein vras tb,at sculpture vras amazingly popular but vras not fully undepstood and that "there '\'Jelne not many facilities for studying it. n [10] But he believed strongly that ",'\.frican sculpture had been understood aesthetically.

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In Epstein! s vieu Aflnican sculptm"e I'JaS by the same considerations that [,Sover'ned all In other Hords he approached African sculpture as sculpture in its Ovlll r-ight. He explained that sculpture \las not produced to an absolute laid dmm by tr:Lbal customs, although the artist 1i>1aS bcund to some e::tent in the same "ray as Renaissance artists in depicting the holy family. Al though the apt:i.sts anonymous, he emphasised that the finest examples of African sculpture Ivere of highly individual arb_sts, ">"i th theil' O'Vlll outlook and technique. Such understanding explained vlhy Epstein Vias able to identify the T{lOdes of individual artists in his collection.

Epstein mentioned the simplj,fication and the directness of its distortions and geometric qualities which he described as a "union of naturalism and design and its stz'iking qualities." [11] He explained that an simpl ified anatomical truth these qualities. Epstein the of African to the early phase of Cubism: "The very periods of Cubism are an attempt at a compromise behleen naturalj.sm and "[12] In other' it Has an attempt at exploring the of Af;:--ican sculpture (:1"-e. and geometry) • He po:i_nted out that the African did not arrive at this compromise as a result of the need or j.nvol ved :::'easoning of lche Eu::'opean artist. This lnef:ected s vieH that European artists achieved complete plastiCity by exhausting all means of reppesentatIonal vlhe11 eas the Afl'ican did not go through that process to ach:Leve plasticity. Epstein also pointed out the vapj.ety of forms that African J1lBsks exhibIted, expla:1.ning that some terrible in their expr'ession of horpor', others Here solemn 1 "rhilst other's penSive, and bl"ooding. He believed that the variety of fona derived theLn function in dances, fetish

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and Epstein the COIDJJI0n v:"eH that African sculptur'e 'i'laS a religious-inspired art: liThe object and of the of sculptuY'e the masks \Jere used purposes such as and tbe statues "ere Lq:.'.bal fetishes.n[B]

Joseph Bl"ummep 1 s shop in 1913 in Paris, Epstein stated that :l.t itlaS an of a that penetrated into anothel' a of ghosts and occul t "and could only be produced vJhere spir-itism st:i.ll holds SVlay."[14] He pOinted out that African lend themsel ves to an analysis of tbeir plasticity 9 and he used the Head" to illustrate the plastic quality. For Epstein the large roundness of the forehead off-set by the prongs of hair vIaS pal"ticular'ly and "a perfect example of free Hood

II [15] He found African carvings to possess in delicacy, sensitivity, and a foc" nater:Lal. He explained that they predominantly made of i-JOod, and single and masks, group figures being less common.

As a result of his appreciation Epstein also shOirled some understanding of the pr:i.nciple of sex in Afr:i.can sculpture. Despite its fra1'lk sexuality he that sculpture v,as not offensive, for it 1;·J2.8 pay't of "an attitude vlhich could only be tec'med

I'itual:::.stic."[16] He also explained that the sculptut'es, those "double-sexed statues", c-lere undoubtedly vlOrks embodyi.ng the sexual pr'-inciple of Ij.fe and therefore in no Kay offensive.

Epste:'.n believed that the sexual f:::-ankness of African 'i-Jas one of the reasons "('-Jhy the "intelligent modepn sculptor" tur'ned to it vlith pelief because he found j.n it "a haven of culture" vJhile the Eur'opean tradition l-lhtch according to Epstein i-laS full of blatant

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nudes? pretence and pornography. [17] His that the avant-garde sculptor inspiration fron the sexuality of African 'ivas more applicable to himself, Le'ivis and the Omega painters than to the post-I"lar like r":oore, Hep,.;orth and Skeaping. He also suggested that the modern sculptor vlaS interested in African because it methods and solutions to problems vlhich vTere from those of the Eur'opean and opened up to the modern artists unknol'ln plninciples and t-lith nnone of the na.gic of the artist's naTe, that so often blinds the judgement ••• "[18]

Finally Epstein pointed out that although 1\£y-ican sculpture had been collected fop several decades the endless investigations 'i'ihich stU2- had to be made really marked just the beginning of the subject. [19] IUs OIm collection of African sculptupe has made its ot-m significant contr-ibution to the subject for scholar-s have Inated it as the finest collection in the and one of the lcungest by an individual. Today attempts are being made to catalogue the collection '\;)'hich is nOlo1" dispersed ovep Bl"itain, France and America. [20]

The extent of the influence of Afr'1can sculptur'e on the taste of Epstej_n can be determj,ned by the qual::" ty, the quantity and the long period of collection; the manner tn 'tvhtch he made and kept the collection; and his soupces and reasons collecting. To Epstein collecting Aflntcan sculptu:ce '\"lith care a life long passion and obsession. He collected it till very late in life and nothing VIas so dear- to him than Af;:'ican as a birth day present from his family. Rene" Gimpel, an a1°t dealep in Paris, vlho visited the Epsteins in London in his diar-y on 3 November 1935:

He :..s in his sixties. [21] It's his bl;:othday and his Hife and daughter" have given hiIil a mask.

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Also a French dealer 7 1ikeHise called t "ho sells sculptures on the de Seine. L"Jhen "ile left? he told me that Epstein had the f::.nest collection of Negro sculpture in the "iorld. This intel"est expla:Lns his not because of the heads of Negl"oes Tlegresses that he has sculptured? but because ther>e sUr'ges from his art a kind of might have issued from some virgin forest. [22]

Epstein told Haskell that he began to collect African sculptur'e around 1906, about the same time as Picasso, Hatisse, Vlaminck and Derain, because it ivas the only art he could afford and it Has the correct thing to have and to admire. It has been suggested that Epstein began his collection :1.n 1901.f , but this and his claim that he began the collection in 1906 have not been substantiated and have often been dismissed on the that he vlas too poor. [23] Epste:Ln' s not have been the only reason to pr'event him collecting African sculpture in 1901.}, since he could afford to attend Sunday concer'ts :1.n PariS, to make tuo trips to Florence and a brief visit to London, to have his o"m studio and hire models, and to buy matepials. After all Derain and other' Ivho began to collect at this b.me paid only few francs for' eacb. [24] HOvlevep, uhen moved to London in 1905 and the fol10Hing yeap, his financial position became very and he sought assistance from the Jewish society :1..11. London ttll"ough Bernar-d Shal,7 and Villiam Rothenstein. may indeed have been a gl"eat impediment, but is no evidence that he had any desire to collect at this point.

In 1912 Epstein acquiped his first Afr'ican sculpture, and as Dr'. has emphasised, seriously began to create his collection. [25 J Epsteil';, also indicated that he Has able to buy reasonably pieces dur'ing his six months stay Paris in 1912 aftep 'calling at the small attic shop of the dealer Paul Guillaume in the rlontmal"tre and. at other dealers'. [,26] Hovlevelo ? there is no Deans to indent:_fy this early According to Fagg? Lady Epstein stated

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that the fil"st piece Epstein bought iJ"as a h..alf-length sculpture, cut off at the "(claist? but th:,Ls has not been substantiated noc" has the piece been satisfactorily indentified.[27]

Epste::Ln collected 9 diligently sear'ch:"ng? and tr'ading ob,jects. He acquired many ,·,od{s from Paul Guillaume behieen 1912 and the late 1920s 7 Joseph Brummer fr'om 1912 tin shortly after tte Fj.rst Har and from 1:'1ax Jacob. He attended auction sales and exh:'_bitions of ll.i'rican sculptu;:'e in Paris and London. He later "Hhen I Has in Paris in 19129 I saiv an advel'.,t in the colon:"al papeI' asking fop Afl":i.can ca::-vings in hapd vrood. Calling at the Hontmar-'tre I met Paul Guillaume fOi" the fir's'c time in a small attic 1:'oom. He stal"ted the vogue :,-n Afr'ican vJol"k ••• I myself bought pieces at pl"ices I could afford II. [28 J It is believed that Epstein had aqcu:i.l"ed AfY'ican carvings fl"om British like 1Jebstei"?

Oldman and othel"s. Ther'e iJere a fev; junI<:: and palrJl1 shops in Fleet

bought some cal"Vings. [29] Othep Hepe sales of aptefacts collected by missional"ies to Taise funds furthel" T,JOe"k in Afc'ica. [30] In his collection Epstein l'laS definitely guided by the and fOPillal beauty of ,wpks and ;'-las ::"nsp:Lred by those / he had seen in the Tl"Ocadel"o and the Bl"itish r'luseum since many that he collectec l"esembled 'Horks in these museums. He sought specific pieces that iJere being looked fop by dealers and aptists 9 as in the case of the Head" of 'i..hich he said: I-Iead" Hhich I had seen in Br'ummer's shop :Ln Par'is many before in 1913... VIaS later sold and In 1935 ,vhen all Pa::-is "las seeking it, the having just dj_ed, I came on :T_t by chance in a dealer's basement. n [3n

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It is difficult to be specific about the nU::J.ber of African scu2.ptu:::'es collected by Epstein behreen 1912 and the 50s because he did not catalogue them. HmleVer", of the 1810 a::,tefacts that he collected, roughly 1[0% African, and of these, the majority Hood cal"vings. [32] Of the 276 ivories of Egyptian, and pri.mitive sold from the Epstein co2.1ect10n on 15 December 1961, 123 (ie. approximately l.fLJ·.6%) J\..frican sculptur'es. lIost of the sold had also been sho'l'm at an exhibition of from Epstein's collection o;:,ganised by the Arts Council of Great 3:kitain in 1960, just a year afte::." Epstein's death.

T11e1'e ::72S no evidence that Epstein Has generous in allQiving his friends and others to see his and Oceanic Hork. He attached great illlportance to his co::r..lection and vIas about it. He kept the pieces in his study and bedroom. Some of his fj:oiends did not see them because he Has af;c'aid of being accused of plagiarism. [33] During his close fr:i_endshtps i'1Hh Epstein fL'om 1912 to 1914, Gaudter-Brzeska never mentioned seeing Epstein's African collection although beth ar'tists shar'ed an i.n African SCUlpture. His of Epstein's roorr: j_n a letter ten on 25 Noverr:ber 1912 testifies to this: "In the 'c;1;,yo bunks mean and miserable... a 2.ittle table, very small, and nothing else. Ho pictu:pes image, nothing on the large ivhtte 'I'la113 only the torso of a Homan, half broken, ::i.I! a [3Lf ] Apparoently !Jladc Ge:etler i'1ho stayed ivi th the Epste:'ms July 191 if for about tiiO T,;eeks a t Hastings, S2TiJ none of the pleces. He only cOIllJJ1ented on the black giJ:'l, Epstein Us modeI Hho Ilias staying Hl th the family. fl'om the family? vJaS ped'laps the only artist to see Epstein IS .lU'rican pieces in the 208: tI I had flnished my student and Has apPOinted to the teachlng staff of the Royal College? I car::.e to knevl Epstein He:Ll, and have fo::'gotten

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hiEl taking me to his bedroom to see his collectton of ttve ca;:ov::Lngs

he got into the bed H:Lthout knocking them over". IV [35]

Epstein exhib::.ted any of his collection neither did he lend any such pur-poses nor- parted ,'lith any of them in any circumstance untu the late 1930s. In 1929 and 1930 Ivhen FT'Y? Sadler'? John Skeaping and others lent "ifopks for the exhibition of Aflnican and scu::.ptures at Sydney Bm"ney' s Galler'Y in London, Epstein only lent his b::'onze ppot::-ait - "Peggv Jean"? not an AfT'ican sculptupe. It vIaS only in 1935 that Epstein lent a fe';1 Af:":Lcan sculptures in his collection to the exhibition of primitive art j_n the Huseum of r·jode1"n Apt in lIeif The secpecy vJith vlhich he guapded his co11ection and the importance he attached to it is demonstpated by the fact that Epstein would sell all his collection of other ar-t foY'ms but not his ppim.itive 'I'lOrks to pay debts like income tax. As Buckle pointed out: "He had been a good money, he ':las still liable to bouts of impecuniousness? and once had to selJ_ his collection of r!atthev! Sntths to pay the income tax. His collectton of sculpture? hOlJever, grei'l steadily. II [36] Epstein had been a chanpion of Smith since 1915 and had assembled an outstand:Lngly collection of hi.s wode but pr-eferr'ed to papt Hith them rather than ,'lith his primittve wodes. [37] Epstein ,\'las secretive about anything tn his collection. In 1953 Sm:.th, uho I,las an exhibition of hts "certain vlodes in Epstej.l1! s possession should be included, but oHing to his secpetiveness he might be to 1end."[38]

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Al though Epstein did not allo,·! his friends to see his oun collection, he, ho"rever, encouz'aged them very effectively to apprectate non-European In 1912, instance, he took Hark Gertler to the British to look at the Egypt:Lan collection and other primitive of 'IJrote to Noel that ES'Yptian art 1i1TaS the greatest of all art. [39J Through Epstein's encouragement Gaudier-Brzeska uent to take a look at all the pr:Lrnitive arts in the British rluseum. pointed out: "Epstein began to collect and he me to study the and l::exican sculptuc:'e at the British r·luseum, all of Hhich influenced and excited me. II J Epstein IS effort in helping othep avant-gaJ:'de artists to and the forrJ,al qualities of African scu1ptur'e is complimentary to Fry's.

Hhen Easkell pointed out to Epstein that many people ho.d saj.d that had had a povlel""ful influence on him, Epstein admitted it and explained:

I aLl influenced by African sculptur'e in the same all primitive 1i'lork must influence the a::-'tist. manner that AfcLcan uor'k has important lessons to teach that go to the poot of all I have tried to absorb those lessons Hithout Harking in the African i.d10m. • .. the has lessons that ,JOuld benefit the most sophisticated of present day ••• [l.f 1 ]

Epstein explained that no evolved in a vacuum and that no artist ,laS an entipely clean slate. he felt that the influence of African sculpture on his Hade uas li,mited to 1912 and 1913. This of is not strictly tr>ue since some of his \'lOrks of 1910? 1914? 1915 and 1930 display some affinities to lU'pican [Lf2J

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In 1912 Epstein executed his second public commission, the Tomb of Hilde 7 T[lhich 1-/aS intended the Pere Lachaise Cemetal7 in Papis.

The Evening 3 June 1912, called it Epstein j s Dignified Sculpture I, but the same Hod: Has condemned fm" its sexual frankness 1,7hen it i-Jas mounted on Hj.lde' s by the "Commite d! Estheque de 10. Prefecture de la Seine" among ,'1hich included Jean Paul Epstein IS pr-ofessor in the life Class at the Julian Academy in 1903. The sculpture is an intriguing early T.wd: \-Jhich certain elements of the non-European tt'adition and is undoubtedly a landmark in Epstein's oeuvre. Its completion brought Epstein into direct contact i-lith the Fi-'ench ;[Jho the significance and vitality of sculptu:ee. interest and attitudes to Aflnican sculpture Hith hi::! vThich him that he vias not alone in his explOlnation of this apt. This accelerated his drift aHay from the European tradition. To Epstein the merit of the Tomb was in it being a direct carving and an evidence of the idea of tlnuth to matepial in respect to the block of stone. The Tomb of Oscar Hilde, 1912, CFIG.5.3), is a gj_gantic 20 ton I-Iepton iwodstone on vrhich is a flying demon-angel across the face, a symbolic \-JOI"k of combined Simplicity and decoration, and no doubt inf].uenced by antique calnving. VI [44] The demon-angel is seen Hi th a pigid arm hOl-'izontally attached to the body i'lhtch sl:'ghtly inclines up to the right to emphasise motion. The knees are bent to give a thrust to the body. This also helps to contain the \,]hole body in the composition

I'Jithout unduly shortening the legs. The heavy stylised vJing Hith its long parallel :::'ines 'cake a th:x'd of the frontal of the stone block. The body of the demon-angel j_s fitted into the mid-section of the block

'\vhile the base bea:-ing the name of the deceased takes up the space. The head is seen "ith a tall diadem

half-length :':llale in pelief. The 1m-fer of the diaden: is

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covel'ed v"ith a pelief of a head and shouldel's enclosed in tvJO radial

The head Hith long vlavy hail'"' is tilted up in ppofile and it is blot-ling a long thin tl'"'umpet held by the left hand to herald the approach of the demon-angel, (see FIG. 5.4) This recall s the all egor:Lcal figure of Fame vlith her symbolic tlnumpet. Fpom beneath the diadem a SOlnt of Hig, head-covering or perhaps lock of hail'"' cascades tOllards the ::'ight shoulder. The wain head ends ,-lith a pointed '\;Tell-chiselled chin v:hich renders the face into an inverted trianglar shape. The arc of the lips counter-balance the eyebrovJs and the arcs of the slit eyes.

Epstein seems to have been by the 1Hnged Han-Headed Lion 9 (FIG.5.5), in the Br'itish Nuseum. There is a stiniking s:Lmilarity in both the n:onU:.llentality and the thelle of the tvJO Donolithic SCUlptures. One ,\"ras a sentinel to the pesting place of the dead '\-J11ile the othep t'las to gualnd the abode of the l:i.ving. Both fuse hunan features vrith those of the beast. Both have human heads lll"earing Cl"'O'(vns and ,'lings tpeated so as to emphasise the parallel lines. The incisions on the legs of the lion and the elabOl'"'ate tpeatment of the par-IS cOPl'"'espond to the incisions en the thighs and leg and the elaborate pendering of the fingeps and toes of the demon-angel. The chests of the tvJO figures are hapd, smooth and convex. The \-lings s:Y'Llbolise flight and si-,iftness to conquer' tiI:le and space. The heads 'Iiith cpOHns l'"'eplnesent hUJIan intelligence, uisdom, sovereignty and povler. The ,(·.:inged r1an-Headed Lion is an Assypian sculpture car'ved fop the dOOI'Hay :::.n the palace of King Assur-Nas:l.d Pal (880-860 Be). The lion, k:cng of beasts, symbolises stpength and cou.'age. The bu::': had been used in similar 'cJor'ks. The band on the 10=:"11. j.ndicates the haJ.'nessing of his pOlllel"'s to benefit the palace. Emphasis is placed on the anima::. attp:l.butes to avo:l.d s:f.gns of vice and

Epstein on the other hand used the hunan body to avoid the strength, pOller" and bravado of a beast and tc emphasise

- 14·9 -

illan is fr'2.il ty 3J.'1G ty. He 'e-hereby invoked the concept of 1 sin!, ty and vices as in his J81-:ish religious and related to SOLle aspects of Hilde s vwitings and life. In context the deLlon-angel represents a fallen divine being and a messenger 7 intelIigence, dignity and had been by sins.

(FIG.5.6), Epstein listed the s:i.ns in the bottom left hand COl'ner:

covetousness, envy, jelousy, anger, sloth, 1ilander'ing thoughts, sodomy? and evil.

These the ideas Epstein associated 'tIith the Tomb. Opposite to the list ape b;-JQ couples engaged in ecstatic erotic acts ar!d a iIllL1ersed in Ivater. Il11illediately above the list hangs conspicuously and the genitals of the demon-angel .'Those half body and rr:assive

I'Ji.ng shoun. is an eBaciated 'Hith a long headdress and beard suspended in the fr'ont of the of the ar!gel. Thepe is a femaIe sphinx 'Idth long and body enclosed in the shape of a phaJ.lus

l'Jhlsperoing into the emos of the angel Ivhose arBS aPe folded the chest in the conventional postw:>e of death. The phallic embodied female sphinx uhich cGr':eesponds to the club-li}::e lock of hal::' in the Assyroian

sketch the Tomb, CFIG.5.7), ShOHS the demon-angel appar'ently "lith a mask and ,,,rearing a tall headdress similar to a 5th Dynasty (2563-2423) of LOV'ier Eg;ypt ::-eminiscent of the headd:cess of Queen r;eferti ti i s bust. Epstein uho sail the or'iginal bust mentioned his auareness of :Lt in the Berlin Huseum and that he had photogpaphs of it and later' C8.11:e to possess a cast of it. [45] Epstein began to car've the Tomb in ,septembep 1911 and completed it :'.n !'Iay 1912.

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Other' influences in the Tomb are Egyptian, Eexican and The Egyptian influence is felt in the of the angel crith his apm clasped to his body. The backgl"Ound shapes of the four half-male figures on the crovm look like Egyptian Dll,1111liW coffins. The radial Hings of Fame and the head of the second figure from the left on the CZ"O;rm epitomise the sun element of Egyptian art. The rlexican influence in the total impact of the l;.uge crO'lJl1 covered vdth reliefs. The ll...frican influence is l"ecalled in the uninhibited Y'esponse to sexual elements. The French authoritj_es 'idere shocked 2.nd outraged by such a fY'ank display of male gen:Ltals outside the mUSelli'l: Halls and T,Tithout the classical Greek touch. Epstein's cOL'lTIent about the classj_cal touch is more appl icab1e to the French authopjj;,ies than to his COIT'unissioners: "U:Llde ' s enthus:l.astic admirel"s Hou1d have liked a youth standing by a broken co1UY.'n." [46J I-laving failed j.n attenpt to the Hith cachesexe Fig Leaf the French authorities cove;:>ed the 1r1hole Tomb vrith a uhich remained over :Lt till the outbreak of the Epstein and h:Ls friends including Brancusi, iJina Halll.-l1ett, and others and some men of letters made several attempts to remove the cover':l.ng. [Li7]

stay in Paris Epstein shared his intel'est in ll...frican sculpture l,rith like Picasso, Vlamir..ck, de Zarate, rlax Jacob and other'S; dealer's like Paul Guillaw""J.e and Joseph

and men of letters like Guillaume Apol1inaire and others •

.11.1 though Epstein mi.ssed the Exposition Univepse11e '-Jhich closed tilO

mask of the Senufo, a Baule monkey statue 9 a mask from Sassanda l"egion, a i.JOoden head from Bini and Baule masks and donated to the Tr-ocadero museum as gifts by the organisation committee of the

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Guinea and Ivory Coast section of the exhibition. BetHeen the 18808 and I 1902 the had acqu::.l1 ed over 80 hu::nan and an:L.llal ar.d masks fr'om vapious of Hest and Cent::'al Africa. Although there no concrete evidence that Epstein sav! these ,\-wpks, it is highly that he did and they iwuld have excited h::"_m. Epstein 1 s aesthet:::..c attitude to primitive art in general made him perhaps the second artist next to Gauguin to an interest in this art to its discovery by Picasso anG. others in 1905 in Paris.

After bro years of intensive studies in the Ecole des Beaux and at the Academie Julian mastel1 ing the conventional techniques of carving and Dode11in15, Epstein set up on his ovm in Pal1 is. At this time he made short trips to Florence and London. The impact of the British Huseum on him "I-ras in h:Ls decision to settle in London. He lilrote: "Uhen thinking of leaving Pal'is, I determined to go to London and see if I could settle dOliJn an.d liiG:?lc a visit to the B:'itish r·}useum settled the for me, as I felt that I Hould like to have a good look around at leisure. VI [!'f8 ] On his arrival in London 1905 he IJade the acquaintances of various influential jon the apt including Bernard ShaH, HilliaIL1 Rothenstein, Augustus Jol1l'l and some members 0 ·" .L the Ne"\l English Art Club. His i-lith John Fothergill a iJeek after he vIaS most signiftcant crith l"egard to the both men shared in art. Fothergill ",ho translated LoeT{lY I s bool-c Render'; np; ITa in y Gr-eek the into English in 1906, encouY'aged Epstein to look a.t the ethnographtcal collections of the Brittsh tIuseum. [49]

is a consensus among lieiters as to 1:-1hen and "(-,;11.e1'e Epstein "lJaS exposed to African sculptul'e (ie. 1902 in Papis)?

op:l..nions slightly as to ,"hen and hOi-; it beGan to influence his O1iJrJ. ,-ro s • Golduatep obser'ved that the dipect evidence of

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Epstein U s :'nterest in prim:' tive art vlaS confined to 1910-14 and that the j.nfluence of African scupture began in 1910. He cited the Sunflm'Jer and Hate:enitv as Epstej.n' s. to mark the beginning of the influence. [50]

Evelyn Silber stated that it ,-laS only from 1910 om-lards that pieces of primitive ca:;,,"v1ngs began to affect Epstein's sculptm"es deeply. She cited the Crouch-ing Goddess F1r':ure "'lith :Lts, according to overt sexual display and negroid as the beginning of or primitj.ve influence on Epstein. [51] Buckle also noted 1910 as the date vlhen Epstein; influenced by his visit to the and perhaps by the LI1 paintings of Gauguin in the fir'st Post-Impressionists Exhibition of the same year, began 'Vlhat '\,as to be the primitive in England in moder>n times. Th:'s sculpture, l"later'nity, Buckle believed to be the f:Lr'st unsentimental treatment of motherhood in European sculpture since the Renaissance. [52J For' Buckle an early Epstein the Study Gii"l "lith Dove, 1906, (FIG.5.S), also reflects the ilLfluence of African SCUlpture. He observed that this drai'iing ,\,;as done in linear style reminiscent of Gauguin and that 1rJas something of Art r·Jouveau. He noted that the figure '\vas a of the lyrical monUJ."11ental qualities of Uestern combined IJith something Hieratic from. study of Egyptian, Indian, and African SCUlpture. [53J The 'something' about this drai·ling could be attributed to the heavy and planted feet, the bent knees i;Jith thighs, elongated and slightly cylindrical 100k:Lng torso ;/Jhich rem::Lniscent of J).fi'ica.1"J. stylistic elem.ents.

:ticharc. Cor'k also that the first signs of an active concern vdth Llore cuI tUl-'es :Ln 1910. He pointed out that the Sunfl OHer Epstein! s interest in ll..frJ.can, PolyneSian and Egptian apt in the On the hand Cork shOtved a dra't'Jing, Head, g1910, (FIG.5.9) as the only Epstein \-lOdc of 1910 to

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employ pC:-'lmitive elements and stated that Epstein not any of h::'.s and Polynesian influences until 1912. [5 l f] Alan Hilkinson also indicated 1910 as the tiTile ",hen Epstein shOlved interest :1'..n the f-tf'rican and Polynesian collections 1.n the British Euseurrr. I1e stated to the Sunf 1 that if the date generally assigned to this Hhich is 1910, then it one of the earl1.est to peflect Epstein I s interest in Af::'ican sculptur'e. [55] lhlk:Lnson statec. that "Unlike Picasso and ivhose paintings and sculptures Here infl uenced by p;:'j_mi tj.ve aY't as soon as they discoveped it, a decade passed befope Epstein IS v1O:dc 'Vias to affinities vlith lI-f'rican and Oceanj.c art. II [56 ] TT .fl.e then cited the Tomb of Oscar" iHlde, 1912, as the DOst obvious piece to shoH the direct :Lnfl uence of non-Eur'opean art. He pointed out that the sexuality "antJ-:,cj.pates Epstein's h::_ghly pel-'sonal of the tribal ffiot in l'lJ:s and sculpture of 1913". [57] Charles Harrison pointed out that Epstein s T,1O:::-k shOiifed the benefit of a soph:Lsticated enthusiasm az"t ce:::-tainly not later than Brancusi's. But he indicated early 1913 as the tke ,,,hel1 Epstein's assimilation of archaic and tribal influences began to manifest. [58]

The different opinions of the various as regard to "Then and i"hich of Epstein's Horks began to shovl African and primitive influence can be attributed to the problem of dating early \Jorks of Epstein, especially the Sunfl 0I"e1", and the Crouching Goddess. :1.nstance Cor'k as signed ,Q 191 0 and ,Q 1911- 12 to Sunfl OHe:e and r1a t y lryespectively uhile H:'lktnson assigned ,Q 1912-13 to Sunflol:Ter and others ass:1.gned 1910 to this problem does not affect the study of the influence on Epstein! S 1cIOrk and taste.

Epstein began his career by dra'iJing. H::Ls desire to see th:lngs in the round and to study form in its d:.ffelnent aspects from varying angles and also his love of the purely physical side OT sculpture turned h:Lm fron: to sculptupe. This occured in 1902 in and fr'om sculpture he felt a full outlet of both pbysical and n:ental that ,\.,as n:o:ne satisfying to him than drav,Ting. [59] His pre-1908 dl"auings llere , close and faithful to natupe 'I'1ith enduring discipline. Some of them sh0101ed unusual elongation, un:cefined outline disclosing extravagant use of rectilinears. Rothenstein savl them. as "i_ntense in feeling but somellhat thin and tenuous," 'I'1hi1e Sha'\-;thought that they "I\,ere "mad, like bur'nt fUlnze-bushes". [60] Epstein s post-1908 dra\.,:'ngs reveal a bold and more technique 1.,hich at times depicts Cl1 ude and violent :Lmagel"y :ceminiscent of African sculpture.

The Head 1910, FIG. 5.9, is an exarilple of an ea::-Iy dralving ,.,hich ShOi-iS the formal qualities of P.fpican SCUlpture: the long columnar necl( by the steep shouldeps, the povTepful taper'ing javis ';lith thick lips, the slight concave planes of the face, the long trwapet-shaped nose bpought into relief by striation, and the huge a.lmond-shaped eyes. These exppessi_ve featmnes ape comparable to the hea.ds of the Baule figUY'es ovmed by Epstein. [61] The Baule ,Je11 e pr'obably collected a fe"id years the dral:J1.ng, hOloJever, the strongly suggests that Epstein vTas definitely a,!rare of such

A pencil d2'aHing by Epstein, Afc:-ican FIG. 5.10, can also related to the Read. Its long neck, tapering javls? concave and hear't-shaped face ;;7ith sl:Lt eyes, the tHO prongs of and the decoration of the head str'iations are of African elements discussed in Chapter' one. The date of the drauing is

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Epstein rc.odelled and cast in bronze in one style and then ca::"'ved in anothe:-'. His f;1.odelling i:las based on a highly individualised naturalist:i.c European t::"2cd:.tion initiated by Rodin "hom he personally. Tc10delling Epstein? s pavler of obser'vation and does not reflect any influence of non-European elements. faciU.tated the develop:nent of his cal"Ving 9 the aspect of his artistic pel"sonality fOl" he had ealnned his living by ::J.akinz; bl'onze portraits since 1909.

In 1910 Epstein pr'oduced thl"ee carv:.ngs and some drmvings that shovred affin:.'J::;ies 1iT1th Afr:i.can sculpture Sun Goddess CFIG.5.11), the SunfJ.o\/e:n (FIG.5.12) and the (FIG.5.14).

The Cx>ouchi ng Sun Goddess (FIG. 5.11)? is a crouching nude fer.:ale figure ujJ:,h flat and ill-defined fac1al featuc'es. The blunt hands ape seen holding the legs ap8.l"t tightly to 8nphasise the display of gen:italia. The br'easts are 10H and d:nooping. Although the:ne is no Epstein ivas able to achieve the explnessive qual:Lties of Aflnican sculpture at the very eaI""ly stages of h::7.s canr:Lng. He Has definitely inspired by the 1\Sr--ican iclOrks seen in the Tlnocadtr-,o and the B:n:i..tish rluseum. Since Epste::i.n considered Afr'ican sculptmne as the root of all the application of its r'udiI;lentary p:-cinciples of simplification, distortion of natural forms, and sexual frankness brought h:i.m close to this

Scholar's agree that the Sunf10'i,rer, 1910, (FIG.5.12) icias influenced by African sculptllirye, but that it has been unconvincingly compared to some unrelated African 1clOrks. [63] The half globula::- shape the tooth edge decorations, the dull almond-shaped eyes and the

[62]
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neck are to the Fan;;r Eead, Gabon, (FIG. 5.13)? Hh:1.ch once belonged to Epstein. The decorative tooth edges also correspond to the of on the Fang sculpture. It. :Ls 11.0t k110'\;J"11 e:xactly IJ111e11.

Epstein this head. The of the face is also simila::-to the Female F-i gure (FIG. 1. 1) and. a fevl other Baluba figur'es in the I:!aten1itv, CFIG.5.14), \'las beGun :'n 1910 and eJ:h::,bited unfinished at the Allied Artists Exhibition in the Royal Albert Hall, London, :'3'1 the SUITlller of 1911. is an 82in high stone statue depicting a pregnant HORan. Epste:'n placed emphasis on the plumpness and poundness assocj_ated Hi th pI>egnancy. The rhyth.'i1 of roundness is echoed in the shoulders, the breasts? the back 'Iilhich is emphasised by a pJ_ait dOHn it 7 the stomach, and the buttocks \\I'hich provocatively exposed. V ically the reveals a graceful rhytpE of due to the slight tilt of the head to the left and the application of the Greek hipshot pose. The head and the face and simplified ,\,jith soft and featm'es. The closed eyes and the calm rhytbmic pose irubue the figure 1rlith dro1rJsiness. Buckle considered that the bpeasts spoiled the statue, as the:Lr formalised and knob-ltke nature Ilere P.£rican and di,ffe::- fpoD the l"est of the figure. [6 1J,] The disproportionate and 1iTith coni, cal nipples are similar to those of the ca!oyatid figure of the BOH19 (FIG. 5. 15), froIl Abomey, DohoBey, l".7h:'_ch had been in the British ICluseun since 1889. The sign:lf5_cance of the liate;,-nitv ,lith its Afloican influence is that it is the f:Lrst modern sculptu;:-e by a sculptor to respond to pl'iDitive exhibited in public. [65] the 'Apt Qualce of 1910 1 caused by the fij:'st Exhibit:'_on, the "&Jopks of ar'tists 1ilce Gauguin and r:!atisse influenced by sculpture ,,1ere sho1rJn for the first time in Britain. These might have

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Epstein to exhibit the unfinished L:aternHv. Al though Epstein did not identify hii:iJ.self iJ:'Lth the Post-Impressionist-,s he vlaS certainly affected by the spirit of the avant-garde movement.

In 1912 Epstein produced in addition to the Toeb an interesting leJooden sculpture: Cursed Be The J2.gy Uherein .I "laS Bo:m, (FIG. 5. 16) 9 1;-J11.:;_01:: "las a of a speoific P..fr'ican sculpture. TLle Reliquarv Bakota FigUl'e, Gabon, (FIG. 1.27)? Has Epstein! s soupce of acquired in 1883, 188l f and 1886 respectj:vely and one in the British I1useum in 192 Lf. Epstein had one of his Oim \Thich he ppobably

The similar'ities bebTeen the tuo sculptures in the sections of each: the diamond shaped 10He:c pal'ts that angular limbs; the m:'Ld-sections Hhich comprise the cylindrical torsos; and the half-moon shapes at the top. The middle dome shapes in Epstein! s cal"ving are upside dOHn and they a::'e formed by the tuo arms and bent at the elbOi'Js to reflect the effect seen in the African figur'e. The faces are concave, the eyes are slits and the noses are sma:l triangles. The eyes have short hor'izontal and diagonal lines ai'oUIld them. The tHO calnving are relatively flat and nealnly hw-dii:lensional as they Here meant to be viewed fpom the f:eont only. The excessive use of geometric shapes has dehumanised the tvw figures, especially the Bakota cal'ving which is presumably sexless. Epstein b,-nought his figure to the human fOl"I:1 by the definition of the hard skull-like head, and by attaching a smal::" ball and peg to the base of the to the r:ale genitals. Epstein :"etained the syw.metr'Y in his i-wrk only up to the base of the neck. Both sculptur'es rr;.ade of composite rr;.ate;:oials: the Bakota figure consists of ,,)"Qod and copper 9 l,rhile Epstein's :Ls made of !;wod and plaste::"7 painted scal"let red. It is the only knoHn "woden sculptul"'e he

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space to i'lOde out the ideas he had gathered from the a::-tists and sought confinement to' avcid disturbance. He thepefore rented a bungalO'vl on the Sussex coast at Pet t-Level neap I-Iastings 7 I'Jhere as he said? he could look cut to the sea and carve avlay to his heart! s content [66] He lilO::-ked there 1913 to eal"ly 1916. FOi' him it "'las a peI"iod cf intense activity and Here it nct fcr the and the cf living in ccuntry and making a living as an artist, he Hculd have stayed there [67 ] cf the -cwdes dcne dUl"'ing this pe:'iod reflected the aspirations of his French colleagues. Fagg wrate: "That Epstein ideas Picasso, Hadigliani op the F:cench avant-garde in 1912 is a Hell knO'im fact, of Tllhicb, proof is given by the vivid interest he took in coll_ecting a:'L"[68] The relaticnship that Fagg nates bet'l'leen the avant-garde artists aLd Epstein is a."'!. obsel'vation and :ceveals the extent to I'lhich their ideas and pr"actices influenced Ol' stimulated hihl.

Epstein had respected Picasso eVel" since he had f::'rst met him in 1912 :In t1ant pacnas se. Several yeaps la teln he 'iu'ate that PicassO' vIaS an sophisticated and remarkable ffi"'tist, a vi:'tuoso and a Dan of exquisite taste and sensibility. Epstein admitted that he could not allIays fallm'l cr understand hiD, and that even in Picassc! s most difficult mcods af expression one rr:ust him, I'li t11 pespect. He admitted that he uas not fond of abstraction, but found Picasso's abstract Hodes personal. Picasso uas too and vclatile to' fcllOlJ, and he Picascc' s mediccre. [69] I-Ie ncted the ::.nfluence cf African sculpture an PicassO' and his ccllecticn.

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Epstein that of all the artists Hodigliani had used the influence of African sculptu:-'e to the greatest advantage. He noted that other artists had been b.esitant and r10digliani had expressed himself Hith confidence [70]; that retained his individuality vJithout betng influenced by Picasso '\,ho had influenced many others. Epstein sa\l daily a period of six months. In 1912 both men planned to find a place ,·lhere they could 'i;wrk together.

Epstein Has so familiar i'lith Nodigliani' s studio that he could its content several years later:

Hts studio at that time vIaS a miserable hole 1dthin a courtyaJ:od, and here he lived and viOdced. It vIaS then filled 'lith nine or ten of those long heads lvhich ';-J'ere suggested by masks and one figure. They carved in stone l at night he viOuld place candles on top of each one and the effect Has l:Lke that of a prim5ttve temple. [71]

Epstein Has in close association 1rlith Eodtgliani J- "1 Unvl..l.. the latter" S death tn 1921 • Epstein oirmed a drauing by iani? the Ca:eyatid of

probably as a gift or an exchange for a good rr.eal. As L·iiodigliani put it: I! A beef steak is more impo::,tant than a dravling. I can make dr'aI'Ij.ngs, but I cannot make beef steaks". [72] The CaJ:'yatid ts a penc:i.l and blue crayon of an apparantly seated nude female 'I,lith her hands behind her head seemingly arranging the hatr. The strong and clear contour's give the dravling purity of form and fluent linear rhythms and a quality. The gentle lines and curves start and end at the joints of the figure. Structur>ally 9 the figure seems to be composed of roughly oval shapes linked together like chains? (see FIG.5.18). The fa.cial features, hands, and feet are distor'ted. This had an obvious impact on Epstein I s of a nude female figure of the same year', (FIG. 5. 19). Epstein P s dravring "laS similar'ly done in blue crayon 7 also Hith a combination of thick and thin

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lines arranged in a sinilal" patter-n to the Carya'c-"d. Epstein has elongated h:Ls torso in the of African sculpture, and b"'s separated the legs by introducing a diarwnd shaped space bettlleen theE \'1hich resembles that of the Bakota Rel iQuarv Fi9;Uln e. ll.fcican :Lnfluer..ce in the Caryatid is noticed in the concave elongated face and the simplification of the hands and feet. Hodigliani is noted to have "talked endlessly of art". [73 J This attitude uas reflected in his dlnal·dng 1'1hich in tur'n inspired Spstein.

The zoelationship behreer.. Epstein and Brancusi 1'7hich began seriously in 1912 1':faS based on mutual inte:""'es'c in sculpture. African and Cycladic often advised him that ODe must not imitate the Africans. [74] Brancusi is supposed to have demonstrated this by some of his uorks that looked too lLUCh like African sculptu::·e. The F-i Step 1913? (FIG.5.20), was Brancusi's first standing his first I.ood carving and his f:L:'st African infl

It "lJas in 1911f thou;;h the head 'liaS saved. Th.e T"st Step i'JaS influenced by the 1·:ale Bar0.bal"a (FIG.5.21), '\llh:Lch i'1as in in the ovoidal heads, the lips, the cylind:nical the elongated the short thighs and the :Legs. Brancusi claimed that only and Rumanians kne\'7 hOH to carve i'IOOd. [75 ] Epstein had sl'loi\fn a glryeat understai-;,ding of Brancusi 1 s simplification of fOlryms to theilry basic shapes akin to solid geometl'y? especially his simplj_fied egg-shaped Epstein even attributed the invention of the comnercial [..l.a.nnequins used in the shop Hj_ndo't'ls =_n London to s simplified [16] The tuo artists had exhibited the:'_r I'lorles in 1913 and 1914 in the Albert Hall in London. Epstein's indebtedness to Brancusi s simplified forms is reflected in some of his

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I:JOP1-;:s 4'

p:zooduced at Pett-Level? a of stylistic features f]:'OD Picasso, Ilodigliani., R"ancus:l. and Afr-'ican sculpture. The st:.--'ucture of planes Picasso?s the quasi-geoEetr:lc fOl"1D.S :'s indebted to Brancusi; the elongation and concavity l:'eflects IIodigliani' s "Jode. The overall :Lmpact of the v'lOrk discloses the influence of the Fang Head, (FIG. 5.23)? ",hich Epstein sal'l in GuilJ_aume' s shop :"n 1912 and later' acquir>ed in 1932 r;,hen s superb collection uas sold. [77] Epstein called it the ! 3ieri Head'. The influence of this head on the and Chi l d? lS noted :1.n the smooth fOc">jj'l, the simplified and blUY'l"'ed fac::'..al the concave face and the long flat nose vlith pointed tip of the the nal"':COI1T ch::':..n w'i th protruding mouth, the CUl"'Ves of the heads) the columnar neck of the child ilhich is noticeable fr'oD the back and the em"'s of the child. The global head of Epstein's child figure Brancusi and the on the face bealos a CUlnious l-'esembIance to the mouth of The FLost Step. The Globula;:' head and the neck also l"ecall Epste:Ln' s SunfloHe:? and j_ts coppespond:'Lng Fang head. and Chil d is also compa.l'ab2_e to the "Bpu.r;:;r::er Head II 9 (FIG. 5.2) . The!'e ape large and small inverse incisions sharing a co:mlIon base at the back of the head of the nother' figure. is difficult to give an irr:m.ediate source for the tpiangles in th::_s \Jodc, but they to the decorative rD.otifs found on some Afr'ican maslcs and f:Lgures.

Epstein! s urge to do carving in to exp:ness or reveal his creative after his retUlnn from Has partly stimulated by the comments of the tish Press on the TOffib of Osca1'" viilde. The Pall NaIl Gezette of 6 June 1912, fop example, the TOl'.1b and connented that Epstein ioTas a not a D'lodeller, and that he IJaS a

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nSculptor in Revol til against the but ideas of current sculpture. [78] It also noted that Epstein viaS not pursuing an :.:mitation of natur'e OJ:' ::"i suggestion but the peinfection of plastic ideas.

Epstein ,;ras encouraged by this cOIl'ID.ent. His approach to the conventional or liteJ:'aJ:7 idea of Venus Has highly

Epstein produced the Venus in Afr':'can style and TiiaS the avant-garde to do this. Vlam:Lnck, Derain and Picasso \·,ho had seen many beautiful statuettes had compained then:. favourably vJith the image of Venus. For instance, Vlaminck \-;ho shmled his statuette to Derain, :"emarked that Has as nearly beautiful as Venus de rUlo. Picasso Has in his corn::::ent: nHore beautiful". [79] Yet the three artists never tried to produce a Venus in African style.

Epstein car-ved tHO of the Venus 1;-1hic11. John Tancock described as 'lU'loican style Venuses'. [80] In both of Epstein's ve:csions, the Roman goddess of seculaJ:' love ceased to be a synbol of unattainable beauty and love, and became a symbo::" of glnovrth and continuity.

Epstein! s Venus GeneJc·':L:l: is essentially biologj.cal? a sytclbo1 of the fel..,tility of the land and all the life it sustains. Epstein's Venuses a:oe mounted on copulating doves.

Epstein gave his Fi:est Venus ,·,:".th Dove, African-like pendant breasts vlith th:Lck conical nipples 9 a s"i-JOller.. stomach, a s:Llnplified hai::-' style falling on the nape of the thick cylindrical neck, a dome-shaped head and fOl"'ehead? a smooth and featur-eless face uith a slight veI'ti.cal arDS attached to the body, siDplif:'ed angular hands, flexed knees and tptangular feet, and a \;Te::"1 deftned slit denottng the The upper part of the torso is conceived in round form.s Hhile the 10vve::' part is 1"endeped in flat block-like fOl"mS. The is syr:21etr'ical and frontal and these a;:'e important j.n the 7 presence that

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the sculpture conveys.

The Second Venus? 1914? (FIG. 5.25)? is almost b;·jice the height of the first and :::"n the sane Z2anner Tiiith s::'..igl1t var:l.ations:; the b:,'easts protrude, the neck and hail's'cyle are mo;('e elongated 7 the and the linbs alne flat and block-like, the fingers indicated ';Jith parallel incisons of equal length, the heads of the doves errect and the male has a crest. The flnont vievl =_ooks ::'..ike an obelisk VTith rounded top.

There are tlVO Tilhich possibly inspilned the Venuses: the Dogon Female Figure, r''lali, (FIG.1.11), and the small car-yatid figures on the seat of the Seated Do;;on rlali" CFIG.5.26). The Dogon FerJ'.ale Figupe! s elongated angula:r'ity, s:Lmplification, flexed knees, slab-like =_egs, and the curve of the head

reflected in the Venuses. The sm.all caryatid figures CFIG.5.26, detail), also sho\-/ affinities "lith the Venuses, especially zj_g-zag legs, triangular feet, and ridged featureless faces. The copulating doves had been a theme fo:;.n othep carvings of Epstein Hhich thei.;:o quasi-geometric forms reveal Epstein's further indebtedness to Brancusi.

The significance of the Venuses in J10depn Bpitish art lies in Epstein's adaptation of a classical theme to African principles and the unprecedented fr'ankness of animal intelncour'se is depived pl'"'imitive SOUT'ces. The copulating doves ape believed to be inspired by the copula'ving tu:ntles fr-om Yam.-Tutu Island 7 Papua NeH Guinea j_n the Epstein "(,,"as a "Sculptor in Revolt" in his of sexual themes \'Jbj_ch has no pa:;:'allel in the 20th centur-y The uniqueness of h:Ls sexuality is its lirJ.;: 'ivith the African principle of sex. Alrr:ost Hithout exception Epstein I s carvings and dra"iclings

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betueen 1908 and the 1930s i-Jelne obsessively focused on thec.es of uninhib:Lted d:'splay of hUIJ1an genitalia, copulation? pregnal:.cy and birth

FIG.5.27 and FIG.5.28 are examples of sO;:-:l.e of his dina,Jings and based on the birth subject. The shoHs a "loman 'd-ho has just delivered a child lying on bacle 'i-lith heln thick legs bent and opened vdde. Her head is triangular and her I1l.outh is open to reveal of teeth. The child standing on her pubis

Be the Day Hhe:oein I ,,-laS 50rn and. the Bakota Rel:l.qua17

FIG. 5.27 is the of the d:"alring ui thout the head. and the torso of the r,Ioman.

Study Nan and 1913, (FIG. 5.29)? ShOHS a ;:nan and. Ho:n.an "Tith grotesquely and. frankly displayed :;enitalia. The head. of the man is a featur'eless elon:;ated t;:-'iangle 7 Hhich is attached by the torso? an elongated isoscelles triangle that extends faln do"rn al::Jost to the base a huge club-like peniS. The rounded tead of the vroman is attached directly to the bniangula:n torso uithout a neck. Ee:n lon;:; and curved anJ:1S suppOlnt heln oversized genitals vlhich are 1;-lidely opened Tilith the clitmnis sticking out as usually represented in soc.e jI.frican sculptm""'es? (for examples see FIG. 1. 1 and 1.20). The draviing Has by the Post, Nadagascar, (FIG.5.30) "Jhich Epstein might have acquired after 1910 having seen the one in the (see FIG.2. 19).

Totem 1913, (FIG.5.31), is based on and birth themes. It is a compost ion of th:"'ee figures in the most intriguinz acrobatic pose elements bor';'-'01:Jed his Hodcs:

Be the Day 1. vIas Born, Hot-hel'" and ChHd, and Study fOln

Han and )Toman. The composition reveals a man standing on his head v7ith

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a mask-l2.ke face. ::re SUPpOl"t.s himself Hith his a:C'TI1S and legs. His enOlnnous penis i,ith testices balanced on the sides beloH penetr-ates the opened vagina of the female ",ho supports he:eself on the thighs of the man. Her hands are guiding the male organ 2.nto hers. A child figure, :neminiscent of those in FIGS.5.16, 5.27, and 5.28) is supported on the shoulders of the vlOman. The child is enclosed in a for'm sj..milar to the female organ in FIG. 5.29 7 \'lhich here symbol izes a ';lomb, thus pregnancy. Thelne is an affinity betvleen the treatment of the female seJ(ual or-gan and 'che hair' style of the Bundu Jifask, Sier>:na Leone, in the Blnitish FIG.2.10, (of "'7h:::.ch Epstein possessed three eX2..mples). The headchness of the illask replnesented the opened female organ

To,w:c'ds the end of 1913 took his exploration of African sexuality a step fu:nther by :LnterpretinG the subject in ter'llS of modern machinery. The lnesul t of this 'i-las his famous Rock Drill. In The Study for the Rock Drill, .Q. 1913, (FIG.5.32), the image on the left is a rigid and angulap ar'rangement uhich looks 1 ike the Totem, (FIG. 5.31 ) . In the middle is another type of totemic image composed of triangles and a long angular face turned upside dO\m. This mask-like face is similaln to the Baule Hask, 7:.vory Coast, (FIG. 5. 33) 7 vlhich belonged to Paul Guillaume

VJhich Epstein have seen. The simila:eities betvleen them are: the st;:'ong broi,s; long thin noses; the long j avIS that tape:n at the ho:n:Lzontal chins; and the blnoad fopeheads. Epstein convepted the conveq;ing of the Baule mask into a triangle and the almond-shaped eyes into halves of their opiginal shapes. At the top right cornep of the conposition is a of schematised Bating bipds.

BeloH is an irr:.age evolved plnobably the motif. It ShOHS the influenced of the Baul e Ilask (FIG. 5.34) 'tlhich j,'JaS in Guillaume r s collection fpOB 1912 om-Jards. The tuo backvie\Js of Study fop Rock

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1913, (FIG.5.35), sho':-; tHO figur'es mounted on Rock machines drilling mounds. t.orsos the nc.ale figure in the Studv of Han and (FIG. 5.29). The Ulachine l"eplaces the exaggerated phallus in the fon:c.er composition.

(FIG. 5. 37), is composed of plaster f:'gure mounted on a l"eal RoeL: drill l'1achine. It is a dir'ect symbol of nasculinity and the potentiality of the phallus ensb.!."::'.ned in machine:"y, by the shapes i:nmediate associations ';o)'hich confe:" an jJ1J111ediate meaning. Such is the shaft aDd its bit ilhich reflects an pball us. The Rock Dr:.ll is based on the theme of proc::"eation deI':.ved fl"'om African sculpture and Tilhich is dehum.an:.zed into 2. mechano-sexual image. Ther'e is an attempt in the back viell dl"al-Jing to depict fOl'ces of v:Lbration by the use of cupves the shaft of the drill to :Lndicate er'otico-l:lechanical movements[81] analogous to hlman ejaculation. Epstein has been assoc:"..ated T!lith the Futurist and Vopticist uings of the Bl"itisI: avant-gapde. Al though Epste:'Ln discussed aY't H::Lth Uyndham Lelvis? David and contro:l.buted

tllO d:eavrings to Bl ast 1, the Voroticist ma.gazine in June 1914, he d:i.d not Epstein refused to be identified completely 1'rith any doctrina::.r'e s:,'oup and this :::_3 perhaps "Thy he dj_d not in the e:chibiticns and did not join the On:eGa Ho:ekshops.

Epstein IT S to join t11e Omeba a11d s g:.-'1Ioup of al:.,tists? though both men sha:"ed a C01l1IIlon interest in P.cfrican sculpture and promoted its a1;'ial"eneSS British artists llas fOl" seve:"al reasons. In the first place Fr-y had been unsympathetic to Epstein?s Hod{ since ea:cly 1912 and "rb.en he ''':'ote about the public? s at tack on one of Epstein I s sculpture :1.n 1925 he stated: "I aB not going to ppetend

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that it has me into an enthusiastic adr2iper of Epste:"n' s that ::.t caused me any emotiona.l reaction. f1 [82] In the second place? a steady income froIJ. kept fl"O::::: joining the "\Jhich might have depr'ived h:5m of cOITl.nissions for portr'aits. Epstein attended the Tuesday Eveninz.; discussions held by T.E.Hulme at Iks K:"bble1:rhite 1 s house in London. These sessions attracted many inteIlectuals and

Among these Here Fo:'d Hado:;: FOl'd y Ashley Dukes 1 the Pound, Richard Aldington, Ramiro 11aeztu and artists l:Lke Chaples

Epstein fOl.,md Hulme, unlike Fr'y? "a generous and singula11ly likeable characte::' and Hulme vIaS attracted to the of Riegl and \,?::,lhelu concerning p11i:nitive and ::.ts geometric qualities. He therefore defended Epstein against attacks and Epstein in the use of geometric elements. It Has in 1912 that Hulme praised the geo::r:et}:>ic of the To:r:b of 1 de and other Afl"'ican-inspiped sculptUl1 es by Epstein "fina.lly I pecoGnised this

of sculpture __ S3J:J some year's ago, of tlp Epstein ' s."[84J

_11 1930 Epstein carved Genesis; his last to sho,;J the dir'ect influence of This p:Lece t'ias ca::'vecl aftel' his Iconth tr:Lp to Eec'J York (ie. 1 October 1927 to 28 Jal'lUary 1929) uhe:ce he visited the lIuse1..1IL. and the AI.bert:, Barnes Collection. Epstein recalled: II Of sculptuI"es :::'n collection 7 I S2}J none except some African cEcvings 1'0'hich hc.d come ?aul GuElaune, 1071'10 had helped Dr Barnes l;Jith his col::'ection ••• "[85] These included female like FIG.5.39 and FIG.5.40? to Hb,ich

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Sho\iS some affinities. The pencil Study for Genes:i..s?

FIGS.5.41A and B, must have been done betlleen 1927 and 1929. They sho\-1 pregnant figures 1rJith long thighs. The heads and the slit eyes are reminiscent of his "Bnll:llL1er Head II ",:1. th its prongs of hair falling back. The legs In FIG.5.41B a1:'e reflections of the legs of the Homan in FIG.5.29.

Genes-is 1930, is 2 159.1cm 63.6in high of a pregnant 'Iwn',an '\I'h:::"ch is related to the d:nau:'.ngs by the generous / thick thiGhs, long arms 1;lith huge hands and S';wllen storr:ach. The dome shaped head and tapering j a1·JS the Fang Head? (FIG. 5.23)

The concavity of the face, the nose, the slit eyes and the p:'-'otpudj.nG l:l.pS alne ::'eflecb:ons of the Dan-J:J.:;e::"e Libe?ia, (FIG.5.42) i-Ihich Epstein h2d at th2t tiille. The cUY''Ilit1..Te of the b2ck 2nd the buttocks, reflections of the female in Dr' Barnes collection, (see FIG. 5. 39 and FIG. 5.40). The 8ho11s a curiu08 to that of

FIG. 5.40 fr'om the ::.vory f" • ",oast. forms

,Ii th diagonal gr'ooves. The conspicuous broad pubis ·,Jitb 2 tiny sljJ:. the v2gina resembles that of the Female Figupe, B2kota (FIG. 5. 43) fr'om Epstein I s collection. Hm,;ever, Epstein broke the syr"'..JlJ1etry of the by placin;; the left hand on the huge stoI:12ch.

Hhen the statue 'liaS exh:i..bi ted in 1931 at the Leister Ga::'le::,ies it 2 of 2buse. It vms pepceived as a 'i:Jork of obscenity alld fop Sh.ovl tit Epstein in h::'l_8 autobiography I"eitera.ted: emasculated Has shocked by a. figUl:'e '\'lithout II, \Ji thout indecencies, and Hi thout It ",as not the femj.nine of erot:Lcism, 2nd perhaps that reason ar'oused the of 'lO:.nen. n[86]

Homen accused Epstein of :Lnsulting sex bec2use they missed all the usual appeal of gf'2Ces. He fUl1 ther exp2.ained that they

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TIlOl"'e by the symbolic truth of the statue than at the caricatures of Dauwier? Toulouse and Grosz.

sculptur-e had influenced the sculptur'es of Epstein over a p::'olo:lged pepi_od fl"'om 1910 to 1930 fol1oui1'1g uhich he seemed to have digested its fopmal qualij:;ies and used them as a prime motivation in his subsequent Ivopks. He played a ::.ajOl'" l'ole in revital:_s:Lng sculptuz'e :1.1'1 Bl"'itain and Has its leading p:c"act:Ltionel'" UIltil the late 1930s.

a ycunger generation of 7 as he put it:

I have often been asked by aspil"'ing sCUlptOl"'S to help them get on the:!.]:'" feet? and not long after this have had the ironical pleasur'e of Hatching them get large cCIWlT_issions and all sorts of decoI"ative ,wries. [87J

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19117 having been Dovecl by h:Ls study of and to AUGuste1:12cke :

lJe JJ.ust be :n''''ave alJ.d tur11 our bacl::s 1...lpOil. alIGost that l.mtil nou good Eu;:'opeans like ou:('selves thought p;:,'ecious and indispensable. Ou::' ideas and ideals Eust be clad in hai:n shil.,ts 1 they !:lust be fed on locusts and T,lild honey? not on history 7 if ue eveln to escape f110n:. the exhaustion of our bad taste. [1 J

At the same time al°c-ived ::..:1 lateln to join those ",lho ivel'e enough to tur'n theil' backs upon their Em-'opean t;:-'adition Ol" IT bad taste IT and to seek i.nspi11ation fr-'oi"J and 1'1011.-European sources Q Gauclie::o-B:->zeska 's debt to Afloican sculpture Has acknOvllec.ged to sose e:rtent 1916 by F17 and Ezra. Pound and ::n 1933 by Ho:-'ace Brodz];;:y. [2 J I-I:\.s influenced 1dO:n l:s IPJel"e mac.e beb-leen 1913 and 191 LI. Al thOUGh the date Hhen he f::L:"st saH Af::-<Lcan sculpture has not. been established, it certain that the decisive contact and cant beGan 1911 in the It possible thou,Gh that he saH a feH of sculptur-e then. 2:11 1908, for eJ'::a.mple, \'Jas in at the VentUl:'e College to study Business a lwoden d:Lvinat:'..on b01i: (FIG. 6.1) 7 and other the Huseum he had been severa:_ times to d:':'5.\J. 1;one of tl:e dralJin3S Dade in the TLUseun have but drm,rings made at the sarc.e reveal Deticulous study of local anj.IIlals an.d pla.11ts and so j.t is uIl2.ikely that his drauings of this pe;:oiod any

AIT
EXPEREIE:JT
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inte?est in these a?tefacts.

sculptur-e.

The Div·' nat:Lon BOT;Jl, YOTuba, (FIG. 6.1), vJas acqu:::.Tecl in 1896 by BI·-istol Huseum and 'il"as on display in 1908 along vJ::'.'ch It s1101fs a figure of a Homan Hitb. a hUGe head and pointed She is seated and hold:Ln6 a bO\11 above her' head \Jith her legs and tiny feet out before Tl1.e =-s cove::'ed uith black and This and some in the museum do have SOLle aff:l.ni'cies 1;ith ce?tain l,'101"ks by Gaudier-:Sr·zeska to be discussed late::'.

1UthouGh stayed in Paris fr-om 1909 to the end of 1910 there is no evidence that he ever- visited the

a11d Renaissance sculpt he 'lisi ted t11e 0 [L1· ]

Appal"ently :Ln 1912 began to develop an intel"est in pr'lllit:lve a::-t lfhich 'i12.S his sculptUI'es. Ee made tiles and masks i·rh:.ch aY'e believ'ed to be direct copies of _Bitive designs and

(FIG. 6.2)? ::3 the only one kno1:ll1. to It :1.3 ;D.ade of pa:i.nted museum shared any visual vrith this aLo of Hark because of the elaborate haiI'style and the ,fide and and cetepmined lips.

oeginnin,; of enthus:Lasn p::-':i.m.i ti_ve art 'I',Jhich iJaS e:rpl"essed :'cn his 1-jj_t11 th.eiI"' fOT'ma:

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In the S1..lIilllle:: of 1912

found h:':wself 81ll0ng a

the nuc::'eus of the Bl"itist avant-ga11 de. Through friends he m.et Jacob

Epstein 1'11'10 1JaS the on::"y scu::'ptOJl' ar;;.ong the Epstein uas senior to Gaud:'el1 -Brzeska in age and had ali1 eady established his

He ems also a ado.:5x'er of Afr'ican sculpture. The meeting of the t"(;o sculptors p1ayed a in the sculptui'al deve::"opuent of especia::"ly 11.:':.s ,!ttl':. Afl"ican form.s.

vis:Lted Epstein u11.o b.ad just completed his Tomb of Oscar June 1912. His 5-"'1pressiOl: of the Ton:b pecorded in a letter' ,n":.tten a feH days late:;'1 to D:l' :1..n 1,]11.ich he enclosed a sketch and of the Tomb.

lette:,1 Cp:nobabJ.y pa:3e 9 as ::"_ndicated at the top

The

:'eveals the front vieH 'J:':.t11. the of the 2:LCht s:1..de Gaudier-Br'zeska \elho r,ms :1:J.pr'essed by the YLOnu:llental:l.ty? fl--:.arJ,:: Vi:1tous:l.ty and al"t:Lstry of dL'ect stone stated "I into space, h.is eyes sr.:.ut.. The 111101e Hode is b 1 eated - strongly? f:i_:led u:i.th movement and de:icate feeling? in the expr-ession and the rs.ed:l.w:l? nand conc:::"uded that the tODa uas "a piece of that ., r \,'v_....!....:... live forevey,.1I[7]

Inspired by Epstetn 7 G2.Ud:i.eI>-Br-zeska began d:1.:cect stone ca:--v:1..ng tn 1912. I-hs

shol"led s:Ll21plified facial featu::'es 7 feet and hands. Eead of £ Child, is sucl"1 a11 e:-calnpl e .. Its and C'oughness due to lack of ski.11 and of T:1e nose ::"ooks b::"unt and heavy 1l'hile the lip seems SlJOllen. The almond shaped eyes appear- in r-elief -"lith the ar-ound them me:,ryely They loo!c slig11tly Gaudte:n-Bpzeska 1 S atteDpt to

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snooth the \-lOj:'K had 1 eav::Lnr; behind faint. tool this :mrk has a general tive quality it. ShOCIS no influence of any spec:_fic art but indicates hO"J he began h::_s d:LPect stone and Epstein becar,:e g:t'eat friends. Epstein recalled the of 2_ add.::oessing 8.1;' artist 9 TYhen he :eetu::'necl f:r'om PacLs Epstein told Gaudie::--Ekzeska about the

t S achievements. Subsequently Hent to the Br:i..tish HuseUJ::J. Of this he 'in-oote to Sophie Brzesl.:a[9] on 28 lTovenber "This 1:J'e:n.t t:Lve sculptures- 9 yel 1 0','1 and the ped :--aces ". [10] He 821,1 many Af;:cican sculpt1-1reS iEcluded figures and masl,:s such as FIGS.1.1, 1.10, and 1.12, FIG.2.15, FIG.3.3, and those that he.d been acqui::'ed before 1912 2nd ",ere on display plus a feriJ KO['e to be c:'_ted that had an influence OE Oi-J"n sculptuI"'es. It almost a yea::, after he beG2n his direct stone carving that produced stene ':70:-'l:s that sho\'Ted Af:f'ican :::'nfl uence.

'!Jl:l:i..ch he began iI;' 1913 and completed in 191 It 2: nude fe2ale dancer i'l2. th a dYi1.arJ.:::'c 'bJist of the body. Although it does net J:"'eseBble a specific sculpture in appeal"anCe it St01JIS seve:'al n;:;co:.snisable featui'es of J\.fr::'.can sculptuT'es f:'eID. cli_ffeY"en'c ::"eSlons seen by Gaudier-3rzeska in the Bl"itish Euseulll. The Red Stone Dal:cer is

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conceived as a cOI:lbination of planes &"1d J;Oow.1.ded forIns. The s1'1opt 7 and contor't:,ed lees and feet composed of flat planes

the huge bloeasts and the egg-shaped head made of :c'ounded fo:'ms. The comb i_nat ion of these tHO compositional elements is :\.n principle to the ::Ln Headrest? Bambala? and the Stool 7 Ashant:_, (FIG.1.37). These telO car'vings Her'e acquired in 1907 and I'Iuseum 2:.nd Gaudiel'-Brzeska L1iGht have display. and the thick flat feet tpeated in terms of flat planes, ilhile the papt of the anJ., the shou3_decs and the head a:ee tl"'eated 2,S cylindrical forrl1s 0 The fingers in the HI ustc'at-ion) a:ce blunt and tube-like. In the Stool flat planes are used :i..n the bent legs, Hhi.le

c:'ound,ed. The fingel"'s blunt and a;:'e :"epresented by long and blocks. Gaudier-Blnzeska found the ar'rangement of for''Il1s and his oun but appalnently did not find the apz-'anceI2ents in I s Hod: as i:TT'ote to Brzesl:a on

Appi.l 1911 that he continued to study t1ichelangelo' s· "noted II planes, but Hi thout neu. [11 J On the other band, after to assept :::'n June 191Lf:

:2l.asses Sculptura: the defini"ng of tbese masses by planes. VI [12]

Other featupes a:'e disce::>nible in the Red Stone

egg-shaped head 1 the huge bpeasts 1 and the ar:d the oblonG mace on the b:ceasts J_n lon T'elief. T11ese epito:o:ise tIle \tray Brzeslca

he explai_ned later in 191 L!.; the pulled the sphe:;:oe lengthllays and made the in to to pr-oduce charms. [13 ] Th:Ls indicates that in addition to appreciating the decorative values of geo:metr::'Lc forms in Af:'ican Gaudj_er-Brzeska liaS also inte:cesteG. in the Eeaning attached to them. He clearly used such symbolism in the Red Stone Dancer and fev! other vJo:-'ks of his, (ie. Tm'pedo Fish 1919, and Char':m 191 Lf ) • The :'Lsoscell es and African and used as sexua2. sym.ools although they can also be used have using these designs in the especialIy the CharT!., Bambala? (FIG. 6.6) and the Bapende, (FIG. 6.7) Both h2d been in the r':uSeUl'.l since 1907 and could have been on disp::"ay. The Fe::'tilitv CharD a f::"at ilOoden piece, a cord passi_ng through the 1:01e in the neclc enables :l.t to be 110n'1 as a pendant fo,:' aga:'..nst evil OP to :'Cnduce fe:c't:L1i.ty in yeung vw:men. The head and the

t:e::2ngular spaces at the side. The patter'ns on the also describe a of t:r'iangles: ADE and BCE def::.ne

In. tile Bapel1.de the 1

beautj_fully shaped ShOHS :i.ncised and The edGes of the fa.ce a::'e \J:lth Hhite and gray tJ:':Lancles. The eyes 2nd the lips c.i"e pulled up into The tp:tanc;le on the face of the Red Stone Dance:!:"'7 U:.e and the oblons

0'" the l-:uge bl'easts sycbolise fept::'lity. The la2ge bcoeasts have also for il1.st2:.11ce

- 175 -

191.!·8 a'::, the of Art?

London 7 pointed out that the big georr:.et::'ic breasts of Red Stone convey the idea no'\;, only of but a:'..so of fept:i..ljty. [VI]

The egG-sha::::,ed head of the 3ed Stone Dancelry ::'eveals an influence of

31""211Cusi T s

Iluse of 1910 and tuo othe:." Bi'ancusi ca;-·vi.ngs at the London 5a10n of Allied in June/July at u11ic11 also

RodiI" and EaHlol and t,;o portraits of cubist style. [15] Since Epstein had mentioned and his to ='.11 19 12 7

ska had taken a keen i11tel"est in both and h:1.s

Fe detected Brancus::? s i.nfluence on Epstei.n IS ,w:"k:

Epstein; he? s doi.n;; the wost ext::··aoedinary statues? absolute copies of 3rancusi"s

:'..nfluence on is seen in the s siLlplification of Soph:Le B:c'zeska? ';·Jl"lo descr'ibed Red Stone Dancee as a :l.n

1911.1· 1rlhen it displayed at the Alpine Gallery? London? also recognised Brancusi's influence in it.

r-esemblance to human Has deceptive. An egg head style

1-ritll a facia: featupes(l

because it measured up to Hodes by Brancusi and Epstein that \1e::08

:.nfl uenced by AfT':Lcan scul "Vias so pleased 1rJith it that he told

H:'i..ss Brzeska that he Has cha.ng:tng h:1.s method of Ho:eking completely and.

T,jaS go:'ng to sculpt like the Red Stene Dance""'. (Then she asked h:isc. "\Vlco

"Epstein and B:0ancus:'_ sell theirs

Hell ". [18]

- 176 -

t:indful of the influence on the Red Stone Dance:;:-- and the

The EgO:Lst, 16 191 Ll· that, "The :cntr'odt:.ction of D j :Lnns, tribal gods, fetishes and so on into modepn a.pt ,'JaS a happy p::,essage."[19]

Gaudier-B:::-,zeska 2:::"SO 1:H'ote a in the fol=.ovlinG

month th2t this "has no i"elat::"on to classical Greek, but that :r.t is continuing the of the peoples of the fop ,Thom \Je have sympathy and [20]

I S sketch Study f02? Red Stone 1913, (FIG. 6. 8), diffe ':s fY"om the statue in be::i.nG less compact and m.assive, but it also sbous some i_nfluer.ce of sculptu:;:--e. shaped face is similar to the loelel'" pal-·t of the Bapende especj.al2.y f::-'or::: ',:,he top of the Hhite mapk on t::1e forehead to the pOinted chin. The long and nose is s:im.i::'ar' to the nose of the m.ask. The slit eyes? long col neck c'ol'1d the dmm1i-Jai'd pointing and conical b:::-'east of

The dra':ring ar.d the statt:e of Red Stone SbOH a combi_nation

Rodin's concept of r:::over:::ent. Gaudiel?-B:'zeslca in 1909 to becorn.e a sculptop he beg2.n by inc in cl2.:,/ and plaste:n • Fe developed an inte:'est in GJ:'eek Classj.cal sculptures he studied 5.n the Louvre, in Rodin, and in !Iaillol. Rodin1s infl uence bec2.EJ.e example, of lli?:. Fathe::: 1910, (FIG.6.9), is based on r:lan cd th B:colcen 186 L!.? (FIG.6.10).

and and lifeless eyes? unkeILpt be2.ln d and rl2.ip. The influence of Rodin! s style of modelling on perSisted lli'1til 1913. By the end of that year the inf:'..uence of r:lail J. 01 1 s full began to shoe·, in both his modelings and stone carvings like Fe;:;J.ale

- 177 -

1913. Yet G2.udi.e:c-37zeska reB8.5.ned iJ:1fluenced by Rodin s concept of moven:ent t::.ll the be2::Lnninz of 1911i, and it is evident in Red Stone Dance:::'. The of this concept of dynaL1ism and AfI"'ican idioms had pl'oduced one of the Great p:Loneeping sculptmoes in Sri tish a:c'c. the in t.l1.e Bed St.orie / Stan.ley

CaSS011 rellia:clced

In this [Gaudie:o' s ] of n:ove:ilent he 7eally achieves a na,y style in moder"n sculpture. The Dancer is a figure in uhich nO\Tement is detected than seen, and detected at a :.:oment /,hen :::"s neithe:c static :I..n Bot::.on; \'Jhen it is potential? and yet not stopped. No sculpture to my knOl-Jledge? has ever depicted a f:l.gu:oe thus descendj.ng out of one movement into Rod:"n 1 s definition of ::10venent as :Ls here caj."pied out n:Olne than he could have vJished and more effectively than he could have achieved. Thel:'e is no ::-epresentation of motion its ful::. and dir'ect [21]

subsequent carvings of 1914 lost this dyna:.:J.ism.

Ic:p 1 191 L!., (FIG. 6. 11 )? bet:::,ays infl uellce than the Red Stone . It Sh01ilS a def:Ln:" te resemblance to tHO Bal uba F'r Q;ures}

FIGS.'.1 and 6.12, acqui:('ed by the Br:Ltish Huseur:l in 1907. Unlike the Red Stone Dancer, Gaudie:o-Brzeska in the ==n;.P9 faithfully folloHed the st.atic and to some extent the pose of the tHO African car'vings T1it110ut intpoducJ.ng Et.lropean dynaIlliswo

the ove.l heads 7 thielc shO!:,t legs aIld

sBall protr'uding buttocI:s bent legs and r'elat:'veJ.y flat feet. The enla:"gement of the par-t of the is in cont:r'ast to the of the parts (ie. bu::"zing stcJ:lachs) of the

a sinpJ.:"fication of fm"'m:

- 118 -

blurring the fe2.tuI'es 2,nd only a long flattish nose vls5.ble 7 reducin:; the br-easts? c::lest and ar'TIl into one cylindr-lcal Illass, Jehe :<C;ht ana to 2. deformed mass fused \lith th.e to;:oso? and reducing the th::Lghs and tte legs into one bent mass. Such thE!.t appreciated "mass in :1.1"]. 2.c.di ticn to Udefi11ing these masses planes" • aloe also technical reasons this treatL'lent. ..:.np ls from a narrOH 16ins (1.1·0. 6c;:}) high block of ve:Lned

"i-JOuJ.d have been diff:7.cuJ.t to ·lv-odc: to p:novide elabor-ate details u: relation to its size. Intr'oduction of space bet,ieen the 2Tms and the ar:d also bet\Jeen the legs Hould have made the Hork unecessarily delicate. Imp is syrJ.tl1et",,'lca:L the base up to the neck, but the head life into the figUl'e.

lUthough the study 1914, (FIG.6.13) and the both ShOil fifJ:"'ican proportions and they d:lffer j.n sevel'a=.

The d;:·-auing !:"eveals the proportion of the ratio

1 : 5? uhl1e U:e ca:r'v5.ng ShOHS the 1: 4. In the the arms x"aised and bent at the elbol'js. There are spaces betHeen the a1'"';:o.s and the topso and also bebJeen the legs as notice3.ble 5.n the Baluba and The angulaJ:" natur-'e and the of planes flat shadj.ng :l.n the dra1crin;; SiID.Har to the B2.ule Doll, CFIG.6.14), Hhich Sh011S secb.ons of f12t planes especially in the shoulde:::"s? t116 the tm'so alid the leGS. The appaJ:oent imbalance :Ln Doll is caused by the s1:Lghtly :,·a:'.sed left shoulcle::", the tilt of the long to?'so to the right and the slightly shorter leg is also in Ll1D. The Doll "\Jas the Br-':Lstol in 1902 u11en Gaudier-"-Brzeska vj.sited the 0-7 L,T_v,) 0

year's befo:('e he did the drauing.

- 179 -

they cannot be coincidental, but imply that peco=:"lected

had a r'etrospect:Lve infJ.uence upon hi;:'1.

The articulation of planes and Cc8.t sh.ading the dra'tvi11gs (ie. FIGS.6.S, and 6.13) the iJ:l.i'luence of Cubislll on This recalls the shaded facets that tlle ht.lInan. f::gtH'''e to scu:"ptu:'")a.l asse7.11blage of goeDletpic solids

Picasso began dm'ing 1907!. [22]:::1'1 1912 he second mri st Exhibition j.n London "Thicb included Picasso! s pain.ti11GS of 1907-1909 often refered to as Cubism.". [23]

Gaudier-B:::-"zeska I s early cubist d::,aT;rin:;s uer'e done in pencils and pastels and they consisted of and subjects. At this point he used the cub::'st technique cf s!1ading to :Lsh his foms. For eX2illple in his Self Por't::-a:1.ts \,dth P:Lpe 1913?

(FIG. 6.15) c'IJ.bist

uith the pi.ay of light and shade. Gau.dier-By'zeslca st.:c ce s sful applied th::'s technique to his SCUlptures. The surfaces of of 'Rrodzky 1913, and PortT'ait of LCllfred 1913, are both covered I'lith facets and they described by P.G.Konody as "executed in a fy'::'enzied Cubism to attr>act attention. VI [2 Lf] The us& of cubist facetting Gaudier'-B::.c'zeska 1 s break "b'i tll the DO:;" ten and sagging surfaces of hj.s Rod:'.nesque sculptures. TThen Gaudiep-Brzeska jo:Lned the OEega j.n September 1913 his Cubism

biO cOI:.lplir::enta.r-y styles culr.linated in many HO:;'1ks done at the l;orkshops

:'31 c=.ay. Thereafte:c' adopted bold an;::;ulal' hatchinG to anli::.ate 11::'s draH:'.ngs included cl:.aTcoal sketches that 17e:,1e independent of sculptu:."es and ,,yh:1.ch also l1eveal Afr'::'can influence.

- 180 -

Three T;orcen, 1913, (FIG.6.16), is a cubist charco2.l cl::-aiJing of The planes 82e flatJ.y shaded striated. 2nd

l'ound forms ar-e har:n20niously

p:oototypes of particula:e but ShOH some of the chal--acte):oistics of sculpture: dOHncast eyes maPlced cu::'ved slit lines, (see FIG. 1. 13 - Eye Types C1 anc CLI·) y the lonG angulax- ncse (see FIG. 1. 14 Nose Type B); biC; round placed on the level of the shoulder's (see FIG. 1 . 18 3reast Types G and E) c lonG colwI.I.nar' nec:'cs? and ::'.ong tape:':'ing faces corc!lI'.on to Baule and Senufo stylistic

such as D::".rad

D) 1908 and others. Gaud:i_e:o-B:ezeska not see any of these

1913, (FIG.6.17) :.1.3 s:.r:1Em-' to the ;:-'ight hand in Th:eee fa::, The :Ln the huge loolcj.ng faces, and tb.6 of tb.e left

pointed feet. The t:::11gh3 ar--e apparently

1011 3

The lon,; and ansulal" head of the l:Lttle dog in the d::oa1;1ing a l'esemblance to son:e of the Chi 1tIara headressses from the though be coinc5.dental sj.nce thepe ::::1.0 evidence that haC. ever' seen these types of only confined to the qua1:Ltj.es but a.lso exter::ded to his choj.ce of l\fr':Lcan seats in '[,he

- 181 -

FIG. 6.1)

7 and :Ltens in the Bl":t.ti.sh NuseuIil

u:1.th fascinating of ca::."vinGs. But some of them uel'e to a poj.nt theil0 to SQu::'ces a:. e almost ul'".l:':.'?ecogl'1.isable 0

Vase (FIG.6.18)7 exaI:1p18, uas influenced by C01'lgO

1907. Both ea::,vin.;s 2: vC.se and a figure but has Ir.odified :nany of the forms in l:.is oun vJork. H::.s vase uhic1:: seemed d8taehable is shor-tel' and :Jl.Ol'e cylind::':'ca.l tha.n that 0:' Snuff the betueen the b.ead and the vase has been flattened and tm"ned into a the torso is e}:tended dOim to the base; the are l'aised al1.c. fused il'ito one tvhieh is attached to the head. The tb.igh.s rf'!.er·ge tl-:e torso, lrl1.ile lees and feet are indicated of Tb.is the in. 2. c:;.--ouc11::Lng sqtlatting pose, is to cl"ouchinS of Sntlff by t11e Ba.-:tbala D.2Y not The cl'ouching pose U2S adapted to I'etain the c"L:boid na'cUl"'e of the stone.

(FIG.6.20) anot11er of the five SCU::"ptuL'es and I:1odelJ.ed as a Ill2.quette fo:C' a stone ca:c'V:i.ng cOIlTIll.iss::cned t:1.pough 'che Olliega by Lady (Ian) Ha.::J.il ton. is TIodified to extent that outua:.:-d1y j:t seems d::.fferent f:0 oD j.ts soupce of to African scu::..ptupes kno'[;Jn to of Hhich examples a;:'e the Bamba12. Eeadl"'est and Ashanti Stool? (FIG. 1.37) 3 o3too1 1

(FIG.3.2) ; Ritual CFIG.5.15); Divination

- 122 -

(FIG. 6. 1) Chief' s 1 Ba2-uba, (FIG. 6.21); etce- Garden OI"'naL0ent depicts a 'call bl1ck:et--shaped 'lase ;,;itI:: tl'lO feo maslcs on bot11 sides, supported by beading 8.c'ms.

COll.-lDl1 I'Thich C8.J."'l be seen as a pad s:::1D.:l.lal'" to that of the Snuff

together back to back. The neck is flat and b:C'oad. extends dOdD. to the base is a cO:'lical sb.ape f:i.attened on t,w 0

:'lalf-1ilay dmm tl;.e flat sides of the are bent buttpesses. The i;;hole :supporting the the sirlplifi.ed yet forr.1s of tl10 Cl: ef p s Stoo 1 S j o:r"-ned baclc to bacl< 0

Appar'ently Gauclielo-Br,zeska superimposed the silhouette of the loight side viell upon the silhouette of the left side (ie. FIG.6.21C). T11e

ppocess of deve2-opment: FIG.6.22A 3ho,,8 the :LIillD.ecliate placement of the t'L170 side vieus 9 FIG.6.22B ShOHS the effect of supepimposing teJO silhouettes to form a janus car'yat:Ld3 aad FIG.6.22C ShOHS the beg:i.nn:c.ng lie ·cb.en adopted t.l1.e the stool for his featul"'eless masl::s on the bucket-shape vase.

tl'JO heads. FIGS. 6. 22F and G rep::,esent the side vieil of Gar-den OpnaDent)

FIG.6.20C); they also the mod:l.f:l.cation of FIG.6.21B

Ol"lJ.ac1.ent .3. 1914) (FIG.6.23) a:i..so shmlS 2.nfluence f::."om study of ca::"yatid It is re:;'ated to the uppe: c section of the Stool and Eeadrest y (FIG. 1.37A and B), and to 11eads(7) The strong curved 2.2:'iliS at the the seat of tbe s'\:,oo:::' and the

- 183 -

an eEphasis placed on flat planeso

nen Bou:. 191Lf? (FIG.6.24), is the 12.st of T S and subjects.

seulptu:ces depiet:'..ng figures Ttlith bo,1::'3 fy'oIl'. differ'ent tribes the to l;;h:1c11 ' s of

·::':'1ese ar"8 from tI:1e Bal 32.mu:n

l1ave seen them to r':':LS iJith a Doul betijJeen 1:1-;.ee1

the :;.nfl uenee of the moti.fs ar:d subject I2atte:::' on s Hen ':TLth :SoHl ShovlS mOlC'e affinity to Hor-al'! Ivith B01d, Lozi, (FIG.6.25) t.11an

i.l'1 the produced tuo male fj.. FIG.6.25 facing each and boldj.ng a cmelI.on bm,L

Both ca::'''il:''ngs? (FIGS.6.24 and 6.25) 7 possess lone; and thin tor'sos, and a.:.0.,;ula::' shouldeI"s? and heavy bent 9 block-2.il:e feet and from tIle • \ S are ach:Leved by substituting the pound and s::I.ooth of the planes? the ::"ound head v-lith huge angular-' ll.-eads that ::,'eveal facetted faces? (the huge Hing-l of the lJ.fcLcan 11e::oe ir:1inated ) ? shelf-like D::ooHs 9 al':.d po:1.nted chins. and strongep than Eoman uith Bmd but vTithout tl:e hands of t;_1e latei 1drhic:1 a::oe to the hands of the Red Stene These modificaU.ons and the apparent contrasts tb.e

Gaucliel'-BI'Zeska I S success

They also demonst::-'ate attenpt to avoid flabsolute copi.es ll of sculptul'esg By-ancus::::. : S

- 181.:- -

to

tota::" oeuvre to shmi" absolute s:YT:L1etZ"y. This could be due to the use of fo:r3s in the tr.l.e of 11is figu:ees bOtJls ij;er-"e n:aquettes rnade of clay'

i."las a adv"'oca te of dir:.ect st.cn.e h.e r[2.ade clay in these cases to ShOH to h:iS pat::'on \,Jhat the c01:1plete Hould 2.001: l::"ke.

earned hiL: Lloney. He T:1ade 1.;. and 1 cast of Gar-den

Ornm:;;,ent .f;.7 9 casts in and j"n lead of GaZ'den Or·nar:::.ent 3.7 and Ll casts of I'len 'I.Ji th 130vTl s. of (s ckal·J:::"ngs and sculptupes \·repe based. on and er'otj"c themes. The ::"nfluence of these j"deas :::"n his \-TOr1= deri.ved f:L::)st a:'1d from Epstei11, as as a11d Oceanic a.nd t. s ()

esJ.<.::a '[eJaS by Epstein r s account of the seJ:ual o·? the Oscap Hilde Tor,'"b in of the authorities and Has exc::.ted by the sexual fl'anlmes3 of the Tomb: "Ee to me about his OSC2..::o Eilde in he arr'5.ved i'le founG that t.he sexual orGans 11ad been covered 01T8:-C" (.' '" 0

Epstein. off the st::'";ja't-J:l t.l'1en t:1.e an.d t.o b.is l'Tilde

h::':.8 cou:iJ"1 es de tCl.1 1'12on0 dolm at least half a ••• !![25]

Duri,-1[; theip long cODradeship Gaudier-Brzeslca sau drauings and sculptu:::'es by Epstein like Stud" for Han and lJoman CFIG.5.29), Totem 1913 7 CFIG.5.31)? the thpee vepsions of Doves; the Studies Rock 1914, (FIG.5.32, 35 and 36); and the Rock Dpill itself?

idea ub:Lch
Epste:i.n I'e:..terated
- 185 -

(FIG.5.37). In add:-.t:Lon to t118se the African and Oceanic sexual:Lty spu:::,red the taste of so n:uch that he

fI:'ee

life of the South 8eas".[26] In his Putney studio he painted on the inside of the double doo::os pi1allic r:onograph I in black paint. [27] I-Ie often described his little "(Thich di::oectly caTved in b::oass as :phallic! symbols of fecundity and vitality.

His Designs foJ:' 1911.;·] (FIG.6.25) and Door-knocker(FIG.6.26) c:'ear13T to Epste=-n s Toteli1o couples Daking love. 111e-:1 fer.c.ale fo:.c?ffis tl:.

She is si.tt:Ln;::; on the T11e ::2ale orgall? a conical shape; has a inscr:Lbed on

cou::'se can also stan.d the pllallus Hith its testicles."[28] The female! s hands brouGht stloaight dOim to the opened v'agin.e.w is the feE.ale in i'inge2's Hithout the indicated. In th.e hand the phallus "rb.ich is all1:;ond-shaped :Ls on a pole \lith tuo testicles at the base. 711.e l2epicts a of t11e I:,Cp figu::-e of tl1.e t11e bottOI:"l :u.ale figUre of the r'ight. The exe:::ilpJ.:'fies 7 S knmdedge

rb.o:nbus etc (]> as erotic sY::'1bols Ocean:1.c

_. 186 -

bein; discreetly

i.n their c.es:lSDS iJ:l1ile

LeHis and 1'15_8 found themselves l'esorting to 1iJhen Fry set

Etche::"ls reca].led that. 1:.:hen Hami::' ton and he got dra1Jing obscene then ceo:::letx'::Lc) shapes. Ee that disguised the suggestive areas so that th.e:! could see tl'1e sexual oI">ga11s eve11 tb.ouSll no one else "lras able to. [30] Gaud:Le:;C'-Br'zeska \'Tas 2c180 J.nvolved i11 suc11 practices 7 as e:::enplif:'.8d in his COUDl es .Q.1913? CFIG.6.27).

a desig;n for a t::'2,y as :it to his T::8.v 1913 (FIG. 3.22) . It is cO!J.posed of flat angular> and il i.near tl1.e b.eads of the crce of the almond-shaped heads of G::'2.nt l s Couple Danc:Ln;( (FIG.3.12) and P:i.casso's [uda

Raised Afp:i.can nasks.

On Octobel' 1913 closest. f:""iendE., in 1911.} they founded the 'Rebel financed by as The legal rCubist Art Limited! • The sui.din;; pr:I.n.c:::ples of the centre those of CtlbisTl:', a11d Gaudier-3rzeska remained at the Onega ;Tor-kshops but identified himself ui.th the 'Rebels I. Forinstance he toole pcL-'t tn the Allied A:('tists Assoc::_ation Sa:on Exhibition of J1::ne 191 LJ. anc "Frote a pevieu :1.n the 1911.; :Lssue

I Rebe:::" Centr-e products. Z::'otic sentiment pan high at the ! Rebel 5podzk,! pointed out that '} pl1allic 7

tr':Lbes. [2S]
- 187 -

popular EJ.'ld used as a of of the day and that the TBebel Cenb"e 1 • Ii [31 ]

and Pound often the pha:a:.c scul::)'cu::es of :m the:Lr pockets. accused and Cubists but untalented to this sent:i_ment a.rr:ong the ! Re bel s' is ep:::.tomised :Li1

Femal e (FIG.6.29) The of his is t.hat

the e:-'otic and of SC1.11ptu:"--e specific endsc Th::'s for e:::a1"npl e 7 Si}O"tlS

of tb.e Bapel'2d.e (FIG. 6. 7). The ot11er seen :'n the dY'aHing are the cylil'2d::>icaJ. neck, the round b:.:"easts

feet and toes, and the un:Lnhibited dipl2.Y of the aesthetic of i>J11icb. "(Frere based 01'"1 tb.e cCI:.binatJ:o:n of t110se cf Cubism? FutuY'ism? the 'Rebel I.

t11e dynal1i.c and Llechanizat::'on.

wachines? hig:1all be 'd:'Lth forms, diagonal, horizontal? and The phallus uhich had perSisted in thei::' ';'las used as an 1w2.ge to back up and 2.CCoD:::::1odate aesthetic :'..deas. :;enel"at1ve pO-leI' of the pl'1a:l us -r;;Jas equated the of the machine.

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Tl'le -i c of 3z:;:>8. POU11d 7 (FIG.6.30), Cl1.e of scu::..ptupes ofte11 associated '011e

1110V8Il1e11t (10 It :i..8 supposed 'co be the bust of Pound but it

It is 0118 of t.I'1e g:.r.,ea'c

Bold and arloogant simp=-ification of fonl'.s had bee;::

It :1..s tIle ILlOSt. as ston.e sculptui"'e of the Resemblance ,;"as not souGht for in this bllst? but an e:rpressi011 of en:otio11S got

The purpose and begin.ni11g 07: tl1.e bust

It i:J&S decided by Pound an.d Gaudier'-B:ezeska that the bust loole lilce th.e ttl £;ina I':amnet'c 1'7110 "las a fr'iend of the tuo yea::'s that eThen Pound bouGb.t stone Pound said. lVyou must make me 100k lE;:e a sexu&l organ. II [33]

and Alan and the bust of EZ1"a Pound to the influence of the Easte::o =:s:l.and r<20noliti'l.:T.c sculptupe in the B].'itish llUSeU,;'l, because of :T.ts :i..nfluence =.3

disce::'nible for' the bust ]:,eveals the sa:ient featur-es

'.-lOod as outlined in Chaptep 1. The emotions that

exp:'oitation of these p£pican elements. The and second to that of

• Tte of the nose the f::"at plaI:le flanked by tiTO cm::.cave pJ.ao.es for'm::"ng the upper ::':'..p the j aT,IS 2.!1d the chin narm<r:l.ng to a point that embedded in a goatee of 81 :'..!1verted and masks. The neck and the chest fQj;'ll'. a block of Dc.SS. tb"e are

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slishtly pushed back to avoid the:L::o the errect natm'e of the phallus. The enlarged a11d at baclc to repr'eSe1'2t the test:Lcles? (see FIG. 6. 30D). Tl1e pa:c")'c, of the b.ead :Ls a block of styl::sed in do:r..e shape "ii'lhich coP""esponds in to a penis, (see FIGS.6.30B C).

::Lnvokes

The pointed chin .;oatee

FIG.6.30B) also look like a cL'cumc:::"sed penj'.s. Uyndham Le'\Jis desc:cibec. the bust as tlEzc:'a Pound in the form of a pha:tlus.!I[3 LI·] L::J..;:e L1any avoided an ute syJJJL::e Loy in the bust of Pound. to

The frontal is avoided ::.n bust by a slj.ght tilt of lehe nose to tb.8 left of tl'le face al"ld b::r tl'1e e:t:posu:c'e of t.11e pad:. of tl:e The planes of the face are not the saIe in a1':.d level - the left is and than t11e Tb.e

:ts

focus than the left. EIor-ace some years

"The r phallic col UId!! becaIl!e the so car.ed "Hier'atic of 11is 0 Pound poss:'..bly lost courage

t phalL'.c t • !! [35]

It

concept assoc:Lated, ::.n one 'day or the / crith continuity? tenderness and fr'om othe::'s due to its peculiar Ol.n schematization

It ShOHS none of the :Lnt:'_B.El.cy found =_11 the and 2-D Europea11 apt (>

th:::"s subject began to :ceveal the :Lnfluence of African

- 190 -

especially those Ljith than one child 2,S in Odudua (FIG.2. 7).

ca::ved by Gaud:Ler-Brzesl:a at diffe::"ent exemplify the and conceptual diffe::oences the Eu::'opean and Af::,:Lean styles and the extent to Ii"hich Afpican scu::"pture influenced hi::!!.

Has canTed by Gaudie::'-B::'zeska in 1913 in. a Etuopean style 'C]hHe (FIG.6.32), also knol-Jn as IJas carved :Ln 191L\ the in.f::' uenee of Afp:Lean senlptu::'e. The f:'.::'st tlaterl'lity shoe1s a nude IWTJall a naked child '[cjhich reveals a bond of affection betT;Jeen

It. also ::..--eveals an. ele:.:e11t of fm" the naked and helpless child. It. Has produced the inf::"uence of HailIol and uses 1:aillol1 s soft, and t'hytlnic fO:C:C1S 0 The broad treatment of the planes of the legs, soles of the feet, (see ti1e back vie\J), emphasj'_se solidity and mass but do l"lOt pl'"?od'L1Ce tb.e l.'1a:.-")G. effects tl'1at s11olJl1. in Cubist. a::''1G the and b·JO

The ffiothet·, 1dhose back ::'s arched has thl'OvTn t.UO hands behind heln head and thpusts he:e hUGe pendulous b::'easts to the 1'e2.ch of ch:Lld::-en. The

The boy 1 s is t U7'ned to the 7 (see FIG. 6. 32B ;, 0 Tl:is reduces t116 :"'elatioIlsllip bettTeeD tI1er.,0.o

themsel"l)"eso mode of feedi11g unusual aIJ.d both t11e 20the:' st:cuggle and has none of the :lntj.ffi2.cy found. in the o/cheI' (FIG.6.31).

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The ch:Lldren a:.-'e a sY[;lbo::L of ti1e aont.:'Lnuity of J::Jan.

I-Io'l:levep? certain elements Day be :Ln the syr:.bol isB. of the subj eat ,:7hich Gaudie::'-Brzeska had made

tl:an one child u11ich symbolised kindness love of one r S fellol,] men.

tl1.e in of an

Due to financial hardship could not buy enough fo-:" his I:lost, of 11is :""7Ieasonabl::l stzed stones and. at times by ::::.6 sor.::.etl:o:.es Llade use of f:eiend n:lck-ncl1ued Fabl"Uccl 'Thom he shared tis studio. The But does not seeI to ::Jlotivated to col=-ect(> of associates

collect

SCtl2.ptu::-:-eo they acknoHledged its aesthet:Lc sign:Lf::Lcance ::t.n theL' n:ode:cn development they Here too po 0::-' to buy. To DOst of ti1.ese artists

CoIlecti:1S African scuIpture oEly beca..--:e a fashion 1920s and even Fry only to collect t:1en. Epstein had seriously been since 1912 but d::..d not s110ljJ to Gaudier-Brzeska.

see it p:.:'oba'oly because the collect:Lo:1 at the British sufficient himQ

192

iden'c:Lf::l:'ng

'Ja=- ues of the of As sueb. r.:.e ofte11 to hi.Il1se1f lsava,se l1 ar:d to adopt. t:.i1e TIlode of of 110t.iol1 of tl'1er:a 1912 he often talked Iilansf:Leld and E:i..ddleton of go :'-116 to 1:Lve on z. island. [36J to "liked 1:;0 do the ? uhol e-·c.hing I the s'ca:"t to f:Lnish:; to feel as ='_no.epen.dent as the n[37J I-!e h.is 0\/711. "cools fpom old Spil'ldlesc This could be to t11e of Paul Gauguir: ,::1:10 >lent to settle ar:lol1g the no evidence tb.2t :::"11. ar! 'c,he

7 b.e sa:ld 9 a11d fi.shed O'Llt of 111s pocl:et

A carved bone and laid i.t u:80n my paID.

Inaze ;;Jitb. j"n a subt::"e

Sta::_118d as lJit11 age alld use? tl'1e sU:'"Jface po:ished

To IV0r'Y. He "latched r.:.e i/e? 'Hell, tell r.:.e

T'Jl:at CotHyt,2.'·'::l tl1.a'c. Ca.I2.e frOfLl? 7

! IJi:;ec:'ia? '

He 1au:;hed ;:}::"s satisfaction? took it and it TIlyself to-day a handle 0 [38]

t.o is his Cal:"ved Toothb;."ush Handle

{FIG. 6. 33)? caz'ved a bone band::"e al'ld sta:Lned b:;:oo',7D.. -_L-

IH(e a min='_atUl'e staff of office 01' a11 aged init:Lation baton?

Bundu S·c.2ff? Si8i"ra Leece, (FIG. 2. 11) Hhi.ch is 2:'. so based on used bato11, by =='ro:ey BZcten, Benin, (FIG.6.34), 1910. the

Duel:! by Fetis:'l StaPP? Ben:i.l'1, (FIG.6.35C) uhich had also

fO:"T'Jal
- 193 -

r:he balf-global suppo::'tecl sc11eIG.at::sed standir:;; baclc to bact:, t11e shape

:'egs; Tll.e

The Car'ved Toothb:."ush Handle ep:'..tom.:'ses to discovep in place of those denied him by econo:w.ic necess:'Lty. He Has ingenious of

lJaS 3.1 so in tb.8 t of a mode:'n sh01·m tl'1e lattep?s cor:manding he ,ms told that d:".d butts of and soft al so to r.!;;"s Bevan on 1,2 Eove:nber' and on Febr'uar'y 1915, sa3ri11G that h.e 11ac car:ived a out of th.e bl}.tt. of a Ge:::cman and that 11.:'..s captain bad :U:,. [LfO] 'cb.e concept

1:e tll. Epstei11 alr:d const.i tuted a11 stage

Ee e::plained his to these L1ethods

The sculptu::'e ::r: 2.dm::,:'e is the \lode tll.or.;. of t118 surfa.ce 1-l0!": at tkle of tb.e 11aTIlJ-=.e:.'J :l_S 2..

POi11t of t.he cb.:isel .... and mental ITo mO:1 e a:.""b:L Je,pans2.atioi1 cf in any 0 7118:;7" of t.he dj.ffe::-:.en'c qualities of stones 5' a11d IO.etalso Epstei11? T:J1:10:1 I t11e i11 t11e l1UI:lber of good sculptOl"S in lay stpess on

The influence of sculptm-'e :"s to be as a

fOl'"'Illa2. ') subj ecti"'i16? anc: his O'Hn ljJords 11.G stated that l'le th.ese of

- 195 -

In 1919 vJhen Henry began his studies at Leeds School of 9 there Here no contempocary uodcs in the City Art I-Ie sau his first Hock of moden1 ar't in the of Eichael "/2S of Leeds University from 1912 to 1923. had been associated l-lith in his d:::'ive to modeJ:'nize art since 1910 and had Hritten in the defence of the Post-Imp:eession:Lst exhibitions. [1] He devoted a deal of to the a11 ts in Leeds 9 regularly ar-ranging e:;;:hibits of all kinds? and frequentJ.y opening his house to art students to shoH them his collecb_on. [2] He ,;as often described as a collecto:n v [3 J and his collection conta:_ned paintings by Cezanne ap..d Van Gogh i;:hich he bought in 1912, Gauguins "lhich he acqui:'ed behleen 1911 ap..d 1912, of vJhich bought after they had been shoun at Fry's first exhibition, (these vJere L'Esppit Veille, Chpist in the Galnden of Olives, Joseph and Potiphar1s icjife and a pasteI of a Tahitian gilnl), some l:Iatisses, several Kandinskys uhich he bought from the artist ,\Then he visited him in 1912 in Bavapia ] , and 1!lOrks of son:e

and his colleagues at Leeds, the pa:_ntings T;Jere as star-tling and inspi:"ing as Fr-y' s Post-Imppessionist exhibitions had been ten years eal'liel". Although Sadler' had previously encountered African Sculpture he only began to collect it the late 19208 after Noore had left Leeds. [5] But the collection of did acquaint "L1\tJl Ld.'1 nelI in apt and him for' his oun encounter AfT-ican SCUlpture. Hoore late;:' recorded his feeling at the time: !lIn the 20s I uanted to get aloJay the emphasis on classical ar't ';ve had all us in art school." [6]

CHAPTER 7
- 196 -

At the beginning of his [loore bec3.2e d:::'ssatisf:'.ed by the c:.cademic ::.n liJhich involved the copying of classical models. This traditional approach did not provide Buch room for expel"imentation and Unlike other British 8Ttists Hho Afr'ican sculptui'>e :i..n the museums and galleries, discoveped it in a book in a librar'y. The most Dilpoptc:.nt event for r S development ",ras peading s Vis'; on and Design :Ln the Leeds Public in the late 1920s. "Once you'd read Roge;." the 'iThole thing c'las there. n [7] learnt of the ideas of th:;:'ee dinens:::'onal quaLL ties? car'ving and These becam.e the guiding his developEent. read that Afl'ican eTas illo;:'e than EUI'opean sculptu::-'e of all periods because its forrJ.s cOrJ.pletely thr'ee and :::.ts goal "\,as not representation but plasticity and sign=.ficc:.nt form. ::-1e learnt abcut the geometrizatior:. of forrJ.s in "\Jh:Lch Fr'Y that the neck and the to:eso Here elongated and cylindrtcal; the head ,JaS pear-shaped; face concave; the limbs scarcely longer than they '.;Qod. [8] Probably Fr-y! s of a Seated Fem.ale (FIG. 7 . 1 )? TJJas the sculptul"'e Hoore sa'J. [9] The sea ted nude has a cipcular bOi'll on hep head? concave and face; sl:'.. t eyes, an invepted T-shaped nose" t:::-ians;ular conical chin 7 a cynlindpical neck incised it; dmJl1\lard conical extend fT"om the shoulders \·Jith rectangular shaped on top of them; tubular anus that end vlith fingers an elongated 'i7hich :'Ls slightly but bulges out at the base and at the front; short 1011er }j.illbs uith feet and

- 197 -

'cooth-edge toes.

Hoore! s principles 9 they did not shOl'/ any iE11l1ediate impact on his sculpture betueer.. 1920 and 1921. The !,'"'eason 'i'las that only conventional representational modelling vlas taught at Leeds and eve:L'ything vIas di,2ected to an eX:aI2.i11atiol1. T f ll''lic11 v/Quld gail1 11j_Tll. a sct.olarsilip a11d admission to the Royal College of to expe:L<.ment :Ldeas and qualities that not acceptable to the e:raIilin:'Lng authorities.

book influenced me Vely much" [ 1 0 ] • Cel"tainly it 1riaS ver-y diffel"ent froLl the '\'Jr'itings on apt 1-1hic11. had read such as the on Eichelangelo 'i"lhich he had in 1915 I:,rhen he Vias 17 years old 9 and the magazines: Studj,o and Co' uhich he at the house cf the art mistress at secondary school. These reagazj,nes 9 published bet1rreen 1910 and 1916 did not contain a't.icles on developments at' tive PY'Y s book ur..questionably ShQ1;led tlco:.'e to seal'ch for' lmouledge and led him ':::'0 books on AfY'ican and sculptures of an kinds, avant-Gar-de art and the BI'itish Huse1.lIil. [11]

BetHeen 1921 and 1923 Blast and Ezra Pound 1 s book

"Another book that I found a gl"eat help and an exci ter,:ent \las Ezra Pound i s book on Gaudi8:.c -Brz eska. This \.Jr'i_tten \·dth a freshness and an insight, and Gaudier speaks as a young discovering things. "[12J In Blast 21001''e read l:-!yndham Levris r s denunciation of academic 7 his tation of the self -created of the 9 his advocacy of in stone (tlnaditional modelling being anathena to Leuis). Froe the saL'le source he read Le';vis! s shop';:; appreciation of the influence of

- 198 -

Futurism and Vorticism. also :"ead s essay on Blast in Hhich he pr'aised and sculptures, and condemned its "absence of energy". [13] In addition Hoore sa,," in the Blast f0l1 the tke the of the cubist and vo!"tic5_st paintings, Hoodcuts and of Epstein (see FIG.5.27), Gaudiep-Br'zeslca, Etchells (see FIG. 3.37) 7 vladS'.lorth, Lei-lis and Hamil ton. Pound's book also reiteratec: ! s advocacy of and books and on Af::'ican sculpture and Eodern art [14] These included Carl Einstein? s book Negel' Plastik (1915) 7 Ernst Fuhl"'mann! s Afrika (1922) and Cahie:" d I lkt. [15] 1'1oo:::-'e cou]_d not to buy many books, he read them fron: the in the VictoI:'ia and rubept l:·luSeL:C21 and at bookshops in London. He explained:

I often stopped to look in the bookshops 2_n Charing Cl'OSS Road, :_n f s, ',Jhich specialised in books on the visual arts. I had a small scholar'ship gr'ant and cOl:Qd not affol-d to spend much n:oney on books 7 and so I v;Quld stay a full hour on end looking t:rough books 'dhich me. ZueIJ.1TIep never objected, and in this i.ray I began to ::nou somethi_ng of vlhat Has going on in such as nCahiers d! Art ". I also eX8Jllined many books on Negro, Eexican and 0-[:; he:.:' periods and styles of sculpture. After looking at the sane books throughout a month or hro I knevi then: ;;1e11 enough not to need to buy them. [16]

It vms in the 1930s that Iloo:"e began to Hrite about his sculptural ideas and [17] =nit:Lally, statements the ideas of example h:Ls concepts of !mountain! as a sculptural idea, of masses and planes and expanded 1 s stater::J.ent that enepGY is the mountain It. [18 J also

- 199 -

emphasised the Afi'ican concepts of 'cl'uth to and of

In llooP8 i s vievJ? the sculptor himself must iwr'k in the materia::" on::"y then can the play its par't in coulding the artist! s ideas. 11ooT'e accepted thi.s concept of truth to as or..e of the p:C'inciples of l'."f:::"ican He stated that the Afpican shoHed 0..11, instinct:T:..ve of l':d.s mater:i.al, use and possibilities. [19] SiJ:J.ce i'1Ood uas ma:"m2.y used by the Af::'j.can carver, Hoore explained the in terms of 1I700d. He stated that lwod has a fibpous consistency and can be carved into thin fOl'11lS without 9 and the AfT'ican vIaS able to fr'ee the arms fZ'om the body 9 to have a space betueen the legs? and to give his long necks T;lhen he ,'Jished. [20] be:':"ieved that in lfmy the African carver also achieved "a more three-dimensional quality than many pp:.Lmitive especialJ.y ilher'e stone uas used. [21]

Appreciation of sculpture according to Hoore depended upon the ability to i'espond to in diDensions. To achieve three dimensionality asserted that the sculptor must stpive continually to thinle of I and use, form in full spatial cOD.pleteness. The sculpto:' bets the solid shapes? as it ue:C'e, inside his head. :·1e expla:i,ned:

he thinks of 9 Hhatever its size? as :I.f he holding it completely enclosed in tbe holl0'i1 of his hands. He mentally visualizes a complex fr'om all angles. He knovis, ,-J11i1e looks at one side? vrhat the side is like; he identifies hj.ID.self its centl'e of its mass, its Height; its volume, as the space that the shape dj_splaces in the ai:e. [22]

believed that the sculpto':' can fullfi::L thl"ee dim.ens:Lonality fr'oEl a of stone in tvlO '\Jays: by emphsising the '\Jeight of the stone by means of masses and by emphasising its depth by hollO'i'ling it

- 200 -

boring holes clean through it, so letting in light. Moore applied both techniques to his sculptures, especially in the early 1930s. He pointed out that a sculpture in the round (ie. three dimensional) has no two views alike.

Moore believed in direct carving because, according to him, it was a 'gospel' developed through the work and ideas of Brancusi, Mod igliani, Epstein and Gaudier-Brzeska who were all influenced by primitive art, and it was a real tradition of sculpture that entailed discipline. Moore pointed out that the general use of the pointing machine in sculpture, as opposed to direct carving, led sculptors to misunderstanding the nature and qualities of their materials (ie. stone and wood). Although Moore had independently tried a direct stone carving in the summer of 1922 it was in 1923 that he produced his first direct carving at the RCA. Asked to make copy in stone of a relief plaster of the Virgin and Child by Dominic Rosselli in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, Moore wanted to execute it by direct carving. His teacher, Barry Hart would not allow it because no one could carve an accurate copy direct in stone. However, Moore carved it without Hart's knowledge. He then deliberately and delicately bored the work with small holes so that it would look as if he had used the pointing machine which pleased the teacher. [23] FIG.7.2 shows Moore's first direct carving in marble. The dots, especially concentrated at the bottom left corner and dispersed allover the work are the imitated marks of the pointing machine technique. Although some of the teachers at the Royal College of Art like Leon Underwood and John Rothenstein had been influenced by modern art, other members of staff were opposed to such styles. Underwood who taught Moore and Barbara Hepworth life drawing was influenced by African sculpture, which he had been collecting since 1919 and his great interest later led him to publish three

- 201 -

books on the subject. J never' mentioned seeing Undenwod! s collection but he may have seen it in the 1920s. Under'1wod lias ve::'Y open "lith hi,s collection 1 and he organised exhibitions of and African sculpture ir.. London in the late 1920s and the early 1930s. In so::rre of these he included not only his Oim but also those of I'bore 9 Skeaphlg and [25]

Although had become acquainted iiiith avant-garde art9 his had not shm·m any stronG fO:L'JIla2. influence 1 e::cept that he imitated a rnal'ble to::"so by He respected Bl'ancusi fop surface excrescences 1,;h:ich had cOTIipletely concealed shapes i.n EU;:-'opean sculpture Since the Gothic". "It iJaS i s special m:Lssion to get of this and to make us once more shape-conscious. To do this he had to concenh'ate on ver'y simple direct shapes. To keep his sculpture as :it one-cylindered, to ;:"efine and polish a single shape to a almost too Th:Ls :::oecalls to by Epstein and Gaud1er-Brzeska. f,10 0:::0 6 developed a good and long pelationship iiJith Epstein. He joined a of stUdents in 1925 demonstl'ating thei:c for Epstein is Rima in Hyde Park, London. [27J Ti.Jl?ote that Epstein \'las remarkably generous and helpful to hJ.m T,'lhile he iiIaS still a student and that Epstein! s of his sculpture Has the greatest help to him at the beginning because Epstein lJaS a in EnQ;land. [28] I-Ie encouraged Iloore to study the primitive sculptures at the British li:usetlDJ. of 1.Jhich rJ}oore later "Epstein began to collect negl"o sculptu::'e and he encouraged me to study the pl"::':.illitive and Eexican sculptupe at the British all of r,rhich influenced me. II [29 J Epstein appl"eciated Hoore! s iirod:: and bet'iJeen the late 1920s and 1937 Epstein bought a felJ' of his and in to

- 202 -

s public COIITct1.ss:::'o11. in 1928

uas m.ade possible by Epstein a :cecommendation to the archttect Charles Holden.

Noore Sa-If real Jl.f;.nj_can sculpture for the fiI"St time on 28

1921 during b.is second visit to the Britj.sh Huseuw. Ee I';rrote to Hiss

Jocelyn the fol10vii11.g day that he ]:1.ad spent his second afternoon in London in the British Euseurl1 uith the Eg;ypt:1.an and sculptur"es and an hour' before c10s::'ng had foun.d in the Gallery "the ecstatica.E.y f:ne negro scu=.ptures. "[31] a student in London Hoore v:'_sited the museum 8.t least t107ioe a 'iileek fop a feVl hours. His exhi1irat:'on and inspir'ation from the and of the rruseum! s displays 1i'las viv::'dly recaptu?:"ed sixty years in his book Henry 11001"e at the B!":J.tish I'Iuseum. [32J He se:.ected 50 favoupite sculptupes 1-rhich he had so n:uch apprec:::'a ted :.11. the 1920s. These ino::'uded Afr'ica11., Oceanic 7 Caribbean, EGyptian, Aztec, as uell as sculptures, despite the fcwt that he had rejected the G::-'eek ideal ea:olier::'n h:LS Uoore indicated h:1.s attitude to Gpeek art

"There ':17as a pe:ciod 't'lhen I t;:'ied to avoid looking at Greek sculptur'e of an.y k:::'nd. And Renaissance. T:!hen I thought that the Greek and Renaissance Hepe the enemy, and that one had to tlro1iJ all that over and start again fJ,'02 the begin..l1ing ,.Ji th pI'i_mitive art." [33] In 1930 he had that the J:>emov8l of the spectacles from the eyes of the modeI'n had helped him to realise again the intrixlsic emotiona.. of shapes :Lnstead of see::.ng mai.nly values. [34] The adcEtion of G::"eek apt to his selection of 50 appar'ently this denunci_ation of Greel[ apt by Leilis, and othel"S vrhich agreably in some his

1"Ioor-e.
J
[30
H02'-eOVer?
- 203 -

:Ioore

8 ,woden and 1 Afl':Lcan sculptur'e in this book vTh.ic11 ju.st sone of t11e sculptures or.. display in t.118 museum \'1hich Noore had seen ::"n the 1920s. [35] The Fip;ure, Baluba (FIG.1.1), 11a1e and Female Aza:lde CFIG.1.19D ar:d 1.21 ), Doub"T e-Headed Dots Fet -; sh FiGure, Bakongo, (FIG.2.13A)s Fetlsh Fj_?;ure, 3akongo, (FIG.2.13C); Chief; s Stool, (FIG.6.21);

i\.]:lgola (FIG. 1. 17) an(: ITlTUba l:lask, Baga CFIG.2.8).

descJ:,5.bed the Baluba Female F:Lr;ul'""'e, FIG. 1. 1, as a complete figu:ce and rei3arked that the sculpto:-' had a idea of vrhat he ';1)"anted to do. The long body a.."ld the short legs he observed, Here not s:..gns of the sculptor! s incompetence but of a uh:i..ch some of the body and 1.ll1de:cplayed others. The head? he noted, 1ms lovely, pa11 ticularly the ';Jay the shape of the eyes :cepeated the shape of the head, and the divis:,ol1 of the neck indi_cating rings. [36] Of FIG.1.18D and 1.21 "1-rhat a in'l":lentive of arms, shoulders, elboVls and appears in these tuo pieces. To d:"scovet', as a young student? that the ca:eve::,s could interpret the hum.o.n figm-'e to this degree but still and intensify the expression, me to be mo;:"e and There is noth:'ng casual about the convention used; the sculptor enjoyed making the look like =_t :J2.S a achievement like a poen."[37] Of FIGS.2.13A aDd 13C, H00l0e observed that they 1Jere as of good or evil jx!i'luences \111ic11 might be i3anipulated by dpiving nails and blades into the body of the object. shmlS s __ ng of the of these fetis11 figul'?esQ [38] fO"Lll'ld it fasc:'11atin.g that a=.. though the addition of the nail s iJere not in the sculptmo' s they have enhanced the eXJ_stiDg for'ill, Dot destj:,oyed it. [39]. Of

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FIG.6.21 Hoore that the are quite w."1like the human figure, yet it has more vita2.:Lty and expr'ession than a realistic Hould have. He pointed out that the face marvellous as it stoicism and endui"ance. uanted to his l"eaders

'\Jhat had interested and influer:ced h:LL1 in the Bl"ttis:1 J:lusewli just as he i'iOuld to knOl,' vlhat tnterested and h1fluenced Ptcasso :iXl the LOU"\Irpeo sculptupes seen by Epstein and at the ;museum. T!_ ..'_ v suggests that these T,JO::"I:s had been on display dUl"ing 1910 to 1930.

Bet'l',een 1921 and 1928 I,'loope f:'lled about six sketchbooks coptes of p::':::nitive aY't Indian, Eskimo, J':Iexican and PeY"uvian) and some paintings and sculptures fr'om the Bl"itish Huseun. of these dravJings. The dravJings of Afl"ican sculptui"e, mostly found in Notebook of 1922-2Lf outnumberec those of the other

Five notable pages of this notebook conta:Ln the Elost intel"esting stud:les of African sculptUl"e. Fop example page 39 (FIG. 7.3) Sh01ITS Studj.es fm o

Reclining F-i' gm'e. The tuo large l"epresent Noore! s idea to be car·ved but the penatning d:-'ailinGs aTe studies the var:'ous of the pecli.ning figu",-e and ::oeveal Some copying and of The half face and the head in the m.iddle r"ight :'"'eveal a cubist style of facetting. Tl1e drauinG at the bottom left :Ls a copy of the mask in the (see FIG.7.4).

Dan Easks m-'e often deCol"ated 'Ivith a zig-zaG ha:L::'style, sel'''ratecl

T bird fo:e,ls and pouting Illouths 9 but J:1oo:;:oe only the elegan'c profile of the part 9 T:Tithout the bird fOl"lIl or other deta:':.ls. The d}:'acling at the bottom 2.eft 2.o01cs like a bent leg "lith the stU!:lP3! foot of an sculpt On page 102 (FIG.7.5) the top p::ght , repeated at the bottom of the sheet, is a copy of a Baga

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The same f:I.gm'"'e appea:c-ed on page 103 of this notebook and on paGe 1 of [·Zo.6 r:ctebook of 1926 -"ith the IiSCULPTURE It is difficult to e}::plain the significance of this pej."'sis'cent figu2."'e

It gives no tangible clues foy' a p:'"'obable exp:2.ana'cion. The 'cop left dra"\-Jing the fr-'ont viel! of the head and shouldeps of the same figul'e. The t\-iO left middle draHings ape modified of a Bau:2.e mask. FIG.7.6 ShOHS page 103.

It \elas acquired by the TIlUSeUL' in 1908. On page 105 1 (FIG. 7.8) l::oore :nade the folloHing notes a:round the

"TliJ:sted fOl'm, Negl"'o ,Sculptw:"e, more pointed? small carving? masses bad d:'aiJings 1 tVlisted arms 7 ca:"ved ar-ms, bacl::_y draun, light angles. VI

These indicate no'c just Hhat Iclom-'e obsel'"'ved in each Hork he copied but also ideas fOI' h:1..3 Olm \iOdc. The -C:ITO large standing figures T,dthout full heads ax'e front and three-quar'ce:c v:'_e\els of the Stand-in;; Femal e (FIG.7.9), Humuye, IJige:c':'ca, acquired by the B:'"'i_'cish Nuseur:: in 1922. Hoo:'"'e no :Ln the head but in the thick cyl:':.ndrical the planar and angulal:' treatment of the elonGated to;:-'so, the '\·;ing-LLke ar'ms, the le.;s and the triangulap-shaped fe::::2ale

CFIG.7.10), flno!;} Guinea, v!hich lIas by the I:mseu.r: in 1889. The and the label indicate Hoore' s interest :[.n the ar.gJ..e at the head is tilted and the cOI'l"'esponding featu:'es.

011. page 126 is a p:-:.ofile cop:)! of FIG. 6.21!) F s

Si10HS only the incl ined neo1: 9 the a1"C of the small fOl'"'ehead, t1;_e nose, the pr'otruding lips and javls Hithout the coiffure.

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sOUPCeS for s of P.fr"2_can :::'llustrations in books and of such copies

the books of Einstein and Fuhl"'TIlann are found in No.3 Notebool:.

FIG. 7 .12 sho\JS page 120 of that notebook. a copy of a Neg-po Head? Ubangi, a2, plate 15. Of th:ts \10 00. en head F:''Y incUcated its resemblance to l1you may have seen some sculptul'e slightly ::'esembling the head (95), but if S07 that is due to the ll'J.fluence of sculptu:::-e on Parisian art. II [l.l-2 ] 1iil1c;_nson has related the othel> hio in FIG. 7. 12 to an Inca pot fpOE Truj :i.lo, Hhich is in S second book Reich der Inka (1922). [LI-3] P&ge 138 notebook includes three draHings of sculptu:C'es Hhich a::-'e illustrated in Sinstein. The dpaHings on (FIG. 7. 14) are fl"'om The top three draHings fr'oIl: left to right are plates 31, 69, and 71 respectively.

ape copies of plates 75 and 73. On page 121 of No.3 Notebook and page 17 of Ho.5 Notebook are also draHings of .B.frican found in Fuhpmann. These ShOH studies of three ,lith legs of three d:i.ffer'ent Aflnican ca:c'Vings? a bent left arm and a pa:i_:n of legs fr'om the same Hoope I s studies place on the rectilinea}:' ar;.d planar ch2z'act.eI"is'cics of the carvinGs.

ic:!oore also produced drmJings of Afl""'::'can sculptures on sheets of papel""' throughout the 19203 &nd the 19308 !II used to drm-7 n:.any of these 7 som.etimes on SC1"apS of I had l'1ith me 7 sometimes in the sketchbooks. II I-Ioore fur-the," "And of S0[18 of these carvings inn uenced fly mIn \·mrk later." [44 J Hoore' s Studies of and Eski IDO Scul otupes FIG. 7. 15, are pencil and ci1alk sketches on a piece of paper done in 1931 at t.he B:ci tish At. t.he top of the sheet is inscribes:

Other
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r':e:rican and child at Burney e, s, simp::'e and intens:Lty, and f:-cgure foc:' v:Ltality and pick of life, the figure belonging to Epste:Ln, mother and child for big pOller, Sens:,-tiveness, long armed figur-e, Philipine mask, paleolithic, tenderness and angles.

These shOi.·j that Noore Has famil:l.ar Hith the Jl£rican and other sculptures :'.n the Sidney BUY'ney in London at this time and that he ,las of 1 s sculpture. The inscriptions recall

1928/29 and 1932 by Burney 9 J.n 7;1:1ic11 Epstein, Hepvlorth, Zadkine and Dobson shoHn. The tIm female f:'guT'es at the top right T.l:.th big breasts, elongated and torsos and bent knees are copies of a Dogon figure. t-loere rr:.ight l'1ave seen this f:Lgure in Epstein's African collection. The tvTO en the :C'ight uere by an Eskimo in the l:luseur::, but they have been by the exces sively elongated top so and al"Tr.S. One of 1 s Hood cay'vings?

1932, FIG.7.16, '(vas in tupn :cnspj.ped by these dravlings. The breasts epitomize the Dogon breasts. The small :nound and concave face is similar' to the face of the second Soapstone FIG. 7.17 9 Zimbab,ie 'I-1111ch, 'Hith the ].n the illustration, ivas acqu:"::'ed by t.he Duseum in 1905 and on display. ITone of fbore I s dravJings to th:"..s Soapstone fi.gure yet its resemblance to his Cal1...1'lCt be a coincidence. l:oo::'e may \-,7e11 have been aI-18]'e of th:i.s T;lO::,k too.

s dpauings of the 1920s clearly influenced by Afr'ican and they const:;:tuted an ::mpo::'tant stage in his development but tl'1ey· do not seem to l'1ad a il1.1fuel"lCe l'1is Tb.e sl:etches t-'Jere not studies IneElopalJ.da for sculpture .2§..r: seo They existed in thei:..-' o-v-m and devoted long pe:ci.ods of time to for he considel"ed then 'c. 1':leans of generating ide2,s'. He fouIld dra\-ling a useful outlet fop :Ldeas ill'deh thepe 'lIaS not time enough to

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1'eal::":.se as sculpture. He sometimes just for enjoyment. [L15 J His dro.Hings in General ;'"7eached :Ln the 30s. He then became a\Ja,:'e of his in m.a.k:.ng drai'lings especially fo:;:- sCu1ptul'e. Of this he "At one t::'..ne I made foy' _L to give them as much illusion of real sculptuY'e as I could... I nOH leave a Hide:' in the of the T lTIade and drall often ::"n l::"me and flat tones I'Jithout the light and shade on thpee dimensions." [Lf 5] Concelnning di'o.liJing in genero.l Eoore pointed out that people often thought ':.hat in dra"iing one used only one's intellect and intelligence, leaving out eBotion and syrilpathy. Fo::' h:Lm this ,-las not so, because he felt he could not obsepve ilithout understanding and fee15.ng.

influences of sculpture orc s dra\·rings in the 19203 is not l"ef::ected in his sculptu:'es of the sallle per.>iod til Only a fe\J capvings sho·vj aged :::'nf1 uence f::-o::: Af1'ican art \Jhich has bed as II secondhand ". [1." 7 J The of the pl'inciple of

:'n stone he fel t that they must :::-'evea::-" the qualities of squai"eneSS; short ::'..i:ubs and pi.'obably no neck the figu7es.

:eemarked in one of b.is that stone is hard and concentrated and should not be falsi_fied to look ::'..ike soft flesh. "It should keep its tense s'Goniness"? he conc::"uded. ] These qualities are best seen stone. Hoore ! s sculptupe shm'ls mope di1.'ect infl uence of Ilexican sculptupe than Afr:Lcan "Thich, of com-'se? ,!as primar:"ly t·lOod. It Has only in the 1930s that the hardness of his stone

This ,las accentuated by bO:;:'i11.g

the infl uenee of ll.t.f':riean sculptuJ.'e Eead 07' .s G:L'l? 1922; Stand·: ms

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FOIL-arc? 1923:; and Torso, 1927.

Head of Girl? CFIG.7.18)? possesses an incl:'ned cy::'..:',-ndl7 ic2.l neck

a vertica-=_ rectangulaT-sl:aped head a dome top. T1J.e 1108(:; flat and T-shaped. The :::":::'ps are th:::'ck and The head does not bea;:' any to a Afr:::'can but the forms palnal:::"el the gene::-'al forms of sculpture. The geomet;:-·::..c shape of the head and the protl"uding eye epitomised the l:Lber'ty of the and eyes.

Standing HOD:an, (FIG. 7.19) is a fem.ale f:Lgure is :coelated to Red Stone Dancer CFIG.6.5) and Imp (FIG.6.11), both by Gaud:1..er-Brzeska and to Second Venus, CFIG.5.25) by Epstein. These thz'ee dipectly caI'ved stone had been influenced by scuIptul"es.[L}9j l'loore had seen the 8.J.'"ld about s tvJO in A of 1916. The similari,t::"es betueen the Stand:Lnp; l'TorD.an 2.nd the Red Stol1e Dance;:-' are in the the shoy,t and massi.ve block-like bent leGs? the and the ovoidal heads u:Lthout features. The bent legs "\Jitb, feet tu;:-'ned into bases are to those of Imp.

Epste::cn 1 s Second Venus, he sa::d, "Hhen I fir'st came to London I uas Gaudiep-Bl"zeska, Hod igl :,-ani and the eaply

Epsteins. II [50] s Standing \'Joman ShOHS some to ti'le Second Venus. Both have smooth, and featupeles:s faces 'Hith and stomachs, and bent depicted with broad planes.

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stone a after' the Stand-'nc:; imd ,"'JaS def:Ln::.tely :"nfluenced by the The broad and cur'vilj nea::' planes 9 so the flat :'r.lect.a:1gula.:...-;. feeta The face of the Car':rat::'d recalls Epstein is (FIG. 5.12) and the Baluba Figu:'e (FIG. 1. 1).

19271 (FIG. 7.21) :"epr'esents a fe:nale torso carved in Hhat :',S called f.:frican :rood "\y:..th slrl1plification. It typifies s fOl" Brancusi! s "mission". Tor"so ,las inspired by P"'pe-boHl in Human FOl"l:l:, (FIG. 7.22) 9 Azande, a sculptu:ce ';.,11ich had been in the Br:..tj_sh Huseum s::'nce 1896. is carved in the shape of a standing HOi::lan. The head is holloued out to fOl"'ID, the p:"pe-bo'-Tl and the stem comes out at the back of the neck, Hhicl'l ,,,,as joined to a lonG hollov7 cane In To::'so, HOOl"e had rr:.odified his by simpl:"fication, of the br'easts and by fusing the legs 2.nto a half -bui"ied a base.

adventur'ous and experinental to the ferr:ale figuj,"'e in this car'ving and severaI others an indebtedness to

• His like the Af:cican, iv-as predom:Lnantly figural. Th:_s had enabled h:::E to adapt ,rith ease fi"om the boundless fOI'DJ.a.l of sculptur;e r'es11ap:::ng t11e h.UIrlan figur:-e QI His cocment on the Azande figures ( ... leo FIG. 1. 18D and FIG. 1.21) quoted above suggested his adaptations. r:oo:'e that:. the vast adventupous and in his O"\m figural sculptur'es. [51 ]

:'100l"e believed that the of the fOj,"TJ.al of Afr::.can sculpture to the o.ethod employed by the Af:'--'ican car-vel". e:Kp:i..ained: "The Africans nevel' 'ijorked in outline 7 they looked ahJays into the middle of their subject? taking out

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the they 'imnJ.:.ed to depress and leaving the they 1:-Janted to F'oject."[52] This belief lJaS confinned fo!:' ::'n the SUll1mer of 192L!.

he Hatched Af:'-'ican sculpto:::'s outside the pavillion of the XiGepia Section. that it ·Has the use of tools, the adze, and not the axe as he had believed, that enabled then to "\-lod: ion this 'i.-my and to achieve the sculptural qualities. the pav::'llion itself he Sa-If sevepal f:l.gupes and n:asks. [53] Ther-eaftel" designed an adze to use himself to ach:Leve the same ul1J1:istakeable impact. HOI-lever, hi.s design and application of the adze dercconstl"'ated. his lack of exper:"ence of hOD, 2...1'l adze 'i.wdcs. As a resul t Hounded his 1 eG and abondoned

.:'L I .Lt.,. Al though Hoore uas not the only avant-gal"'de to :"'elate the qualities of Afl"'ican sculptur'e to theL'" methods, he the first to attempt to use the principal tool of the 1-i.fl"ican to p:cove the relation.

noore IS sculptur'es of the 19203 a1"'e pr·edoD:inantly uenced but one OP hlO ShOll the mari"'iage of African and r:exican influences. EVel"l in these cases the :;·lex:tean infl uenee :.s pl"'edoninant and the African input is often limited. to trie facial

fil""'st independent stone carvj.ng and uas based on the Hexican

The eyes 3.:"ee slits :la.de on Tile :eight :7.s a str'aight slit Hh:::'le the left is a cur'ved one. The nose is a 101'16 The mouth echoes the shape of the eyes. Th=-s is a composit.ional device often used in figures and masks to achieve and

(FIG. 7 . 24 ) 9 has coffee bean shaped eyes, a pouting mouth, and a long

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(FIG.3.25, in the Britis11 since 1.868) is an e}c8..ID.pleo It clepicts a nose and the lips repeat the shape and fOl---r2S of the eyes. [5 1J , ]

Like Epstein al"ld

9 I"loore \'las ve;:'y fascinated by the theme of the r10the:r' and Child. BetvJeen 1922 and 1932 he ca::-'Ved about 16 'dorks of subject, th:oee betueen 1922 and 1929 and the ;:'emainin.; 13 otheIOs 1930-2. used the subject to solve his problems of ach:Leving aSY-rrLl1etry 21"ld of c. :'_ntepaction of contrasting masses. Like Epstein and also used jot to eXpl"eSS a human emotj_on. Apapt Lnom the tuo Hothep and Child sculptupes (ie. FIGS. 7.23 a2.1d 24) the ""est of his mother and chHd sculptures ciei-e less formally influenced by Af:"lc&n scclptul"e. ? it can be remadced vJith some degree of ce'.ntainty that some of ideas

drat'ling of' Studies of Afl"-i can and EskJ"..Inc Scul otur'es 9 (FIG. 7 . 15)? peads "Negro mother' and child for' bj.g prj.mitive This "biG tive p01rJer" is in h:i_s second set of 13 Bother and Ctild sculptur'es of 1930-2. Hhile the ::Lnfluence on his sculptures of the 1930s became sporadic, the influence on his taste '\IaS steadily incpeasing? tj.ng in h::_s begJ:nning to collect sculpture in the late 1930s.

Appa:c"ently, I'loore had uanted to col2.ect sculptuI'e in the ::"ater pernarlced: "In PariS, Picasso, Derain, Epstein and BrOJ."lcus:' and have been collectinG ! negro for some l·yould have liked to collect ppinitJ:ve sculpture myself, but thouGh you cou::'d get a good AL-'ican foc'" 1 0 pOUl1ds in the Caledonian 3adcet, Thy of only 90 pounds a ye2r put this beyond :;;:e" [55] The Bt'itJ:'sh lIuseu..TD. Has a ,-real th of e:i'=pepience and J:nspipation to hand till such time tl'1at he could afford to col2.ect it.

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a particulap direction in sculpting. Although it is accepted that a range of other influences Has in his sculptupe, :.. t is tl'1e plastic configu::."ations of African sculptu:"e lclhich took deep :.noot in especially in the 1920s. Hoore did not have imjJ:,ators and his sculpture did not have a c1i::o ect forro.al influence on Bpitish

Post-Second Hal" of Bpi t:Lsh a;:ntists.

(1) The 'Primitive'. This thesis deliberately concentrates upon the immediate impact of African sculpture on British artists, particularly in terms of formal characteristics. It does not attempt to deal with the cultural background to "primitivism" in European cultures of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This background would be the subject of a substantial study of its own right.

'Primitive" as an art-historical term gained currency in Britain, France, Germany and Italy in the nineteenth century. It specifically refered to the art of the Italians and Flemings of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It was seen as an art form that was alien to Greco-Roman art, in that it was devoid of the complex devices of illusionist lighting and perspective which were the desirable qualities of standard art between fifteenth and nineteenth centuries. The artists involved were called the 'Primitives'.

However, in the late 1890s when artists showed heightened level of interest in increasingly wider ranges of art from the past, the scope of 'primitivism' was extended to cover Romanesque, Byzantine and a host of non-European art forms. Artists like Van Gogh used the adjective "primitive" for Egyptian and Aztec art which he much admired. Gauguin on the other hand used the words "savage" and "primitive" interchangeably for several exotic art and cultures, (eg. the art and cultures of India, Peru, Cambodia, Japan etc.). African and Oceanic art were not included in the "primitive art".

Toward 1906 "primitive art" considerably diminished in scope and assumed a new frame of reference. With the development of an aesthetic rapport between the avant-garde artists and African and Oceanic art, not only were these two art forms considered as "primitive art" but they

CONCLUSION
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became synonymous with it. By 1930 "primitive" included Pre-Columbian, Eskimo, North American Indian and Polynesian art, but in the late 1930s writers like Goldwater used the term exclusively for African, Oceanic and Pre-Columbian art when they analysised the Western interest in the art of these civilizations. Between 1930 and 1950 criticisms from various writers cast different illumination upon 'primitive art', from standpoints which were either derogatory or laudatory. The derogatory aspect which often caused confusions derived from the etymological meaning of the term. Some later writers like Paul Wingert made attempts to explain what "primitive art" implies in modern terms of reference. William Fagg even went a step further by substituting the term "tribal art" in attempt to curtail the confusion and derogation derived from the etymology of "primitive". Unfortunately Fagg's term has not been acceptable to all scholars, most of who still use the term "primitive art". Since there is no appropriate term agreed upon by all, "primitive art" has become a generic term for African, Oceanic, Pre-Columbian, Pacific art, etc. For this Claude Levi-Strauss pointed out that "despite its imperfections, and the deserved criticism it has received, it seems that 'primitive' in absence of a better term, has definitely taken hold in the contemporary anthropological and sociological (and art-historical) vocabulary".[1] He continued that the term "primitive" now seems safe from the confusions inherent in its etymological meaning reinforced by obselate evolutionism.[2] The thesis therefore adopted a pragmatic attitude to the term "primitive" which has been used in a functional manner without examining the full implication of the terms in their period context.

(2) British Artists and the 'Primitive'. During the course of the thesis, it has become clear that the motifs of artists in looking at primitive art varied widely, but it has been possible to discern two

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predominant and complimentary reasons why the British artists of the early twentieth century were particularly attracted by African art, namely:

(a) The artists were dissatisfied with the European traditions of representation, where the norm was the interpretation of subject-matter in literary terms and the definition of style according to the principles of academicism; in desiring a new way of artistic expression the artists looked at other forms of art of non-European traditions and models.

(b) The artists were concerned with bringing their art into the mainstream of contemporary art prevailing in Europe, particularly in France and Germany where new developments based on the direct focus on the expressive and plastic qualities of African and other primitive art were evolved.

There was a fundamental change of direction in modern art as a result of a rebellion at the end of nineteenth century against classical and naturalistic roots of Western art. Artists became aware of the restrictions imposed upon them. In order to free themselves the artists began to search for new lines to follow with confidence and without interference from academicism. They experimented with various ideas and / models of art forms. This was initiated by Cezanne, Van Gogh, Gauguin, Matisse, Kandinsky and others. Some British artists of the avant-garde readily embraced the development underway. From 1905 there was a widespread admiration for African art, and, just as the Japanese art answered the need of artists a few decades earlier in European art, so did African art answer the need of the early twentieth cuntury European and British artists.

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Although the choice of the African art as a model may bear a faint element of serendipity, based upon chance and availability, it was at heart a deliberate one, apparently derived from a lingering move initiated by Cezanne. which later developed He stressed upon the use of basic geometry in art into the emphatic use of formal or plastic qualities in art, rather than representation. African art as a model provided the artists with plasticity both in an unprecedented quality and quantity.

Between 1900 and 1912 the British artists who were concerned with giving their work a kind of meaning different from their predecessors visited France and Germany. They noticed the advancement of new trends of art which had evolved from the formal qualities of African art, (eg. Cubism and Expressionism). They derived some confidence from what their colleagues have done on the continent and emulated them in spirit and in style. In spirit of the French, the British artists organised themselves into groups that promoted their own interests independent of old establishment. In style, they adopted Cubism and its derivatives and looked more and more at African art especially in the British Museum.

The formal qualities of African art presents in detail the astonishing freedom the African artist possesses in rendering forms with disregard for natural appearance; the variation of forms derived from the configuration of linear, planar and solid geometry; the treatment of surfaces with regard to light and shade, colour and feel; the intensity, directness and purity of expression. These approaches fascinated the British artists and presented them with a variety of innovative formal ideas which they readily adapted to their own ends. Through these they also developed the sensibility to appreciate and adapt other alien forms of art. Of the benefits the British artists derived from African art

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the painter Joseph Herman affirms:

The artists learned a new way of using formal expressive ideas, of rethinking the very principles of simplification, or animating the surfaces of the sculpture or painting, of using volumes free from the precision of classical perspective. But above all they learned the need to imbue a work of art with vitality without bothering about the effects of finish; whether the surface was to stay rugged or smooth, their main object was to render life and animation. All thiS, and much more, is the debt of Europeans to African imagination.[3]

Many writers such as Fagg, de Zayas and Dorothy Brooks have indicated that African art contains many of the elements which were later to come to maturity in the various developments of contemporary British and European art, viz: Symbolism, Pure Abstraction, Constructivism, Cubism, Expressionism, Surrealism etc.

Today the benefits derived from African art have culminated into a tremendous enrichment of the language of British art, especially sculpture, which has become more eloquent than it was and perhaps more so than other European sculpture. This eloquence and enrichment entrenched in British sculpture are discernible directly or indirectly in the works of contemporary British sculptors. Perhaps the most direct and best documented reaction amongst present-day artists is that of Eduardo Paolozzi. In his exhibition, Lost Magic Kingdom and Six Paper Moons from Nahualt, held in 1985 at the Museum of in London, Paolozzi showed his works which, to greater or lesser extent, had been influenced by items in the museum. The exhibition was both retrospective and concerned with works in progress, continuing to explore those influences which were still being transmuted in Paolozzi's sculptures, drawings, reliefs and prints. The choice of the items for the exhibition was strongly influenced by Paolozzi's vision of societies of Africa, the Americas and the PacifiC, while his essay in the catalogue to the exhibition outlined how he was influenced by primitive

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art. Malcolm McLeod's essay in the same catalogue emphasised Paolozzi's vision and related it to the items displayed.

The profound effect of African art upon British sculptors during the period covered by this thesis is more than a passing phenomenon. It played a central role in the re-orientation of British developments in a way which continues to affect the vocabulary used by the artists.

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INTRODUCTION

1.Michael T.Sadler, Arts of West Africa (Excluding Music), Oxford University Press, London, 1935, p. 8.

2.Ibid, p. 8.

3.Ibid, p. 8.

4.See L.J.P.Gaskin, A Bibliography of African Art, International African Institute, London, 1965.

5.Sotheby's holds at least ten primitive art sales a year and Christies has about three and others hold about the same each year which include predominantly African collections. See the sales catalogues of the salesrooms in Britain in the National Art Library at the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. For London as a leading art market for primitive art after the World War II, see Robert Bleakley, 'Collecting Ethnic Art', Art and Artists, (London), No.184, January 1982, p. 10.

6.Robert Goldwater, Primitivism in Modern Art, Vintage Books, New York. This book was originally published in 1938 as Primitivism in Painting restricted to modern painting but in 1966 it was revised and enlarged including modern sculpture.

7.William Rubin Ced.), "Primitiyism" in 20the Century Art, Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1984.

8.Bryan Robertson, '1893 - 1963 British Painting' The Studio (London), Vol.165, No.840, April 1963, pp. 138-9. Benedict Nicholson in his article 'Post-Impressionism and Roger Fry' also reiterated the intricate nature of a similar subject like the influence of Post-Impressionism on British painting from the NEAC to the Vorticism (ie. modern trend in British art between 1900 and 1914); see Benedict Nicholson, 'Post-Impressionism and Roger Fry', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.93, No.574, January 1951, p. 14, n25.

9.The Italian artists were also late in the appreciation of African sculpture. It was in 1911 that its influence began to manifest in their works. But some writers prefer to discuss it while ignoring the British influence. For instance, in editing "Primitivism in 20th Century Art, in 1986, William Rubin published separate articles on the influence of primitive art on Italian Painting and on German artists but the influence on the British artists like Epstein was treated as a corollary to that of the French artists, while Henry Moore was treated as an independent modern artist.

10.See Max Alfert, 'Relationships Between African Tribal Art and Modern West Art', Art Journal, (London), Vol.31, No.4, 1974, p. 388.

CHAPTER

1.J.J.Sweeney, African Negro Art, Arno Press, New York, 1935, p. 21.

2.Eckart von Sydow, Art and Religion of the Primitives, London, 1926, p. 39.

NOTES
- 221 -

3. William Fagg, 'Introduction', West Af'rica: Court and Tribal art, Arts Council of Great Britain, 1967, no page.

4.Andre Terisse, L'Afrigue del'Ouest: Berceau de l'Art Negres, Paris, 1965, p. 106.

5.Werner Gillon, Collecting Af'rican Sculpture, W.J.Mackay Chatham, 1980, p. 39.

6.With the exception of Werner Gillon and Andr{ Tessere who were art critics the other writers like William Fagg and Eckart von Sydow were basically anthropologists and ethnologists.

7.See Jan Vansina, Art History in Af'rica: An Introduction to Method, Longmans, London, 1984, pp. 84-87; and Louis Perrois, La Statuaire Fan Gabon, ORSTDM, Paris, 1972, p. 33ff.

8.See Frank Willet, African Art, Thames and Hudson, London, 1971, p. 161. Professor Willet prepared for publication, 'Teke Fetishes by Robert Hottot' in The Journal the Royal Anthropological Institute (of Great Britain and Ireland), Vol.86, No.1, January - June 1956, pp. 25-36. This paper was based on a lecture given by Dr. Hottot to the Oxford University Anthropological Society on 2 Feburary 1933. The information contained in the lecture was collected by Dr. Hottot on his visits to the Teke country in 1906. His lecture outlined the three divisions in the figural sculpture of the Bateke, (ie. Head, Trunk, and Legs); the sculptor's refined sense of the quality of his material; and the endowment of the figure with magical powers by attachment of magical substances as seen in FIGS.1.24A, Band C. These three wooden figures were collected alongside his information in 1906. The figures were later deposited at the British Museum on permanent loan.

9.Perrois, La Statuaire Fan, p. 146.

10.Leon Underwood, Masks of West Af'rica, Alec Taranti, London, 1964. p. 4.

11.Hans Himmelheber, 'The Concave Face in African Art', African Arts (Los Angeles), Vol.4, No.3, 1971, p. 54.

12.Douglas Fraser, Primitive Art, Thames and Hudson, London, 1962, p. 47.

13.Ibid., pp. 47-49

14.Paul Wingert, The Sculpture of Negro Af'rica, Columbia University Press, New York, 1956, p. 24.

15.Elsy Leuzinger, Af'rica: The Art of Negro Peoples, Holle And Co., Verlag, Baden, 1960, p. 66. Also quoted by Edna Bay, 'The Heart-Shaped Face in Af'rican Art', in D.F.McCall and Edna Bay, eds., African Images: Essays in Af'rican Iconology, Boston UniverSity Press, Boston, 1975, p. 252.

16.Fraser, Primitive Art, p. 47.

17.Ibid., p.47

18.See Paul S. Wingert, Primitive Art: Its Traditions And Styles,

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Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1962, p. 27.

19.5ee Paul Guillaume and Thomas Munro, Primitive Negro Sculpture, Hacker Art Books, New York, 1926, p. 27; and Malcolm McLeod, Ethnic Sculpture, British Museum Publications, London, 1985, pp. 42-44. Also see Jean Laude, The Art of Black Africa, (translated by Jean Decock), University of California, Berkeley, 1971, pp. 104-107.

20.See Laude, The Art of Black Africa, p. 99.

21.Guillaume and Munro, Negro Sculpture, p. 59.

22.William Fagg and Margaret Studio Vista, London, 1964, p. Plass, 48. African Sculpture: Anthology,

23.See Andreas Lommel, Prehistoric and Primitive Man, Paul Hamlyn, London, 1966, p. 133.

24.Ladislas Segy, African Sculpture Speaks, Dover Publications, New York, 1958, p. 17.

25.See Leon Underwood, 'Abstraction in African and European Art', The Studio (London), Vol.136, No.669, December 1948, p.183.

26.The cylindrical type of eyes without holes inspired Picasso's GUitar, 1912. See D-H. Kahnweiller, 'Negro Art and Cubism', Horizon (London), Vol.18, No.108, 1948, p. 418.

27.Wingert described the up turned Bayaka nose in 'Cyrano-like nose'. See Paul Wingert, Primitive Art, p.

FIG.1.14A, 147. as

28.Boris de Rachewiltz, Black Eros: Sexual Customs of Africa from Prehistory to the Present Day, George Allen and Urwin, London, 1964, p. 109.

29.See Jan Vansina, Art History in Africa: An Introduction to Method, Longmans, Essex, 1984, p. 103.

30.See Fagg and Plass, African Sculpture, p. 48.

31.For further reading on eroticism in African sculpture see de Rachewiltz, Black Eros, pp. 13-119. de Rachewiltz discusses the sexual customs of different parts of Africa and relates them to the sculptures and other arts like danCing, body decorations etc.

32.R.H.Wilenski, The Meanings of Modern Sculpture, Faber and Faber, London, 1932, p. 144.

33.See Ladislas Segy, African Sculpture, Dover Publication, New York, 1958, p. 20.

34.L.R.Rogers, Sculpture, Oxford University Press, London, 1969, p. 26.

35.Leuzinger, Africa, p. 49.

36.Joseph Cornet, African Art: Treasures of Congo, Phaidon Press, London, 1966, p. 49. Cornet believed that the European representation of Dynamism and asymmetry might have influenced the asymmetrical works of the Congolese artist. However, he did not cite examples of any works

- 223 -

to support this.

37.Leon Underwood, Masks of West Africa, p. 16.

38.Ibid., p. 17. Wingert also commented on the use of colour in Yoruba sculpture. He stated that "Nowhere else in Negro Africa does colour play such a continously important role as it does in Yoruba sculpture." He added that the pigments were bright and included a wide range of tones of red, yellow, blue, black and white. See Wingert, Negro Africa, p. 31.

39.A.G.Archer and Robert Melville, 40.000 Years of Modern Art, Institute of Contemporary Art, London, 1949, p. 13.

40.Albert Barnes, 'Primitive Negro Sculpture and its Influence on Modern Civilization', Opportunity, (New York), Vol.28, No.4, May 1928, p. 140.

41.Figural sculpture with a combination of human and animal forms are generally found among the Fon of Dahomey, the Yoruba and Ibibio of Nigeria and sometimes among the Ashanti of Ghana. William Fagg and K.C.Murray have made similar observations in their studies of the subject. See K.C.Murray, 'Ibio Headdresses Combining Human and Animal Features', Man (London), Vol.47, No.1, January 1947, p. 1.

42.Archer and Melville, 40.000 Years, p. 13.

43.Carl Kjersmeier, 'Bambara Sculpture: The Facts and Outcome of an Expedition to French West Africa, November 1931 - April 1932', in Nancy Cunard, ed., Negro Anthology. 1931-1933, Wishart And Company, London, 1934, p. 683. The Bambara smith referred to by Kjersmeier was the blacksmith of the society who was usually the sculptor at the same time.

44.Dmitry Olderogge, Art of Negro Africa, Paul Hamlyn, London, 1969, p. 25.

45.See J.H.Braunholtz, 'Wooden Throne', B.M.Quarterly (London), Vol.12, No.6, 1938, p. 6.

46.William Fagg, Tribes and Forms in African Art, Methuen, London, 1965, p. 53. See also Willet, African Art, p. 180.

47.Wingert, Negro Africa, p. 9.

48.Andre Salmon, 'Negro Art', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.36, No.205, April 1920, p. 171.

49.Werner Gillon, Collecting African Sculpture, Mackey, Chatham, 1980, p. 33.

50. See Stanley Casson, No.227, 17 May 1933, p. 'Negro 770. Art', The Listener (London), Vol. IX,

51.William Fagg, 'The Study of African Art', Allen Memorial Art Bulletin, (Oberlin) Vol.13, No.2, 1955/56, p. 59.

52.Fagg pointed out that the same principle was consciously applied by the European caricaturists.

53. Eliot Elisofon and William Fagg, The Sculpture of Africa, New York,

- 224 -

1958, p. 25.

54. Kjersmeier, 'Bambara Sculpture', in Cunard, ed., Negro Art, p. 683.

55.J.S.Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, Heinemann Educational Books, London, 1975, p. 53.

56.Several writers like Carl Kjermeier, Marius de Zayas and others have observed the geometric nature of African sculpture and its Significance for European artists. See de Zayas, Negro African Art: Its Influence on Modern Art, Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1916, pp. 31, 33, and 34; also see Kjermeier, 'Bambara Sculpture', in Cunard ed., Negro Art, p. 683.

57.H.B.Chipp, ed., Theories of Modern Art, University of California, Berkeley, 1968, pp. 257-8.

58.William Rubin ed., "Primitivism" In 20th Century Art, The Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1984, p. 216.

59. Wingert , Sculpture of Negro Africa, p. 369.

60.Roger Fry, Vision and Design, Chatto and Windus, London, 1920, p. 93ff. Stanley Casson also pointed out that there is never anything pretentious about Africa art for the artist did just what he set out to do and no more. He then stated that for this reason 'the African is head and shoulders above the savage artists of the rest of the world'. See Casson, 'Negro Art', The Listener, May 1933, p. 770.

61.See Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 106.

62.William Fagg, 'The Dilemma which Faces Africa Art', (London), Vol.XLVI, No.1176, 13 September 1951, p. 414.

63.Guillaume and Munro, Negro Sculpture, p. 37.

64.See Rubin, ed., "Primitivism", p. 107. Listener

65.Elizabeth Cowling, 'An Other Culture', in Dawn Ades, ed., Dada and Surrealism Reviewed, British Art Council of Great Britain, London, 1978, p. 464. Dr.Cowling noted it was also due to their disenchantment for not being the discoverers of African SCUlpture.

66.David Attenborough, African Tribal Sculpture, Arcade Gallery, London, 1978, no page.

CHAPTER

1.Jacob Epstein, Epstein. An Autobiography Vista Books, Longacre Press, London, 1963, p. 12.

2.Rev. Tempels considered "the vital force" as the key concept of African religion and philosophy. See Placide Tempels, Bantu Philosophy, Presence Africaine, PariS, 1959, p. 30; See also Edwin Smith, African Ideas of God: A SympOSium, Edinburgh House Press, London, 1950, pp. 5ff.

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3.0n the African philosophical concept of 'being' see especially the exposition by Placide Tempels in his Bantu Philosophy, London, 1959.

4.For further discussions on the illustration of the relationship between the spiritual powers with the triangle see Geoffry Parrinder, African Traditional Religion, S.P.C.K., London, 1954, pp. 24-5; Also see Tempels, Bantu pp. 41-3, for the structure of African religion.

5.Parrinder, Traditional Religion, pp.37-9; also see J.S.Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, Heinemann Educational Books, London, 1969, pp. 30-1.

6.Mbiti, Introduction African Religion, pp. 42-3. that there are thousands of names for God in Africa. from twenty-five African countries.

He pointed out He listed examples

7. Smith, Ideas Qf God, p. 12; also see Parrinder, Traditional Religion, p. 45.

8.Parrinder made reference to Hermann Bauhmann's analysis in Der afrikanischn Volker, Berlin, 1936. See Parrinder, Traditional Religion, pp.40-1. Also see Mbiti, African'Religion, p. 80 for the separation of God from the earth.

9.Laude, Art of Black Africa, p. 217.

10.See Wingert, Sculpture of Negro Africa, p. 19.

11.Ghana Museum and Monument Board, National Museum of Ghana Handbook, Ghana Publishing Corporation, Tema, 1970, pp. 43-44.

12.See Elsy Leuzinger, The Art of Black Africa, Studio Vista, London, 1972, p. 26.

13.See Leuzinger, Africa, p. 82.

14. Ibid., pp. 132-3.

15.See Ladislas Segy, of Black Africa, Dover Publications, New York, 1958, p. 25.

16.Parrinder, Traditional Religion, p. 83.

17.Fraser, Primitve Art, pp. 40-1.

18.Cornet, Art of Africa, p. 36.

19.Ibid., p. 36; see also Leon Underwood, Figures in Wood of West Africa, John Taranti, London, 1947, p. xvi.

20.See de Rachewiltz, Black Eros, p. 109.

21.Secret societies in Africa were not mysterious and illegal organisations. It means only that the members had to be admitted by ritual initiation. They learnt a special secret language and the duties of a man or woman. See Ladislas Segy, African Sculpture, Dover Publication, New York, 1958, p. 8. Also see Wingert, Negro Africa, p. 12.

- 226 -

22.K.L.Little, 'The Role of the Secret Societies In Cultural Specialization', Simon and Phoebe Ottenberg, eds., Cultures and Societies of Africa, Random House, New York, 1960, pp. 199-213.

23.. Cornet , Art of Africa, p. 73

24.Wingert, Negro Africa, pp. 18-19. In addition to the rings representing corpulence and beauty, de Rachewiltz pointed out that the crests of the Bundu masks represented an open vagina. See de Rachewiltz, Black Eros, p. 107.

25.0n animism see Arnold van Gennep , The Rites of Passage, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1960, pp. 5-14.

26.Segy, African Sculpture Speaks, p. 31.

27.Leuzinger, Africa, p. 165.

28.Ladislas Segy, 'African Snake Symbolism', Archiv fur Volkerkunde, (Wien), Vol.9, 1954, pp. 105-6. Also for snakes in African myths see G.Parrinder, African Mythology, Paul Hamlyn, London, 1967, p. 30.

29.Segy, African Sculpture Speaks, p. 77.

30.E.E.Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft. Oracle. and Magic Among The Azande, Oxford University Press, London, 1937, pp. 9-10. He made distinctions between sorcery and wicthcraft.

31.Leuzinger, Art of Black Africa, p. Black Eros, p.108.

32.See Wingert, Negro AfriS1 pp. 31-2.

172; see also de Rachewiltz,

33.See van Gennep, Rites of Passage, pp. 65-115.

34.Parrinder, Traditional Riligion, p. 95.

35.For this operation (ie. Clitoridectomy) see Parrinder, African Traditional Religion, p. 95; de Rachewiltz, Black Eros, p. 24. It is one of the ritual practices that had been unfavourably criticised by anthropologists. Rattray in the 19208 in Northern Ghana said that it was one of the few instances where government should interfere with traditional practice and stop it because of the needless suffering and danger to life caused to young women.

36.See Cornet, Art of Africa, p. Africa, p. 282.

37.Wingert, Negro Africa, p. 47.

48; and Leuzinger, Art of Black

38.R.S.Rattray, Religion and Art in Ashanti, Oxford University Press, London, 1925, p. 113. Most of the drums cited by Rattray were carved in pair to represent the male and female principles of life.

39.Margaret Trowell, Classical African Sculpture, Faber and Faber, London, 1952, pp. 25-30.

40.Ibid., pp. 30-35.

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41.Rattray, Religion and Art, p. 156.

42.Ibid., pp. 156-7.

43.Segy, Africa Sculpture, p. 21.

44. Guillaume , Primitive Sculpture, p. 7.

45.Ibid., p. 3.

46.Kenneth Clark, Last Lectures ]y Roger Fry, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1939, p. 76.

47.Ibid., p. 76.

48.Ibid., p. 76.

49.See Rubin, ed., "Primitivism', p. 74.

50. See H.S.Ede, Savage Messiah, William Heinemann, London, 1930, p. 70.

51.Ibid., p. 213.

52. Haskell , The Sculptor Speaks, pp. 87-8.

53.Ede, Savage Messiah, p. 213.

54.Henri Gaudier-Breska, 'The Vortex', Blast (London), June 1914, pp. 157-8.

55.Henry Moore, 'Primitve Art', The Listener (London), Vol.25, No.641, April 24, 1944, London, p. 598.

56.Ibid., p. 599.

CHAPTER 3.

1.Charles Hunt, 'Africa and Liverpool Museum', African Arts (Los Angeles), Vol.5, No.3, 1972, p. 46.

2.Ibid., p. 46; see also Andrienne L.Kaeppler, 'Cook Voyage of the "Artificial Curiosi ties" of Bullock's Museum', (London), Vol.9, 1974, pp. 68-92.

Provenance ManCN.S. )

3.E.Miller, The Noble Cabinet: A History of the British Museum, Andre Deutsch, London, 1973, p. 221.

4.The curatorial typological indeces of the British, Bristol, Liverpool, Ipswich and other museums with ethnological collections show the names of such people.

5.Nancy Cunard, These Were The Hours, Feffer and Simons, London, 1969, p. 79.

6.Hunt, 'Africa and Liverpool Museum', African Arts, p. 46.

7.See Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher with Alice Denny, Africa and the Victorians, Macmillan, London, 1961, pp. 1-52.

- 228 -

8. Steven Americas: p. 367.

Philips, Arts and Artefacts of the Pacific. Africa and James Hooper Collection, Hutchinson Publishers, London, 1976,

9.See Denise Paul me , African Sculpture, Elek Books, London, 1962, pp.42-2; also see Hunt, 'Africa and Liverpool Museum, African Arts, p. 46.

10.The British Government in the first half of the 19th century sponsored expeditions to the interior of Africa with the objective of geographical studies, thereby opening up the interior as a new line of attack on the slave trade, a possibility of cutting of its supply at the source; and to open up trade relations with some powerful states and kingdoms like the Bushongo, Baluba, and others. The British Government was urged on by the Liverpool merchants. For more information see Margery Perham and J.Simmons, African Discovery. An Anthology, Faber and Faber, London, 1942, pp. 23-33; See also Robert I. Rotberg, Joseph Thompson and the Exploration of Africa, Chatto and Windus, London, 1971, pp. 13ff. See also Robert Thornton, 'Narrative Ethnography in Africa, 1850-1920: The Creation and Capture of An Appropriate Domain for Anthropology', Man(NS) (London), Vol.18, 1983, pp. 502-20.

11.C.Hose, Fifty Years of Romance and Research Or A Jungle Wallah Large, Hutchinson And Company, London, 1927, p. 60.

12.A.C.Haddon, Evolution in Art: As Illustrated Life-Histories of Designs, Walter Scott, London, 1895, p. 2.

13.Alfred Sharpe's collected African carvings were afterwards given to the British Museum. See Alfred Sharpe, 'A Carved Stool adn Other Objects from East Africa', Man (London), Vol.39, No.39, 1901, p. 49. When Anthropology and Ethnography became disciplines collecting of artefacts became an integral part of these disciplines.

14.V.Ebin and D.A.Swallow, "The Proper Study of Mankind ••• " Anthropological Collection of Cambridge, University Archaeology and Anthropology, Cambridge, 1984, p. 34.

15. Andrian Digby, 'Ethnography', in Frank Francis British Museum, Thames and Hudson, London, 1971, p. ed., 105. - great Museum of Treasures of

16.Hunt, 'Africa and Liverpool Museum', African Arts, pp. 46-51.

17.Register of Ethnographic Collection in the U.K., a preliminary survey by the Museum Ethnographers Group in London in 1980. There are few museums in the U.K. which had not been covered by the survey. The copy of this survey was made available to me by Dr.George Bankes of Manchester University Museum, Manchester.

18.Kenneth Clark, Last Lectures Roger Cambridge UniverSity Press, London, 1939, p. xxv.

19.Keith Rober, 'Exhibition of Tribal Sculpture From New Guinea and Africa', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.CVI, No.730, 1964, p. 45. John Russell even criticised the omission of Fry's name at the First International Congress of African Cultures which was held in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia in August 1962. See John Russell, 'The Challenge of African Art: The Lesson of the Salisbury Congress', Apollo (London), Vol.76, No.9, November 1962. p. 697.

- 229 -

20.Denys Sutton, ed., Letters Qf Roger Vol.1, Chatto and Windus, London, 1972, p. 407.

21.R.H.Wilenski,'Exhibition of the Week', The Athenaeum, No.4694, April 16, 1920, p. 517.

22.John Murray, 'Negro Sculpture', The Nation (London), Vol.27, No.641, April 1920, p. 69.

23.L.R.Rogers, Sculpture, Oxford University Press, London, 1969, p. 86; and Elsy Leuzinger, African Sculpture, p. 49.

24.Clark ed., Lectures, p. 83.

25.Ibid., p. 22.

26.See Roger Fry, 'The Art of The Bushmen', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.16, No.84, March 1910, pp. 334-8.

27.See Fry, Vision, p. 86.

28.Lynda Morris, ed., Henry Tonks and the 'Art of Pure', Art Council of Great Britain, London, 1985, pp. 30,33.

29.See Morris, Tonks, p. 48.

30.Fry, Vision, p. 97.

31.Emmanuel Leowy in his Rendering Nature in Early Greek Art, translated by John Fothergill, 1907, discussed the characteristics of the early Greek art in terms of simplification of form and stylization. He drew general parallels between Egyptian, Assyrian, Children's art, and also certain forms of primitive art like the art of the 'Brazilian Savages' and the drawings of the natives of British Guinea. Fry was evidently inlufnced by Leowy.

32.The review was written in two parts and published in the same issue of The Burlington Magazine; see Roger Fry, 'The Munich Exhibition of Mohammedan Art', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.17, No.87, August 1910, pp. 283-90, 327-33.

33.Fry, Vision, p. 107.

34.Ibid, pp. 287 and 88.

35.Frances Spalding, Roger Art and Life, Elek Books, London, 1980. p. 78.

36.Morris, Tonks, p.47.

37.Anonymous Writer, 'Last Phase of Post-Impressionism' The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.20, No.60, March 1908, pp. 272-7.

38.Ibid., p. 375.

39.Maurice Denis's essay 'C:zanne' published in L'Occident (Paris) in September 1907 was translated and published by Fry. See Roger Fry, 'C{zanne -1 By Maurice Denis', The Burlington Magazine (London) , Vol.16, No.28, January 1910, pp. 207-8, 275-80.

- 230 -

40.Ibid., pp. 208-13.

41.Allied Artists Association was formed in 190B in London by Frank Rutter on the lines of the jury-less Salon des Independents in Paris.

42.Micbael Sadler translated Kandinsky's Concerning the Spiritual in Art in 1914.

43.Sutton ed., Letters Vol.1, p. 327.

44.See Spalding, 133; and Desmond MacCarthy, 'Art Quake of 1910', The Listener (London), Vol.XXXVIII, No.83B, 1 February 1945, p. 124.

45.The idea of Manet being the leader of the modern (Cezanne, Gauguin and Van Gogh) was borrowed from the German writer J.Meier-Graefe, Modern Being A Contribution System Aesthetics, 2vols., Willian Heinemann London, 190B, pp. 20B-30; and Vol.II, p.62. Also see Douglas Cooper, Courtauld Collection, The Athlone Press, London, 1954, pp. 50-1.

46.Desmond MacCarthy, 'Art-Quake of 1910', The Listener, 1945, p. 124.

47.William Rothenstein, Men and Memories, Faber and Faber, London, 1931, p. 213.

4B.Virginia Woolf, Roger A Biography, Hogarth Press, London, 1940, p. 154.

49.Alfred Barr Jr., Matisee: His Life and His Public, Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1951, p. 10B.

50.Spalding, 118-9.

51.Joseph Hone, The Life of Henry Tonks, Heinemann Press, London, 1939, p. 102.

52. Paul Nash, Outline: An Autobiography and Other Writings, Faber and Faber, London, 1949, pp. 92-3.

53.Hone, Tonks, p. 102.

54.Fry made this report in a letter which he wrote on 24 November 1912 to his father, see Sutton, Letters, p. 33B.

55. Spalding, 104.

56.W.C.Wees, Vorticism and The English Avant-gardes, University Press, Manchester, 1972, p. 27.

57.Fry, Vision, p. 291. Manchester

5B.Clive Bell, 'How England Met Modern Art' Art News (London), XLIX, October, 1950, p. 26.

59.Isabelle Anscombe, Omega and After, Thames and Hudson, London, 19B1, p. 12.

60.Noel Carrington ed., Mark Gertler. Selected Letters, Hart-David,

- 231 -

London, 1965, p. 47.

61.John Woodeson, Gertler; Biography of Painter, Sidgwick and Johnson, Lodon, 1972, pp. 92-3.

62.Quoted from the exhibition catalogue: Second Post-Impressionist Exhibition, 5 October - 31 December 1912, Grafton Galleries, London, p. 14.

63.Daniel-Henri Kahnweiller, Juan Humphries, London, 1947, p. 9. Gris.

64.Grafton Galleries, Second Post-Impressionist, p. 9.

65.Ibid., p. 12. Lund

66.The 'Philistine' wrote to the editor of the Nation on 8 September 1919. See Osbert Sitwell, Laughter in the Next Room, Macmillan, London, 1949, pp. 343-4.

67.Fry's article, 'Art and Socialism' was reprinted with considerable alterations from H.G.Wells ed., The Great State, Harper and Haper, London, 1912.

68.Woolf, p. Judith Collins, pp. 29-30 173; See also Fry, Vision, pp. 55-76. See also The Omega Workshops, Secker and Warburg, London, 1983,

69.Undated Omega Workshops Catalogue, probably of 1915. Anscombe, Omega, p. 32. See also

70.Undated Omega Catalogue; Anscombe, Omega, p. 39. Fry's enthusiasm for the qualities of African artefacts was demonstrated in his lecture 'Sensibility', given as a Slade Professor at Cambridge in winter of 1933-34. In the lecture Fry compared a slide of an Omega rug with a slide of Negro Textile. See Collins, Omega Workshops, p. 57.

71.Richard Shone, Bloomsbury Portraits, Phaidon Press, Oxford, 1976, p. 82, n10.

72.See Kahnweiller, Juan Gris, p. 75.

73.Duncan Grant visited Leon and Gertrude Stein in 1909 at the rue du Fleurus where he saw and studied some of Picasso's African influence works. The hatched strokes which became Grant's hallmark in the second half of 1913 were inlfuenced by Picasso's works which Grant became acquainted with. Grant acknowledge their importance to his work, especially the Nude with Drapery, 1907 by Picasso. See Richard Shone, Bloomsbury Portraits, Phaidon Press, London, 1976, pp. 57 and 61; also see Collins Omega, pp. 57-9.

74.Ramond Mortimer, Duncan Grant, Penguin Books, Hammondworth, 1944, p. 9.

75.See David Brown's unpublished Letter to Dr. John Golding, November 7, 1975, Witt Library, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, London.

76. Shone, Bloomsbury, p. 105.

- 232 -

77.W.K.Rose ed., The Letters of Wyndham Lewis, Methuen Press, London, 1971, p. 407.

78.See C.R.Nevinson, Painting and Prejudice, Methuen, London, 1937, p. 30; see also Richard Cork, Vorticism and Abstract Art in the First Machine Age, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1976, p. 58.

79.Richard Cork and Jane Farrington have asserted the influence of Les Desmoiselles d'Avignon 1907 by Picasso upon The Theatre Manager 1909 by Lewis. See Cork, Vorticism, pp. 10-11, and Jane Farrington ed., Wyndham Lewis, Lund Humphries, London, 1980, pp. 49-50.

80.Ibid, p. 11, n49.

81.From Modern German Art, Catalogue of and exhibition held at the Twenty-one Gallery, London, Spring 1914.

82.Exhibition Catalogue Group X, Mansard Gallery, London, March 1920, p. 226.

83. Carrington, Letters, p. 85.

84.Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 44.

85.See p. 225.

86.Roger Fry, 'Gaudier-Brzeska' , The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.29, No.161, August 1916, p. 209.

87.Roger Fry, 'Mr. Frank Dobson'S Sculptures', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.XLVI, No.265, April 1925, p. 172.

88.For Fry's numerous visits to France see Spalding,

89. Sutton, Letters, p. 551.

90.Ibid., p. 258.

91.Ibid., p 94.

92.Clive Bell, 'Negro Sculpture', The Athenaeum (London), Vol.11, No.4712, August 20, 1920, p. 247; the same article was also published in the Living Age (London), No.306, 1920. pp. 786-9; and in Art and Decoration (London), Vol.13, August 1920, pp. 178-202.

93.Nancy Cunard, The Hours, p. 80.

94.Moore, Moore, p. 100. See also Elizabeth Cowling, 'The Eskimos, the American Indians and the Surrealists', Art History (London), Vol.1, No.4, p. 487.

95. Sutton, Letters, p. 258.

96.Spalding, 241.

97. Sutton, Letters, p. 366.

CHAPTER - 233 -

1.Wassily Kandinsky, Concerning The Spiritual in Art, M.T.H.Sadler, Constable and Company, London, 1914, pp. J.S.Pierce, Paul Klee Primitive Art, Garland Publishing, p. 4.

2.de Zayas, African Negro Art, p. 5.

translated by 1-2; see also London, 1976,

4.Ibid, pp. 6-39.

5.D-H.Kahnweiller, 'Negro art and Cubism', Horizon (London), Vol.18, No.108, December 1948, p. 413.

6.Kahnweiller published the same article in French: 'L'Art Negre et Ie Cubisme' , Presence Africaine (Paris), Vol.3, 1948, pp. 367-77; and in German: Der Weg zum Kubismus, Stuggart, 1958.

7. Kanhnweiller , 'Negro art', Horizon, p. 419.

8.Ibid., p. 412.

9.For Apollinaire's writing on Matisse see Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 229.

10.See Max Alfert.'Relationship between African Traditional art and Modern Western art', Art Journal, (London), Vol.3, No.4, 1972, p. 393.

11.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 190.

12.John and Vera Russell, 'Conversation with Henry Moore', Sunday Times (London), Vol.XX, No.17, 24 December 1961, p. 26. Also see John Russell, Henry Moore, Allen Lane Press, London, 1968 p. 10

13.See William Fagg, Miniature Carvings, p. 5.

14. Sidney Geist, 'Brancusi I, in Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 348.

15.See Albert Elsen, Origin of Modern Sculpture, Phaidon Press, London, 1974, p. 19. Boccioni's caution was based on the embarassment and fear of the halt of dynamism (ie. movement) in European art which was being inspired by African and Egyptian art. Their static quality was in direct opposition with the Futurist aim of representing speed and dynamism.

16.Bernard van Dieren, Epstein, John Lane Company, London, 1920, p. 13.

17.Ibid., p. 13.

18.Kahnweiller, 'Negro art', Horizon (London), p. 416.

19.5ee Wilkinson, 'Paris and London: Modigliani, Lipchitz, Epstein and Gaudier-Brzeska', in Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 262.

20.See Alfred H. Barr, Picasso: Modern Art, New York, 1946, pp.

.5Q Years of His Art, 256-7.

The Museum of

21.See J.B.Donne, 'African Art and Paris Studios 1905-20', in Michael Greenhalgh and Vicent Megaw eds., Art in Society: Studies in Style and

- 234 -

Culture and Aesthetics, Gerald Duckworth, London, 1978, p. Barr, Picasso, pp. 256-7. 106; and

22. Donne , 'African art and Paris Studios 1905-20', in Greenhalgh and Megaw, eds. Art in Society, p. 105-20.

23.W.C.Wee, Vorticism, p. 10; also see Douglas Collection, The Athlone Press, London, 1954, p. Cooper, The Courtauld 36.

24.Ian Dunlop, The Shock of the New: Seven Historical. Exhibitions of Modern Art, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, 1972, p. 123.

25.Virginia Woolf, 109.

26.See Cork, Vorticism, p. 4.

27Ibid., p. 4.

28.See Charles Harrison, English Art and Modernism 1900-1939, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1981, p. 35; see also Spalding, Fry, p. 20.

29.Frank Rutter, Art in My Time, Richard and Cowan, London, 1933, p. 134.

30.Cooper, Courtauld Collection, p. 50.

31.John Rothenstein, British Art Since j2QQ, Phaidon Press, London, 1962, p. 19.

32.See Susan Compton, ed., British Art in 20th Century: The Modern Movement, Prestel, Munich, 1986, p. 10.

33.Ibid., p. 10.

34.Wyndham Lewis, Group X, Mansard Gallery, London, 1920, p. 226.

35.See Rothenstein, British Art, p. 32. Also see Exhibition catalogue: Modern Sculpture from Joseph H.Hirshborn Collection, The Solomon R. Guggenhein Museum, New York, 1962, p. 140.

36.See Simon Wilson, 'Jacob Epstein, Pioneer of Modern Sculpture the early Years' in Makers of Modern Cultures, edited Justin Wintle, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1981, p. 158.

37.Epstein, An Autobiography, p.22.

38. Rothenstein, British Art, p. 31.

39.Goldwater, Primitivism, p. 105.

40.Ibid., p. 89.

41.Ibid., p.89.

42.See E. Kaplan and Susan Manso, eds. Major European Art Movements 1900-1945. A Critical Anthology, E.P.Dutton, New York, 1977, p. 65.

43.Goldwater, Primitivism, pp. 106 and 108.

- 235 -

44.Ibid., p. 108.

45.L.D.Ettlinger, 'German Expressionism and Primitive Art', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.CX, No.781, 1968, p. 192.

46.Ibid., p. 195.

47.Ibid., p. 199.

48.See Rubin, ed.,"Primitivism", p. 369.

49.Ibid., p. 369.

50.Ibid., p. 369.

51.Goldwater, Primitivism, pp. 143-6.

52.Ibid., p. 154.

53.Ettlinger, 'German Expressionism', The Burlington Magazine, 1961, p. 191. Ettlinger qouted John Golding, Cubism.! History and Analysis 1907-1914, Faber and Faber, London, 1959, p. 57.

54.Maria E.Allentuck, John Graham'S System of Dialectics in Art, Johns Hopkins Press, London, 1971, p. 168.

55.Ettlinger, 'German Expressionism', The Burlinton Magazine, 1968, p. 192.

56.Gaudier-Brzeska, 'Vortex', Blast 1, p. 158.

57. Haskell , The Sculptor Speaks, p. 76.

58.Epstein, An Autobiography, pp. 112.

59.Mark Batten, Stone Sculpture Direct Carving, Alec Taranti, London, 1957, p. 13.

60.Malcolm York, Eric Gill: Man of Flesh and Spirit, Constable, London, 1981, p. 200.

61.Simon Wilson, British Art From Holbein to the Present Day, Tate Gallery, London, 1979, pp. 132-3.

62.Ibid., pp. 132-3.

CHAPTER 2

1.The cartoon of Adrian Allison was published in the November 1914 issue of Colour and other writers to cite it inlcude Sandy Naire and Nicholas Serota, eds., British Sculpture in 20th Century, Whitechapel Art Gallery, London, 1981, p. 58; and Cork, Vorticism, p. 458.

2.Evelyn Silber, The SculptUre Qf Epstein with Complete Catalogue, Phaidon, Oxford, 1986, p. 25.

3. Haskell , The Sculptor Speaks, p. 30.

- 236 -

4.Ibid., p. 89.

5.Jacob Lipchitz, Primitive Art From the Lipchitz Collection, Museum of Primitive Art, New York, 1960. p. 7.

6.See Carl Einstein, Negerplastik, Verlag Der Weissen Bucher, Leipzig, 1915; Plates 42, 81, 84, 85, 86, and 87 reveal sculptures from New Guinea but are shown as African sculptures. Of the 111 illustrations shown in the book none was accompanied with geographical identification or museum location.

7.For illustrations see William Fagg, 'Two Early Masks from the Dan Tribe in The British Museum', Man (London), Vol.LV, No.175, November 1955, pp. 161-2.

8.See Rubin, ed., "Primitivism", p. 3, notes 11 and 12.

9. Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 217.

10.Haskell, The Sculptor Speaks, p. 88.

11.Ibid., p. 92.

12.Ibid., p.90.

13.Ibid., p. 90.

14.See Epstein, There Be Sculpture, Michael Joseph, London, 1940, p. 216; The 'Brummer Head' was a Fang sculpture, which was named after the owner Joseph Brummer, who was a dealer of African sculpture in Paris from 1910 to the 1920s. Epstein bought this piece in 1935 in Paris from another dealer.

15.Ibid., p.216.

16.Ibid., p.216.

17.Ibid., p. 219.

18.Haskell, the Sculptor Speaks, p. 89.

19.Ibid., p. 92.

20. Mr. Malcolm McLeod, the Director of the Museum of Mankind in London, and author of two books on African and primitive Sculptures, has been compiling a catalogue of Epstein's tribal art collection since I visited him in his office in London in 1985.

21.According to the date of Rene Gimpel's record in his diary of 1935 published in 1966, Epstein should be in his mid-fifties and not 60s as Gimpel might have thought. See Rene Gimpel, Diary of an Art Dealer, translated from the French by John Rothenstein, with an introduction by Sir Herbert Read, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1966, p. 433.

22. Gimpel , Diary, p. 433.

23.Author in conversation with Mr Malcolm McLeod in June 1985 in London.

24.See Boris de Rachewiltz, Introduction to African Art, translated by

- 237 -

Peter Whigman, John Murray, London, 1960, p. 140.

25.See Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 432; and Silber, Jacob Epstein, p. 25.

26.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 215.

27.See Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 432.

28.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 215.

29.As in n.23.

30.As in n.23.

31.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 189.

32.As in n.23.

33.As in n.23.

34.H.S.Ede, Savage Messiah, William Heinemann, London, 1931, p. 206.

35.Henry Moore, Henry Moore at the British Museum, British Museum Publications, London, 1981, p. 10.

36.Richard Buckle, Epstein, Edinburgh Festival Society, Edinburgh, 1981, no page.

37.Francis Halliday and John Russell, Matthew Smith, George Allen and Urwin, London, 1962, p. 14.

38.Ibid., p.14.

39.Noel Carrington ed., Mark Gertler, Rubert Hart-Dans, London, 1963, p. 43.

40.Henry Moore and John Hedgecoe, Henry Moore, Ideas, Inspiration and Life as an Artist, Ebury Press, London 1986, p. 49.

41.Haskell, The Sculptor Speaks, p. 94.

42.Ibid., p. 95.

43.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 52.

44.Ibid., p. 52.

45.Ibid., p. 192.

46.Haskell, The Sculptor Speaks, p. 19.

47.See Denise Hooker, Nina Hamnett: Queen of Bohemia, Constable, London, 1986, p. 36.

48.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 18.

49.See Jane Beckett, 'Cubism and Sculpture in England Before the First World War', in Sandy Nainre and Nicholas Serato, eds., British Sculpture

- 238 -

in the 20th Century, London, 1981, p. 58.

50. Robert Goldwater, Primitivism in Modern Art, Vintage Books, New York, 1938, p.239.

51.Evelyn Silber, Rebel Angel. Sculpture and Watercolours Sir Jacob Epstein, Birmingham Museum and Gallery, Birmingham, 1980, p. 15.

52. Richard Buckle Jacob Epstein. Sculptor, Faber and Faber, London, 1963, p. 42.

53. Richard Buckle, Introduction to Epstein Drawings with Notes Lady Epstein, Faber and Faber, London, 1962, p. 10.

54. Richard Cork, Vorticism and Abstract Art in The First Machine Age, Gordon Fraser Gallery, London, 1976, p. 115.

55.A.G.Wilkinson, Gauguin To Moore. Primitivism In Modern Sculpture, Art Gallery of OntariO, OntariO, 1981, p. 168.

56.Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 430.

57.Ibid., p. 431.

58. Charles Harrison, English Art and Modernism 1900-1939, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1981, p. 82.

59. Haskell , The Sculptor Speaks, p. 13.

60.See Buckle, Introduction to Epstein Drawings, p. 5.

61.See reproductions in the Christies Sales Catalogue 1961, Plate 14, figs.73 and 74.

62.The date designated to this drawing in the Epstein File in the Witt Library, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, London, is 1918 and was supposed to be drawn in Paris. Since Epstein was not in Paris in 1918. Dr. Evelyn Silber pointed out to me that the dating was subjective. However, according to my own view, the drawing could have been done earlier, probably between 1908 and 1910 in London.

63.A.G.Wilkinson for example compared the Sunflower with several African sculptures without explaining whether Epstein had ever seen the later works. See Rubin, ed., "Primitivism", pp. 430-1.

64.See Buckle, Jacob Epstein, p. 42.

65.Ibid., P 42.

66.Epstein,An Autobiography, p. 49.

67.Ibid., p. 49.

68.William Fagg, 'Introduction', Catalogue of Exhibition of Epstein Collection of Tribal and Exotic Sculptures Arts Council of Great Britain. 1960, no page.

69. Haskell , The Sculptor Speaks, p. 106.

- 239 -

70.Ibid., p. 92.

71.Epstein, An Autobiography, pp. 46-47.

72.Ibid., p. 47.

73.Goldwater, Primitivism, p. 236.

74.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 49.

75.Sidney Geist, Brancusi, Studio Vista, London, 1968, p. 149; also see Ionel Jianou, Brancusi, Adams Book, London, 1963, p. 68.

76.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 49.

77.Ibid., p. 189.

78.Ibid., p. 251.

79.Alfred Werner, Modigliani the Sculptor, Golden Griffin Books, New York. 1962. p. xxiv.

80.John Tancock, 'Primitivism in Modern Sculpture', The Burlington Mgazine, (London), Vol.CXXIV, No.948, March 1982, p. 195.

81.The term 'eroticomechanical movement' is borrowed from Octavo Paz who used it in describing the Marcel Duchamp's work. See Kaplan and Manso, eds., Maior Art Movements 1900-1945, p. 376. For similar observations in the works of Francis Pacibia and Duchamp see Robert Hughes, The Shock of the New Art and The Century of Change, British Broadcasting Corporation, London, 1980, p. 48.

82.Roger Fry, Transformations. Critical And Speculative Essays on Art, Chatto and Windus, London, 1926. p. 141.

83.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 60.

84.T.E.Hulme, Speculations, Essays on Humanism and The Philosophy of Art, Routledge And Kegan Paul, London, 1924, p. 81.

85.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 130.

86.Ibid., p. 140.

87.Ibid., p. 140.

CHAPTER Q

1.See Kaplan and Manso, eds., Maior Art Movements, p. 77.

2.See Roger Fry, tGaudier-Brzeska', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.29, No.161, August 1916, p. 209; and Ezra Pound, Gaudier-Brzeska: A MemOir, John Lane, London, 1916. Also see Richard Cork, Henri Gaudier and Ezra Pound: A Friendship, Anthony d'Offay Gallery, London, 1982, p. 9.

3.See H.S.Ede, Savage Messiah, William Heinemann, London, 1931, p. 28.

- 240 -

4.See Roger Cole, Burning Gaudier-Brzeska, Phaidon, Messiah, pp. 15 and 69.

5.Cole, Burning to Speak, p. to Speak: The Life and Art of Henri Oxford, 1978, p. 12; also see Ede, Savage 21.

6.Dr.Uhlemayr was responsible for organising Gaudier-Brzeska's travelling scholarships in 1909, Gaudier-Brzeska stayed with him in April 1909 at Nuremberg. He became Gaudier-Brzeska's patron and confidant, in Nuremberg. Gaudier-Brzeska continually corresponded with him for a long period. See Cole Burning to Speak, pp. 11-13, 17, 21-2, 28, 29, 77.

7.Cole Burning To Speak, p. 21.

8.Epstein, An Autobiography, p. 45. See also Cork Vorticism, p. 169.

9.Miss Sophie Brzeska was a Polish woman of 38 whom Gaudier befriended. They both came to in London in 1911. Since they were not married Gaudier added her surname to his to avoid scandals and to suggest that they were brother and sister.

10.See Ede, Savage MeSSiah, pp. 212-213.

11.ibid., p. 50.

12.Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, 'The Vortex', Blast i, 20 June 1914, p. 156.

13. Ibid. ,p. 158.

14.Archer and Melville, 40,000 Years, p. 19.

15.Gaudier-Brzeska's works exhibited at the Allied Artists Exhibition are Oiseau de Feu 1912,(Rodin style), Wrestler 1913 (Maillol style), Madonna 1912 (Rodin style), Haldane MacFa11 1912 (Rodin style), Horace Brodzky 1913 (Cubist style) and Alfred Wolmark 1913 (Cubist style). See Cole, Burning to Speak, p. 38, and Cork, Vorticism, p. 171 and n.104.

16.Ede, Savage MeSSiah, p. 247.

17.Jeremy Lewison ed., Henri Gaudier-Brzeska 1891-1915, Kettle's Yard, Cambridge University, 15th October - 20th November 1983, p. 47.

18.Ibid., p. 47.

19.Ezra Pound, 'The New Sculpture', The Egoist (London), 16 February 1914, pp. 67-8.

20.Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, 'The New Sculpture', The Egoist (London), 16 March 1914, p. 117-8.

21.See Ede, Savage MeSSiah, p. 256.

22. Harrison , English Art, p. 177.

23.Edward Fry, 'Cubism As A StylistiC and Historical Phenomenon', in Kaplan and Manso, eds., Major European Art Movements, pp. 109, 110-111.

24.See Cole, Burning to Speak, p. 30.

- 241 -

25.Letter from Gaudier-Brzeska to Sophie Brzeska written on Monday 25 November 1912; see Ede, Savage Messiah, p. 206.

26.See Horace Brodzky, Henri Gaudier-Brzeska 1891-1915, Faber and Faber, London, 1917, p. 56.

27.Ibid., p. 130.

28.Anton Ehrenzweig, The Hidden Order of Art, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, 1967, pp. 130-1.

29.Gaudier-Brzeska could have been inspired by a strange concept as Kenneth Clark observes: "The vulva, like the phallic may be worn as an amulet usually as a lozenge ••• ". See Clark, The Nude, p. 344. The erotic symbolism of geometric shapes in some African tribal customs are discussed by Boris de Rachewiltz in his Black Eros.

30.Cork, Vorticism, p. 88.

31.See Brodzky, Gaudier-Brzeska, p. 90.

32.Ibid., p. 130.

33.Nina Hamnett, Laughing Torso, Constable and Company, London, 1932, p. 41

34.Cork, Vorticism, p. 182.

35.See Brodzky, Gaudier-Brzeska, p. 62.

36.Ede, Savage MeSSiah, p. 141.

37.Ezra Pound, Gaudier-Brzeska MemOir, The Marvell Yorkshire, 1960, p. 40. Press, East

38.Winifred Gill, 'Gaudier-Brzeska', A Foggot of Verses: Poems Five Women, London, 1930, p. 55.

39.See Ede, Savage Massiah, p. 269.

40.Letter to Mrs Bevan, 12.11.1914, Private collection and unpublished; Letter to Wadsworth, 14.2.1915, Private collection and unpublished. Also see Cole, Burning to Speak, p. 42.

41.See Cole, Burning to Speak, p. 133.

42.Ibid., p. 112.

CHAPTER I

1.See John Piper, 'Michael Sadler: Friend and Encourager' in Michael Sadleir, Michael Ernest Sadler <Sir Michael Sadler K.C.S.I.)1861-1943, Constable and Company London, 1949. p. 397. See also Hilary Diaper, 'The New Spirit', The New Spirit. Patrons. Artists and The University of Leeds in the 20th Century, Exhibition Catalogue, University Gallery, Leeds. February 1986. p. 3.

2.Sadleir, Sir Michael Sadler, p. 397.

- 242 -

3.See Donald Hall, Henry Moore, The Life and Work of Great Sculptor, Harper and Rows, New York, 1966, p. 42.

4.See John Russell, Henry Moore, Allen Lane Press, London. 1968. p.

6. Also see Geoffrey Gregory, Henry Moore, Penguin Books, Middlesex. 1943. pp. 5-6.

5.By 1932 Sadler had a collection of masks, wooden bowls, figures and what not, from the Ivory Coast, Sudan, Gabon, Nigeria, etc. His interest in African art led him to the membership of an official committee concerned with native art in West Africa. See Sadleir, Sir Michael Sadler, p. 388-9.

6.Henry Moore, Henry Moore at the British Museum, British Museum Publications, London, 1981, p. 7.

7.See Frances Spalding, British Art Since 1900, Thames and Hudson, London. 1986. p. 62.

8.See Fry, Vision. p. 101.

9.The illustration of Seated Female Figure Baule, Ivory Coast, is a photograph of an African sculpture from Paul Guillaume's collection in Paris.

10.Moore, Moore at the British Museum. p. 10.

11.See A.G.Wilkinson, The Drawings of Henry Moore, Art Gallery of Toronto, Toronto, 1977, p. 147; and Will Grohman, The Art of Henry Moore, Harry N.Abrams, New York, 1960, p. 15.

12.See Philip James ed., Henry Moore on Sculpture, MacDonald, London, 1966, p. 49.

13.Gaudier-Brzeska, in Blast 1. p. 156.

14. See Russell, Moore, p. 7.

15.The books of Carl Einstein and Ernst Fuhrmann were in German which Moore could not read but the several illustration of African and other Primitive arts were significant to Moore in studying sculpture. See Carl Einstein, Negerplastik, Verlag Der Weissen Bucher, Leipzig, 1915; and Ernst Fuhrmann, Afrika, George Muller, Munchen. 1922.

16.See Jazzaro D.di San, ed., Homage to Henry Moore: the XXe Siecle, Tridor Publishing Company. New York. Special 1972. Issue Q( p. 21.

17.Moore began to write on sculpture in 1930 and his First publication was an untitled article in Architects' Association Journal (London), Vol.XLV, 1930. pp. 408-13.

18.Gaudier-Brzeska in Blast 1. pp. 155. Gaudier-Brzeska stated that the sculptural energy was a mountain and sculptural feeling was the appreCiation of masses and planes in relation; while Moore wrote that the sculpture which moved him most gave out 'something of the energy and power of great mountain'.

19.5ee Henry Moore, 'Primitive Art', The Listener (London), Vol.25, No.641, 24 April 1941. p. 598.

- 243 -

20.Ibid., p. 598.

21.Ibid., p. 598.

22.Henry Moore, 'The Sculptor Speaks', The Listener, Vol.28, No.449, 18 August 1937, p. 338.

23.See Hall, Moore, p. 53. and Hudson, London, 1968, p.

See also John Hedgecoe, Henry Moore, Thames 40.

24.See Grohman, The Art of Moore, p. 15; also see Hedgecoe, Henry Moore. p. 45. See the Bibliography of this thesis for Underwood's publications on African sculpture.

25.See Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 603

26. Moore , 'The Sculptor Speaks', The Listener, p. 338

27.See Hedgecoe, Henry Moore p. 55.

28.Ibid., p. 45.

29.Ibid., p. 49.

30.Ibid., p. 45.

31.A letter from Henry Moore to Jocelyn Horner written on 29 October 1921. Bequested by Miss Jocelyn Horner in 1973 to the Henry Moore Centre for the Study of Sculpture, Leeds City Art Gallery, Leeds.

32.See Moore, Moore at the British Museum, p. 7-16.

33.See Nairne and Serota, eds., British Sculpture, p. Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 596.

34.James ed., Henry Moore on Sculpture, p. 49.

35.Moore, Moore at the British Museum, p. 7.

37.Ibid., pp. 94-6.

38.Ibid., p. 104.

39.Ibid., p. 96.

40.Ibid., p. 101.

41.Ibid., p. 7.

42.See Clark, Last Lectures, p. 80.

104. Also see

43.Alan G. Wilkinson testified that Henry Moore had a personal copy of Ernst Fuhrmann's Reich der Inka, of 1922, in 1928. The Inca pot was published in this book as p1.15. See Rubin "Primitiyism", p. 600.

44.Moore, Moore at the British Museum, p. 11.

- 244 -

45.Moore 'The Sculptor Speaks', The Listener (London), Vol.28, No.449, 18 August 1937, p. 340.

46.Ibid., p. 40.

47.See Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 596.

48.Henry Moore, 'On Sculpture and Primitive Art', in Robert L.Herbert ed., Modern Artists on Art: Ten Unabridged Essays, Prentice-Hall, Incorporated, New Jersey, 1964. p. 139.

49.See Rubin ed., "Primitivism", p. 456-9. 596; and Cork, Vorticism, pp.

50.Moore, Moore at the British Museum, p. 96.

51.Ibid., p. 104.

52.Ibid., p. 104.

53.For illustrations of some African sculptures seen at the exhibition by Moore and information, see The Sphere, Vol.XCVII, No.1278, 19 July 1924, pp. 90-1.

54. The round forms in Maternity 1924 by Henry Moore reflects Frank Dobson's influence.

55.Moore, Moore at The British Museum, p. 10.

CONCLUSION

1.Claude Levi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology, trans. and B.G.Schoel, London, 1965, pp. 101-2

2.Ibid., pp. 101-2; and Rubin, "Primitivism", pp. 5-6. by C.Jacobsen

3.Joseph Herman, 'The Modern Artists in Modern Society' in Michael Greenhalgh and Vicent Megaw eds., Art in Society: Studies in Style. Culture and Aesthetics, Duckworth Press, London, 1978, p. 130.

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AN ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE OF PRIMITIVE ART 1900

The catalogue classifies the items according to their regions and briefly describes them giving their sizes and prices. The catalogue enables us to compare the prices of African sculpture at the beginning of the century in Britain with the prices quoted nowadays in the Sales Catalogues of Christies and other dealers. This reveals the soaring trend of the aesthetic value of African sculpture and how well it fits into the contemporary history of art in Britain in terms of aesthetic and monitary values.

The plates (ie. I to VIII) in this appendix reproduce the front and back covers, African section and the price list of the items of An Illustrated Sales Catalogue Primitive art printed and distributed in 1900 by the dealer W.D.Webster of Bicester, Oxon.

I
APPENDIX
- 246 -
... .,. , . '. . '::' t,) ; PLATE
1 l' --"- --,..,._ -"'!"'--r. ;,>0(
(Front
Cover)

CATALOGUE No. 25.

Elaborately carved wood ma5k ornamented with birds, &c, aboYl-, decorated in red, black and white, inches high '"

Elaborately carved wood idol in the mouth of a fish, the tail of whIch holds the evil eye, decorated in blue, black and white, 44 inches high

Elaborately carved wood hird holding in its beak a snake, decorated in red, black and white, 9i inches high, 30} inches wide

Elaborately carved wood mask with a bird above, decorated in red, black and white, 22 inches high , .,. ,

Carved wood ornament in the form of an eye, by 3i inches

Elaborately carved wood mask in the form of a boar's head, decorated in red, black and white, I9j inches high

Dancing ma.sl made of cane, fibre and cloth, unusual type

from a temple, representing nine masks and .. decorated in nrious c01ours, 4 I inches high, 12 inches wide ,.,

Carved wood figure standing on a mask; rising from his head are five_ cobras' heads and on his breast is a. child; the dress is oflnstre glass beads;

covered wilb skin, bone, teeth, and metal eyes, partly coloured black .: at base is a canework flange, II inches high , (ASHANTEE) Carved wood mask decorated in red, black and white, 10 inches high (NIGER PROTECTORATE)

21 (93 2 9) 22 (9334) 28 (9337) 24 (93 26 ) 25 (9343 A ) 26 (93 2 5) 27 (9339) :£EYLON. ,'.,;:. -: ":'0:--,: <! : 19 (9724-) AFRICA. 11 ins .4 (883 1 ) 85 (9345) 86 (79So) 87 ( 882 9) 88 (9 6 3 I ) 89 (934-4) 40 (8S64)
£. .r. d, 7 10 0 [; 10 0 8 10 0 8 10 0 0 7 6 i 0 0 ;4 4 0 :;::.:.:,,!
••. ".-:5 -:0 0
with its head
in various colours, 44 inches high 6 0 0 Carved wood fetish
Can'ed wood figure, lIt inches high (WEST COAST) 8 8 o o 17 6 1 10 0 Carved wood figure with movable joints, pounding corn, decorated in black and white, 13 inches high (NIGER PROTECTORATE) 1 15 0 Carved wood figure, I I inches high (WEST COAST) 1 10 0 Carved wood double mask, ",ith canework flange at base, partly coloured black,.12 inches high (NIGER PROTECTORATE) 2 2 0 Carved wood ceremonial staff, ornamented 'with a double·mask at top, inches high ... PROTECTORATE) 8 3.0 Caned wood figure, inches high 1 5 0 Idol of wood and plaster in which is embedjed several DO:;'T tusks, dt'corated in rtoJ :md black, I inche, hi,:h 5 0 0 Carved wood fifure standins in a creSCent, p3.;,ly coL-nlTed bJJck. I S inches high (\']: l:F l'Rc'Th-Wnn'! 2 2 0 39 PLATE II
on side of mask is a chlld ; from the back of each rises a cobra
protmding over the back of the figure, de::orated
mask

CATALOGUE No. 25.

Can'ed wood figure decnrated in Llack :1nd white, 161 inches high (\\-EST CC1.\C;T)

C:1 r n:o wood figure, 13 inches high (\\"I:.n COAST)

1 arge carved wood female figure ",earing a grass dress, 57 inches high (ASHANIEE)

Carved -.-ood fetish ortl.1mented with two masks coloured black, :md a cane-work base, 30! inehes high (NIGER PROTECTORATE)

Carved ..-ood figure wearing a cowrie shell necklet, decorated in red, bb.ck and ..-hile., 241 inches high 000 '00 000 (LoBO)

I..3rge canoed wood drum covered ith skin, ,,-hich is fastened with cane and tightened with wood wedt;es, 48 inches high, 14i inches diameter

1:': i' ?' (" F: 41 42 43 44 405 48 47 41
Q ) (SOOI)
(;lJ9
(9 63(.) (8835) (7974) (88n) (Q-,80) (8006)
Carved ..-ood m3sk, coloured bl3ck, 91 by 8
(NIGER PROTECTOILHE)
Luge carved ",ood figure, 65 inches high 00_ (ASHANTEE)
inches
(EQUATORIAL AntICA) .£ s_ d_ 1 10 0 1 10 0 7 10 0 8 10 0 8 0 0 1 15 0 t 10 0 5 0 0
EOUS. 49 (7988) Carved soapstone Buddha, 4t inches high (CHINA) 1 0 0 60 (9420) Bronze Buddha, 5i inches high .0. (INDIA) 0 10 0 61 (7986) Canoed wood Buddha decorated in gold and colours, inches bli!;b ,. (INDIA) 0 15 052 (799 0 ) 58 .(798 7) 54 (8968) 56 (19B 1 ) 58 57 (798 9) 51 (8967) 59 (9·P9) 60 (548 5) 61 (89 6 !) 63 (6675) 64 (54 8z ) 65 (79 8 3) 66 (i99 I) Two c.irved wood figures, male and fc!male., decorated in yellow and black, 5 inches high (WEST AFlUCA) t 5 0 Carved white stone Buddha, 6! inches high (RANGOON) 0 10 Carved wood figure decorated in gold and colours, lSi inches high-::'-_ 17.,. Carved wood Buddha, partly gilt, loi iriches'high do. 8 do. .• 00 lli';.t: do. 9-l do. 1,5'ji '-t • Carved wood figure decorated in gold and colours, 8 inches high (Clmu) 0 1"7 • -:' Gilt bronze Buddha on stand,7! im hes high (hinIA) 0 17 i Carved wood Buddha, partly gilt, I6i inches high (EURMAH) 1 5 0 Carved wood figure decorated in gold and colours, 13k inches high (CHINA) 1 0 0 Carved. wood figure decorated in gold and colours, 13 inches high (CHINA) 1 5 0 Carved wood idol, 13 inches high... (LET!) 1 10 0 Caryed stone idol, 131 inches high Can'ed white stone Buddha, 9 inches high Canoed white stone reclining Buddha, on a inche s high, inches long 40 PLATE III 1 10 0 0 10 0 carved wood st.1nQ, 9t (RA1\GOON) 500
"'-MISCELLAN

CATALOGUE No. 25.

wood Buddha, 30 inches high

white stone Buddha, Z5 inches high (RANGOON)

67 (i9 84) 68 (95:9) 69 ( 86 4 6 ) 70 ( 86 5 1 ) 71 ( 86 47) 72 (9S30) 73 (8843) 74 (7993) 75 (7994) AFRICA. 76 (83 z6 ) )to 77 ( 882 3) 78 (6S7 8) 79 {8S6S)
Carved stone Buddha. I:?! inches high £ s, d. (RA!,Goos) 0 15 0 ElaboratelY carved stune idol taken from the Temple of Halabeide; 13J inches high... (SonHER!' INDIA) 3 3 0 Brass coffee pot, 14 inches high ,. (ABYSSINIA) 1 0 0 Bishop\ cro\\'n of gilt brass set with \'arious pieces of coloured glass and ornamented with small bells, 14 inches high, This specimen and Nos. 69 and 7 [ were brought home by the Rev. E. Goodhart, who was chaplain of the forces in the Abyssinian War ". (ABYSSINIA) 5 0 0 Brass coffee pot, lOt inches high... (ABYssINlA)" tOO Elaborately carved stone idol taken from the Temple of Halabeide,
st inches high ... (SOt:THERN INDIA) Gilt bronz.e
high ••• (bmIA) Carved
Carved
Sword with wood handle and engraved steel blade, full length 231 inches, blade 16t by 4l inches... (CENTRAL AFRICA) Carved wood mask decorated in black and white, si by 4l inches (NIGER PROTECTORATE) Hom snuff bottle, 4i inches high (KAFFUt) 5 5 0 6 10 0 4 4 0 2 2 0 o 15 0 150 076 Cross-bow of wood, 46 by 141- inches (FA..'l COUNTRY) 1 5 080 (7181) Wood pillow, 16 inches long, 4 inches high '" (NYA¥-NYAll) 0 12 6 81 (8176) Wood with the bowl lined with metal ,LFFllt.) 0 7 6 .it 8t::.·lS724) Carved wood staff ornamented with a figure, 19 inches long -::; 1: 0 0 ': mf' (8312) Assegaiwith steel head. full length 63incbes, head loi ... ,'ii " -, .', .:. :.:' 10- 0 '}97 62 )_ .2 , - ", ,- leaves. 13t:br -4 inches .c•• :: ___ -:_ __ • - 5 0. (6733) Pipe with wh-e andiron inches lOng •.. •.• .,. ••• ..• (CO!iGO) 0 15 0 87 (6329) Sword with broad two-edged blade and brass handle, sheath of leather with engraved metal mounts, full length 38 inches (SoUDAN) SI {9763} Horn spoon ornamented with iron rings, 9! inches long 8t (8903) Assegai with engraved iron head, full length 641 inches, head 13t inches 90 (8327) Sword with steel blade and ivory handle, fun length zli inches, blade 220 010 0 o 10 0 17i by 31 inches (CONGO) 1 10 0 91 (8325) Sword with engraved steel blade and 'l';ood handle bound with copper, full length 221 inches, blade Ii by z! inches (CONGO) 0 17 6 41 PLATE IV
J
Buddha, Z31 incbes
(BUDUH)
No. 25. 92 (8177) Wood pipe, lOt inches long £ s. d. (KAFFIR) 0 4 0 93 (S6oj) Wood spoon wIth burnt decoration, 12i inches long (OLD CALAolIAR) 0 2 0 94 (8-129) BattJe axe with iron head and wood haft, 30t inches long (BASUTOS) 0 10 0 95 with wood handle and steel blade, sheath of hide decorated in black, full length 211 inches, blade Ii by Ii inches ... (ANGOLA) 0 15 0 TAHITI. 810 0 "'".: 96 (8528) Adze with stone head and wood haft, bead 4t by Ii inches 97 (8530) do. do. 91 by 21 indles 4 10 '0 MANGAIA. 98 (942i) Ceremonial adze with stone head and !indy carved wood haft, head 1 by 21 inches, full length zo! inches . ", .... ... - ..."C::' I 1& -0 100 (9426) - :,,, Ceremor:iaI adze with stone hea.d and finely carved wood haft, head 61 by 2t mches, fulllenglh zd Inches '" "_a Ceremonial adze with stone head and finely carved wood haft, head 6 by 2 inches, full length 28:1 inches MARQUISAS. 518 -0 101 (8.H4) Waist band composed of thirty-three white shells bound to a strip of bark with sinnet... .., .., J Hl _0 GREENLAND.- .;., -_.o 12 • 102 (8534) Snow spectacles made of wood t 08 (8S0I) Spear head made of two pieces of bone, 161 inches long 1M (941:,8) ,Bone spear head copper, 6f inches long.::' .. j Oi -c: Barbed mw: groo>ed spear bead;·· tipped :' slate __ •• :: - .: 108 1rith bone bead arid drift 1t'oOdlliaft 1ea.thered--at o'llPl ' .', _.:'. "_ 51 inches, length 22 inches - '" -, 109 (8764) Arrow with bone head and drift wood ·shaft feathered at end, head 5 inches. length 28 inches - - ..• 0 6 • 110 (3165) Arrow with bone head and drift wood shaft feathered at end, head 6 inches, length 30i inches 0 6 0 MALAY ARCHIPELAGO. 111 (1000) Kris with carved wood handle and waved steel blade, full length· 18i inches 0 15 0 112 (8886) Kris with carved; wood handle and waved steel blade, full length T9 inches. -. 0 15 0 42 PLATE V
CATALOGUE
PLATE VI i I
.\FRIC\ PLATE VII
PLATE VIII (Back Cover)

CHRONOLOGY OF EXHIBITIONS OF AFRICAN ART IN BRITAIN FROM 1887 TO THE PRESENT DAY

This chronology is compiled from sales and exhibition catalogues and reviews from various periodicals. It is difficult to establish the precise dates of all the exhibitions because in many cases catalogues were printed in very limited numbers and distributed to selected people. It is difficult to trace such catalogues, whilst in other cases no catalogues were printed at all. The chronology indicates the rate at which African sculpture has been exposed to the British artists and public in the attempt to re-evaluate it, and the continuity of its appreciation since the 1880s to afforded the artists, critics study African art at first hand. the present day. These exhibitions and the public a unique opportunity to Some of the exhibitions combined modern British or European works and African art and these demonstrate the impact of African sculpture on modern art and reveal the harmonious marriage of aesthetic ideas of the two traditions.

This chronology is not exhaustive, for a few exhibitions could escape the notice of the author. The ten years gap between 1909 and 1920 noticed in the chronology indicates that there was apparently no exhibition of African art in Britain at this period. This could be due to the anger and hostilities among the art loving world against the art of non-European traditional forms, which was aroused by the Post-Impressionist Exhibitions of 1910 and 1912. However, the effort of Fry, Clive Bell and a few critics in promoting this art after the two exhibitions brought a better understanding of African art. This began to manifest at the beginning of the early 1920s when exhibitions of African art were enthusiastically resumed.

II
APPENDIX
- 247 -

1887.

London Colonial Exposition. Imperial Institute, London. All objects of material culture from various regions including African sculpture were exhibited. The exhibition was basically ethnographically oriented. Robert Goldwater pointed out that the works were exhibited in confusion. (See Robert Goldwater, Primitivism in Modern Art. 1938, p. 247)

1898 (June).

and Exhibition

Ethnographical Specimens Prehistory and Other Antiques, Oxford House, Bicester. Illustrated catalogue was printed and distributed by the dealer W.D. Webster.

1900 (April)

Shows and Sales of Ethnographical Specimens from New Zealand, New Ireland, Ceylon, Africa, Tahiti, Mangala, Marquisas, Greenland and Malay Archipelago held by W.D.Webster, at Oxford House, Bicester, Oxon.

1909 (November).

Shows and Sales of African Curios and Trophies comprising Binin bronzes, ivory and wood carvings and other artefacts were held at the Great Rooms of Mr.J.C.Stevens, Coventry Gardens, London. The collection of one Dr J.W.Ansorge was also sold by auctions.

1920 (April).

Exhibition of Negro Sculpture, Chelsea Book Club, London. It was organised by a French collector (probably Paul Guillaume of Paris) and the works were from the Ivory Coast, Congo, Mali and Guinea. The exhibition was reviewed by Roger Fry, Clive Bell and C.K.Murray and it coincided with the publication of Andre Salmon's article 'Negro Sculpture' in The Burlington Magazine (London) , Vol.36, No.205, April 1920, pp. 164-72.

1921 (June).

Exhibition of Negro Sculpture, Goupil Gallery, London. The exhibits were wood carvings from Nigeria, the Congo Basin and the Ivory Coast. Catalogue text by Guillaume Apollinaire. See The Burlington Masgzine (London), Vol.38, No.229, June 1921, p. 150.

1924 (May - August).

British Empire Exhibition, Wembley, London. Items included textiles, pottery, metal work, leather work, carvings and other crafts from Sierra Leone, Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya and other British Colonies in Africa. Editorial Review, 'Among The Wood-Carvings of Nigeria', The Sphere (London), Vol.XCVIII, No.1278, 19 July 1924, p. 90, 3ills.

1928-29 (October 1928 - January 1929).

Modern and African Sculpture, Sidney Burney's Gallery. This exhibition was organised by Leon Underwood and it comprised modern works of British Epstein, African other 72. artists and African sculptures. The artists involved were Hepworth, Skeaping, Dobson, Underwood and Zadkine. The sculptures were lent by Fry, Sadler, Burney, Underwood and collectors. (See Apollo (London), Vol.9, No.49, January 1929, p.

- 248 -

1932.

Sculpture Considered Apart from Time and Space, Sidney Burney's Gallery, London. The works of Degas, Gaudier-Brzeska, Modigliani, Moore, Hepworth and Underwood were shown alongside works from Mexico, India, China, Egypt, Africa, Persia and New Zealand. African masks and figures were lent by Fry, Sadler, Burney, Underwood and other collectors.

1933 (May).

Negro Art, Lefevre Galleries, London. It was a exhibition of African sculpture and textiles. Review: 'Negro Art', The Listener (London), Vol.IX, No.227, 17 769-71, 5ills.

1935 (19 January - 16 February).

representative Stanley Casson, May 1933, pp.

Negro Art, Adam'S Gallery, London. The exhibition was arranged in conjunction with the publication of Arts of West Africa (Excluding Music) edited by Michael Sadler. African sculptures, works by living African artists and contemporary British artists influenced by African sculpture were shown. It was reviewed by Frank Rutter under the title of 'African Art in the West End', The Sunday Times, 3 February, 1935, and by Juan Gordon, 'The Influence of Negro Art', The Observer 27 January 1935, pp. 167-8.

1935 (8-28 February).

An Exhibition of East African Art, Imperial Institute PaVilion, South KenSington, London. The works exhibited comprised paintings, carvings, terra cottas, and textiles by the students of the Makerere College, Uganda.

1935 (March).

Exhibition Q! African SculptUre, Adam'S Gallery, London. (London), Vol.21, March 1935, p. 169.

1935 (June - August).

See Apollo

The Art of Primitive Peoples, The Burlington Fine Art Club. Contributors were: Henry Balfour Esq., Walter P.Belk Esq., The City Museum and Art Gallery of Birmingham, University Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography, Cambridge, Frank Carpenter Esq., The Public Library and Museum of Maidstone, W.O.Oldman Esq., The Pitt-Rivers Museum of Oxford, Sir William Reynolds-Stephens, Prof C.G.Saligman and Archibold G.B.Russell Esq. M.V.O. Review: 'The Art of Primitive Peoples', The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.67, No.388, July 1935, p. 42.

1935 (25 November - 14 December).

African Art: Binin and Ivories, Knoedler Galleries, London. Bronzes and Ivories from the Old Kingdom of Benin, Nigeria were shown.

1937.

African Sculpture, Zwemmer Gallery, London.

1937 (6 July - 20 August).

- 249 -

African Art. terra cotta, the Colonies.

The exhibition which comprised modern Nigerian carvings, and watercolours was opened by the Secretary of State for (See Africa (London), Vol.10, No.4, 1937, pp.482-4.

1946-47 (11 December - 30 January 1947)

Art of Primitive Berkeley Galleries, London. The exhibition was opened by the Right Hon. Lord Hailey GCSI, GCMG. There were 30 works from Africa and Oceania. The Introduction to the catalogue was written by Prof Frans Olbrechts, University of Ghent, an authority in African art. The exhibition was aimed at offering the British public an opportunity to see works of art that had never found their way into museums, and that for generations past had belonged to private collections that were often difficult to gain access to.

1947-48 (1 December 1947 - 31 Januar,y 1948)

Art of Primitive Peoples, Berkeley Galleries, London. Catalogue by William Fagg, 5ills.

1948 (July - September).

The Exhibition of Ife Bronzes. British Museum, London.

1949 (21 June - 23 July).

Exhibition of Nigerian Masks and Headdresses, Reviewed by K.C.Murray in Man (London), 114-115, 1ill.

1949 (21 June - 27 September).

Foreword of

Zwemmer Vol.49, Gallery, London. No.147, 1949, pp.

Traditional Art of the British Colonies, Royal Anthropological Institute, London. There was a large collection of African artefacts including sculptures. Over 2,500 visitors including distinguished British artists and a large number of British and foreign press attended, (though the reviews are not specific in their references). The purposes of the exhibition were: (i) To put before the public some of the highest manifestations of the artistic genius of Colonial Peoples and to demonstrate that, if they lagged behind the British in material progress and in various other ways, there was still much for the British to learn from them. (ii) To bring anthropology and the work of the Institute to the attention of a wider public. See Man (London), Vol.49, No.145, October 1949, pp. 109, 4ills.

1951 (25 May - 30 September).

Traditional Sculptures the Art Gallery of the Imperial Institute, London. At the exhibition Henry Moore and William Fagg saw a Bende Ibo Headdress from Nigeria which greatly interested Moore. According to Fagg this sculpture encouraged Moore to re-explore his own ideas of sculpture in the 1930s. The text of the catalogue was written by Fagg. See Fagg, 'Tribal Sculpture and the Festival of Britain', Man (London), Vol.51, No.124, June 1951, pp. 73-6, 1ill; Henry Moore, 'Tribal Sculpture', Man (London), Vol.51, No.165, June 1951, pp. 95-7; and K.C.Murray, 'Traditional Sculpture from the Colonies', The Magazine (London), Vol.93. No.581, August 1951, pp. 259-61, 5ills.

- 250 -

1952 (7 May -2 June).

Primitive Art at the Manchester Museum, Manchester Museum, Manchester. Introduction and text catalogue were written by A.C.Sewter and Frank Willet.

1953 (September).

The Webster Plass Collection Art. A memorial exhibition held in King Edward VII Galleries the British Museum, London. It comprised the collection Mr. Plass and his Philadelphia made between 1945 and 1952. The catalogue text was written by William Fagg. The collection was bequeathed to the British Museum in the same year the death Mr.Plass.

1957.

The Institute Contemporary Arts organised an exhibition sculpture which consisted metal casting the Guinea Coast

1957. The County Borough Swansea, Swansea, organised an exhibition sculpture.

1958. Exhibition Nigerian Pottery, Berkeley Galleries, London.

1959. Sculpture the Tellem and Dogon, Hanover Gallery, London.

1960 (26 January - 25February).

A Small Anthology the Human Figure, Arcade Gallery, London.

1960 (May - July).

Epstein's Collection Tribal and Exotic Sculputre, The Arts Council Gallery, London. About the exhibits were Catalogue introduction by William Fagg, pp. 42, ill.

1960 (November)

An Exhibition Commonwealth Art including sculpture was organised by the Commonwealth SOCiety in the home Lord Bosson in Carlton Gardens, London.

1962 (24 February - 24 March).

An Exhibition Royal Scottish Museum. It organised by the UniverSity Edinburgh. Catalogue, pp. 63, ill.

1964. was Exhibition Tribal Sculpture New Guinea and Brook Street Gallery, London. Reviewed by Keith Roberts in The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.106, No.730, p. 45.

- 251 -

1966 (February).

Exhibition of the Ethnographic Collection, Main Exhibition Hall, University Museum, Oxford. Items included African sculptures in wood, terra cotta and bronze. See The Burlington Magazine (London), Vol.103, No.755, February 1966, p. 102.

1966-67 (30 November 1966 - 21 January 1967).

Primitive Art From 2500BC, Gimpel Fils, London. The exhibition comprised Anatolian, Cycladic, South Arabian art, Pre-Columbian terra cotta and golds. The African work included Ashanti weights. The rest of the exhibits were Eskimo contemporary carvings, stones, prints and coloured drawings.

1967 (October - November).

Tribal Art From Africa, Fourty-Three, London. See 1967, p. 170.

Malanesh Studio and South Ameriga, Gallery (London), Vol.174, No.893, October

1967 (May - September).

The exhibition of African Art, O'Hana Gallery, London. Masks and figures from Dahomey, Nigeria and from the Baule, Dan, Balumbo, Bini and Bambara tribes were shown. These works were shown alongside a selection of works by the 19th and 20th century masters. These included Cezanne, Dardenne, Degas, Chagall, Jongkind, Maillol, Pissaro, RenOir, Sisley and Vuillard. See Studio (London), Vol.174, No.892. September 1967, p. 118.

1967.

West Africa: Court and Tribal Art. The exhibition was organised by the Arts Council of Great Britain and William Fagg. It toured to the following venues: The Arts Council Gallery, London; Cambridge (22 April 13 May); The Abbot Hall Art Gallery, Kendal (20 May - 11 June); The Cliffe Castle Museum, Keighley (17 June -8 July). Introduction to the Catalogue was by Fagg.

1967-68 (30 November 1967 - 20 January 1968).

Magic in Art, Gimpel Fils, London. Paintings by Alan Davie and Primitive art including African sculptures were shown.

1968-69.

Primitive Art From ZSOO BC 5Q Ivory Coast Masks, Gimpel Fils, London.

1969-70 (25 November1969 - 27 February 1970).

Makonde Art, Grosvenor Gallery, London.

1970.

Divine Kingship in Africa. The Museum of Mankind, London. See William Fagg, Divine Kingship in Africa. British Museum Publications, London, 1970, pp. 64, 35ills.

- 252 -

1970.

Upon the Edge of' An Abyss, Gallery Fourty-three, London.

1971 (25 May -2 July).

Fine African Sculpture, Alexander Martin, London.

1973 (21 January - 15 April).

A Still Ecstasy, Walker Gallery, Liverpool. Collectors' Guide 1973, p. 100.

1973.

See Antique and

Makonde Art, Search Gallery, London. The exhibition was reviewed by C.Burlard in Art Review (London), Vol.25, No.3, 10 February 1973, p. 68, 1ill.

1973.

The Collection of' African art f'ormed by the late Prince William of' Gloucester and presented by the royal Anthropological Institute to the Museum of' Mankind, London was exhibited.

1974 (1 February - 31 May).

Masks of' Africa, City of' Exeter Museum and Art Gallery, Exeter. Af'rican masks and royal headdresses in the collection of' the Exeter Museum were exhibited. They dated f'rom 19th century to the 1970s.

1974 (February).

Contemporary Makonde Sculpture, The Commonwealth Art Gallery, London. The exhibition was reviewed by C.Burland in Arts Review (London), Vol.26, No.3, 8 February 1974, p.58.

1974 (May - August).

Traditional Tribal Sculpture, Arcade Gallery, London. Of' the 105 Nigerian sculptures displayed more than half were wood carvings and were datable between 1830 and 1940. The exhibition was reviewed by Keith Robert in The Burlington Magazine (London), Vo1.116, No.857, May 1974, p. 287; and by J.B.Donne in Connoisseur (London), Vo1.186, No.750, August 1974, pp.12-13, 6i11s.

1974 (October - November).

Masks and Figures. Arcade Gallery, London. Catalogue, pp., 8i11s.

1974 (August - December).

Yoruba Religious Cult, Museum of Mankind, London. Magazine (London), Vol.116, No.857, August 1974, p.

1975 (10 July - 30 September).

See The 487.

African Fine Art Then and Now: Tribal Sculpture and ContempQI'lU'Y Art, The Royal Commonwealth SOCiety Hall, London. The exhibition was organised by the Trustees of' African Fine Art Gallery. In addition

- 253 -

there were many traditional and contemporary African works on sale at 'very reasonable prices'. The invitation card reproduces a photograph of a wooden male figure from Dogon, Mali, with the following words by William Fagg:

One is tempted to think that the Colossus of Rhodes may have looked something like this.

1975 (November).

Shona Sculpture, Anthropos Gallery, London. The exhibition was reviewed by C.Burland in Art Review (London), Vol.27, No.24, 28 November 1975, p. 688.

1976 (13-28 January).

Exhibition of Joseph Herman Drawings, Paintings and Negro Primitive art from his own Collection. The exhibition was held at the Department of Fine Art, West Surrey College of Art and Design, Surrey.

1976 (March - May).

African Tribal Sculpture, Arcade Gallery, London.

1976 (April).

The Art of the Hausa, Commonwealth Institute, London. See Connoisseur (London), Vol.191, No.770, April 1976, p. 322.

1978 (August - October).

African Tribal Sculpture, Arcade Gallery, London. The catalogue introduction was written by David Attenborough.

1981 (13 January -5 April).

Art From Africa, Commonwealth Institute London, and presented by the visiting Arts Unit of Great Britain. The exhibition was assembled for the first Festival of World Cultures, Horizons, Berlin, in the summer of 1979, following which it toured to Bremen, Stockholm, Erlangen, Amsterdam and Frankfurt. The London show was the last one before the exhibition was dispersed. It was a mammoth survey of a contemporary African art.

1981.

An Exhibition of Baule Sculpture, The Arcade Gallery (The Royal Arcade), London. Catalogue, pp.67, 97ills.

1982-83 (30 October 1982 - 23 January 1983).

Treasures of Ancient Nigeria, Royal Academy of Art, London, The exhibition was sponsored by Mobil and it was reviewed by David Thompson, 'Treasures of Ancient Nigeria:An African Legacy', Studio International (London), Vol.196, No.998, January 1983, pp. 44-5, 3ills.

1984 (4 August -9 September).

Into The Mappin Art Gallery, Sheffield.

- 254 -

(London), August 1984, p. 47 and September 1984, p. 47.

- 255 -

APPENDIX III

MUSEUMS AND GALLERIES WITH AFRICAN COLLECTIONS IN BRITAIN

The list below is based upon an unpublished register of Ethnographic Collections in museums in the United Kingdom, compiled in 1980 by the Museum ethnographers' Group through a preliminary survey. The Group's list is not complete and comprehensive for there are still more museums to be covered. The Register indicates about 188 museums and galleries with African collections with items ranging from 1 to a few thousands. The

wood sculptures and other artefacts.

list below is limited to
and
from
which include
Art Gallery and Museum Services, Cheltenham 198 Bexhill Museum 100 Birmingham City Museum and Art Gallery, Pinto Collection, Birmingham 700 Bradford Metropolitan D.C. Arts And Museum Division, Bradford 200 Central Museum and Gallery, Manchester 820 City Museum and Art Gallery, Bristol Clifton Park Museum and Gallery, Rotherham Castle Musem, Norwich Darlington Museum, Darlington Department of Anthropology, University College of London, London Dorman Museum, Middlesbrough Gray Art Gallery and Museum, Cleveland Hertford Museum, Hertford Horniman Museum and Library, London Horsham Museum, Horsham Merseyside County Museums, Liverpool McLean Museum and Art Gallery, Greenock Montrose Museum, Montrose Museum of London, London Museum and Art Gallery, Kilmarnock - 2563,205 100 100 100 600 110 100 100 6,650 100 7,400 200 187 100 500
museums
galleries with over 100 items
Africa

Museum Services, Poole

Nuneaton Museum and Gallery, Nuneaton,

Perth Museum and Art Gallery, Perth

Reading Museum and Art Gallery, Reading

Rhodes Memorial Museum and Commonwealth Centre, Herts

Rossendale Museum, Rossendale

Royal Albert Memorial Museum, Exeter

Royal Pavilion Art Gallery and Museums, Brighton

Sainsbury Centre for The Visual Arts, University of East Anglia, Norwich

The

The Castle Museum, Nottingham

The George Brown Collection, University of Newcastle, Newcastle upon Tyne

The George Museum, Bath

The Hunterian Museum, Glasgow

The Manchester Museum, University of Manchester, Manchester

The Museum, Ipswich

The Museum of Mankind, London

The Museum, Saffron Walden

The Powell Cotton Museum, Birchinton

The University of Birmingham, Centre for West African Studies Birmingham

Sheffield
Stirling Smith Art Gallery and Museum, Stirling
City Museum, Sheffield
Oxford
Ashmolean Museum,
Torquay National Historic Museum, Torbay Townsley Hall Art Gallery and Museum, Burley Ulster Museum, Northern Ireland University Museum of Archeology and Anthropology, Cambridge - 257130 102 100 176 200 192 5,000 2,670 103 500 537 800 350 3,100 400 1,080 500 2,200 77,000 850 17,000 500 155 150 1,716 11,500
Wallace Collection, London Wednesbury Ary Gallery, Wednesbury Wigan Museum, Wigan Winchester City Museums, Winchester Wisbech and Fenland Museum, Wisbech Woods pring Museum, Western Super Mare - 258351 140 202 106 270 130 I

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- 276 -

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MAP2

\. . <\ " D CONCAVE FACE o CONVEX FACE
REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF CONVEX AND CONCAVE FACES
&4 B;> P3 B$ 111 76 81 til; - ,8a 89 MAP3 POSITIONS OF TRIB[S ME NlIOHD Iii TH[ THE SIS Key to Y.I8p 3 Afo 36 Barnum 52 Ekoi 43 Ngbaka 76 Akan 19 Bangloie 50 Ewe 34 Ngere 12 Anyi 18 Bakuna 78 Fang 56 l\koli 11 1 Ashanti 20 Bapende 81 Fon 29 Nula 2 Atye 17 Bapere 98 Guro 15 Nupe 35 Azande 57 Bapuni 65 Ibibio 39 Ogoni 40 Babembe 68 Barotse 107 Ibo 38 Oron 46 Babuye 93 Basongye 91 Idom 37 Ossyeba 72 Bafum 48 Basuku 83 Ife 32 Ovambo 104 Baga 4 Bateke 69 Ijo 41 Ovimbundu 80 Baganda 99 Baule 16 Junkun 45 Pangwe 62 Bagirmi 105 re-II'?-Yo 73 Kikiyu 100 Popo 30 Bajokwe 89 Bayaka 82 Kisi 8 Sakalave 103 Bakete 96 reyanzi 79 Kru 13 Sen ufo 21 Bakongo 70 Benin 33 Kurumba 28 Sberbo 5 Bakota 64 Beiri 63 Kuyu 71 Swazi 108 Bakuba 85 :Sene l(ani eka 87 Kwangwa 106 Temne 6 Bakwele 61 Bene Lulua 86 Landuman 3 Tiv 44 Balega 95 Bete 14 Lobi 24 Toma 9 Baluba 92 Bijugo 1 Lozi i 10 Uganbi 55 Balumbo 66 Bobo 25 !>:akonci.e 102 y,'abeZllbe 94 Balunda 90 Bomu 74 !-:alinke 22 \',"atussi 97 Balwahra 88 ChCiWba 47 Y.blLa 60 'riazaramo 1 01 Balwena 67 Dan 11 !-:angbetu 75 Yangere 58 Bambale 84 De 10 Kbuun 49 Yaude 59 Bambara 23 D0';;: on 26 1-:ende 7 Yor.l.ba 31 B&mbole 77 Duala 54 27 Zulu 109 Bamileke 53 Eb ti 42 E'Jl!:uye 51
Numbers refer to Fac Type
MAP4 DISTRIBUTION OF CONCAVE FACES (back) (front) FIG.1.1. Female Figure, Baluba, Zaire. British Museum, London.

FIG.1.3. Stages of Carving Showing Examples of Proportions.

t .24 , t .. 57 l t .19 .:; t , t , t .33
j • t l til, ' " . II' , J, , I 's 2.5'0 ,I;, 4.10 -it- ' , =1 ! 'b f " 3.5'10
FIG.1.2. A Diagram of Formal Analysis of African Wood Sculpture.
A B
FIG.1.4A. Female Figure, Kulango, Ivory Coast. Private Collection, New York. FIG.1.4B. Mbuun, Zaire. Private Collection, Berkeley.
A B c I D E F G H
FIG .1. 5 HEAD TYPES

FIG.1.6 TYPES OF CONCAVE FACES

TYPE 1
MASK \ ' TYPE 2 SENUFO FIGURE TYPE 5
I
TYPE 3 BALEGA FIGURE
FIG
TYPE 6 TYPE 1
MASK TYPE 4
MASK
BAULE
T'fPE
FANG MASK
6ALEGA
URE
BAKWELE
BAULE
TOMA MASK
i
FIG.1.7. Two Masks with heart-shapes Ending in Upper and Lower Lips respectively. British Museum, London. FIG.1.8. Headdress, Bamum, Cameroon. Private Collection, Paris. FIG.1.10. Standing Male Figure, Basongye, Zaire. British Museum, London. FIG.l.9. Ndop, Bakuba, Zaire. British Museum, London.
(front
Female Figure, Dogon, Mali. Musee de L'Homme, Paris. side) FIG.1.12. Female Figure, Mende, Sierra Leone. British Museum, London.
Al Cl o TYPE 0 Fl TYPE A TYPE F A2 C2 El F2 TYPE C Bl C3 E2 TYPE E Gl FIG.l.13. EYE TYPES B2 TYPE B C4 E3 G2 TYPE G
A B c D E F
FIG.1.14 NOSE TYPES
\ A B c D E F G H
FIG.1.1S MOUTH TYPES
A B c o E F G H J
FIG.1.16. EAR TYPES
-
FIG.1.17. Male Figure, Bajokwe. British Museum, London.
A B c o E F G H I
BREAST
FIG.1.18
TYPES
A B D c
FIG.1.19. Types of Male Sexual Organs in African sculpture. FIG.1.20. Female Figure, Baluba, Zaire. Private Collection, London. FIG.1.21. Female Figure, Azande, Central African republic. British Museum, London.
i
FIG.1.22. Ritual Female Figure, Balwena, Congo. Musee Royal de l'Afrique Centrale, Tervuren, Belgium.
I
FIG.1.23. Woman on Horseback Carrying a Bowl, Fang, Gabon. British Museum, London.

FIG.1.24A. Human Figure, Bakete, Congo. British Museum, London.

FIG.1.24B. Fetish Figure, Bakete, Congo. British Museum, London.

FIG.1.24C. Fetish Figure, Bakete, Congo. British Museum, London.

B
-_
FIG.1.25. Dancing royal Couple, Bangwe, Cameroon. Private collection, Los Angeles.

(front

FIG.1.26. Akuaba, Ashanti, Ghana. British Museum, London. FIG.1.27. Reliquary Figure, British Museum, London. side) FIG.1.28. Two Ikenga, Yoruba, Nigeria. British Museum, London. FIG.1.29. - Mask, Senufo, Ivory Coast. British Museum, London. FIG.1.30. Th B i1 ke British Museum, London. rone, am e •
I !
(front) (side) FIG.1.31. Epa Mask, Yoruba, Nigeria. Private Collection, London.

FIG.1.32. Mask, Ogoni, Yoruba. British Museum, London.

FIG.1.33. Human Figure, Wazaramo, Tanzania. Museum fUr Volkerkunde, Berlin.

flQ. 1. 35 wo-vo. GJ\\ect:o l1:;
FIG. \. 3'+ Me. W'lonq,\ Scv-e.e-Y\, \jo J 1'-h9€V\-Q i3,...-\ S \". Nlu...se.uN) FIG.1.36. Milkpot, Swazi, Namibia. Private Collection, London. FIG.1.37A. Headrest, Bambala, Mali. British Museum, London. FIG.1.37B. Stool, Ashanti, Ghana. British Museum, London. (Front) ( Back) FIG.1.38. Doll, Bagirmi, Chad. Private collection, Paris. FIG.2.1. Sanctuary Shutter, Dogon, Mali. Private Collection, Cannes. (front) (back) FIG.2.2. Mythical Ancestors, Dogon, Mali. Rietberg Museum, Zurich. FIG.2.3. Sbango Sacred Staff, Nigeria. Ipswich Museum, Ipswich. FIG.2.4. Chi wara Headdress, Bambara Mali. FIG.2.5. Two Masked Dancers with Male and Female Chi wara Headdresses, Bambara, Mali. FIG.2.6. Deble (Ryhthm Pounder), Senufo, Ivory Coast. Private Collection, Paris. (front) FIG.2.7A. (front) FIG.2.7B. (side) Odudua (Fertility goddess), Yoruba, Nigeria. British Museum, London. Odudua (Fertility goddess), Horniman Museum, London. APo (side) Nigeria.
! I
FIG.2.8. Nimba Baga, Guinea. British Museum, London. FIG.2.9. Nimba Figure, Baga, Guinea. Rietberg Museum, Zurich. FIG,2.10. Bundu Mask, Bundu, Sierra Leone. British Museum, London. FIG.2.12. Bowl, Yoruba, Nigeria. British Museum, London. FIG.2.11. Starr, Bundu, Sierra Leone. University Museum, Philadelphia.
i A B c
FIG.2.13. TypeS of Fetish Figures. FIG.2.14A. Gelede Mask, Yoruba, Nigeria. British Museum, London. FIG.2.14B. Egungu Mask, Yoruba, Btenstrauch-Joest Museum Cologne. FIG.2.15. Kneeling Female Figure, Baluba, Zaire. British Museum, London.
IL,.;;..-_.or-
FIG.2.16. Ibeji Figures, Yoruba, Nigeria. British museum, London.
A B c o
FIG.2.17. A Bowl and Lids with Animal and Human Forms. Bawango, Congo.
!
FIG.2.18. Types of Bakuba Wodden Cups.
I
FIG.2.19. Grave Post, Sakal ave , Madagascar. Musee de 1 t Hamne, Paris.
A B c D E
FIG.2.20. Types of' African Carved Drums.
!
FIG.2.21. Door Frame, Bamileke, Cameroon. British Museum, London.
A B I c D
FIG.2.22. Sculptures Showing Tattoo, Scarification and Cicatrices.
!
" I
FIG.3.1. Equestrian, Yoruba, Nigeria. Britsh Museum. (front) (side) (back)
FIG.3.2. Stool, Baluba, Zaire. British Museum. FIG.3.3. Spirit Head, Fang, Gabon. FIG.3.4. Henri Matisse, Girl with Green Eye, 1909. San Francesco Museum of Art, San Franceso. FIG.3.5. Pablo Picasso, Head of a Woman, 1909. Museum of Modern Art, New York. FIG.3.6. Pablo Picasso, Head and Shoulder of a Woman, 1909. Gallerie Beyer, Basel. FIG.3.7. Pablo Picasso, Buffalo Bill, 1912. Present collection unknown. (front) (back) FIG.3.8. Henri Matisse, La Serpentine, 1912. Philadelphia Museum of Art, Philadelphia. FIG.3.9. Seated Ancestor Figure, Dogon, Mali. Formerly Matisse Collection now in Private Collection. FIG.3.10. Duncan Grant, Queen of Sheba, 1912. Tate Gallery, London.

12

Ducan Grant, FIG.3. • Dancing Couple, 1912. Victoria and Albert Museum, London. FIG.3.11. Pablo Picasso, Head of a man, 1909. Private Collection, Paris.

FIG.3.13. Pablo Picasso, Nude with raised Arms, 1907. Thyseen-Bornemizza Collection, Lugano, Switzerland.

FIG.3.14. Pablo Picasso, Nude with Drapery, 1907. Hermitage Museum, Leningrad.

FIG.3.15. Ducant Grant, Head of Eve, 1913. David Garnet Collection, London. FIG.3.16. Duncan Grant, Adam and Eve, 1913. Damaged in the Tate Gallery flooding in 1928. FIG.3.17. Pablo Picasso, African Head, 1907. Claude Picasso Collection, Paris. FIG.3.18. Pablo Picasso, African Head, 1907. Claude Picasso Collection, Paris. FIG.3.19. Duncan Grant , The Tub, 1912. Tate Gallery, London. FIG.3.20. African sculpture in Matisse's collection in his appartment at Hotel Regina, Nice. FIG.3.21A. Wyndham Lewis, Design for Drop-Curtain, 1912. Theatre Museum, Victoria and Albert Museum, London. FIG.3.21B. Wyndham Lewis, Indian Dance, 1912. Tate Gallery, London.
", t
FIG.3.22. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Marquetry Try, 1913. Charles L.Strong Collection, London. FIG.3.23. Pablo Picasso, Dryad, 1908. Hermitage Museum, Leningrad.

FIG.3.24. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Bird Bath (two views), 1913. Mercury Gallery, London.

FIG.3.25. with Monkey Hair, Dan, Liberia. British Museum, London.

FIG.3.26. Roger Fry, Mother and Children, 1913. Private Collection, London.

FIG.3.27. Boger Fry, Marquetry cupboarb, 1915-16. Private Collection, London. FIG.3.28. Roger Fry, Essay in Abstract Design, 1914. Tate Gallery, London. FIG.3.29. Roger Fry, Tennis Players, c1914. Private Collection, London. FIG.3.30. Roger Fry, Reclining Nude, c1914. (Whereabout of original is unknwon). FIG.3.31. Wyndham Levis, Circus Scene, 1913. Victoria and Albert Museum, London. FIG.3.32. Wyndham Lewis, Omega Workshops Letter Head, 1913. Private Collection, London. FIG.3.33. Wyndham Lewis, Theatre Manager, 1909. Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

FIG.3.34.

FIG.3.35. Wyndham Lewis, Fire Plcae, 1913-14. Private Collection, London. N1mba Headdress, Bags, Guinea. Rietberg Museum, Zurioh. FIG.3.36. Duncan Grant, Decorated Omega Plates, c1914. Private Collection, London. FIG.3.37. Pablo Picasso, Standing Nude and a Foot, 1909. Musee Picasso, Paris.
J I t ! r
FIG.3.38A. Frederick Etchells, Head, 1914. (Lost). FIG.3.38B. Frederick Etchells, Head, 1914. (Lost).
/
FIG.3.39. Mask, Ulvira, Zaire. Courtauld Institute Galleries, London. FIG.4.1. Wyndham Lewis, Three Figures (Ballet Scene), 1919-20. Private Collection, London. FIG.5.1. Adrian Allinson, Mr Epstein doutbing the authenticity of a South Sea Idol, 1914. Reproduced in Colour (London), November 1914, p. 142. (front) FIG.5.2. (side) "Brummer Head", Fang, Gabon. Formerly Jacob Epstein Collection. FIG.5.3. Jacob Epstein, Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1912. Pere Lachaise Ceme try , Paris. FIG.5.4. Jacob Epstein, Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1912. (detail).
,.
FIG.5.5. Winged Man-Headed Lion, Assyrian, 880-860 BC. British Museum, London.

, -

FIG.5.6. Jacob Epstein, Sketch for the Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1910. Anthony d'Offay Gallery, London. FIG.5.7. Jacob Epstein, Sketch for the Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1911. Simon Wilson Collection, London. FIG.5.8. Jacob Epstein, Study for Girl with Dove, 1906. Walsall Museum and Gallery, Walsall. FIG.5.9. Jacob Epstein, Head, 1910. Private Collection, London. FIG.5.10. Jacob Epstien, African Carving, c1908-10. Courtauld Institute of Art, London. FIG.5.11. Jacob Epstein, Crouching Sun Goddess, 1910. Nottingham Castle Huseum, Nottingham. FIG.5.12. Jacob Epstein, SufI ower , 1910. National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne. FIG.5.13. Head, Fang, Gabon. Jacob Epstein Collection now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. (front) (side) (back) FIG.5.14. Jacob Epstein, Ymternity, 1910. Henry Moore Centre for the Study of Sculpture, Leeds. FIG.5.15. Ritual Bowl, Fon Dahomey. British Museum, London. FIG.5.16. Jacob Epstien, Cursed Be The Day Wherein I Was Born, 1912. CLost).
, J. _/
FIG.5.17. Amedio Modigliani, Caryatid, 1913. Walsall Museum and Gallery, Walsall. FIG.5.18. Analytical Study of Modigliani's Caryatid of 1913. FIG.5.19. Jacob Epstein, A Nude Figure, 1913. Epstein Estate, London. FIG.5.20. Constantin Brancusi, First Step, 1913. Destroyed by the artist in 1914 except the head. FIG.5.21. A Male Figure, Bambara, Mal i. Mua'e de l'Homme, Paris. (front) (back) FIG.5.22. Jacob Epstein, Mother and Child, 1913. Museum of Modern Art, New York.
FIG.5.23. Reliquary Head, Fang, Babon. For'merly Jacob Epstein Collection now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
,
FIG.5.24. Jacob Epstein, First Venus with Doves, 1913. Baltimore Museum of Art, Baltimore.
!
(side) (front) FIG.5.25. Jacob Epstein, Second Venus with Doves, 1914. Yale Gallery, Yale.

FIG.5.26. Detail.

FIG.5.26. Seated Figure, Dogon, Mali. Formerly Jacob Epstein Collection now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

FIG.5.27. Jacob Epstein, Drawing for Birth, 1913. (Lost). FIG.5.28. Jacob Epstein, Birth, 1913. Art of Ontario, Toronto.

FIG.5.29. Jacob Epstein, Study for Man and Woman, 1913. British Museum, London.

FIG.5.30. Funerary Post, Sakalave, Formerly Jacob Epstein Collection.

,
FIG.5.31. Jacob Epstien, Totem, 1913. Tate Gallery, London. FIG.5.32. Jacob Epstein, Study for rock Drill, 1913. Anthony d'Offay Gallery, London. FIG.5.33. Baule, leory Coast. Formerly Paul Guillaume Collection, Paris. FIG.5.34. Mask, Baule, Ivory Coast. Formerly Paul Guillaume Collection, Paris.
r
FIG.5.35. Jacob Epstein, Study for Rock Drill (back views) 1913. (A) Anthony d'Offay Gallery London. (B) Lost. FIG.5.36. Jacob Epstein, Study for Rock Drill (front views), 1913. (A) Tate Gallery, London. (B) Walsall Museum and Gallery, Walsall. FIG.5.37. Jacob Epstein, Rock Drill, 1914. A construction after the lost original, Birmingham Museums and Gallery, Birmingham. (front) (side) FIG.5.38. Jacob Epstein, Genesis, 1930. Gr'anada Television L::IJDited, London. FIG.5.40. Yale Figure, Baule, Ivory Coast. Albert Barnes Collection, New York. FIG.5.39. Seated Female Figure, Dogon, Mali. Albert Barnes Collection, New York.

FIG.5.41B. Jacob Epstein, Study for Genesis, 1929. Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery, Birmingham.

FIG.5.41A. Jacob Epstein, Study for Genesis, 1929. Private Collection. London.

\
( " J \ \ \ f· '.
FIG.5.42. Mask, Dan-Ngere, Liberia. Formerly Jacob Epstein Collection. FIG.5.43. Female Figure, Bakota, Zaire. Formerly Jacob Epstein Collection. A(front) B(back) C(side) FIG.6.1. Divination Bowl, Yoruba, Nigeria. Bristol Museum, Bristol.

FIG.6.3. Renr-i Gaudier-Brzeska, A Letter from Gaudier-Brzeska with a Sketch of Epstein's Tomb of Oscar Wilde, 1912. Private Collection.

FIG.6.2. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Ornament Mask. 1912. du Petit Palais, Geneva.
L __
OSCAR 'tV I LDE FIG.6.4. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Head of a Young Man, 1912. Stadt Bielefeld, Germany. A(front) B(side) C(back) D(side) FIG.6.5. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Redstone Dancer, 1913. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge. FIG.6.6. Fertility Doll, Bambala, Congo. British Museum, London. FIG.6.7. Mask, Bapende, Congo. British Museum, London.

FIG.6.10.

FIG.6.8. /Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Study for Redstone Dancer, 1913. Musee d'Art Moderne, Centre Georges, Pompidou, Paris. FIG.6.9. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Portrait of My Fatber, 1910. ,. Husee des Baeux Arts, Orleans. Auguste Rodin, Man with Broken Nose, 1864. Rodin Museum, Paris.

A(fr-ont) FIG.6.12.

B(side) C(back)

Female Figure, Bambala, Congo. British Museum, London.

FIG.6.11. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Imp (two views), 1914. Tate Gallery, London. FIG.6.13. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Drawing of Imp, 1914. The St.Louis Art Museum, St.Louis.
A
FIG.6.14. Doll, Baule, Ivory Coast. British Museum, London.
B
FIG.6.15. Henri Self Portrait with Pipe, 1913. Kettle's Yard, Univer-si ty of Cambridge, Cambridge. FIG.6.16. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Three Women, 1913. Private Collection, London.

FIG.6.19.

FIG.6.17. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Woman with Dog, 1913. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge. FIG.6.18. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Vase, 1913-14. Ezra Pound Collection, Brunnenburg.
!
Snuff Mortar, Bambala Congo. British Museum, London.
A B c
A B c
FIG.6.20. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska Garden Ornament 2, 1914. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge. FIG.6.21. Chief's Stool, Baluba, Zaire. British Museum, London.
c o E 1 • I • I F G
FIG.6.22. The Possible Process of Development of Gaudier-Brzeska's Garden Ornament 2 of 1914 by Author of this Thesis. FIG.5.23. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Garden Ornament 3, 1914. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge.
r I
FIG.6.24. Henri Gaudeir-Brzeska, Men with Bowl (two views) 1914. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge. FIG.6.25. Kneeling Woman with Bowl. British Museum, London. FIG.6.26A. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Design for A Door-Knocker, 1914. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Camdridge. FIG.6.26B. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Design for A Door-Koncker, 1914. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge. FIG.6.27. Henri Gaudeir-Brzeska, Door-Knocker, 1914. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge.
\',
FIG.6.28. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Couple, c1914. (Lost) FIG.6.29. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Female Figure, 1914. Private Collection, London. (front) (side) (side) (back) FIG.6.30. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Hieratic Head of Ezra Pound, 1914. Private Collection, London. (front) (back) FIG.6.31. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Ymternity, 1913. Musee d'Art Moderne, Paris.
A(Side) B(Front) C(Side) D(Back)
FIG.6.32. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Charity, 19'14. Kettle's Yard, University of Cambridge, Cambridge. (front) (back) FIG.6.33. Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, Carved Toothbrush Handle, 1914. B.A.Beven Collection, London.

B c

FIG.6.34. Ivory Baton, Yoruba, Nigeria. British Museum, London. FIG.6.35. Fetish Staves, Yoruba, Nigeria. British Museum, London. A FIG.7.1. Seated Female Figure, Baule, Ivory Coast. Formerly Paul Guillaume Collection, Paris. FIG.7.2. Henry Moore, Head of the Virgin (after Virgin and Child by Dominic Rosselli in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London), 1922-23. Ramon Coxon Collection, London.
"\ \ ' I \ \ \'\ - --1-' ..
FIG.7.3. Henry Moore, Studies for Reclining Figure (page 39 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24. The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham. FIG.7.4. Mask, Baule, Ivory Coast. Br'itish Museum, London.
v '-,,", 1 ( I /\ , \ I -
FIG.7.S. Henry Moore, Ideas from Negro Sculpture (page 102 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24. The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham.

FIG.1.6. Henry Moore, Sketches of African and Oceanic Sculptures (page 103 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24. Henry Moore Foundation Much Hadham.

FIG.1.7. Standing Figure, Junkun, Nigeria. British Museum. London.

_ ... ,... ':.'

105 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24. The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham.

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FIG.7.8. Henry Moore, Sketches of Negro Sculpture (page FIG.7.9. Standing Female Figure, Mumuye, Nigeria. British Museum, London.
-
FIG.7.10. Head, Baga, Guinea. British Museum, London. FIG.7.11. Henry Moore, Head (page 126 No.3 Notebook), 1922-24. The Henry Moore Foundation, Much Hadham. FIG.7.12. Henry Moore, Drawings of African and Inca Sculptures (page 120 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24. The Henry Mqore Foundation, Much Hadham. FIG.7.13. Negro Head, Ubangi, Central African Republic. Private Collection, New York. FIG.7.14. Henry Moore, Sketches of Standing Figures (page 143 from No.3 Notebook), 1922-24. The Henry Foundation, Much Hadham.
I I I... 3,;' ..
FIG.7.15. Henry Moore, Studies of African and Eskimo Sculptures, 1931. Private Collection. FIG.7.16. Henry Moore, Girl, 1932. Private Collection. FIG.7.17. Stone Figurines, Nkole, Zimbabwe. British Museum, London. FIG.7.18. Henry Moore, Bead of a Girl, 1922. City Art Galleries, l1anchester. FIG.7.19. Henry Moore, Standing Woman, 1923. City Art Galleries, Manchester. FIG.7.20. Henry Moore, Caryatid, 1924. Private Collection. FIG.7.21. Henry Moore, Torso (two views), 1927. Marboruogh Fine Art Gallery, New York. FIG.7.22. Pipe-bowl in Human Form, Azande, Sudan. British Museum. FIG.7.23. Henry Moore, Mother and Cild, 1922. Private Collection. FIG.7.24. Henry Moore, Maternity, 1924. Leeds City Art Galleries, Leeds.
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