the eleventh issue of JEAN by jeandigitala1

東亞泉志

2018 年 07 月 July 2018 第 11 期總第 29 期 No. 11 Issue 29

THE JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN NUMISMATICS 中英雙語 - 電子季刊 Bilingual (English - Chinese) Digital Quarterly

本期專題 Features 1886-1888 年間朝鮮首鑄機製幣德國專家相助創建現代造幣廠 Initial Coin Minting in Korea 1886 - 1888 and Establishment of a Modern Mint with the Help of German Specialists 訪中國現代貴金屬幣市場基本規律的探索者趙燕生

Zhao Yansheng, A researcher who examined the basic laws of China’s modern precious metal coin market 《戳記幣簡史》第一章第三部分——中國白銀史

Chopmarked Coins Chapter 1 Part III - The History of Silver in China 11

東亞泉志

THE JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN NUMISMATICS 中英雙語電子季刊 Bilingual (English - Chinese) Digital Quarterly

Advisor

Che-lu Tseng

顧問

曾澤祿 Hans-Henning Goehrum 漢斯·亨甯·格魯姆

Technical Advisor

Gu Jun

技術顧問

顧軍

Publisher & Editor in-Chief

Michael H. Chou

出版人、總編輯

周邁可

Senior Editor

Bruce W. Smith

高級編輯

史博祿

Chinese Editor

Yuan Shuiqing

中文主編

袁水清

US Correspondent

J. Matthew Brotherton

美國通訊員

馬修·布拉澤頓

Advertising & Circulation Manager

Yotin Ring

廣告與發行經理

林逾婷

Design Director

Chen Lin

美術設計

陳琳

歡迎投稿 ! You're welcome to contribute articles.

臺北公司 Taipei Office 臺北市南京西路 163 號 1 樓 50-51 室 Room 50-51, No.163 Nan King W. Rd., Taipei 電話 (Tel)：886-2-25551761 郵箱 (Email): championghka@gmail.com

上海辦事處 Shanghai Office 上海市普陀區常德路 1211 號寶華大廈 1808 室 Room 1808, Bao Hua Building, No.1211, Changde Rd., Putuo District 電話 (Tel)：86-21-62130771 郵箱 (Email): championghka@gmail.com

Foreword Welcome to the 11th edition of the Journal of East Asian Numismatics. Our mission is to promote numismatic exchanges between East and West. In this issue we have an article by German researcher Thomas Uhlmann about the establishment of the first modern mint in Korea. This important article documents the influence of the Chinse Viceroy Li Hong Chang and the use of German officials and technology to setup the first Korean mint. We also continue our series on chopmark coins from the book Chopmarked Coins – A History, by Colin Gullberg. We also welcome a guest article from Mr. Wu Hong Wei and Mr. Yan Sheng, authors of Shaanxi Copper Coin Catalog, a book on Shaanxi Republican period copper coins. We welcome another guest article from Mr. Zhang Zheng Wen entitled “Study of the China 1983 Marco Polo Gold and Silver Sample Coins”. Mr. Yuan Shui Qing, our Chinese editor, has submitted an article in which he interviewed researcher and collector of modern Chinese coins Mr. Zhao Yan Sheng.

Mr. Zhao’s many books on modern Chinese coinage are an important addition to Chinese numismatics. This issue our senior editor Bruce Smith submits an article about the coinage of Southern Ming dynasty, a time of great disruption in China. Southeast Asia expert Howard Daniels’ article about Vietnamese Anti-French Bonds is both interesting and important. We are very excited to be partnering with F&W Media’s numismatic division Krause Publications again on a special Chinese edition of the “Standard Catalog for China, Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan”. For this important project, the journal has set up a global advisory committee with the approval of F&W Media and Krause Publications to work with government officials, researchers, collectors, and numismatic trading platforms to provide the latest date-to-date information on the coinage of this region. We hope you enjoy these interesting, well-researched articles! Michael Chou Publisher and Editor-in-Chief

前言歡迎閱讀第11期《東亞泉志》！本刊旨在促進東西方之間

貴金屬幣書籍為中國錢幣學著作增添了濃墨重彩的篇章。

的錢幣交流。我們雜誌的高級編輯史博祿先生在本期對南明貨幣展開了本期我們為大家呈現了德國錢幣學研究者托瑪斯•烏爾曼

探討，南明小朝廷的腐敗可謂中國歷史之最。霍華德 • 丹

撰寫的關於朝鮮創建現代造幣廠的重要文章。文中記錄了

尼爾則撰文生動講述了越南反法運動領袖潘佩珠發行軍用

曾任中國直隸總督的李鴻章派遣德籍人員出使朝鮮，德籍

銀票的重要歷史。

人員使用先進技術幫助朝鮮創建首個造幣廠。我們還延續往期戳記幣系列，繼續連載臺北高林先生所著《戳記幣簡

我們還與 F&W Media Inc. 錢幣學部門和克勞斯出版社

史》篇章。

再次攜手，共同編撰《克勞斯世界硬幣標準目錄》中國大陸、香港、澳門、臺灣中文版。為此合作專案，我們在獲

本期我們還迎來了《陝西銅元譜》的作者武宏偉和演聖貢

得 F&W Media Inc. 和克勞斯出版社的批准後組建了全國

獻的《民國陝西銅輔幣探析》一文。張正文先生也為本刊

顧問委員會，與來自各個國家的政府機構官員、研究專家、

供稿，提供有關1983年馬可•波羅金銀幣樣幣的實證考

收藏家和錢幣交易平臺達成合作，提供最新《克勞斯世界

略文章。

硬幣標準目錄》資訊。

《東亞泉志》中文主編袁水清先生在訪問中國現代貴金屬幣市場研究專家趙燕生後撰文一篇。趙燕生所著中國現代

希望諸位讀者能夠喜歡這些集趣味性和研究性為一體的文章。

《東亞泉志》總編輯兼出版人：周邁可

CONTENTS

Features 46

Initial Coin Minting in Korea 1886 - 1888 and Establishment of a Modern Mint with the Help of German Specialists

Zhao Yansheng, A researcher who examined the basic laws of China’s modern precious metal coin market

Chopmarked Coins Chapter 1 Part III - The History of Silver in China

Thomas Uhlmann Yuan Shuiqing Colin James Gullberg

Departments 3

JEAN News

Bruce W. Smith

JEAN Reviews

Bruce W. Smith

JEAN Signs New Book License with F+W Media, Inc. to Develop Chinese Edition of SCWC

Rare Pattern For A Chinese Silver Dollar Sells In Auction

Jeff Starck

Sidelights on the 15th China Copper Coin Symposium

Yuan Fang

China Guardian and Beijing Chengxuan 2018 Spring Auctions, Coinage Session Shows Recent Investment Highlights and Collecting Market Trends

Micheal Chou

Quan Chi

Column 112 Chinese Books in the Library of the American Numismatic Society 119 Discovery and Analysis of Fractional Copper Coin During the Republican Period

Howard F. Bowker Hongwei Wu, Yansheng Town

126 Vietnamese Anti-French Phan Bội Châu Bonds

Howard Daniel

130 Preface to the Collected Writings of Dong Liangyi

Yuan Shuiqing

132 Coinage of the Southern Ming Dynasty 145 In Memory of Wei Yuewang, A Great Numismatist 151 A Study of Marco Polo Gold and Silver Sample Coins

Bruce W. Smith Li Tiesheng Zhang Zhengwen

專題 55

1886 - 1888 年間朝鮮首鑄機製幣德國專家相助創建現代造幣廠

訪中國現代貴金屬幣市場基本規律的探索者趙燕生

95 《戳記幣簡史》第一章第三部分——中國白銀史

托瑪斯 · 烏爾曼袁水清高林

部門 5

《東亞泉志》新聞

史博祿

14 《東亞泉志》書評

史博祿

22 《東亞泉志》獲 F+W Media 授權編纂《克勞斯世界硬幣標準目錄》中文版

周邁可傑夫 · 斯塔克

稀世珍寶“中華帝國洪憲紀元”飛龍銀幣拍賣會高價成交

第十五屆中國銅元研討會側記

圓方

中國嘉德、北京誠軒 2018 春拍錢幣專場顯示近期收藏投資熱點及行情趨向

泉癡

專欄 116 美國錢幣學會圖書館裡的中國書籍 123 民國陝西銅輔幣探析 128 越南反法運動領袖潘佩珠發行的軍用銀票

霍華德 · 佛蘭克林 · 包克武宏偉演聖霍華德 · 丹尼爾

131 董良義《錢幣文集》序

袁水清

139 南明貨幣制度

史博祿

148 深切懷念著名錢幣學家衛月望先生

李鐵生

154 “馬可 · 波羅金銀幣”樣幣的實證考略

張正文

Departments é&#x192;¨é&#x2014;¨

JEAN News Bruce W. Smith (USA)

Beyer Collection of Chinese Paper Money to be Sold in 2018 One of the largest collections of Chinese paper money in the world will be sold in 2018 in an expected three sales by Yang Ming Auction Company in Shanghai. The collection belongs not to a Shanghai tycoon, but to a retired school teacher in the small town of Grafschaft, Germany, Erwin M. Beyer. Born in 1937, Beyer has specialized in collecting Chinese paper money since 1970. He is also a prolific writer and researcher on the subject, having produced dozens of books and monographs, mostly self-

published, some in German and some in English.

Mint since 1982, plus images of the entrances to the original mint (1896) and the rebuilt mint from the 1940's, plus photos of the minting process and the staff of the mint. The Shenyang Mint seems to have adopted the phrase "Since 1896" as part of its advertising, even though it issued a medal in 1985 for the mint's 40th anniversary. Machinery for the original Mukden or Fengtien Mint was ordered from Germany in 1896 and arrived in the summer of 1897. Its first coins were issued in 1898. The mint operated sporadically

till at least 1930, but in 1933 the Japanese supplied the mint with new machinery intended to produce coins for its puppet state of Manchukuo. It is unclear what happened to the mint during the 1940's.

The first sale of Mr. Beyer's collection is planned for late July. Yang Ming Auctions recently completed the sale of the Isamu Morimoto collection of Chinese paper money. Mr. Morimoto's collection required ten sales over the past three years and contained many previously unknown notes. For more information, visit the Yang Ming website at: www. yangmingauction.com.

Shenyang Mint Books The Shenyang Mint in Liaoning (Manchuria) has launched two promotional books in recent years. One is titled: "Zhubi Wenming Yaoran Tiancheng", which could be translated: "A Glorious Century of Coin Minting Spirit." Though undated, this 30 page book was published in 2015. Mostly filled with large color photos of coins and medals made at the Shenyang

The second book is titled: "Linghou Cangpin", which might be translated: "Collectables of the Monkey Year" or "Monkey Spirit Collectables." Published in 2016, this is a catalog of dozens of Monkey Year medals (no coins) and other medals produced in 2016 by the Shenyang Mint. The book was actually issued by the Shenyang Quanyin Industry Corporation, which seems to be a sales outlet for the mint. The book is unpaginated but contain about 40 pages, mostly illustrating its products, but also with a couple pages showing its lobby and sales room. It should be noted that the Shenyang Mint also operates a museum of Chinese coins and paper money. The year 2016 was the mint's 120th anniversary.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

Dutch East Indies Plantation Tokens Book A new book has been published in the Netherlands titled: "Plantation Tokens of the Dutch East Indies." The 178 page, 2018 book, authored by Adrian J. Lansen and Marcel L. F. Van der Beek, features color photos and an English text. This is a revision and expansion of an earlier book, "Plantation, Merchant and Mining Money of the Netherlands East Indies" by A. J. Lansen and Louis T. Wells Jr. published in 2001. Adrian J. Lansen, born in 1942, was a municipal civil engineer for 40 years until his retirement. His collection of Dutch East Indies tokens was sold by Baldwin's in May 2012. The new book

may be ordered for 30 Euros plus shipping from the Dutch coin firm Mevius at www.mevius.nl. Lansen may be contacted at: a.j.lansen@ hccnet.nl.

Taiwan Telephone Tokens Book James L. Contursi has published a monograph titled: "A Brief History of the Public Telephone on Taiwan and a Catalog of its Test and Use Tokens." The 28 page, soft cover, English language work was published in Taiwan in 2018. The ISBN is 0977021629. According to the catalog, only two tokens were

《东亚泉志》第 11 期

actually put into use, while 15 others were only test tokens. Contursi, who lives in Tainan, Taiwan, has recently written articles for the International Bank Note Society Journal and the Token and Medal Society Journal. The book may be ordered from the author for US $7.95 plus shipping at: contursi@hotmail.com.

Departments 部门

《東亞泉志》新聞史博祿（美國）

2018年“青蚨雲集白爾文先生收藏中國紙幣”專場夏拍大幕即將開啟上海陽明拍賣有限公司將舉行2018

該公司舉辦的森本勇先生收藏中國紙

年全球規模最大的中國紙幣藏品拍賣

幣拍賣會已于近期圓滿收槌。森本勇

專場，分三次拍賣。本次拍賣品的收

先生藏品在過去三年內前後歷經十次

藏家不是上海的鴻商富賈，而是德國

拍賣出售，拍品中有不少是存世極為

拉夫沙夫特小鎮的一名退休教師白爾

珍罕的，堪稱史無前例。欲知更多相

文（Erwin M. Beyer）。白爾文出生於

關資訊，請登錄上海陽明拍賣有限公

1937年，自1970起開始專事收藏中國

司網站 www.yangmingauction.

紙幣。研究中國紙幣的白爾文還是一

com 查看。

名多產的作家，出版過數十部著作（大多屬自助出版），其中有德文版本也有英文版本。白爾文藏品首次拍賣預展時間為7月底。

瀋陽造幣有限公司書籍近年來，位於遼寧（隸屬東北三省，舊

1982年瀋陽造幣廠的鑄幣及獎章大彩

雨飄搖的歲月裡，造幣廠幾經停停改

稱滿洲）的瀋陽造幣有限公司陸續

圖，（1896年）老廠的入口以及20世

改，發展緩慢，直至1930年。1933年，

推出過兩本促銷書。一本書名為《鑄

紀40年代新建廠的圖片，此外還有造

日本侵略者為製造偽滿洲國貨幣，向造

幣文明耀然天成 ——清光緒二十二年

幣過程記錄圖片和員工的照片。儘管

幣廠運來新的造幣設備。關於該造幣

（1898年）瀋陽造幣有限公司始創》，

于1985年發行了建廠四十周年銅質紀

廠20世紀40年代期間的情況並沒有詳

出版時間為2015年，共30頁，旨在紀

念章，瀋陽造幣廠似乎更願意對外宣

實的記錄。

念建廠100周年的光輝歷程。書中插入

稱其“ 始建於1896年 ”。1896年，瀋陽造幣廠前身奉天機器局成立並從德

另一本書書名為《靈猴藏品 ——2016

國購買機械設備，次年夏，設備運抵

百年造幣泉銀精品》，出版於2016年，

中國。1898年，生產出首枚硬幣。風

收錄了數十枚猴年獎章（無硬幣）及瀋陽造幣廠2016年鑄造的其他獎章。這本書實際上是由瀋陽泉銀實業總公司出版的，這家公司似乎是造幣廠的銷售商之一。這本書並沒有標頁數，大約共 40頁，主要以插圖形式展示藏品，也有幾頁展示其展廳和銷售空間。在此值得一提的是，瀋陽造幣廠廠區內還有一家博物館，館藏中國硬幣和紙幣。此外，2016年乃瀋陽造幣廠建廠

120周年。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

《荷屬東印度殖民地代幣》書籍《荷屬東印度殖民地代幣》（Plantation Tokens of the Dutch East Indies）一書在荷蘭出版，全書共178頁，以彩色照片和英文版本為特色。這本2018年出版的新書作者是 Adrian J. Lansen 和 Marcel L. F. Van der Beek 。該書在 A. J. Lansen 和 Louis T. Wells Jr. 所著的《荷屬東印度殖民地、商人和採礦資金》（Plantation, Merchant and Mining Money of the Netherlands East Indie，2001年出版）一書基礎

書籍由鮑德溫拍賣公司售出。訪問網

上做了進一步的修改、擴充。Adrian

站 www.mevius.nl. Lansen 或聯繫

J. Lansen 出生於1942年，他做了

a.j.lansen@hccnet.nl 即可購買這本

40年的市政土木工程師，直至退休。

新書，售價30歐元，下單付款後荷蘭

2012年5月，他的荷屬東印度代幣系列

錢幣公司 Mevius 將完成發運。

James L. Contursi 出版過一本專著，

用，其他15種僅供測試。近期，現

書名為《臺灣公用電話簡史及其供測

居臺灣台南的 Contursi 還為《國際

試和正式使用的代幣手冊》（A Brief

紙幣協會雜誌》（ International Bank

History of the Public Telephone on

Note Society Journal）和《代幣和獎

Taiwan and a Catalog of its Test and

章協會雜誌》（the Token and Medal

Use Tokens）。這本書共28頁，軟封

Society Journa）撰寫了幾篇文章。本

面，2018年該書英文版在臺灣出版，

書售價 US $7.95，如欲訂購，請通過

國際標準書號為 0977021629。據

contursi@hotmail.com 聯繫作者。

《臺灣電話用代幣》專著

本書記載，只有兩種代幣被正式使

《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments é&#x192;¨é&#x2014;¨

JEAN Reviews Bruce W. Smith (USA) Memory of Shanghai Mint Memory of Shanghai Mint, Chief Editor: Gu Jun, Shanghai Mint Company, No Date (2015), 211 pages, color and black and white photos. Chinese and English text. Hard cover.

Published in celebration of the 95th anniversary of the mint. The history of the Shanghai Mint prior to 1949 has been covered in numerous articles in English and in Chinese. The mint was authorized in 1920 and the machinery was purchased, but a lack of further funding resulted in the machinery being stored in a warehouse for ten years. Work resumed in 1930 with assistance from the U.S. mint in Philadelphia, and the first coins were produced in 1933. Following the Japanese attack on Shanghai in 1937, the mint was closed and it's machinery was packed up and sent west to establish branch mints in various parts of the country. After the war, the Shanghai Mint was reopened using machinery which had been hidden in the city during the Japanese occupation. What happened to the branch mints is unclear.

to get the machinery working properly, and finally in 1955 the first coins of the Peoples Republic of China were produced. According to an article by Zhang Weiyan (JEAN 2016 #4), who worked at the Shenyang Mint at the time, Shanghai produced the 5 Fen coin, while Shenyang was to produce the 1 and 2 Fen coins. In 1966 the mint received orders to relocate. In 1970 (during the Cultural Revolution), the Shanghai Mint was closed and moved to the remote town of Wangcang in Sichuan province, near the border with Shaanxi and Gansu. There it was merged with the Donghe Printing Factory as state factory 503, making machinery. In 1973 the mint returned to Shanghai, again as state factory 614, where a new staff was trained. In 1978 the mint began work on a set of four gold medals depicting scenes in Beijing, which were dated 1979 and released early that year. This set was apparently a rehearsal for the set of four gold coins released later that year (struck at Shanghai and Shenyang), commemorating the 30th anniversary of the founding of the Peoples Republic of China. By 1980 the Shanghai Mint was well established on a successful career. In 1986 a branch for making blanks was opened. In 2000 the mint began production of a new set of circulating coins, including a 1 Yuan coin with an inscribed edge. In 2005 the mint opened its own museum, and in 2008 changed its name to the Shanghai Mint Company Ltd.

Less well known to westerners is what happened to the mint in the 30 years following the communist capture of the city in 1949. This book fills in many of the details of those years. When the Peoples Liberation Army entered Shanghai, they designated the Shanghai Mint as state factory 614 (the Shenyang Mint became state factory 615). The engravers working at the mint were designated Group 601. During the early 1950's workers at the mint struggled

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

The Beauty of Engraving The Beauty of Engraving, Editors: Cui Xianliang, Du Kan, and Qian Chanjuan, Shanghai Mint Company, 2015, 106 pages, color photos. Chinese text. Hard cover.

This book contains some interesting and important photographs, including early views of the mint, a portrait of its first director, Chung Wen-yao (1861-1945; also known as Chung Mun-yew), a photograph of the office of the Chengtu branch mint, an employee's badge from the Lanchow branch mint, a photo of gold bars being hand stamped at the mint in the late 1940's, and photos of the "mint" when it was at Wangcang during the Cultural Revolution. There is also a photograph of the staff of the Shenyang Mint in 1957, including Zhang Weiyan (see his article in JEAN 2016 #4).

《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Another book published in connection with the 95th anniversary of the Shanghai Mint, but this one focuses on the artistic merits of Chinese engravers who worked at the mint from the 1930's to the present. Artistically laid out and beautifully illustrated with color photographs of coins and medals made at the mint. This is not a comprehensive listing, but rather selected coins and medals --- as well as the names of the engravers, some previously unknown. Engravers working at the mint before 1949 (and their works) include Tung Yi-ch'ien (1907-1980), who engraved the 26mm white metal medal showing the Temple of Heaven on one side and a three quarter portrait of Chiang Kai-shek facing left, uninscribed and undated (1943), probably struck in Chungking or Chengtu. Tung was probably responsible for the Cairo Conference souvenir medals (Kann plate 193; L/M 970-972). Also by Tung are two aluminum 1 and 5 Fen coins dated 1940, made for circulation in Japanese occupied areas, on the orders of the Chinese government in exile in Chungking. The order for the coins was given to an American engineering firm in Shanghai. Perhaps the best known Chinese coin engraver was Huang Wei-ts'un (1892-?), who signed most of his work with variations of his name or initials. He joined the Shanghai Mint in 1937 but spent the war years at the Kweilin branch mint in Kwangsi Province, where he produced several medals, especially anniversary medals for the mint. The most qualified engraver at the mint in those days, Chou Chih-chun (1894-1937), had originally worked at the Tientsin Mint where he was trained by the

Departments é&#x192;¨é&#x2014;¨

Italian, Luigi Giorgi. To him is credited an apparently unpublished 39.5mm bronze medal depicting Chiang Kai-shek in a three quarters portrait facing left, with an inscription above indicating this was a commemorative for the constitution. An identical piece, but with President Chiang in a facing portrait is listed as Kann 694 (L/M 872). There is a related piece showing Chiang in uniform with a hat but no inscription (Kann 693; L/M 873). All three pieces have the same reverse -- an ancient spade coin with the date 1936 above.

A Discussion of Ren Min Bi A Discussion of Ren Min Bi, by Yu Yinghui, Shanghai 2013, 239 pages, color photos, Chinese text. ISBN 9787548605386. Soft cover.

Somewhat later work can be seen in a pair of 40mm bronze uniface (?) medals with portrait of Mao Tse-dung (made in 1965) and Vietnam's Ho Chi Minh (1966). The Mao medal was engraved by Xi Zhaokun; the Ho medal by Tao Bingqi. Two other medals by Tao are shown, from 1949 and 1959, indicating he was working at the restored mint from 1949 till at least 1966. From 1979 onward the names of Chinese engravers are becoming well known and some have won awards for their designs.

The Constitution Commemorative Coin of 1936 Diameter: 39.5mm Author: Zhijun Zhou Obverse: Head portrait of Chiang Kai-shek, Fret work,the Constitution Commemorative Coin Reverse: The 25th year of the Republican of China, Ancient coins pattern,Fret work

A wonderful study of the Peoples Bank of China, its notes and the coins made for circulation, from 1948 to the present. Includes charts of the issue dates for each note, as well as main designs and colors. Pages 138-139 and 151-153 illustrate the watermarks used on notes of the Peoples Bank -- an unusual feature in a numismatic work. Pages 177-179 presents a chart of 82 base metal commemorative coins (and notes) issued from 1984 to 2011, with mintage figures and market values each year from 2002 to 2011. The smallest mintages were for the 1988 Ningxia Province 30th anniversary (1,560,000 pieces; valued at 1150 yuan in 2011) and the 1988 Peoples Bank 40th anniversary (2,068,000 pieces; valued at 4450 yuan in 2011). Pages 56-60 illustrates three sets of pattern coins dated 1969 and two sets of pattern coins dated 1975 -- none of which were approved for circulation. The author, Yu Yinghui, was educated at Sichuan Finance and Economics University (now Southwest Finance and Economics University), and has worked for the Peoples Bank of China since 1981.

Medals with portrait of Mao Tse-dung and the dies Diameter:40mm Author: Xi Zhaokun Pattern: Head portrait of Mao Tse-dung

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

An Exhibition of Selected Struck Copper Coins of China An Exhibition of Selected Struck Copper Coins of China, chief editor Wang Jijie, Beijing 2017, 147 pages, color photos, Chinese text. ISBN 9787030514295. Large hard cover. A well illustrated guide to an exhibit of struck copper coins held at the China Numismatic Museum in Beijing from October 24th through December 23rd, 2016. There is little text, but great photographs of not only selected coins, but also the old mint buildings and mint official. Among these are a photo of the Soochow Mint near Pan Men Gate (page 15); photo of Governor-General Lui K'un-yi, founder of the Nanking Mint (p.20); Nieh Ch'i-kuei, founder of the Anching Mint in Anhwei (p.23-24); the Mukden or Fengtien Mint (p.46); Governor Ch'en K'uei-lung, founder of the Kaifeng Mint (p.56) and ruins of the mint (p.55); the Wuchang Mint in the early Republic and its staff (p.65-66); the Tienshui Mint in Kansu (p.75); and the Szechuan-Shensi Soviet Mint at Tungchiang in northeast Szechuan (p.93). Also shown are photos of the Tientsin Mint (p.34-35) and an 1899 map of Tientsin showing the location of the Peiyang Mint. Actually this was the location of the new Peiyang Mint, established in 1902, after the original Peiyang Mint, located in the arsenal east of the city, was destroyed during the Boxer Uprising of 1900. As the title indicates, this work is not a comprehensive catalog, but an exhibit guide, presumably of coins in the China Numismatic Museum. We do note one error on page 36, where a struck cash with "yuan" mintmark is incorrectly attributed to Tientsin. In fact, this coin is a sample striking made in the United States for the Chengtu Mint in Szechuan. The book concludes with research articles by five different authors.

10 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部门

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

A Study of Currencies Made in the Huzhou Area A Study of Currencies Made in the Huzhou Area, by Gao Yongyong, Lu Yaochu, and Qian Xueming, Beijing 2017, 177 pages, color photos, Chinese text. ISBN 9787514362572. Large hard cover. Huzhou is an area in the northernmost part of what is today Zhejiang Province. The city of Huzhou sits on the south bank of Lake Taihu. This book presents a survey of coins and paper money used in that region from ancient times to the 1940's. The work is divided into nine chapters: 1) Warring States Ch'u Coins Cast in Huzhou; 2) Early Han Dynasty King of Wu, [Liu] P'i, Coins Cast in Huzhou (circa 150 BC); 3) Shen Lang Coins (circa 320 AD); 4) Hsiao Family Liang Dynasty Two Pillars Wu Chu Coins Cast in Huzhou (556 AD); 5) Ch'en Pa-hsien and the T'ai Huo Liu Chu Coins (579 AD); 6) Huzhou's Sung Dynasty Yu Mint Coins (1079-1197 AD); 7) T'ai P'ing T'ien Kuo Rebel Coins Cast at Huzhou; 8) Kiangnan Bank AntiJapanese War Notes; 9) Huzhou Local Notes and Tokens. Chapter Six is particularly interesting because it presents evidence of a previously unknown Sung Dynasty coin mint. The so-called Yu Mint was originally a state run foundry for making bronze mirrors, but was apparently also used as a coin mint.

A Brief History of Chinese Currency A Brief History of Chinese Currency, by Wang Yongsheng, Social Sciences Academic Press, Beijing 2016, four volumes, black & white illustrations plus a few color plates in each volume. Chinese text, Small soft cover. Volume 1 -- A Brief History of Coins, 281 pages, ISBN 9787509790519.

12 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments é&#x192;¨é&#x2014;¨

Volume 2 -- A Brief History of Gold and Silver Coins, 182 pages, ISBN 9787509788288.

Volume 4 -- A Brief History of Currency Cultural Exchange, 198 pages, ISBN 9787509793619.

Volume 3 -- A Brief History of Paper Currency, 180 pages, ISBN 9787509789490.

The author, Wang Yongsheng, graduated from Xinjiang University History Department in 1988, and has been engaged in numismatic research ever since. He has contributed articles to the journal, China Numismatics (Zhongguo Qianbi,) and to at least two collections of research papers, mostly on Xinjiang and Silk Road topics. He is best known for his book, "History of Currency in Xinjiang" (2007). In 2011 he released "Research Into Coins of the Western Regions". His most recent work is a four volume set which surveys China's ancient and modern coins, paper money, and the relationship between China's currencies and those of surrounding countries, such as Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Southeast Asia, and the Western Regions (Xinjiang, Persia, Northern India). The first volume covers coinage from ancient times into the early 20th century. Volume two covers gold and silver coins and ingots made in China, and imported silver coins, concluding with China's own western style silver coins. Volume three surveys the invention of paper money in medieval China, its spread westward, and its return to China in the form of western style banknotes. The final volume discusses the influence of Chinese currency in neighboring countries.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

《東亞泉志》書評史博祿（美國）《上幣記憶》《上幣記憶》，總編輯：顧軍，上海造幣有限公司，（2015

的不懈努力下，設備開始正常運轉，1955 年中華人民共和

年）無具體日期，共 211 頁，彩色照片，黑白照片。中英

國第一套硬幣面世。根據當時在瀋陽造幣廠工作的張維研

文文版。精裝本。

撰文回憶（詳見《東亞泉志》2016 年 11 月刊，第 4 期），上海鑄造了伍分硬幣，瀋陽鑄造了壹分和貳分硬幣。 1966 年，國營 614 廠接到上級發出的搬遷通知； 1970 年（文化大革命期間），上海廠關閉並遷往毗鄰陝西和甘肅邊界的四川旺蒼，隨後併入東河印刷公司，503 廠成立，繼續製造機械設備；1973 年遷回上海，複名國營 614 廠，新職員接受培訓入廠；1978 年試製了一套四枚裝 “北京風景名勝”紀念金章，1979 年金章製造完成，同年年初發行。該套紀念章開四枚裝紀念金章製作之先河，上海風景和瀋陽風景主題紀念章于同年在北京金章之後發行，以此紀念中華人民共和國成立三十周年；憶往昔成就拓明日輝煌，1981 年，廠名啟用中國造幣公司上海造幣廠； 1986 年，開設分廠造幣坯；2000 年，造幣廠開始生產一套新的流通硬幣，包括帶滾邊一元硬幣；2005 年，造幣廠自行開設的上海造幣博物館正式開館；2008 年，廠名正式更名為上海造幣有限公司。

值此上海造幣廠建廠 95 周年之際，謹以本書的出版以資紀念。上海造幣有限公司 1949 年之前的發展歷程已在無數篇文章中以中英文形式刊發。關於上海造幣有限公司簡介如下：籌建於 1920 年，籌建後即購買設備，後續由於資金不足而只能將設備暫時存放某倉庫十年。1930 年，在費城美國造幣廠的幫助下籌建工作重新啟動。1933 年，生產出首枚鑄幣。1937 年抗戰爆發，日本侵華，上海淪陷，廠房被迫關閉，廠內設備運往西部，以期在中國內地各省市建立分廠。戰後，上海造幣廠重新開放，日本攻陷期間藏於上海的設備重見天日。這期間的其他各分廠情況如何，已找不到詳實記錄。西方人不太清楚的是 1949 年共產黨佔領上海後，這三十年內造幣廠的發展情況。本書即細緻描寫了這三十年的造幣廠情況。中國人民解放軍進駐上海後，將上海造幣廠定名為國營 614 廠（瀋陽造幣廠則定名為國營 615 廠），廠內雕刻師被編為 601 組。20 世紀 50 年代，在全體員工

14 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部门

《手雕之美》《手雕之美》，編輯：崔先亮、杜侃、錢嬋娟，上海造幣有限公司，2015 年，106 頁，彩色照片。中文版本。精裝本。

作為紀念上海造幣廠建廠 95 周年發行的兩本新書之一，本書聚焦 20 世紀 30 年代迄今在造幣廠工作過的中國雕刻師，展現了神奇的藝術之美。巧妙的謀篇佈局與美麗的插圖引人入勝，產自造幣廠的硬幣和紀念章彩圖栩栩如生。書中出現的硬幣、紀念章和雕刻家的姓名寥寥可數，尚有其他當前未知下落或未及查明蹤跡者，因而不可由此一概而論、以偏概全。本書所列 1949 年前在造幣廠工作的雕刻師（及其作品）如下：董益謙（1907-1980 年），設計雕刻代表作品為 26 毫米蔣介石像配天壇白銅紀念章，正面蔣像為蔣介石面朝左七分側面像，無題字、無日期（日本書插入了幾張生動有趣的照片，這些照片彌足珍貴，包括上海造幣廠早期風光及首任廠長鐘文耀（1861-1945 年，英文姓名 Chung Mun-yew）的肖像、成都分廠辦公室照片、蘭州分廠一名雇員的像章、20 世紀 40 年代打有造幣廠戳印的金條照片、“文革”期間旺蒼廠址照片。除了上海造幣廠，書中還插入了一張攝於 1957 年的瀋陽造幣廠員工照片，其中一人即為張維研（詳見《東亞泉志》2016 年 11 月刊，第 4 期）。

期應為 1943 年），此紀念章很有可能是在重慶或成都鑄造的；1940 年逃亡到重慶時接中國政府指示設計雕刻的在日本佔領區流通的壹分和伍分鋁幣，該設計雕刻指令最先下達給上海的一家美國機械公司。此外，蔣介石開羅紀念章（Kann plate 193; L/M 970-97）也是出自董益谦之手。在佼佼者輩出的中國錢幣雕刻師行列中，黃偉存（1892 年 - ？）名氣最大。他在其創作的大部分作品中用他的中文姓名或英文姓名字頭簽名。1937 年，黃偉存加入上海造幣廠，但是因為抗日戰爭，他撤至廣西桂林分廠，在此期間他設計出數枚紀念章，特別值得一提的是他為造幣廠設計的周年紀念章。周志鈞（1894-1937 年）亦是與黃偉存同一時期在造幣廠工作的錢幣雕刻大師，他從學於意大利造幣設計雕刻名師魯奇 • 喬治（Luigi Giorgi），先後在晚

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

清和民國初年的天津造幣廠工作。他還曾創作一枚未發表的 39.5mm 毫米銅章，銅章上為蔣介石面朝左七分側面像，

《話說人民幣》

上有題字，注明這是一枚憲政紀念幣。蔣像設計还出現在编号为 Kann 694 (L/M 872) 的作品中，以及身着制服头戴一頂帽子但無題字的蔣像作品 Kann 693; L/M 873。這三

《話說人民幣》，于英輝編著，2013 年上海，239 頁，彩圖，中文，國際標準書號 9787548605386，平裝本。

件蔣像作品有着相同的反面圖案——上方环有“中華民國二十五年”字樣，其下為古代布幣圖案。此後造幣廠仍是人才輩出，優秀作品層出不窮，譬如冼兆坤（於 1965 年）雕刻的直徑 40 毫米毛澤東銅章以及陶秉麒（於 1966 年）創作的胡志明紀念章。流傳至今的另外兩枚 1949 年至 1959 年陶秉麒手雕紀念章表明，陶自 1949 年至 1966 年或更長時期內一直都在原上海造幣廠（更名後的國營 614 廠或搬遷後的旺蒼廠）工作。1979 年伊始，包括以上列舉的多名中國雕刻師揚名海內外，許多雕刻大師憑藉卓越設計斬獲大獎。

本書生動地講述了 1948 年至今中國人民銀行發行的流通紙幣及硬幣，書中涵括每張紙幣的發行日期圖表及其主 1936 年憲政紀念幣直徑： 39.5mm 作者：周志鈞正面：蔣介石頭像、回紋、“憲政紀念幣” 背面： “中華民國二十五年”、古錢幣圖案、回紋

要的設計和顏色。其中第 138-139 頁和第 151-153 頁加插圖展示了中國人民銀行紙鈔上使用的浮水印布满所有錢幣設計作品，如此匠心設計無疑是獨一無二的。第 177-170 頁則列出了 1984 年至 2011 年發行的 82 種普通金屬紀念幣（和紙幣）圖表，該圖表標明了 2002 年至 2011 年期間每年的鑄量和市場價。書中還談到了中國人民銀行發行量較少的紀念幣是 1988 年寧夏回族自治區成立三十周年紀念幣（發行量僅為 156 萬枚，2011 年的市場價是 1150 元），另外還有 1988 年中國銀行成立四十周年紀念幣（發行量為 206.8 萬枚，2011 年的市場價是 4450 元）。第 56-60 頁插圖展示了三套 1969 年以及兩套 1975 年的未採用稿試鑄硬幣樣幣，它們都是沒有流通過的錢幣。本書作者于英輝畢業於四川財經學院（現為西南財經大學），1981 年進入中國人民銀行工作。

1965 年毛澤東銅章及模具直徑： 40mm 作者：冼兆坤圖案：毛澤東頭像

16 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部门

《中國銅元精品展》《中國銅元精品展》，中國錢幣博物館 / 編，主編：王紀潔，2017 年北京，147 頁，彩圖，中文，國際標準書號 9787030514295，大精裝本。本書是 2016 年 10 月 24 日至 12 月 23 日在北京中國錢幣博物館臨時舉辦的“銅心銅德——中國銅元精品展”插圖本指南。上為“展覽篇”，下為“研究篇”。前者中文字不多，但圖片清晰逼真，不僅彙集了精心甄選的展品圖片，還收錄了一些老造幣廠及其工作人員的照片，包括距離盤門不遠的蘇州銅元局照片（第 15 頁）、南京造幣廠的籌建者時任兩江總督的劉坤一之照（第 20 頁）、安徽安慶造幣廠籌建者時任安徽巡撫的聶緝椝之照及安慶造幣廠遺址（第 23-24 頁）、奉天機器製造銀元總局照片（第 46 頁）、河南開封銅元局籌建者時任河南巡撫的陳夔龍之照（第 56 頁）及河南銅元局遺址照片（第 55 頁）、中華民國開國初年財政部武昌造幣分廠廠門照片及員工合影（第 65-66 頁）、甘肅天水造幣廠照片（第 75 頁）、四川省東北部通江縣川陝省蘇維埃政府西寺造幣廠舊址照片（第 93 頁）。此外，書中還加插了位於天津的造幣總廠舊址照片（第 34-35 頁），以及一張 1899 年的天津地圖，圖中標明了北洋造幣廠的地理位置。實際上圖中展示的是 1902 年重新設局之後的北洋銀元局，其前身為生產火藥的北洋機器局東局下屬北洋機器鑄錢局，1900 年義和團事件爆發後被毀。正如書名所示，本書不是一部綜合性目錄，而是中國錢幣博物館一次臨時展覽的總結指南。我們發現書中第 36 頁有一處錯誤，將一枚“總”字一文銅元歸為天津造幣廠鑄造。經證實，這枚錢幣是美國為四川成都造幣廠鑄造的樣品。本書“研究篇”收錄了五篇不同作者的銅元研究學術成果。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

18 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部门

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

20 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部门

JEAN Signs New Book License with F+W Media, Inc. to Develop Chinese Edition of SCWC Micheal Chou (Taipei) F+W Media, Inc. Numismatics Division 5225 Joerns Dr. Suite #2 Stevens Point, WI 54981

www.shopnumismaster.com

To Whom It May Concern, The Numismatics Division of F+W Media, Inc. Krause Publications is currently in a partnership with a global advisory committee comprised of officials from various national agencies, as well as numismatic collectors and research specialists. These parties are working to develop the Chinese edition of the Krause Publications Standard Catalog of China, Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan reference. Members of the advisory committee include: – Michael h. Chou (Taipei), Committee Chair, Coin of the Year Panel Judge and Publisher and Editor-in-chief of the Journal of East Asian Numismatics (JEAN) – Gu Jun (Shanghai), Committee Vice Chair, Coin of the Year Judge, JEAN Technical Advisor, Former Party Secretary of Shanghai Mint, Ltd., Former General Manager of Shenyang Mint, Ltd. – Thomas Keener (USA), Project Manager, JEAN Advisor, Senior Collector of ancient and vintage Chinese coins. – Bruce W. Smith (USA), Senior Editor of JEAN, and Contributor of the Standard Catalog of Unusual World Coins. – Colin Gullberg (Taipei), English Editor of JEAN and English Lecturer at Taiwan Soochow University. – Yuan Shui Qing (Xi’an), Chinese Editor of JEAN, Member of the China Numismatics Society. – Stanley Chou (Taipei), Taipei Correspondent for JEAN, and President of Fu Chin Auction company. – – – – – – – – – –

Wang An (Beijing), Coin of the Year Judge, Director of China Gold, Inc. Zhou Wei Rong (Beijing), Coin of the Year Judge, Curator of China Numismatic Museum. Wang Xue Yang (Beijing), Coin of the Year Judge, President of Beijing Coingot Coins Co., Ltd. Zhao Yan Sheng (Beijing), Research Scholar and Former General Manager of CGCI China Great Wall Investments (HK) Ltd. Wang Yang (Shanghai), Collector, Co-author of Gold & Silver Coins of China Standard Catalogue 1979-2017, and CEO Shanghai Forcoin Art, Ltd. David Chio (Macau), President of the Macau Numismatic Society, Co-author of the Standard Catalog of Macau Coins and Banknotes, and President of DC Design Ltd. Tang Chun Hiu (Hong Kong), Co –author of Standard Catalog Macau Coins and Banknotes, Co-author of Hong Kong Coins and Banknote Guide. King Lam Chan(Hong Kong), Collector, Co-author of the Gold & Silver Coins of China Standard Catalogue 1979-2017. Chou Chien Fu (Taipei), Past President of Taipei Numismatic Society, Founder of Fu Chin Coins and Stamps. Cheng Jen Chieh (Taichung), Senior Collector of vintage Chinese copper coins, Author of Chinese Copper Coins catalog, and Technical Specialist in the Zhongxing Land Office, Taichung City Government.

This is a partnership built on coin collecting expertise and interest, technological experience and understanding, and a deep appreciation for the progress and potential of collaboration within the numismatic community worldwide. Sincerely,

Antoinette Rahn Editorial Director Numismatics Division, F+W Media, Inc.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

《東亞泉志》獲F+W MEDIA授權編纂《克勞斯世界硬幣標準目錄》中文版周邁可（臺北）

F+W Media, Inc. Numismatics Division 5225 Joerns Dr. Suite #2 Stevens Point, WI 54981

www.shopnumismaster.com

致各相關負責人：茲有 F+W Media, Inc. 公司錢幣學部門克勞斯出版社與由來自各個國家機構的官員及其它成員組成的全球顧問委員會、多名錢幣收藏家、研究專家達成合作關係。以上各方將攜手努力，共同更新並編纂《克勞斯世界硬幣標準目錄》中國大陸、香港、澳門、臺灣中文版。該全球顧問委員會由下列成員組成： – 周邁可（臺北），顧問委員會主席、世界硬幣大獎賽評委、《東亞泉志》出版人＆總編輯； – 顧軍（上海），顧問委員會副主席、世界硬幣大獎賽評委、《東亞泉志》技術顧問、原上海造幣有限公司黨委書記、原瀋陽造幣有限公司總經理； – Thomas Keener（美國），顧問委員會專案經理、《東亞泉志》顧問、中國機鑄幣資深收藏家； – Bruce W. Smith（美國），《東亞泉志》高級編輯、《非常規世界硬幣標準目錄》（Standard Catalog of Unusual World

Coins）撰稿人； – Colin Gullberg（臺北），《東亞泉志》英文編輯、臺灣東吳大學英文講師； – 袁水清（西安），《東亞泉志》中文主編、中國錢幣學會會員； – 周俊佑（臺北），《東亞泉志》臺北通訊員、福君錢幣線上拍賣公司總裁； – 王安（北京），世界硬幣大獎賽評委、中國金幣總公司董事； – 周衛榮（北京），世界硬幣大獎賽評委、中國錢幣博物館館長； – 王雪陽（北京），世界硬幣大獎賽評委、北京康銀閣錢幣有限責任公司董事長； – 趙燕生（北京），研究學者、原香港中國長城硬幣投資有限公司董事總經理； – 汪洋（上海），收藏家、《中國金銀幣標準目錄1979-2017》作者之一、樂幣（上海）藝術品有限公司總裁； – 趙康池（澳門），澳門錢幣學會會長、《澳門硬幣和紙幣標準目錄》（Standard Catalog of Macau Coins and

Banknotes）作者之一、特式設計工程有限公司董事總經理； – 鄧浚曉（香港）、《澳門錢幣和紙幣標準目錄》作者之一、《香港硬幣和紙幣指南》（Hong Kong Coins and Banknote Guide）作者之一； – 陳景林（香港），收藏家、《中國金銀幣標準目錄1979-2017》作者之一； – 周建福（臺北），曾任臺北市集幣協會理事長，福君郵幣社創辦人； – 鄭仁傑（臺中），中國銅元資深收藏家、《中國銅元鑒賞》作者、臺中市中興地政事務所技正。此次合作關係的建立以錢幣收藏專業知識和對錢幣的濃厚興趣為基礎，各合作方將憑藉豐富的技術經驗和對錢幣領域的理解，密切關注世界錢幣領域發展進程，深挖各自合作潛力，充分打造本優勢合作專案。順頌商祺！

Antoinette Rahn F+W Media, Inc. 公司錢幣學部門編輯部主任

22 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部门

Rare Pattern For A Chinese Silver Dollar Sells In Auction Full Story Of Pattern Still Unknown Nearly A Century After Being Issued Jeff Starck (USA)

Images courtesy of Champion Hong Kong Auctions.

A rare silver dollar pattern from China realized a hammer price of $72,000 U.S. during an April 4 auction in Hong Kong.

Do coin doctors deserve the same scorn as is directed at counterfeiters?: A known example of a rare die variety was altered and resubmitted as new.

A rare pattern for a Chinese silver dollar of the early 20th century has sold at auction.

Giorgi left work in the hands of six Chinese engravers that he had trained. In 1919 (three years after Yuan Shih Kai died), Tientsin Mint Director Li Pai-ch’I (Li Baiqi) reportedly asked the Chinese engravers at the mint to produce a dollar die with the flying dragon design.

The 1916 Hat Touching Rim Flying Dragon dollar, issued for Yuan Shi Kai, realized a hammer price of $72,000 U.S. during Champion Hong Kong Auctions’ April 4 sale. The buyer’s fee ranges from zero to five percent, depending on bidding method. According to Bruce Smith, who authored the catalog for the auction house, “There are two different explanations for the Yuan Shih Kai Flying Dragon Silver Dollar, supposedly struck in 1916 to mark Yuan Shih Kai’s enthronement as Emperor Hung Hsien.” Researchers over the years have suggested differently, that the dollar’s design was created after the Italian engraver, L. Giorgi, left China in 1917. Before leaving, Giorgi engraved dies for a gold $10 coin with the same Flying Dragon design, but not one for a

An engraver named T’ang Shang-chin produced the best die, and it was used opposite an obverse die Giorgi had engraved in 1914, with the end result being the Yuan Shih Kai Flying Dragon dollars. These coins were not intended for circulation, but were commemorative coins made for collectors. The example in the Champion auction is graded Mint State 63 by Numismatic Guaranty Corp., one of two graded in Uncirculated grades by NGC. “Both examples probably comes from the Goodman collection and may have been owned by [Edouard] Kann at one time,” according to Smith.

dollar denomination. (This article was published in the Coin World on May 15, 2018)

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

稀世珍寶“中華帝國洪憲紀元”飛龍銀幣拍賣會高價成交飛龍銀幣與它的雕刻師——問世後近一個世紀仍鮮為人知的故事傑夫 · 斯塔克（美國）

圖片由冠軍拍賣公司提供

2018年4月4日，冠軍拍賣公司以7.2萬美元的高價售出一枚

路易奇 · 喬治在離開中國前，造幣廠曾遴選六名學生師從喬

1916年袁世凱像“沖天冠”“洪憲紀元”飛龍銀幣，這枚銀

治，取喬治已雕成作品摹刻。1919年（袁世凱死後三年），

幣是20世紀初為紀念袁世凱登基而鑄造的。買家傭金為成

天津造幣廠廠長李伯琦要求這六名中國雕刻家設計出完整的

交價的0%-5%，具體取決於競標方式。

飛龍銀幣。

《東亞泉志》高級編輯史博祿表示， “對於袁世凱像飛龍銀

一位名叫唐尚金的雕刻師摹刻的飛龍模脫穎而出，於是廠方

元的由來，有兩種不同的解釋。據推測，該幣可能是為紀念

命其再刻，去“拾圓”二字，正面使用袁像共和幣舊模，正

1916年袁世凱登基（年號洪憲）而創作的。”

反面合二為一，終成袁世凱人像洪憲飛龍銀幣。

關於此幣的由來，因飛龍圖案銀幣幣模非全部由意大利雕刻

這款銀幣不作流通之用，而是專為收藏製作的紀念幣。

師路易奇 · 喬治雕模而成，故老一輩收藏家有不同看法。有人認為該銀幣的設計是在喬治1917年離開中國後完成的。

冠軍拍賣公司香港拍賣會上售出的這枚銀幣被業內領先錢幣

而實際上，在離開中國之前，喬治已經用相同的飛龍圖案雕

評級機構 NGC 評為63級，這是 NGC 對未流通幣評定的兩

刻了一枚拾圓金幣。

種評級之一。

將一枚罕見的幣模更改為新的幣模，新幣模的設計者是否應

史博祿說： “喬治雕刻的金幣與唐尚金雕刻的銀幣可能都來

當與假幣鑄造者一樣受到指責？對於這個問題，溫德爾 · 沃

自古德曼的收藏，並曾一度為耿愛德所有。”

爾卡展開過討論。（此文2018年5月15日發表於《硬幣世界》。）

24 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部门

Sidelights on the 15th China Copper Coin Symposium Yuan Fang (Xi’an)

Fig 1 Photo of attendees of the 15th China Copper Coin Symposium. Date: May 27 2018, Place: Wuhan

Wuhan (Jiangcheng), 2018.On May 25 - 27, 2018, the 15th China Copper Coin Symposium (Fig 1) and the Hubei Province Spring Numismatic Exchange Conference were held together in the collecting market located in Chongren Road in Wuhan. The event was sponsored by: the National Numismatic Collector Union Hubei Province Activity Center, the Hubei Province Collectors Society Numismatic Branch, the 15th China Copper Coins Symposium, and Wuhan Chu Han Collection Co., Ltd. This event was a combination of research, communication, unveiling ceremony and auction. The entire event was innovative, simple and efficient. The atmosphere at the auction was active with many lots being competed for by collectors. Michael Chou, CEO of Champion Auctions and publisher of the Journal of East Asian Numismatics [JEAN ], and Yuan Shuiqing, Chinese editor of JEAN were invited to attend the Symposium and Conference. I was present on site, so I would like to write about the highlights of the activities.1. Grading and care are two irreplaceable aspects of coin collecting. I arrived in Hankou on the afternoon of May 24th, earlier than the scheduled date for the events. I met with Cao

Hongguang and his friend from beijing. Cao Hongguang is the Deputy Secretary-general of the National Numismatic Collector Union, President of Hubei Province Collectors Society Numismatic Branch, and Chairman of Wuhan Fangyuan Collection Co., Ltd. He focuses on collecting Ching dynasty coins. His research on coins minted in the Ching Emperor Qianlong’s reign is at the highest level. Cao Hongguang and his friend have been doing business together for more than a decade. At seven o'clock in the evening, Cao Hongguang invited us for dinner, he ordered some famous local cuisine from a restaurant named Nong Jia Xiao Yuan (Fuxing Village Branch). When I enjoyed the lotus sprout for the first time, one of the most delicious foods in the world, I immediately associated the food with the widely recognized poem written by Yang Wanli, who lived during the Southern Song dynasty. The poem can be read like this: Green lotus leaves stretch to the horizon and the lotus flowers look incredibly red in the sunshine. We were talking and laughing when enjoying our dinner. Cao Hongguang believes that there is still a strong and urgent demand for certifying and grading Chinese ancient coins. But the demand for gifts about coins has slowed

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

down because of changes of policies, and few young men participate in numismatic research. Recently, Cao Hongguang acquired Hubei Bao Cheng Ping Ji Co., Ltd. (Fig 2), and he has been going through the procedures of transferring ownership, making coin certifying, grading and gift-development into a onestop operation. He promised to establish an open, fair and efficient company. Should his company auction any counterfeit coins in the future, he will compensate the buyer based on the market price. He has collected and handled a large amount of Ching dynasty coins and has written and compiled a numismatic guidebook about coins minted in the Ching Emperor Qianlong’s reign.

Coins--Silver Coinage funded and published by Champion Auctions, written by Michael Chou, Gu Fu and Bruce Smith; the Chinese language version of Coin of the Year translated by the editorial department of JEAN ; Gold and Silver Coins of China Standard Catalogue (1979-2017) written by Wang Yang, King Lam Chan, and Lin Zhenyu (JEAN is the international general sales agent for this book). Michael Chou and his entourage also introduced to the Deputy Secretary-General of the Hubei Numismatic Society Xia Hongyan, Managing Director Zhang Huoding, Director Lu Huaiping, and former Deputy Governor Wang Jiazhi of the Agricultural Bank of China, Wuhan Branch interesting stories about how foreign collectors collected ancient Chinese coins. Stories such as who once collected Zhang Shuxun’s collection and where the collection went, or the current situation of the Coin of the Year. Thereafter, the two parties discussed ways to exchange academic results. Members of the Hubei Numismatic Society gifted Collections from the Hubei Numismatic Museum, Wuhan Finance Monthly,2018 Supplementary issue (Coins) published by them to Michael Chou and his entourage as gift in return. Afterwards, Xia Hongyan led everyone to visit the Hubei Numismatic Museum. Huang Jingjing, staff member of the secretary department of the Society, gave a guided tour for everyone. We were fortunate to have seen the most precious treasure of the museum—— a silver dollar with Marx's portrait (Fig 3), and a 1899 China - provincial bank Hupeh government mint 7 mace 2 candareens banknote. Finally, we took a photo with the group in the exhibition hall (Fig 4).

Fig 2 Cao Hongguang certifying lots at Hubei Bao Cheng

Ping Ji Co., Ltd.Workers of Hubei Bao Cheng Ping Ji Co.Ltd expressing their warm welcome to guests.

2. Contact with official coin societies and actively promote the progress of academic research. In the past four years, Champion Auctions has teamed up with the Macau Numismatic Society and has done a lot of work to promote the study of coins in the Macau region. Since the main work of the Macau Numismatic Society is research, and the Journal of East Asian Numismatics is targeted to publish the latest coin research results and share stories of successful numismatists. Michael Chou has paid great attention to communications with various numismatic societies in China. For this purpose, on the afternoon of May 25th, Michael Chou and his entourage went to People’s Bank of China, Wuhan Branch to visit members of the Hubei Numismatic Society, and gifted to the Society several books about coins, including Howard Franklin Bowker - Numismatic Pioneer, Top Chinese

26 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Fig 3-1, Fig 3-2 Photo of Silver Dollar with Marx's Portrait,

Hubei Numismatic Museum

Departments 部门

first time exchanged phone calls and talked about coins.

Fig 3-3 Silver Dollar with Marx's Portrait (both the reverse

and the obverse), Diameter: 37.86 mm (Photo courtesy: The Hubei Numismatic Museum)

On the evening of May 25th and 26th, collectors bought and sellers sold coins late until midnight. This transaction method brought the following advantages: it allowed participants to make full use of the limited time, allowing everyone to carefully make choices; sellers saved money and improved the transaction rate. It is said that there was a room which was selling lots over 300 thousand yuan within two nights by just selling common types of Ching dynasty coins.

Fig 4 Photo of attendees, From left: Huang Jingjing, Lu

Fig 5 The hotel rooms became temporary coin trading

3. Competing purchases leads to an active trading atmosphere in the hotel room.

4. The China Copper Coin Symposium and the local counterparts cooperated to create a new coin trading model.

Huaiping, Zhang Huoding, Xia Hongyan, Michael Chou, Yuan Shuiqing, Wang Jiazhi.

In recent years, when there is a numismatic exchange meeting, it is customary for the people to arrive one or two days in advance. This time, participants all checked into the Wuhan Gezhouba Hotel. If following the originally scheduled time, we should arrive on the afternoon of May 25th, in fact many of us arrived on the 24th, as collectors wanted to become the first one to buy the best lots. At 4:00 pm, the 180 rooms were fully open, and on the sofas, coffee tables, beds and even on the ground, everywhere you could find space was neatly arranged with coins to be sold(Fig 5). Most of the lots to be sold were ancient Chinese coins, silver coins, and copper coins. The passage was crowded with people and when they found coins they needed in the room, they would carefully select what they wanted and bargain hard. Some met each other for the

places.

The previous fourteen China Copper Coin Symposiums were held separately. This time it was changed to be held at the same location as the Hubei Province Spring Numismatic Exchange Conference, and the Symposium and Conference which were all held at the same time. The head organizer of the China Copper Coin Symposium, Cao Yu, told me: “This is the first time that the China Copper Coin Symposium has been held in an ‘open’ mode. There are not too many limits, so that anyone who likes Chinese copper coins can be involved. It was also the first time the Symposium was held together with a local largescale numismatic exchange conference. This is a new way that the Symposium and the Conference can be held together, which explores a new way to hold future China Copper Coin Symposiums. Location of the venue was the

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

collecting market located in Chongren Road in Wuhan. The market was established in 1997 by Wuhan Chu Han Collecting Co., Ltd., and is located in the prosperous downtown area with an area of 10,000 square meters. The market has about 500 shops. Hubei Bao Cheng Ping Ji Co., Ltd is on the third floor. Stated by Ms. Wu Zhimin, general manager of the company, “To build a brand in the market, we have increased investment and improved the environment. Conferences about coins including China Copper Coin Symposium has been changed from the way of setting up street stall to counter exhibition, and from closed to open, from holding alone to holding together with other conference”. This new coin trading model greatly improves the effectiveness of the conference. There are two columns of counters that pass through the middle of the hall from the entrance of the market, and there are shaded shelters in the open areas. Street stalls are not allowed and the 150 counters have been sold with none left. The first day of the Symposium and Conference was on Saturday, May 26th, and selling of coins began on that day. About 2,000 Wuhan citizens visited the market and talked about coins. At 10 am, the unveiling ceremony for the 15th China Copper Coin and the National Numismatic Collector Union Hubei Activity Center was held. Shi Xiaoyan, chairman of the National Numismatic Collector Union, made a special trip from Beijing to unveil the event (Fig 6). Coin experts Zhou Jiyuan, Duan Honggang, Shen Xiaobao, and Zhou Kun were in attendance. The entire market was crowded, people standing shoulder to shoulder. It was unprecedented (Fig 7).

Fig 7-1 Overlooking on the spectacular Numismatic

Exchange Conference

Fig 7-2 A lively exchange scene

Fig 7-3 Carefully selected photo (the 1st person on the left:

busy man Cao Yu at the Copper Coin Symposium)

Fig 6 Unveiling ceremony for the National Numismatic

Collector Union Hubei Province Activity Center, by Shi Xiaoyan and others, From left: Wu Zhimin , Xiao Zhigang (former Vice-Chairman of the Political Consultative Conference of Wuhan City), Shi Xiaoyan, Chen Jinjian (Director of Hubei Activity Center), Wang Yunming (Secretary-general of Hubei Province Collectors Society).

28 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Fig 7-4 Coin verification and certification

Departments 部门

Figure 7-5 carefully selected picture

5. Attendees were very enthusiastic and coins will still have a good auction price in the future. During my visit I observed that the conference had several characteristics. First, there were many young people. The number of young people who collected copper coins has been increasing, and this new vitality brought in by the young indicates that the numismatic business is flourishing. Cao Yu estimates that there are nearly 200,000 people collecting copper coins in the country, of whom 80% are over 30 years old. Second, the proportion of certified ancient Chinese coins has increased significantly. This shows that the market demand is large. But the following phenomenon still exists: poor lots are mixed into good lots, low grading lots are listed as high grading lots (lots in poor condition were given high grades). Third, coins and banknotes in good condition were in high demand. Also, coins of the Ching dynasty had a large volume of transactions due to the fact that Ching dynasty is closer to modern times and have a closer relationship with modern people. Prices of high grade ancient Chinese coins generally rose by 30%50% compared with the same period of last year, and the certifying and grading had a breakthrough improvement. Li Xiaojun, the general manager of Wende Grading Company which responsible for certifying and grading on site, told me that the Pre-Qin blue patina( first-class patina, uncirculated, VF) knife money, hammer price of 40,000-50,000 yuan; Southern Song dynasty Huizong Coin“ 徽宗錢 ”, XF has a special glamour, and it has increased in price by 50% compared to the same period last year. Among the Southern Song dynasty Huizong Chongning 10 Cash “ 崇寧折十 ” in VF, realized a hammer price of 300 yuan, and Xiaoping Zhenghe and Xuanhe coins were auctioned at 100 yuan each; The Ming dynasty coins, in VF, rose by 30-40%. The Jiajing and Wanli coins were auctioned for a few hundred yuan each, and Taichang Tongbao (a kind of ancient Chinese coin) was auctioned more than a thousand yuan; The big sample coin was highly sought after, and the big sample coin of

the Quanyuan Bureau was auctioned for about 1,000 yuan, a price rise of 50%. Li Xiaojun added, the current high-end machine-made coins grading is still controlled by US grading companies, but grading companies outside China cannot grade on grading market of ancient Chinese coins. Wende Grading Company mainly uses grading method that open to the public, which is the first company applying this method in China. Customers can open the grading and certifying box and remove the coin and appreciate it. The two-dimensional and digital codes on the label can effectively prevent the coin from being replaced (Fig 8). Printed copies of the Journal of East Asian Numismatics were in the champion auction’s display cabinet at the entrance of the entrance hall (Fig 9-1). Those who stopped to browse the JEAN (Fig 9-2) and ask questions included university professors, lecturers, coin researchers, machine-made coin collectors. Zhang Jun, a teacher at the Taiyuan University of Technology, had an in-depth conversation with Michael Chou, the editor-in-chief of JEAN before the exhibition began (Fig 9-3). Zhang Jun told Michael Chou that he read every issue of the Journal of East Asian Numismatics. He has subscribed all the numismatic magazines published in China and he thought JEAN has first class academic content. Zhang Jun mentioned one disadvantage of reading JEAN is that it strains your eyes to read the electronic version. If JEAN were published in paper form, he would be the first person to buy it. The second disadvantage mentioned is putting Chinese and English together is inconvenient to read. In addition, many young Chinese in China cannot read traditional Chinese characters. Mr. Zhou immediately stated that starting from the 11th issue of JEAN, the traditional Chinese and English version will be issued for foreign readers; the simplified Chinese version will be issued in China only.

Fig 9-1 Seats for members of Journal of East Asian

Numismatics

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

prices. Zhou Qinyuan was mainly responsible for the auction. The extremely large size of the screen displaying the auction lots made sure the images were clearly visible to all in attendance. After two hours of fierce bidding, all 33 lots of coins and stamps were auctioned, with a total hammer price 283,000 yuan. Among them, the lot 27, a Hubei 20 cash copper coin sold for 30,000 yuan which was the highest hammer price of the sale. Lot 001, silver and copper Medals of the 15th China Copper Coin Symposium were auctioned for 1,700 yuan (Fig 10). In addition, a Taiping Kingdom of Heaven coin, a charm Coin with auspicious words, and mother coins of the Ching dynasty mostly auctioned for about 20,000 yuan each. The sale conveyed current popular coin price information to the participants. F i g 8 - 1 W e n d e G r a d i n g Fig 8-2 The coin’s packaging

Company verifying and is treated as a coin identity certifying on site (on the card which is unique. right: Li Xiaojun)

The China Copper Coin Symposium was held on the morning of the May 27th on the third floor of the collecting market. The conference hall was full of guests. The speeches of four copper coin researchers and experts were very well-received. Zhou Qinyuan

Fig 9-2 Chen Zhonghua is Fig 9-3 Photo of Zhang Jun browsing the Journal of ( o n t h e r i g h t s i d e ) a n d East Asian Numismatics editor of the Journal of East Asian Numismatics

Fig 10 The first auction lot is Fig 11-1 Zhou Qinyuan’s being auctioned, selling for lecture 1700 yuan

6. The overall level of the China Copper Coin Symposium was high, and although the number of the auction lots was small all of the lots were exquisite.

introduced the background and types of modern machinemade coins minted in Hubei province (Fig 11-1); Yan Sheng introduced the main content of Shanxi Copper Coin Catalog, which was written by Wu Hongwei and himself. He specially mentioned, according to the newly discovered literature, that the Central Chinese Red Army of workers and peasants started to counterfeit Shanxi Copper Coins from 1933, and the Shanxi Copper Coins

On the evening of May 26th, an internal auction was held at a welcome dinner in Xiaolanjing Restaurant. Attended by more than 300 people, this auction was not so big but all of the lots were exquisite, and realized high hammer

30 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部门

Fig 11-2 Yan Sheng’ s speech

Fig 11-3 Duan Honggang’s speech

can be further divided into different types(Fig 1-2); Duan Honggang introduced the new discovery of Guangxu Tongbao Fengtian purple copper coins “ 光緒通寶奉天紫銅滿穿 ”(Fig. 11-3); Michael Chou told some stories about his association with RB White and White’s collection of China copper coins twenty years ago (Fig. 11-4). Shen Xiaobao analyzed changes in the copper coin market since 2011. The Symposium showed that the China copper coin research is progressing in depth.

Fig 11-4 Michael Chou’s speech

The venue of the 16th China Copper Coin Symposia. Applied by Luo Yiyang (net name “ 苍天有梦 ”) for approval, a Sichuan representative of the Symposia, the Symposia was approved by voting and was scheduled to be held in Chengdu in April 2019.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

第十五屆中國銅元研討會側記圓方（西安）

圖 1 第十五屆中國銅元研討會合影 2018.5.27 於武漢 2018，初夏，江城武漢，氣候溫和。5 月 25-27 日，第十五屆中國銅元研討會 ( 圖 1) 與湖北省春季錢幣交流會在崇仁路收藏品市場合併召開。主辦者為全國錢幣收藏聯盟湖北活動中心、湖北省收藏家協會錢幣分會、第十五屆中國銅元研討會、武漢市楚漢收藏品有限公司。此次活動集研討、交流、揭牌、拍賣為一體，模式創新，簡約高效，場面熱烈，交易火爆。冠軍拍賣總裁兼《東亞泉志》出版人周邁可、雜誌中文主編袁水清應邀蒞會。筆者目擊其事，謹就此次活動諸多特點從側面作以記述。一錢幣收藏不可或缺的配角——評級、養護。筆者因公提前於 24 日下午到達漢口，與曹紅光邀請來自北京的一收藏家協會錢幣分會會長、武漢方圓收藏品有限公司董事長，

圖 2 曹紅光在寶誠收藏品鑒定公司接待來賓

他以收藏清錢為主，尤其對乾隆錢的研究，在國內屬於領先

需求急切，錢幣禮品需求受政策影響減緩，錢幣研究缺乏年

水準。他二人是生意上十多年的朋友。晚 7 時許，曹先生在

輕人。他已收購湖北省寶誠收藏品鑒定有限公司（圖 2），

漢口農家小院復興村店點了幾道當地名菜宴請我們。當我品

近日正在辦理過戶手續，使錢幣鑒定、評級、禮品開發

著首次享受的藕帶 ---- 全球美味食材，立刻聯想到南宋楊萬

一條龍，公司承諾：公開公正，高效快捷；假幣進盒，市價

里“接天蓮葉無窮碧，映日荷花別樣紅”的絕佳詩句。

賠付。他過手、擁有大量清錢，正在編寫乾隆錢譜。

位朋友巧遇。曹紅光，全國錢幣收藏聯盟副秘書長、湖北省

32 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

席間，三人相談甚歡。曹紅光認為，古錢鑒定評級市場

Departments 部门

二主動與官方錢幣學會聯絡，推進學術研究。近 4 年，冠軍拍賣與澳門錢幣學會聯手，為推動澳門地區錢幣收藏研究做了大量工作。由於錢幣學會工作重心是研究，而《東亞泉志》的內容又以披露最新錢幣收藏研究成果、推介泉界成功人士的事蹟為主，所以周邁可非常重視加強與大陸各地錢幣學會的交流。為此，25 日下午，周邁可一行前往中國人民銀行武漢分行，拜訪了湖北省錢幣學會，向學會贈送了冠軍拍賣投資出版，周邁可、古富、史博祿編著的《霍華德·佛蘭克林·包克 —— 錢幣學研究先驅者》《中國近代機制幣精品鑒賞銀幣版》，以及《東亞泉志》編輯部譯介的《世界硬幣大獎賽》中文版，汪洋、陳景林、林振宇編著的《中國金銀幣標準圖錄（1979-2017）》（《東亞泉志》為該書國際銷售總代理）等珍貴泉著。向湖北省錢幣學會副秘書長夏紅豔，常務理事張或定、理事呂懷平，農行武漢市分行原副行長王嘉智等介紹了外國收藏家收藏中國錢

圖 4 參觀合影，左起：黃晶晶、呂懷平、張或定、夏紅豔、周邁可、袁水清、王嘉智

幣的軼事，如張叔訓藏品下落，以及世界硬幣大獎賽近況。

三捷足先登，房間錢幣交易活躍。近年但凡有錢幣交

雙方商議了交流學術成果的途徑。學會回贈了其編撰的《湖

流會，泉友們總是提前一兩天到達，已成慣例。此次參會

北錢幣博物館藏品選》《武漢金融》2018 增刊（錢幣）。

者統一入住葛洲壩大酒店。本來 25 日下午報到，但不少泉

隨後，夏副秘書長帶領大家參觀了錢幣博物館，學會秘書

友 24 日就到，為的捷足先登，搶先買到心儀品。16 點許，

處工作人員黃晶晶作了重點講解。我們有幸目睹了鎮館之

180 間客房房門全部敞開，入住者利用沙發、茶几、床鋪，

寶——馬克思像銀元（圖 3）和“湖北銀元局光緒二十五年

甚至在地面整齊擺放了欲出售的錢幣（圖 5），筆者所見，

憑票取銀元壹大元”券。隨後在展廳合影留念（圖 4）。

以古幣、銀元、銅元為多。過道上人們川流不息，當見到房間擺放有自己所需的錢幣，便仔細挑選，討價還價。有的初識者互留電話，切磋錢幣版別。25、26 日晚，房間錢幣交易直至深夜。這種交易方式的優點：使參會者充分利用了有限的時間，並能靜心仔細選購 ; 轉讓者節約了費用，提高了成交率。據說有一個房間，兩晚只賣清錢普通品種，成交額 30 多萬元。

圖 3-1、3-2 湖北錢幣博物館珍藏的馬克思像銀元陳列照圖 5 客房成為臨時錢幣交易場所

四銅元研討會與舉辦地同行聯手，開創全新錢幣交易

模式。前 14 屆銅元會均單獨舉行，本屆改為與湖北省春季錢幣交流會同期同地點舉行。銅元會承辦方負責人曹昱對筆者講，”本屆銅元會第一次選在一個對外開放的環境。 3-3 馬克思像銀元（正、背）直徑 37.86 毫米（湖北錢幣

博物館供圖）

沒有門檻，可以讓喜歡銅元的人參與進來。也是第一次和當地大型錢幣交流會一起舉辦。然後研討和交流結合，是

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

一次全新的模式，為以後的銅元研討會探索了新的路子。 “會議地點崇仁路收藏品市場為武漢市楚漢收藏品有限公司 1997 年創辦，位於市中心繁華地段，經營面積 1 萬平方米，約有 500 個商鋪，三樓有寶誠鑒定有限公司，交流人氣旺盛。公司總經理吳志敏女士介紹說，為了打造品牌市場，這次我們加大投入，改善環境，錢幣交易和銅元研討會” 改地攤式為櫃檯式，改封閉式為開放式，改單一式為綜合式“。這種全新的錢幣交易模式極大地提高了會議效果。筆者所見，兩列櫃檯從市場入口直通大廳中間，露天地段撘有遮陽遮雨棚，因不允許擺地攤，150 節櫃檯早被訂購一空。26 日會議第一天是週六，錢幣交流正式開始，約有 2000 名武漢市民參觀交流，上午 10 時，舉行第十五

圖 7-2 熱鬧的交流現場

屆中國銅元暨全國錢幣收藏聯盟湖北活動中心揭牌儀式，全國錢幣收藏聯盟主席石肖岩等專程從京趕來，為活動中心揭牌（圖 6）。錢幣專家周沁園、段洪剛、沈小寶、周鯤現場鑒定。整個市場，人頭攢動，肩摩踵接，盛況空前（圖 7）。

7-3 仔細鑒別（左 1 為本屆銅元會大忙人曹昱）

圖 6 石肖岩等為全國錢幣收藏聯盟湖北活動中心揭牌後合

影左起：吳志敏、肖志剛（武漢市原政協副主席）、石肖岩、陳進建（湖北活動中心主任）、王運明（湖北省收藏家協會秘書長）

圖 7-4 錢幣鑒定

圖 7-1 俯瞰壯觀的錢交會

34 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

圖 7-5 精心挑選

Departments 部门

五交易現場熱烈，錢幣行情看好。筆者觀察並走訪，發現此次會議有幾個特點：1. 年輕人多，特別是玩銅元的年輕新手增多，有年輕人接續，表明錢幣事業興旺發達。曹昱估計，全國玩銅元的目前應該有 20 萬人，其中 30 歲以上者占 80%。2. 古錢盒子幣比例明顯增大。說明市場需求量大。但有魚龍混雜、低分高評（狀態不好的打了高分）現象。3. 品相好的各種幣鈔受到追捧，清錢因時代近，與老百姓關係密切，成交量大。4. 品相好的古幣行情普遍較去年同期上漲 30%-50%，包裝評級有突破性改進。現場受理鑒評的聞德總經理李小俊告訴筆者，最近“先秦藍鏽齊刀美品（鏽色一流，未流通）4 萬 -5 萬元；極美徽宗錢獨具魅力，較去年同期上漲 50%, 其中美品崇寧折十 300 元，小平政和、宣和約 100 元；明錢美品上漲 30%-40%，嘉靖、

圖 9 -1 袁水清（右）在《東亞泉志》展位

萬曆小幾百元，泰昌千元以上；大樣錢受到熱捧，泉源局乾道嘉大樣均在千元左右，漲幅 50%。”他說，目前高端機製幣評級話語權仍然掌握在美國公司，但古幣評級市場外國機構無法介入。聞德主打的古幣開放式評級為國內首創，客戶可以打開包裝盒上手把玩，同時標籤上的二維碼和數位編碼可以有效防止錢幣被替換（圖 8）。會場入口處的冠軍拍賣展櫃上擺放的《東亞泉志》打印本（圖 9-1），為熱烈的交流現場增添了雅趣。駐足流覽（圖 9-2）、垂詢者有大學教授、講師，錢幣研究者，機製幣藏家。太原理工大教師張俊在展櫃前與周邁可總編進行了深入交談（圖 9-3），他對周總說，《東亞泉志》自己每期必讀。國內所有的錢幣雜誌他都訂閱，相比較您們的雜誌內容學術水準一流，缺點是看電子版費眼力，若出版紙質合訂本，他首先購買；再就是中英文在一起，不方便國內讀者閱讀，而且繁體字年輕人多不認識。周總當即表示，從下期即第並改為簡體字。

圖9-2 陳忠華流覽《東亞泉志》 9-3 張俊（右）懇評《東亞泉志》

圖 8 -1 聞德總經理李小俊現圖 8-2 古幣包裝如同錢幣身

圖 10 正在拍賣第一件拍品，圖 11-1 周沁園演講

11 期起，向國外讀者發行中英文版；國內只發行中文版，

場受理鑒評

份證，別具一格

後與總編合影

以 1700 元落槌

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部门

圖 11-2 演聖演講

圖 11-3 段洪剛演講

圖 11-4 周邁可演講

六銅元研討會水準高，拍賣品少而精。26 日晚，小藍鯨飯店，在有 300 多人參加的歡迎晚宴上舉行了內部拍賣會。此次拍品少且精，成交價較高。拍賣由周沁園主槌。特大型屏幕展示的拍品圖異常清晰，經過 2 小時的激烈競拍，上拍的 33 件幣章全部成交，總成交額 28.3 萬元。其中，27 號拍品湖北鄂二十文銅元以 3 萬元成交，拔得頭籌；001 號第十五屆中國銅元研討會銀銅紀念章一對，成交價 1700 元（圖 10）。太平天國錢、吉語花錢、清代母錢大多成交價 2 萬元左右，向與會者傳遞了當前熱門幣種及其價格走勢資訊。27 日上午的本屆銅元研討會在市場三樓舉行，會場座無虛席。四位銅元研究者、專家的演講十分精彩。周沁園介紹了湖北近代機製幣產生背景及其品種（圖 11-1）；演聖介紹了他和武宏偉合著的《陝西銅元譜》主要內容，特別提出，根據新發現的文獻證實，中央工農紅軍大致從 1933 年開始，曾仿造過一批陝西銅元，實物有待進一步區分（圖 11-2）；段洪剛介紹了光緒通寶奉天紫銅滿穿新發現（圖 11-3）；周邁可介紹了 20 年前他與懷特的交往及懷特收藏中國銅元一些鮮為人知的軼事（圖 11-4）。沈小寶就 2011 年以來銅元行情變化做了分析。研討會表明，中國銅元研究正在向縱深方向發展。第十六屆中國銅元研討會舉辦地。經四川代表羅一洋（網名“蒼天有夢”）申請，大會表決通過，初步定於 2019 年 4 月在成都舉辦。

36 《东亚泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部門

China Guardian and Beijing Chengxuan 2018 Spring Auctions Coinage Session Shows - Recent Investment Highlights and Collecting Market Trends Quan Chi (Xi’an) June 21st and 22nd, 2018, the Coinage Session of China Guardian and Beijing Chengxuan 2018 Spring Auctions was successfully concluded in Beijing. As two giants in the auction industr y, China Guardian and Beijing Chengxuan achieved an 89.9% transaction rate in the spring auction. These two auction houses sold a total of 3,860 lots including badges, medals, and commemorative medals, realized 101.6 million yuan(RMB, including commissions, all yuan numbers refer to RMB and includes commission). Among the rich sales activities held by China Guardian, four sessions achieved an 88.5% transaction rate and realized 48.6 million yuan. There were 2,060 lots sold in the four sessions, including Shuiguitang's Collection, a large number of ancient Chinese coins, sycee, and banknotes，Shih Kalgan's Collection. At Beijing Chengxuan, 1800 lots were sold with a 91.6% transaction rate and total hammer value of 53 million yuan in three sessions which included ancient Chinese coins, sycee and machine-struck coins. Comments on this season’s auction from the coinage department manager of China Guardian and market anal y s t s remain b asic all y the s ame. The gener al manager of the stamps, coins, silver sycee and banknote department, Guo Xueguang, stated that every type of coin had star lots. The focus of the wonderful Shuiguitang's Collection (Fig 1) - research on currency and collections of the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, were highly sought after by attendees. This special session had a 100% transaction rate, and realized nearly 20 million yuan. As for Shih Kalgan's Collection, since this collection was introduced for the first time, almost all of China’s medal-collecting connoisseurs and veteran experts were gathered together for this great session. All the medals on display obtained positive responses due to their historical documentary values. The success of these two sessions fully shows the significant position of China Guardian in the stamp and coin market. As a weathervane, China Guardian always leads industry trends. According to the statements recalled by Niu Guoyu, director and coins department manager of Beijing Chengxuan, hammer prices of various coins saw an upturn while keeping a steady growth, intense bidding became a common scene, especially for banknotes,

Fig 1 China Guardian Shuiguitang's Collection session, on site photo silver sycee and machine-made coins. Sales of sycee even broke historical records. “Both China Guardian and Beijing Chengxuan have fully emphasized their own characteristics and have had an excellent performance in this season’s auction. Observing from the previous market conditions, collectors’ enthusiasm never faded, coins in top condition are particular favorites. After extensive and a long time research, experts certified the lots, so price will likely greatly increase in the future.” However, based on the fact that a lot of extremely valuable lots didn’t sell, one veteran collector thought the market had already shown weak signals, and prospects for higher prices in the future were not optimistic. Through physical research and analysis on the sales conditions of various coins, I think the whole coinage market is pushing ahead with certain adjustments. Some lots from different sessions were still sought after by collectors. Specialized collection collected by collectors and banknote specimens were in the spotlight. Collectors became much more focused on the highlighted lots. At the same time, some highly touted lots have regrettably remained unsold due to weak economic trends. Lots with low-price still have sufficient market vitality. Collectors and investors are more rational in making choices of their favorite lots. Different sessions presented different development trends and now I would like to describe them as follows:

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部門

Sales prices of ancient Chinese coins continued to rise, especially for coins of the Pre-Qin period. We can see from the ancient Chinese coinage session held by China Guardian and Beijing Chengxuan, this type of coins sold well as most of them sold higher than expected prices. Some lots even sold at prices ten times higher than expected, and some drew more than five bidders, indicating collectors are more focused on the pursuit of fine lots, collectors’opinions about the standard quality of fine lots is becoming more unified. 1. Sales prices of ancient Chinese coins continued to rise, especially for coins of the Pre-Qin period. We can see from the ancient Chinese coinage session held by China Guardian and Beijing Chengxuan, this type of coins sold well as most of them sold higher than expected prices. Some lots even sold at prices ten times higher than expected, and some drew more than five bidders, indicating collectors are more focused on the pursuit of fine lots, collectors’opinions about the standard quality of fine lots is becoming more unified. Ancient coins of the Pre-Qin period play an important role in the collecting history of Chinese coinage, rare and precious items revealed this time were highly sought after by buyers. The reason behind the high demand is that few historical items from this period remain so these rare artifacts deserve to be loved. Shuiguit ang's Collec tion sold by China Guardian contained coins of the Pre-Qin period were the most important items on offer.450 lots without auction reserve price were on display, but still attracted many ancient coin collectors and investors. All of these lots were sold at 18.888 million yuan and reached a transaction rate of 100%. Among them, the most striking lot was lot 7015, an example of the Warring State period, State of Qi knife shaped money qi fan bang chang da dao (six Chinese characters“ 齐返邦长大刀 ”) with shang (Chinese character “ 上 ” ) on the back of the knife blade, and listed as a famous piece from coin lots of the Pre-Qin period and one of the top 50 precious Chinese ancient coins. After fierce bidding, the knife money realized 1.047 million yuan, the top hammer price in Shuiguitang's Collection (Fig 2). Next to the knife money, the large-sized engraved mother coins lot 7049, in which the stroke of the Chinese character Tong ( 通 ) was written with a ‘horned head’ ‘ 乛 ’, and with an extra wide rim, the last two strokes of Bei ( 貝 ) are connected together, which is short form of written Manchu script. This lot sold at the second highest price of 1.024 million yuan. It’s a rare ancient coin made in Suzhou and was collected by numismatic collector Chen Danong and Dong Rui from Shuiguitang. Lot 6621 - a Spring and Autumn period, Sate of Jin period de jin (Chinese character“ 得金 ”) medium-sized pointed-

38 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Fig 2 China Guardian lot 7015, Price realized: RMB 1,047,000

feet spade shaped money with hollow handle, collected by Tang Jinyuan and Shuiguitang, got the third highest hammer price of 782,000 yuan,2.6 times the expected price 300,000 yuan. Actually, it is a vintage. The selling prices of charms and rare types of trading coins kept rising. The three lots that obtained the top three highest hammer prices can be listed as follows: China Guardian lot 6526 a 10 items lot of charms (all graded VF-XF) sold for a hammer price of 219,000 yuan. Lot 6509 was a type of amulet money once used in the court as zhenku and quanqian for the purpose of keeping away evil spirits and praying for good luck. Since it was a rare type from Wang Mang's reign and has never appeared for sale before, it was sold for 207,000 yuan. Lot 6492, a Ching dynasty Hsien-feng T'ung-pao with bao fu 100 cash “ 寶福一百 ” on the reverse, rare and beautiful lustre, reached a hammer price of 109,000 yuan. China Guardian’s sale arranged ancient coins and sycee in the same session and had 499 lots. There were only 145 ancient coins, but had strong sales, especially the Ching dynasty Boo-ciowan Hsien-feng Tung-pao 1,000 cash, Chinese character “ 當千 ”) or Erbao (“ 爾寳 ”, a Chinese character “ 寳 ” consisting of “ 尔 ”) on the reverse was sold at a hammer price of 460,000 yuan. 2. Hammer prices of sycee increased rapidly, the price of gold and silver coins remained steady. 1. The rise of sycee collecting and research happened much later than that of ancient coins, but there has been a great upswing in recent years. Prices have kept increasing as time has passed. This season, 355 pieces of sycee were sold by Beijing Chengxuan. Sessions concerned with the two specialized collections were highly sought after, there wasn’t an empty seat at the sale. Buyers were filled with enthusiasm as highlighted items appeared one after another. This session created a new milestone in the history of sycee auctions. As written in the Beijing Chengxuan materials, its Lizangcang Chinese sycee ( Ⅲ ) session broke new records with its rare lots and old collections. In this special session, all 108 lots were sold. In particular lot 1977 a 10 Tael large and long saddle sycee with lu “ 禄 ” in the center (Fig 3) was offered to the public for the first time. Lot 1977 is the only Ching dynasty

Departments 部門

Fig 3 Beijing Chengxuan lot 1977, Price realized: RMB 1,093,000 official sycee related with education used as currency to pay salaries. It is also the only silver saddle sycee with the four characters ‘Zu Se Feng Yin’ ( 足色俸銀 ), which were never recorded in relevant documents both at home and abroad. Before it was sold, buyers had the chance to admire this awesome piece on site. After several rounds of fierce bidding, a determined collector won the auction at a hammer price of 1,093,000 Yuan, ten times higher than the expected starting price. The saddle sycee set a new record of Yunnan Province sycee in public auction. What is more, it reached the highest hammer price among 10 Taels sycee after the peak hammer price appeared from 2011 to 2012. Lot 1979, a Ching dynasty 10 Tael large and long silver saddle sycee, hammered at 403,000 yuan due to its deep saddle, rustic look and clear inscription. The lot number 2023, a Ching dynasty Szechuan Province double chopmarked 10 Tael round silver sycee and lot 2048, a Ching dynasty Kweichow Province round silver sycee both sold for 368,000 yuan each. The “Sanjingzhai Sycee Fine Work Collection”special session was another collection warmly welcomed by collectors. This session’s excellent lots included Ching dynasty sycee with a nominal value of less than 10 taels but with significant historical value, good conditions and nice appearances. There were 94 pieces sold at prices several times higher than expected. Shown in the China Guardian sycee session, lot 7196, a Ching dynasty 50 Tael sycee was used in the HuainanHuaibei salt mines, one of Ching dynasty eleven salt mines. This sycee was used as salt tax collected from the Huainan-Huaibei salt mines and the tax was paid to the central government. It is rare and reached a hammer price of 368,000 yuan. Lot 7195, a Ching dynasty Anhwei 50 Tael sycee reached the second highest price in this session. With two rows of chopmarks, rare place names, easily read characters, a natural lustre, it was sold at 334,000 yuan. And finally, lot 7219 a Ching dynasty Shanxi 50 Tael sycee sold at a price of 224,000 yuan, with two rows of chopmarks, regular forming and unlimited style.

For a long time, gold and silver coins have been the hot spots sought after by numismatic collectors and investors. For example, China Guardian lot 7830, a 1906 Sinkiang gold two mace (Fig 4) sold at a price of 327,000 yuan. Ranking first hammer price in this session,the lot has clear cast texture, elegant and plump strokes in the characters, and a good condition. Lot 7663 a Ching dynasty Kuang Hsu 7.2 mace coin was sold at a hammer price of 288,000 yuan, and reached the second highest hammer price in this session. The third highest lot was number 7808, a silver made in 1908, with a hammer price of 230,000 yuan. In addition, lots 7619 to 7635, consisting of 333 items and which were divided into 17 groups, were from the old collection of the famous numismatic collector Li Weixian and were collected during the Republican Period. They all sold at excellent prices.

Fig 4 China Guardian lot 7830, Price realized: RMB 327,000

Fig 5 Beijing Chengxuan lot 2329, Price realized: RMB 1,633,000

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部門

Turning to the machine-made coin session held by Beijing Chengxuan, 563 lots were offered and the sale reached a transaction rate of 90.2% and a turnover of 23 million yuan. The price of the central government minted coins maintained a steady growth. Lots such as the number 2329 (Fig 5),a specimen matched with long whiskers dragon pattern with common pedal and leaf design, which is extremely rare, was sold for 1,633,000 yuan. Lot 2338, a 1906 Ching dynasty 1 tael gold coin specimen and lot 2339, a 1907 Ching dynasty 1 tael gold coin specimen were the only two gold coins made in the name of central government. They are very rare，and sold at the price of 805,000 yuan and 782,000 yuan respectively. Meanwhile, famous collector Li Zukui’s collection assembled in during the Republican Period received remarkable results. In this collection, every coin was precious and scarce, and each lot was in exceptional condition. The locally minted coins attracted a lot of attention. Lot 2567,a Kwangtung 1889 Kuang Hsu Yuan Bao 7.3 mace silver specimen (Fig 6) was a pioneering work in the history of China's modern machine-made silver coins. With a mirror surface, it is extremely rare. After fierce competition between the floor and phone bidders, its price was driven to exceptional levels. Finally, this rare piece was added to a buyer’s collection, who has a keen eye for beauty, and is listed among the best lots of the sale. Likewise, lots 2567, and 2607 were considered top treasures of modern machinemade silver coins. The Kiangnan no date (1896) Kuang Hsu Yuan Bao 3.6 mace silver specimen realized a price of 817,000 yuan. Lot 2441, a 1932 Sun Yat-sen portrait silver specimen was sold at a price of 690,000 yuan. It was a specimen minted by the Shanghai Central Mint, unissued, once collected by famous Hong Kong collector Huang Huashu and Taiwan veteran numismatic expert Chen Jimao. However, what is most regrettable thing is that lot 2437, a 1929 Sun Yat-sen portrait globe silver specimen, a classic Chinese contemporary portrait coin, did not sell, although it was recognized as the most beautiful silver coin in Chinese coinage history by numismatists. At first it was expected to sell 1.8 million yuan but when it was actually auctioned, the starting auction price was 1.3 million yuan, then the price increased to 1.7 million yuan, at this time no one bid a higher price for it, thus it was unsold at last. 3. Banknotes were hot, and the price of regional banknote specimens is increasing. Since many of the lots were superior notes in good condition that have not appeared for sale in 20 years, this was a unique opportunity for banknote buyers. The first session was the Banknotes session held by Beijing Chengxuan. With 738 lots, highly popular items, competitive bidding, a transaction rate of 90%, and a turnover of 11 million yuan. All of these factors indicate that the scale and importance of the session was bigger than ever before. The banknote session of

40 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

liberation areas during the revolution period was the most striking featured session as all of the lots originated from the same collector. This collection drew a lot of attention before the auction as well as after as collectors were enthusiastic, and banknotes of this session were competitively purchased by buyers one after another. All the 164 lots were sold, which fully reflected the huge potential of the regional banknotes market. Lot 1314, a 1943 Shaan Gan Ning Bianky Inxan 5000 yuan note was the biggest nominal value banknote issued by Shaan Gan Ning Bianky Inxan. We just can find one specimen today, and it was auctioned to the public for the first time. After more than ten minutes of competition, the lot finally sold at a hammer price of 506,000 yuan (Fig 7), creating a highest price on record for a banknote from the liberation areas during the revolution period. When it finally sold, everyone present cheered with thunderous applause. Lot 1369, a 1943 Xuaibei Difang Ienxao 10 yuan note is rare in almost perfect condition. After more than 30 bids, realized a hammer price of 242,000 yuan, second highest of the sale. Lot 1316, a 1946 Shaan Gan Ning Bianky Inxan 50000 yuan specimen with both obverse and reverse sides, ranked as the third most expensive lot

Fig 6 Beijing Chengxuan lot 2567, Price realized: RMB 2,013,000

Fig 7 Beijing Chengxuan lot 1314, Price realized: RMB 506,000

Departments 部門

and realized 161,000 yuan. Lot 1463, a 1948 Sibei Nung Min Inxang 5000 yuan obverse and reverse sides of the specimen were offered to the public for the first time. According to historical records, this banknote just had the specimen version. As it is the original model of the first RMB issued by the People’s Bank of China, it has an irreplaceable historical role. It was sold at a hammer price of 184,000 yuan. As the main force in the banknote collection, the RMB sector was the most eye-catching one. This sector has the most promising investment prospect in the banknote market. Lot 1682,the first 5000 yuan note issued; lot 1679, the first 500 yuan note issued; lot 1683, the first 10,000 yuan note issued; lot 1660,the first 5000 yuan note issued were sold at a hammer price of 736,000 yuan, 748,000 yuan, 270,000 yuan and 201,000 yuan respectively. Three banknotes with a flat stoke of‘3’ sold a good price due to their high scarcity. The banknotes session held by China Guardian contained 764 lots, reached a transaction rate of 83.4% and a turnover of 7,930,000 yuan. Among them, the selling price of the deeply attractive first issue of a RMB note was ranked in the forefront. Lot 8815, lot8789 (Fig 8), and lot 8776, sold at the highest, the second highest and the third highest price respectively in this session, with a corresponding hammer price of 1,380,000 yuan,805,000 yuan and 656,000 yuan. 4. The Medals session was unique, and foreign medals became the target of many buyers. Badges, medals and commemorative medals can be regarded as derivatives of coins, having the same artistic value as coins, and are favored by specialist numismatic collectors. In this sale, a special session of Shih Kalgan's Collection was held by China Guardian for the first time in China and it was widely praised. Shih Kalgan (1896-1975）was a famous collector of Chinese machine-made coins, and who is the author of Modern Coins of China. This special session selected more than 100 precious badges and medals from China and abroad. Based on the exquisite badges and medals collected by Shih Kalgan for many years, this session introduced lots in chronological order according to the time and materials. Being systematically spreading culture about medals, the sale not only provided a professional reference for medal collectors, but also expanded the collecting field for collectors. This new special session widely interested collectors, with a transaction rate of 84% and a total turnover of 5,282,000 yuan. Lot 7355, a Ching dynasty double dragon medal (Fig 9) sold for the highest hammer price of 345,000 yuan. It is an exquisitely beautiful and precious lot, in a preserved complete set. Lots 7336 and 7358, were sold for 299,000 yuan and 253,000 yuan, the second and third highest hammer prices respectively

in this session. From the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century, countries such as France, Belgium, Germany, Greece, the United States, and Mexico gained independence. Famous portrait medals and important event commemorative medals of this period were made with delicate craftsmanship which helped them to sell at high hammer prices after intense competition.

Fig 8 Beijing Chengxuan lot 1314, Price realized: RMB 506,000

Fig 9 China Guardian lot 7355, the original medal, the attached medal, medals and ribbons, attached with the original box, Price realized: RMB 345,000

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部門

中國嘉德、北京誠軒 2018 春拍錢幣專場顯示近期收藏投資熱點及行情趨向泉癡（西安）備受關注的中國嘉德、北京誠軒2018春拍錢幣專場分別於

6月22日、21日在北京圓滿收官。這兩大拍賣公司共拍賣各類錢幣（含勳章、獎牌、紀念章）3860件，成交率 89.9 % ；。其中，合計成交金額10160萬元（人民幣，含傭金，下同）嘉德設“水歸聽泉——水歸堂藏泉，古錢、金銀錠、金銀幣，紙幣，鑄金熠熠——施嘉幹收藏勳章獎章� 四個專場，拍 “紙品2060件，成交率88.5 %，總成交額4860萬元；誠軒設幣，古錢、銀錠，機製幣”三個專場，拍品1800件，成交率91.6%，總成金額5300萬元。拍賣行錢幣部門主管和市場分析人士對此次拍賣評價大體一致。嘉德郵品錢幣部總經理郭學廣說，此次各錢幣版塊都

圖1 嘉德“水歸聽泉——水歸堂藏泉”專場現場

有明星拍品出現，且表現不俗。 “水歸聽泉——水歸堂藏泉” 專場呈現出整個春秋戰國時期的貨幣研究和收藏，得到大家的認可和追捧，拍品悉數成交，創造了接近2000萬元的成 “鑄金熠熠——施嘉幹收藏勳章獎章”專場系交額（圖1）；首次推出，全國收藏徽章的藏家、行家們幾乎全部集中在現場，這些具有歷史文獻價值的徽章也得到大家的認可。這兩個專場的成功充分顯示了嘉德郵品錢幣版塊在整個市場的風向標作用。誠軒董事、錢幣部經理牛國宇回顧時說，各類錢幣拍賣價穩中有升，尤以紙幣、銀錠、機製幣競投激烈，特

圖2 嘉德7015號拍品，成交價104.7萬元

別是銀錠拍賣創歷史新高。西安大豐錢幣店主王釗評價說： “本次嘉德、誠軒錢幣春拍表現都非常出色，也各有特點。

價，一些精品出現10倍於估價的成交價，或是同時吸引到超

綜合幾場拍賣來看，目前錢幣收藏熱情較高，尤其品相精美

過5個以上號牌的競逐，說明大家對精品追逐更加集中，對

的錢幣類藏品受到熱捧。名家用時間和經驗為藏品做了很好

精品的標準化認識趨同。

的背書，也會讓藏品價格有很大的升值空間。”但現場有一實力藏家根據多件高價值拍品未成交的事實，認為行情出現

先秦錢幣在中國錢幣收藏中舉足輕重，由於大部分歷史遺存

走弱信號，後市並不樂觀。

早已消散如煙，買家非常珍惜拍場露面的心儀之品。此次嘉德“水歸聽泉——水歸堂藏泉”專場，以先秦貨幣為主，精

筆者通過現場觀察和分析各類錢幣成交情況，認為錢幣市

選450件古泉佳品，而且所有拍品均不設保留價，引發了古

場正在調整中演進，部分專場人氣旺盛，藏家的專題藏品以

錢收藏投資者的濃厚興趣。成交率100%，總成交額1888.8

及樣票受到熱捧，競買者對精品的追逐變得更加集中，一些

萬元，其中，7015號拍品戰國“齊返邦長大刀”背“上”六

價值偏樂觀的錢幣在疲軟的經濟走勢下遺憾流拍，低價值興

字刀，乃先秦貨幣中的名譽品，列中國古泉五十名珍，經過

趣版塊的錢幣仍然有足夠的市場活力，收藏投資者選擇自己

多回合激烈競價，最終以104.7萬元摘得本場桂冠（圖2）；

喜愛的幣種競投更加理性化。現分類介紹如下。

7049號清仁宗“嘉慶通寶”背“寶蘇”特大樣雕母，其特點：角頭通，特闊緣，連足貝，短滿文。著名錢幣收藏家陳達農、

一古錢幣價格走強，先秦貨幣表現尤為突出。

水歸堂董瑞先生迭藏，為不可多得的蘇泉名珍，以102.4萬

嘉德、誠軒的古錢拍賣均成交很好，多數拍品成交價高於估

元成交，位列第二；6621號春秋晉“得金”中型聳肩尖足空

42 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部門

圖3 誠軒1977號拍品，成交價109.3萬元首布，唐晉源、水歸堂迭藏，孤品，以78.2萬元成交，為估

錠，砸印極深，銘文古樸清晰，成交價40.3萬元；2023號

價30萬元的2.6倍，列第三名。

清代四川“籌捐二年匠義誠亨”、2048號清代貴州“貴州 “三捐局貴州捐局”雙戳十兩圓錠，成交價均為36.8萬元。

古錢版塊的花錢和少見版式行用錢價格繼續走強。嘉德

敬齋銀錠精品集藏”專題亦表現不俗，陣容強大、品貌俱佳

6526號拍品清浙爐吉語花錢一組十枚，美品至上美品，以

的清代十兩以下各省銀錠華麗出場，成為藏家追捧的另一焦

21.9萬元成交；6509號漢“大吉”紋龍虎對峙花錢，或為

點，94件拍品多以逾估價數倍易手。

當時宮廷中用於鎮庫、權錢等具有震懾、祈福等意義的壓勝錢，作為莽系權錢品種尚屬首見，以20.7萬元落槌；6492

嘉德銀錠板塊中，7196號拍品清代“光緒三十四年兩淮京

號清“咸豐通寶”背“寶福一百”，版式少見，包漿熟美，以

餉慶和同裕高”五十兩銀錠，屬清代十一鹽場中兩淮鹽場

10.9萬元成交。分列第一、二、三名。誠軒古錢與銀錠為

區之實物，系將兩淮所徵收鹽稅起解中央作為京餉之用，存

一個專場，共499件拍品。古錢僅145件，拍得亦好，其中

世稀少，以36.8萬元成交價力拔頭籌。其次為，7195號清

1889號清代寶泉局“咸豐元寶”背“當千”“爾寶”版樣錢，安徽“道光元年四月亳州匠公和”兩排戳五十兩銀錠，成交價46萬元。

少見地名，字口清晰，包漿自然，以33.4萬元成交；7219 號清山西“道光年月汾陽縣王之鏡”兩排戳五十兩銀錠，

二銀錠價格漲勢強勁，金銀幣價格平穩上升。

形制規整，造型舒展，以22.4萬元成交。

1. 銀錠收藏和研究的興起時間大大晚于古錢，近年大有奮起直追之勢，其價格一路走高。此次誠軒銀錠拍品355件，重

2. 金銀幣歷來是錢幣收藏投資最具熱點的版塊，此次精品

點推出兩大專題，現場座無虛席，買家熱情高漲，驚喜不

紛呈，價格不菲。嘉德7830號拍品1906年新疆“餉金二錢”

斷，成為銀錠拍賣史上新的里程碑。據該公司資料，推出的

樣幣，鑄紋清晰，文字飽滿，狀態甚佳，以32.7萬元成交，

“麗莊藏中國銀錠（Ⅲ）”專題，以其稀缺的品種、名家舊藏

佔據成交榜首（圖4）；7663號清光緒“二十四年安徽造光緒

的號召力，成交再創新高，108件拍品100% 成交。其中，

元寶庫平七錢二分”銀幣，扁“四”，大星花版，全原光，滿

1977號拍品清代雲南“學正堂張足色俸銀”中心“祿”十兩

龍麟，以28.8萬元成交；7808號1908年“吉林省造戊申光

大長槽錠（圖3），為目前僅見清代學官俸祿銀，也是“足色

緒元寶三錢六分”銀幣以23萬元成交，分列第二、第三名。

俸銀”四字出現在銀錠上的唯一實物，國內外相關檔均未見記載，公開拍賣亦屬首次。拍前一經亮相便驚豔四方，引得各路買家躍躍欲試。現場經數輪激烈競投之後，最終不負眾望，以高於起拍價十數倍的109.3萬元為實力藏家斬獲，榮膺本場桂冠，同時刷新了雲南銀錠公開拍賣成交價格新紀錄，也是2011至2012年市場高峰以後十兩銀錠的成交最高價。1979號清代“雲南廿七年浪穹課匠楊品”十兩大長槽

圖4 嘉德7830號拍品，成交價32.7萬元

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Departments 部門

7619-7635號民國著名泉家李偉先舊藏外國銀幣17組333 枚，全部以理想價格成交。誠軒“ 機製幣”專場拍賣結果顯示，拍品563件，成交率

90.2%，成交總額 2300 萬元。中央鑄幣板塊價格堅挺， 2329號拍品“宣統三年大清銀幣壹圓”長須龍配普通版樣幣，在為數稀少的長須龍樣幣中，更屬罕見珍品，獲163.3 萬元佳績（圖5）。2338、2339號光緒丙午、丁未年造“大清金幣庫平一兩”樣幣，是中國唯一以中央名義製作的金幣，

圖5 誠軒2329號拍品，成交價163.3萬元

存世寥若晨星，分別以80.5萬元、78.2萬元成交。民國著名收藏家李祖夔舊藏銀幣專題，不僅品種稀少，品相更臻完美，每一枚均表現不俗。地方鑄幣百花齊放，2567號1889 年喜敦版“廣東省造光緒元寶庫平七錢三分”銀幣“七三反版”樣幣，中國近代機製銀幣的開山之作，以鏡面版底精鑄，存世屈指可數，經現場藏家及電話委託席之間的激烈角逐，價格不斷攀升，最終以201.3萬元喜入識者藏篋，執本場成。同為近代機製幣收藏頂級珍品的2607 交價之牛耳（圖6）號1896年喜敦版無紀年“江南省造光緒元寶庫平三錢六分”

圖6 誠軒2567號拍品，成交價201.3萬元

銀幣試鑄樣幣，亦拍得81.7萬元善價。2441號民國二十一年孫中山像背帆船下三鳥“金本位幣半圓”銀幣樣幣，上海中央造幣廠試鑄，未發行，香港著名收藏家黃華樞、臺灣資深錢幣專家陳吉茂遞藏，流傳有緒，以69萬元成交。令人遺憾的是，2437號拍品民國十八年孫中山像背地球雙旗圖壹圓銀幣試鑄樣幣，為中國近代人像幣經典之作，泉界公認 “乃中國銀幣最美一品”，保留價180萬元，從130萬元起拍，競價至170萬元無人再加而流拍。三紙幣專場競投激烈，區鈔樣票價格走高。由於此次拍品中不少是近 20 年來第一次亮相的好品種、好品相，為紙幣買家提供了難得一遇的佳機。誠軒率先開槌的 “紙幣”專場拍品738件，規模超過以往，人氣火爆，競投熱烈，成交率 90%，成交總額 1100 萬元。出自于同一藏家的解放區紙幣專題最為奪目，拍前即備受關注，亮相後引發現

圖7 誠軒1314號拍品，成交價50.6萬元

場氣氛高漲，競投號牌此起彼伏，盛況空前，164件拍品全數

各一張“樣本”票為首次面世。此券史料記載無正票。由於它

成交，充分體現了區幣市場的巨大潛力。其中，1314 號拍品

才是中國人民銀行發行的第一套人民幣真正的前身，意義更

民國三十二年陝甘寧邊區銀行邊幣銀行大樓圖伍仟圓券，系

為重大，以18.4萬元落槌。作為紙幣收藏界最具收藏投資前

該行發行的最大面額紙幣，存世僅見樣票，其流通票公開拍

景的主力軍，人民幣板塊表現亮眼，第一套紙幣“大六珍”中

賣尚屬首次，經持續十多分鐘的多輪競逐，最終以50.6萬元

1682號拍品“蒙古包”、1679 號“瞻德城”、1683號“駱駝

拔得本場頭籌（圖7），創解放區紙幣單張最高價格紀錄，博

隊”、1660號“牧羊”分別以73.6萬元、74.8萬元、27萬元、

的拍場一片掌聲。1360號民國三十二年淮北地方銀號邊幣藍

20.1萬元高價順利交割。徵集自海外藏家的三種平“ 3”版，

色拾圓，品相幾近完美，極為珍罕，經過30多個回合競爭，

以其高度的稀缺性，均得善價。嘉德紙鈔專場764件拍品成

以24.2萬元位列第二。1316號民國三十五年陝甘寧邊區銀行

交率達到83.4%，成交額793萬元。其中，備受追捧的第一套

邊幣伍萬圓本票正、反單面樣票各一張，以16.1萬元成交，列

人民幣價格依然領跑全場。8815號拍品“第一套人民幣樣票

第三。1463號西北農民銀行民國三十七年伍萬圓正、反單面

全套一組六十種”以138萬元的成交價拔得頭籌；8789號中

44 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Departments 部門

國人民銀行1951年壹萬圓“牧馬”以80.5萬元成交（圖8）；

8776號中國人民銀行1951年伍佰圓“瞻德城”以65.6萬元成交，分列第二、第三名。

四勳章獎牌專場別開生面，外國紀念章爭奪激烈。勳章、獎牌、紀念章可視為錢幣的衍生品，其藝術價值不亞於錢幣，故向為錢幣藏家所喜愛。此次嘉德在國內首次推出特色專場“鑄金熠熠——施嘉幹收藏勳章獎章”專場受到廣泛好評。施嘉幹（1896-1975年）乃著名中國機製幣收藏家，著有《中國近代鑄幣匯考》。該專場精選了中外歷代珍貴勳章、獎牌百余項，以施嘉幹多年珍藏的精美勳章、紀念章為基礎，按時間和材質為序，系統梳理勳章文化，既為勳章收藏提供了專業性的參考，也為藏家拓展了收藏領域。

這個新設專場受到了藏家的廣泛好評，全場成交比率高達

84%，總成交額達到528.2萬元。其中，7355號拍品“清二等一級雙龍寶星勳章”專頒各國二等公使，異常精美，且為全套留存，實為珍品，最終以34.5萬元成交，奪得魁首（圖

圖8 嘉德8789號拍品，成交價80.5萬元

9）。7336號“清早期頭版三等第一御賜雙龍金質寶星”以 29.9萬元成交，7358號“清第二版頭等第二雙龍寶星”以 25.3萬元成交，分別位居成交榜第二、三名。19世紀到20 世紀初法國、比利時、德國、希臘、美國、墨西哥等國家獨立、著名人物和重要事件紀念章製作精美，競投激烈 , 成交價不菲。

圖9 嘉德7355號拍品，正章、附章、略章及綬帶，附原盒，成交價34.5萬元

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

Initial Coin Minting in Korea 1886 - 1888 and Establishment of a Modern Mint with the Help of German Specialists Thomas Uhlmann (Germany) The earliest coins found on Korean land came from China.1 In pre-Christian times, they were brought into the country as burial objects by Chinese settlers.2 Actual Korean coins were first minted at the end of the 10th century with the introduction and manufacture of cast coins based on the Chinese design.3 Before this, coins imported from China probably were used as money. In Korea too, the round coin with a square hole was the main currency. This type of coin, which was produced at a number of mint facilities, was still accepted as currency until the 20th century. The difficulties associated with a coin produced in such large numbers but with such little value were described by the first Europeans in Korea as follows: Carl Andreas Wolter (head of the Korean branch of H.C. Eduard Meyer & Co. from 1884 – 1908): “Dollars were very rare even at that time; the currency used in Korea were the Korean copper coins. Since each dollar was worth 500 of these rather large copper coins, it can easily be imagined what payments worth a few thousands of dollars would entail. Only I know what I went through as I sold goods worth $ 2,000 at the beginning of my Korean career and was paid in this way. Porter after porter, bent under the weight of his load, came into my chamber, and I saw with disappointment how the floor of the chamber filled with stacks of coins almost two feet tall.”4 Friedrich Kraus (Director of the Seoul Mint, Seoul 1885–1887): “The coinage of the country is in a sad state; the current coins are made from bad copper alloys, which has such a low value that you have to use a pack horse to pay even an amount of 100 to 200 Mark. At the recommendation of Mr. von Möllendorﬀ, the government established mints as per the European system and all the machines and equipments for this were brought from Germany; but this mint has hardly been used till now, and there is a long way to go as regards mint reform.”5 Further, the then value of coin currency in Korea can be pictured from reports from those days, like that of the British Vice-consul William Richard Charles. He describes the impressions of his Korean journey in the year 1884 “Life in Korea”6. Here are some extracts from the book:

46 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

My heartiest thanks to Prof. Hans-Alexander Kneider (Seoul) and Mr. Michael Dirauf (Staﬀelstein), who helped me significantly with their knowledge about the connection between Germany and Korea. Furthermore, I thank Mrs. Kerstin Otto (Director of the palace museum Moritzburg Zeitz) for problem-free access to the coin stamps from Mr. Herrmann Held and Mr. Klaus Werner (Magdeburg) for the extensive contribution of information regarding H. Held. – Christiano Bierrenbach from Heritage Auctions (Dallas), the Fritz Rudolf Künker GmbH & Co. KG (Osnabrück), the company Stack`s Bowers & Ponterio (New York and Santa Ana) and Mrs. Dr. Simone Vogt from the August Kestner museum (Hannover) for permission to depict the coins mentioned here. 2 Op den Velden – Hartill 2013, Pg.13. 3 Op den Velden – Hartill 2013, Pg. 13 – 14. 4 Wolter 1903, Pg. 3 – 4; Kneider 2010, Pg 121. 5 Kraus 1889a, Pg.72. 6 Charles 1888.

Fig. 1 1 Chon, silver, 22 mm. Fritz Rudolf Künker, Auct. 237 No. 3984.

Fig. 2 2 Chon, silver, 27 mm. Fritz Rudolf Künker, Auct. 249 no. 479.

Fig. 3 3 Chon, silver, 32.5 mm. Fritz Rudolf Künker, Auct. 254 no. 2891.

Features 專題

1 Catty (approx. 500 grams) silk cocoons cost 600 Cash, (1 Dollar was equal to 850 Cash)7; 1 Bull costs between 8,000 and 9,000 Cash, a cow costs 7,000 Cash8; 1 Cup (230 – 280 ml) honey costs 10 Cash, the Catty of beeswax between 100 – 150 Cash.9 A hunter in the region around Anbyeon (today in North Korea) received a peace-time monthly salary of 300 Cash, 1 Catty gunpowder and 10 bullets.10 In contrast to this, the tax collector of Hamheung (today in North Korea) reported a yearly income of 390,200 Cash, whereby he reported a rise in the cloth tax of 1, 591, 645 Cash in the last year (1883).11 The salary of a teacher in the region around Jangjin and Hamheung (both today in North Korea) is specified as follows: Each student pays 50 Cash monthly, plus the costs for food, clothes, floor mats, the paper on the walls and the windows, ink and the books of the teacher.12

Charles 1888, Pg. 168. Charles 1888, Pg. 179. 9 Charles 1888, Pg. 231. 10 Charles 1888, Pg. 283. 11 Charles 1888, Pg. 268. 12 Charles 1888, Pg. 263. 13 Charles 1888, Pg. 92. 14 Dirauf 2015, Pg. 23. 15 Kneider 2010, Pg. 62. 16 Yu-Han 1974, Pg. 6. 17 Craig 1955, Pg. 52. 8

In relation to the English currency, Charles gave the value of 1 Cash as worth 1 Farthing (=¼ Penny).13 The value of the dollar varied from region to region. For the region around Sunan, onedollar cost 850 Cash, for Hamheung it was 600 Cash for one dollar. It is also clear from his report that the then situation of currency made all commercial transactions difficult. Thus, he also described his encounter with a pony caravan carrying the salary of miners amounting to 24,000 Cash.14 Under Japanese pressure, the country opened up to foreigners in 1876.15 With the blooming trade between Japan and Korea, the number of modern Japanese silver coins (issued since 1870) together with the Mexican silver pesos, which were circulated in East Asia in large numbers, with Chinese counter-stamp also increased.16 Probably to curb the circulation of foreign silver coins, efforts were made to introduce Korean silver coins in the year 1882/1883, (Fig. 1 – 3). These coins carried the denomination for 1, 2 and 3 Chon and strongly copied the design of the Cashcoins, even if the square hole was removed. In its place, there was a round, mostly green or blue enamel inlay on the back side. These pieces were also made using the casting process. Since no more of these coins were issued, it can be assumed that these coins did not meet the requirements of the market at that time. Moreover, the production costs were relatively high because of the enamel inlay, and thus production was stopped in June 1883 itself.17 At the same time, Paul Georg v. Möllendorﬀ, the first European with influence in the Korean royal court, recognized the necessity of a currency reform (Fig. 4 and 5).

Fig.4 Paul Georg von Möllendorff, Viceminister (1882 – 1885).

Fig. 6 Li Hongzhang, Viceroy of Zhili.

Fig.5 Paul Georg von Möllendorff on the way with entourage.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

Möllendorff, born on 17th February 1847 in Zedenik (Brandenburg), was brought up in Görlitz and studied at law, philology and oriental studies at Halle/Saale. In 1869, he became an employee of Sir Robert Hart in China where he was responsible for establishing maritime customs service in the Chinese empire.18 In 1874, he took on a position at the Foreign Office of the German Empire and worked as interpreter in various German consulates and the German Embassy in Peking.19 In 1879, he met Li Hongzhang (Fig. 6). He was the viceroy of Zhili, a Chinese general and one of the most influential politicians of his time: he modernized China, especially with the help of his reforms.20 In 1882, Möllendorff came into the service of Li Hongzhang. On 18th November 1882, Möllendorff was sent by the viceroy as advisor to the Korean royal court in Seoul.21 Möllendorff reached Korea in December 1882 and had his first audience with the Korean king Gojong on 26th December.22 Being an accomplished linguist – Möllendorff was already fluent in Chinese at that time and greeted the king in Korean. With his experience in the Chinese administration, he was first entrusted with setting up the Korean customs service.23 He quickly gained the confidence of the king and was assigned many reform projects. In spite of his short employment from 1882 to 1885 in Korea, he had achieved the rank of a deputy-minister.24 Möllendorff identified the need of a coin reform as the Korean coins available until then could not compare to the blooming and reformative mints of the Chinese or the Japanese.25 He believed that a modern mint was the basis for establishing a successful economy and would contribute towards promoting trade, especially with major partners. In March 1883, a new Korean mint was founded.26 Möllendorff was named director of this new installation on 14the March 1884 after Min–T’ae-ho and had planned to introduce a new coin system, based on 15 nominal values.27 Thus, five denominations of coins could be made from the metals gold, silver and copper each. For a short while, it was alleged that Paul Georg von Möllendorff had embezzled 6,000 Tael, which he had received for purchasing stamping machines. This unfounded allegation was cleared up by checking the palace accounts: they found the bills which proved the correct usage of the funds for fulfilling the duties of his offices.28 The reason for Möllendorff’s departure from Korea in December 1885 was something else. Due to his reform efforts and the purported goal of making Korea more independent from other powers made his position as a high official of the king untenable 48 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Kneider 2010, Pg. 101. Kneider 2010, Pg. 102. 20 Perkins 1998, Pg. 276. 21 Kneider 2010, Pg. 105. 22 Kneider 2010, Pg. 107. 23 Kneider 2010, Pg. 108. 24 Kleiner1983, Pg. 416. 25 Yu-Han 1974, Pg. 6 – 7. 26 Yu-Han1974, Pg. 7. 27 Yu-Han1974, Pg. 9. 28 Archive of the Federal foreign minister, R18907001 Notice from Seoul from Butler, report to Otto von Bismarck dated 3rd April 1886, Pg. 10–12. 19

Features 專題

and thus had to leave the country29. He went to China and took up new employment as private secretary to Li Hongzhang.30 On 22nd January 1885, a contract was signed with the Koreabased German company H. C. Eduard Meyer & Co., which was going to import the machines required for the new mints to be established.31 According to Wŏn Yu-Han, the contract included the following conditions:32 Machines costing approx. 30,000 Chinese Yuan are to be imported.

Kneider 2010; Pg. 112. Kneider 2010, Pg. 112 – 113. 31 Kleiner1983, Pg. 411. 32 Yu-Han 1974, Pg.7 – 8. 33 Yu-Han 1974, Pg. 8; Craig 1955, Pg.60. 34 Archive of the Federal foreign minister, R18904-005 Notice from Seoul from Butler, letter dated 22nd January 1885. 35 Archive of the Federal foreign minister, R18907001 Notice from Seoul from Butler, report to Otto von Bismarck dated 3rd April 1886, Pg. 8 and 9. 36 Kraus 1889b, Pg. 209. 37 Yu-Han 1974, Pg. 8; Kraus 1889, Pg. 207. 30

The machines should be state-of-the-art. If the machines are found to be unusable, then they must be replaced by suitable machines. Any possible conflicts are to be judged by a third party. The transport costs should be as low as possible. The Korean government paid 0.85 Yuan for every 100 Yuan which the H. C. E. Meyer & Co. paid for the machines. The machines should be delivered as soon as possible. The Korean government paid 10,000 Yuan in Mexican silver coins as advance payment, within 10 days after concluding the contract. In addition to this, the payment of 0.85 Yuan for every 100 Yuan worth of machines was also fulfilled. Further imports of minting machines are to be done through H. C. E. Meyer & Co. – unless a third party offers a lesser price. Meyer & Co. should not make profits other than those mentioned under § 5. The Korean government must pay the purchase price in Mexican silver coins. Which machines were actually delivered, is not known. In any case, these included three stamping machines, two lathes, one press, one drilling machine, two milling tools, two cutting machines, three rollers, one automatic weighing machine, one sanding machine and one Lancashire-boiler.33 The German vice-consul Hermann Budler in his letter dated 22nd January 1885 from Seoul, wrote that an advance payment of 3,000 dollars had been made and the order would be sent through telegraph from Shanghai. He assumed that the production would take about 4 to 6 months.34 In a letter dated 3rd April 1886 to Otto von Bismarck, he mentioned that he had a second order for delivering the stamping machines valued at 30,000 dollars.35 Besides delivering the machines, trained personnel also had to be brought in from Germany for setting up the mints in Korea. Thus, Friedrich Kraus arrived in Korea on 8th November 1885.36 Like Claus Diedricht and C. Riedt, he had entered Korean services at the recommendation of H. C. E. Meyer & Co., in order to install a functioning mint based on the German template.37

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

Diedricht was a mechanical engineer and responsible for the technical implementation. Riedt was a chemical engineer and was responsible for the correct composition of the alloys. Riedt also visited the Korean mines to check the quality of the copper ore, since the Korean government gave its own copper for manufacturing the coin blanks.38 From 7th August 1875 to February 1882, Friedrich Kraus was “Mint master” of the royal Hessen mint in Darmstadt and had the requisite experience of the processes and organization of a mint.39 Due to the closure of the Hessen mint, he was available for restructuring the Korean mint. Möllendorﬀ and Kraus must have come into contact through the H. C. E. Meyer and Co., as already mentioned. Besides the equipment, the company was finally also obligated to bring trained personnel to Korea. His mission to Korea was documented in the magazine for coin enthusiasts [Blätter für Münzfreunde] in January 1886 (Fig.7).40 Friedrich Kraus took over the post of director of the mint after Paul Georg von Möllendorﬀ. Kraus apparently had some ideas about the design of the future currency in Korea.

Archive of the Federal foreign minister, R18907001 Notice from Seoul from Butler, report to Otto von Bismarck dated 3rd April 1886, Pg. 9. 39 Quarg 2017, Pg. 5. 40 Blätter für Münzfreunde 130, 1886, Pg. 1204. 41 5th April 1836 to 13th November 1914. 42 Craig 1955, Pg. 60. 43 Blätter für Münzfreunde No. 131, Leipzig, 15th February 1886, Pg. 1219.

He had samples made by the Prussian royal engraver Hermann Held41 in Magdeburg for 1 Yang and 5 Mun (Fig. 8 and 9).42 These coins seemed like a copy of the coin designs introduced in Japan in 1870. The front side of the coin showed the denomination within the wreath of leaves. The backside showed two dragons; it also carried the denomination in Latin script as well as the name “Great Korea” in Chinese characters and the year (1885) as per the Chinese calendar in three characters. Furthermore, Held was also to provide the stamping machine along with the dies for the new coins.43 The numismatic estate (medals and dies) of Hermann Held is today with the Schloss Moritzburg Museum in Zeitz. Held personally handed over the coins on 13th November 1914 to the museum of his birthplace. He holds an important place in numismatics especially because of his medals for the Prussian court, but also made a number of other medals, seals and badges. Upon inspection of the Zeitz inventories, several more patrixes for the manufacture of Korean coin dies were found. The obverse and reverse patrixes for a 5 Niang piece are still available; as also obverse patrixes for 10 Mun and for 20 Warn, a reverse patrix for 10 Warn and other patrixes for the front sides of stamps with a diameter of 19 mm (2 Mun, 1 Niang or 2 Warn) and a diameter of 16mm (1 Mun or ½ Niang). The dies for the pieces with 16 or 19 mm, as well as the obverse of the 5 Niang piece, have not been completely finished. The place for the denominations is still blank. Apparently, these tools are the base patrixes which were used for manufacturing the final die. The patrixes only show the leaf wreath and the Taeguk-symbol and were thus suitable for the manufacture of the dies for the 50 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Fig. 7 Extract from the Blätter für Münzfreunde.

Fig. 8 1 Yang, White alloy, 24 mm. Heritage Auct. 230, 9th June 2000, No.6958.

Fig. 9 5 Mun, White alloy, 15 mm. Museum August Kest- ner, Hannover.

Features ĺ°&#x2C6;éĄ&#x152;

other denominations, since the respective coins had the same diameter, but only different material.

Yu-Han 1974, Pg. 9.

Dies of the 10 Warn piece do not have the complete year on them. Only the year for use of the die in the year 490 (Koren calendar) is given. The final year is left blank. All patrices exhibit small cracks or signs of wear, which confirms the actual use for manufacturing the coin die. Accordingly, all coin dies of the Korean issues from the years 1885 to 1888 can be ascribed to the medal-maker Hermann Held from Magdeburg. Unfortunately, exact connections and details between Hermann Held and others who were involved in the die making in Korea are not known. Queries in several archives for the written papers of Hermann Held have been unsuccessful. These three German employees of the Korean mint took up their posts in Seoul in 1885 and began to produce the first designs and to set up the new mints. Since the old buildings in the vicinity of the royal palace were too small, the new equipment had to be set up in three new buildings near the southern gate of Seoul.44 The relocation was completed in November 1886. In the same year, the first sample strikings of the Korean coins in the 15 denominations were produced. However, the silver and the gold pieces were not manufactured from the planned material: Instead, white alloy or gold-plated copper was used.

Fig. 10 Die stamp of Hermann Held. Steel, 34mm. Schlossmuseum Moritzburg Zeitz, Inv.-no. VI G105.

Fig. 11 Obverse patrix, Steel, 16 mm. Schloss- museum Moritzburg Zeitz, Inv.-no. VI G 122.

Fig. 12 Obverse patrix, Steel, 19 mm. Schlossmuseum Moritzburg Zeitz,Inv.-no. VI G121.

Fig. 13 Obverse patrix 5 Niang, Steel, 32 mm. Schlossmuseum Moritzburg Zeitz, Inv.-no. VI G 117.

Fig. 14 Obverse patrix 10 Mun, Steel, 28 mm. Schlossmuseum Moritzburg Zeitz, Inv.-no. VI G 120.

Fig. 15 Reverse patrix 10 Warn, Steel, 29 mm. Schlossmuseum Moritzburg Zeitz, Inv.-no. VI G 118.

Fig. 16 Reverse patrix 5 Niang, Steel, 32 mm. Schlossmuseum Moritzburg Zeitz, Inv.-no. VI G 119.

Fig. 17 Obverse patrix 20 Warn, Steel, 36 mm. Schlossmuseum Moritzburg Zeitz, Inv.-no. VI G 6.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

In the end, this very variegated coin system was not put to use. It became quickly clear that the conversion of the old Cash-coins into this plethora of denominations had been too much for the market.

Craig 1955, Pg. 62. Yu-Han1974, Pg. 9. 47 Yu-Han1974, Pg. 9. 48 Yu-Han 1974, Pg. 8 – 9. 46

The expensive German workforce was replaced in November 1887 by workers from the Osaka mint. Thus, the two Japanese engravers Hikotaro Inagawa and Takao Ikeda along with 23 other Japanese workers came to Korea.45 The German employees Kraus and Diedricht returned to their homeland in 1887 and Riedt followed in 1889. Based on the previous sample pieces, the new personnel produced the first official issue of the 5 and 10 Mun pieces in copper and the 1 Warn silver piece in the year 1888. However, only a few coins were issued. It is known that 1,300 Warn pieces and an unknown number of copper coins were made.46 The total value of the issue was around 2,800 Warn.47 For comparison: the yearly salary of the chemist C Riedt was 840 Warn in his first year and 1,050 Warn in the next year.48 The value of the coins issued in 1888 was thus very low. It could not fulfil the currency requirement in Korea. It was rather a first attempt to replace the cast Cash-coins. Thus, in my opinion, it is questionable whether the Japanese workers produced this small issue. Because of the small numbers, they must be the remainder stock of the German workers, while the new Japanese team was working for the following issue from 1892 onwards. The coins of the 1886 and 1888 series show the typical Korean Taeguk symbol on the avers on top. It is a modified Yin and Yang symbol, which is still used on the flag of South Korea. The denomination can be seen in the center. Two branches of

Fig.18 1 Mun, copper, 15mm. Stack‘s & Bowers, HongKong Auction, Au-gust 2012, No. 50498.

Fig.19 2 Mun, copper, 18mm. Heritage Auction 3015 (The Dr. Norman Jacobs Collection of Japanese and Korean Coins), 7th – 12.9.2001, No. 244.

Fig.21 10 Mun, copper, 27.5 mm. – The pieces in Fig. 21 – 32 are all from the Heritage Auction 3015 (The Dr. Norman Jacobs Collection of Japanese and Korean Coins), 7th – 12.9.2001, No. 244.

Fig.20 5 Mun, copper, 24mm. Stack‘s & Bowers, Hong-Kong Auction, August 2016, No. 60090.

Fig. 22 20 Mun, copper, 32 mm.

Fig. 23 ½ Niang, white alloy, 15 mm.

52 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

Damask plum rose from the bottom along the edge. These plants symbolized the then ruling Joeson dynasty. The coin image of the revers exhibits two dragons in the forefront (Fig. 33). The Korean dragon, called as Yong, is different from the Chinese dragon in that it has a longer beard and there are only four toes on each claw. The dragon with five toes was reserved for the Chinese emperor.49 The dragons are arranged with another Buddhist symbol: In the centre is the flaming pearl of wisdom. It symbolizes riches, happiness and prosperity. On the other hand, it stood for power over the world.50 The transcription mentions the denomination in Latin and Korean characters. Moreover, the year of manufacture is shown in the form of the year since the founding of the Joeson dynasty (1392).

Op den Verlden and Hartill 2013, Pg. 367. Op den Verlden and Hartill 2013, Pg. 368; message from Prof. Dr. Hans-Alexander Kneider dated 27th October 2017. 51 Dräger 2016, Pg. 82 – 103. 50

In conclusion, it can be said that the coin system developed by Paul Georg von Möllendorﬀ failed. The implementation of a reform for stamped coins was finally fulfilled in several steps by the strong Japanese influence from 1892 onwards. The aforementioned connection between Germany and Korea in the 1880’s in the field of coin minting is an example of the interest of the then German industry in developing new market areas in Asia. At the same time, it must also be recognized that the countries of South-east Asia were interested in profiting from the German experience as regards the implementation of coin minting right from the different coin stamps of the German small states up to the unified Mark of the German empire after 1870. The contribution of German technicians in the first issue of Korean coins ranks right alongside the almost parallel work of coin stamping production by Otto Beh in Esslingen51 for the Chinese empire.

Fig. 24 1 Niang, white alloy,18 mm.

Fig. 25 2 Niang, white alloy, 24 mm.

Fig. 26 5 Niang, white alloy, 32 mm.

Fig. 27 1 Warn, white alloy, 38 mm.

Fig. 28 1 Warn, copper gold-plated, 13.5 mm.

Fig. 29 2 Warn, copper gold-plated, 18 mm.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

Literature ◊ Craig 1955: Alan D. Craig, The Coins of Korea and an Outline of Early Chi- nese Coinages. Berkeley 1955. ◊ Charles 1888: William Richard Charles, Life in Korea. London 1888. ◊ Dräger 2016: Ulf Dräger, Neue Münzen in China: Die Prägestempel der Firma Otto Beh aus Esslingen, in: Thomas Bauer-Friedrich, Christian Philipsen und Ulf Dräger (Hg.), Chinas Geld. Accompanying literature to the exhibition “Chinas Geld” in the Moritzburg Halle museum (Saale), 18th September 2016 to 29th January 2017. Documents for the Moritzburg Halle museum (Saale), vol. 10, Halle 2016, Pg.82 – 103. ◊ Dirauf 2015: Michael Dirauf, Goldrausch in Korea. Munich 2015. ◊ Kleiner 1983: Jürgen Kleiner, Paul Georg von Möllendorff – ein Preußein koreanischen Diensten, in: magazine of the German Oriental Society, 133, 1983, Pg. 393 – 494. ◊ Kneider 2010: Hans-Alexander Kneider, Globetrotter – Abenteurer – Goldgräber. Auf deutschen Spuren im alten Korea. Mit einem Abriss zur Geschichte der Yi-Dynastie und der deutsch-koreanischen Beziehungen bis 1910. Munich 2010. ◊ Kraus 1889a: Friedrich Kraus, Unsere Zeit. Deutsche Revue der Gegenwart. Monthly magazine to the encyclopedia, 1857 – 1891, vol. 1. Leipzig 1889. ◊ Kraus 1889b: Friedrich Kraus, Eine Reise nach Korea, in: Deutsche Rund- schau für Geographie und Statistik, Vienna, 1889, Pg. 207 – 219. ◊ Perkins 1998: Dorothy Perkins, Encyclopedia of China. New York 1998. ◊ Von Möllendorff 1930: Rosalie von Möllendorff, P.G. v. Möllendorff: einLebensbild. Leipzig 1930. ◊ Op den Velden – Hartill 2013: Wybrand Op den Velden and David Hartill, Cast Korean Coins and Charms. Sandy2013. ◊ Quarg 2017: Gunter Quarg, Friedrich Kraus (Darmstadt 1848–1916). Münz- meister auf drei Kontinenten, in: Numismatisches Nachrichtenblatt 66, 2017, Pg. 5–7. ◊ Wolter 1903: Carl Andreas Wolter, Korea einst und jetzt. Sonderausgabe der Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft in Hamburg, vol. 17. Hamburg 1903. ◊ Yu-Han 1974: Wŏn Yu-Han: A Study on the Introduction of German Coinage Techniques to Korea, in: Korea Journal 14 / 11, 1974, Pg.4 –11.

Picture credits Fig. 1 – 3: Photo by Lübke & Wiedemann KG, Leonberg. Fig. 4: Reproduction of von Möllendorff 1930 (cover). Fig. 5: Reproduction of von Möllendorff 1930, Pg. 32. Fig. 6: Reproduction of von Möllendorff 1930, Pg. 80. Fig. 7: Reproduction of Blätter für Münzfreunde 2, 1886, Pg.1219. Fig. 8: Photo from Heritage Auctions. Fig. 9: Photo from Christian Rose. Fig. 10 – 17, 33: Photo from Thomas Uhlmann. Fig. 18, 20: Photo from Stack’s Bowers & Ponterio. Fig. 19, 21 – 32: Photo from Heritage Auctions.

Thomas Uhlmann, auditor in Leipzig, volunteers in numismatics. Since 2010, he manages the coin collection of the University library of Leipzig. Due to his interest in east-Asian numismatics, he dedicates himself since 2016 to the extensive collection of over 7,000 coins of Howard Franklin Bowker in the Landes-Münzkabinett of Sachsen-Anhalt in Halle / Saale.

Fig. 30 5 Warn, copper gold-plated, 24 mm.

Fig. 31 10 Warn, copper gold-plated, 29 mm.

Fig. 32 20 Warn, copper gold-plated, 36 mm.

Fig. 33 Revers of the coins of the series from 1886 and 1888 with translation in German.

54 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

1886-1888年間朝鮮首鑄機製幣德國專家相助創建現代造幣廠托馬斯 · 烏爾曼 ( 德國 ) 在朝鮮發現的最早錢幣來自中國 1，它們是在公元前由中國移民作為 2

隨葬品攜帶入朝的。朝鮮機製幣的首鑄時間為 10 世紀末期，參照中國設計引入並鑄造。3 在此之前，有時也引入中國銅錢用於日常交易。

誠摯感謝漢斯 - 亞歷山大柯耐德教授（來自首爾）、邁可·狄

若夫（來自巴德斯塔費爾斯泰因（Staffelstei））提供德國與朝鮮在硬幣方面的關聯知識與資訊，給予我莫大的幫助。另外，我還要在此致謝克爾斯汀·奧托女士（蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館館長），使我得以免費入館查閱赫爾曼·赫爾德先生與克勞斯·維

與中國並無二致，朝鮮也使用圓形方孔錢作為主要的流通貨幣。開始仿鑄圓形方孔錢後，大量的朝鮮造幣廠製造圓形方孔錢，直至 20 世紀， “方孔兄” 仍是朝鮮的主要流通貨幣。

爾納先生（來自馬德堡）有關硬幣、郵票方面的知識以及與赫爾曼·赫爾德有關的大量資訊。感謝海瑞德拍賣行的克利斯蒂亞諾·比耶仁巴赫（來自達拉斯）、奧斯納布呂克拍賣行、時德斯 - 鮑爾斯和邦地尼奧錢幣拍賣公司（紐約和聖安娜）、來自（漢諾威）奧古斯特·克斯特納博物館的西蒙娜·福格特博士，授予

大批量生產低面值硬幣的問題，正如首個使用朝鮮貨幣的歐洲人。卡爾· 安德莉亞斯· 沃爾特（Carl Andreas Wolter，H.C. Eduard Meyer & Co. 公司朝鮮分部管理人，1884 – 1908 年）描述：“那時機製銀幣還是非常稀有的，大部分朝鮮人使用銅錢。由於一錢銀幣可兌 500 枚體型龐大的朝鮮銅錢，不難想像，用等價于幾千錢銀幣的銅錢付錢會是何等 ‘壯

我描述文中硬幣的許可。 2

奧普·迪恩·費爾登 – 哈迪爾 2013 年 , 第 13 頁。

奧普·迪恩·費爾登 – 哈迪爾 2013 年，第 13-14 頁。

沃爾特 1903 年 , 第 3-4 頁；柯耐德 2010 年，第 121 頁。

克勞斯 1889 年，第 72 頁。

查爾斯 1888 年。

查爾斯 1888 年，第 168 頁。

查爾斯 1888 年，第 179 頁。

觀’的場景。只有我自己清楚，我初到朝鮮賣出價值 2000 錢銀幣的貨物並收回款項時所經歷的過程。一次又一次地搬運，重得我彎下腰，等我再次回到庫房，我充滿絕望地看着庫房的樓梯，層層階梯上堆滿了錢幣，足有兩英尺高。”4 弗裡德里希·克勞斯（Friedrich Kraus，首爾造幣廠廠長，1885–1887 年）則說： “國家對於錢幣的管理處於糟糕的狀態，當下流通的錢幣使用劣質銅合金製成，幣值過低，以致於人們必須使用馱馬去支付只有100至

圖 1 一錢，銀幣，直徑 22 毫米，奧斯納布呂克拍賣 237，編號 3984

200馬克的物品。在穆麟德先生的建議下，政府仿照歐洲系統創建了造幣廠，造幣廠所有的機械設備都是從德國購買來的；但是時至今日該造幣廠很少用過，建造造幣廠以期進行改革，着實任重而道遠。”5 欲知當時的朝鮮流通幣價格，可查詢保存至今的一些有關人士撰寫的資料，比如英國副領事威廉·理查德·查爾斯（William Richard Charles），他在所著書中回憶了1884年的朝鮮之旅，書名為《朝鮮生活紀事》6。下列

圖 2 二錢，銀幣，直徑 27 毫米，奧斯納布呂克拍賣 249，編號 479

句子摘自此書：一斤（約500克）蠶絲的價格是600文銅錢（一錢銀幣相等于850文銅 7

錢）；一頭公牛的價格是 8000-9000 文銅錢，一頭母牛的價格是 7000 文銅錢 8 ；

圖 3 三錢，銀幣，直徑 32.5 毫米，奧斯納布呂克拍賣 254，編號 2891

一杯（230 – 280毫升）蜂蜜的價格是10文銅錢，一斤蜂蠟的價格是

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

100 – 150文銅錢。9

一名獵人在安邊郡（位於今天的北朝鮮）周邊工作，以獲得300文銅 10

錢、一斤火藥和10顆子彈作為每月薪酬（和平時期）。與之相比，在咸興市（位於今天的北朝鮮）工作的稅務人員上報的年收入為390200文銅錢，而上一年（1883年）布料的稅收增加了1591645文銅錢。11住在長津郡（亦位於今天的北朝鮮）或咸興市附近的教師薪資狀況如下：每名學生每月支付 50文銅錢的學費，加上伙食、衣服、地板墊、牆紙、窗紙、墨水和教科書等方面的花費12。有關英國貨幣，查理斯支付的1文銅錢相等於1法新（值1／4舊便士）13。

查爾斯 1888 年，第 231 頁。

查爾斯 1888 年，第 283 頁。

查爾斯 1888 年，第 268 頁。

查爾斯 1888 年，第 263 頁。

查爾斯 1888 年，第 92 頁。

狄若夫 2015 年，第 23 頁。

柯耐德 2010 年，第 62 頁。

玉函 1974 年，第 6 頁。

克雷格 1955 年，第 52 頁。

柯耐德 2010 年，第 101 頁。

柯耐德 2010 年，第 102 頁。

帕爾金斯 1998 年，第 276 頁。

柯耐德 2010 年，第 105 頁。

柯耐德 2010 年，第 107 頁。

不同地區的一錢銀幣價值不同。在順安附近區域，一錢銀幣可兌850文銅錢，在咸興市，一錢銀幣相等于600文銅錢。根據他在書中的描述，當時混亂的貨幣管理使得商業交易寸步難行。接着，他還在書中描述了他曾親眼目睹馬隊馱着總共24000文銅錢的礦工薪資14。在日本勢力的壓迫下，朝鮮於1876年被迫對外開放15。隨着日本和朝鮮日趨頻繁的交易，現代日本銀幣（1870年起發行）和墨西哥比索銀元在東亞大量流通，中國戳記幣在東亞的流通量亦隨之增加16。大概是為了減少外國銀幣的流通量，1882年至1883年朝鮮當局開始鑄造朝鮮銀幣。新鑄的銀幣面值包括一錢、二錢和三錢（如圖1、圖2、圖3所示），除了摒棄使用方孔，大部分沿用古錢幣的設計。為了替代移除的方孔，新幣在圓環和錢文之間的空隙背面填充了琺瑯，大多數為綠色或藍色。雖然沿用澆鑄工藝製造，但是由於後續不再發行，可以推斷，新幣並未滿足當時的市場需求。此外，由於填充的琺瑯生產成本太高，1883年6月，新幣的鑄造便暫告一段落。17在此期間，對朝鮮王朝具有相當影響力的首位歐洲人穆麟德（圖4、圖5）意識到進行貨幣改革的必要性。穆麟德 1847 年 2 月 17 日出生於采德尼克（位於德國勃蘭登堡），在格爾利茨長大，後進入哈勒大學學習，主修法學，兼修哲學、東方學。 1869年，來到中國的穆麟德受雇於羅伯特·赫德，處理大清海關總稅

圖 4 穆麟德，副領事（1882-1885 年）

務司的海關事務18。1874年，穆德林改到德國外事處任職，並在德國駐北京各領事館和大使館擔任翻譯19。1879年，穆麟德認識了時任直隸總督的李鴻章（圖6），李是晚清最具影響力的政治人物之一，他宣導洋務運動，主張通過改革振作清王朝，開啟了中國的近代化進程20。1882年，穆麟德加入李鴻章幕僚。1882年11月18日，李鴻章派遣穆麟德出使定都漢城（今韓國首爾）的朝鮮王朝並保薦穆麟德擔任朝鮮政府的顧問。21同年12月，穆麟德抵達朝鮮，並於26日第一次覲見朝鮮高宗皇帝。22 圖 5 外出途中的穆麟德及其隨從

具備強大語言能力的穆麟德在抵達朝鮮之前就能講一口流利的中文，抵達朝鮮後直接用朝鮮語與高宗交流，加之在中國學到的海關管理經驗，

56 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

圖 6 直隸總督李鴻章

Features 專題

他很快就贏得了高宗的信任，被高宗授予管理朝鮮海關事務的職權，23 並被委派管理多個改革項目。儘管在朝任職時間不長，即自 1882 年至 1885 年，穆麟德一路頗受提拔，官至副部長 24。由於當時朝鮮現行硬幣跟不上中國和日本造幣廠迅速發展的步伐，穆麟德認為在朝鮮開展一場錢幣改革是勢在必行的 25。他堅信一家現代造幣廠是保障經濟穩步增長的基礎，有利於促進貿易發展，尤其是若欲與諸大國達成合作，其重要性不言而喻。

柯耐德 2010 年，第 108 頁

柯耐德 1983 年，第 416 頁

玉函 1974 年，第 6-7 頁

玉函 1974 年，第 7 頁

玉函 1974 年，第 9 頁

德國聯邦外交部檔案，巴特勒自首爾發送的 R18907-001 通

告，於 1886 年 4 月 3 日向奧托·馮·俾斯麥彙報，第 10-12 頁 29

柯耐德 2010 年，第 112 頁

柯耐德 2010 年，第 112-113 頁

柯耐德 1983 年，第 411 頁

玉函 1974 年，第 7-8 頁

1883 年 3 月，一家全新的朝鮮造幣廠應運而生 26。1884 年 3 月 14 日，穆麟德接任閔太浩（Min–T’ ae-ho），被任命為新生造幣廠的廠長，他躍躍欲試，計劃引入一套包含 15 種面值的全新硬幣系統 27。其中，五種面值的硬幣可以分別使用金、銀、銅製成。榮光轉瞬即逝，穆麟德不久後被指控挪用 6000 兩（銀）公款，這筆公款是用來採購壓印機的。此番無憑無據的指控在核對宮廷賬目後得以澄清：結果證明款項用途乾淨明瞭，穆麟德並無因公瀆職 28。出於其他緣由，諸如頻頻發起改革運動，甚至有意促使朝鮮從其他勢力中獨立出來，穆麟德於1885年12月被迫辭去朝鮮高官之職，離開朝鮮29。然後，他再度回到中國，出任李鴻章的私人秘書30。 1885 年 1 月 22 日，朝鮮政府與德國公司 H. C. Eduard Meyer & Co. 駐朝總部簽訂了一份合同，旨在進口建造新造幣廠所需的機器。31 依馬玉函（Wŏn Yu-Han）描述，雙方簽署合同規定條件如下：32 朝方將進口價值約 30000 元（除非特殊指定，合同中所有“銀元”皆指中國銀元）的機器；機器應具備世界頂尖水準；如果進口的機器無法使用，出口方必須將之替換為完好可用的機器。倘若雙方之間存在任何衝突，將由協力廠商裁斷；機器運輸費用按最低限度計算，H. C. E. Meyer & Co. 公司每為機器支付 100 銀元，朝鮮政府支付 0.85 銀元；出口方應當儘快交付機器；簽訂合同後十日內，朝鮮政府支付 1000 墨西哥銀元作為預付款，此外，朝鮮政府還應支付上述 0.85 銀元，即 H. C. E. Meyer & Co. 公司每為機器支付 100 銀元，朝鮮政府支付 0.85 銀元； H. C. E. Meyer & Co. 負責提供所要出口的鑄幣機器，除非協力廠商提供更低的價格； H.C. E. Meyer & Co. 公司不得謀取第 5 條規定之外的利益；朝鮮政府須以墨西哥銀元支付購買價款。現在尚未定論哪些機器將是實際交付的機器。無論何種情況，即將交付的機器包括三台壓印機、兩台車床、一台壓片機、一台鑽孔機、兩

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

套磨銑工具、兩台切割機、三個滾筒、一台自動稱重機、一個砂輪、一 33

口蘭卡夏鍋爐。

玉函 1974 年，第 8 頁；克雷格 1955 年，第 60 頁。

德國聯邦外交部檔案，巴特勒自首爾發送的 R18904-005

通告，日期為 1885 年 1 月 22 日的信件。 35

德國副領事赫爾曼·巴特勒（Hermann Budler）在其寄自首爾的日期為1885年1月22日的信中寫道：朝方已支付3000銀元的預付款，訂單將經由電報從上海發出。巴特勒預計，生產機器將花費四至六個月的時間。34

德國聯邦外交部檔案，巴特勒自首爾發送的 R18907-001 通

告，於 1886 年 4 月 3 日向奧托·馮·俾斯麥彙報，第 8-9 頁。 36

克勞斯 1889 年 b, 第 209 頁。

玉函 1974 年，第 8 頁；克勞斯 1889 年，第 207 頁。

德國聯邦外交部檔案，巴特勒自首爾發送的 R18907-001 通

告，於 1886 年 4 月 3 日向奧托·馮·俾斯麥彙報，第 9 頁。

在寫給奧托·馮·俾斯麥（Otto von Bismarck）的日期為1886年4月3 日的信中，他提到，朝方第二次訂購了價值30000銀元的壓印機35。

39 40 41

1836 年 4 月 5 日至 1914 年 11 月。

除了交付機器，德方還將提供專業工作人員到朝鮮協助建造造幣廠。為此，弗裡德里希·克勞斯於1885年11月8日抵達朝鮮36。與克勞斯·迪特

庫格 2017 年，第 5 頁。 Blätter für Münzfreunde 130,1886 年，第 1204 頁。克雷格 1955 年，第 60 頁。

Blätter für Münzfreunde 第 131 號，萊比錫，1886 年 2 月

15 日 , 第 1219 頁。

裡希（Claus Diedricht）和希 · 裡約德帝（C. Riedt）一樣，克勞斯在 H. C. E. Meyer & Co. 的舉薦下來到朝鮮工作，為仿照德國模式建造功能齊全的造幣廠貢獻一己之力。37 迪特裡希是一名機械工程師，負責機器的安裝運行。裡約德帝則是一名化學工程師，負責確保合金成分的準確性，除此之外，因朝鮮政府自行提供生產硬幣坯的銅料，他還需訪問朝鮮礦山檢查銅礦的品質。38 1875年8月7日至1882年2月，因其具備造幣廠組織、建造等過程的必備經驗，弗裡德里希·克勞斯榮膺達姆施塔特黑森州皇家造幣廠的“造幣廠大師”稱號39。建造的黑森州造幣廠關閉後，他被派重建朝鮮造幣廠。穆麟德與克勞斯促成了朝鮮政府與H. C. E. Meyer and Co.簽訂合同，即前文提及的合同。據此合同，H. C. E. Meyer and Co.不僅負責提供設備，還必須向朝鮮政府輸送專業人員。該公司的對朝任務被載於面向硬幣收藏愛好者發行的1886年1月刊雜誌中（圖7）。40繼穆麟德之後，克勞斯接管了造幣廠廠長一職。顯然，克勞斯對朝鮮未來貨幣的設計頗有想法。克勞斯收藏了來自馬格德堡的普魯士皇家雕刻家赫爾曼 • 赫爾德（Hermann Held）41製造的一兩幣和五文幣（如圖8和圖9所示）。42這兩種錢幣外觀酷似1870年在日本引進的錢幣設計。錢幣的正面刻有葉子組成的花

圖 7 硬幣收藏愛好者的描述摘錄

環，環繞其間的是硬幣的面值，背面則有雙龍圖案躍然其上，此外還有拉丁文字樣標明的面值、 “大朝鮮開國”的中文字樣，以及以三種字體標注的年份（1885年，中國日曆年）。赫爾德還支援提供壓印機和新幣模具。43 赫爾曼 • 赫爾德的錢幣遺產（主要為紀念章和模具）如今已珍藏于蔡茨的莫里茨堡博物館。1914 年 11 月 13 日，赫爾德將畢生所造硬幣悉數捐獻給家鄉的博物館。曾為普魯士宮廷製造的獎章，其他數量繁多的紀念章、徽

圖 8 一两硬幣，白色合金，直徑 24 毫米，海瑞德拍賣行 230 2000 年 6 月 9 日 , 編號 6958

章和印章，都足以彰顯他在錢幣學界不可替代的位置。在檢查蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館藏品的過程中，還發現了一些鑄造朝鮮硬幣模具所使用的陽模（圖 10- 圖 17）。一枚五兩硬幣的陽模正反面仍然內容清晰可見；其他內容清晰可見的還有十文和二十圜（同“圓”）硬幣陽模的正面，十圜硬幣的反面，直徑為19

58 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

圖9 五文硬幣，白色合金，直徑15毫米，漢諾威奧古斯特 • 克斯特納博物館

Features 專題

毫米的模具（二文、一兩或二圜硬幣）正面陽模，直徑為16毫米的模具（一文

玉函 1974 年，第 9 頁

或半兩硬幣）正面陽模。16毫米或19毫米模具以及五兩硬幣模具的正面尚未完全製造完成，面值的位置還是空白。顯然，這些只是用來製造最終模具的原始陽模。陽模上只有葉子花環和太極圖案，再加上不同面值，就可以用同一個陽模來生產不同面值的模具，因為這些硬幣採用相同的直徑，不同的只是材質。十圜硬幣模具上沒有完整的年份，只注明模具使用過的年份是四百九十年（朝鮮曆）。最終使用年份留空。所有陽模上都有小裂紋或者磨損的痕跡，證明了硬幣模具有被實際用過。據傳所有1885-1888年間的朝鮮硬幣模具均出自馬格德堡的製模師赫爾曼 • 赫爾德之手。遺憾的是，縱使查遍赫爾曼 • 赫爾德的書面檔，赫爾曼 • 赫爾德與參與朝鮮硬幣模具製造的其他人之間的具體聯繫細節仍無從知曉。這三名為朝鮮造幣廠奉獻心力的德國籍工作人員於 1885 年任職，在提出首個設計方案後建造了新的造幣廠。由於皇宮附近的老式建築規模太小，他們只能將新設備搬遷到首爾南大門附近的三幢新大樓裡 44。1886 年 11 月，新設備搬遷完成。同年，共15種面值的首套朝鮮硬幣樣幣製造完工（圖18- 圖32）。與設

圖 10 赫爾曼• 赫爾德頭像模具，鋼製， 34 毫米，蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館，調查編號 VI G105

圖 11 陽模正面，鋼製，直徑 16 毫米，蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館，藏品編號 VI G122

圖 12 陽模正面，鋼製，直徑 19 毫米，蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館，調查編號 VI G121

圖13 陽模正面，五兩，鋼製，直徑32毫米，蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館，調查編號VI G 117

圖14 陽模正面，十文，鋼製，直徑28毫米，蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館，調查編號VI G 120

圖 15 陽模反面，十圜，鋼製，直徑 29 毫米，蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館，調查編號 VI G 118

圖 16 陽模反面，五兩，鋼製，直徑 32 毫米，蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館，調查編號 VI G 119

圖 17 陽模正面，二十圜，鋼製，直徑 36 毫米，蔡茨莫里茨堡博物館，調查編號 VI G 6

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

想略有出入，銀幣和金幣並非按預設材質製成，取而代之的是白色合金及銅鎏金材質（圖18- 圖32）。

克雷格 1955 年，第 62 頁

玉函 1974 年，第 9 頁

玉函 1974 年，第 8-9 頁

但是最終，這套面值種類繁多的硬幣體系並沒有被投入使用。顯而易見，用這套多達 15 種面值的硬幣替代人們早已用慣的銅錢，這種做法最終未能被市場採納。 1887年11月，工價高昂的德籍工作人員被調換成來自大阪造幣局的員工，為此，西高太郎（Hikotaro Inagawa）、高雄池田（Takao Ikeda）等兩名日本雕刻家及其他23名日籍員工被派往朝鮮45。德籍工作人員弗裡德里希 • 克勞斯和克勞斯 • 迪特裡希於1887年返回家鄉，隨後希 • 裡約德帝於 1889年返還。初到朝鮮的日籍員工按之前的樣品於1888年正式製造了首套五文、十文銅錢和一圜銀幣，然而，發行的錢幣卻寥寥無幾。據說當時生產出了 1300件以“圜”為單位的硬幣以及未知數量的銅錢46。此次發行總值約計 2800圜47。為了方便比較理解，可參照以下資料：化學家希 • 裡約德帝到朝鮮之後第一個年頭的年薪是840圜，第二年的年薪是1050圜。48 因此，1888年發行的這套錢幣在當時所值市值非常低，充其量只能算是一次新的嘗試，將以往銅錢換成新機製貨幣並不能滿足朝鮮的貨幣需求。由此看來，日籍員工是否確實少量發行過該套錢幣，這點值得商榷。實際上，日籍員工團隊製造的應該是1892年之後的錢幣，1888年製造發行的這套錢幣是德籍工作人員製造過且剩下的存量。

圖 18 一文，銅質，直徑 15 毫米，時德斯 - 鮑爾斯和邦地尼奧錢幣拍賣公司，香港拍賣行，2012 年 8 月，編號 50498

圖 19 二文，銅質，直徑 18 毫米，海瑞德拍賣行 3015（來自諾曼·雅各斯博士收藏的日本和朝鮮硬幣），2001 年 9 月 7 日 -12 日，編號 244

圖 20 五文，銅質，直徑 24 毫米，時德斯 - 鮑爾斯和邦地尼奧錢幣拍賣公司，香港拍賣行，2016 年 8 月，編號 60090

圖 21 十文，銅質，直徑 27.5 毫米 – 圖 21- 圖 32 的硬幣均來自海瑞德拍賣行 3015 （諾曼 · 雅各斯博士收藏的日本和朝鮮硬幣），2001 年 9 月 7 日 -12 日，編號 244

圖 22 二十文，銅質，直徑 32 毫米

圖 23 半兩，白色合金，直徑 15 毫米

60 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

1886年與1888年系列的錢幣正面正上方為朝鮮頗具代表性的太極圖徽，代表陰與陽，在今天的韓國旗幟上仍然可以找到這樣的圖示。此外，錢幣珠圈內為中文面值，沿頂部到底部兩邊邊緣點綴有李花（薔薇科）裝

奧普·迪恩·費爾登 – 哈迪爾 2013 年，第 367 頁

奧普·迪恩·費爾登 – 哈迪爾 2013 年，第 368 頁；漢斯 - 亞歷

山大柯耐德教授于 2017 年 10 月 27 日提供的資訊 51

德爾格 2016 年，第 82 – 103 頁

飾，象徵着當時統治朝鮮的李氏王朝。背面珠圈內圖案為雙蟠龍（圖33）。古朝鮮的龍較之中國的龍，龍鬚更長且只有四爪，而在中國五爪金龍是帝王的象徵。49硬幣上的龍圖蘊含佛教寓意：正中的火珠寓意智慧之珠，象徵富有、快樂、繁榮。從更深層面解釋，它代表着統治世界至高無上的權力。錢幣上的字樣採用拉丁文和朝鮮文。此外，錢幣上顯示的製造年份為自李氏朝鮮開國之年（1392年）起開始紀年的年份。總之，不難看出，穆麟德開創的錢幣系統並沒有被採納。1892 年起，在日籍員工的強大作用推動下，錢幣系統改革才得以按若干步驟逐步推行。上文提到的19世紀80年代德國與朝鮮在造幣領域的種種聯繫僅是德國有意開發亞洲新市場的一個例證。而與此同時，我們可以從中發現，東南亞各國對於通過與德國展開造幣方面的合作從而獲益體現出濃厚的興趣，包括與德國小州縣達成鑄幣方面的合作，以及1870年之後與德國尚未統一的使用馬克地區進行的合作。德國造幣專家協助推出第一套朝鮮硬幣，這一貢獻堪比埃斯林根的奧托拜赫公司為中國製造錢幣幣模。

圖 24 一兩，白色合金，直徑 18 毫米

圖 25 二兩，白色合金，直徑 24 毫米

圖 26 五兩，白色合金，直徑 32 毫米

圖 27 一圜，白色合金，直徑 38 毫米

圖 28 一圜，銅鎏金，直徑 13.5 毫米

圖 29 二圜，銅鎏金，直徑 18 毫米

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

參考文獻 ◊ 克雷格 1955 年：艾倫·迪克雷格，《朝鮮硬幣及中國早期硬幣輪廓》，柏克萊 1955 年。 ◊ 查爾斯 1888 年：威廉·理查德·查爾斯，《朝鮮生活紀事》，倫敦 1888 年。 ◊ 德爾格 2016 年：伍爾夫·德爾格、涅奴·穆真發佈於中國：Die Prägestempel der Firma Otto Beh aus Esslingen，發佈於 homas Bauer-Friedrich，Christian Philipsen und Ulf Dräger (Hg.)，順附 2016 年 9 月18 日至 2017 年 1 月 29 日莫里茨堡博物館（哈勒）人民幣展覽文獻，莫里茨堡博物館（哈勒）檔第10 卷 ,哈勒 2016 年，第 82-103 頁。 ◊ 狄若夫 2015 年：邁克·狄若夫、古登若曦發佈於朝鮮，慕尼克 2015 年。 ◊ 克萊納 1983 年：尤爾根·克萊納、穆麟德 – Preußein koreanischen Diensten 發佈於《德國東方學社》133，1983 年，第 393-494 頁。 ◊ 柯耐德 2010 年：漢斯 - 亞歷山大柯耐德 ,Globetrotter – Abenteurer – Goldgräber – Abenteurer – Goldgräber. Auf deutschen Spuren im alten Korea. Mit einem Abriss zur Geschichte der Yi-Dynastie und der deutsch-koreanischen Beziehungen bis 1910，慕尼克 2010 年。 ◊ 克勞斯 1889 年：弗裡德里希·克勞斯、Unsere Zeit《Deutsche Revue der Gegenwart》，《百科全書》雜誌月刊，1857 年 -1891 年，第 1 卷，萊比錫 1889 年。 ◊ 克勞斯 1889 年 b：弗裡德里希·克勞斯、Eine Reise nach Korea 發佈於 Deutsche Rund- schau für Geographie und Statistik，Vienna，1889 年，第 207-219 頁。 ◊ 帕爾金斯 1998 年：桃樂西·帕爾金斯《 , 中國大百科全書》，紐約 1998 年。 ◊ 穆麟德 1930 年：Rosalie von Möllendorff，P.G. v. Möllendorff: einLebensbild，萊比錫 1930 年。 ◊ 奧普·迪恩·費爾登 – 哈迪爾 2013 年：維布蘭德奧普·迪恩·費爾登與大衛·費爾登，《鑄造朝鮮硬幣與成果》，Sandy2013。 ◊ 庫格 2017 年：剛特·庫格、弗裡德里希·克勞斯（達姆施塔特 1848 年 -1916 年），Münz- meister auf drei Kontinenten，發佈於《錢幣學通訊》66, 2017，第 5-7 頁。 ◊沃爾特 1903 年：卡爾·安德莉亞斯沃 · 爾特， Korea einst und jetz,Sonderausgabe der Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft，發佈於《漢堡》第17卷，漢堡 1903 年。 ◊ 玉函 1974 年：馬玉函：《向朝鮮引入德國硬幣技術的研究》，發佈於《朝鮮期刊》14 / 11，1974，第 4-11 頁。

照片來源

作者介紹

圖 1- 圖 3 照片來自 Lübke & Wiedemann KG, Leonberg

托瑪斯 • 烏爾曼，萊比錫審計員，錢幣學自願研究者。自 2010 年起擔任萊比錫大

圖 4 複製《穆麟德》1930 年（封面）

學圖書館的硬幣收藏管理工作。源自對於東亞錢幣學的濃厚興趣，2016 年起托

圖 5 複製《穆麟德》1930 年第 32 頁

瑪斯投入研究哈勒薩克森 - 安哈爾特德累斯頓錢幣收藏館的逾 7000 枚硬幣，這

圖 6 複製《穆麟德》1930 年第 80 頁

些硬幣均來自霍華德 • 佛蘭克林 • 包克先生包羅萬象的收藏品。

圖 7 複製 Blätter für Münzfreunde2, 1886, 第 1219 頁圖 8 照片來自海瑞德拍賣行圖 9 照片來自克裡斯汀• 羅斯圖 10- 圖 17、圖 33 照片來自托瑪斯·烏爾曼圖 18/ 圖 20 照片來自時德斯 - 鮑爾斯和邦地尼奧錢幣拍賣公司圖 19/ 圖 21- 圖 32 照片來自海瑞德拍賣行

圖 30 五圜，銅鎏金，直徑 24 毫米

圖 32 二十圜，銅鎏金，直徑 36 毫米

62 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

圖 31 十圜，銅鎏金，直徑 29 毫米

圖 33 1886 年及 1888 年系列帶德語譯字硬幣正面

Features 專題

Famous Interviews

Zhao Yansheng, A researcher who examined the basic laws of China’s modern precious metal coin market Yuan Shuiqing (Xi'an) Starting from 2010, he gets up from 3am to 4am every day. The workload of the day has already been completed before breakfast. Over the years, he has devoted all his energy and part of his savings to exploring the basic laws of the modern precious metal currency in China. Significant results have been achieved in quantitative analysis. The man who dares to do challenging and innovative work is Zhao Yansheng (Figure 1). Zhao Yansheng, born in 1950, from Wei County, Hebei. Senior engineer, researcher of modern precious metal coin market in China. Graduated from the Nonferrous Metals Pressure Processing Department of the Central South School of Mining and Metallurgy in 1977. He was deputy director of production section number two at China Banknote Printing and Minting company, the managing director of Hong Kong China Great Wall Coins Investment Ltd., and general manager of the China Everbright Yibo Gold and Silver jewelry company. In 1979, he entered China’s national currency production department and engaged in the production and technical management of RMB coins. He has par ticipated in organizing the design, development and production of China's second set of currency, coins and more than ten sets of ordinary commemorative coins, and participated in the establishment of a number of national standards and industrial standards .Since 1993, he has been engaged in overseas promotion and marketing of Chinese gold coins. In 1998, he organized the development of precious metal products and coin products.

Figure 1: Mr. Zhao was taken in the studio in March 2018

For a long time, an industry expert, Zhao Yansheng has been in China’s gold coin market, and has accumulated a lot of practical experience. At the same time, he actively studied theoretical issues concerning the development of the market, especially in the macro development issues and quantitative analysis of the Chinese gold coin market. Quantitative analysis has done some groundbreaking theoretical research work. Law is the intrinsic connection between things. It is not transferred by people's will, but people can understand it and use it through practice. The basic pattern of the modern precious metal coin market in China is a virgin land that has not yet been developed, for its exploration includes qualitative analysis and

Figure 2: The author interviews Mr. Zhao (right) during the Beijing International Money Expo on November 10, 2017

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

quantitative analysis, which discourages enthusiasts. However, Zhao Yansheng is facing difficulties. He first started with quantitative analysis, looking for market rules in statistical data, and studying and judging market trends. In order to understand Mr. Zhao’s analysis, on November 10, 2017, the author interviewed Mr. Zhao at the booth of China Financial and Economic Publishing House in the International Coin Expo Exhibition Hall of the China National Conference Center; (Figure 2); March 2018 After the publication of the "Analysis and Analysis Report on the Value of Cultural and Artistic Values of China's Modern and Precious Metal Exchanges" edited by him, the author made a telephone exchange. The two interviews are now summarized and shared. Question one: Mr. Zhao, you are an elegant person who can endure loneliness, willing to sit on the cold bench, and devote yourself to learning. You have taken a welcome step in exploring the theory and practice of China's modern precious metal coins. Diligence creates success, and success always belongs to those who are persistent. Your ten years of hard work proves that there is nothing that cannot be done, and only those who do nothing. Why did you choose to climb this "mountain peak"? Zh ao Yansheng: Fir s t of all, I'd like to thank the

famous digital coin magazine “ the Journal of East Asian Numismatics" for the interview. In addition, your evaluation of me is a bit too high. In fact, I am just an ordinary retired person doing what I am willing to do. There are at least four reasons why I should do this: First, I have practiced my life in this field and I have feelings about the gold coin business. The second is that no matter what kind of work I have done since I joined the work, I am willing to think deeply and sum up. It has become a habit, and I am always trying to find answers to some of the deeper questions in the gold coin market. Third, there are many choices for one's retirement. Because my character is good and quiet, I chose to continue learning and exploring in the field of gold coins. Fourth, the theoretical research and quantitative analysis of the Chinese gold coin market have always been weak. Therefore, somebody has to start first, and open the way for future generations. Speaking of research work in this area, I have encountered much more difficulties than I expected, but once the target was determined, I never recoil. In the course of research and exploration, I will continue to learn things I don't understand, and I have read a large number of documents, materials and books. At the same time, l have conducted in-depth investigation and research in

Figure 3: 7 books compiled by Mr. Zhao and 1 monograph edited by him

64 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

the market, through a variety of ways to collect a lot of data, and have spent a lot of time and effort. For example, due to the long time working in front of the computer, my cervical spondylosis was aggravated. I under went a major surgery for this purpose. Now my cervical spine has been partially replaced by titanium alloy. Even so, I have never given up on learning and research. Overcoming difficulties, opening mountains and building bridges over water may be my own personalities.

through the study and demonstration, and established a corresponding index system. In fact, under the support of this theoretical system, indicator system, and big data, we can more clearly see the operating rules, development status, and future direction of China's gold coin market.

Speaking of achievements, in fact, my current research results may only be a brick for future generations. It is still far from success. There are still many problems that need to be further explored. For example, the study of the world-wide quantity, quantitative valuation, and index issues has yet to be further explored.

Question three: you believe that “the precious metal currency of the People's Republic of China is a kind of commodity that appears in the form of currency, with precious metals as the carrier and used for collection or investment. The definition and characteristics of modern precious metal coins are highly summarized. What is the connection and difference between it and currency, coins, and art?

Question two: I have read carefully the “Analysis of China’s Modern and Precious Metal Bullion Market” compiled by Mr. Zhao and published in September 2012, “Theory and Practice of China’s Modern and Precious Metal Bullion” published in January 2016, and the first year of the "Chinese modern precious metal coin market analysis report" published in 2013-2017, a total of 7 monographs (the first seven books in figure 3), benefited a lot. I would like to ask: What are the major problems in the modern precious metal currency field in China that have been solved by these research results? Zhao Yansheng: Everyone knows that my basic research method is qualitative and quantitative. In terms of quantitative research, it has always been the weak point of China's gold coin market. For this reason, I spent a lot of time and energy. Under the guidance of scientific theory, I tried to establish a big data analysis system for China’s gold coin market. This analysis system covers almost all kinds of data and information related to the Chinese gold coin market. According to computer statistics, there are currently about 22,800 files, and the data volume reaches 1.45 GB. Although this analysis system still has some flaws and deficiencies, it is still constantly reforming and upgrading, but we can not be humble enough to say that this big data analysis system is currently the only one in this field, and it has initially solved the problem of feelings and experience, and lays a solid foundation for quantitative research in this field. In addition, "the theory comes from practice and theory guides practice" is a commonplace, but in our country's gold coin market, the basic theoretical research has not been given sufficient attention, and it is unfavorable for the development of China's gold coin market with high quality. In order to solve this problem, I also made a bold attempt to establish a theoretical framework for the development of commodities, values, markets, and history

Can I say that the above t wo points are the most important issues for the gold coin market in China that I am trying to explore?

Zhao Yansheng: China's modern precious metal coins are essentially collectibles in the form of currency. The core of the problems you mentioned is the positioning of modern precious metal coins in collectibles. In fact, the collection is a broad and vast ocean, and each type of collection has its own unique position in this large ocean. This is the basic problem that determines the status and audience of such collectibles in the market. For the market positioning of China's modern precious metal coins, I analyze it from four aspects: production date, production status, production material, and production methods. Through comparison with a large number of collectibles, the results are as follows: China's modern precious metal coins are modern, officially issued, precious metal-based, and industrially produced art collectables. From this market positioning, it can be clearly seen that the modern precious metal coins are related to and differentiated from other collectibles. A comprehensive analysis of the market conditions of the collections can be seen that things that can accommodate and meet the needs of all collectors at the same time do not exist. In a wide variety of collections, each collection has its own strengths and weaknesses, attracting different collections of investment groups. For the modern precious metal coins of our country, the biggest advantage is that the official issuance and the use of precious metals as the material, while the production date and production methods is a weak combination. For example, the production date and the method production of modern precious metal coins determined that their entry barriers is low, which in turn helps mass collection. Judging from the advantages, if it does not follow the law of the market, the advantages of official issuance may

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

also become weaker. Q u e s t i o n f o u r : A s f a r a s y o u k n o w , h o w m a ny companies and individuals are currently collecting and investing in China's modern precious metal coins? In 2012-2017, is this group developed or shrinking, or stabilizing? From 1979 to the end of 2017, how many coins were distributed in China by modern precious metal coins? How many billion yuan is the total value of the market? What points should be noted if we want to make progress in collecting and investing China’s precious metal coins and become a winner? Zhao Yansheng: first, let's talk about the scale of gold coin market in China. According to the actual volume of sale, by the end of 2017, the gold coin market of our country has issued a variety of precious metal coins: 431 series, 116 million 586 thousand and 700 total coins, 103 million 979 thousand ounces of total weight and 144 billion 928 million yuan of the market value. However, the actual size of the market cannot be accurately calculated because the amount of melt loss cannot be accurately deducted. Assuming that the amount of civilian melting loss is estimated at around 20%, the approximate market size will not exceed 120 billion yuan. With regard to the scale of investment in China's gold coin market and the size of the business community, there are currently no institutions that have conducted relatively rigorous scientific investigations. Therefore, it is still a very vague problem, and no one can give accurate answers. It is for this reason that I recently raised this issue solemnly during the meeting with the management and appealed to the relevant agencies to carr y out investigations and research in this area. I hope my appeal will attract high-level attention and relevant data and information will be available in the near future. The question of how to become a winner in the collection and investment of modern precious metal coins is also more complicated. The reason is that the composition and motivation of the people involved in the gold coin market are very complex, and there is no one way to fit all the people. I have roughly divided the personnel structure involved in the gold coin market into collectors, collectors investors, investment collectors, speculators, and traders. In fact, due to different motivations for entry, there are significant differences in strategy. For example, the traders are mainly focusing on sales, speculators are short and fast, and collectors and investment collectors must study culture and hold positions for a certain period of time. Collectors mainly collect long-term based on their own interests and hobbies. However, I still have to say a few words to collectors

66 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

and investors. Based on my own experience and that of some successful people, I have summarized the “Top Ten Rules” for the collection of modern precious metal coins. They are: correct attitude, reasonable investment, study and reference, independent judgment, attention to quality, start easy to difficult, hold for profit, stable and continuous, carefully kept, happy collection. It takes a lot of time to unfold all these ten points. Now here are just a few examples. For example, "attitude collecting", mainly talking about collecting modern precious metal coins do not be too impetuous, do not expect a overnight riches, and the relative advantage of potential rules from a collection. If you only want to earn money, it should be said that modern precious metal coins are not the best vehicle matter. If you have a good attitude, study with great concentration, and collect for a long time, you may get unexpected investment returns. Another example is that "from easy to difficult," the main point is that due to information asymmetry, the difficulty of collecting different coins is not the same. There is a lot of false information scattered in the market, such as some varieties and sample coins. For new people, they should first pay more attention to the coins with high information transparency. After a period of tempering, they have the ability to identify false information, and then go to those coins with higher difficulty and less information transparency, , which can reduce the probability of loss. The last thing to mention is that in the “Top Ten Rules” of collecting investment gold and silver coins, there are very rich success stories and failure lessons. Everyone needs to be carefully conceived and understood according to their own circumstances. Question five: What is the location of the primary market and secondary market of the Chinese modern precious metal coin market? What are the problems in the current operation? How to improve? Zhao Yansheng: The question you raised is ver y important. It is also the practical problem and the most basic theoretical problem encountered in the sale of modern precious metal coins. Different interests have different views. From my research, the difference between the primary market and the secondary market is not the difference between location, place, and business, but the nature of value conversion. For example, a franchised dealer, if he sells goods from the gold coin company for the first time after being sold, it belongs to the sales behavior of the primary market; if he purchases from other channels and then sells, it belongs to the secondary market. . Therefore, it cannot be said

Features 專題

that all sales activities of the franchisor belong to the primary market. In the same way, in the spot markets of Beijing Madian and Shanghai Lugong, which we often talk about, there are also transactions in the primary market, which mainly refer to some of the dealers of the gold coin companies. The first sale (value conversion) after getting the wholesale supply is achieved in the above-mentioned spot market, which is a typical primary market sales behavior. Therefore, my definition and difference between the primary market and the secondary market are as follows: The primary market refers specifically to the sale of China's modern precious metal coins, including the wholesale links of state-owned franchisees, and the first exchange of value after the wholesale exchange. Activities, which will mainly assume the issuance function. Therefore, my definition and difference between the primary market and the secondary market are as follows: The primary market refers specifically to the sale of China's modern precious metal coins, including the wholesale links of state-owned franchisees, and the first exchange of value after the wholesale exchange, it will mainly assume the issuance function. The secondary market specifically refers to the market trading activities that continue to carry out value conversion after the completion of the first value conversion in the circulation of China's modern precious metal coins. It will mainly assume the follow-up circulation functions. The main reason for studying this issue is that it is determined by the nature of the commodity. China's modern precious metal coins are different from general commodities such as color TVs and refrigerators. They belong to the country’s legal currency and are issued under administrative monopoly conditions. Therefore, there is an issue of openness, and fairness. And it can not be a tool for some interest groups to seek private interests. At present, one of the outstanding problems in China's gold coin market is that the order of sales in the primary market is confusing. Some interest groups use monopoly privileges to sell precious metal coins at a high price during the first value conversion ,it has reduced the value-added expectations of a large number of collection investments and has caused great harm to the market. It has shaken the foundation of government administrative resource commodities and must implement the principle of “three publics”. According to these circumstances, how to reform the system of selling precious metal coins has become a major issue in the development of China's gold coin market. Its core and goal is to ensure that the majority of collection investors can buy the gold and silver coins of first hand price under certain rules. Actually, it is not

easy to carry out this reform. It involves many aspects of interest relations. My first step is to greatly increase the proportion of direct sales, and banks should implement a consignment system, and streamline the franchise distribution system through the survival of the fittest. Question six: I think the investment and market demand that affect Chinese investment gold coins is because the market price is too high, the seller's price difference is too large, and the official repurchase channel is not smooth. Is that right? How can we improve the situation of overdraft and the expectation of increasing investment and consumption groups and frustrate enthusiasm? Zhao Yansheng: Your question about the investment gold market in China is very correct, and it is also a reaction to the market's objective situation. Let me summarize the current problems in China's investment coin market, mainly in the following six aspects: 1. the efficiency of the top management of the sales system is not smooth; 2. retail prices are high; 3. official trading price difference is relatively large; 4. buy and sell repurchase is not smooth; 5. single trading method; 6. there is a flaw in the market order. In fact, what we have said about the problems in our investment gold coin market is shown through comparison. For example, at present, the average premium of China's general Panda gold coin set is about 10% while the premium for international investment gold coins is between 6.5% and 7.5%. Therefore, the premium for sales of investment gold coins in China is high. For example, at present, the official average repurchasing price difference for the Panda Gold Coin set in China is about 10%, while the difference in the international general investment gold price is between 1.1% and 1.3%. For example, China's general trading of panda gold coins is currently focused on physical delivery, while international non-spot trading methods are relatively abundant. For another example, due to the low transparency of information about selling panda gold coins in China, some dealers sold at high prices in violation of market laws, seriously hurting the long-term economic interests of buyers and damaging the market. Investment gold coins are the most important part in China's gold coin market. To increase the selection of gold for the public investment, Implementing the people's investment gold coin, and better play the role of investment gold coins in private savings, It is of great significance to give better play to the role of investment gold coins in private bank savings, greatly improve the image of the gold in China, increase market share, and promote greater development of the entire gold coin

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

business. Judging from the current capacity of China's gold consumer market, investment coins only account for about 6% of the consumption of physical gold, and the development space is huge. How to improve, first of all, the management and stateowne d fr anchise d enterprises should ef fe c ti vel y transform their development strategies and truly develop the investment gold coins as the top priority in developing China's gold coin market in terms of ideas, actions and measures. To address market competition and existing gaps, measures should be taken to solve the problems of high prices, large bid-offer spreads, and poor repurchasing, and innovative trading methods. In terms of transaction price information, it is necessary to significantly increase the transparency of market information and make it difficult to sell illegally. I firmly believe that as long as we really pay attention, the existing problems can be gradually solved. Question seven: China’s modern precious metal commemorative coins, like common commemorative coins, in recent years the scale of issuance has not fallen and increased, it has hit overall the confidence of the investment in the collection and consumer groups. Do you think this is an inevitable trend of development? How to deal with this situation? Zhao Yansheng: The issue you mentioned has already been discussed in the market. I have also conducted serious analysis and thought, and I have publicly expressed my opinion for the first time today. In my opinion, the first thing to analyze and understand this issue, we must first treat modern precious metal coins and common commemorative coins differently. First look at ordinary commemorative coins. Ordinary commemorative coin is part of our country's modern credit currency. It circulates in line with the current renminbi. The specific theme is different from the cultural symbol. The main function is to participate in the market circulation, and the circulation amount is included in M0. Therefore, the issue scale of ordinary commemorative coins should adopt a moderately magnified issue policy, which should be able to basically meet the market demand and make efforts to realize the conditions and environment that can be circulated. The price of ordinary commemorative coins in the market of collectibles should be reflected in the historical precipitation, it does not have to be the main consideration of management. Of course, it is better not to have two extremes here. One extreme is that the circulation is too low, resulting in an extreme shortage, so that the people will be dissatisfied, and it is also prone to power selling and corruption problems

68 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

(such as Olympic banknote); The other extreme is that the circulation is too large, which will result in a large amount of repatriation and wastage of issuance management fees (such as Space banknote). How to grasp this scale properly, the distribution management departments should not clap their heads to make blind decisions, and it should establish a relatively scientific measurement mechanism. Look at precious metal commemorative coins again. Although the precious metal commemorative coin is also a legal currency issued by the state, it is only a form of currency. It is essentially a commodity used for collection or investment. It does not have the circulation function of modern credit currency and belongs to non-rigid demand. This is fundamentally different from ordinary commemorative coins. Therefore, from the perspective of the rare and precious market law of art collections, the total amount of precious metal commemorative coins should follow the principle of moderate shortage. If the total issuance volume is greater than the actual demand of the market, it will lead to the reverse operation of the market, and causing harm to the long-term stable and healthy development of the market. In recent years, the operation of the gold coin has fully proved this point. Question eight: How do you define the “old, refined, and rare” varieties of modern precious metal coins in China? Zhao Yansheng: The concept of “old, refined, and rare” has appeared in the gold coin market in China for many years and has been generally accepted by the market. However, for many years, the concept of “old, refined, and rare” has been relatively vague and has not formed a relatively accurate orientation. The difficulty lies mainly in the “refined” character. In this “Questionnaire Survey on the Value of Chinese Modern Precious Metallic Coins Culture and Art”, the majority of market participants conducted an overall evaluation of the cultural and artistic values of China’s modern precious metal coins, and obtained a general understanding of the value of modern precious metal coins in China. This gives us an opportunity to tentatively study the positioning of the “old, refined, and rare” With regard to the specific positioning of the “old, refined, and rare” plate, the general standards we have established are: 1. The basic standard conditions for gold coins, platinum coins, palladium coins, and bimetallic coins: (1) Time range: 1979-1999; (2) Acores of cultural and artistic value evaluation: good

Features 專題

or above (average score is over 28 points); (3) Mintage: within 5000 pieces; (4) A single gram weight X announcement (total weight): within 10,000 ounces. 2. The basic standard conditions of silver coins: (1) Time range: 1979-1999; (2) Acores of cultural and artistic value evaluation: good or above (average score is over 28 points); (3) Announcement circulation: within 15,000 pieces; (4) A single gram weight X announcement (total weight): within 30,000 ounces. Why do you want to determine this? Many factors were taken into consideration here. At the same time, opinions of some market participants were also consulted, I'm not going to go into details here. If you are interested, you can look at the "Analysis Report on the Value of Cultural and Artistic Values of China's Modern and Precious Metal Exchanges", which is discussed in detail in the book. It needs to be emphasized here that this is just an attempt and there will be imperfections, I hope that people in the industry will work together to continuously improve. Question nine: the “Current Survey on Cultural and Artistic Value of China's Modern and Precious Metallic Coins” that you planned and presided over started from February 13, 2017, and the investigation system was closed on May 31. It lasted for 3 and a half months. Subsequently, you edited the "Analysis and Analysis Report on the Value of Cultural and Artistic Values of China's Modern and Precious Metallic Coins" (Figure 3-2). Please tell us what are the overall characteristics of the top 100 coins and last 100 coins of the value of arts and culture? (Figure 4) Zhao Yansheng: Before answering this question, we

Figure 4: In 2001, the China's Grotto Art (Dunhuang) had 2 ounces of commemorative silver coins (front and back) with no edge and a diameter of 40 mm. Dunhuang nine-story main building, design, sculpture: Chunyu Zhang; back pattern: Bodhisattva statue, design: Yongwei Du, sculpture: Jiang Zhang. Shenzhen Guo Bao Mint.

should first clarify the following questions. One, the evaluation data collected in this survey only reflects the participants' general understanding of the value of modern precious metal coins and arts in China. It does not affect or exclude the unique understanding of a particular currency by an individual. The second is that these data and results have relative characteristics. It is the relative evaluation of participation in the assessment of the excellent value of currency and art in the same scale. There is no absolute advantage or disadvantage. Third, people's understanding of the value of China's modern precious metal coins culture and art is also dynamic. With the continuous changes and enhancement of the overall quality of social culture, the cognition of cultural and artistic values must also be changing. Since the space for the full display of more than 200 currencies is relatively large, the following table shows only the top three coins in the table. For all the specific

List of top 100 currencies evaluating the value of culture and art Sequence

Release Year

Currency Conditions

Evaluation Currency Total Score

2001

Chinese Grottoes Art (Dunhuang) Gold and Silver Commemorative Coin

2 ounces of silver (no borders)

33.816

2002

Chinese Grottoes Art (Longmen) Gold and Silver Commemorative Coin

One kilogram silver (no borders)

33.564

2002

Chinese Grottoes Art (Longmen) Gold and Silver Commemorative Coin

5 ounces of silver (no borders)

32.787

······

Project Name

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

List of last 100 currencies evaluating the value of culture and art Sequence

Release Year

2001

Panda plus word commemorative Coin produced 1 ounce silver coin on the 60th anniversary of the establishment of the (universal, plus word) National Committee of China Financial Union

19.782

2007

Xi'an Commercial Bank Established its 10th 1 ounce silver coin Anniversary Panda Silver Plus Commemorative Coin (universal, plus word)

20.300

2011

Shenzhen 23rd World University Summer Games gold and silver commemorative coins

20.426

······

Project Name

currencies, you can refer to the “Investigation Report on the Survey of Cultural and Artistic Value of China’s Modern and Precious Metals”. From the statistical point of view, the top 100 currencies in terms of cultural and artistic values (the first one is the 2001 Dunhuang Grottoes in China's Dunhuang Grottoes, see Figure 4) have several characteristics: (1) From the perspective of distribution time, these currencies were concentrated between 1980 and 2011, of which 75.14% ranged from 1980 to 1999, and 24.86% ranged from 2000 to 2011. The currencies issued from 2012 to 2015 did not appear in this list. (2) From the perspective of the distribution of the theme of the currency project, the number of cultural currencies, including the Zodiac coins, accounted for 80.00%, of which the Zodiac coins accounted for 24.32%, the ancient coins accounted for 20.00%, and the cave coins accounted for 9.19%. Characters, events, scenic spots, pandas, sports, and rare animals have a small number of currencies ranging from 0.54% to 5.41%. (3).From the viewpoint of domestic and foreign coins selection, there are 16 coins. Including "Klaus Award" 5 coins, "Chinese Arts and Crafts Award" 9 coins , "German Coin Magazine Award" 2 coins, the

70 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Currency Conditions

Evaluation Currency Total Score

1 ounce silver coin (multicolor)

country's most popular favorite 2 coins. From the statistical point of view, there are probably several characteristics of the 100 currencies af ter the value of cultural and artistic values: (1) From the perspective of the issuance time, these coins are concentrated between 1984 and 2015, of which the period from 198 4 to 1999 accounted for 22.70% , accounting for 31.91% from 2000 to 2010. The period from 2011 to 2015 accounts for 45.39%. According to the statistics of the time interval, the statistics show a rising trend. (2) From the perspective of the distribution of the theme of the currency project. The proportion of the pluscharacter coins reaches 40.43%, more than 2/5 of 141 currencies. Sports coins accounted for 23.40%, ranking second. Events, Pandas and Zodiac also accounted for a certain proportion, accounting for 14.18%, 12.06% and 6.38%, respectively. The proportion of culture, figures, scenic spots, and other categories is relatively small. Finally, thanks to the interview of "The Journal of East Asian Numismatics".

Features 專題

名家專訪

訪中國現代貴金屬幣市場基本規律的探索者趙燕生袁水清（西安）

從 2010 年起，每天淩晨 3 點至 4 點起床，一天的工作量在早飯前已經完成不少；多年來他將全部精力和部分積蓄投向中國現代貴金屬幣基本規律的探索領域，在市場宏觀問題和定量分析方面取得顯著成效。這位敢於做挑戰性和創新性工作的人就是趙燕生（圖 1）。

趙燕生，1950 年生，河北威縣人。高級工程師，中國現代貴金屬幣市場研究專家。1977 年畢業於中南礦冶學院有色金屬壓力加工專業，曾任中國印鈔造幣總公司生產二處副處長，香港中國長城硬幣投資有限公司董事總經理，中國光大依波金銀珠寶公司總經理。1979 年進入中國國家貨幣生產部門，從事人民幣硬幣的生產和技術管理工作，

圖 1 趙燕生先生在工作室，2018 年 3 月攝

曾參與組織中國第二套流通元、角硬幣和十多套普通紀念幣的設計、研製和生產，參與組織制定多項國家標準和行業標準。1993 年起從事中國金幣的海外宣傳和行銷。1998 年開始組織開發貴金屬產品和錢幣產品。

長期以來，趙燕生作為業界專家一直躋身於中國的金幣市場，積累了大量實踐經驗，同時也積極研究有關市場發展的理論問題，特別是在中國金幣市場的宏觀發展問題和定量分析方面做了一些開創性的理論研究工作。規律是事物之間內在的本質聯繫，是不以人們的意志為轉移的，但人們能夠通過實踐認識它，利用它。中國現代貴金屬幣市場的基本規律，是一片尚未開發的處女地，對其探索，包括定性分析和定量分析，愛好者都望而卻步。趙燕生卻迎難而上，他首先從定量分析入手，在枯燥的統計資料中尋求市場運行規律，研究判斷市場走勢。為瞭解趙燕生先生的探索之路，2017 年 11 月 10 日，筆者在中國國家會議中心國際錢幣收藏博覽會展廳的中國財政經濟出版社展位，對趙先生進行了採訪（圖 2）；2018 年 3 月，由他主編的《中國現代貴金屬幣文化藝術價值問卷調查分析報告》出版發行後，筆者又做了電話交流。現將兩次採訪歸納整理，分享同道。

圖 2 筆者 2017 年 11 月 10 日北京國際錢博會期間採訪趙燕生先生（左）

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

一

趙先生，您是一位能耐得住寂寞，甘願坐冷板凳，

趙燕生：大家都知道，我的基本研究方法是定性與定

潛心做學問的儒雅強者，已在探討中國現代貴金屬幣的理

量相結合。在定量研究方面，一直是我國金幣市場的弱項，

論與實踐中邁出可喜的一步。勤奮鑄就成功，成功永遠屬

為此我耗費了大量的時間和精力。我在科學的理論指導下

於那些堅持不懈的人。您十幾年的努力證明：沒有做不成

嘗試建立中國金幣市場的大資料分析系統。這個分析系統

的事，只有做不成事的人。請問您當初為何選擇攀登這座

幾乎涵蓋了與我國金幣市場有關的各種數據與資料，按電腦統計計算目前大約有 2.28 萬個檔，資料量達到 1.45GB。

“山峰”？

儘管這個分析系統還有一些缺陷和不足，還在不斷改造升趙燕生：首先感謝著名電子錢幣雜誌《東亞泉志》的

級，但是可以不謙虛地講，這個大資料分析系統是目前在

專訪。另外您上邊對我的評價有些過高，實際上我只是一

這個領域中唯一的，初步解決了憑感覺和經驗說話的問題，

個普通的退休老人，在做着自己願意做的事情。

為這個領域進行定量研究奠定了堅實基礎。

說起為什麼要做這件事，至少有四個方面的原因：一

另外，“理論來自實踐和理論引導實踐”已經是老生

是自己在這個領域實踐了一生，對金幣事業是有感情的。

常談，但是在我國的金幣市場中，基礎的理論研究一直沒

二是自從參加工作以來不管做什麼工作，自己都願意深入

有得到充分重視，對高品質發展我國的金幣市場是不利的。

思考和總結，已經成為一種習慣，對於金幣市場的一些深

為了解決這方面的問題，我也進行了大膽嘗試，通過學習

層次問題一直都在試圖尋找答案。三是自己的退休生活可

論證，初步建立了包括商品、價值、市場和歷史發展的理

以有很多選擇，由於自己的性格是好靜不好動，因此選擇

論框架研究體系，同時建立了相應的指標體系。實際上在

了在金幣領域繼續學習和探索。四是中國金幣市場的理論

這個理論體系、指標體系和大資料的支撐下，可以更清晰

研究和定量分析方面一直是弱項，因此總要有人先吃這個

地看到我國金幣市場的運行規律、發展現狀和今後的運行

螃蟹，為後人開路。

方向。

說起這方面的研究工作，自己遇到的困難比想像的要大的多，但是目標一旦確定，就從來沒有退縮過。在研究

是否可以說，以上兩點是我試圖探索的我國金幣市場的最重大問題。

探索過程中，不懂的事情就繼續學習，先後閱讀了大量文獻、資料和書籍，同時深入市場進行調查研究，通過各種方式採集了大量資料，耗費了大量時間和精力。舉個例子，由於長時間在電腦前工作，自己的頸椎病加重，為此專門做了一個大手術，現在自己的頸椎已經部分換成鈦合金的了。即使是這樣，自己也從來沒有放棄過學習和研究。克服困難、逢山開路和遇水建橋可能是自己的性格。說起成績，實際上自己目前的研究成果可能只是為後人墊了一塊磚頭，距離成功還很遠，還有不少問題需要繼續深入探索。例如存世量、定量估值和指數問題的研究等還有待自己繼續深入探索。二

我認真讀過先生編撰、並於 2012 年 9 月出

版的《中國現代貴金屬幣市場分析》、2016 年 1 月出版的《中國現代貴金屬幣的理論與實踐》，以及 2013-2017 年分別出版的先一年的《中國現代貴金屬幣市場分析報告》共 7 本專著（圖 3 中前 7 本），受益良多。請問，這些研究成果初步解決了中國現代貴金屬幣領域的哪些重大問題？

72 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

圖 3 趙燕生先生編撰的 7 本和主編的 1 本專著

Features 專題

三

先生認為，“中華人民共和國的貴金屬幣，完全

不會超過 1 200 億元。

是一種以貨幣形式出現，以貴金屬為載體，用於收藏或投資的商品。”對現代貴金屬幣的定義和特徵做了高度概括。請問，它與貨幣、錢幣、藝術品的聯繫和區別在哪裡？

關於我國金幣市場收藏投資和經營群體的規模問題，目前還沒有機構進行過相對科學嚴謹的調查，因此準確地講還是一個十分模糊的問題，沒有人能夠給出準確答案。

趙燕生 : 我國的現代貴金屬幣本質上是以貨幣形式出現

正是由於這個原因，我最近在管理層召開的會議中，十分

的收藏品，您提到的問題的核心是現代貴金屬幣在收藏品

鄭重地提出這個問題，呼籲有關機構能夠開展這方面的調

中的定位問題。

查研究工作。希望我的呼籲能夠引起高層重視，在不遠的將來能夠得到相關資料和資料。

實際上收藏品是一個寬廣浩瀚的海洋，其中每一類收藏品在這個大海洋中都有自己的獨特定位，這是決定這種收藏品在市場中的地位與受眾的基礎問題。

關於如何在收藏投資現代貴金屬幣中取得成效，成為贏家的問題也比較複雜，原因是參與我國金幣市場的人員構成和入市動機非常複雜，這裡沒有某一種方法能夠適合

對於我國現代貴金屬幣的市場定位，我是從出生年代、

所有人群。我將參與金幣市場的人員結構大致分為了收藏

出生身份、機體材質和生產方式等四個方面進行分析的。

者、收藏投資者、投資收藏者、投機者和經營者等類型。

通過與大量收藏品的對比研究得出：我國的現代貴金屬幣

實際上由於入場動機不同，玩法有很大區別。例如經營者

是現代的、官方發行的、以貴金屬為機體的和採用工業方

主要是做流水，投機者要短平快，收藏投資者和投資收藏

式生產的工藝或藝術類收藏品。從這個市場定位出發，可

者就要研究文化和持倉一定時間，而收藏者主要是根據自

以很明顯看到現代貴金屬幣與其他收藏品的聯繫和區別。

己的興趣和愛好進行長期收藏。

全面分析收藏品的市場狀況，人們可以看到能夠同時適

然而，我還是要對收藏投資者和投資收藏者說幾句話。

應和滿足所有收藏群體需求的東西是不存在的。在門類繁

根據我自己和一些成功人士的經驗，我曾總結過收藏投資

多的收藏品種，每一種收藏品都有自己的優勢和劣勢，吸

現代貴金屬幣的“十大攻略”。它們是：正確心態、合理

引着不同的收藏投資群體。對於我國的現代貴金屬幣來說，

投入、學習借鑒、獨立判斷、關注精品、從易到難、以幣

最大的優勢是官方發行和以貴金屬為機體，而出生年代和

養幣、穩定連續、精心保管、快樂收藏。將這十個要點全

生產方式應該是相對弱項。但是必須明確的是，優勢和弱

部展開需要不少時間，現在僅簡單舉幾個例子。例如“正

勢是可以相互轉化的。例如，現代貴金屬幣的出生年代和

確心態”，主要是講玩現代貴金屬幣不要太浮躁，不要期

生產方式決定了它們的進入門檻較低，反而利於大眾收藏。

望一夜暴富，能夠獲得收藏投資的相對優勢就已經不錯。

從優勢看，如果不按市場規律辦事，官方發行的優勢也可

如果只希望掙錢，應該說現代貴金屬幣不是最好的標的物。

能變為弱勢。

如果有了良好的心態，潛心研究，長期收藏，反倒有可能獲得意想不到的投資回報。又例如“關注精品”，這裡講

四

據先生所知，目前世界上收藏和投資中國現代貴

的精品概念是文化藝術價值和收藏投資價值俱佳的幣種，

金屬幣者大約有多少公司、多少個人？ 2012-2017 年，這

不僅僅是數量概念。能夠受到市場普遍認同的精品，在供

一群體是發展了還是在萎縮，或處以穩定狀態？從 1979-

需關係的作用下，隨着時間的延續，市場價格一般都能穩

2017 年年底，中國共發行現代貴金屬幣多少项目多少幣種

定上漲，獲得較好的經濟收益也是大概率事件。再例如“從

多少萬枚？市場總價值多少億元？要在收藏投資中國貴金

易到難”，主要講的是由於資訊不對稱，玩不同的幣種難

屬幣中取得成效，成為贏家，應注意哪幾點？

度是不一樣的。在市場中散佈着很多不實資訊，例如一些版別和樣幣等。對於新人來說首先應該多關注資訊透明度

趙燕生：首先談談我國金幣市場的規模問題。按實鑄

高的幣種，經過一段時間的錘煉，有了對虛假資訊的識別

實售量計算，到 2017 年底我國的金幣市場共計發行各種貴

能力，再去涉及那些難度較高和資訊透明度低的幣種，這

金屬幣：項目 431 個、總數量 11 658.67 萬枚、總重量 10

樣可以減少吃虧上當的概率。最後要講的是，在收藏投資

397.90 萬盎司、市場價總值 1 449.28 億元。但是由於民間

金銀幣的“十大攻略”裡，有非常豐富的成功案例和失敗

的熔損量無法準確扣除，因此實際的市場規模很難準確計

教訓，需要每個人根據自身的情況認真揣摩和體會。

算。假定民間熔損量按照 20% 左右估算，大概的市場規模

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

五

請問中國現代貴金屬幣市場的一級市場、二級市場

如何定位？目前運行中存在什麼問題？如何改進？

六

我覺得影響中國投資金幣的投資性和市場需求是市

場售價過高，賣家差價過大，官方回購管道不暢，對嗎？請問如何改進這種提前透支廣大收藏投資及消費群體增值預

趙燕生：您提出的這個問題非常重要，也是在現代貴金

期、挫傷積極性的狀況？

屬幣發售過程中遇到的實際問題和最基礎的理論問題，利益不同有不同的看法。

趙燕生：您提出的我國投資金幣市場存在問題非常正確，也是市場客觀情況的反應。讓我總結當前我國投資金幣市場

從我的研究看，一級市場與二級市場的區別並不是位置、

存在的問題，主要有以下六個方面：①銷售體系頂層管理的

場所和商家的區別，而是講的價值轉化的性質。例如一個特

效率不順暢；②零售價格偏高；③官方買賣差價較大；④買

許經銷商，如果他從金幣總公司批發進貨後，第一次向外

賣回購不順；⑤交易方式單一；⑥市場秩序存在瑕疵。

出售時，就屬於一級市場的銷售行為；如果他從其他管道進貨後再進行銷售的行為就屬於二級市場。因此不能說特許經

實際上我們所說的我國投資金幣市場存在的這些問題是

銷商的所有銷售行為都屬於一級市場。同理，在我們常說的

通過對比顯示出來的。例如，目前我國普制熊貓金幣套裝的

北京馬甸和上海盧工的現貨市場中，也有一級市場的交易行

平均升水在 10% 左右，而國際上投資金幣的升水在 6.5%-

為，這裡主要是指金幣公司的有些下屬經銷商，拿到批發貨

7.5% 之間，因此我國投資金幣的銷售升水偏高。例如，目

源後的第一次銷售（價值轉化）就是在上述現貨市場實現的，

前我國普制熊貓金幣套裝的官方平均回購差價在 10% 左右，

這是典型的一級市場銷售行為。

而國際上普制投資金幣買賣差價在 1.1%-1.3% 左右。例如，我國普制熊貓金幣的交易目前以實物交割為主，而國際上的

因此我對一級市場和二級市場的區別與定義是：一級市

非現貨交易方式相對比較豐富。再例如，由於目前我國在銷

場特指在我國現代貴金屬幣發售過程中，包括國有專營企業

售普制熊貓金幣方面資訊透明度較低，有些經銷商違反市場

批發環節，以及批發環節後進行第一次價值轉換的市場交易

規律以很高的價格進行銷售，嚴重傷害了購買者的長期經濟

活動，它將主要承擔發行職能。二級市場特指在我國現代貴

利益，對市場造成傷害。

金屬幣流通環節中，在完成第一次價值轉化後，繼續進行價值轉換的市場交易活動，它將主要承擔後續的流通職能。

投資金幣是我國金幣市場最重要的支點，對於增加大眾投資黃金的選擇品種，落實藏金於民，更好發揮投資金幣在

為什麼要研究這個問題，主要原因是由這種商品的性質

民間儲金中的作用，大幅度提高中國金幣形象，提高市場佔

決定的。我國的現代貴金屬幣與彩電、冰箱等一般商品不同，

有率，推動整個金幣事業更大發展等都具有重要意義。從目

它屬於國家的法定貨幣，是利用行政資源在壟斷條件下發行

前我國黃金消費市場的容量看，投資金幣僅占實物金條消費

的，因此就存在一個公開、公平和公正的問題，它不能成為

的 6% 左右，發展空間巨大。

某些利益集團謀取私利的工具。當前我國金幣市場中的一個突出問題是，一級市場的銷售秩序混亂，某些利益集團利用

如何進行改進，首先管理層和國有專營企業要切實轉變

壟斷特權，在進行第一次價值轉換時高價銷售貴金屬幣，大

發展戰略，真正在思想、行動和措施上將發展投資金幣作為

幅度提前透支了廣大收藏投資者的增值預期，對市場的傷害

發展我國金幣市場的頭等大事。要針對市場競爭和存在的差

很大，撼動了政府行政資源類商品必須實行“三公”原則的

距，採取措施解決價格偏高、買賣差價偏大和回購不暢的問

根基。

題，同時創新交易方式。在交易價格的資訊方面，要大幅度提高市場訊息的透明度，使違規銷售寸步難行。我堅信，只

根據這些情況，當前如何改革貴金屬幣的發售體制就已

要真正引起重視，存在的問題一定可以逐步解決。

經成為發展我國金幣市場的重大問題，其核心和目標就是要從制度設計上確保廣大收藏投資者在一定的規則下能夠買

七

中國現代貴金屬紀念幣和普通紀念幣一樣，近年的

到一手價格的金銀幣。實際上進行這項改革並不容易，它涉

發行規模不降反增，從整體上打擊了收藏投資及消費群體的

及很多方面的利益關係。我的第一步建議是，大幅度提高直

市場信心，您認為這是必然的發展趨向嗎？如何應對這種現

銷比例，銀行實施代銷制，對特許經銷體系通過優勝劣汰予

狀況？

以精簡。

74 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

趙燕生：您提的這個問題在市場中已經有很多討論，我也進行過認真分析思考，今天第一次公開發表自己的意見。

1. 金幣、鉑幣、鈀幣、雙金屬幣的基本標準條件：（1）時間範圍：1979-1999 年；（2）文化藝術價值評價得分：良好以上（即平均得分

我認為分析認識這個問題首先要將現代貴金屬幣和普通紀念幣區別對待。

28 分以上）；（3）公告發行量：5000 枚以內；（4）單枚克重 X 公告量（總重量）：1 萬盎司以內。

首先看普通紀念幣。普通紀念幣是我國現代信用貨幣的一部分，它與現行人民幣等額流通，特定的主題只是文化符

2. 銀幣的基本標準條件：

號不同，主要功能是參與市場流通，發行量計入 M0。因此

（1）時間範圍：1979-1999 年；

普通紀念幣的發行規模應該採用適度放大的發行政策，要能

（2）文化藝術價值評價得分：良好以上（即平均得分

夠基本滿足市場需求，要努力實現可流通的條件和環境。關

28 分以上）；

於普通紀念幣在收藏品市場的價格，要在歷史沉澱中體現，

（3）公告發行量：1.5 萬枚以內；

不必成為管理層考慮的主要問題。當然這裡也最好不要出現

（4）單枚克重 X 公告量（總重量）：3 萬盎司以內。

兩種極端：一種極端是發行量過低，造成極度短缺，這樣群眾會不滿意，也容易產生權力尋租和腐敗問題（例如奧運

為什麼要這樣確定？這裡面考慮了很多因素，同時也徵

鈔）；另一種極端是發行量過大，會造成回籠量過大和發行

詢了一些市場參與者的意見，在這裡就不具體展開，有興趣

鑄造管理費用的浪費問題（例如航太鈔）。如何把握好這個

可以看看《中國現代貴金屬幣文化藝術價值問卷調查分析報

尺度，發行管理部門不應拍腦袋盲目決策，應該建立一套相

告》，那本書裡有詳細的論述。在這裡需要強調是，這只是

對科學的估量機制。

一種嘗試，會存在不盡完善之處，希望業界人士共同努力不斷改進。

再看看貴金屬紀念幣。雖然說貴金屬紀念幣也是國家發行的法定貨幣，但它僅是一種形式貨幣，本質上是一種用於

九

您策劃並主持的“中國現代貴金屬幣文化藝術價

收藏或投資的商品，不具備現代信用貨幣的流通職能，屬於

值問卷調查”從 2017 年 2 月 13 日開始，5 月 31 日關閉調

非剛性需求，這是與普通紀念幣根本不同的。因此從藝術收

查系統，歷時 3 個半月。隨後主編了《中國現代貴金屬幣

藏品物以稀為貴的市場規律看，貴金屬紀念幣的發行總量

文化藝術價值問卷調查分析報告》（圖 3 中最後一本）。

應該遵循適度短缺的發行原則。如果發行總量大於市場實際

請介紹一下評價文化藝術價值得分前 100 位幣種和得分後

需求，就會引發市場反向運行，給市場的長期穩定健康發展

100 位幣種的總體特點各是什麼（圖 4）？

造成傷害。這幾年金幣市場的運行狀況已經充分證明了這一點。

趙燕生：在回答這個問題之前，首先應該明確以下幾個問題。一是這次問卷調查彙集的評價資料僅反映參與者對我

八

您對中國現代貴金屬幣中的老、精、稀品種是如何

界定的 ?

國現代貴金屬幣文化藝術價值的一般認識，不影響和不排斥某一個體對某一幣種的獨特認識。二是這些資料和成果具有相對性特徵，它是在同一個尺度下對參與評價幣種文化藝術

趙燕生：“老精稀”概念已經在我國金幣市場中出現多

價值優異狀況的相對性評價，不存在絕對優劣。三是人們對

年，並且已經得到市場普遍認同。但是多年來“老精稀”概

我國現代貴金屬幣文化藝術價值的認識也是動態的，隨着社

念一直比較模糊，沒有形成相對準確的定位，其中的難點主

會文化整體素質的不斷變化和提高，對文化藝術價值的認知

要在“精”字上。在這次“中國現代貴金屬幣文化藝術價值

也一定處於變化之中。

問卷調查”活動中，廣大市場參與者對我國現代貴金屬幣的文化藝術價值進行了全面評價，得出了人們對我國現代貴金

由於完全展現這 200 多個幣種的篇幅較大，下邊用表

屬幣文化藝術價值的一般認識，這就為我們試探性研究“老

格僅分別展現其中的前三名幣種，具體的全部幣種可以參閱

精稀”板塊的定位提供了一次機會。

《中國現代貴金屬幣文化藝術價值問卷調查分析報告》。

關於“老精稀”板塊的具體定位，我們制定的大致標準是：

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

評價文化藝術價值得分前 100 位幣種名錄排序

發行年度

項目名稱

幣種概況

2001

中國石窟藝術（敦煌）金銀紀念幣

2 盎司銀幣（無邊沿）

33.816

2002

中國石窟藝術（龍門）金銀紀念幣

1 公斤銀幣（無邊沿）

33.564

2002

中國石窟藝術（龍門）金銀紀念幣

5 盎司金幣（無邊沿）

32.787

······ ······ ······

評判幣種總分

······ ······ ······

文化藝術價值後 100 位幣種名錄排序

發行年度

項目名稱

2011

中國金融工會全國委員會成立 60 周年熊貓加字紀念幣

1 盎司銀幣（普制 - 加字）

19.782

2007

西安商業銀行成立 10 周年熊貓加字銀質紀念幣

1 盎司銀幣（普制 - 加字）

20.300

2011

深圳第 23 屆世界大學生夏季運動會金銀紀念幣

1 盎司銀幣（彩色）

20.426

······ ······ ······

幣種概況

評判幣種總分

······ ······ ······

從統計情況看，文化藝術價值得分前 100 位幣種（得分第一的是 2001 年中國石窟藝術敦煌 2 盎司紀念銀幣，見圖 4）大概有幾下幾個特點：①從發行時間角度觀察，這些幣種集中在 1980 年到 2011 年之間，其中 1980 年至 1999 年區間占 75.14%，2000 年至 2011 年區間占 24.86%。 2012 年至 2015 年發行的幣種沒有在這個名錄中出現。② 從幣種專案主題板塊的分佈角度觀察，包括生肖幣在內的文化類幣種占到 80.00%，其中生肖幣占 24.32%，古科幣占 20.00%，石窟幣占 9.19%。人物類、事件類、風景名勝類、熊貓類、體育類和珍稀動物類的幣種數量較少，占比從 0.54%-5.41% 不等。③從國內外錢幣評選的角度觀察，共有 16 枚獲獎幣。其中包括“克勞斯大獎”5 枚、“中國

圖 4 2001 年中國石窟藝術（敦煌）2 盎司紀念銀幣（正、背）無邊沿，直徑 40 毫米。正面圖案：敦煌九層樓主景，設計、雕刻：張春曄；背面圖案 : 盛唐菩薩像，設計：杜永衛，雕刻 : 張江。深圳國寶金幣製造廠生產。

工藝美術百花獎”9 枚，“德國錢幣雜誌獎”2 枚，國內最受群眾喜愛獎 2 枚。

斷上升態勢。②從幣種項目主題板塊的分佈角度觀察，加字幣的占比達到 40.43%，超過 141 枚幣種的 2/5。體育幣

從統計情況看，文化藝術價值得分後 100 位幣種大概

占比為 23.40%，排位第二。事件類、熊貓類和生肖類也佔

有幾下幾個特點：①從發行時間角度觀察，這些幣種集中

有一定比重，分別占 14.18%、12.06% 和 6.38%。文化類、

在 1984 年到 2015 年之間，其中 1984 年至 1999 年區間

人物類、風景名勝類和其他類占比相對較小。

占 22.70%，2000 年至 2010 年區間占 31.91%。2011 年至 2015 年區間占 45.39%。按照時間區間進程統計呈現不

76 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

最後感謝《東亞泉志》的採訪。

Features 專題

Chopmarked Coins Chapter 1 Part III The History of Silver in China Colin James Gullberg (Taipei)

(Followed by No.9 Issue)

1825 In Peru, there was political instability between the different parts of the country. Peru’s coins reflected its government’s attempt to regain lost parts of South America and unify them into one nation. The legend “FIRME Y FELIZ POR LA UNION” (Steadfast and Happy for the Union) referring to a union with the states of Bolivia (Upper Peru), North Peru and South Peru.

The Chinese had two names for the coin. They saw liberty holding a rod with a cap on it and named the coin the “Buddhist monks’ pewter staff” [ 錫杖銀 ]. In addition, Liberty’s face lacks detail. The Chinese thought she looked like a ghost and thus called the coin the “standing masked devil” [ 企鬼頭銀 ] on China’s east coast. The Peru standing liberty coins with chopmarks are not common, but they do come up from time-to-time. The following piece is a very nice, almost uncirculated, 4 reales from 1854, formerly in the F.M. Rose collection.

36 Peru 1854 Lima M.B. 4 Reales, KM-151.3, R-3.

1828 Philippines Manila 1828 Counterstamp In the Philippines, the local Spanish government grew alarmed at the politically offensive language (“freedom,” “justice,” etc.) appearing on the coinage of the newly independent Latin American republics. As it was impossible to stop the importation of the new Latin American coins the Spanish-controlled Philippines, the government decided to institute the Manila 1828 counterstamp, which was used to cover up the offending lexicon by obliterating the entire coin’s legend with a counterstamp that covered both sides. On one side of the coin was the inscription “Manila 1828,” on the other side the Spanish coat of arms. All around the edge of the coin, a serrated border was applied to remove the offending 90

wording. However, the machinery was not strong enough to completely cover the words, and soon broke down. The idea was abandoned. The Manila 1828 counterstamp with chopmarks are very rare. Rose owned two90 and reported that he knew of four other pieces. I know of one other that sold in Taipei in September 2006 which Rose would not have known about. It is likely that fewer than a dozen or so chopmarked Manila 1828s exist worldwide. It is not clear to me why so few of these coins were chopped as they appear in the shroff handbook.

One (a KM-25) is now in the Ed Murphy collection [see: Chopmark News, vol. 16, issue 2, (June 2012), p. 61]. The other (pictured) is in the B.K. collection.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

The countermarked F.7O and Y.II Philippines coinage that immediately followed the Manila 1828 coinage is often found with chopmarks (although these are far more

common coins and the chopping likely occurred before the countermarks were applied).

37 Philippines Manila 1828 Type I counterstamp on a Mexico Durango Cap & Rays 8 Reales, KM-38, (Host: KM-377.4), R-2/3.

1832 The failure of the Spanish government in the Philippines to effectively cover the offending slogans on the newly independent coins coming from Latin America with the Manila 1828 counterstamp caused the Spanish government to change tack and switch to a punch. An ovaloid-shaped punch was used as a pattern but was quickly replaced by a simple round punch with an “F.7O” (Ferdinand VII) in relief to countermark coins circulating in the Philippines. The coins included were not only the newer standing liberty 8 reales from Peru and Mexican Cap & Rays, but any coin currently in circulation in the islands. These included previously chopped Carolus 8 reales. There was a surcharge to countermark the coin depending on how badly chopped the coin was. Moderately and heavily chopped coins faced a 2% surcharge, while lightly chopped coins – defined as having the main design and lettering clearly visible – faced a 1% surcharge.91

Collecting countermarked Philippines coinage is a huge specialty in and of itself. There is such a wide variety of host coins, dates, and countermark varieties92 that a complete set would be a lifetime’s work. I believe the Mexican Carolus 8 reales is the most common host, with the Peruvian standing liberty 8 reales coming in second. In 1834, after the death of Ferdinand VII on December 20, 1834, the dies were replaced with a new counterstamp – Y.II – for the new queen, Isabel II (Ysabel was the old Spanish for Isabel). There is some dispute exactly when the government stopped countermarking coins. Philippines countermark specialist Dr. Quintin Jose Maria Fortich Oropilla y Fortich reported93 it ended in 1839; Frank Gilboy says the final date was on March 31, 1837. So no genuine host coin bearing the date 1838 (or 1839 according to Dr. Oropilla) or later exists.

E. Yap; Origins and historical facts of Philippine counterstamp coinage – a summary, [From: Chopmark News, vol. 16, issue 4, (C. Gullberg, ed.), December 2012], p. 137 92 For a better understanding of the Philippines countermark series see: E. Yap; Decoding the Mystery of the Philippine Countermark Pearl Formation, [From: Chopmark News, vol. 17, issue, 2, (C. Gullberg, ed.), June, 2013], p. 54-59 93 Dr. Q.J. Oropilla y Fortich; Philippine Counterstamped Coins 1828-1839, (2001), p. 138-43

78 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

38 Philippines ND F.7O countermark KM-83, (Host: Peru 1830 Lima J.M. 8 Reales, KM-142.3), R-6.

39 Philippines ND F.7O countermark, KM-49, (Host: Bolivia 1799 PTS. P.P. 8 Reales, KM-73), R-7.

40 Philippines ND Y.II countermark KM-129, (Host: Mexico 1834 MO M.L. 8 Reales, KM-377.10), R-6.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

41 Philippines ND Y.II countermark, KM-100 (Host: Bolivia 1834 PTS L.M. 8 Sueldos, KM-97), R-5. In 1833, the British East India Company lost its monopoly on trade in China. Until this period the EIC had had “the sole exclusive right of trading, trafficking and using the business of merchandise into or from the dominions of the Emperor of China.”94 Even after the end of the EIC’s monopoly, foreigners were still confined to Canton (and Macau for the Portuguese). This meant more and more smuggling of opium went on along the Chinese coast.

Another new technology that appeared around 1835 was the steamship.95 This gave the foreign traders a huge advantage as to where they could load and unload cargo (opium) and the ability to outrun Chinese government vessels.

42 American paddle steamer Williamette at Canton (painting). Image courtesy: National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London http://collections.rmg.co.uk/collections/objects/13256.html

94 95

M. Greenberg; op. cit., p. 18 Ibid., p. 103

80 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

As more and more opium followed into China from India the Qing government grew alarmed. The economic damage to China drove its government to ban opium, not the moral reasons.96 To pay for the growing addiction, the Chinese were spending silver at a rapid rate. Indeed, for many years China had been sending much more of the precious metal out of the country than it was taking in. This was a problem, as the historian Jonathan Spence points out, because “a scarcity of silver meant that its price rose in relation to copper; since peasants used copper currency in their everyday transactions but still had to pay their

taxes to the state in silver, a rise in the value of silver meant that peasants were in fact paying steadily higher taxes,” which led to widespread unrest. In 1838 the emperor had warned, “If steps be not speedily taken (to stanch this outflow of silver), and we do not strenuously seek to recover ourselves, the useful wealth of China will all be poured into the fathomless abyss of transmarine regions. The evil consequences to the national resources and to the people’s well-being will be great.”97 The spike in the price of silver vis-à-vis copper cash is well illustrated in Graph 3 (page 55). Silver prices rose throughout the period of increasing opium exports to China, reaching a peak around 1852.

Graph 398- Chinese silver-copper coin ratios 1644-1911 (copper wen/silver liang).

Ibid., p. 143 E.J. Dolin; op. cit., p. 213 98 M.H. Lin; op. cit., p. 3 97

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

The Carolus dollar was still the most important trade coin in use at the time, in spite of the fact that much of Latin America was emerging as independent nations with new coins that were untested in Asia. By 1830, because of its convenience and its reputation for consistency, the Carolus dollar was used in the domestic commerce as well as accepted for tax payments in certain areas. The Carolus dollars also commanded a high premium in the interior of China. They had been accepted by dealers of raw silk from central China for a long time, which enhanced their value from 10 to 15 percent. In one season during the 1830s, trading company Russell & Co. sold $60,000 to a hong merchant at a premium of 30 percent.99 However, even with trade expanding on China’s coast, silver was being replaced. In 1826, it was reported

that no new dollars or South American bullion was procurable. Sycee was at a 6-7% premium. A new solution was needed. This solution was the bills of credit on London. These had been used since the early 1800s but by 1830 half of the value carried by U.S. vessels to China consisted of bills on London. In 1831, perhaps an exceptional year, they brought in $4,770,000 worth of bills and only $680,000 in specie.100 The bills allowed for a three way trade between the Americans tea buyers, the British opium suppliers and the Indian opium growers. Americans would buy Mexican silver and exchange it with the British for a bill which was negotiable in Hong Kong for tea purchases. The Hong Kong tea seller would trade it for opium purchases. The British meanwhile had traded the silver in India for opium. The net result was a trade deficit for China as silver flowed out of China and into India.

1836 From 1835 to 1845 the government of Peru made approximately 1.5m pesos of Peruvian moneda feble. Moneda feble was silver coinage that was struck at less than the legally required level of fineness of 10 dineros 20 grains (0.903 fine). This practice started in Cuzco and debased coins were made in each year (except possibly 1842 and 1843) and were mostly authorized by legitimate governments. The debased coins were principally minors struck at 8 dineros fineness. Merchant initially offered 1-2% premiums for older pillar and portrait coins. The premium reached 30% for full weight Peruvian coins. The debased coins forced out the good coins in Bolivia

(Upper Peru), North Peru (later simply Peru) and South Peru (which became part of Bolivia).101 At the time, these three political entities were united in the Peru-Bolivian confederation, which lasted a short three years (183639). The debasement of coins in Bolivia and North Peru, where Cuzco was located, was a major worry for the merchants in Lima. A few of the shorter-lived coins from North and South Peru can be found with chopmarks. Below are two, one a North Peru 8 reales from 1838 (the series was minted 1836-39) and a South Peru 8 reales from 1838.

43 North Peru 1838 M. 8 Reales, KM-155, R-2/3.

Yen-p’ing Hao; op. cit., p. 36, 38 M. Greenberg; op. cit., p. 160, 162 101 H.P. Flatt; Moneda Feble in Peru, 1830-1867, [from: The Coinage of El Perú (W.L. Bischoff, ed.), 1989], p. 198-200 100

82 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

The South Peru “volcano” 8 reales is very rare chopmarked. I have seen only three. However, it was certainly known to the Taiwanese shroffs as it appeared in their silver handbook under the name of “snail wall

silver” [ 螺城銀 ]. The reason is in the foreground of the volcano there is what the Taiwanese believed to be a snail, next to a city’s walls, hence the name.

44 South Peru 1838 Cuzco B.A. 8 Reales, KM-170.4, R-3. The above South Peru 8 reales is from the Rose collection. It has one chop on the obverse and another “ 利 ” [li – “profit”] on the reverse, just below the volcano.

1838-40 The first Opium War As silver flowed out of China and opium flowed in, the Qing government grew alarmed at the deteriorating economic conditions. Rising silver prices, due to the falling supply, (see Graph 3, page 55) led to social unrest as peasants had to purchase silver (with copper cash) to pay government taxes. The Qing government’s response of trying to restrict opium imports, and thus reduce China’s growing trade imbalance, was carried out by boarding British ships and seizing opium. This

was met with aggression from the British who defeated the Chinese forces and forced the Chinese to sign the Treaty of Nanking (Nanjing) in 1842. The treaty ceded Hong Kong to Great Britain, and opened the additional Chinese ports of Shanghai, Foochow, Amoy, and Ningpo to foreign trade. The United States and France negotiated similar treaties a few years later. The first opium war is important as it marked the

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

beginning of trade through other parts of China besides Canton and Macau. Over time the number of foreign businessmen in the interior of China increased, further spreading foreign dollars. China’s commercial revolution gained further momentum in 1860, when new, large-scale purchasing of tea and silk from China’s interior became fully developed.102 New areas probably introduced new customs regarding chopmarks (for example ink chops are likely a Shanghainese innovation). It also increases the complexity of tying a particular chop to a particular location or time. “Western style” banks entered the Chinese market at this time as well. The Oriental Banking Corporation

was the first real Western bank to open up for business in Hong Kong (in 1843) and later in China (in 1848).103 Interestingly, in 1843 it was reported that British shillings and sixpences were being used in Amoy (Xiamen) in 1843. French francs, and other foreign coins also circulated.104 All of these coins are very difficult to find with chopmarks. Below is a French 5 francs from 1877. The basic type was first issued in 1795, not long after the French Revolution but underwent some minor design modifications over the next century. All mainland French coins are very scarce with chops, unlike the common French piastre de commerce (trade dollar), which was introduced in 1885 specifically for the China trade.

45 France 1877K 5 Francs, KM-820.2, R-3/4.

102

Yen-p’ing Hao; op. cit., p. 138 Ibid., p. 52 104 Ibid., p. 42-44 103

84 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

1838 Taiwan Old Man Dollar The origins of the Taiwan Old Man dollar are obscure. Kann lists the Old Man dollar as China’s first silver coin (giving it the celebrated catalog number Kann-1) and lists it as being struck in 1837. Others list the date of 1838 as the first year of minting. The reason for its production is unclear as well. Some think it was an attempt to copy (in weight and fineness) the well-excepted Spanish Carolus dollar in circulation at the time. As the supply of Carolus dollars started to dry up the Old Man dollar emerged a locally made replacement – a replacement of higher silver content than the Spanish Carolus to ensure its acceptance.105 It has also been argued106 that the Old Man dollar was first minted as payment for military personnel on Taiwan who put down a rebellion on the island in the late 1830s, when a shortage of Carolus dollars caused the Chinese to intermittently mint crude dollar-sized coins to pay their troops.107 Research by Bruce Smith found no revolt occurred on Taiwan at the time. What is known,

however, is the Old Man dollar was made in Taiwan in several years, each successive issue having a lower silver content that the preceding issue. All have chopmarks making the Taiwan Old Man dollar a fascinating coin for the chopmark collector. Prices for Old Man dollars are generally quite high (you would be very lucky to find a piece for under US$2,000 as of this writing (2014) but they are not really that scarce (apart from a few very rare varieties), however. The total numbers existing is likely to be fewer than one thousand pieces, with the largest private collection108 holding only 31 pieces. Dr. Tseng Che-lu estimates about 500-800 surviving, possibly far fewer (perhaps fewer than 200). The high silver fineness (96-98%) caused most of them to be melted. The high prices reflect the strong prices all Chinese coins, and indeed, all Chinese collectibles, have had over the past ten years or so. If you have the money you will find one as several appear for sale every year.

46 Taiwan ND (1838-50) Old Man Dollar, variety with +, LM-316, Kann-1, R-7.

105

Lin Gwo Ming and Ma Tak Wo; Illustrated Catalogue of Chinese Gold & Silver Coins, 6th ed., (2008), p. 106 E. Kann; Illustrated Catalog of Chinese Coins, (1966), p. 15 107 R.N.J. Wright; The Modern Coinage of China 1866-1949 – The Evidence in Western Achieves, (2012), p. 181 108 The collection belonged to the late Mr. Liu Gai-zao [劉改造] of Tainan, Taiwan. 106

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

47 Taiwan ND (1838-50) Old Man Dollar, variety with 卍 , LM-319, Kann-1a, R-7.

1838 USA Seated Liberty Coinage In 1837 the United States introduced its “Seated Liberty” coinage, replacing the “Capped Bust” design, for half dimes, dimes, and for the quarters in 1838 and the half dollars in 1839. The series went through several modifications but ended in 1892 when the “Barber” series replaced it.

liberty half dollar, however, did make it to China and was accepted and chopped. They are in limited supply and a complete date set probably does not exist. I would recommend the collector interested in this series focus on obtaining one of each of the five varieties. This is only possible with the half dollar.

Most American businessmen in the Orient were forced to use the Mexican dollar as America had had no dollar coin since it ceased minting them in 1804. The seated

There are a very few seated liberty quarters with chopmarks, I know of fewer than five, two were in the Rose collection. This is one of them:

48 USA 1839 Quarter Dollar, Type I (No Motto), KM-64.1, R-2.

The most exciting coin of the series is likely to be the one dollar, since America minted no dollar coins from 1803 to 1840, when the seated liberty dollar was introduced. A limited number of 1804 dollars were struck in 1834-

86 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

35 and later, and the Gobrecht dollar of 1836-39 was a pattern piece, but these were limited exceptions to the rule.

Features 專題

49 USA 1857-S Half Dollar, Resumed Type I, KM-A68, R-6. There is one chop on the eagle’s wing to the left of the shield.

The seated liberty dollar weighed 26.73 g. at 0.900 fine giving a net weight of 0.77344 oz. of pure silver – lower than the Carolus dollar’s 0.7858 oz. of pure silver. In 1850, silver prices rose above the intrinsic value of seated liberty coins in circulation and many were melted. The weight of all of them, except the dollar, was reduced in 1853 to solve this problem. The dollar remained unaltered as the United States had a gold dollar coin in circulation. The silver dollar was not seen as necessary. However, the dollar was produced for the export market and many tens or hundreds of thousands were exported, many to China where it competed with the Mexican 8 reales. The denomination was decommissioned in 1873.109 The seated liberty dollar was known to the Taiwanese money changers and appears in the shroff

handbook. It was called the “left arrow eagle silver” [ 左箭鹰銀 ] since the eagle’s head is turned to the left. The seated liberty dollar with chopmarks is now a great rarity. I know of two coins, one of which was in the Rose collection and is now in the Rich Licato collection, the other from the Hal Walls collection. Rose stated that there are more, but they don’t turn up very often. Why are there so few? I don’t know. I believe the coin below likely came over to China in a shipment of United States trade dollars in the mid-1870s. A deeper study of the chops could possibly date its arrival in China.

50 USA 1849 One Dollar, KM-71, R-2.

109

Q.D. Bowers; The Expert’s Guide to Collecting & Investing in Rare Coins, (2005), p. 332-33

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

1840 The decade of 1840-50 was one in which the silver continued to leave China. Social and economic conditions worsened for most Chinese leading up to the huge Taiping Rebellion (1850-64), perhaps the third deadliest war in world history. In the second quarter of the nineteenth century the balance of trade turned against China primarily because of the growing opium trade. According to H.B. Morse, there occurred a net drain of silver to the amount of 200 million yuan over the period. On the eve of the Taiping Rebellion the country’s holdings probably fell to the level of 900-1,100 million yuan (from an estimated 1,140-1,330 million in the 1820s or a 5-32% contraction of the money supply). In the latter half of the century,

nonetheless, China soon resumed importing bullion from abroad. Between 1852 and 1875 alone, at least one billion yuan of silver had been shipped from England and Mediterranean ports to India and the East. So vast was the influx that China found its stocks of silver doubling in the half-century.110 Undoubtedly, without this turn around the price of silver in terms of cash would not have declined (see Graph 3, page 55) and the Qing dynasty may well have fallen as social unrest would have continued to spread. There were few new coins that were used in the China trade 1840-50. One of the most important was the Indian rupee featuring a young head of Queen Victoria of 1840. Well over one billion were minted, all dated 1840.

51 British India 1840 One Rupee, KM-457.1, R-5.

The Indian rupees are not all that common, but they are not all that scarce either. I waited about two years before I saw one on an internet auction site, but after I saw the

first one several more appeared. So you can find one with patience.

1844 Changchow Ration Dollar The Changchow (Fukien) Ration dollar also appeared in the 1860s; although there is a big dispute as to its actual date of mintage. Kann lists it as 1864, Lin and Ma twenty years earlier in 1844. The location of the minting is also unclear. Kann only lists Foochow, Lin and Ma state that

110

very similar coins were also minted in Taiwan in 1836. There are two Fukien varieties. The more common one is pictured. These coins, like Taiwan Old Man dollars, are almost always found with a variety of chopmarks.

Yeh-chien Wang; Secular Trends of Rice Prices in the Yangzi Delta, 1638-1935. [Reprinted in: T. G. Rawski, L.M. Li (ed.) Chinese History in Economic Perspective], (1992), p. 61

88 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

52 China - Fukien Prov. 1844 Changchow Military Ration Dollar, LM-291, K-6, R-5.

1848 The year 1848 was an important one in world history. Several countries faced uprisings starting with France. These revolutions quickly spread throughout Europe and Latin America with over fifty countries being affected. Nevertheless, they had no direct effect on China, which did not face similar problems that plagued Europe and

Latin America in 1848. A few Cambodian coins trickled into China and were chopped. The coin below, an 1848 tical, the second year the coin was minted, is from the Frank Rose collection.

53 Cambodia CS1208 (1847) One Tical (thick flan), KM-36, R-3.

In Latin America, not many new coins were introduced in the 1840s. Apart from the first couple of years in the decade, Peruvian coinage output fell to almost nothing. The average mintage before independence in 1825 was about 4.7 million pesos (silver and gold); after 1825, the peak mintage was 2.9 million, reached within a few years. In 1843-61, it averaged only about 150,000 a year.111 Bolivia introduced two different coin designs; both are shown below. The first one (KM-103) carried on from

111

the 8 soles issue of 1827-48 (KM-97 and KM-103) with a modified head of Bolivar who is facing right. The second Bolivar faces left. Bolivar continued to face left until the coins were resigned in 1863 after which all Bolivian coins carried the Bolivian shield and flags. Both the coins pictured are available with chops. A far rarer variety of a leftward-facing Bolivar is pictured on page 157 (photo 156). The Taiwanese called the coin the “tree-money” [ 樹錢 ] because of the tree on the reverse below six stars.

H.P. Flatt; op. cit., p. 192

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

54 Bolivia 1846 PTS L.R. 8 Soles, KM-103, R-4.

The following Bolivian 8 soles was known to Taiwanese shroffs as “banana money” [ 香蕉錢 ] due to the similarity of the tree pictured on the reverse to a banana tree.

55 Bolivia 1851 PTS F.M. 8 Soles, KM-109, R-5.

56 Netherlands 1865 2½ Gulden, KM-82, R-3/4.

90 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

The Netherlands 2½ gulden pictured above was 25 g. at 0.9450 fine, giving a net weight of 0.7596 oz. of pure silver. It was lighter than the Mexican dollar common at the time (which was 0.7859 oz. of pure silver) so you would not expect the Chinese to welcome the Dutch coins; however, they did accept them, and the above coin appears in the shroff handbook. Still, they are hard to find with chopmarks. This coin was first minted in 1849 and had the distinction of being issued for Netherlands East Indies, the only colony in Southeast Asia which shared the same standard coin as its home country - the Dutch

guilder and the rix dollar (rijksdaalder). It circulated mainly in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia) and competed with the Mexican 8 reales and Japanese yen. Production of the coin ended in 1875, as the Netherlands went on the gold standard and the intrinsic value of the rix dollar rose above its nominal value. As the price of silver fell, the two coins (gold and silver guilders), which were circulating alongside each other, diverged more and more.112 The causes of this were the increased supply of gold in the 1850s, and the flood of silver after 1873.

1849 California Gold Discovery Prior to 1850 the supply of gold was inadequate to cover enough currency for the world’s economy. When gold was discovered in California in 1849, however, a world gold standard became possible. At first, the discovery of gold in the USA (and Australia) lowered its price relative to silver. As many countries fixed the relative value of their coins at a certain gold-silver ratio this impacted several countries’ coins. In 1855 the weight of the Bolivian peso fuerte was lowered from 542 grains to 480 grains, 10 dineros 20 grains fine.113 And, as mentioned before, as the United States’ silver dollar was freely convertible to one gold dollar the silver dollar disappeared from circulation. The United States ended free coinage of minor coins and made its minor coins token, legal tender only up to debts of $5.114 In Europe, Italy, Switzerland, France, Belgium formed the Latin Monetary Union in 1865 to reduce the silver content in minor coins. By 1867, most countries favored a gold standard. When it became clear that the switch to gold would mean reduced demand (and thus a lower price for silver), countries began selling off their silver. Germany started silver sales in 1873, at the same time silver production in Nevada was increasing, meant that silver prices would continue to fall as supply flowed into the market. Countries would have to end the right to free coinage.115 Many countries realized it would be impossible to keep both silver and gold coins circulating together at standardized conversion rates, if the gold-silver ratio continued to change.

Meanwhile, in the 1850s, China reached its rock bottom. The fall in the supply of silver caused deflation as prices fell and bankruptcies soared. Also the appreciation of silver vis-à-vis copper (see Graph 3, page 55) cash caused silver to be hoarded and taxation effects worsened as taxes were payable in silver. Much of this hardship was a contributing cause of the Taiping Rebellion.116 By 1853, the Taiping Rebellion had completely demoralized the Shanghai trade. On March 3, Rutherford Alcock reported, “at the bare supposition of Nanking being taken, trade is at a stop.” George Bonham found eight days later “a kind of panic amongst the Chinese merchants and traders … [and] there is at present little or no business carried on and money is very scarce.”117 The Taiping uprising disturbed the traditional tea routes to Shanghai and Canton, and simultaneously the commercial activities on the coast became increasingly active. This spread foreign silver inland. Foochow became a prominent tea export center. Foreign trading houses bought tea on the Foochow market at first, but soon sent their agents to the upper Min River to purchase tea directly from upcountry.118 The increasing foreign influence in the interior of China would lead to social changes. In particular, opium was used as a means of payment for tea and silk, and its legalization which was granted in the Treaties of Tientsin (Britain and France signed separate treaties on June 26 and 27, 1858) gave a new dimension to the coastal trade. After

111

J. Busschers; The Mexican Pieces of Eight Reales and their Domination in South-east Asia, (2000), p. 143 H.P. Flatt; op. cit., p. 212 114 T. Sargent and F. Velde; The Big Problem of Small Change, (2002), p. 314 115 D.H. Leavens; op. cit., p. 344 116 Yen-p’ing Hao; op. cit., p. 123 117 Ibid., p. 283 118 Ibid., p. 141 113

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

1842, the unequal treaty system gave impetus to these developments by ushering in an era of free trade never witnessed before. All of this precipitated fundamental changes in trade and society.119 Besides the Taiping Rebellion, China’s coastal commerce was influenced by various other internal disturbances, such as the triads, the Nien Rebellion, and, in 1900, the Boxers. In 1853, the Small Sword Society overran most of Shanghai outside of the foreign settlements, greatly affecting the Shanghai market. Hoarding of the Carolus dollar and the lack of demand for foreign manufactured goods caused a complete monetary breakdown as dollars disappeared from circulation. People hoarded Carolus dollars, perhaps out of panic. Even the opium market was reduced to a barter basis.120 The popularity of the Carolus dollar can also be seen in the foreign exchange rates. The intrinsic value of one Carolus dollar was 4s. 2d. in British currency. Up to the end of 1852, the usual exchange rate at which exporters could buy six-month bills on London was from 4s. 6d. to 4s. 10d. for the Carolus dollar, thus including a premium of 8 to 16 percent. From 1853 to 1856, for instance, when Shanghai was threatened by the Taiping invasion and the insurrection of the Small Sword Society, the exchange rate fluctuated between 6s. and 7s. 9d., representing a 44 to 86 percent premium above the intrinsic value of the coinage.121 The Carolus dollar continued to overshadow the Mexican dollar in popularity, despite the latter’s gaining ground in southern China by the mid-1850s. Although both coins had identical intrinsic value (416 grains, .900 fine), different exchange rates existed simultaneously, the Carolus dollar being valued higher. Whereas one Carolus dollar was quoted at 7s. 9d in Shanghai on Sept. 15, 1856, one Mexican dollar was worth only 4s. 11d. in Canton on Sept 27.122 It is not entirely clear why the spread between the Carolus dollar and the Mexican Cap & Rays was not arbitraged away over time, as the gap was substantial and existed for decades.123 Through most of this period, the premium over the 119

Mexican dollar was higher in South China than in the Yangtze valley. This difference prompted a Mr. A. G. Dallas of Jardine’s to buy these coins in Shanghai from time to time and transport them to Canton and Hong Kong for sale. Mexican dollars became scarce in China after the mid-sixties, because they were increasingly used by Western traders to pay for silk in Yokohama, Japan. This new circulation in Japan affected the dollar-sycee exchange rate in China, usually to the advantage of the Mexican dollar.124 Although it probably did not look like it at the time, things reached their nadir at around 1856 and gradually started to improve. The Taipings were finally defeated in 1864, and China’s balance of payments moved to a surplus as silver once again flowed into China – and stayed. Part of this was due to the gold discoveries in the West. This was also the period when the mountain of Carolus dollars that had arrived fifty years earlier finally dried up and the Mexican Cap & Rays 8 reales slowly started to become the foreign coin of choice for many regions of China. Looking back over the previous century of silver flows, Chinese scholar Wei Yuan (1794-1857), wrote in 1842 that “of all silver stocks (in the country) 30-40% comes from mining in China and 60-70% from foreign vessels.” Wang estimates the amount of bullion held in China to be in the range of 290-330 million silver yuan in the mid-seventeenth century, and 1,140-1,330 million in the 1820s.125 Even though there were huge changes going on in China’s economy and the world’s monetary systems, numismatically, there were few new coin types arriving in China. One was a new variety of Peruvian standing liberty 8 reales. It is quite similar to the other standing liberty type minted by Peru but it is a distinct type with liberty facing directly forward. It is rarer than the more common type [8 reales: KM-142.3] where liberty’s body is at a slight angle, but can be found with persistence. The obverse of the two varieties are shown below. Both were known to the Chinese shroffs and appear in the shroff handbook.

Ibid., p. 138 Ibid., p. 284 121 Ibid., p. 39 122 Ibid., p. 39 123 See: W. Bailey; Why were Spanish Dollars Valued More Highly than Mexican Dollars? [From: Chopmark News, vol. 15, issue 3, Sept. 2011], p. 80-83 124 Yen-p’ing Hao; op. cit., p. 41-42 125 Yeh-chien Wang; op. cit., p. 61 120

92 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

57 Peru 1842 Lima M.B. 8 Reales, KM-142.9, R-5.

58 Peru 1836 Lima M.T. 8 Reales, KM-142.3, R-6.

A very challenging series of coins to collect is the Taiwan “paintbrush” [ 筆寶 bi-pao] or the “lotus” dollar. There is some confusion as to when they were minted. Lin and Ma states all three varieties were made in 1853. Kann lists only the first type (Kann-2) as being minted in 1853. He says that the other two were minted in Taiwan in 1861 and 1862. Kann states that the Kann-2 paintbrush dollar was already a rarity at the time he was writing his Illustrated Catalog of Chinese Coins in the 1950s. The first type, pictured below is known as the ju-yi [ 如意 ]

dollar and has a 六 [liu meaning “six”], which refers to the 6 mace 8 candareens the coin was valued, stamped in relief below the crossed lotus leaves. Almost all of these coins, like the Taiwan Old Man dollar, are found with chopmarks. In general, the fewer the chops, the more expensive the coin, but no paintbrush dollar is cheap. The chopmarks are always of the large type typical of the chopmarks in the second half of the nineteenth century.

59 Taiwan ND (1853) Paintbrush dollar – type I with 六 [liu “six”] in relief, C-25-4, LM-323, K-2, R-4.

60 Taiwan ND (1853) Paintbrush dollar – type II with 粮 [liang “rations”] in relief, KM-unlisted, LM-324, K-4, R-4.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

The type II paintbrush dollar above has been cut in half and is from the Rose collection. Kann describes this type as having been made in 1862 in Tainan, Taiwan.126

61 Taiwan ND (1853) Paintbrush dollar – type III with 庫 [ku “treasury”] in relief, C-25-5, LM-325, Kann-unlisted but described under K-3, R-4. One very interesting area of chopmark collecting is Russian coins. In his book, Hao reported of Russian tea traders in the mid-1850s. Shansi merchants went to the Bohea districts (now Wuyishanshi in Fujian Province) to represent Russian firms in the purchase of tea to be transported to Russia. These “Shansi men” purchased large amounts of tea in 1854. George V. W. Fisher, Jardine’s agent, commented from Foochow in 1855: “I expect there is a large quantity (of tea) taken into Russia overland, for the Sansi (Shansi) men have again returned Sinchune (in Foochow) to buy tea...”127 It is not clear if Russian roubles were used in payment.

Rose reported128 that China was a source of silver for Russia as Russia mainly used paper money internally. However, Rose speculates that some silver must have made it from Russia to China, but why so little, is a bit of a mystery. Perhaps it was turned into sycee. One reason certainly is the fact that Russian coins had less silver. The coin pictured below was only 0.8680 fine at 20.7300 g. giving a net weight of 0.5785 oz. of pure silver, but the fact that the coin was underweight did not stop the Chinese from accepting and chopping other lower weight coins. Rose only had two chopmarked Russian coins in his collection and he states he did not know of any others. Thus the 1873 Russian rouble below must be considered extremely rare.

62 Russia 1873 One Rouble, Y-25, R-2/3.

126

Tseng Che-lu; The Spirit and Culture of Taiwan Coinage, (2004), p. 109, 137 Yen-p’ing Hao; op. cit., p. 180 128 F.M. Rose; op. cit., p. 11-12 127

94 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

《戳記幣簡史》第一章第三部分——中國白銀史高林（臺北）（上接第 9 期）秘魯國內各地政治紛爭不斷，而錢幣則反映了該國政府

由於自由之神面部沒有雕刻細節，中國人認為這個沒有臉

試圖收復南美失地、建立統一國家的政治企圖。錢幣上的

的形象看上去像鬼，所以在中國東部沿海，這種銀幣又被

銘文 FIRME Y FELIZ POR LA UNION（堅定且同樂之聯盟）

稱為“企鬼頭銀”。

指的就是玻利維亞、北秘魯與南秘魯合併而成的統一國家。帶戳記的秘魯自由之神銀幣並不常見，但會時不時出這種銀幣在中國有兩種叫法。由於幣面上的自由之神手拿一杆帶帽的權杖，中國人便將其稱之為“錫杖銀”。另外，

現在大眾視野中。下圖這枚 1854 年 4 裡亞爾銀幣品相極佳，近乎未流通，原為 F.M. 羅斯藏品。

36 秘鲁 1854 利马 M.B.4 里亚尔， KM-151.3 ， R-3 。

1828 年菲律賓馬尼拉戳記

菲律賓當地的西班牙政府對新獨立的拉美共和國銀幣

兩枚 90，據說他還知道另外四枚錢幣的下落。我知道有一

上出現的反動性政治詞彙（自由、公正等）愈發警覺起來。

枚這樣的錢幣曾於 2006 年 9 月在臺北售出，而羅斯應該不

由於無法阻止新拉美銀幣流入西屬菲律賓，當地政府決定

知道這一訊息。很可能現在全世界僅有不足十幾枚的這種

使用一種 1828 戳記用來遮擋住硬幣兩面的所有反動性銘

馬尼拉 1828 戳記幣存世。既然帶有這種戳記的錢幣的數量

文。硬幣的一面使用的是“馬尼拉 1828”字樣的戳記，另

如此稀少，那麼為什麼兌換處的冊子上還能找到相關記載？

一面則用西班牙國徽作為遮擋用的戳記。正反兩面邊緣部

這一點着實令人費解。

分則打上了齒邊用來抹除反動詞彙的痕跡。但是由於機器能效欠佳，不僅打出的戳記無法完全遮蓋住所有的詞彙，而且沒多久就出現了故障。這一做法也因此被棄用。

緊隨馬尼拉 1828 年戳記幣之後的是 F.7O 和 Y.II 錢幣，這種錢幣上經常帶有戳記（儘管這種錢幣遠比前者常見，且這些戳記很可能是在前者的戳記投入使用之前就已經打

這種帶有馬尼拉 1828 戳記的錢幣非常罕見。羅斯藏有

在錢幣上了）。

一枚（KM-25）現為 Ed 墨菲藏品（詳見《戳記幣新聞》第 16 卷（2012 年 6 月刊）第 61 頁。另一枚（如圖）現為 BK 藏品。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

1832 年

37 帶有第一種菲律賓馬尼拉 1828 戳記的墨西哥杜蘭戈 8 裡亞爾鷹洋 KM-38 (Host: KM-377.4) ， R- R-2/3 。

由於未能成功用 1828 戳記遮蓋住拉美全新獨立硬幣上的反動口號，菲律賓西班牙政府改變策略，將目標轉向了

戳記幣—— 即幣面主要圖案及字母清晰可見的硬幣—— 的附加費為 1%91。

造幣沖頭。最初造幣使用的是一個橢圓形的沖頭，後很快又替換為帶有費迪南七世浮雕的沖頭，用於在菲律賓的流

收藏菲律賓戳記幣是一項專業性很強的大工程。由於

通幣上蓋打戳記。菲律賓當時所有的流通幣 —— 不僅限於

發行國、發行日期及戳記的種類千差萬別 92，要收藏一套

秘魯站立自由之神 8 裡亞爾和墨西哥花邊鷹洋 —— 都被打

完整的硬幣可能需要窮盡一生之力。在我看來，這些硬幣

上了這種戳記，就連此前已經帶有戳記的卡洛斯 8 裡亞爾

中最為常見的就是墨西哥卡洛斯 8 裡亞爾，而秘魯的站立

也未能倖免。根據硬幣上戳記的好壞，重打戳記還需另行

自由之神 8 裡亞爾次之。

加收費用，中度及重度戳記幣要加收 2% 的費用，而輕度

38 菲律賓 ND 費迪南七世戳記幣，KM-83 ( 發行地：秘魯，1830 利馬 J.M 8 裡亞爾， KM-142.3) ， R-6 。

E. Yap《菲律賓戳記幣起源及史實概要》，發表於《戳記幣新聞》第 16 卷第 4 期（C. 古勒貝裡編），2012 年 12 月刊第 137 頁。

更多關於菲律賓戳記系列的訊息請參考 E. Yap 《菲律賓珍珠形狀戳記探秘》，發表於《戳記幣新聞》第 17 卷第 2 期（C. 古

勒貝裡編），2013 年 6 月刊第 54-59 頁。

96 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

1834 年 12 月 20 日費迪南七世駕崩。此後，錢幣模具

記的做法，而這在當時引發了一些爭議。弗蘭克·吉爾博

上啟用的新的 Y.II 的標記，用以代表繼任者伊莎貝拉二世

伊則認為實際終止鑄打戳記的時間為 1837 年 3 月 31。因此，

（Isabel 古時西班牙語的寫法為 Ysabel，所以標記是 Y.II

實際上並沒有鑄造因此也不會存在鑄造於 1838 年此種戳記

而非 I.II）。據菲律賓戳記專家昆廷·何塞·瑪利亞·弗迪奇·歐

幣。

若費拉博士

稱，1839 年，當地政府停止了在錢幣上打戳

39 菲律賓 ND F.7O 戳記，KM-49 ，( 產地 : 玻利維亞 1799 PTS. P.P. 8 裡亞爾 KM-73)，R-7 。

40 菲律賓 ND Y.II 戳記 KM-129 ， ( 產地：墨西哥 1834 MO M.L. 8 裡亞爾， KM377.10) ， R-6 。

41 菲律賓 ND Y.II 戳記幣， KM-100 ( 出自玻利維亞 1834 ， PTS L.M. 8 Sueldos ， KM97) ， R-5 。 93

出自昆廷·何塞·瑪利亞·弗迪奇·歐若費拉博士《1828-1839 年間的菲律賓戳記幣》（2001）的第 138-143 頁。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題

1833 年，英屬東印度公司失去了其在對華貿易中的壟

另一樣新技術 —— 蒸汽輪船也於 1825 年誕生 95。和中

斷權。在這之前，該公司一直獨佔對華貿易、運輸以及通

國的帆船相比，這項技術讓外國商人在裝卸貨物（鴉片）

過商品貿易進出中國領土的權利。在英屬東印度公司失

及運輸速度方面占得了先機。

去壟斷地位之後，外國人的活動仍舊被限定在了廣東（葡萄牙人則待在澳門），而這也意味着有越來越多的鴉片順着中國沿海地區被走私了進來。

42 美國槳輪蒸汽船圖，維拉米特創作于廣東，現存於倫敦格林威治國家海事博物館。 http://collections.rmg.co.uk/ collections/objects/13256.html 。

隨着越來越多的鴉片從印度流入中國，清政府開始警覺 96

起來，出於保護經濟而非道德目的，當局開始實行禁煙。

味着農民實際上需要繳納的賦稅會越來越高”，並進而導致社會出現動盪。1838 年，清帝警告說：“若不馬上採取措施（阻止白銀外流）、奮發恢復國力，中國之財富將無

民眾對鴉片上癮的加劇加速了中國白銀外流。實際上，

止境地流入外邦。若如此，中國之物力及百姓之安康將會

多年間，中國的白銀一直處於入超狀態。正如史學家喬納

遭受滅頂之災。97”銀銅比價的飆升詳見圖表 3（55 頁）。

森·斯賓斯所說的那樣，白銀入超帶來了一個社會問題。即“白

隨着鴉片的不斷流入，中國的銀價不斷飆升，並於 1852 年

銀的稀缺造成了銀銅對比價的上漲。雖然農民在日常使用

到達頂峰。

銅錢交易，但在繳稅的時候還是使用白銀。銀價的上漲意

M. 格林伯格，同上第 18 頁。

出處同上，第 103 頁。

出處同上，第 143 頁。

F.J 多林，出處同上，第 213 頁。

98 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

圖表 398 1644-1911 年銀銅對比價格（銅價單位：文 ; 銀價單位：兩）

隨着拉美國家相繼獨立，這些地區的新硬幣躍躍欲試，

無跡可尋。當時銀錠的溢價為 6%-7%。人們需要一個新的

等待能在亞洲流通。儘管如此，卡洛斯銀元仍然是當時最

解決方案 —— 使用倫敦的信用券。這些信用券從 19 世紀早

重要的貿易用貨幣。到 1830 年，由於其便捷、穩定的特性，

期就開始投入使用，但到 1830 年，美國才在開往中國的輪

卡洛斯銀元除在國內貿易中使用之外還在一些特定的地區

船中裝載了這種票券，其價值為所有運輸品的一半。或許

用於支付稅款，在中國大陸也有着較高的溢價。長期以來，

1831 年是個特例，這一年他們向中國運了價值 477 萬美元

商人們在中國中部出口生絲的貿易中使用的都是這種錢幣，

的信用券，而全船的其他硬幣的總價值僅為 68 萬美元 100。

從而使該錢幣的增值比由原先的 10% 增加到 15%。19 世

這種信用券使得美國茶葉買家、英國鴉片賣家及印度鴉片種

紀 30 年代的一個季度，旗昌洋行以 30% 的溢價向一位洪

植商三方之間的貿易得以成行。美國人從墨西哥購得白銀，

姓商人售出了 6 萬美元的錢幣。

並將之和英國人兌換信用券，這種券可以在香港購買茶葉。香港茶商會將票券用於購買鴉片。而與此同時，英國人又

然而，儘管中國沿海的貿易不斷在擴展，白銀還是被取代了。1826 年，有報道稱新的拉美錢幣及銀條在中國已經

使用白銀從印度換取鴉片。這一貿易網路使得中國白銀流入印度，並最終導致中國貿易出現赤字。

林滿紅：《中國之逆轉：世界銀荒與嘉道鹹秩序 1808-1856》，2006 年，第 3 頁。

郝延平著《19 世紀中國商業革命》，1986 年，第 36、38 頁。

100

格林伯格著《1800-1842 年的英國貿易與中國開放》，第 1951 年版，第 160、162 頁。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN

Features 專題 1836 年 1835-1845 年間，秘魯政府生產了約合 150 萬比索的

集團在當時組成了秘魯 - 玻利維亞聯邦，但只存在了三年

秘魯劣質銀幣，其純度低於法律規定的 10Ds20Gs（0.903

（1836-1839 年）。玻利維亞及庫斯科所在的北秘魯存在

含銀量）。這種劣質銀幣首先在庫斯科進行生產，後來年

的這種劣質幣成為了當時利馬商人最頭疼的問題。

年都有產出（1842 年和 1843 年可能未能生產），各個政府幾乎是默認了這種做法。這種銀幣的純度大多在 8Ds 左

少數這種短命的南北秘魯銀幣上面能找到戳記。下圖

右。起初，商人們為雙柱肖像銀元提供的保險費為 1%-2%，

這兩枚戳記幣一枚是 1838 年的北秘魯 8 裡亞爾（這一系列

到後來，完全重量的秘魯銀幣的附加費被增加到了 30%。

的鑄造年份在 1836-1839 年之間），另一枚是 1838 年的

這種劣幣驅逐了玻利維亞、北秘魯（秘魯）以及南秘魯

南秘魯 8 裡亞爾。

（後成為玻利維亞的一部分）等地的良幣

101

。這三大政治

43 北秘魯 1838M8 裡亞爾， KM-155 ， R-2/3 。

南秘魯“火山”8 裡亞爾戳記幣非常罕見，我見過的也只有 3 枚。不過臺灣兌換處肯定知道這種錢幣的存在，他們的銀幣手冊裡面將這種錢幣稱為“螺城銀”。臺灣人認為錢幣上城牆圖案旁邊的物體為一隻海螺，遂有此名。

101

H.P. 弗拉特：《1830-1867 年間的秘魯劣質錢幣》，登載於《秘魯錢幣》（W.L. 比肖夫編，1989 年）第 198-200 頁。

100 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

44 南秘魯 1838 庫斯科 B.A.8 裡亞爾，KM-170.4，R-3。

上圖這枚南秘魯 8 裡亞爾為羅斯藏品。錢幣正面有一戳記，背面火山圖案正下方有一“利”字戳記。

1838-1840 年，第一次鴉片戰爭隨着鴉片湧入白銀流出，江河日下的經濟狀況讓清政府

有意思的是，1843 年曾有資料顯示，當時英國的先令及六便

愈發警覺起來。白銀供應減少導致的銀價高漲，由於需要（使

士的硬幣正在廈門流通。一併使用的還有法國的法郎及其他

用銅錢）購買白銀來繳納稅賦，銀價的上漲引發了農民暴動。

外國硬幣 104。所有的這些錢幣上面都很難找到戳記的蹤影。

為緩解不斷惡化的貿易失衡，清政府決定嚴控鴉片進口，對

下圖展示的就是一枚 1877 年的 5 法郎硬幣，這種類型的錢

英國船隻開展了登船收繳鴉片的行動。為此，英國人發動了

幣最初發行於 1795 年法國大革命之後不久，在隨後的 100

第一次侵華戰爭，打敗了清政府，並於 1842 年強迫中國政府

年裡，這種硬幣在設計上又經歷了一些細枝末節的修改和調

簽訂了中英《南京條約》。條約規定將香港割讓給英國，並另

整。跟常見的於 1885 年特意引進用於對華貿易的法國貿易

行開放上海、福州、廈門、寧波為對外通商口岸。隨後幾年裡，

幣不同，所有法國本土大陸的硬幣上幾乎都沒有加打戳記。

美國和法國也相繼強迫清政府簽訂了類似的不平等條約。第一次鴉片戰爭標誌着中國開始開放除廣東、澳門之外的通商口岸，其重要性不言自明。此後，中國內陸的外國商人不斷增加，外國貨幣在中國的流通也不斷蔓延。19世紀60年代，隨着洋務運動的開展，全新的從中國內陸大規模購買絲綢和茶葉的貿易發展到頂峰102。新貿易帶來了諸如戳記之類的新習俗（如墨水戳記很可能就是起源於上海），也讓在判定戳記的具體時間或具體地區變得更為複雜。 “西式”銀行也在當時進駐了中國市場。麗如銀行是第一家在香港（1843 年）和中國內陸（1848 年）開設的真正意義上的外國銀行 103。 102

郝延平，同上，第 138 頁。

103

同上，第 52 頁。

104

同上，第 42-44 頁。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 101

Features 專題

45 法國 1877 年 K5 法郎，KM-820.2，R-3/4。

1838 年臺灣老公銀臺灣老公銀的起源現已無處可查。耿愛德將老公銀列為

還有一種有爭議的說法 106 稱這種銀幣最初在臺灣是作

中國第一批銀元（在他那本知名的目錄中的編號為 Kann1），

為軍餉而鑄造的。據說臺灣在 19 世紀 30 年代曾鎮壓過一場

並稱其鑄造於 1837 年。而也有其他人認為老公銀首鑄於

起義，當時由於卡洛斯銀幣短缺，中國當局斷斷續續地粗製了

1838 年。除年份外，這種銀幣的鑄造原因也不甚明瞭。有人

一批類似大小的銀幣充作軍餉 107。但經史博祿調查後發現，

認為臺灣老公銀是仿照（重量及成色方面）當時流行的西班

當時臺灣並未發生過起義。不過這種老公銀的確在臺灣生產

牙卡洛斯硬幣所鑄。隨着卡洛斯銀幣的逐漸減少，這種老公

了幾年，但成色逐年下降。由於所有的老公銀上都帶有戳記，

銀便作為替代品在臺灣應運而生。為了使這種硬幣能受到接

這使之成為了戳記幣藏家們絕佳的收藏目標。

納，其在含銀量方面比西班牙卡洛斯硬幣要高一些

105

。

46 臺灣 ND（1838-1850）老人頭，+ 版，LM-316，Kann-1， R-7。

105

林國明、馬德和合著《中國金銀幣目錄》，第六版（2008），第 106 頁。

106

耿愛德：《中國幣圖說匯考》（1966），第 15 頁。

107

R.N.J. 賴特：《1866-1949 中國現代幣——西方發現的證據》（2012），第 181 頁。

102 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

老公銀通常價格不菲（現在（即本書成書時間 2014 年）

不足 200 枚）。由於含銀量高（96%-98%），多數老公銀都

能買到 2000 美元以下的老公銀可以說是撞大運了），但實

被熔掉了。其不菲的價格顯示了在過去的十多年裡中國硬幣、

際上卻算不上多麼稀有的一種錢幣（某些珍稀品種除外）。

實際上也是所有中國的錢幣藏品在價格方面的強勁勢頭。每

現存老公銀的數量大概不足 1000 枚，個人收藏數量最多的

年都會有幾枚老公銀出現在市場上，如果資金充足，能買到

也不過只有 31 枚

108

。曾澤祿博士認為約有 500-800 枚左右

一枚也不算難事。

的老公銀存世，但其實際的數量可能遠低於這一估計（可能

47 臺灣 ND（1838-1850）老人頭，卍字版，LM-319，Kann-1a，R-7。

1838 年美國自由女神坐像硬幣

1837 年，美國用“自由女神坐像”的圖案取代了 1 角、半

幣供應量有限，且包含各個時期的全套硬幣可能並不能湊齊。

角上面的“帶帽頭像”，之後兩年，又分別將 25 美分及半美

對於那些對這一系列感興趣的藏家，我建議你們只把關注點

元的設計換成了相同的圖案。這一系列經過幾次修訂，一直

集中在五種硬幣中的一種就夠了，想要收集所有種類是一件

流通至 1892 年，後被“巴伯”幣所取代。

不可能的事。

自從 1804 年美國硬幣停止生產之後，大多在東方做生意的美國商人都不得不使用墨西哥貨幣進行交易。不過“自

只有很少的坐像銀幣上面帶有戳記，我知道的也只有不到 5 枚，其中兩枚是羅斯的藏品，下圖展示的就是其中的一枚。

由女神坐像”銀幣的確流通到了中國並被打上戳記。這些錢

48 美國 1839 25 美分，第一種（無箴言版）， KM-64.1，R-2。 108

臺灣台南劉改造舊藏。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 103

Features 專題

49 美國 1857年半美元，第一版修復版，KM-A68，R-6. 盾牌左邊老鷹翅膀上有一個戳記。

1803-1840 年自由女神坐像銀元引進的時候，美國一直

這些銀幣正式停用 109。臺灣錢幣兌換商對這種坐像銀幣很熟

沒有生產 1 美元面值的銀幣，因此，這一系列中的一美元硬

悉，兌換處的手冊上將這種銀幣稱為“左箭鷹銀”，該名稱來

幣顯得最有吸引力。1834-1835 年及之後，這種銀元的生產

源於幣面上朝向左側的老鷹頭像。

數量有限，僅為 1804 枚。1836-1939 期間還生產了戈佈雷希帶戳記的自由女神坐像銀幣現在非常罕見，我知道的只

特幣樣幣，但這些硬幣都不是常規產品。

有兩枚。一枚是羅斯舊藏，現為裡奇·利卡托所有；另一枚則自由女神坐像銀元中 26.73 克，純度 0.900，純銀淨含

是哈爾·沃思的藏品。羅斯表示還有其他的坐像戳記幣存世，

量為 0.77344 盎司，低於卡洛斯銀幣的 0.7858 盎司。 1850 年，

但很少會出現在大眾視野中。至於為什麼這種戳記幣如此稀

純銀價格超過了流通坐像銀幣的本價，於是很多銀幣被熔毀。

有我就不得而知了。

為解決這一問題，1853 年，除 1 元面值的銀幣外，其餘所有坐像銀幣的重量都被降低了。之所以沒有降低 1 元銀幣的重

我認為下面這枚錢幣很可能就是 19 世紀 70 年代隨運

量是因為當時美國已經有 1 元的金幣在流通，所以 1 元面值

輸美國貿易幣的商船一同被運送到中國的錢幣之一。想要推

的銀幣本身並非不可或缺。但還是有 1 元的銀幣被生產出來

斷出其到達中國的時間，還需對幣面上的戳記作進一步研究。

用於出口，當時共出口了數萬甚至數十萬元的銀幣，其中很多都被運到了中國與墨西哥 8 裡亞爾銀幣進行競爭。 1873 年，

50 美国 1849 1 美元，KM-71，R-2。 109

D.Q. 鲍尔斯：《稀有钱币的收藏与投资专业指南》（2005），第 332-222 页。

104 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題 1840 年 1840-1850 年這十年時間裡，中國的白銀進一步外流。

而得出的）。不過很快中國就於 19 世紀下半葉恢復了貴金屬

百姓揭竿而起，太平天國運動爆發（這場起義可能是世界歷

的進口。僅 1852-1875 年間，就有至少價值 10 億的白銀從

史上死傷人數第三多的一場戰爭），社會和經濟狀況進一步

英格蘭和地中海港口運往印度和東方。白銀大量流入使得中

惡化。

國的白銀庫存在 50 年間裡翻了一番 110。毫無疑問，如果這一改變沒有發生，中國的銀價（用銅錢表示的價格）也不會下

19 世紀的第二個二十五年間，由於鴉片貿易的增長，中國貿易失去平衡。據 H.B. 莫斯估計，這段時間內中國白銀的

降（見第 55 頁圖表 3），而清政府可能會因為不斷蔓延的社會動盪而就此滅亡。

淨流出量高達兩億元。太平天國運動爆發前夕，中國國庫內的白銀庫存下降到大概 9 億到 11 億左右（此數字是通過對

1840-1850 年間的中國貿易中使用的新錢幣不多，其中

19 世紀 20 年代白銀 11 億 4 千 4 百萬至 13 億 3 千 3 百萬

最重要的是 1840 年帶有年輕的維多利亞女王頭像的印度盧

之間庫存量而估算出、或者是通過 5%-32% 的貨幣供應緊縮

比，鑄造量超過 10 億枚，標注的時間均為 1840 年。

51 英國 1840 年 1 印度盧比， KM-457.1, R-5。

這些印度盧比既算不上常見也並非罕見。我等了兩年才在一次網上拍賣中見到一枚，但見到第一枚之後，又有好幾枚陸續出現。所以，只要有耐心你就可以遇得到。

1844 年漳州軍餉漳州（福建）軍餉也出現於 19 世紀 60 年代，不過在其

人的書中則表示 1836 年臺灣也曾鑄造過與之類似的錢幣。

具體鑄造年份方面還是存在巨大的爭議。耿愛德在書中將其鑄造年份標注為 1864 年，而林國明和馬德和書中的鑄造年份為 1844 年，較耿愛德早了 20 年。另外，這種錢幣的鑄造

福建軍餉共兩種，下圖所示的是比較常見的一種。和臺灣老人頭一樣，此種錢幣上面常打有戳記。

地點同樣沒有定論。耿愛德只說其鑄造于福州，而林、馬二

110

王業鍵：《長江三角洲稻米價格的長期趨勢1638-1935》（重新刊登於 T. G. Rawski、 L.M. Li整理編輯的《經濟視角下的中國

史》）（1992）第61頁。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 105

Features 專題

52 中國福建 1844 年漳州軍餉， LM-291, K-6, R-5。

1848 年

1848 年是世界歷史上頗為重要的一年。從法國開始，起

一些柬埔寨硬幣三三兩兩地流入中國並被打上戳記。下

義的戰火燒到了多個國家，在之後的 50 多年裡，此起彼伏的

面這枚 1848 年（該錢幣始鑄之後的第二年）泰國提卡來自弗

革命很快席捲了歐洲及拉美大陸。但這場革命之火卻並未直

蘭克·羅斯的收藏。

接傷及中國，因為這裡當時並未面臨與歐洲及拉美國家類似的問題。

53 柬埔寨 CS1208（1847）1 提卡（厚坯）， KM-36, R-3。

19 世紀 40 年代拉美並未引進太多新式錢幣。除前兩

枚（KM-103）沿襲了 1827-1848 年發行的 8 索爾硬幣（KM-

年外，40-50 年代這十年裡秘魯銀幣近乎出於停產狀態。

97 and KM-103）的圖案設計，只對玻利瓦爾省的頭像（朝右）

1825 年秘魯獨立之前，這種銀幣的平均產量約為 470 萬比

做了一些調整。第二枚硬幣中的玻利瓦爾省頭像朝左，這一

索（金、銀均有），此後，僅用了不足幾年時間，秘魯銀

設計一直延續到 1863 年，之後，玻利維亞錢幣上的圖案就

幣的最高產量也未超過 290 萬。1843-1861 年，其年平均

改為了盾牌和旗幟。圖片展示的兩種錢幣上均可以找到戳記。

產量僅為 15 萬

111

。

本書第 157 頁（圖 156）還展示了另一種更為稀有的玻利瓦爾省（朝左）硬幣。由於背面六顆星星下面有一棵樹，所以這

下面是玻利維亞當時採用的兩種不同的錢幣設計。第一

111

H.P. 福萊特，同上，第 192 頁。

106 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

種硬幣也被臺灣人叫做“樹錢”。

Features 專題

54 玻利維亞 1846PTS L R8 索爾，KM-103，R-4。

由於背面的圖案類似香蕉樹，下面這種 8 索爾硬幣又被臺灣錢幣兌換處稱為“香蕉錢”。

55 玻利維亞 1851PTS FM8 索爾，KM-109，R-5。

56 荷蘭 1865 年 2½ 荷蘭盾，KM-82，R-3/4。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 107

Features 專題

上圖所示 2½ 荷蘭盾重 25 克，純度 0.9450，淨含銀量

蘭盾的主要流通範圍是荷屬東印度（現印尼），並在當地與墨

0.7596 盎司。由於其重量要輕於當時常用的墨西哥銀幣（含

西哥 8 裡亞爾和日本硬幣競爭市場。由於荷蘭堅持使用金本

純銀 0.7859 盎司），所以按理說中國應該不歡迎這種荷蘭

位，使得錢幣的實際價值超過了其幣面價值，因此這種錢幣

錢幣，但事實卻並非如此，這種錢幣不僅被中國人所接受，還

於 1875 年停鑄。隨着銀價的下跌，並行流通的兩種錢幣（金、

出現在了錢幣兌換處的小冊子上。這種錢幣上很難找到戳記

銀荷蘭盾）之間的價值差距越拉越大 112。造成這種局面的

的蹤跡，其初鑄時間為 1849 年，在荷屬東印度—— 也就是唯

原因，一是因為 19 世紀 50 年代黃金供應的增加，二是 1973

一一個與荷蘭本土使用相同標準荷蘭盾和裡克斯元的東南

年之後白銀的大量氾濫。

亞殖民地 —— 發行的版本與本土錢幣存在一些差異。這種荷

1849 年加利福尼亞發現金礦 1850 年之前，黃金的供應還不足以滿足世界經濟在貨

與此同時，中國社會在 19 世紀 50 年代卻陷入低谷。

幣方面的需求。然而 1849 年加利福尼亞發現的黃金使得全

由於銀價下跌、民生凋敝，白銀供應的下降導致中國社會出

世界實行金本位成為了可能。起初，美國（及澳大利亞）

現通貨緊縮。又由於上升的銀銅比價（見 55 頁圖表 3）造

發現的黃金降低了其（與白銀的）對比價，又由於許多國

成白銀囤積，以白銀支付的稅收帶來的稅收效應進一步惡

家都以一定的金銀比率調整了本國硬幣的相對價值，這種

化。積重難返的社會現狀推動了太平天國運動的爆發 116。

黃金（與白銀）對比價的下跌對很多國家的硬幣造成了影響。 1855 年，玻利維亞比索的重量由 542GS 降至 480GS，純 113

1853 年，太平天國運動徹底摧垮了上海的商業貿易。

度也下降至 10DS，20GS 。如前所述，美國 1 元銀幣可

英國公使阿禮國在 3 月 3 日的報告中稱：“如果南京陷落，

自由兌換相同面值的金幣，所以這種銀幣逐漸退出了流通。

貿易將會陷入停滯。”喬治·文翰在八天后發現“中國商人

美國終止了其輔幣的自由鑄造權，並讓其輔幣代幣與法定

中間彌漫着一種恐慌……（以及）現在不僅生意凋零，銀

貨幣的價值僅高於 5 美元的債券

114

。在歐洲，意大利、瑞士、

錢也非常短缺。117”

法國、比利時四國於 1865 年組成了拉丁貨幣聯盟，共同降低了其輔幣中的含銀量。

太平天國運動切斷了以往上海到廣東之間的茶道，但與此同時，沿海商業貿易卻愈發興盛起來，這使得外國白銀流

到 1867 年，絕大多數國家都採用了金本位制。顯然，

入內陸。福州成為了知名的茶葉出口中心。外國商行先是從

轉向金本位意味着會降低需求（也因此會降低白銀價格），

福州購得茶葉，隨後很快便派人去閩江上游直接從內地購

因此許多國家都開始出售白銀。1873 年，德國開始售賣白

買茶葉 118。外國勢力深入內地將會引發社會變革。特別是

銀，與此同時，內華達的白銀生產卻在不斷增加，這也意

鴉片被當成支付手段用於購買茶葉和絲綢，加之《天津條約》

味着隨着產出的白銀流入市場，銀價將會進一步下跌，而

（英、法兩國分別於 1858 年 6 月 26、6 月 27 與清政府簽訂）

115

。很多國家都意識到，

中將鴉片合法化的規定使得沿海貿易的發展出現了全新的

如果金銀對比價繼續變化，在標準的換算率下讓金、銀幣

局面。1842 年之後，一系列的不平等條約推動中國迎來了

同時流通將會是一個不可能完成的任務。

此前從未出現過的“自由貿易時代”。所有這些都使得中

各個國家也將會終止自由鑄幣權

國貿易與社會出現了根本性的變革 119。

112

J.布瑟徹斯：《墨西哥8裡亞爾及其在東南亞的統治地位》（2000），第143頁。

113

J.福萊特，同上，第212頁。

114

T.薩爾金特、F.維爾德：《小變化帶來的大麻煩》（2002），第314頁。

115

D.H.李文斯，同上，第344頁。

116

郝延平，同上，第123頁。

117

同上，第283頁。

118

同上，第141頁。

119

同上，第138頁。

108 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

除太平天國運動外，三合會、撚軍叛亂以及 1900 年

儘管看起來並非如此，但在 1856 年左右，中國的形勢

的義和團運動等國內動亂也對中國沿海貿易造成了影響。

跌至了低谷，隨後又逐漸開始改善。 1864 年太平天國運動

1853 年，小刀會在上海絕大多數的租界肆虐蔓延，這對上

終於被鎮壓下去，而隨着白銀的再次流入，中國的國際收

海的市場產生了重大影響。卡洛斯銀幣的囤積、外國製成

支轉為並持續保持了盈餘。西方發現黃金也是出現這種變

品的短缺使得市面上貨幣斷流，貨幣狀況一蹶不振。人們

化的一個原因。當時，卡洛斯銀幣的礦山在經歷了 50 年的

囤積卡洛斯銀幣可能是出於恐慌。當時，甚至是鴉片市場

開發之後最陷入枯竭，而墨西哥的 8 裡亞爾硬幣逐漸開始

都陷入了以物易物的境地

120

。

成為中國很多地區選擇使用的外國錢幣。

卡洛斯銀幣囤積熱還體現在外匯匯率上。一卡洛斯銀

在回顧了前一個世紀的白銀流動狀況之後，中國學者

幣的本價以英國貨幣衡量是 4s2d。到 1852 年年底，出口

魏源于 1842 年這樣寫道：“中國只有三四成的白銀儲備來

商在倫敦以卡洛斯銀幣購買六個月票券的匯率由 4s. 6d 上

源於本國開採，剩餘六七成均靠外國商船運輸。”據王 125

漲到 4s. 10d，溢價達 8%-16%。例如，1853 年至 1856

估計，17 世紀中期，中國的貴金屬庫存量約在 2 億 9000

年上海受到太平軍及小刀會衝擊下之時，匯率在 6s. 和 7s.

萬至 3 億 3000 萬銀元之間，而到了 19 世紀 20 年代，這

9d. 之間浮動，這意味着該硬幣本價的溢價在當時達到了

一數字升至為 11 億 4000 萬至 13 億 3000 萬。

121

44%-86%。

儘管當時的中國經濟和世界貨幣體系都發生了翻天覆儘管墨西哥銀幣於 19 世紀 50 年代在中國南方站穩了

地的變化，在貨幣方面，被運往中國的貨幣中卻怎麼不多

腳跟，卡洛斯銀幣在受歡迎程度上還是繼續讓其黯然失色。

見“新面孔”，而新型秘魯自由女神站像 8 裡亞爾就是

儘管這兩種硬幣的內在值相同（416GS，純度 900），

其中之一。除了自由女神面部朝向正前方的設計之外，這

但在匯率方面還是存在差異，卡洛斯銀幣的價格相對要

種新型銀幣與其他秘魯自由女神站像硬幣並無二致。與更

高一些。1856 年 9 月 15 日，上海 1 卡洛斯銀幣的報價

常見的那種自由女神像略微傾斜的銀幣（8 裡亞爾，KM-

為 7S.9D，而 9 月 27 日，墨西哥銀幣在廣東的報價則為

142.3）相比，這種銀幣更為稀有，但卻一直都能遇到。這

122

4S.11D 。二者之間的這種巨大差異一直存在了幾十年，

兩種硬幣都能在中國貨幣兌換處的冊子上找到，二者的正

但在這期間卻沒有發生套利行為，其中原因目前仍無從可

面圖案如圖 57、58 所示。

知

123

。臺灣的筆寶銀餅是一種頗具挑戰性的藏品，其具體的

這期間，中國南方的墨西哥銀元的溢價幾乎一直都高

鑄造時間還存在一些爭論。林國明、馬德和認為三種臺灣

於長江流域地區。這種差價在當時促使怡和財團的 A.G. 達

筆寶銀餅都是鑄造於 1853 年，而耿愛德則認為只有第一種

拉斯頻繁去上海購買這種硬幣，然後將之運到廣東和香港

（Kann-2）才是於 1853 年鑄造，另外兩種則是臺灣分別

進行出售。60 年代中期以後，由於西方商人越來越多地使

於 1861、1862 年生產的。耿愛德認為自己在 20 世紀 50

用墨西哥銀元到日本橫濱購買絲綢，這種銀幣在中國愈發

年代撰寫《中國幣圖說匯考》的時候 Kann-2 號銀幣就已經

地稀少起來。在日本的流通影響了墨西哥銀幣在中國與銀

頗為稀有了。而下圖中的第一種銀幣被稱之為“如意”，

錠之間的兌換匯率，而這種匯率通常是墨西哥銀元的一大

幣面上交叉的蓮花葉子下面有一個陽文的“六”字，代表

優勢

124

。

錢幣的面值 6 錢 8 分。

120

同上，第 284 頁。

121

同上，第 39 頁。

122

同上，第 39 頁。

123

W. 貝利：《為何西班牙硬幣的價值要高於墨西哥硬幣？》（《戳記幣新聞》2011 年 9 月第 15 卷，第 3 期）第 80-83 頁。

124

郝延平，同上，第 41-42 頁。

125

王業鍵，同上，第 61 頁。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 109

Features 專題

57 秘魯 1842 年利馬 MB8 裡亞爾，KM-142.9 ，R-5 。

58 秘魯 1836 年利馬 MT8 裡亞爾，KM-142.3 ，R-6 。

和臺灣老公銀一樣，幾乎所有的這種硬幣上都打有戳記。一般來說，戳記越少錢幣就會越值錢，但這種筆寶銀幣卻幾乎沒有不值錢的。幣面上的戳記樣式就是 19 世紀下半葉那種典型的大戳記。

59 臺灣 ND 如意銀餅，第一種“ 六 ”字陽文戳記， C-25-4 ， LM-323 ， K-2 ， R-4 。

60 臺灣 ND （ 1853 ）筆寶銀餅，第二種 “ 糧 ”字陽文浮雕， LM-324 ， K-4 ， R-4 。

上圖第二種筆寶銀餅被攔腰切斷，現為羅斯藏品。據耿愛德稱，這種類型的銀幣是 1862 年臺灣所鑄 126。

126

曾澤祿：《臺灣的造幣精神與文化》，2004 年，109、137 頁。

110 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Features 專題

61 臺灣 ND 筆寶銀餅，第三種“ 庫 ”字陽文戳記，C-25-5 ，LM-325 ，Kann- 未列出，但將之編在 K-3 ， R-4 之下。

俄羅斯戳記幣也很值得收藏。郝延平在自己的書中記載

羅斯認為 128 由於俄羅斯國內使用的主要是紙幣，所以

了關於 19 世紀 50 年代俄羅斯茶商的事。山西商人到武夷

中國成了俄國白銀的來源地。但是，他還推測說還有一些白

茶區（現福建省武夷山市）替俄羅斯公司購買茶葉運往俄羅

銀從俄過流向中國，但至於為什麼流入中國的白銀數量如

斯。這些“山西人”在 1854 年購買了大量的茶葉。1855 年，

此之少，目前尚未有確切的解釋。有可能這些白銀被鑄成

福州怡和洋行的買辦喬治·V.W. 費舍爾曾有過這樣的評論： “山

了銀錠。但其中有一個原因是肯定的，即俄國銀幣中的含

西人又來福州買茶葉了，肯定又會有大量茶葉橫跨亞歐大陸

銀量相對較少。下圖中的這枚銀幣的純度僅為 0,8680，重

127

被運到俄國了……” 。至於貿易中是否使用了俄羅斯盧布

20.7300 克，純銀淨含量為 0.5785 盎司。但不足重的缺點

我們就不得而知了。

並沒有阻止中國接受並在這些錢幣上打上戳記。羅斯本人只收藏了兩枚俄羅斯戳記幣，他表示自己也不知道是否還有其他類似的錢幣存世。所以下圖這種 1873 年俄羅斯戳記盧比肯定極為珍稀。（未完待續）

62 俄國 1873 年 1 盧布， Y-25 ， R-2/3 。

127

郝延平，同上，第 180 頁。

128

羅斯著《戳記》，1987 年，第 11-12 頁。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 111

Column 專欄

Chinese Books in the Library of the American Numismatic Society Howard F. Bowker (USA) The oldest example of a printed book in the library is Ku Chin Lu 古金錄 or “Record of Ancient Money,” printed in the 49th year of Chien Lung 乾隆 (1784). The text states that it is the Chung K'an 重刊 or New edition, and that the woodblocks from which it was printed were cut by imperial order. In order to preserve the fragile paper upon which it is printed, the volume has been disassembled and the folio sheets have been reversed in their folding so that what was originally the outer margin of the pages is now the inner, and they have been mounted on heavier pages folded in accordion style similar to that sometimes used by the Japanese. The text is in four chuan, preceded by two prefaces and an index, followed by three folio pages of supplementary matter. The whole is encased between wooden boards laced together in Chinese style by means of two tapes. This is the only work remounted in this manner in the library. Another early work of the Ch'ing dynasty 淸代 is the Ch’in Ting Chien Lu 欽定錢錄 99 or 'Imperial Catalog of Coins,” of which no less than four editions are in the library. This work was originally published in the 15th year of Ch’ien Lung (1750), and purports to be a catalog and descrip tion of coins actually in the imperial collection. However, many of the coins illustrated and described are purely fanciful and are probably figments of the imagination of one or more of the board of ten high officials who were responsible for the preparation of the catalog, which also includes bronzes of all types. This work has been reprinted many times and is held in high esteem by Chinese collectors because of its having been published by imperial authority. This is evidenced by the following quotation from the preface of the 1880 edition published in Ningpo by Li Kuei 環遊 , a scholar of some repute: “The present work contains facsimile illustrations of all the coins in the collection arranged according to dynasties, accurately copied in respect to their different sizes, shapes, legends, ornamentation, fineness or coarseness, and merits or defects of workmanship. It presents comparisons, and affords concise references to the great canonical books of the Empire, by means of which the genuineness of coins may be investigated. It is, indeed, the most complete and excellent of all Chinese books on numismatics, from the earliest times to our own day; and it is asserted with confidence that coins nowadays offered for sale which cannot be authenticated in the pages of this book are counterfeits, - for they have no counterpart in the Imperial Collection. And if a work with

112 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Title Page of Ku Chin Lu

Ch’in Ting Chien Lu

such a basis is not to be trusted on the subject of which it treats, then certainly there exists no safe standard of Chinese numismatics.” The work comprises four sections consisting of sixteen chuan, the first thirteen of which describe coins from the earliest times to the end of the Ming dynasty 明代 (1644). The fourteenth describes coins of contiguous countries and the last chapters are devoted to medals simulating coins, with felicitous inscriptions used for amulets or charms. No reliance whatsoever should be placed on either the text or the illustrations, as the latter are mostly fanciful productions made to fit the text and are unknown to collectors. However, pseudo coins have been produced to conform to the illustrations, but it is unlikely that they would deceive anyone with any slight knowledge of the metal, characters, and patina found on the actual coins. The work has value only as a curiosity and as an example of the type of works which were produced by the Chinese

Column 專欄

A typical Chinese work on numismatics, showing method of binding and cover to keep the several sections together.

in the times when they were slaves of tradition. It has been so poorly thought of by sinologists that so far as can be ascertained it has never been translated into any occidental language. The library has a reprint on inferior paper of the Chuan Pu T'ung Chih 泉布統誌 145 by Meng Lin 孟麟 , the original edition of which dates from the 4th year of Kia King 嘉慶 (1799). This is an excellent work and far above the average for Chinese books on numismatics, particularly the part on paper money. An English translation by Kojiro Tomita of the chapters on paper notes was published under the title of “A Chinese Work on Numismatics” in the Proceedings of the American Academy of Ar ts and Sciences in 1918, and is in the librar y. Thomas F. Carter speaks disparagingly of this work in his book on “The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward”, stating that it is a forgery, on the authority of a French writer, but fails to state upon what grounds this conclusion was reached. The copy of Chin So Mu 金索四 , a one, volume work dated Tao Kuang 道光 1st year (1821), in the library was formerly de Villard’s and has his signature on the cover. It conists of 82 unnumbered folio pages which have been numbered in western style. The library has several editions of Ch’ien Chih Hsin Pien 錢 20 志新編 , the renowned “New Chronicles of Cash,” none of which appear to be the first edition of 1826. This overly rated work was published in an English translation by C.

B. Hillier in the Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Part II, 1848,1850, together with reproductions of its 329 illustrations. The text only was also included in Justus Doolittle’s "Vocabulary and Handbook of the Chinese Language” in 1872. Both of these are in the library. There are also copies of Chi Chin So Chien Lu 吉金所見錄 Chuan Tsung Hwa 古泉叢諸 285, and Chien Shih Tu 錢式圖 69, all of the period of Tao Kuang (1821-1850). The last-named appears to be a summary of the currency from the Hsia 夏 to the Ming dynasty, and is chuan 21 to 24 of a larger work known as Ch'un T'sao T'ang Chi 春草堂集 157. The most valuable and authoritative work on Chinese numismatics in the collection is Ku Ch’uan Hui 古泉匯 266， originally published in 1864 by Li Tsohsien 李佐賢 . This should be Romanised as “Ancient Exchange Coins” and not “Ancient Coin Exchange", as it is sometimes called. It is the most comprehensive and reliable publication in Chinese on the subject of the coinage of all dynasties. The author, being somewhat more of a realist than most Chinese commentators on the ancient coinage of their country, has a tendency to minimize the age of the early token pieces. Where other writers attribute coins to such legendary personages as Fu Hi 伏羲 and Shen Nong 神農 , (B.C. 2852-2705)，he attributes them more rationally to the historical periods of the Chow dynasty 周代 : (1122-255 B.C.). The eminent Dr. Bretschneider wrote, “my opinion is that the Chinese of the present day (1870) are nearly idiots and incapable of a sensible critique.” This particular work is an exception to the rule，and I can do no better than to

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 113

Column 專欄

quote Dr. S. W. Bushell with regard to it. “The coins are classified in four divisions, the first comprising the pu 布 of various forms, the second the tao 刀 -knife-cash of the Chi and other states of the Divided Kingdoms of the Chou dynasty 周代 the third, the typical round coins subdivided into national, rebel, and foreign, the former ranging from the Chou and the Chin 金 to the end of the Ming, the latter including only such specimens whose legends are in the native character; the fourth and last, a miscellaneous selection of coins of uncertain date of unusual form, charms, Taoist and Buddhist medals, concluding with a collection of ancient coin moulds. In all, several thousand (5003) varieties are described and figured, on which the author observes: 'My rule in this work has been to include no specimen that I have not myself seen and examined and altho there are one or two copied from previous authors I have made up my mind positively that these are not false before venturing to include them in my catalogue. Such as on examination appeared at all doubtful as to their genuineness, I immediately rejected.” The author in his preface gives a long list of his fellow-workers from whose collections many rare specimens are figured, which includes the names of some who have occupied the highest posts in the Empire, indicating the vigour with which the study of antiquity is prosecuted by some of the most learned Chinese scholars.” A supplement entitled Hsu Chuan Hui 續泉匯 199 in fourteen? chuan by Li Tsohsien and Pao K'ang 鮑康 originally published in 1875, describes and figures 984 additional coins. The chapters in the supplement are numbered to conform to the numbering used in the original work. The 8th to 11th chuan figure coin moulds. The two sets in the library have the supplement issued as a part of and in the same format as the original work, one being arranged in 20 chuan in three tao, the other having the same number of chapters arranged in four binders. The former set has an additional page of text (number 19 of yuan 元 four), which indicates that it is a later edition. Another work entitled Ku Chin Ch’ien Lueh 古今錢略 245, published in 1877 in 16 chuan is also in the library; and an incomplete set, lacking chuan five and six, of Sun Chai Su TsangCh'ien Lu 巽齋所葳錢錄，a reprint on inferior paper. The work Ch’in Ting Ta Ching Hui Tien 欽定大淸會典 , in six tao and 52 chuan, of which the library possesses a set, contains chapter on coinage of which C. B. Hillier presented a summary to the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1847, and which was published in the Transactions of that Society for that year. The laws and regulations pertaining to the nineteen mints in

114 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Ku Ch'uan Tsa Tung

operation for casting cash are given. Here is recorded the curious fact that twenty percent of the cash cast in the mints of Tibet, Ili, and Hwuyching were henceforth to continue to be inscribed with the name Ch'ien Lung in commemoration of his conquest of the New Dominion, Sinkiang, even though he had been dead since 1796. Some idea of the immense quantity of cash then required for the business of the empire is gained from the fact that one mint, Canton, annually cast 34,560,000 pieces, and in years having an intercalary or thirteenth month, the casting of an additional 2,880,000 pieces was authorised. The penal laws against forging and clipping the currency are also given. A number of works of lesser importance, including Chi Chin Chih Tsun 吉金志存, Ku Ch'in Tai Wen Lu 古金待問錄 256, Ku Ch'uan Tsa Tung and 古泉雜詠 T'un An Ku Ch'uan T'sun, 遯盦古泉存 are also in the collection. The last-named has five printed and twenty-three handwritten folio pages, followed by seven chuan of rubbings, taken directly from the coins by the Japanese uchigata manner. The only work dealing with the copper coinage of the Ching dynasty in the collection is Ku Kung Ch'ing Ch'ien Pu 故宫淸錢譜 291, or “Old Palace Museum Collection of Ching Coins,” published in the traditional Chinese st yle in 1937. This is an impor tant work and has a markedly different tone than the older works, which followed conventional lines closely, and seldom, if ever, deviated one iota from the path laid down by ancient commentators. The outstanding contribution contained in it is the thesis that the coins bearing the names of, and

Column 專欄

formerly attributed to, the reigns of the earlier Ch'ing sovereigns, were not contemporaneous with those emperors, but were issued by later ones after the dynasty had been well estab-lished out of filial respect for their ancestors. This most probably conforms to the facts, altho no authentic record in substantiation seems to have survived. There are also some curious and interesting minor works which depict a sidelight on an obscure phase of Chinese numismatics. These are the small handbooks intended for the instruction of the schroffs or cashiers, of which every firm, native or foreign, has one or more. While purporting to show how the altered or lightweight coins could be detected, they most probably also served as instructions to the wily native intending making his fortune by tampering with the then popular circulating medium, the Mexican dollar. Up to the time that silver was nationalized in China, false or lightweight silver coins were a recognized commodity in the channels of trade, of course at a substantial discount. The writer recalls the lamentations of his wife who had accepted a bad dollar with her change on a shopping tour of Hankow in 1924, and which no shopkeeper would accept from her. On overhearing her story told at tiffin, the number one houseboy offered her forty cents for it, that being probably somewhat less than half what he could sell it for to a nearby money exchange shop, who would again put it back into circulation~at a profit-by means bestknown to them. One such is entitled Hui Hsiang Tin Lun Mi Shu 繪像銀論秘書 or “Secret Book of Drawings of False Silver,” published in Peking in 1844 by Fu Kueyt'ang 富桂堂 . It is small volume of 53 folio pages with many illustrations of the manner in which false coiners tampered with the foreign dollars. The figures show graphicly the varying percentage of silver cut from dollars and replaced by base metal. This copy is inscribed “The Chinese Coin Detector” in the hand of its donor, William Frederick

Ku Kung Ch'ing Cliien Pu

Mayers, author of numerous standard works on Chinese subjects, including “The Chinese Government” and "The Chinese Reader’s Manual”. Another is from the library of Caleb Cushing, first United States Minister to China, and later Attorney General of the United States, which was dispersed in Boston in 1879. It is entitled Yang Ching Yin 楊淸銀論 , or “Discourses on False Silver”. These works are similar to another which is fully described in an article entitled “The Schroff’s Mystery” by Alfred Lister in the July 1873 issue of The China Review. All of the books above-mentioned are typical Chinese productions, mostly printed from woodblocks and bound in the Chinese manner. Volumes on numismatics are now being produced in China printed in western style; and the library has one such, Chung Hua Pi Chih Shih 中華幣制史， or “History of Chinese Money.” The number following book titles, refer to “A Bibliography on Far Eastern Numismatics’’ by A. B. Coole, 1940.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 115

Column 專欄

美國錢幣學會圖書館裡的中國書籍霍華德·佛蘭克林·包克（美國）成書於乾隆四十一年（1784年）的《古今錄》是美國錢幣學會圖書館裡年代最為久遠的中國印刷書籍之一。據說這部書為重刊（重刻本），其印刷的底版是奉上諭而製。為了避免紙張磨損，這部書被分拆、折疊保存起來，因此原本的書邊現在被折疊到了裡邊。這些拆開的書頁又被疊放到了更加厚重的折疊書冊裡，日本人有時會使用這種保存方式。全書共分為4卷，附有序言、索引及3頁的增補。四卷書被木板夾在一起，使用中國式雙線裝訂成冊。以這種方式裝訂的書籍在圖書館中僅此一套。圖書館館藏的《欽定錢錄》是另一部清代的早期著作，

《古今錄》封面

共不到4個版本。該書最初成書於乾隆十五年（1750年），據稱是一部宮廷實際館藏錢幣的圖錄，並附有錢幣描述。不過，書中很多錢幣的圖片及描述都是編造的 ——包括所有的青銅製品，可能是當時負責編書的十位高官編者中一位或多位元想像出來的內容。由於出自官方，該書經多次重印，並在中國錢幣藏家中備受讚譽。這一點從下面這一段出自1880年寧波環遊（一位知名學者）版的序言中可見一二：“本書按年代複製了全部錢幣描述，並依不同大小、形制、銘文、裝飾、成色或粗糙度以及工藝優良分類整理成冊。錢幣經過比較，書中所引經據典，可供考據錢幣真假之用。實際上，本書是迄今中國最完善的錢幣類書籍，今市面中錢幣若本書不可驗明正身者皆可斷言為贗品，蓋宮廷館藏中未有對應者。若此等權威

《欽定錢錄》

之作不可信，則中國錢幣未有一可信之標準也。” 該書共 4冊，16卷。前13卷為自伏羲至明代崇禎年末

為 Kojiro Tomita，該報同樣存於美國錢幣學會圖書館。湯瑪

（1644年）錢幣，第14卷收錄鄰國錢幣，最後一章記載了幣

斯·F·卡特在其書中的一篇《中國印刷術及其向西方流傳》

章、壓勝錢及花錢的描述。但書中無論文字或插圖都不足為

中輕蔑地表示，以一位法國作家的觀點來看，這部書是一部

信，因為後者多是為符合文字描述而編造出來的，這一點收

偽造品，但他並沒有給出證據以自證自己的觀點。

藏家們並不瞭解。不過由於偽幣都是按照插圖而製，任何對幣章、文字及包漿略有瞭解的人就不會被其蒙蔽。這本書唯

另一本館藏的《金索四》成書于道光元年（1821年），原

一的價值就在於可以滿足人們的好奇心，讓人們對中國固步

為德·維拉德所有，封面有其簽名。書中82張散頁未標明序

自封時期的產物一窺究竟。漢學家們對本書不屑一顧，因此

號，現已以西式編號整理排序。

迄今為止該書都沒有任何一本西文譯本面世。此外，館中還有多個版本的《錢志新編》20，但其中並不館中另藏有一本孟麟《泉布統誌》145重印本，紙質略差，

包括1825年的第一版。這本過譽的作品被翻譯成英文刊登

其原本成書年代可追溯至嘉慶四年（1799年）。本書不失為一

在《皇家亞洲學會中國分會學報》第2部分“1848在、1850”

本上佳之作，水準高出一般中國錢幣書籍 ——尤其是中國紙

上，譯者為C·B·希利爾，一同刊登的還有329張插圖。另外，

幣書籍之上。該書部分關於紙幣章節的英譯本以《中國錢幣

盧公明《英華萃林韻府》中同樣有所收錄。以上兩本書在美

學著作》為題，發表在1918年《美國文理學院學報》上，譯者

國錢幣學會圖書館中同樣可以找到。此外，館中還藏有《吉金

116 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Column 專欄

這本典型的中文錢幣書籍，顯示了書中幾個部分是通過何種方式裝訂成冊的

所見錄》9、《古泉叢諸》285以及《錢式圖》69，均成書于道光

前，我已經堅信這些都不是贗品。真偽性有疑問的錢幣都沒

年間（1821-1850年）。最後一部書總結了從夏朝到明朝的錢

有被收錄其中。作者在序中列舉了一長串的共同編著者的名

幣，是《春草堂集》系列中的第21-24卷書。

單，書中很多稀有錢幣的圖片就是出自這些人，其中還不乏身居高位者。這一點表明中國的一些學問大家也同樣傾心古

圖書館裡最珍貴、最具權威性的中國錢幣學書籍是原

物研究。”

成書於1864年的《古泉匯》，作者李佐賢，其英文譯名有時會譯成Ancient Coin Exc hange，但實際上應該是Ancient

作為該書增補的《續泉匯》199 成書於 1875 年，共 14 卷，

Exchange Coins更為合適。這本書是中國歷代錢幣圖書中內

編者為李佐賢、鮑康，又額外收錄了 984 種錢幣。書中的章節

容最為全面、最真實可信的一本。與其他大多數中國古幣評

與原書相對應，第 8-11 卷收錄了中國錢幣模具的圖片。書中

論家相比，該書的作者更加追求真實，他傾向於將早期代幣

館藏的兩部《古泉匯》中均將《續泉匯》作為全書的一部分，

的年份推斷的更加近一點。被其他作家推測為出自傳說中的

樣式也與原書無異，只不過一部分為了 3 套 20 卷，另一部與

伏羲或者神農氏時期（新石器晚期，公元前4000年前）的錢

原書章節數量一致，前者較後者多出一頁文字部分的增補，

幣，在他這裡就被推算到了周代（公元前11世纪-前221年），

這說明前者版本要晚於後者。

而這一推測也更加合理。著名的布萊施耐德博士曾經這樣寫道：“我認為現在的中國人（1870年）不甚明智，他們無法做

館中還藏有成書於 1877 年的《古今錢略》245，16 卷，但

出理性的評價。”但這本書則是一個例外，S.W.布紹爾的觀

內容不完整，第 5、6 卷《巽齋所葳錢錄》（複印本，紙質較差）

點則是這一說法的有力證明。

缺失。

“書中錢幣被分為四大類，第一種是各式各樣的布幣；

圖書館館藏一本《欽定大淸會典》，共6套，52卷，書中

第二種是刀幣，這是春秋戰國時期齊國及其他國家所使用的

關於錢幣的一個章節經由C.B.希利爾總結整理被呈交到皇

貨幣；第三種是典型的圜錢，其又可以細分為官方、叛軍及外

家亞洲學會中國分會，並出現在當年的學會會刊上。其中介

國幣。其中中國錢幣的年代自周朝一直延續到明代末期，而

紹了關於19家運營造幣的造幣廠所遵從的相關法律與規定。

外國錢幣則只收錄了刻有本國文字銘文的一些樣幣；第四種

書中記載了一件有意思的事，即奉乾隆之命為紀念收復新疆

則是一些雜項，包括一些年代不詳、形制特別的錢幣、花錢和

而在西藏、伊犁等地造幣廠生產的錢幣在乾隆駕崩後（1796

佛教及道教的幣章，最後一部分則收錄了中國古代的錢幣模

年）依然沿用了乾隆的年號。這件事也解釋了一些事情，出

具。全書共收錄數千枚（5003枚）幣章，附有插圖。作者本人

於大清國商業活動的需要，當時有大量錢幣被鑄造出來。年

曾表示： ‘我撰寫本書秉承一大原則 —— 即除非自己前言所

產量為3千4百56萬枚的廣東造幣廠在有閏月的年份（一年有

見或所驗證過的樣幣，其他一律不會收錄其中。雖然其中有

十三個月）裡會額外增加生產2百88萬枚錢幣。另外，書中還

一兩枚幣是從前人著作中臨摹所得，但在大膽收錄進書中之

收錄了關於仿造和改製錢幣的懲罰措施。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 117

Column 專欄

此外，館中還存有《吉金志存》《古金待問錄》256《古泉雜詠》以及《遯盦古泉存》等較為一般的錢幣書籍。《遯盦古泉存》為5頁列印、23頁手抄活頁裝訂而成，後有7卷以日式方法直接從錢幣上印下來的拓片。館中收藏的唯一一本關於清代銅幣的書是成書於 1937 年的《故宮淸錢譜》291，沿用了傳統的中式書籍風格。該書是一本頗為重要的著作，其風格與後世書籍截然不同，並未對傳統及前人觀點亦步亦趨。該書最出色的貢獻是書中關於前代錢幣的內容，即在清朝社稷穩固之後，出於對先人的尊重，有些清代早期的錢幣上的年號並非當時在位皇帝年號，而是使用了前代帝王的年號。雖然沒有真實記錄留存下來可以作為佐證，但這一觀點很可能是符合事實的。《古泉杂咏》

館中還有一些小冊子，可以讓人一窺中國錢幣領域不為人知的一面。這些都是為錢幣兌換處或賬房們提供的指導性小冊子，所有錢幣兌換處，無論中外，都有不止一本類似的冊子。儘管聲稱這些冊子是用來識別檢驗改製或者輕型錢幣的，但它們卻很有可能也被狡猾的當地人用來改造當時最流行的墨西哥銀幣，並從中賺取了大量利潤。在白銀國有化之後，銀幣就成為了商品進入銷售領域，當然，這其中是有巨大折扣存在的。作者回憶了自己妻子曾經遇到過的倒霉事。1924 年，她在漢口坐船的時候收到了一枚劣質的銀幣零錢，這枚錢幣在哪家店鋪裡都花不出去。後來，當聽到她在飯桌上說起這件事後，家裡的首席男僕用 40 分買下了這枚錢幣，而他將這枚錢幣拿到附近哪家兌換處都可能賣出高出這個數字一倍的價格。而錢幣兌換處又可以用他們最熟悉的手段將錢幣重新

《故宫淸钱谱》

投入流通，並從中獲利。其中一本《繪像銀論秘書》1844年成書于北京，作者為

長，並於1879年被派遣至波士頓工作。與這些小冊子相似的

富桂堂。這是一本53頁的小書，書中的插圖記錄了錢幣偽造

還有一篇名為《兌換處秘聞》的文章，作者為阿爾弗雷德·李

者是如何改造外國錢幣的。這些圖片生動形象地展示了銀幣

斯德，《中國評論》1873年7月刊刊發。

中的白銀是如何被抽出、然後使用賤金屬充數的。這套書上寫有捐贈者威廉·弗雷德里克·邁耶斯所題的“中國錢幣鑒

以上這些均為傳統的中式雕版印刷線裝書，而現在中國

定用書”幾個字（“The Chinese Coin Detector”）。邁耶斯

的錢幣學書籍都使用了西式的印刷方法，館藏的《中華幣制史》

曾出版過許多關於中國的標準性著作，其中包括《中國政府》

就是其一。

《中國讀者指導用書》等。另一本小冊子《楊淸銀論》來自美國第一任駐華專員顧盛的圖書館，顧盛後就任美國司法部

118 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

（上標數字指的是《遠東泉譜考》，邱文明著）

Column 專欄

Discovery and Analysis of Fractional Copper Coins Minted during the Republican Period Wu Hongwei Yansheng Town (Shannxi Province) I conducted research on the subject of China Numismatic Society, which titled Research on Shannxi Copper Fractional Currency During the Republican Period (Subject No.201709) and applied this subject for approval in 2017. In December of the same year, my subject was successfully approved and established. It is well known that 1 cent and 2 cents Shannxi copper coins were the only fractional copper coins made locally in Shannxi during the Republican Period. Though they were only manufactured and put into use for a short period, there have been many disputes, since the mid 1930s’, as to the dates they were minted, who minted them, the location of the mints and the variety of the fractional copper coins minted during this period. I have obtained certain achievements in different phases through studying on the subject, my primary achievements about this subject should be the publishing of my book Shannxi Copper Coin Catalog (Picture 1), which was published by Hong Kong Four Seasons Publishing House on January 2018. This book has been revised many times. It was created on the basis of a scholar’s former research and has more scientific classifications and creates categories for the Shannxi copper coins. At the same time, it effectively concludes the Shannxi copper coins into a specific research framework and system. It updates research and confirms the main producers of copper coins. Therefore, it represents a significant breakthrough. I carefully chose and collected 210 pieces of coins from a large number of Shannxi copper coins, including 1 cent and 2 cents Shannxi copper coins, and then listed them in my book. I have also conducted a thorough data measure process to verify each coin, so that no counterfeited pieces were included. The creative part on this subject as well as the highlight of my book Shannxi Copper Coin Catalog is the attached classifying framework diagram about Shannxi copper coin, its categorized table and indexed reference table, along with detailed instructions on how to use the diagram and tables. In addition to classifying, grading and pricing on the fractional copper coin shown in the book, I also inserted red marked condition and price in the picture as a reference for collectors. This is a new method, not presented in any other numismatic catalogs. According to history records, during the Republican Period, “the Government Administration Council Meeting was held 32 times by Shannxi County governments, in which resolutions were passed, we decide to produce copper coins to promote the development of the financial

industry”. 1 This quote establishes that the date of the manufacturing of Shannxi copper coins began in May, 1931. This is consistent with historical fact and it can be verified through research in historical materials, mutual verification and analysis. Through field trips and research, I have verified that three mints once produced Shannxi copper coins. The first mint was established in 1931 by Shoushan Zhao. This mint (Picture 2) was located in the Jiangxi Guild Hall on the Sanpu Street in Hanzhong City (currently Grassland, Health School in Hanzhong City). It produced 1 cent

Pic. 1 Shannxi Copper Coin Catalog

Pic. 2-1 Sanpu Street

Pic. 2-2 The Shannxi Copper Coin Mint located in Sanpu Street

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 119

Column 專欄

Pic. 3-1 Shannxi 1 cent copper coin Hanzhong variety official coinage series (obverse and reverse)

Pic. 5-1 Shannxi 2 cents copper coin Type I counterfeited by Wang Sanchun (obverse and reverse)

Pic. 3-2 Shannxi 2 cents copper coin Hanzhong variety official coinage series (obverse and reverse)

Pic. 5-2 Shannxi 2 cents copper coin Type II counterfeited by Wang Sanchun(obverse and reverse)

and 2 cents fractional copper coins as official coinage (Picture 3). The second mint was a counterfeiting mint founded by a bandit named Wang Sanchun. He had two mints. One was located in the Public Security Bureau of Ba County, Hanzhong City (Picture 4), and the other in the Hougou Area, Xia Gaochuan Town, Xixiang County, Hanzhong City, which was a branch one. This branch mint mainly undertook counterfeiting the official Shannxi 2 cents copper coin (Picture 5), but the Shannxi 1 cent copper coin wasn’t conterfeited there at that time.2 The third mint was established by the Sichuan-Shannxi Red Army in Kucao Dike,Tongjiang County, Sichuan Province. This mint had once counterfeited some Shannxi copper coins and migrated several times in and out of the county due to the war.3 More materials are needed to ascertain the types of coins produced there. We can conclude from this information that the Nationalist Party, the Communist Party and the bandit Wang Sanchun were the main producers of Shannxi fractional copper coins during the Republican Period. I have searched through the historical materials and found that perhaps Shannxi fractional copper coins were the only fractional copper coins produced simultaneously by these three parties. A legend has been passed down for a long time. According to the legend, the Sichuan-Shannxi Red Army did produce Shannxi copper coins. I have also conducted some relevant research on this topic and after careful analysis and reasoning, I think there is a high possibility for the existence of this legend. Because of a lack of proven materials to support this conjecture, I haven’t written articles to present my point of view, nor did I mentioned it in my book Shannxi Copper Coin Catalog. Recently

120 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Pic. 4 This is the ruins of the fake mint founded by bandit Wang Sanchun however, I made a new discovery, in the book Workers and Peasants Bank of the Soviet Government of Sichuan and Shannxi Province (Page 140) compiled by the Financial Institute of the People’s Bank of China, Sichuan Branch. Wang Kaiyi writes clearly: “the lithographic printing bureau and mint of the Soviet government in Sichuan and Shannxi Province made coins in the West Temple

Column 專欄

near the countryside of Tongjiang and Chengpoli. They counterfeited a great deal of Sichuan variety silver coins and some Shannxi copper coins. After the coins were minted, they used the counterfeited coins to buy goods in the nearest Shannxi market through the hands of staff members of the economic commune.” Wang Kaiyi worked in the lithographic printing bureau and mint of Soviet government in Sichuan Province and Shannxi Province between 1933 to 1935. He participated in the whole process. His memorable statement was collected and assembled by Tian Maode, Wu Ruiyu, Wang Damin from the Financial Institute of the People’s Bank of China, Sichuan Branch, and Qingguang Du, Yuqing Yue, Qiu Xia from the People’s Bank of China, Tongjiang Branch,all of them are professionals. After that it was compiled by a competent financial authority—the People’s Bank of China, and books were published by Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences with high degree of authority. Therefore, this history has been repeatedly confirmed, so it has a relatively high degree of credibility (Picture 6). The counterfeiting of Shannxi copper coins helped to financially support the Red Army in the era of the Revolutionary War. On one hand, coins were counterfeited for the purpose of solving the problem of a lack of military expenditure for the Red Army; On the other hand, the counterfeited Shannxi copper coins were created to fraudulently purchase resources in the district ruled by the Nationalist Party in Shannxi. This was conducted by specialized organization—the economic commune. Counterfeiting coins not only solved the difficult situation of the district, but also became an important economic way to fight back against the enemy. However, of all the Shannxi copper coins that were counterfeited by the Red Army, the amount of coins counterfeited, how to distinguish their pieces, it’s hard to define. These questions will be further explored in the future. However, there is no doubt that the Sichuan-Shannxi Red Army did counterfeit Shannxi copper coins. It is probable that it's variety is mixed in the ordinary Shannxi copper coins.4 After physically testing and analyzing over the 50000 pieces of Shannxi copper coins and the 2800 pieces of its final sample weighing 35 kilograms, and going through classification and comparison, our subject group classified Shannxi 1 cent and 2 cents fractional copper coins made in the Republican Period into Type I and Type II. As it’s presented in picture 3, there are Shannxi 1cent and 2 cents copper coins listed as Type I. Their characteristics are as follows: inhomogenous material and fineness, different thickness of blanks, great disparity on weigh, frequently changing on pattern and characters, variations of Chinese calligraphy under the framework of Lishu (an ancient style of Chinese calligraphy), not standardized. Some have a

Pic. 6 Front cover and back cover of Workers and Peasants Bank of the Soviet Government of Sichuan and Shannxi Province

Pic. 7-1 Shannxi 1 cent copper coin Xi’an variety (obverse and reverse)

Pic. 7-2 Shannxi 2 cents copper coin Xi’an variety (obverse and reverse)

strong sense of simplicity, unfinished craft, with relatively great inaccuracy. The prominent features of these coins are that most of them were made without rimming process, and during the striking process, the die was equipped without collar, so the coins had less similarity, there are tremendous differences between the formats. Centering on Hanzhong, this type of coins were circulating along the border areas of Shannxi province, Gansu province, Sichuan province and Hubei province. But Type II coins, as shown in Picture 7, the characteristics of Shannxi 1cent and 2 cents copper coins are, homogeneous material and fineness, only red copper used, same thickness of blanks, basically consistent in weigh and size, vivid and exquisite patterns and characters, finished and standardized craft, most importantly, all the coins were made with rimming process, and during the striking process, the die was equipped with collar, so coins had high degree of similarity, no big change between formats.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 121

Column 專欄

These Shannxi copper coins were generally distributed around Xi’an, and circulating among areas of Guanzhong, Shanbei and Shangluo of Shannxi province. If the coins are classified using the mint and circulation center as the standard, Type I can be classified as Shannxi copper coin Hanzhong variety, but disputes about the classification of Type II are still prevail until now. Some collectors and scholars thought Type I should be classified as Shannxi copper coin Xi’an variety, because they thought this type of Shannxi fractional copper coins were circulated from Xi’an to the surrounding areas, and the thinking was that there must have been a mint or mints in Xi’an. Because of this, some people have classified those coins as Guanzhong variety. However, as a matter of fact, there are no written records mentioning mints in Xi’an and other areas around the central Shannxi plain during the Republican Period. What did exist in Shannxi province are two mints mentioned above. For a long time in the past, it was believed that Type II copper coins were produced in another province, but there is no basis for this belief. Other puzzling questions can be solved by further study as a result of material shortage, such as where the Type II copper coins were minted or was the the establishment of the mint entrusted to others. Thus, Type II copper coins may currently be classified as Shannxi copper coin Xi’an variety based on the present classification and the need for collection. Such classification can also be applied into the book Shannxi Copper Coin Catalog, the current classification is practical although not rigorous and precise enough. It would be more precisely if we classify Type I and Type II as Shannxi copper coin Hanzhong variety and non-Hanzhong variety. Or we may classify Type I and Type II as Shannxi copper coin Hanzhong

variety and mechanical precision variety, though this way of classification would be based on different standards, but classified by the manufacture and circulation place of copper coin as well as its manufacturing precision, this way of classifying would be more accurate and without controversy, and can firmly supported by checkable materials. For now, the Shannxi copper coins counterfeited by the Red Army are also classified as Hanzhong variety, because all counterfeited copper coins belong to Shannxi copper coin Hanzhong variety, and they were used and circulated centering on Hanzhong. At present, the problems of how to classify Shannxi fractional copper coins in the Republican Period are basically solved. The Shannxi 1 cent copper coin can be classified into Hanzhong variety and Xi’an variety. The Hanzhong variety can be divided into 1) match series matching between hollow circle and solid circle, 2) fivestar circle series, 3) Quwei version series, and these series can be further subdivided. Both 1 cent and 2 cents Xi’an variety can be specifically classified into short vertical stroke in character “xi (西)” version and long vertical stroke in character “xi (西)” version. The Shannxi 2 cents copper coin can also be classified into Hanzhong variety and Xi’an variety. In this group, Hanzhong variety can be divided into four series, including official coinage, Sanchun Wang counterfeited coins, Xi’an variety counterfeited coins and privately made coins. So the idea of classification is to divide the fractional copper coins into two varieties first, relevant variety can be divided into different series, each coin series may be further subdivided into some series or different versions. The other way of classifying would be divide specific variety into specific versions.

Shanghai Continental Bank: Bank Weekly Report, May 12th, the twentieth year of the Republican of China,Vol.15, No.17, Page 3. See my book Shannxi Copper Coin Catalog as a reference, published by Hong Kong Four Seasons Publishing House, January 2018 edition, Page11-13. 3 Compiled by Financial Institute of the People’s Bank of China, Sichuan Branch: Workers and Peasants Bank of the Soviet Government of Sichuan and Shannxi Province, Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences, April 1985 edition, Page 136-142. 4 About the difference, affirmation and demonstration process of type I and type II copper coins, please refer to Shannxi Copper Coin Catalog, Hong Kong Four Seasons Publishing House, January 2018 edition. 2

122 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Column 專欄

民國陝西銅輔幣探析武宏偉演聖（陝西）

筆者 2017 年申報中國錢幣學會課題 ——《民國陝西銅輔幣研究》（課題編號：201709），12 月課題成功獲批立項。眾所周知，民國時期在陝西本地製造的銅輔幣僅有陝西一分、二分銅元。其製造行用時間雖然不長，但是製造時間、製造主體和造幣廠所在地及其種類，從 20 世紀 30 年代中期至今一直存在頗多爭議。筆者通過課題研究取得階段性成果，集中表現在，2018 年 1 月香港四季出版有限公司出版了拙著《陝西銅元譜》一書（圖 1）。該書在前輩學者研究的基礎上有了較大進步和創新。對陝西銅元的分類和分版更為科學，有效地將民國陝西銅輔幣置於一定的研究框架和版式體系之中，對造幣主體作了進一步研究和確認，取得了重要突破。書中從大量的陝西銅輔幣中精選收錄一分、二分共 210 枚，每一

圖 1-1 《陝西銅元譜》（封面、封底）

枚都進行了嚴格的測量，逐枚鑒定，絕無贗品混入。編制陝西銅元版式框架圖、表及速查表，並且詳述圖表的使用方法，這既是課題研究的創新之處，也是全書的亮點。書中所示的銅輔幣除進行分等、定級、標價外，還以紅字標記所示圖例的品相和價格作為收藏參照，這種方法是其他泉譜沒有的。據史料記載，民國時期， “陝省府開三十二次政務會議，決議鑄造銅元，以利金融”。1 據此，陝西銅元以 1931 年 5 月左右為界限，進行製造發行，當是事實。通過對多種史料文獻的考證，相互印證，分析和研究，均說明這與歷史事實相符合。

圖 2-1 傘鋪街

目前，通過筆者實地採訪考察和研究考證，可以確定的陝西銅元造幣廠共有三家。第一家是 1931 年趙壽山在漢中市內傘鋪街上的江西會館（今漢中市衛校處）設立的銅元造幣廠（圖 2）。該廠製造的一分、二分銅輔幣為官方造幣（圖 3）。第二家是土匪王三春的偽造幣廠，偽造廠又有兩處：一處在漢中市鎮巴縣城現在的公安局內（圖 4）；另一處在漢中市西鄉縣下高川的後溝，這裡則是偽造幣分廠。偽造幣廠主要仿

圖 2-2 傘鋪街這裡曾設立陝西銅元造幣廠

造漢中官版陝西二分銅元（圖 5），未見仿造陝西一分銅元 2。第三家則是位於四川省巴中通江縣苦草壩的川陝紅軍建立的造幣廠，由於戰爭的影響，造幣廠在縣城內外幾經遷移，這一處也仿造過一些陝西銅元，3 具體製造的品種，尚需有更多的資料做支撐才能確定。因此，國民黨軍隊、共產黨軍隊、土匪王三春部的造幣廠都曾是民國陝西銅輔幣的製造主體。據筆者瀏覽的史料，陝西銅輔幣可能是歷史上唯一一種這三方都曾製造過的銅輔幣了。

圖 3-1 陝西一分漢中官版（正、背面）

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 123

Column 專欄

關於川陝紅軍製造陝西銅元的傳說由來已久，筆者也進行過相關研究，對該說法分析推理後，認為可能性極大。但是限於長期未有確鑿的史料證據作為最終支撐，所以筆者並未貿然撰文發表這一觀點，也未在《陝西銅元譜》中論及此說。新近發現史料有中國人民銀行四川省分行金融研究所編的《川陝省蘇維埃政府工農銀行》一書。書中第 140 頁，王開一明確講述到：川陝省蘇維埃的石印局和造幣廠，在通江城郊西寺和鄉下城坡裡鑄幣，除大量仿造“川版”銀元外，還仿

圖 3-2 陝西二分漢中官版（正、背面）

造過一些陝西銅元，並通過經濟公社組織的人就近拿到陝西去買貨。王開一於 1933 年至 1935 年期間，在川陝省蘇維埃的石印局和造幣廠工作，親歷事件。他的講述是由中國人民銀行四川省分行金融研究所的田茂德、吳瑞雨、王大敏三人和中國人民銀行通江支行的杜光清、嶽玉清、夏秋三人共同訪問整理彙編的一手資料，訪問者都是專業人員，資料的整理由金融管理權威部門—— 中國人民銀行編纂，書籍也由較具權威性的四川省社會科學院出版社出版發行，無疑這段史料定是經過反復證實的，因此可信度較高（圖 6）。仿造陝西銅元是紅軍在當時革命戰爭年代的需要。一方面，紅軍為解決軍費短缺有仿造的需求；另一方面，仿造的陝西銅元由專門的組織 ——經濟公社、專門的人員向陝西國統區套購物資，這既能解蘇區之困，也是對敵展開經濟金融鬥爭的重要形式。至於哪一種陝西銅元是紅軍仿造的，仿造了多少，如何辨別，不可遽斷，留待今後進一步探究。但是毋庸置疑，川陝紅軍仿造陝西銅元當是不爭的事實。很可能在普通陝西銅元中就混雜有這種珍貴的品種。

圖 4 這裡曾是土匪王三春的偽造幣廠地址

經過課題組對過手的 5 萬枚陝西銅元和最終存樣的 35 公斤約 2800 枚陝西銅元進行實物檢測分析，分類鋪排對比，可以把民國陝西一分、二分銅輔幣劃分為Ⅰ型和Ⅱ型。Ⅰ型陝西一分、二分銅元即圖 3 所示。它的特徵是銅質銅色不均一；坯餅厚薄不劃一，輕重懸殊；圖文字體多有變化，書法在隸書的框架下多有變式，不夠規範，有的甚至還帶有很強的樸拙感；工藝不精整、不規範，誤差較大，尤其是幾乎都未經過滾邊工序，衝壓印花過程中，模具沒有套箍圈，每枚相似度較低，版式版別變化極大。主要以漢中為中心，流通于陝甘川

圖 5-1 王三春仿造的陝西二分銅元Ⅰ式（正、背面）

鄂四省交界毗鄰區。Ⅱ型陝西一二分銅元見圖 7 所示。它的特徵是銅質銅色均一，只有紅銅；坯餅厚薄劃一，大小輕重基本一致，每枚大小輕重誤差小；圖文書法流暢生動而不乏雋秀；工藝精整、規範，尤其是都經過滾邊工序，衝壓印花過程中，模具外套有箍圈，每枚相似度極高，版式版別變化較小。這些陝西銅元一般以西安為中心，流通於陝西關中、陝北及商洛等地區 4。

124 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

圖 5-2 王三春仿造的陝西二分銅元Ⅱ式（正、背面）

Column 專欄

如果以造幣廠和流通中心為標準來進行歸類的話，Ⅰ型即為陝西銅元漢中類。Ⅱ型的歸類，現在仍然存在爭議，有藏家和學者認為應歸為陝西銅元西安類，因為他們認為這種類型的陝西銅輔幣以西安為中心輻射到周遍地區行用流通，因此，在西安一定有造幣廠，也有把這類銅元稱為關中版的。但事實上，民國時期，西安包括關中周邊地區迄今並沒有發現造幣廠的記載，省內有的僅是上文提及的兩家造幣廠。Ⅱ型銅元長久以來還流行着外省代製說，這種說法也無依據。Ⅱ 型銅元的造幣廠在哪裡，是否為委託代造，由於資料的欠缺也只能留待今後進一步研究論證。因此，基於目前定名分類，服務收藏的需要，權且把Ⅱ型銅元定為陝西銅元西安類。《陝西銅元譜》中基本按照這樣分類，雖然不嚴謹但頗為實用。Ⅰ

圖 6 《川陝省蘇維埃政府工農銀行》封面、封底

型和Ⅱ型定為陝西銅元漢中類和非漢中類更嚴謹些。亦或者將Ⅰ型和Ⅱ型定為陝西銅元漢中類和機製精工類，儘管這樣區分標準不同，但是以銅元的出產流通地和工藝製造精度定名則是確定無誤、沒有爭議，且有資料支撐的。紅軍仿造的陝西銅元也歸為漢中類，因為仿造的標準是陝西銅元漢中類，並且也是以漢中為中心在行用流通。目前，民國陝西銅輔幣的分類分版問題基本解決。陝西一分劃分為漢中類和西安類，漢中類又分為空心圈與實心圈

圖 7-1 陝西一分西安類（正、背面）

之間的搭配系列、五星圈系列、趣味版系列，版系之下再分版式版別；西安類無論一分、二分都可以定位到具體的短豎西和長豎西版別上。陝西二分也分為漢中類和西安類，漢中類則有官方造幣、王三春仿造、仿西安造幣、私鑄幣四大系列。分版的思路即是將銅輔幣先分為兩大類，大類裡面或包含相應的造幣系列，或定位到具體的版式版別上，每一造幣系列或包含有分系列，亦或再定位到具體的版式版別上。

圖 7-2 陝西二分西安類（正、背面）

上海大陸銀行：《銀行週報》，中華民國二十年五月十二日發行，第 15 卷，第 17 號，第 3 頁。參見拙著：《陝西銅元譜》，四季出版有限公司，2018 年 1 月版，第 11—13 頁。 3 中國人民銀行四川省分行金融研究所編：《川陝省蘇維埃政府工農銀行》，四川省社會科學院出版社 1985 年 4 月版，第 136— 142 頁。 4 關於Ⅰ型和Ⅱ型銅元的區別、判定及論證過程詳見《陝西銅元譜》，四季出版有限公司 2018 年 1 月版。 1 2

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 125

Column 專欄

Vietnamese Anti-French Phan Bội Châu Bonds Howard Daniel (USA)

Introduction

The following are pages 266 & 267 in the recently published 3rd edition of the French Southeast Asia Coins & Currency catalog, but they are slightly updated by myself and a new contributor. Type in "Daniel" in the Search at www.wizardcoinsupply.com and it can be purchased with or without an autograph.

From the first days of the French colonizing the Empire of Đại Việt (Việt Nam), there were Vietnamese working and/or fighting to expel them and regain their independence. Most of them were soldiers, officials, mandarins, and even several Emperors, but there were also many common people. Of these groups, only two issued financial instruments. Both of these groups were the ideas of Phan Bội Châu, who was living in China. The first was created on the fifth day of the fifth month in the year of the Rat (1912). Its name was Việt Nam Quang Phục Hội, (Việt Nam Restoration Society). Châu went to see President Sun of China to receive aid, but Sun was too busy creating his new government. The society’s president was Prince Cường Để; Phan Bội Châu was Vice President and Minister of Foreign Affairs; Dang Tu Man was Minister of Finance; Nguyễn Hải Thần was Minister of the Armed Forces; and Hoàng Trọng Màu was the Secretary. Quang Phục Hội designed the national and military flags which appear on both of the pieces shown here. In August 1912, Châu created the plans to defeat the French, which included an armed revolt, and “money notes” in denominations of 5, 10, 20 and 100 Piastres (D-VR1, 2, 3 & 4) to finance it. It took several months to design and print them in Hong Kong. They were not backed by hard currency but were redeemable if the revolution succeeded. If not redeemed, in his own words, it was a good way to soak the rich, but he did want to create a bank to redeem them. Nguyễn Hải Thần declared he needed to start selling the “money notes” to build up the finances to create the Việt Nam Quang Phục Quân (Army for the Restoration of Việt Nam). In the spring of 1913, recruiting started in South China to create the army, and many of the “money notes” were also sold in the same area. In June 1915, Hoàng Trọng Màu and Nguyễn Hải Thần led attacks on the French in Tonkin along the Chinese border. They sold more of the “money notes” in Tonkin, but only for a short time. The French easily defeated them and both men were captured. Mau was executed and Than died in prison. The back of the revolution was broken and it dissolved. The French Surete made sweeps through all areas Châu’s army

126 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Courtesy of Bùi Manh Tuấn 100 Piastres (1913) D-VR4

operated and arrested everyone with any connection to him. When the people learned the French were looking for Chau’s bonds, most of the people burned them to not be caught with them. Thus, the bonds are extremely rare. The only known surviving bond or “money note” was likely sold in China because of the markings on it. The surviving bond is a 100 Piastres denomination. None of the 5, 10 and 20 Piastres are known. Somehow it made its way From China to France where it was bought by a German numismatic dealer who eventually sold it to a Vietnamese numismatist living in Germany. Châu went back into China and eventually back to Japan but he was not there for long because the French had signed a treaty with the Japanese which allowed the French to extradite him back to Hanoi. When Châu learned of this, he quickly returned to China. He again asked President Sun’s government for assistance but they told him they had enough Chinese problems to solve.

Column 專欄

By early 1921, he reorganized his old followers and found new ones in the Vietnamese living in China, to include some Chinese. Châu followed his earlier plans and had bonds printed in Canton. The organization was to create a Republic of Việt Nam but “Annam Republic” was put on the bonds’ designs by the Chinese designer/printer in Canton. This time, he made 1, 5 and 10 Piastres (VR 5, 6 & 7) denominations. He realized that if he sold only a few bonds to the few rich, the funds raised would not be great, but if he sold many of them to the poor and middle classes, his funds would be much greater. The serial number on the below unissued bond is 52793 so he might have sold a great number of them. During the late summer of 1921, Châu’s new army was assembled in China, just above the border with Tonkin. Their first attack was against the Tonkinese border village of Dong Dang, and it was successful. This must have raised their spirits and also the bravado to attack a larger target like the town of Lang Son, about 25 kilometers into Tonkin. On October 9, 1921, they appeared near the town. The French military immediately responded with artillery fire on them. The artillery fire was very accurate and Châu’s army made a quick retreat into China. They attacked smaller targets inside Tonkin but were easily repulsed by the French. Eventually, the Chinese reported “President” Châu quickly retreated back into China and made his way to Canton and Hong Kong.

Daniel Collection 1 Piastre (1921) D-VR5

The one known surviving bond was in a Shing Lee auction/ mail bid sale in Hong Kong, so this one also came out of China. Before bidding on it, the author consulted with a numismatist who had much experience bidding in East Asian auctions and he suggested the winning bid. There appears to be no issue date written on the back? Châu was eventually arrested in Hong Kong by the British and extradited back to Hanoi in 1925. He was tried and sentenced to death but it was commuted to a prison term, which was again commuted to house arrest. Châu passed away in 1940 and his funeral was a national event and attended by thousands of people. The author is seeking assistance in completely translating the both bonds into English. If one or more readers can translate them, please contact the author. Since the above bonds are so important to Vietnamese history and only these two are known to have survived, it would be logical to give a value of priceless to them.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 127

Column 專欄

越南反法運動領袖潘佩珠發行的軍用銀票霍華德·丹尼爾（美國）

下文出自最新出版的《法國東南亞硬幣和貨幣輯錄》（書本原名：The Catalog and Guidebook of Southeast Asian

前言

Coins and Currency, Volume I, France）第三期，詳見該期刊第 266 頁與第 267 頁。此篇在原文的基礎上略作增刪，由我與一名新作者改動完成。訪問 www.wizardcoinsupply.com 搜索“Daniel”即可購買本書紙質版，您可自行選擇是否帶作者親筆簽名版。

自法國開始對大越國（越南古代國號）實施殖民統治的

為金融流通工具。這批銀票僅在香港的設計和印刷時間就長

第一天起，成千上萬的越南人奮起反抗，企圖重獲獨立。他們

達數月，且不發行硬幣，一旦革命勝利，這些銀票都是可贖回的。

中的絕大多數是士兵和政府官員，除了平民百姓，幾位大越

潘佩珠認為，如若不贖回這些銀票，將是榨取富人的一次良機，

皇帝也參與其中。浩浩蕩蕩的革命隊伍中，只有兩個組織發

可他仍想創建一家銀行來贖回這些銀票。

行金融工具。阮海臣則表示需要通過出售銀票來籌集資金，從而創建創建這些革命組織的想法均來自旅居中國的潘佩珠（Phan Bội Châu）。第一個革命組織於 1912 年（鼠年）5 月

越南民國光復軍。1913 年春，光復會開始在中國南方招募新兵並創建了光復軍，許多銀票也在同一地區出售。

5 日成立，名為越南光復會。潘佩珠為了獲得援助，前去拜謁中華民國大總統孫文，但彼時孫文正忙於主持建立新政府。

1915 年 6 月，黃崇茂與阮海臣率部隊沿中國邊境北部灣（Tonkin）對法國發起襲擊。他們還在北部灣出售這批銀票，

強柢親王（Cường Để）任光復會總理，潘佩珠任副總

可惜好景不長，法國人很快就擊退了他們領導的軍隊，這兩位

理兼任外交部長，党圖曼（Dang Tu Man）任財長部長，阮海

革命先驅不幸被捕。黃崇茂被處死，阮海臣死於獄中。革命

臣（Nguyễn Hải Thần）任武裝部長，黃崇茂（Hoàng Trọng

的堅實後盾慘遭摧毀，軍隊分崩離析。

Màu）任秘書長。光復會還自行設計了國旗和軍旗，詳見下圖。法軍以強大軍力掃蕩射殺潘佩珠組建的義軍，與潘佩珠 1912 年 8 月，潘佩珠策劃發起包括武裝暴動在內的反

有關的所有人等均無辜被捕。當人們得知法軍正四處搜尋潘

法運動，並以越南民國光復軍名義發行使用面值分別為 5、

佩珠發行的軍用銀票，幾乎所有持有該銀票的越南人燒毀了

10、20、100 元（皮阿斯特）的軍用銀票（D-VR1, 2, 3 ,4）作

手中的銀票以免受牽連。因此，存留的銀票變得稀有。

由裴飛俊（Bùi Manh Tu n）貢獻提供 100 皮阿斯特銀票（1913 年）D-VR4

128 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Column 專欄

1921 年夏末，潘在中國組建新軍，新軍駐地恰好在北部

而唯一有可能留下的便是在中國出售過的銀票（因為銀票上有標記）。迄今經發現面世的只有一張 100 皮阿斯特銀票，

灣邊境。新軍首戰襲擊北部灣邊境村莊同登（Dong Dang）

5 元、10 元、20 元銀票的蹤跡仍無處可覓。上圖這張佰圓銀

即告捷。此戰極大地提振了新軍的士氣，為新軍進一步深入

票從中國流入法國，之後由一名德國錢幣商在法國買下，最後

襲擊距離北部灣約 25 公里的諒山（Lang Son）壯大氣勢。

賣給了一名生活在德國的越南錢幣商。 1921 年 10 月 9 日，新軍出現在諒山附近，法軍快速回潘佩珠回到中國後又轉道日本，但由於日本與法國訂下

擊並炮攻新軍。法軍射程極為精准，新軍立即撤回中國。潘領

條約，允許法國人一經發現潘佩珠即將其引渡回河內。聞知此

導的新軍試圖襲擊北部灣較小的地區，卻總是輕易被法軍擊

訊後，潘只能在日本做短暫停留，並立即動身返回中國，他再

退。最終，中國報導了潘“總理”迅速撤回中國並前往廣東和

次求助孫文政府，無奈孫文政府給的答覆卻是“中國已有夠

香港的消息。

多的問題亟待解決”。已知現存的是香港盛利（Shing Lee）拍賣、郵件招標出 1921 年初，潘重新組織了他過去的追隨者，並招募住在

售的銀票，因此該銀票也出現在中國。招標前作者曾征得一

中國的越南籍新兵，若干名中國人也加入其中。潘延續了早期

名在東亞投標方面具有豐富經驗的錢幣學家的意見，專家建

的計劃，在廣東印刷銀票。重建的組織旨在創建越南共和國，

議他中標。該銀票的背面似乎沒有發行日期。

但在廣東的中國設計師、印刷匠卻將之錯印為“安南共和國”。潘佩珠最後在香港被英軍逮捕，1925年被引渡回河內。潘此次發行了面值為 1 皮阿斯特、5 皮阿斯特和 10 皮阿

起先，潘被判死刑，隨後減刑為監禁，並改為軟禁。1940年，

斯特（VR 5, 6, 7）的軍用銀票。他意識到，如果只向少數富

潘佩珠與世長辭，死後以國禮葬之，成千上萬人參加了他的葬

人售賣少量銀票，所能籌集的資金仍是差強人意的，但是如

禮。

果他向窮人及中產階級出售一些銀票，籌集到的將是更為理想的數額。下張未及發行的銀票的序號為 52793，由此可見這批銀票已售的數額之多。

作者正在搜羅能將這兩張銀票完全譯成英文的人才，人數不限，如果您是本刊讀者，具備相關翻譯能力，敬請聯繫作者。鑒於上述銀票對於越南歷史進程意義非凡，且已知僅有兩張存世。欲求無價寶，仰賴有心人，感謝您願意給予幫助。

丹尼爾收藏 1 皮阿斯特銀票（1921 年）D-VR5

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 129

Column 專欄

Preface to the Collected Writings of Dong Liangyi Yuan Shuiqing (Xi’an) I spent several months reading the Collected Writings of Dong Liangyi. After finishing, I was touched by his persistence and admired what he has achieved in this field. He has published over a hundred numismatic essays on Chinese numismatics, collections and other numismatic journals. He is, indeed one of the most prolific writers in numismatics among coin collectors who live in the countryside. Dong graduated from high school in 1961 and has been living in the countryside of Shouguang County, Shandong province, since then. He has been a teacher, an accountant and also had his own private business. Dong started to collect cast coins when he was 50 and began to write numismatic articles at the age of 64. He spares no money in buying coins and numismatic books. Based on years of studying information from books and the internet as well as buying varieties of coins, he has written quite a lot of articles which were finally organized into this book. I had edited and read Dong's work when I was the editor of Collections and Western Regions Numismatics from 2004 to 2014. At that time his short pithy articles with original views impressed me. Articles selected in this book cover Chinese ancient cast coins, charms, modern struck coins and modern commemorative coins from both China and other countries and can be classified into three parts: the appreciation of coins; new numismatic opinions and amendments. The appreciation of coins is the most important part. Articles such as “Further Discussion of Lu Knives”, “Three Types of Chong Ning Tong Bao”, “The Present and the Past of Xi Wang Shang Gong” as well as the appreciation of the charm with four mythical creatures and the mandarin duck charm. They are all excellent. What is especially valuable is his writing style of combing the existing research of coins with the general historical background. Adopting good points from others, Dong rigorously summarizes the essence of the history and writes it in a readable and interesting way. The [original] views of the author is the highlight of the book. He has put forward some unique opinions such as naming eleven pieces selected from over 20,000 half tael coins, Han dynasty, the “West Han Dynasty snake eye half tael with neck”; views about the date and versions of

130 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

the West Han three Zhu coin; the conclusion of the date and production method of the Kai Yuan Tong Bao; the idea that the Kai Ping Yuan Bao was privately produced with simple tools; other types of Kai Yuan Tong Bao of the Southern Tang Dynasty were made with modified dies as well as the naming of “rolled edge coin”, “wheel coin” and “coin dyed with cinnabar”. An article in which Dong pointed out the Huang You Yuan Bao did exist for the first time was published in China Numismatics. It is not easy to put forward new ideas and promote the academic advancement through numismatic research. Dong Liangyi’s original views are based on his intensive study of massive coins and exploring new methods for numismatic research. Another feature of this book is the amendments. In his articles, Dong pointed out mistakes in the Great Dictionary of Chinese Numismatics; added some important versions of coins that those well-known catalogs did not list; put right the pronunciation of Kai Yuan Tong Bao and the knowledge of the Qian Qiu Wan Sui charm of the Liao dynasty, introduced how to tell fake a Da Zhong Tong Bao coin (with the character “Ji” on the reverse); expressed his opinions of the Si Zhu coin that had been mentioned in some magazines; talked about the object unearthed from the ruins under the Gao Yang bridge and questioned views about those little-known coins of the Liao dynasty and fake Xi Wang Shang Gong coins on the internet. The meeting of minds promotes the development of research in this field. Without enough knowledge of history and numismatics, keen insight and courage no one can write so many excellent articles like Mr Dong did. He really sets an example for our grassroots numismatic scholars. In a word, this book is rich in content, full of appreciations of Chinese cast coins, new ideas and amendments and is very useful for collectors. The publication of this book will certainly promote the development of numismatic research. Dong Liangyi still devotes himself to research and writing numismatic articles in his old age and deserves the name of “willing ox besides the ink stone” more than I do (Ji Zhiguang gave me an autograph of “willing ox besides the ink stone” in 2005).

Column 專欄

董良義《錢幣文集》序袁水清（西安）

我以月余時間，斷斷續續讀完董良義先生《錢幣文集》

新的見解文章是這本文集的亮點。例如，前譜未載，從

電子書稿，每次閉屏回味，總有所獲。我不僅為先生文章的

50 多公斤 2 萬餘枚漢半兩揀選出 11 枚而定名的西漢蛇目有

精彩內容所吸引，為其執著的研究精神所感動，更歆慕他所

頸半兩；西漢“三銖”錢鑄期及版式的再探討；對唐代會昌

取得的研究成果。一個人在十年間竟有 100 余篇錢幣文章

開元錢鑄造時間及背字製作方法的考釋；提出的“開平元寶”

發表在《中國錢幣》《收藏》和部分省市泉刊，足見其成果

錢是民間用私刻的簡易模具所製作的私鑄品；南唐“開園通

之豐，可以說，迄今為止，在條件相對較差的廣袤農村的錢

寶”錢系篆書“開元通寶”改範而鑄，不是開國紀念幣；首

幣愛好者中，就發表錢幣研究文章的數量和質量而言，董良

次指出“皇祐元寶”確有真錢存世一文發表在《中國錢幣》

義首屈一指。

雜誌，以及歸類取名的“滾邊錢”“花輪錢”“借筆錢”“朱砂染色錢”等，別開生面，見解獨到。錢幣研究是探索真理，

1961 年高中畢業的董良義，一直生活在山東壽光縣農

推動學術進步的艱辛勞動，新觀點的提出更加不易。董良義

村，他當過教師，做過財務，幹過個體工商業。從 50 歲開

先生的上述見解，是建立在對比大量錢幣實物、深入研究基

始收集古錢幣，64 歲起撰寫錢幣研究文章。他視泉如命，

礎上形成的新發現、新觀點，為錢幣研究探索了新的途徑。

不惜重金，購買錢幣，訂購錢幣書刊。在飽覽史書，精讀泉著，瀏覽互聯網豐

指正、商榷文章是這本文集的特色。

富資訊，過手大量錢幣實物的基礎上，

例如，指出錢幣大辭典中的美中不足之

善於鑽研，長於鑒賞，敢於指正，筆耕

處，補正知名泉譜遺漏重要錢幣版別的

不輟，終使這本凝聚着心血和汗水的

收錄，糾正錢幣專家“開通元寶”讀法、

《錢幣文集》聚沙成塔，即將付梓出版。

遼代花錢“千秋萬歲”的誤識，對“大中通寶”背“濟”錢的辨偽，對一些錢

我和董良義先生因稿件結緣，

幣刊物刊發的“四朱錢幣”直疏己見，

2004 年至 2014 年我在《收藏》雜誌

與作者商榷高陽橋下鑄錢遺址出土的不

編輯部工作，同時兼編《西部金融·錢

明物，以及質疑泉友博客貼出的很多前

幣研究》，期間曾編輯過董先生的幾篇

不見經傳的遼代錢幣和互聯網出現的很

錢幣研究稿件，他之後在其他刊物發表

多贗品“西王賞功”錢。學術上不同意

的一些文章也曾讀過。董先生的文章觀

見的碰撞、研討、切磋，有助於錢幣研

點新穎，短小精悍，文風不落俗套，給

究的深入。寫上述文章，既要有淵博的

我留下深刻印象。諦覽董良義此次集結的百餘篇錢幣研究文

歷史知識、雄厚的泉學基礎，又要有敏銳的洞察力和敢於動

章，內容以研究中國古代流通金屬鑄幣為主體，旁及花錢、

筆、大膽投稿的勇氣。董良義先生在這方面為我們基層錢幣

近代機製幣，以及現代中外紀念幣，重點突出，涉獵廣泛。

研究者做出了榜樣。

大體可歸納為泉品賞析、新的見解、指正商榷三大類。總之，這本《錢幣文集》內容十分豐富，既有對五光十泉品賞析文章是這本文集的重點。例如，對“莒刀”的

色的中國歷史貨幣的賞評，又向讀者傳遞了新的觀點，還介

再議、“崇寧通寶”錢的三種版式、“西王賞功”錢的前世

紹了完善著述、錢幣辨偽的真知灼見，是一本非常實用的著

今生、四神獸花錢和鴛鴦花錢上圖案的故事的賞評，異彩紛

作。相信是書的出版，對推動錢幣研究，啟迪後學具有積極

呈。董良義先生能從歷史剖析和錢幣實物考察兩個角度入

意義。董良義耆老暮年勇攀泉研高峰，以研究為己任，勤於

手，深入研究，且多以歷史背景開宗明義，難能可貴。尤其

筆耕，用著名火花大家季之光 2005 年題贈我的“硯邊儒子牛”

在錢幣鑄行歷史背景方面，通過博采眾家之長，在力求嚴謹

評價先生，當更為恰當。

的基礎上，篩選抽取歷史精華，用精練通俗的文字敘述歷史，既便於理解，又讀之有趣。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 131

Column 專欄

Coinage of the Southern Ming Dynasty Bruce W. Smith (USA) In April 1644, the rebel Li Tzu-ch’eng ,having defeated several Ming armies and declared himself emperor of a new dynasty, captured the city of Peking. The Ming treasury was empty and there were not enough soldiers to man the walls of the city. The ministers, other officials and servants had fled. Only one servant appeared when the Ming emperor, Ch’ung Chen, called for the court to assemble. Knowing that all was lost, he killed his daughter, sent his three sons into hiding, ordered the empress to commit suicide, then hung himself on Longevity Hill in the palace park, believing that the rebel would dismember his body. Li, however, showing respect for the emperor, ordered the bodies of the emperor and empress to be placed in coffins. But he did not have time to bury them. The Ming general, Wu San-Kuei , had made a deal with the Manchus (whom the Ming had been fighting for decades), in order to get Li Tzu-ch’eng out of Peking. As the Manchu army approached Peking, Li and his followers fled, taking with them the emperor and empress, and eventually destroyed Li’s army. But instead of taking a reward from Wu San-kuei, the Manchus took the whole country and established their own dynasty, the Ch’ing. That the Manchus were able to capture the capital was largely a matter of luck – being in the right place at the right time with afully equipped army. Their army numbered only about 100,000 and they were a smallminorty compared to the Chinese population. But the country was exhausted due to years of heavy taxation, constant border warfare and famine. The Ming armies in the north surrendered to the Manchus. In south China the situation did not seem so grim. When news arrived that the emperor, the empress and probably their sons were dead, various princes who were related to the emperor in some way, declared themselves to be his successor. For nearly twenty years these claimants to the Ming throne held out against the Manchus. They are referred to as the Southern Ming Dynasty. Four series of coins were issued by or for these rulers. In addition there are four sets of coins issued by rebels attempting to establish their own dynasties.

132 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Prince of Fu Real name: Chu Yu-sung (c.1601-1646) Nien Hao: Hung Kuang (June 1644-June 1645) Capital: Nanking, Kiangsu Nanking was chosen as the capital for the new emperor because it had been the original capital of the Ming dynasty. In the early 1400’s the capital was moved to Peing as the result of a coup within the royal family. Afterwards Nanking remained a secondary capital. Interestingly the founder of the Ming dynasty began his rise to power from Fengyang. Schjoth’s statement that Ma Shih-ying was a governor at Fengyang is misleading. Ma was governor there under the last Ming emperor, but when the Prince of Fu became emperor Hung Kuang, he gave Ma a much higher office (Grand Secretary), but ordered him to remain at Fengyang. Ma resented being excluded from court and threatened to attack Nanking with 1200 war junks. Intimidated by this, Ma was invited to court and given additional titles. He used his army to dominate the court until emperor Hung Kuang was forced to flee when the Manchu army approached the city. Ma fled separately with only 400 soldiers into Chekiang, but the other Ming claimants repudiated him. He died in obscurity in 1646 or 1647. After the fall of Nanking to the Manchus, Ho K’ai, the vice minister of finance in charge of currency regulations for Hung Kuang’s administration, went to Fukien where he became the minister of finance for the Prince of T’ang. Coins issued for the Prince of Fu. All have “Hung Kuang T’ung Pao” 弘光通宝 on the obverse. 1a. Blank reverse (varieties), Reference: S.1287; W.190 1b. Dot above on reverse (varieties). Reference: S.1288; W.191 1c. Dot above and below on reverse. Reference: B.124 1d. Crescent below hole reverse. Ref: author’s collection 1e. Dash above hole (char. “l” ?). Ref: jade 69/70 1f. Char. “Erh” 贰 to right reverse. c.27mm. Ref:B.215; L.1198; Tsai 539 1g. same but smaller size, c.24mm. Ref: S.1290; W.193 1n. Char. “Feng” 凤 above hole reverse. Ref: S.1289; W.192

Column 專欄

Apparently stands for Fengyang, Ma Shih-ying’s headquarters. This coin must have been made at the very beginning of Hung Kuang’s reign. Since he did not remain long at Fengyang. Other varieties of the coins above can be distinguished according to variations in the writing of the characters, especially “Hung” and “T’ung”. Prince of Lu Real name: Chu l-hai (1618-1662) Nien Hao: none Capitao: Shaohsing, Chekiang Proclaimed Prince of Lu in March 1644, Chu l-hai moved to south China after the fall of Peking to the rebel Li Tze-cheng the following month. In 1645 he was ordered to station himself at T’aichow 台州 (now Linhai 临海 ), Chekiang by Chu Yu-sung, formerly the Prince of Fu, who had established himself at Nanking as emperor Hung Kuang. When Nanking fell to the Manchus in June 1645, Ming loyalists asked Chu l-hai to assume the reins of government. This he did in August, but rather than becoming emperor, he took the title “Administrator of the Realm” 监国 , and acting as regent, established his court at Shaohsing, Chekiang. Meanwhile, Chu Yu-chien, the Prince of T’ang, had established himself at Foochow, Fukien as emperor Lung Wu. The two attempted to join forces but the plan did not achieve much success. When the Manchus attacked the Ming forces in early July 1646, Chu l-hai moved first to T’aichow and then to Haimen. The Manchus succeeded in destroying Chu Yu-chien’s regime at Foochow, and Chu himself was killed. Cheng Ts’ai, who had been one of emperor Lung Wu’s chief supporters, then asked Chu l-hai to establish another court at Amoy, which was done in December 1646. During 1647 and 1648, however, Chu l-hai moved from place to place throughout Fukien as the fortunes of his army dictated. In August 1649 Chu moved to Chekiang and for a while maintained his court on a barge known as the “Water Palace”. In November he moved to Chusan Islan 舟山 (Chou Shan) off the Chekiang coast, where he continued for two years. In October 1651 the Manchus captured that island and Chu l-hai fled to Amoy and later to the island of Chinmen where he was supported financially by Cheng Ch’eng-kung 郑成功 (known to westerners as Koxinga) until 1653 when he renounced his title. Afterwards he was of little political importance. Six years later he was again given the title “Administrator of the Realm” by Chu Yu-lang, who was then reigning as South Ming emperor

Yung Li. But only a handful of supporters remained with Chu l-hai on the tiny island Chinmen. He maintained this empty title until his death in 1662. The coins issued by Chu l-hai are not inscribed with his titles nor with the reign title of the South Ming emperor, but instead are inscribed “Ta Ming T’ung Pao”, meaning Coinage of the Great Ming Dynasty. Some older Chinese catalogs claim that the Ta Ming coins were made at the beginning of the Ming dynasty. In fact, the Ming Shih 明史 , the officially compiled history of the Ming dynasty, says that Ta Ming T’ung Pao coins were cast at Nanking by the founder of the dynasty. Schjoth’s “Currency of the Far East” (reprint titled: Chinese Currency) mentions that during the Lung Ch’ing reign (1567-1572) Yang Chiahsiang 杨家相 (governor of Chihli province) requested to cast coins inscribed “Ta Ming T’ung Pao” and that during the Wan Li reign (175-1619) Hao Ching 郝敬 made the same request. Apparently these requests were not approved. Ting Fu-Pao’s Encyclopedia of Chinese Coins 古钱大辞典 also records that in the Chia Ching reign (1522-1566) T’an Lin 谭纶 (died 1577), vice president of the Board of War, requested to cast Ta Ming T’ung Pao coins. Schjoth answers these claims with information from the book “hsing Ch’ao Lu” 行朝録 by Huang Tsung –hsi 黄宗羲 (1610-1695), which says that in 1644, the Prince of Lu returned t Chekiang and [afterwards] cast “Ta Ming T’ung Pao” coins (Ting Fu-pao quotes another source which says the coins were cast in the 12th month of 1645, which is January-February 1646 in the western calendar). Huang Tsung-hsi may be believed in this matter, as he was with the Prince of Lu at Shaohsing and Chou Shan. Huang was one of the foremost scholars of the early Ch’ing period and founder of the Eastern Chekiang School of historical study. In the late 1670’s when work began on the Ming Shih 明史 (Standard History of the Ming Dynasty), copies of all his historical writings about the Southern Ming period were obtained by the editorial board and these became one of the main sources for this subject. He was also asked to write biographical sketches of some figures connected with the Southern Ming rulers. Oddly, his book Hsing Ch’ao Lu, which is a collection of brief historical accounts of the various Southern Ming regimes, was banned by the Manchu government in the 18th century. It isn’t clear whether these coins were made only at Shaohsing during 1645-1646 (as Huang Tsung-hsi records), or whether some were also made at some place in Fukien during 1647-1648, or on Chusan Island in 1649-1651, or on Chinmen Island in 1652-1653 or 1659-

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 133

Column 專欄

1662. perhaps these coins were made at more than one place and at different times. Coins issued for the Prince of Lu All have “Ta Ming T’ung Pao” 大明通宝 on the obverse. 2a. Blank reverse. About 25mm. Ref: S.1285; B.231 2b. Blank reverse. Large coin, about 57mm. Ref: FD 2104; Tsai 556 2c. char. “Hu” 户 above hole reverse (varieties) Ref: S.1286; L.1237 2d. char. “Kung” 工 above reverse. Ref: FD 2103; B.232 2e. char. “Shuai” 帅 above reverse. Ref: FD 2100; B.233 2f. char. “Shuai” to right reverse. Ref: FD 2101; B.234 2g. char. “Chao” 招 above reverse. Ref:MDX pg.168a The word “chao means to proclaim. Perhaps this refers to proclaiming that the Ming dynasty was still in existence. The coin was reported by Ma Dingxiang (Ma Tinghsiang) in his commentary to the reprint of Tsing Fupao’s Catalog of Historical Coins 历代古钱图说 (Shanghai 1992). The “Hu” and “Kung” refer to the Board of Revenue and Board of Public Works, respectively. In the Ming and Ch’ing dynasties, these government offices in the capital each operated a mint. Their presence on coins of the Prince of Lu suggests that the regime he set up at Shaohsing or Chou Shan Island also had those offices. Whether those offices actually had mints and made these coins is unknown. The word “Shuai” means commander or general. This coin apparently was issued by a mint under the control of a general defending the exiled Ming court. Prince of T’ang Real name: Chu Yu-chien(1602-1646) Nien Hao: Lung Wu(1645-1646) Capital: Foochow, Fukien Chu Yu-chien’s grandfather, under the influence of one of his concubines, had Chu Yu-chien and his father put in prison until the death of the latter. Chu Yu-chien was then released and in 1632 became the Prince of T’ang unon the death of his grandfather. When the Manchus threatened the capital in 1636, he raised and army in the south and marched toward Peking ignoring the warnings of officials in Honan, he marched on until the Ming emperor himself issued an edict ordering him to disband his army and return to his estates. In addition, his privileges and rank were taken away and the title of Prince of T’ang was given to his brother. He was then imprisoned in stocks at Fengyang, Anhwei until 1644 when he was freed by Chu Yu-sung (Prince of Fu), and

134 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

ordered to take up residence at P’inglo, Kwangsi. On his way there, however, he learned of the fall of Chu Yu-sung’s government (June 1645) and proceeded to Hangchow, Chekiang where he assumed the title, “Administrator of the Realm” in July. The following month he proclaimed himself emperor under the reign title of Lung Wu, and set up a court in the treasurer’s office in Foochow, Fukien. His Minister of Finance was Ho K’ai, who had been Vice-Minister of Finance in charge of currency under the South Ming emperor Hung Kuang (Prince of Fu). Early in 1646 Chu Yu-chien decided to move his capital to Changsha in Hunan, but the way was blocked by Manchu forces. In October 1646 the Manchus captured and executed him at Tingchou on the border of Kiangsi and Fukien. On his death, his younger brother, Chu Yu-yueh succeeded to the title Prince of T’ang, and fled to Canton. There in December 1646 he was proclaimed emperor under the reign title of Shao Wu. In January 1647 Canton was captured and Chu Yu-yueh committed suicide to avoid being taken by the Manchus. Coins issued for the Prince of T’ang All have “Lung Wu T’ung Pao” on the obverse. 3a. Blank reverse. Dot above horizontal cross-stroke of “Wu”. “T’ung” with 1 or 2 dots. 24-26mm (varieties). Ref: L.1200; JM 352 3b. Blank reverse. dot below cross stroke of “Wu” Box “T’ung” with 2 dots. 24-26mm. Ref: B.218 3c. Blank reverse. Horiz.stroke of “Wu” doesn’t cross. One dot “T’ung”. Ref: SS 231; IP 367 3d. Blank reverse. Value 2 (?) 28-30mm. Ref: FD 2111; IP 367 3e. Blank reverse. Iron. About 21mm. Ref: FD 2112; JMQ 352 3f. Dot above hole reverse. Straight radical on “T’ung”. Dot in “Wu” above cross stroke. Ref: IP 367 3g. Dot above reverse. Bent radical on “T’ung”. Dot in “Wu” below cross stoke. Ref: JMQ 352; SS 231 3h. Char. “Hu” 户 above reverse. Ref: S.1293; Tsai 544 3i. Char. “Kung” 工 above reverse. Ref: S.1294; W.195 3j. Char. “Nan” 南 above reverse(varieties) Ref: JMQ 352 3k. Char. “Liu” 留 above reverse(varieties) Ref: SS 231 Several more varieties of the coins listed above can be distinguished according to the way the obverse characters are written, especially “Wu” and “T’ung”. The “T’ung” is found with one or two dots; with straight or bend radical; with square head or pointed head. The “Wu” can be found with the dot above the horizontal cross stroke or below it. The left upright stoke of “Wu” is sometimes connected to the top horizontal cross stoke (which is not

Column 專欄

the correct way to write this character). These variations seem to be deliberate, but their meaning is unknown. Prince of Yung Ming Also known as Prince of Kuei Real name: Chu Yu-lang (1623-1662) Nien Hao: Yung Li Dec. 1646-1659 (or 1662) Capitals: Chaoching, Kwangtung (1646-1652) Wuchow, Kwangsi (1647-1652) Anlung, Kweichow (1652-1656) Kunming, Yunnan (1656-Dec.1658) Created Prince of Yung Ming in 1636, Chu Yu-lang and his family were driven from their estate in Hunan in 1643 by the bandit Chang Hsien-chung. Chu Yu-lang was taken prisoner, but escaped in 1644. When the Prince of T’ang proclaimed himself emperor in August 1645, Chu was given the title Prince of Kuei and following the death of the Prince of T’ang in October, he took the title of “Administrator of the Realm”. In December he was proclaimed emperor under the reign title Yung Li, and attacked Chu Yu-yueh, brother and successor of the Prince of T’ang, who had proclaimed himself emperor at Canton under the reign title Shao Wu. Chu Yu-yueh’s army was defeated but Candon was taken by the Manchus the following month. Chu Yu-lang fled to Wuchow and when Chaoching fell to the Manchus in February 1647, he moved to kueilin in Kwangsi. By this time all his high officials except Ch’u Shih-ssu 瞿式耜 had abandoned him, and it fell upon Ch’u Shih-ssu to defend the city. The Manchus laid siege t Kueilin in April 1647 whereupon Chu Yu-lang fled to Hunan. Ch’u Shih-ssu held the city for three years but it fell in November 1650 and Ch’u Shih-ssu was taken prisoner and later executed. In the meantime, Chu Yu-lang moved from place to place in Hunan and Kwangsi, until September 1648 when he returned to Chaoching for a year and a half. In February 1650 he left Chaoching for Wuchow by boat, and for the next nine months held court on boats known as the “Water Palace”. In November the Manchus again captured Canton and also Kueilin, marking the end of serious Ming resistance. Throughout 1651, Chu Yu-lang moved about Kwangsi Pursued by the relentless Manchu army. In February 1652 he moved into Yunnan where he met representatives of rebel Sun K’o-wang who invited him into Kweichow province. In March he established his capital at Anlung, Kweichow (near the borders of Yunnan and Kwangsi) where he remained until 1656. In February 1656, following the defeat of Sun K’o-wang by one of his own generals, Chu moved his capital to Yunnanfu (now Kunming) into Sun’s new palace.

Yung Li T’ung Pao In January 1659 the Manchus captured Yunnanfu and Chu Yu-lang was forced to move farther and farther west. In March he and his followers, numbering nearly 1500, crossed the Chinese frontier into Burma under the condition that they surrender their arms. Expecting protection in Burma, he and his family were taken prisoner and most of his followers were killed or enslaved. The remainder of the Ming army tried to rescue him in 1661 but failed and were all but wiped out. In January 1662 Wu San-kuei, the former Ming general who had invited the Manchus into the country in 1644 and now served them, arrived at the Burmese capital to demand the surrender of Chu Yu-lang. His demand was met and the last claimant to the Ming throne and his family, were turned over to Wu San-kuei. They were all taken to Yunnanfu, where Chu Yu-lang and his 14 year old son were put to death by strangulation. It is interesting to note that most of Chu Yu-lang’s immediate family were Christians, though Chu himself was never converted. In 1650 Chu Yu-lang’s mother (whose Christian name was Helena) sent a letter to Pope Innocent X seeking his prayers for the Ming cause and urging him to send more missionaries to China. The new pope, Alexander VII, sent a reply but when the messenger reached the borders of China in 1659, he found the passes guarded by the Manchus. Exhausted by the journey, he died in August of that year and the Pope’s message was never delivered. Helena’s letter to the Pope is still preserved today in the Vatican Library. Coins issued for the Prince of Yung Ming (Prince of Kuei) All have the inscription “Yung Li T’ung Pao” 永历通宝 on the obverse. All coins are 24-25mm unless otherwise noted. There are additional calligraphic varieties of many of these coins. The main places to look are the characters “Yung” 永 and “t’ung” 通 . The “t’ung” can be written with one or two dots. The radical (the part to the left and below)

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 135

Column 專欄

can be either straight or bent along the bottom. The top of the character can be in the shape of a box or it can be triangular (pointing downward) or it can be shaped something like a diamond (pointing upward). The “Yung” is normally written with a dot above and with the vertical stroke angling off to the left at the top. On these coins, this character is also written with a dot above but with the vertical stroke being crossed at the top, like the letter T. The third way of writing the character on these coins is like the preceding but with a horizontal line at the top, above the T. Japanese collectors call this the “nishui” 二水 (two water) variety, because it looks like 二 (two) above 水 (water). 4a. Blank reverse. (varieties) Ref: S.1296; L.1205+ 4b. Blank reverse, with wide rims, small field. Ref: L.1208 4c. Dot above hole reverse. Ref: SS 233 4d. Dot below hole reverse. Ref: L.1222; S.1297 4e. Dot above and below hole reverse (varieties) Ref: L.1223; S.1298 4f. Character “Hu” 户 above hole reverse (varieties)Ref: W.196; FD 2114 4g. Character “Kung” 工 above hole reverse (var) Ref: FD 2115; W.197 4h. Character “Kung” 工 below hole reverse. Ref: FD 2116; S.1312 4i. Character “Kung” right of hole reverse. Ref: L.1220; B.221 4j. Character “Ngo” 鄂 above hole reverse. Ref: B.224 Note: This coin with “Ngo” (indicating Hupeh province), published in Bushell’s 1880 catalog, has not been published elsewhere. If it is genuine, it must be a very rare coin. Bushell’s collection was purchased by Woodward in 1921, and Woodward’s collection was broken up in the early 1950’s by Hans Schulman. This coin appears to be part of the following set but is not mentioned in Chinese writings about the set. Secret message series: 4k. Character “Yu” 御 above hole reverse. Ref: S.1300; FD 2119 4l. Character “Ch’ih” 敕 above hole reverse. Ref: S.1301; B.223 4m. Character “Tu” 督 above reverse. (varieties) Ref: S.1302; W.202 4n. Character “Pu” 部 above reverse. (varieties) Ref: FD 2123; W.203 4o. Character “Tao” 道 above reverse. Ref: S.1304; IP 368 4p. Character “Fu” 府 above reverse. Ref: B.226 4q. Character “Liu” 留 above reverse. (varieties) Ref: S.1305; IP 369

136 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

4r. Character “Yueh” 粤 above reverse. Ref: S.1306; FD 2121 4s. Character “Fu” 辅 above reverse. Ref: S.1307; FD 2118 4t. Character “Ming” 明 above reverse. Ref: S.1308; FD 2122 4u. Character “Ting” 定 above reverse (large char.) Ref: FD 2126; IP 369 4v. Character “Ting” 定 above reverse (small char.) Ref: FD 2125; IP 369 4w. Character “Kuo” 国 above reverse. (varieties) Ref: S.1310; FD 2124 Note: Each of these coins carries one word of a message from the emperor to the people. When put together in the order above, the message reads: “The governor-generals, the taotais, and the prefects are charged by the emperor to guard Yueh (Kwangtung and Kwangsi provinces) and assist the Ming dynasty in setting the country”. Since at least 1819 Chinese numismatic works have recorded these twelve coins and the secret message. Wylie writing in 1858 had not read the story of the message and speculated that these coins were cast by a mint established at Kueilin by Ch’ u Shih-ssu. Wylie claims that the coins with “Tu” and “Pu” indicate his title (governor-general) and that the coins with “Fu” and “Kuo” indicate another of his titles (viceregent). He also suggests that the coin with “Liu” (meaning “remaining”) is another reference to him, as he was the one who remained behind to defend the city of Kueilin in Yueh (which also appears on one of the coins). Perhaps Wylie was partly correct. The Yung Li emperor (Chu Yu-lang) spent most of his “reign” escaping from the Machus, and was seldom in one place long enough to establish a mint. Since Ch’u Shih-ssu held Kueilin for three years, he would have had ample time to mint coins. However, during that time, Ch’u held higher titles than governor-general. The Yung Li emperor had appointed him president of the Board of Civil Office and concurrently president of the Board of War and Grand Secretary. Ch’u Shih-ssu may well have minted this set of coins, but it seems unlikely that he did so to glorify himself. The coins with “Fu” (4p), “Pu” and “Tao” are the scarcest in this set. The coin with small character “Ting” is a very rare coin. 4x. Value 2. Plain reverse. About 30mm. Ref: S.1318; FD 2130 4y. Value 2. Reverse: “erh” 二 above. (doubtful) Ref:S.1313 This is the only listing of such a coin. It could easily

Column 專欄

have been altered from the coin with “Kung” above or by removing the bottom character from the following coin. Coins with value expressed in silver. 4z. Char. “erh” 二 above and abbreviated “li” 釐 below. The word on the coin looks something like: 兀 , and means the coin is worth 2 li of silver. About 25mm. Ref: S.1314; L.1232 4aa. Char “wu” 五 above and “li” 釐 below (5 li of siver). The “li” on this coin is not abbreviated, but it lacks the two elements on top of the character as shown here. Normal rims on reverse. about 30mm. Ref: FD 2131; Tsai 551 4ab. Char. “wu” above and “li” below, similar to preceeding, but with wider rims and smaller fields on obverse and reverse. About 34mm. Ref: FD 2131; Tsai 551 4ac. Char. “yi” 壹 above and “fen” 分 below (one fen of silver). Small size, about 35mm. Ref: S.1321; FD 2132 4ad. Char. “yi” above and “fen” below, similar to preceeding. Large size, about 45mm. Narrow char. on reverse. Ref: FD 2133; IP 370 4ae. Char. “yi” above and “fen” below, similar to preceeding. Large size, about 45mm. Wide char. on reverse. Ref: IP 370; L.1236 Coins issued by Koxinga 郑成功 in Taiwan or Japan. 4af. Plain reverse. obverse inscription written in Cursive (running hand) style. About 27mm. Ref: SS 233; JM 354 4ag. Plain reverse. obverse inscription in cursive (running hand). Wider inner and outer rims on reverse, leaving a very small field. About 27mm. Ref: FD 2128; IP 371 4ah. Plain reverse. Obverse inscription written in seal script. About 27mm. Ref: FD 2129; S.1315 Note: As early as 1819 Chinese numismatic works had attributed the Yung Li coins written in running hand and seal scripts to Koxinga, a semi=pirate whose father was Chinese and whose mother was Japanese. He spent his early years in Nagasaki, Japan but later returned to China where he held a minor government post just before the fall of the Ming dynasty. When the Prince of Fu was declared emperor at Nanking, Cheng went there to study. When the Prince of “T’ang” was declared emperor at Foochow to succeed the Prince of Fu, Cheng traveled there and was presented at court by his father. The new emperor took a liking to the young man and honored him by allowing him to assume the imperial surname (Chu). Popularly he was known as “Kuo Hsing Yeh” (Lord of the Imperial Surname) and it was the Dutch corruption of this title into “Koxinga” which produced the name by which he is known in the western world.

Early in 1646 Koxinga presented a plan for the defense of the court, and for this he received the rank of Earl and was made a field marshall. In October the Manchu forces penetrated his defenses and captured the emperor Lung Wu. Koxinga continued to fight the Manchus in Fukien and managed to captured several cities which they had occupied. When he learned in 1648 that the Prince of Yung Ming (Prince of Kuei) had assumed the throne in Kwangtung, he sent a congratulatory message. In reward the Yung Li emperor made him a marquis and the following year, he was made a duke. During the years which followed, he continued to fight the Manchus in support of the Southern Ming court. In 1655 emperor Yung Li conferred on him the title Prince of Yehping. Continuing the struggle on land, in 1658 Koxinga raised his largest army – more than 100,000 men – and attacked into Chekiang and Kiangsu provinces, sometimes using amphibious tactics. In September 1659 he attacked Nanking, the former Ming capital, but was defeated and suffered heavy casualties. He was forced to return to Fukien, where he considered his next move. In April 1661 he attacked the Dutch fortress of Zeelandia in Taiwan with a fleet of 900 ships and 25,000 marines. After a siege of nine months, the Dutch surrendered and were forced to leave the island. He then made Taiwan his base of operations. For 15 years he had fought on behalf of the Yung Li emperor, and even though the emperor had been taken prisoner by the Burmese in 1659, he continued to date documents with the Yung Li reign title. Then in June 1662 for reasons that are unknown, he committed suicide. Fearing his army and his ships, the Manchus evacuated the entire coastal area opposite Taiwan. Eventually they built their own fleet, attacked Taiwan and succeeded in defeating Koxinga’s successor. As a result of this expedition, China obtained Taiwan for the first time in history. During the 1640’s and 1650’s, Koxinga also operated a large scale shipping business between China and Nagasaki, Japan. Some Chinese numismatists believe that Koxinga had the running hand and seal script Yung Li coins minted at Nagasaki. This seems quite plausible since there was a private mint operating at Nagasaki about that time making copies of Chinese coins. Other Chinese numismatists claim that those Yung Li coins were made in Taiwan. Perhaps they were made in both places, but the evidence is lacking. Schjoth has noted that the Hsin Pien Cash Record (pubished in 1819) observed that running hand and

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 137

Column 專欄

seal script coins had a different appearance than the other Yung Li coins, and attributed them to Prince Chih of Taokao. This was a fancy name for the pirates of Nagasaki. T’ang Hsi-yuan (also known as T’ang Yu-k’un), writing in the 1850’s also mentioned these pirates and states that they used an illegal reign title, but he didn’t

know whether they made any coins. Both books date these accounts to the Chia Ch’ing period (1522-1566), which is about a century before Koxinga’s time. Perhaps the account is really about Koxinga and the dating is wrong. More research needs to be done in this matter.

Bibliography Most of the historical information for this article was found in: Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period by Arthur Hummel (U.S. Government Printing Office 1943. Two volumes. Reprint: Taipei 1972). Another useful source is: The Great Enterprise: The Manchu Reconstruction of Imperial Order in 17th Century China by Frederic Wakeman Jr. (University of California Press 1985. Two volumes). For numismatic details of Southern Ming coins, the best work is Ting Fu-pao’s 丁福保 Encyclopedia of [Chinese] Coins (Shanghai 1938. 12 volumes. Reprints: Taipei 1965. 5 volumes; Shanghai 1982. 2 large volumes).

Reference Works W. Coins of the Ta Ts’ing or Present Dynasty of China by Alexander Wylie. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (China branch) Volume 1 1858 pages 44-102. B. Coins of the Present Dynasty of China. By Stephen W. Bushell. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (North China branch) Volume 15 (1880) pages 195-308. This listing is a supplement to that by Alexander Wylie. Bushel did a second supplement in the RAS Journal (North China branch) in 1901. these listings by Wylie and Bushell (with additional supplements by Kirkwood in the China Review November 1879 and January 1880 and by Schepens in the China Review of October and November 1896, are the most comprehensive catalog of Ch’ing coins ever published prior to the 1970’s. To this day, neither China nor Taiwan has published a better listing. The only work that can compare to these English language listings is Shincho Senpu 清朝钱谱 by Hanawa Shiro, published in Japan in 1973). IP. Illustrative Plates of Chinese Ancient Coins, Liu Jucheng, chief editor. Beijing 1989. (Chinese text) JMQ. Concise Encyclopedia of [Chinese] Coins, by Sun Zhonghui 孙仲汇 (and four others). Shanghai 1991, Jade Pricelists of Jade Coin Co.(New Jersey) 1960’s and 1970’s L. The Stewart Lockhart Collection of Chinese Copper Coins , by James H.Stewart Lockhart. Shanghai 1915 (reprint: 1975) MDX. Ma Dingxiang’s Annotated Reprint of Li Tai Ku Ch’ien T’u Shuo, by Ting Fu-pao Shanghai 1992 S. Currency of the Far East (Chinese Currency) by Fredrik Schjoth, London 1929 (reprints: 1965; 1974) SS. Showa Senpu by Hirao Shusen, Tokyo 1931-1940 (reprints: 1964; 1974) Tsai. An Illustration of Chinese Ancient Coins by Orlando Tsai (Ts’ai Yang-wu; also known by his pen name, Heng Men) Taipei 1973 Note: With the exception of Tsai’s book, all references to the Chinese and Japanese works above are to page numbers, since they have no continuous numbering system with which to identify the coins. The catalog numbers in Fisher’s Ding and Ma Dingxiang’s reprint of Ting Fu-pao, are the same (with a couple of exceptions).

138 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Column 專欄

南明貨幣制度史博祿（美國）

1644 年 4 月，起義者李自成在擊敗了幾支明軍並宣稱自

江蘇省疏于抵抗滿人的進攻。1645 年 6 月，滿人抵達南京城

己為新王朝的皇帝後，攻佔了北京城。明朝國庫虧空以致于

外，馬士英未能保衛南京，滿人長驅直入，一路並未遇到強烈

連守衛城牆的士兵都湊不足人手。大臣們和其他官員還有他

的反抗。朱由崧早就逃往安徽蕪湖，但被一位曾效力於他的

們的僕人紛紛出逃。當崇禎皇帝召開朝會時，只有一名僕人

前將軍俘獲，交給了滿洲人。他被囚禁在北京，第二年就死了。

到場。他意識到一切都無可挽回了，於是殺了自己的女兒，把三個兒子藏起來，令皇后自殺，然後自己在宮廷花園的萬壽山上吊自盡，一心認為叛軍會肢解他的屍首。

南京被定為新皇帝的都城，自建朝以來它一直都是明朝的都城直至 1400 年初期皇室內部發生政變後才移都北京。之後南京成為明王朝的留都。有意思的是，明王朝的建立者

然而，李自成下令把皇帝和皇后的屍首放進棺材，顯示了

朱元璋是在鳳陽崛起的。

對皇帝的尊重。但他沒來得及安葬皇帝、皇后。為了把李自成趕出京城，明朝大將軍吳三桂與滿族人（明朝幾十年的敵人）

Schjoth 認為馬士英是鳳陽總督的說法是不準確的。馬

達成了協定。滿族軍隊逼近北京城，李自成和他的手下帶著

士英任職鳳陽總督直至明朝最後一位皇帝駕崩，福王被推舉

皇帝、皇后的屍首倉惶逃跑，但最終被滿族軍隊消滅。然而

為弘光皇帝後，他賜予馬士英一個高得多的職位（大學士），

滿族人沒有從吳三桂處領取獎賞，而是佔領了整個國家並建

但令馬士英留在鳳陽。馬士英不滿於被排擠在朝廷之外，他

立了他們自己的王朝 ——清朝。

威脅要動用 1200 艘戰船攻打南京城。被嚇壞了的弘光皇帝立馬邀請馬士英入朝並加官進爵。攝於其軍事力量，在滿人軍

滿洲人能佔領北京城很大程度上是運氣使然 —— 帶着

隊逼近南京城弘光皇帝出逃之前，朝政一直都由馬士英掌控。

裝備齊全的軍隊在合適的時間出現在合適的地點。他們軍隊

馬獨自帶着 400 名士兵逃往浙江，但無人願意接納他。馬默

只有十幾萬人左右，比漢人人口數少得多。但是多年的苛捐

默無聞地卒於 1646 年或 1647 年。

雜稅、持續不斷的邊界戰爭和饑荒，早已讓明王朝不堪一擊。北部的明軍向滿人舉手投降。

南京淪陷到滿人手裡之後，弘光時期掌管貨幣制度的戶部尚書何楷則來到福建，成為唐王的戶部尚書。

而在中國南方，情況看來不是那麼嚴峻。在得知皇帝皇后的死訊以及皇子們也很可能身亡的消息後，有皇室血統的各個諸侯紛紛宣稱自己為皇帝的繼任人。這些自稱為明朝皇位繼承人的諸侯們與滿人對抗了將近二十年，即歷史上的“南明”。南明統治者們發行了四種系列的硬幣。另外還有四套由企圖建立自己王朝的叛變者發行的硬幣。福王

福王發行的錢幣

正面均有“弘光通寶”字樣 1a. 反面空白（多類型）。編號：S.1287；W.190（見文末“參考文獻”，下同） 1b. 反面上方有圓點（多類型）。編號：S.1288；W.191 1c. 反面上下方均有圓點。編號：B.124 1d. 反面洞下方新月狀。編號：作者藏品

姓名：朱由崧（1601 -1646 年）

1e. 圓洞之上有一破折號（“l”字？）。編號：玉 69/70

年號：弘光（1644 年 6 月 -1645 年 6 月）

1f. 反面右邊漢字“貳” c.27 毫米。編號：B.215；L.1198；

都城：南京，江蘇

蔡 539 1g. 同款較小尺寸 c.24 毫米。編號：S.1290；W.193

1644 年 5 月，當明朝最後一位皇帝崇禎皇帝自殺身亡

1f. 反面洞上方漢字“鳳”。編號：S.1289；W.192（此枚

的消息傳到南京時，官員們聚集在南京城裡商討皇位的繼承

硬幣顯然象徵馬士英的總部鳳陽，應該鑄造於弘光年初，因

者。剛于一年前被封為福王的朱由崧是候選人之一，但由於

為弘光皇帝只在鳳陽待了很短一段時間）

酗酒放縱，這位候選人並不受擁戴。在安徽鳳陽守軍的統帥馬士英的軍事影響力之下，於 1644 年 6 月朱由崧被封為皇帝，年號弘光。隨之該地區各派系之間內戰不斷，導致安徽省和

上面其他品種的硬幣可以根據漢字寫法的變化而加以區分，特別是“弘”字和“通”字。

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 139

Column 專欄魯王

Schjoth引用黃宗羲（1610年至1695年）所著《行朝錄》

姓名：朱以海（1618-1662 年）

來回應以上的說法，此書提到在1644年魯王回到浙江省（之

年號：無

後）鑄造了“大明通寶”錢幣（丁福保引用的另一個資訊來源

都城：紹興，浙江

則說這些錢幣是1645年12月份鑄造的，即公曆1646年1月至2 月期間）。黃宗羲很可能是相信此事的，因為他在紹興和舟山

1644 年被封為魯王的朱以海在北京城落入李自成手裡

一直追隨着魯王。黃是明末清初最重要的學者之一，也是浙

後的第二個月就移居到中國南部。1645 年，朱由崧（前福王，

東學派歷史學的奠基人。在1670年末，明史（即明代正史）開

之後在南京登基是為弘光皇帝）命令朱以海駐紮於浙江台州

始編撰之時，編委收集了所有黃撰寫的南明歷史著作抄本，

（今臨海）。1645 年 6 月南京被滿洲人攻陷，明朝的追隨者

這也成為明史的主要資訊來源之一。黃還被要求撰寫與南明

擁護朱以海繼位。朱以海在同年 8 月繼位，但不是皇帝而是 “監

統治者關聯的某些人物的生平小傳。讓人不解的是，他的著述

國”，作為攝政王在浙江紹興建立了他的朝廷。

《行朝錄》（收錄了南明政權各種簡要記載）卻被18世紀時的滿清政府列為禁書。

與此同時，唐王朱聿鍵已在福建省福州登基稱帝，改年號為隆武。朱以海和朱聿鍵曾試圖聯手抗擊滿軍，但計劃沒

目前尚不清楚這些錢幣全部是 1645 年至 1646 年間在

有成功。1646 年 7 月，滿人攻打殘餘的明軍，朱以海先是移

紹興鑄造的，還是有一部分鑄造於 1647 至 1648 年間的福

居台州後又再移到海門。滿洲人摧毀了朱聿鍵的福州政權並

建省，或 1649 至 1651 年間的舟山，或 1652 至 1653 年間或

將他殺害。隆武帝的主要支持者之一鄭彩則擁護朱以海在廈

1659 至 1662 年間的金門。這些錢幣很可能在不同的時期鑄

門建立另外一個朝廷，1646 年 12 月新朝廷建立。但隨之的

造於不同的地方。

1647 年和 1648 年，朱以海和他的軍隊同命運，不停地在福建省各地之間搬來遷去，居無定所。

魯王發行的錢幣

正面均有“大明通寶”字樣 1649 年 8 月，朱以海遷到浙江省，在一艘被稱為“水宮” 的駁船上堅持了一段時間朝會。同年 11 月份，他又遷移到浙江省海岸沿邊的舟山群島，在那裡他堅持了兩年。1651 年 10 月，滿人佔領了海島，朱以海只好逃往廈門，後來又逃到福建省的一個海島金門，在那裡他得到了鄭成功（西方人稱之為

2a. 反面空白，約 25 毫米。編號：S.1285；B.231 2b. 反面空白，大號硬幣，約 57 毫米。編號：FD 2104；蔡 556 2c. 漢字“戶”位於反面洞口上方（多種類）。編號：S.1286； L.1237

Koxinga）的財政支援，直至 1653 年他宣佈放棄頭銜。自那

2d. 漢字“工”位於反面上方。編號：FD 2103；B.232

以後朱以海的政治重要性就微乎其微。六年以後，朱由榔（當

2e. 漢字“帥”位於反面上方。編號：FD 2100；B.233

時的南明皇帝永曆）再次將他封為“攝政王”。但僅有一小撮

2f. 漢字“帥”位於反面右方。編號：FD 2101；B.234

追隨者跟着朱以海駐紮在海島金門。他頂着這個有名無實的

2g. 漢字“招”位於反面上方。編號：MDX pg.168a

封號直至 1662 年去世。 “招”的意思是宣告。也許這是指宣告明朝依然存在。朱以海所發行的錢幣既不是他自己的名號也不是南明皇帝的年號，而是“大明通寶”，寓意大明朝的錢幣。某些年代

馬定祥在對丁福保《歷代古錢圖說》再版（1992 年上海）一書的評論中曾說到過這枚錢幣。

更久遠的中國錢幣目錄聲稱大明通寶是明朝初期鑄造的。但實際上，明朝官方編撰的明史中記載大明通寶是由明朝的開

“戶”和“工”分別指戶部和工部。在明清時期，這些都

創者在南京鑄造。Schjoth 所著《遠東貨幣》（再版書名《中

城內的政府機構有各自的鑄幣廠，魯王認為他在紹興或舟山

國貨幣》）中提到在隆慶年間（1567 年至 1572 年）楊家相（當

所建立的政權也有同樣的政府機構，因此其代號也要刻在錢

時的河北省巡撫）請求鑄造刻有“大明通寶”的錢幣，在萬曆

幣上。這些政府機構是否真的有自己的造幣廠並且鑄造了這

年間（175 年至 1619 年）郝敬也提出同樣的請求。但顯然這

些錢幣，我們不得而知。 “帥”一詞指將軍。顯然地，這枚錢幣

些請求都沒有被准允。丁福保所著《古錢大辭典》中也提到

的造幣廠是一位護衛着流亡明朝內閣的將軍麾下的。

了在嘉靖年間（1522 年至 1566 年）時任兵部尚書的譚綸（死於 1577 年）也請求過鑄造“大明通寶”錢幣。

140 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Column 專欄唐王

姓名：朱聿鍵（1602 至 1646 年）

3j. “南”字位於反面上方（多種寫法）。編號：JMQ 352 3k. “留”字位於反面上方（多種寫法）。編號：SS 231

年號：隆武（1645 至 1646 年）都城：福建省福州

以上列舉的錢幣還可以根據正面字體書寫方式的不同區分出更多種類，特別是“武”字和“通”字。 “通”字有一個

被一個嬪妃的蠱惑，朱聿鍵的祖父將朱聿鍵和他的父親

點或兩個點的；有直筆畫部首或彎筆畫部首的；有方頭或尖

囚禁在牢中直至朱聿鍵的父親死去。之後朱聿鍵被釋放出來

頭的。 “武”字一點有位於交叉筆畫橫線上方的也有位於下

並于 1632 年繼承他過世祖父的爵位成為唐王。1636 年滿洲

方的；有時“武”字左上方一畫與頂部水準交叉筆劃相連（但

人危及京城之時，他無視河南官員的警告，在中國南方召集軍

這不是該字的正確寫法）。這些各式各樣的變化應頗有深意，

隊向北京進發勤王，直到當時的明朝皇帝頒佈詔書令他遣散

但它們的真正含義我們無從得知。

軍隊返回藩屬。此外，他還被剝奪特權和番號，改由他的弟弟繼承唐王。之後朱聿鍵被打入安徽省鳳陽的大牢裡，一直到 1644 年才被朱由崧（福王）釋放出來，並被令遷往廣西省平

永明王又稱桂王

姓名：朱由榔 (1623-1662 年 )

樂府居住。在路上得知朱由崧政權（1645 年 6 月）垮臺，他

年號：永曆（1646 年 12 月至 1659 年或 1662 年）

改道前往浙江省杭州府，於 7 月在那裡就任“監國”。緊接着

都城：廣東省肇慶 (1646-1652 年 )

8 月正式稱帝，年號隆武，並在福建省福州府司庫裡設立內閣。

廣西省梧州 (1647-1652 年 )

他的戶部尚書由霍愷擔當，之前是南明弘光帝（福王）的戶部

貴州省安龍 (1652-1656 年 )

主事。1646 年初，朱聿鍵決定遷都到湖南省長沙，但通往長

雲南省昆明 (1656-1658 年 12 月 )

沙的路被滿人軍隊封鎖了。1646 年 10 月，朱聿鍵被擄，滿人軍隊在江西省和福建省邊界處將之處決。

1636 年被封為永明王的朱由榔和其家人在強盜張獻忠逼迫之下於 1643 年離開他們在湖南的番地。朱由榔被俘但

在他死後，他的弟弟朱聿鐭繼承了唐王的番號並逃往廣

於 1644 年逃脫。1645 年 8 月唐王稱帝，封朱由榔為桂王。

東。 1646 年 12 月，朱聿鐭在廣東稱帝，年號邵武。 1647 年 1 月，

唐王于同年十月亡故，朱由榔繼任“監國”一職。該年十二月，

廣東淪陷，為免落入滿人手裡，朱聿鐭自殺身亡。

他稱帝並改年號為永曆，發兵討伐朱聿鐭，也就是唐王的弟

唐王發行的錢幣

弟和該番號的繼承者，在廣東稱帝年號為紹武。朱聿鐭敗北，但緊接着第二個月清兵就佔領了廣東。朱由榔逃到梧州，當

正面均有“隆武通寶”字樣

1647 年 2 月肇慶淪陷時他又遷移到廣西桂林。此時，除了瞿

3a. 反面空白， “武”字交叉筆畫橫線之上有一點， “通”

式耜，其他所有的高官都已拋棄他，守護城門的重任落在了

字有一或兩個點，24-26 毫米（多種尺寸）。編號；L.1200；

瞿式耜身上。滿軍於 1647 年 4 月圍攻桂林，朱玉榔逃到湖南。

JM 352

瞿式耜在桂林堅守三年但最終於 1650 年 11 月淪陷，瞿式耜

3b. 反面空白， “武”字交叉筆畫之下有一點， “通”有兩

被虜後關入大牢，稍後被殺害。

點，24-26 毫米。編號：B.218 3c. 反面空白， “武” 字橫筆畫未交叉， “通” 字有一點。編號：SS 231 ；IP 367 3d. 反面空白，價值為 2（?）28-30 毫米。編號：FD 2111; IP 367 3e. 反面空白，鐵質，約 21 毫米。編號：FD 2112；JMQ

與此同時，朱玉榔頻繁地遷徙於湖南和廣西各地之間，知道 1648 年 9 月回到潮汕並在那裡居住了一年半。1650 年 2 月，他乘船離開潮汕前往梧州，在接下來的 9 個月中他一直在船上開朝會，又被稱為“水上宮殿”。同年 11 月，滿軍再次佔領廣東，隨後是桂林，標誌着明朝的頑抗到此終結。接下來的 1651 年，朱玉榔都在滿軍的追擊下倉皇逃亡於廣西各地。

352 3f. 反面洞口上方有一點， “通”字為直線部首， “武”字一點位於交叉筆畫之上。編號：IP 367 3g. 反面上方有一點， “通”字為彎曲部首， “武”字一點位於交叉筆畫下方。編號：JMQ 352；SS 231 3h. “戶”字位於反面上方。編號：S.1293；Tsai 544

1652 年 2 月，朱玉榔遷徙到雲南，在那裡他遇到了叛軍領袖孫可望，後者邀請他前去貴州省。同年 3 月，朱玉榔在貴州安隆（在雲南和廣西邊界附近）建立朝廷，一直待到 1656 年。 1656 年 2 月，隨着孫可望被他自己的部下擊敗，朱玉榔又將朝廷遷移到孫可望在雲南府（今昆明）的新宮殿之中。

3i. “工”字位於反面上方。編號：S.1294；W.195

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 141

Column 專欄

1659 年 1 月，滿軍佔領雲南府，朱玉榔被迫向西遷移。

2115；W.197

同年 3 月，他和將近 1500 名追隨者交出武器後得以越過中

4h. 漢字“工”位於反面圓洞下方。編號：FD 2116；S.1312

國邊境進入緬甸。滿懷着能得到緬甸保護的期望，朱玉榔和

4i. 漢字“工”位於反面圓洞右方。編號：L.1220；B.221

他的家人紛紛被捕入獄，大多數他的追隨者也被殺或成為奴

4j. 漢字“鄂”位於反面圓洞上方。編號：B.224

隸。1661 年，明朝的殘餘部隊試圖營救他，但都失敗了且全部被殲滅。1662 年 1 月，曾於 1644 年邀請滿人入關後轉投

說明：此枚刻有”Ngo”（意指湖北省）字母的硬幣只收

清軍的明朝前大將軍吳三桂抵達緬甸都城並要求他們交出朱

錄在布歇爾的 1880 年圖錄中，除此之外沒有在任何其他圖

玉榔。緬甸人答應了他的要求，交出了明朝皇位最後一位繼任

錄中出現過。如果這枚硬幣是真品，那麼是極其稀有的。1921

人和他的家人。朱玉榔和其家人被帶到雲南府，在那裡朱玉

年伍德沃德（Woodward）收購了布歇爾的所有藏品，1950

榔和他 14 歲的兒子被扼死。

年代初期舒瓦曼（Hans Schulman）拆分了伍德沃德的收藏。這枚硬幣似乎是以下這套的其中之一，但中文記載中沒有提

有意思的是，雖然朱玉榔自己不信教，但大部分他的直

及過這枚硬幣。

系親屬都是基督教徒。 1650 年朱玉榔的媽媽（基督教名為

機密資訊系列：

海倫娜）致信教皇英諾森十世，希望他能為明朝的命運禱告

4K.“禦”字位於反面圓洞上方。編號：S.1300；FD 2119

並敦促他派遣更多的傳教士到中國。新教皇亞歷山大七世回信了，但當他的信使于 1659 年到達中國邊境時，他發現入關

4I. “敕”字位於反面圓洞上方。編號：S.1301；B.223

通道已由滿軍把守。長途跋涉艱難的旅途讓他筋疲力盡，同

4M.“督”字位於反面上方（多品種）。編號：S.1302；

年 8 月這位信使去世，教皇的信也未交付。梵蒂岡圖書館至

W.202 4N.“部”字位於反面上方，（多品種）。編號：FD 2123；

今仍然保存着海倫娜寫給教皇的信。永明王發行的錢幣

W.203 40.“道”字位於反面上方。編號：S.1304；IP 368 4P.“府”字位於反面上方。編號：B.226 4Q.“留“字位於反面上方。（多品種）編號：S.1305；IP

所有硬幣正面都刻有“永曆通寶”四個字。除非特別注明，所有硬幣的直徑都是 24-25 毫米。這些硬幣上有多種書法，

369

主要是“永”和“通”兩字。 “通”可以寫一個點或兩個點。部

4R.“粵”字位於反面上方。編號：S.1306；FD 2121

首（左下方部分）可以直筆帶過也可以沿着底部彎曲。字體的

4S.“輔”字位於反面上方。編號：S.1307；FD 2118

頂部可以寫成盒子形狀也可以寫成三角形（指向下），又或者

4T.“明”字位於反面上方。編號：S.1308；FD 2122

寫成菱形（指向上）。

4U.“定”字位於反面上方（大字）。編號：FD 2126；IP 369 4V.“定”字位於反面上方（小字）。編號：FD 2125；IP

“永”字通常上面只有一點，垂直筆畫向左邊頂部傾斜。這些硬幣上的“永”字也是頭上一點但垂直筆畫貫穿頂部，就像英文字母 T。這個字的第三種寫法與前述這種相同，唯一區別是頂部之上（即 T 之上）有一水準筆畫。日本抽藏家將這

369 4W.“國”字位於反面上方（多品種）。編號：S.1310；FD 2124

種寫法的硬幣稱為“二水”品種，因為這種“永”字看起來就是“水”字上面有個“二”。 4a. 反面空白，（多品種）。編號：S.1296；L.1205+

說明：每一個硬幣都載有皇帝給人民的資訊。把這些硬幣按照以上的順序排列，便可解讀皇上的資訊：“本皇禦下的

4b. 反面空白，寬邊，小欄位。編號：L.1208 4c. 圓點位於反面圓洞上方。編號：SS 233 4d. 圓點位於反面圓洞下方。編號：L.1222；S.1297 4e. 圓洞反面上方下方均有圓點（多品種）。編號：L.1223； S.1298 4f. 漢字“戶”位於反面圓洞上方（多品種）。編號：W.196； FD 2114 4g. 漢字“工”位於反面圓洞上方（多品種）。編號：FD

142 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

永历通宝

Column 專欄

負責守衛粵（即廣東、廣西）的總督和提督協助明朝複國”。至少有 1819 本中國錢幣學著作記載了這 12 枚硬幣和其含有的秘密資訊。懷利於 1858 年著書時還不知曉這條資訊，當時他推測這些硬幣是瞿式耜命桂林的鑄幣廠鑄造的。懷利認為刻有“督”和“部”字的硬幣代表著瞿式耜的官銜（總督）。他認為刻有“留”字的硬幣也是指向瞿式耜，因為瞿式耜是留下來堅守和保衛位於粵（此字也出現在其中一枚硬幣上）

鄭成功在臺灣或日本發行的錢幣：

4af. 反面空白，正面草書，約 27 毫米。編號：SS 233 ； JM 354 4ag. 反面空白，正面草書，反面內外輪廓都更寬，使得欄位很小，約 27 毫米。編號：FD 2128 ；IP 371 4ah. 反面空白，正面篆書，約 27 毫米。編號：FD 2129 ；S.1315

桂林的人。說明：早在 1819 年，中國錢幣工藝受到鄭成功（一個半懷利也許猜對了一部分。永曆王（朱玉榔）在其統治的大

吊子海盜，父親是中國人，母親是日本人）影響，永曆錢幣上

部分時間裡都忙於如何逃脫滿軍的追殺，在一個地方待的時

的字體就是草書和篆書。鄭成功早年生活在日本長崎，後來

間不足以建立一所造幣廠。而瞿式耜留守桂林三年，他有足夠

在明朝覆滅前夕回到中國擔任一個小官職。福王在南京宣稱

的時間來鑄造硬幣。然而，那時瞿式耜的官銜高於總督。永曆

繼位時，鄭成功前去南京學習。當唐王在福州宣稱繼承福王

王任命他為史部右侍郎和兵部尚書。這套硬幣很可能是瞿式

的皇位時，鄭成功又到了福州並由其父親引薦給朝廷。唐王

耜鑄造的，但他不太可能這樣來美化自己。

喜歡這個年輕人，賜姓“朱”。因此民間都稱其為“國姓爺”，荷蘭人將這個名號傳播到了西方世界。

這套硬幣中刻有“府”“部”“道”字的最為罕有。而刻有小字“定”的硬幣是非常罕見的。

1646 年早期，鄭成功提出了一個保衛朝廷的計劃，被封為忠孝伯並統帥軍隊。同年 10 月，滿洲人的軍隊穿透了他的

4x. 價值為 2，反面空白，約 30 毫米，Value 2。編號 : S.1318 ；FD 2130 4y. 價值為 2，反面上方刻有 “二” ( 不確定 ) ，編號 :S.1313

防禦線並活抓了隆武帝。鄭成功繼續在福建抗擊滿人並攻下了幾個原本被滿人佔領的城市。1648 年當他得知永明王（桂王）在廣東登基，他發去了祝賀信。永明帝則封他為爵，次年又封他為公爵。接下來的幾年，鄭成功在南明朝廷的支持下繼續抗擊滿軍。1655 年永曆帝正式冊封他為延平王。鄭成功

此為這種硬幣的唯一列表。這種硬幣可以輕易地改造自

繼續着在陸地上與滿軍的對抗，1658 年他召集了超過 10 萬

上面提及的“工”字硬幣或把以下這枚硬幣的底部筆畫抹除

名士兵攻打浙江和江蘇兩省，有時採用海陸戰術。1659 年 9

得到。

月，他攻打明朝舊都南京，但失敗了且傷亡慘重。他被迫返回

標值銀幣

4z. 上方“二”字，下方為簡寫“厘”字硬幣上的字看起來很像兀字，意即這枚硬幣價值2厘銀子，約25毫米。編號：S.1314；L.1232

福建考慮下一步行動。 1661 年 4 月，鄭成功動用 900 艘戰艦和 2 萬 5 千名海軍攻打位於臺灣的由荷蘭人建造的澤蘭迪亞堡壘。經過 9 個月的圍攻，荷蘭人投降並被迫離島。鄭成功則把臺灣作為

4aa. 上方“五”字，下方“釐”字。（5 厘銀）

他的行動基地。他代表永曆帝抗戰 15 年，即使當永曆帝於

“釐” 字非簡寫，但缺少頂部兩字，如下所示，反面

1659 年被緬甸人俘虜後，他簽署檔依舊使用永歷年號。1662

輪廓正常。約 30 毫米。編號：FD 2131 ；蔡 551

年 6 月，出於不明原因，鄭成功自殺身亡。

4ab. 上方“五”字，下方“釐”字，與上枚類似，但輪廓更寬，正反面欄位更小，約 34 毫米。編號：FD 2131 ；蔡 551 4ac. 上方“壹”字，下方“分”字（一分銀），小號，約 35 毫米。編號：S.1321 ；FD 2132。

忌憚於鄭成功的軍隊和船隻，滿軍從臺灣對岸的整個沿海地區整體撤離。最終滿人建立了自己的艦隊，攻打臺灣並擊敗了鄭成功的繼任者。這是中國歷史上第一次統領臺灣島。

4ad. 上方“壹”字，下方“分”字，與上枚類似，大號，約 45 毫米，反面窄字。編號：FD 2133 ；IP 370 4ae. 上方“壹”字，下方“分”字，與上枚類，；大號，約 45 毫米，反面寬字，編號：IP 370 ；L.1236。

1640 年代和 1650 年代，鄭成功還在中國和日本長崎之間開展了大規模的航運業務。一些中國錢幣學家認為鄭成功在日本長崎鑄造了刻有草書和篆書字體的錢幣。這看似很有

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 143

Column 專欄

道理，因為在那時長崎就有一家私人鑄幣廠在複製中國錢幣。

此歸功於長崎海盜。唐西源 ( 又名唐輿昆 ) 在 19 世紀 50 年

但另外一些中國錢幣學家則認為這些錢幣是在臺灣鑄造的。

代的著書中也提到過這幫海盜並認為他們使用了非法的統

也許長崎和臺灣都有鑄造這些錢幣，但無從考究。

治名號，但他並不知道這些海盜是否鑄造過錢幣。兩本書都認為這些錢幣鑄造於比鄭成功年代早約 100 年的嘉靖年間

Schjoth 注意到《四邊銅錢記錄》（1819 年出版）中指出草書和篆書字體的錢幣外觀與其他的永曆錢幣不同，並將

（1522-1566 年）。也許他們把日期弄錯了，這些錢幣真的是鄭成功鑄造的。這個問題需要做更多的研究。

參考書目本文大部分的歷史資料來自於亞瑟·胡默爾（Arthur Hummel）所著的《清代名人傳略》（1943 年於華盛頓出版，兩卷本。1972 年

（1985 年加州大學出版社出版，在臺灣重印）。還有一個重要的資料來源是魏斐德 (Frederic Wakeman Jr.) 所著的《中華帝國的衰落》兩卷本）。至於南明硬幣的錢幣細節，最佳參考是丁福保的《古錢大辭典》（1938 年上海出版，12 卷本。1965 年臺北重印，5 卷本。 1982 年上海重印，2 大卷本）。參考文獻 W. 《大清或當代中國王朝錢幣》，亞歷山大·懷利（著），發表於 1858 年《皇家亞洲學會雜誌》（中國分支）第 1 卷 44-102 頁。

B．《當代中國王朝錢幣》，斯蒂芬 W. 布歇爾（著），發表於 1880 年《皇家亞洲學會雜誌》（華北中國分支）第 1 卷 195-308 頁。

此列表是對亞歷山大·懷利著述的補充。1901 年，布歇爾在《皇家亞洲學會雜誌》（華北中國分支）上發表了第二篇補充文章。懷利和布歇爾的著述（額外的補充資料包括柯克伍德發表於 1879 年 11 月和 1880 年 1 月《中國評論》上的文章，以及 Schepens 發

表於 1896 年 10 月和 11 月《中國評論》上的文章）是 19 世紀 70 年代之前出版的清朝錢幣圖錄裡最全面的。截至目前，不論中國

還是臺灣都沒有出版過比這更好的圖錄。唯一能和這些英文圖錄相媲美的是 1973 年在日本出版的高史朗所著的《清朝錢譜》。 IP. 《中國古錢譜》，劉巨成（主編）。1989 年北京出版。（中文）

JMQ. 《简明钱币辞典》，孙仲汇（和其他四人）编写。1991 年上海出版。

L. 《Stewart Lockhart 收藏的中國古錢目錄》，詹姆斯·H. 斯圖爾特 • 洛克哈特（著）。1915 年上海出版（1975 年重印）。 MDX. 《馬定祥批註歷代古錢圖說》，丁福保（著），1992 年上海出版。

S. 《遠東貨幣》，（又名《中國貨幣》），Fredrik Schjoth（著），1929 年倫敦出版（1965 年和 1974 年重印）。 SS. 《昭和泉譜》，平尾聚泉（著），1931-1940 年東京出版（1964 和 1974 年重印）。 Tsai. 《中國古泉講話》，蔡養吾（著）（筆名“衡門”），1973 年臺北出版。

說明：除了蔡養吾的著述之外，以上中文和日文書籍中所參考的錢幣只能以頁碼標識，因為這些書中的硬幣並無統一編號。由費希爾和馬定祥修訂的丁福保著述中使用的編號是一樣的（只有幾個例外）。

144 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Column 專欄

In Memory of Wei Yuewang, A Great Numismatist Li Tiesheng (Huhehaote) Winter in Huhehaote is cold and dry. At home I was reading an old book and a letter came into view. This small letter (Pic 1) written by the American numismatist Bruce Smith to Wei Yuewang over 20 years ago, suddenly brought back to me all my memories of Mr. Wei, the great numismatist in China. How time flies! Twenty-five years have passed since Mr. Wei left us (Wei passed away in 1994 at the age of 73). Our friendship lasted for about 10 years. At the sight of this letter, memories of this old friend came back into my mind. Before I came back to China in 1982, I had been studying in Britain for years. During that time, I realized that coin collecting and research was a good cultural activity that the public should be encouraged to participate in. Haunted by this thought, I ventured to write a letter to the China Numismatic Society, which was founded in June, 1982, and told them some of my ideas. It surprised me that the society wrote back to me and said: ‘Please write to Wei Yuewang who has just returned to Inner Mongolia.’ Mr. Wei helped to found the China Numismatic Society when he was in Beijing. This was how I got in touch with Mr. Wei and started our friendship. At first, Wei Yuewang invited me to study ancient Chinese coins, especially coins of minor ethnic groups, with him. But I preferred to do some translation work of foreign coins as I felt my knowledge of classical Chinese prose and history was not sufficient and had more confidence in my English. However, he appreciated my choice and told me “talents are needed in this field and you should pick this ‘road less travelled’ ”. On the recommendation of him I published a short essay - Coin Markets in Britain - in Chinese Coins in 1984 (the 2nd issue). Except for my professional essays this was the first time I had published an article on coins. In 1984, I asked Dr. Michael Robinson, who I met in Britain, to introduce Wei Yuewang to the Oriental Numismatic Society[ONS] (his membership number was 871). He might be the first Chinese member of this society. I remembered the membership fee was 40 dollars and it was not easy for Chinese to exchange foreign money at that time. Experiencing several setbacks, Mr. Wei finally managed to pay his dues. Since then, Mr. Wei had made the acquaintance with French numismatist François Thierry， (whose Chinese name was Chen Mingdao then), T.D. Yih from the Netherlands, Bruce Smith from the USA, Joe Cribb from the UK and Nina Ivochikina from the Soviet Union.

Pic 1 A letter from Bruce Smith to Wei Yuewang in 1990

Pic 2 A picture taken when Chen Mingdao (François Thierry) visited China in 1988 (from left: Zhou Jinzhang, Wei Yuewang, Hou Zhengbang, Chen Mingdao, Li Tiesheng and Du Jinfu) I once helped him to translate some letters from his foreign friends. In 2002, I met Nina Ivochikina while attending the 9th Annual Meeting of the International Committee of Money and Banking Museums in Beijing and told her Mr. Wei had passed away in 1994. She felt sad after hearing this news. Nina Ivochikina herself passed away in 2004. I often talked with Mr. Wei about ancient Chinese coins mentioned in the ONS newsletter. All the books from his

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 145

Column 專欄

foreign friends, including Coin Dictionary and Guide and Coins Questions and Answers (Pic 3) were from Bruce Smith and were given to me as presents. Although they can only be regarded as guide books, these two books did help me when I edited my Stories of World Coins. In 1986, Wei Yuewang brought his essay, The Earliest Banknote in the World – The 10 Cash Zhong Tong Yuan Bao Note to the 10th Annual Meeting of the International Committee of Money hosted in London with Zhang Jiqi, Yao Sumin and Cai Mingxin (from the China Numismatic Society) and Yu Huajiao (from the Inner Mongolia Numismatic Society). The note mentioned in his essay was found in the second layer of soil of the Flower Adornment Sutra Tower (also known as the White Tower) of the Liao dynasty in eastern Huhehaote in 1982. These notes were all in a good condition and characters on the surface were clear and recognizable. Bu Yangwu of the Huhehaote Cultural Relic Administration Center first indicated and then Wei Yuewang further proved, based on careful research, that these notes were the earliest banknotes in the world (appearing in 1269), earlier than the Zhong Tong Yuan Bao notes with Phags-pa script (a Mongolian type of script ). His essay evoked a strong reaction from the attendees at the meeting. I believe this was the first time that mainland Chinese numismatists performed themself on the international stage. Lead by Wei Yuewang, the Inner Mongolia Finance editorial group published Currency of the Liao Dynasty Special Issue (the first issue) in 1983 and Currency of the Yuan Dynasty Special Issue in 1984; expanded and published Selected Essays of Currencies in the Liao Dynasty in 1990 and then Selected Essays of Currencies in the Yuan Dynasty in 1993.The Inner Mongolia Numismatic Research Society (later the Inner Mongolia Numismatic Society) founded in 1985, attracted a group of talents including Wei Yuewang, Qiao Xiaojin, Chen Naixiong, Lu Yiyou, Yang Jizeng (Lu An), Zhou Jinzhang, Du Chengwu, Li Dun,Zhang Xiufeng, Zhang Wenfang, Pang Wenxiu, He Lin Li Gengwen and others and was supported by many well-known numismatists like Tang Shifu, Zhu Huo, Wang Guichen,Shen Guanxi, Zou Zhiliang, Niu Dasheng, Jiang Qixiang and Dong Qingxuan. Thirty years have passed, most of these scholars and numismatists are no longer alive. What a pity! The Inner Mongolia Numismatic Society focuses on the study of currencies of minor ethnic groups living in Inner Mongolia, including the ancient coins of Liao, Jin WesternXia and Yuan dynasties and has a unique reputation in China. Inner Mongolia Finance - Currency Special Issue not only carried many articles on ancient coins from the four dynasties mentioned above but also many essays about the Silk Road, especially the Silk Road in the

146 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Pic 3 Coin Dictionary and Guide and Coins Questions and Answers from Bruce Smith

Pic 4 Guide Book of Ancient Coins edited by Wei Yuewang

Pic 5 Illustrated Catalog of Chinese Ancient Banknotes

northern plains, whichwere influential both at home and abroad. Although not given a title, Wei still devoted himself to the publication of the magazine. He was the actual leader of the editorial group who not only wrote a lot of articles but also sought support from all over the country. With dedicated support of Zhao Zhihua, then the president of the People’s Bank of China (Inner Mongolia branch) and who valued the culture of currency, Inner Mongolia Finance - Currency Special Issue (1 - 100) which had been published from 1983 to 2005 and had sold out were reprinted and republished in eight volumes from 2002 to 2005. The practice of republishing these old materials which had been gradually lost in predeeding two decades was praised by the numismatic world. Some pioneering materials are still very useful today. Following his father, Wei Juxian, the well-known historian, archeologist and numismatist during the Republic of China, Wei Yuewang got a job in the bank when he was in Chongqing and continued to collect and study coins. In 1942, he published the Guide Book of Ancient Coins.

Column 專欄

Pic 6 A letter and a seal from Wei Yuewang

After the foundation of the PRC, three of Wei Yuewang’s brothers and sisters went to Taiwan with their father, the remaining three stayed in the mainland (one of them had participated in the revolution). When Chongqing was liberated in 1949, Wei Yuewang’s father, Wei Juxian, donated over 1,000 types, about ten thousand ancient and folk relics, ancient coins, documents and books of the Qing dynasty and the Republic of China to the Southwest Military and Political Committee to express his support for the new government. His remaining collection of relics and books was later donated to the Southwest Library by his children. In her article in memory of his father，Wei Yuewang’s daughter, Wei Mengheng, said: “My father once donated ten thousand relics of his family to the government after the liberation and later donated over 1,000 ancient coins in 1956.” However, for some historical reasons, Wei Yuewang failed to be rewarded and suffered a great deal from several political activities, especially in the Cultural Revolution. He had to work as an unknown clerk in the banking system and stopped coin collecting and researching. The names of his children, Yu, Qin, Jin, Sui and Meng (all short forms of Chinese provinces) are a reflection of his wandering life. After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, and despite his age, Wei Yuewang was appointed as the executive director of the China Numismatic Society, the deputy secretary general and researcher of the Inner Mongolia Numismatic Society and made great contribution to the foundation of the China Numismatic Society and Inner

Mongolia Numismatic Society as well. The focus of the research work - ancient coins of four dynasties - was also determined by him. His Guide Book of Ancient Coins was signed and published by Qian Jiaju in (Pic 4,upper) and reprinted by the Henan Numismatic Society in 1989 (Pic 4, lower). Based on this book, the Inner Mongolia Numismatic Society published the Guide Book of Reign Titles. In 1987, the China Numismatic Society revised Wei’s original manuscript and reedited it into the Illustrated Catalog of Ancient Chinese Banknotes (Pic 5). This book had been used internationally for a long time, but is difficult to find in the market now. According to incomplete statistics, Wei Yuewang published 170 articles on coins and banknotes, about 3 million words in total. “handwritten materials and manuscripts that hadn’t been published reach several millions of words”. There are also many mimeographed copies of his hand-made stencil plates. In my memory, Mr. Wei was a down-to-earth, old man from Shaanxi. Over the years, he rode his bicycle to my home to visit and discuss coins and his research with me. Sometimes, I would visit his “small” house too. I once tried my best to recommend Wei Yuewang as a member of the Inner Mongolia Research Institute of Culture and History and the/a CPPCC member of Inner Mongolia when I worked as the deputy director of the Economic and Technical Committee of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. A letter and a seal from Mr. Wei is shown in Pic 6.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 147

Column 專欄

深切懷念著名錢幣學家衛月望先生李鐵生（呼和浩特）

呼和浩特往年的冬季寒冷乾燥。2018 年元月末尾這幾天卻飄起了難得的雪花。偶爾翻閱一本舊書，發現其中夾有 20 多年前美國史博祿先生（Bruce Smith）寫給衛月望先生的一封小信（圖 1）。不禁把我帶入深切懷念衛老的思念之中。時光飛逝，轉眼間衛老離開我們已經快 25 年了（1994 年病逝，時年 73 歲）。我與他前後有 10 多年的交往，點滴瑣事，油然湧上心頭。 1982 年我由英國進修回國。在英期間，深感錢幣收藏和研究是一項值得提倡的群眾文化活動。於是回國後便冒昧地給 1982 年 6 月成立的中國錢幣學會寫了封信，提了些粗淺的想法。不料中國錢幣學會回函：內蒙古衛月望先生曾在北京協助籌備中國錢幣學會成立工作，剛回呼和浩特，請與他直接聯繫。就這樣，我和衛老相識。一見如故，相見恨晚。起初，衛老曾有意建議我隨他進入中國歷史貨幣，特別是少數民族貨幣的領域。但我自感古文古史根底均差，英文基礎尚可，傾向於譯介外國錢幣工作。不料，他非常贊許說：

圖 1 1990 年史博祿先生給衛月望先生的一封信

這方面正缺人， “揚長避短” ，你就走這條路吧！在他的推薦下，我的小文《英國錢幣市場見聞》，刊載於《中國錢幣》1984 年第 2 期。這也是我專業領域外發表的第一篇錢幣文章。 1984 年，我通過在英國認識的魯賓遜（Dr. Michael Robinson）博士介紹衛月望先生加入東方錢幣學會（Oriental Numismatic Society，ONS），會員號是 871，他可能是中國大陸加入此會的第一人吧！記得會費要繳 40 美元，而當時國內個人換取外匯還很困難，幾經周折，方辦結此事。從此，衛老結識了法國的蒂埃裡（Francois Thierry，當時中文名陳明道，圖 2）、荷蘭的易仲庭（T.D.Yih）、美國的史博祿（Bruce Smith）、英國的克裡布（Joe Cribb）、蘇聯的伊沃奇金娜（Nina Ivochikina）等國外東方錢幣學家。

圖 2 1988 年陳明道來訪合影（左起：周錦章、衛月望、侯正邦、陳明道、李鐵生、杜金富）

衛老處理外文來往信件有些困難，我也幫點小忙。2002

送給他的書籍幾乎全轉送給我，包括史博祿送給他的《錢幣

年我在北京參加國際錢幣與銀行博物館第九屆年會時，有幸

字典和指南》和《錢幣問題與答案》（圖 3）。這兩本書雖屬

見到伊沃奇金娜，當我告訴她衛老已於 1994 年過世，不免黯

普及讀物，但對我早期編寫《世界硬幣趣談》也有一定幫助。

然神傷。想不到這位蘇聯老太太在 2004 年也去世了。 1986 年，衛老帶着《世界上現存最早紙幣 —— 中統元寶就這樣，我和衛老經常相互探討東方錢幣學會《通訊》

交鈔壹拾文》論文和中國錢幣學會張季琦、姚朔民、蔡明信、

（ONS Newsletter）中涉及的中國古錢問題。他把外國友人

內蒙古錢幣學會于化蛟一行 5 人參加在倫敦召開的第十屆國

148 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Column 專欄

際錢幣學術年會。該鈔系 1982 年清理呼和浩特東郊遼代萬部華嚴經塔（俗稱白塔）時，在第二層積土中發現的。紙質輪廓完整，字跡清晰可辨。首由呼和浩特市文物管理所卜揚武先生披露；繼由衛月望先生詳細考證其為世界上最早的紙鈔（公元 1269 年前；先于其他有八思巴文的中統元寶交鈔）。他的論文在會上引起強烈反響。我想這也許是中國大陸錢幣學家在世界錢幣會上的第一次精彩亮相吧！在衛老的主持下，1983 年《內蒙古金融》出版了《遼代貨幣專號》（創刊號）；1984 年出版了《元代貨幣專號》；1990 年擴編出版了《遼代貨幣論文選集》；1993 年擴編出版了《元代貨幣論文選集》。1985 年內蒙古錢幣研究會（後改名內蒙

圖 3 史博祿送給衛老的《錢幣字典和指南》和《錢幣問題與答案》

古錢幣學會）正式成立，一時人才濟濟。有：衛月望、喬曉金、陳乃雄、李逸友、楊繼曾（魯安）、周錦章、杜承武、李敦、張秀峰、張文芳、龐文秀、何林、李賡文等人，並得到區外名家唐石父、朱活、王貴忱、盛觀熙、鄒志諒、牛達生、蔣其祥、董慶煊等人的熱情支持。30 年後，上述同人大都作古，令人唏噓不已。從此，內蒙古錢幣學會便以遼、金、西夏、元四朝古錢，也正是內蒙古地區的少數民族貨幣作為主攻方向，在全國獨樹一幟，享有盛譽。《內蒙古金融·錢幣專刊》（特別是前 10 期）所刊載的文章不但渋及四朝古錢，而且不少是有關絲綢之路，特別是北方草原絲綢之路的開篇之作，對全國和海外均有重

圖 4 衛月望編著之《古錢索引》圖 5 《中國古鈔圖輯》

大影響。悉數捐贈給西南軍政委員會，其餘文物及書籍等後來也由衛老在刊物的籌辦中雖未具名擔綱，但傾其所知，全力

其子女捐贈給了西南圖書館。正如衛老女兒衛蒙珩在悼念

撰稿；並四方聯繫，內外求助，實為核心人物，功不可沒。在

文章中所述：“解放後，父親曾把家藏數萬件文物全部無償

重視錢幣文化的中國人民銀行內蒙古自治區分行行長趙志華

捐獻給國家，1956年又將1000余枚古幣再次無償捐獻。”

的大力支持下，從 2002 年開始，至 2005 年結束，將早已售

但由於歷史原因，在歷次政治運動中，特別是“文革”十年

罄的 1983-2005 年《內蒙古金融研究·錢幣專刊（1-100 期）》

浩劫中，衛老屢受衝擊，歷經磨難。多年在銀行系統作個默

分 8 輯重印出版。使 20 年間逐漸流失的歷史資料重新煥發

默無聞的小職員。不但中斷了至愛的家傳錢幣收藏研究，

光彩，得到全國錢幣界的一致贊許。不少具有開創性的研究資

也使自己的子女在學習工作中飽受影響。他的子女名中有

料，至今讀來仍字字珠璣，受益匪淺。

“渝”“秦”“晉”“綏”“蒙”等字，可一窺其顛沛流離之足跡。

衛老的父親衛聚賢先生是民國時代著名的歷史學家、考古學家和錢幣學家。他繼承家學，根底扎實。抗日戰爭時，衛

十一屆三中全會後，衛老 “老驥伏櫪，志在千里”，

老在重慶參加了銀行工作，酷愛錢幣收藏和研究，1942 年就

度過了一段 “夕陽紅” 歲月。他身為中國錢幣學會常務理

出版了《古錢索引》。

事、內蒙古錢幣學會副秘書長、副研究員，為中國錢幣學會籌建做了大量工作，也為內蒙古錢幣學會成立和建立 “四

中華人民共和國成立後，衛老的 6 個兄弟姊妹，一半

朝錢幣” 主攻方向立下汗馬功勞。他所著《古錢索引》

隨父去了臺灣，一半留在大陸（其中一位早年參加革命工

1984 年由千家駒先生題簽出版（圖 4上），1989 年河南省

作）。19 49年重慶解放好，衛聚賢先生為表示對新政府的

錢幣學會重印（圖 4 下）。1989 年內蒙古錢幣學會在此基

擁護和支持，將其多年收藏的近千種、近萬件古代文物和

礎上出版了《年號索引》。

民俗文物以及尚未整理的古錢、貨幣、清代和民國文獻等

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 149

Column 專欄

圖6

1987 年中國錢幣學會在衛老原稿基礎上編著出版了《中

錢幣學會：衛老病危。我即隨學會同人前往醫院探視，當時衛

國古鈔圖輯》（圖 5），長期用於對外交流，至今一書難求。

老已不能言語。未幾傳來噩耗， 1994 年 6 月 23 日衛老仙逝，

根據不完全統計，衛老發表出版的各類錢幣論文達 170 篇、

記得，我還受香港錢幣學會會長馬德和之托，代獻花圈致哀。

300 萬字， “未出版的手抄資料和書稿有數百萬言”，其中不少是他自己手刻蠟版的油印本。.

衛老去世後好幾年，因遺稿歸屬和子女工作安排之事，中國人民銀行和內蒙古錢幣學會曾多次與遺屬協調。我沒有參

衛老給我的印象是個禿頂的土裡土氣的山西小老頭。多年來，大多是他騎自行車來我家相敘。我也曾拜訪過他的

加，但略知似乎不很順利。不久前在孔夫子舊書網上得知衛老遺稿已流散出售，個別索價千元。

“蝸居”。當時我在內蒙古自治區政府任經濟技術委員會副主任，曾為推薦衛老為內蒙古文史館館員、內蒙古政協委員多方奔走呼籲。圖6為他給我的信劄一頁和鈐印。

衛老去世後多年，我曾有一次專程探望他的女兒衛紅梅。揀了幾本衛老遺存的外文書，留了些錢。得知他的孫輩有的找到了工作，有的上了大學，覺得可以告慰衛老在天之靈，黯

20 世紀 90 年代初，全國掀起“下海”熱潮。1992 年衛

然辭別。

老攜子赴台探親和學術交流。可能因對香港、臺灣氣候不適，在廣州病倒。回呼後，經確診為腦部腫瘤。1993 年夏轉赴山東淄博萬安醫院進行伽瑪刀放射治療，有所緩解。1994 年又入住呼和浩特市第三人民醫院。6 月份，衛老家屬通知內蒙古

150 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

斯人已去，音容猶存。我的思念也正如窗外飄揚的雪花：在盤旋，在飛舞，在融化，在消逝。

Column 專欄

A Study of Marco Polo Gold and Silver Sample Coins Zhang Zhengwen (Beijing) In the book Illustrated Catalog of Shenyang Mint there is a picture entitled ‘Officials of the Chinese Embassy in the USA accepting an Award’ in the front. This picture was taken when the Marco Polo gold and silver coins were selected as the most historically significant coin for the Coin of the Year Award in 1985. Along with this picture there is another picture showing the obverse and the reverse of a 10-gram Marco Polo gold coin (Pic 1). I happened to have this coin in my collection and, as the picture seemed a little strange to me, I took out my coin and compared it with the picture in the book. Through comparison I found the design in the photo was quite different from the coin in my collection. Eager to find the reason for this discrepancy I referred to a catalog officially published by the China Gold Coin Corporation and found that my coin was the same as the 10-gram gold coin officially issued and pictured in the catalog while the coin in Illustrated Catalog of Shenyang Mint book was not. I guess the reason is because there were other designs before the Marco Polo gold coin was officially issued the editors of The Shenyang Mint must have used the wrong file photo with a design which was not adopted. Recently, reports about patterns of the Marco Polo gold and silver coin have been seen on websites and in auction catalogs. To find out more information I started to collect materials and found seven significant traits. First, let me talk about the 10-gram Marco Polo gold coin specimens. According to relevant reports there are four 10-gram specimen types of the Marco Polo gold coin, including the one which appeared in the Shenyang Mint book. The other three patterns are as follows: Pic 1: The specimen of 10-gram Marco Polo gold coin in Illustrated Catalog of Shenyang Mint book. Pic 2: A specimen on the NGC website0 (NGC-3638800001) https://www.ngccoin.com/certlookup/3638800-001/ Pic 3: Another specimen on NGC’s website: (NGC-3157486008) https://www.ngccoin.com/certlookup/3157486-008/ Pic 4: The officially issued 10-gram Marco Polo gold coin. From these pictures we can infer the design process of the 10-gram Marco Polo gold coin. From the design of pattern of the Jiayu Pass in the Great Wall on the obverse, I think picture 1 might be the original design as this 1982 coin is completely different from the officially released version. The obverse of the coin in picture 2 is almost the same as picture 1, except for some adjustments to its overall layout and the removal of the distant mountains.

Pic 1 10g gold specimen illustrrated in Illustrated Catalog of Shenyang Mint

Pic 2 10g gold specimen of 1982 (23mm)

Pic 3 10g gold coin specimen of 1983 (23mm)

Pic 4 10g gold coin officially issued

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 151

Column 專欄

Analysis and Summary table of the Marco Polo 10-gram Gold Coin Specimen (Pic.1) Officially Released

ISSUE DATE

1983

Material

Quality

Refined

The picture of the specimen illustrated in The Shengyang Mint.

Specimen (Pic.2)

NGC 3638800-001

NGC 3157486-008

Bronze alloy

Refined

Weight

10g

6.1g

Diameter

23 mm

23mm

Purity

90%

Denomination

¥100

The pattern of this specimen is completely The pattern of the Jiayu different with that of the Pass and characters' coin officially issued, but Jiayu Pass almost the same as that of font of the date are Obverse of the Great the one in The Shenyang completely different Wall Mint,there're some with that of the coin adjustments to its overall officially issued. layout and the distant Parttern mountains are removed. Without the wave design at the bottom Marco Polo and the reverse with Reverse the denomination of Portrait "100 Yuan" has a mirror effect. Date on the coin

1983

Specimen (Pic.3)

The pattern is not very different from that of the coin officially issued, the ocean is removed from the outer ring and the size of the characters "100 Yuan" is smaller than that of latter one.

1982

Specimen (without picture or other relavant information) Mentioned in one of Mr. Huang Ruiyong's articles, but the item has never been seen.

Copper

¥100

The pattern is completely different with that of the coin official issued, but is similar to that of the specimen(Pic.2), but the Jiayu Pass has been removed from the outer ring.

The pattern is the same as that of the coin officially issued.

The pattern is not very The pattern is the same different from that as that of the coin of the coin officially officially issued. issued.

1983

1982

The date inscribed in the coin is also 1982. Picture 3 is not very different from picture 2 except for some small changes. The wall in picture 3 has been removed from the outer ring and the date has been changed to 1983. The reverse designs of three of the specimens are all Marco Polo’s head and there is almost no difference among them. The ocean in picture 1 is small and the denomination has a mirror effect. The size of the ocean in picture 2 is larger and the denomination is integrated into it. But the size of “100 元 ”, the denomination, is smaller than that in picture 4. As to picture 3, the design is almost the same as that of picture 4. All of these specimens are the 100 yuan denomination. Analysis and summary of 10-gram Marco Polo gold coin is shown in graph. There is only one type of the 22-gram Marco Polo silver sample coin (Pic 5). This coin once appeared at an auction

152 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

Pic 5 22g silver specimen (36mm) held by the Shanghai Orient International Company on January 16, 2010. According to the catalog this specimen is an off-metal specimen struck in 1983. Its designs on both sides are exactly the same as the officially released version. I think we still need more official documents to prove its authenticity.

Column 專欄

A 1-gram gold sample coin (NGC-2018479-001) and a 2-gram silver sample coin (NGC-2018479-002) have also been seen in the market before (Pic 6 and Pic 7). The biggest characteristic of these two coins is that the Marco Polo’s head on the reverse is almost the same as the officially issued coin while the obverse was made by a special die with only t wo Chinese characters, “ 樣幣”(sample coin). There is no nation, no date or denomination on the obverse. I think that official documents are needed to be direct evidence to prove if a specimen is real or not. Other books or files can only be used for reference purposes. When I tried to prove the authenticity of specimens in picture 2 and picture 3, I analyzed the design process of 10-gram Marco Polo gold coin based on official files instead of NGC’s certificates.

Of course, these analysis results are only my personal views for reference.

Pic 6 1g gold specimen (10mm)

Pic 7 2g silver specimen (15mm)

Currently, there are at least six types of Marco Polo gold and silver sample coins on the market. No other specimens of Chinese gold and silver coins have more than this. I think we coin collectors should work together to explain this situation, to dig into the stories of these specimens and to prove their authenticity. Views in this article are only my personal opinions and any [critical] comments are highly appreciated. I hope there will be more studies and research results relating to specimens in the future.

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 153

Column 專欄

“馬可·波羅金銀幣”樣幣的實證考略張正文（北京）

閑來無事，閱讀從友人處借來的《瀋陽造幣廠志》。翻看本書前面的彩頁時，一張題為“中國駐美國大使館人員代理接受獲獎證書”的照片引起筆者注意。這是一張“馬可 · 波羅金銀紀念幣”在1985年獲得“世界最有歷史意義紀念幣題材獎”時的頒獎照片，在這個領獎照片旁邊還附有這個項目

10克金幣的正背面彩照（見圖1）。由於筆者藏有這枚金幣，對它的浮雕設計還有些印象，感覺彩照上附帶的照片有些異樣，於是立刻找出藏品進行對照，發現它們與自己藏品的浮雕設計完全不同。為了搞清原因，筆者又翻開中國金幣總公司正式出版的圖錄對照（圖4）。查對的結果是：我的藏品與圖錄一致，而“廠志”選用的圖片與正式發行的10克金幣的這個設計過程中肯定還有過其他設計方案，而編寫“廠志”

圖1 10克金幣廠志樣幣（直径23毫米），馬可 · 波羅紀念幣

時錯誤使用了存檔照片。

代理接受獲獎證書

設計不符。分析原因一定是這套紀念幣的設計有個過程，在

1985年獲國際最佳歷史題材獎，圖為中國駐美國大使館人員

近些年，時常可以在拍賣會或網站上看到有關“馬可 · 波羅金銀幣”樣幣的一些報道和傳聞。為了搞清和研究這方面的情況，筆者開始收集這方面的資訊。經過努力，共收集到七種“馬可 · 波羅金銀幣”樣幣的資料或報道。首先看看“馬可 · 波羅10克金幣”樣幣。包括“廠志”刊出的照片，目前已經出現或有相關報道的這種金幣的樣幣共有

4種，其中的三種分別見以下幾張照片：圖1 “廠志”刊出的10克金幣樣幣；圖2 在 NGC 網站上出現的樣幣（NGC-3638800-001）；圖3 在 NGC 網站上出現的樣幣（NGC-3157486-008）；圖4 正式發行的10克金幣的照片。

圖2 10克金幣1982年號樣幣（直径23毫米）

從這幾張照片的順序似乎可以清楚看到“馬可 · 波羅10克金幣”的設計修改過程。先從正面圖案 “嘉峪關”的設計看， “圖

1”應該是最初的一個設計方案，它與正式發行的設計完全 “圖2”的正面與“圖1”大體相同，不同，鑄造年號是1982。只是山脈遠景被取消，同時對圖案整體佈局進行了調整，鑄 “圖3”與“圖2”基本相同，主要的調整部造年號為1982。分是嘉峪關城牆與邊部作了清邊處理，切除了城牆與圓邊的直接接觸，此時鑄造年號已經改為1983。從背面圖案“馬可 · 波羅頭像”的設計看，三種樣幣“頭像”

: 圖1”大海設計的設計雕刻大體相同，不同的變化主要是 “

154 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

圖3 10克金幣1983年號樣幣（直径23毫米）

Column 專欄

圖5 22克銀幣銅質樣幣（直径36毫米）

圖4 10克金幣正式發行幣（直径23毫米） “馬可 · 波羅10克金幣”樣幣與正式發行幣對照分析匯總表正式發行幣發行年代材質

1983

質量

精製

重量

10克

直徑成色面值

正面

鑄造年號

樣幣（圖2）

樣幣（圖3）

廠志圖片

NGC 3638800-001

NGC 3157486-008

青銅合金

精製

金

精製

90%

100元嘉峪關

黄瑞勇先生介紹，未见实物銅

23毫米 100元

與正式發行幣完全不同：嘉峪關不同、有群山遠景、國號字體排列及字型不同

100元

與正式發行幣的設計完與正式發行幣完全不同，與正式發行幣完全全不同，但與“廠志”幣但與圖2樣幣類似，其中相同接近，去掉了遠景山脈，嘉峪關城牆邊部做了清整體圖案佈局做了適當邊處理調整

下面無海浪設計，面值圖案基本相同，下部大與正式發行幣基本相同馬可 · 波羅 100元的底面為鏡面海無清邊處理，且100 頭像元面值略小 1983

樣幣（無圖片資料）

6.1克

23毫米

圖案

背面

樣幣（圖1）

1982

與正式發行幣完全相同

1983

1982

佈局較小，面值的底部為鏡面效果； “圖2”的大海設計佈局

晰。另外，判定樣幣的重要依據是官方文件佐證。由於 “圖1”

已經放大，面值的雕刻與大海混為一體，只不過面值“100

和“圖4”都出自官方檔案，屬中間設計過程的“圖2”和“圖

元”的大小與“圖4”對比，略顯瘦小； “圖3”的設計與“圖4”

3”判定為真實樣幣應該具有較大把握。

相比已經看不出明顯區別。同時需要說明的是這幾種設計方案的面值都是100元。

對“馬可 · 波羅10克金幣”的分析匯總見上表。

把正面圖案和背面圖案結合起來看， “馬可 · 波羅10克金幣”

關於“馬可 · 波羅22克銀幣”樣幣，目前上市的只有一種（見

的設計從1982年開始，到1983年正式發行，至少有過四個

圖5）。它曾上拍於2010年1月16日的“上海東方國際商品拍

設計方案和三次大的修改，而且這種修改過程的演變非常清

賣會”。據拍賣圖錄介紹，正背面的浮雕設計與正式發行的

The Eleventh Issue of JEAN 155

Column 專欄

銀幣完全相同，材質為銀幣銅樣 , 鑄造年號為1983。筆者

是在前後兩個官方檔案的基礎上，通過對“10克金幣”的設

認為，這枚樣幣的真實性也需官方檔進行佐證。

計演變過程進行分析推理。當然這些分析、看法也只是個人觀點。

另外， “1克金幣 ” 樣幣（NGC-2018479-001）和“2克銀幣”樣幣（NGC-2018479-002）也有在市面上出現（見圖

“馬可 · 波羅金銀幣”的樣幣目前在社會上已經出現至少六

6和圖7）。這兩枚樣幣的最大特點是，背面“馬可 · 波羅頭像” 種，是中國金銀幣出現樣幣最多的幣種。如何解釋這種現的浮雕設計與正式發行的金銀幣基本相同，但正面使用了特

象？如何對這些樣幣的真實性進行探究？如何挖掘這些樣幣

別製作的只帶有“樣幣”字樣的專用模具，沒有國名、鑄造

背後的故事，搞清它們的來龍去脈？還需錢幣界的有心之人

年號和面值，而且都經過 NGC 的鑒定。實際上，筆者的意

進行努力，筆者以上的分析和觀點只是個人認識，希望讀者

思是說，證明金銀幣的樣幣必須有官方檔和資料進行直接佐

提出批評討論，同時也希望這種研究不斷深入，並有更多的

證，其他說法只能用於參考，正像筆者對“圖2”和“圖3”

民間研究成果公諸於世。

樣幣的初步判定一樣，並沒有用 NGC 的鑒定打盒說事，而

圖6 1克金幣樣幣（直径10毫米）

156 《東亞泉志》第 11 期

圖7 2克銀幣樣幣（直径15毫米）

Shannxi Sycee 《陝西銀錠》 By Li Jiong

作者：李炯 Price (售價)：RMB ￥398

Shannxi Sycee was published by Shannxi Media Group’s Sanqin Press in July 2015. It was written by Mr. Li Jiong, a collector and researcher of Shannxi sycee from Yulin, Shannxi. Mr. Li collected 600 varieties of Shannxi sycee over a ten–year period and after comparing and analyzing many collections of Shannxi sycee, he decided that there was a need for a professionally researched book on the subject.

the silver currency of Shannxi Province. Mr. Dai remarked that “This book is a professional work of research of Shannxi sycee. Mr. Li has taken advantage of local sources in his research and has made a great achievement in numismatic research. It covers all development stages of Shannxi sycee including its infancy, development, widespread adoption and its final discontinuation.”

Mr. Li has classified Shannxi sycee into six categories: 50 taels boat-shaped ingots, officially minted sycee, commercially minted sycee, Shannxi stamp remittance ingots from other provinces, odd-shaped sycee, and a sixth ‘other’ group of sycee. This book comprehensively shows the conditions of the circulation of Shannxi silver currency in the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic Period. This book also examines the social conditions including politics, economics, culture, and customs of that period. The president of the Xi’an Branch of The People’s Bank China Guo Xinming and prominent collector Dai Zhiqiang both wrote prefaces for this book. They remarked that this book was a masterpiece of Shannxi numismatics and filled a space in the research of

The book is A4 size and is 260 pages long with two additional trifold pages. It is printed in full-color and is illustrated with good quality graphics of Shannxi sycee. It was published by Shannxi Media Group’s Sanqin Press in July 2015. Buy from website: www.coinsky.com/htm/shop/show. cgi?id=1648 (Note: the book is signed by the author) Contact: Mr. Li Jiong Cell Phone: 15529990006; 15667811786 Email: 1327978511@qq.com 五十兩船形銀錠、官鑄銀錠、商鑄銀錠、外省陝槽、陝西異形銀錠、存疑待考銀錠六大類，全面展示了清末民國時期陝西省白銀貨幣的通行現狀，側面反映了這一時期政治、經濟、文化、民俗等方面的社會面貌。本書由中國人民銀行西安分行行長郭新明、著名錢幣學家戴志強先生並序。郭序指出：《陝西銀錠》的出版，恰逢我國 “一路一帶”戰略構想提出之際，是陝西錢幣研究的又一力作，填補了陝西白銀貨幣研究的空白。戴序認為《陝西銀錠》是一部有關陝西地方銀錠的專譜、專著，李炯先生立足本鄉本土，充分利用和發揮地域優勢，十年磨一劍，揚長避短，求實務實，走了一條錢幣集藏研究的“捷徑”，一條成功之路。全書採用以文為主，以圖為輔的串聯方式，揭示陝西銀錠產生、發展、興盛、衰落的全過程。该書大 16 開本，126 克雅粉全彩精印，幣圖清晰逼真，共計 26 萬字，260 余頁，亦附三折拉圖兩幀。作者首次在銀錠圖片旁附陜槽銘文複原印章一方。圖文並茂，值得珍藏。

2015 年 7 月《陝西銀錠》由陝西出版傳媒集團三秦出版社正式出版發行。作者李炯先生是陝西榆林本鄉本土的銀錠收藏、研究者，他用十年時間，收藏了 600 餘種陝西銀錠。通過大量實物藏品的比對分析，作者首次提出建構陝西銀錠分類學研究，將陝西銀錠分類為：

錢幣天堂網發售登錄 www.coinsky.com/htm/shop/show.cgi?id=1648 可獲得作者簽名書聯絡人：李炯購書電話：15529990006；15667811786 郵箱：1327978511@qq.com

TOP CHINESE COINS 2nd Edition 《中國近代機製幣精品鑒賞》第二版 Price( 售價 )：US $100 Plus Postage( 不含郵費 )

In June 2010, Top Chinese Coins Vol. 1 was published by iAsure Group and the The Journal of East Asian Numismatics (JEAN). Top Chinese Coins Vol. 1 offers an in-depth summary of the final results from the Top Chinese Coins Survey, a landmark event held in winter 2009 to search for the 10 most valuable Chinese struck coins. Coins submitted for review were judged by their rarity, historical importance, artistic appeal, condition, market value and group identity. The deluxe bound book offered details on the Top Chinese Coins Survey as well as high-quality pictures, price trends, degrees of rarity and historical context of the 60 top Modern Chinese Coins.

Top Chinese Coins , Vol. 1 had a limited print run of 1000, leaving many numismatists and enthusiasts unable to purchase a copy of their own. In response to high demand, iAsure has made certain that the second volume which released in June 2011 will be available to a much wider audience. While Top Chinese Coins Vol. 1 included gold, silver and copper coins, the second volume highlights the great range of silver coins. It will also add summaries from auction sales that list pricing, degree of rarity, pedigree and grades. 2010年6月，愛秀集團和《東亞泉志》出版了《中國

版的基礎上出版第二版。第二版于2011年6月發行，相比

近代機製幣精品鑒賞》第一版。該書對60枚中國最頂級

第一版60枚錢幣囊括金幣、銀幣和銅元，第二版專注於

的近代機製幣進行了全面、深入、係統的研究與展現。

60枚中國近代機製銀幣，定名為《中國近代機製銀幣精

其內容涵蓋高清錢幣圖像、流傳脈絡、拍賣紀錄、市場

品鑒賞•銀幣版》 (簡稱《銀幣鑒賞》)。

趨勢、珍稀度解析和背景故事等，在錢幣業界引起巨大的轟動和反響，備受讚譽，被譽為“全景式展現中國珍稀機製幣的重要鑒賞書籍”。

由於頁面所限，第二版刊載60枚中國銀幣精品的重要資訊，在第一版的基礎上有多方面改進和加強。《銀幣鑒賞》在最受歡迎和好評的照片拍攝和排版下更多功

儘管因時間蒼促、經驗不足，書中存在一些缺陷和

夫，並提供更多詳細、準確和豐富的近期拍賣成交價格

錯誤，但仍得到讀者的肯定和欣賞。由於該書僅限量印

記錄、歷史評估、珍稀度和譜係說明。所有內容均為中

刷1000本，無法滿足廣大錢幣愛好者的需求。經多位資

英雙語，彩色精裝印刷。第一版中有關錢幣背景的“故

深錢幣專家、學者、收藏家建議，愛秀集團決定在第一

事閱讀”部分將以附件方式另行印刷成冊。

If required, please contact Champion Auction 如果需要請與我們聯繫冠軍拍賣公司 Tel:021-6213 0771 Email: jeanzg@163.com

Chopmarked Coins - A History 《戳記幣簡史》 Colin Gullberg 高林

Price ( 售價 ): US $50 Plus Postage ( 不含郵費 ) The book Chopmarked Coins- A History by Colin Gullberg is funded by iAsure Group. The softcover book is 187 pages in length, 210mm×285mm, fourcolor printing. It covers the history of foreign silver coins that circulated in China from 1600 to 1935 and contains images of some 150 coins. Gullberg includes firstperson accounts, summaries of all modern sources of knowledge on the subject and scans from a shroff’s handbook (circa 1890). It is the first English- language book on the subject since 1990 and only the second English language book on the subject.

愛秀集團贊助出版發行的戳記幣英文專著《戳記幣簡史》為軟裝本，正文內容187 頁，開本210mm×285mm，四色印刷，闡述了1600年至 1935年間中國流通的外國戳記銀幣概況，作者高林先生採用第一人稱敘述，總結了現代有關戳記幣的詳盡知識，並配有某錢莊的手冊（約1890年）掃描插圖和150多張戳記幣高清圖片。本書是1990年之後的第一本戳記幣英文專著，也是有史以來的第二本戳記幣英文專著。

Chinese And Foreign Papermoney Errors 《華洋怪鈔—中外錯體紙幣賞析圖鉴》 David Chio 趙康池 Aguang Chan 陳耀光

Price ( 售價 )：MOP $300; RMB 240; US $30 Plus Postage ( 不含郵費 ) In December 2015, this book was released by Macau Numismatic Society and edited by David Chio and Aguang Chan. A total of 1,000 copies was printed, 200 in hard cover and 800 soft cover. The book is 323 pages of full color A4 size 210×285 mm and features over 300 error notes and 800 photos. Notes from Chin dynasty to modern times and more than 10 countries and region is covered. The books also cover causes of errors, background information on the printing process and authenticity of errors. This is the first book in Chinese to feature this type of information on error notes and its collection.

该书由澳門錢幣學會於2015年 12月出版，趙康池、陳耀光編著。印行1000冊，其中精裝本200冊，平裝本800冊。是書全彩精印，小 A4开本，210mm×285mm，323 頁，選錄了中外錯體紙幣300多種，圖片800多張，涵蓋中國自清末到現今使用的紙幣，涉及中外十多個國家和地區。本書對中外錯體、錯版、變體等紙幣的成因、歷史背景和辨偽，實事求是地作了係統的、科學的分析與歸納，並介紹了印鈔基本步驟和印鈔過程中所產生的“另類”紙幣，補充了不少紙幣收藏的基礎知識。可以說，本書是首本對錯體紙幣進行全方位論述的著作。

If required, please contact Champion Auction 如果需要請聯繫冠軍拍賣公司 Tel: 021-6213 0771 Email: jeanzg@163.com

Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China (Volume 1-5), edited by Wang Shihong, a famous Chinese gold and silver coins collector has been issued recently. This series of books were published by Encyclopedia of China Publishing House (ECPH), supervised by Coin Collection Committee, the branch of China Association of Collectors(CAC), and printed by Shanghai Artron Graphic Arts Company Limited. Ma Delun, former deputy governor of the People’s Bank of China, wrote the forward, and Dai Zhiqiang, the first curator of China Numismatic Museum, wrote a report for this series. When it comes to the main purpose of this book, the chief editor Wang Shihong says, “It is hoped that this series of books can provide relevant knowledge of modern gold and silver coins in China comprehensively and systematically and carry forward the excellent culture of our motherland, so that readers can have a more particular knowledge of the history and connotations of gold and silver coins, and better appreciate their artistic value.” He also hopes to attract more enthusiasts to participate in the investment and collection of gold and silver coins, gradually expand the size of collecting team, improve the brand effect of Chinese gold and silver coins and enhance their influence at home and abroad in order to realize a faster development of Chinese gold and silver coin industry.” Writing this series of books, Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China (Volume 1-5), is a systematic project, so we set up the expert advisory committee and the editorial board. It took the Chinese professional elite team more than five years to compile these books. This series of books reveal the development of modern precious metal coins in China through the exclusive interviews with the decision-makers, designers, carvers, and coin collectors, as well as a large number of firsthand information rarely known by the people. This series of books is an encyclopedia of modern precious metal coins in China. With unique academic perspective and simple words, this series gives a full explanation of processes of project selection, design, production and so on, and also

Contact Information (for purchasing purposes): Domestic

Shanghai Hong’an Culture Communication Co. Ltd. Pay before delivery. Payment should be remitted to Hongkou subbranch of Shanghai branch of the Bank of Communications. The post office remittance is also acceptable. Account Number: 310066030018170238495 Contact Person & Phone Number: Luo Fei, 17717536767

International Price: 160USD (without postage)

Contact Person: Champiom Auction Phone Number: 021-62130771 Email: championghka@gmail.com

Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China (Volume 1-5)

Wang Shihong, chief editor of Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China

make an intensive study of their cultural value, collectiing characteristics of precious metal coins. As a combination of authority, historical events, groovy knowledge, artistry, technicality, and readability, Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China, not only serves as references for academic researchers and financial workers, but also as a standard work showing modern precious metal coins in China from an overall perspective for collectors of gold or silver coins. This series is 235mm X 290mm in size, octavo, with, composed of 5 volumes, containing about 2.5 million words and 2,000 pictures which are all exquisitely printed according to the original drawings. All the Chinese modern precious metal coins issued by People’s Bank of China from 1979 to 2014 are included in these books. Besides, related materials, such as the development history of modern precious metal coins in China, comparison table of classified catalog of modern precious metal coins in China, and materials about gold or silver coins, are also recorded in appendix. In order to promote the spread and popularization of professional knowledge of gold or silver coins and to release the readers’ economic burden, the chief editor, Wang Shihong takes the compilation, publication of this series of books as a public welfare undertaking. Expenses, such as compiling and management expenses, all come from selfless devotees who are interested in Chinese gold or silver coins. Therefore, the price of these 5 books is 160 USD (without postage), containing only costs of publication, printing, and issue. At the same time, the brass commemorative medal designed by the famous designer Luo Yonghui for the issue of Appreciation of Modern Precious Metal Coins in China will also be issued at the price of 450RMB for each.

學術性和可讀性於一體，不僅是學術研究者和金融工作者完整的參考資料，也是金銀幣收藏者全面瞭解中國現代貴金屬幣全貌的權威著作。《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》叢書的尺寸為 235mm X 290mm，8 開，全套共 5 本，約 250 萬字，累計有近兩千餘幅圖片 ( 所有金銀紀念幣圖譜均按原大精印 )。《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》收錄了 1979——2014 年中國人民銀行發行的所有中國現代貴金屬紀念幣，而且還在附錄部分刊載了“中國現代貴金屬幣發展簡史”、中國現代貴金屬幣分類目錄對照表及金銀帀相關資料等。

《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》主編王世宏先生由中國大百科全書出版社出版，中國收藏家協會錢幣收藏委員會監製，上海雅昌藝術印刷有限公司承印，中國人民銀行讀後感，中國著名金銀幣收藏家王世宏主編的《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》( 第 1—5 冊 ) 已經出版發行。

負擔，王世宏主編把該書的編寫與發行當作一項公益事業來做，所有編寫費用、管理費用等，全部由熱心中國金銀幣事業的無私奉獻者捐贈解決，書價只含出版、印刷、發行等費用，全書五冊定價僅 950 元（國際售價 160 美金，不含郵費）。同時，還發行由著名設計大師羅永輝設計的《中國現代貴金屬帀賞析》發行紀念大銅章，每枚定價 450 元。

王世宏主編在談及組織編寫《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》主要目的時表示：希望通過本書全面、系統地介紹中國現代金銀幣的相關知識，弘揚祖國優秀文化，使廣大讀者能進一步瞭解金銀幣的歷史和內涵，提高大家對其藝術價值的賞析能力，以吸引更多的愛好者參與金銀幣的投資與收藏，逐步擴大金銀幣的集藏隊伍，提高中國金銀幣的品牌效應和海內外影響力，促進中國金銀幣事業的更快發展。編寫《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》是一項系統工程，為此，成立了專家顧問委員會、編輯委員會，由中國專業精英團隊耗時 5 年多時間精心編著。全書通過對決策者、設計師、雕刻師、以及錢幣收藏家們的專訪，以大量鮮為人知的第一手資料，揭示了中國現代貴金屬幣的發展脈絡與軌跡。《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》以其獨特的學術視角，樸素的敘述文字，多角度、全方位地展示了中國現代貴金屬幣的選題立項、設計雕刻、工藝製作等過程，同時在文化價值、收藏屬性等方面做了較為深入的探討，是中國現代貴金屬幣資訊資料的百科大全。

國內欲購者請與上海宏盎文化傳播有限公司聯繫，款到發貨書款請匯交通銀行上海分行虹口支行或郵局匯付賬號 310066030018170238495 聯絡人：駱飛電話：17717536767 國外

售價：160 美元（不包含郵費）欲購者請與冠軍拍賣上海辦事處聯繫電話：15000120957 郵箱：championghka@gmail.com

冊）發行 1—5

原副行長馬德倫作序，中國錢幣博物館首任館長戴志強撰寫

為了利於金銀帀專業知識的傳播和普及，降低廣大讀者經濟

《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》第 (

《中國現代貴金屬幣賞析》集權威性、史料性、知識性、藝術性、

Unofficial Banknotes Issued in Jiangxi Province By Xu Anmin Price ：RMB ￥298 Unofficial Banknotes Issued in Jiangxi Province was written by prominent paper money collector Xu Anmin, and was published in December 2014 by Jiangxi People’s Press, with the support and planning of the Jiang Xi Banking Industry. The unofficial banknotes cataloged in this book were issued by local administrative agencies, banks and organizations (such as local armed forces, cooperatives) etc. The face value of these paper notes was the same as that of the national legal currency which was circulated in some defined regions. The book is illustrated with pictures of 185 of the banknotes issued in Jiangxi Province, of which 25 were issued in the Qing Dynasty, 11 by local administrative agencies, 15 by local armed forces, 19 by chambers of commerce, and 88 by money houses and business houses. In addition, there are 21 local gold dollar coupons, 4 silver coupons, and 2 special money. Additionally, there are about 30 printing blocks and anticounterfeiting seals. The 200 physical coupons are from the author’s collection. This is the first time these precious coupons, some of which are unique, have been published.

comments were mainly on the collectors’ errors, value,

The book is divided into the following sections:

star-rating, collection methods, current existing condition and personal target.The postscript presents author ’s 20

the foreword, brief introduction, catalog, comments,

years collecting experience, his star-rating and calculating

references and postscript.The guide defines the scope

method, which will help collectors.The references include

and the time of the research and collecting and the

the relative historical resources, monographs and research

definition of unofficial banknotes. This is the first time

articles from modern times.In additional, the author

these banknotes have been categorized according to their

verified the authenticity of physical bonds which need to

different features. A brief introduction was also given

be proved. He also wrote another two articles about the paper money: “The Research of Banknotes Issued by Wu

to each chapter of the book.The General Introduction includes features, the development of unofficial banknotes, the rise of collecting these notes and the research achievements for unofficial banknotes. The pictures of the banknotes, local gold coupons ( 金圆券 ), local silver coupons ( 银圆券 ), special money, printing blocks and anti-counterfeiting seals are illustrated in the book. The book comprehensively describes each physical coupon of the banknotes. Many ancient stories were discovered such as the words of celebrities, family rules, poetry and prose from the script and pattern of the banknotes.The

Zheng-Yuan Private Bank of JianYi (Feng Cheng City) ”, and “Remark on 1896 Banknotes Issued by Kiangsi Official Silver Bank Again ”. This book is 281 pages long and has more than 300 colorful pictures of the banknotes. It is printed in A4 size on colorful bronze paper with a fine binding. It is a professional book for collecting and researching the unofficial banknotes issued in Jiangxi. It is sold by Xinhua Book Stores all over the country at a price of 298 yuan.

《江西民間鈔票》作者：徐安民售價：RMB ￥298

在江西省銀行業的精心策劃和組織下，由國內著名

特點、發展階段、民間鈔票收藏的興起及研究成果；圖

纸币收藏家徐安民先生撰寫的《江西民間鈔票》2014

錄，囊括清代錢莊鈔票、行政機構鈔票、地方武裝鈔票、

年 12 月由江西人民出版社出版發行。該書收集的實物

商會鈔票、錢莊商號鈔票、地方金圓券、地方銀元券、

函括清代至民國時期江西省境內地方行政機構、團體組

特殊幣、鈔版及印章等實物。本章節還對各不同時期民

織及各錢莊商號等發行的紙幣。主要包括錢莊、地方基

間鈔票進行了扼要綜述，對收錄的每張實物券進行了專

層行政機構、地方武裝組織、合作社、商會、商號及其

業點評，并根據鈔票上的各類文字圖案挖掘出大量中國

他機構組織發行的紙幣，且在一定社會區域與國家法定

古代名人格言、家訓及詩賦等歷史典故；收藏感悟，梳

貨幣等值流通的鈔票。全書共收集到江西民間鈔票圖片

理了民間鈔票收藏者的誤區、民間鈔票的收藏價值、星

185 張，其中清代鈔票 25 張，基層行政機構鈔票 11 張，

級評定、收藏模式與現狀及個人定位。收藏感悟係作者

地方武裝鈔票 15 張，商會鈔票 19 張，錢莊商號鈔票

20 多年收藏實踐經驗的親身感悟和思想提煉，并創造

88 張，地方金圓券 21 張，地方銀元券 4 張，特殊幣 2 枚。

性的提出了“星級別評定”的方法和計算方式，對收藏

另有，鈔版及防偽印章 30 余件。書中所錄選的 200 多

愛好者有着極大的啟發和幫助；參考文獻，主要收錄近

件實物券，均來自作者 20 多年的私人收藏品。在這些

代江西民間鈔票相關的史料、專著以及研究文章等。此

紙幣實物券中絕大多數為首次披露，極其珍貴，有些實

外，作者對收藏圈里頗有爭議和影響的實物券進行詳細

物券屬孤品或僅見品。

考證，并專門撰寫《劍邑吳正元錢號票考略》和《光緒丙申年“江西官銀號”銀錢票再議》等文章，提出作者

全書主要由凡例、概述、圖錄、收藏感悟、參考文

觀點，供讀者參閱。該書圖文并茂，大 16 開本，全彩

獻及後記等構成。凡例，確定了本書收集和研究的範圍

銅牌紙印刷，精裝幀，281 頁，300 多幅實物原大彩圖，

及上下年限，完整地闡述了民間鈔票的科學定義，首次

是一本集史料性、實物性、知識性、專業性為一體的近

按照民間鈔票的不同性質進行分門歸類，并對各章節進

代江西民間鈔票收藏與研究的工具書。該書由全國新華

行了簡要介紹和說明；概述，包括江西民間鈔票的主要

書店經銷，定價 298 元。

PRESS RELEASE:

Artist Yu Min Was Given the Lifetime Achievement Award by Krause Publication Coin of the Year Award Committee

Editor of World Coin News David C. Harper (L.) and Chinese Embassy Culture Department Secretary Dr. Li Gang

Shanghai Mint Co., Ltd senior designer Yu Min is watching CCTV News live

A Lifetime Achievement Award in Coin Design was given to Yu Min of the Shanghai Mint Co., Ltd., Feb. 4 at the Coin of the Year Award ceremony at the World Money Fair in Berlin, Germany.

He began designing and engraving coins in 1980 and participated in the entire development process of gold and silver Pandas as a designer and engraver since the frst gold panda coin was issued in 1982.

The trophy was accepted by Dr. Li Gang, Secretary of the Culture Department of Embassy of Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Republic of China to the Federal Republic of Germany.

His 1983 silver Panda won the Best Silver Coin award in the 1985 Coin of the Year competition. He has designed and engraved over 200 Modern Chinese coins including over 40 commemorative Panda coins, including the 2005, 2006, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2012 and 2013 gold and silver commemorative Panda coins, over the years. Mr Yu Min may hold the world record for the number of coins designed/engraved by a artist for a modern mint.

Yu Min is the first Asian Designer to win the award , the previous three edition of the award went to Herbert Wahner of Austria, Maria Carmela Colaneri of Italy, and Heinz Hoyer and Sneschana Russewa-Hoyer of Germany. Giving the award was David C. Harper, editor of World Coin News, founding sponsor of the award. The award is also sponsored by the World Money Fair. The publisher of the Journal of East Asian Numismatics, Michael Chou, introduced Dr. Li. His publication is the third sponsor of the Coin of the Year Awards and it prepared a biography of Yu Min. Yu Min graduated from Shanghai Arts and Crafts School inAugust 1980 and entered the Shanghai Mint (now known as the Shanghai Mint Co., Ltd) to design and to engrave coins in the design and pattern shop at the same year. From February to June 1996 he went to Russia and studied in the Sculpture Department of Repin Academy of Fine Arts. He was enrolled as a member of the China Sculpture Institute in July 2004.

The 2009 Panda coin designed by Yu Min was named the Best Commemorative Coin by a German magazine. Among commemorative coins, he designed and engraved the portrait of Chairman Mao on the circulating coin to Mark the 100th birthday of Mao Tse-tung. It was very diffcult to engrave a raised image of the chairman to be struck on a very hard nickelclad steel coin. Yu Min accomplished this after repeated trials. In the selection process of the 2008 Beijing Olympic coins, Yu Minâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s design was one of the finalists and his four joint engraving designs (the fencing, pentathlon, archery and soccer coins) were adopted by the head offce of Bank of China.

AUCOFFRE.COM was founded in 2009 by its French CEO and founder, Jean-François FAURE. AuCoffre.com is an online platform for private investors worldwide to buy and sell vault stored gold and silver coins. The Company has some 20,000 customers, 4 tons of vaulted gold, 11 tons of vaulted silver, 25 employees and a turnover of 35 millions euros worth in 2015. At the end of 2011, AuCoffre.com decided to strike its own coin, one oz fine gold Vera Valor (with a title of 999.9%°). It has been the gold coin the most sold in France, Belgium and Switzerland in 2012. More than 35,000 Vera Valor coins have been sold since it was launched. Since then, AuCoffre.com decided to diversify its production and started to strike various editions of Vera coins (1/10 oz gold Vera Max Collector, 1 oz Vera Silver and so on …). More than 400,000 Vera Coins have been struck since its initial creation, which makes VeraValor.com the first private Mint in France. In 2015, AuCoffre.com decided to strike a Map Coin Collection promoting small territories. The Company started to strike the first legal tender Vera Silver one ounce Zanzibar with a facial value of 1000 shillings of Tanzania (50,000 coins). These coins were sold quite quickly and the customers were even asking for further editions. Gibraltar is the second territory to be represented : 50,000 one oz Vera Silver and 5,000 one oz Vera Valor will be struck with legal tenders. In 2013, AuCoffre.com launched the VeraCash, the first and unique debit card that is backed by physical gold, the Vera Valor - unlike other debit cards that are backed by cryptocurrencies or dematerialised currencies. For the VeraCash, it is the physical gold that will determine the exact amount spent based on the gold price. Through the VeraCash card and the mobile application, it is also possible to send VeraCash units to another user as a means of payment : a VeraCash unit equals one unit of the national currency. VeraValor.com and VeraCash.com wish to put forward the true values of physical gold and silver whether in physical coins or as a means of p ayment.

Mish International Monetary Inc. Mish國際錢幣公司 Specialists in 專營 Pandas since 1982 1982年起發行的熊貓幣 China Modern since 1979 1979年起發行的中國現代金銀幣 World Coins since 1964 1964年起專營世界錢幣

Looking To Buy?想買？ Our inventory and knowledge has been available to both our colleagues and collector clients since coins of the People’s Republic of China first reached the world market in 1979. 自1979年中國現代金銀幣首次進入國際市場后，Mish 國際的員工及其藏家客戶積累了豐富的庫存和專業的錢幣知識。

If you are looking for a particular China coin, chances are we have it, or may be able to recover it from an original buyer we sold it to years ago at first distribution. 想買中國幣？我們或許恰好有；也許多年前我們賣過，現在或許還能從原始買家手中買回來。

Looking To Sell?想賣？ In this world of instant experts and brokers, Mish International is still your best choice to handle the purchase of your prized coins in this fast-changing market. Well-capitalized, truly knowledgeable and accommodating, we buy both single pieces and major collections at fair value with no delay, no limits and no excuses. 瞬息萬變的市場環境，Mish 國際仍是助您銷售錢幣的最佳選擇。雄厚的資金實力，專業的錢幣知識，出色的協調能力，我們同時收購單枚幣和大型收藏，價格合理，快速付款。

Since 1964 始於1964

Here today. Here tomorrow 攜手今日共贏明天 Mish International Monetary Inc Mish國際錢幣公司 1154 University Drive Menlo Park, CA 94025, USA 美國加州門羅帕克大學路1154號，郵編94025 Phone(電話):(650) 324-9110 Email(電郵):robert@mishinternational.com

Stack’s Bowers and Ponterio Presents Featured Highlights from

The August 2018 Hong Kong Auction August 6-9, 2018 | The Mira Hong Kong View all lots and bid online at StacksBowers.com

CHINA. Kiangsu. Shanghai. Tael, Year 6 (1856). PCGS AU-50 Secure Holder.

CHINA. Hupeh. Tael, Year 30 (1904). PCGS MS-62+ Secure Holder.

CHINA. Pattern Dollar, ND (1910). PCGS MS-62 Secure Holder.

CHINA. Pattern Dollar, ND (1914). PCGS SP-63 Secure Holder.

CHINA. Yunnan. 5 Dollars, ND (1925). NGC MS-62.

CHINA. Anhwei. 7 Mace 2 Candareens (Dollar), CD (1898). PCGS MS-62 Secure Holder.

CHINA. Chihli (Pei Yang). 7 Mace 2 Candareens (Dollar), Year 33 (1907). NGC MS-63.

CHINA. Pattern 10 Cash, ND (1914). PCGS SP-62 BN Secure Holder.

CHINA. 20 Dollars, Year 8 (1919). PCGS MS-62 Secure Holder.

THAILAND. 1000 Baht, (1951). NGC MS-61.

THAILAND. Pattern 4 Baht, ND (1868). NGC PROOF-58 BN.

CHINA-PROVINCIAL BANKS. Anhwei Province Military Note. 1 Yuan, 1917. P-Unlisted. PCGS GSG Good 6 Details.

Contact us for more information today! Telephone: 852.2117.1191 Email: infoHK@StacksBowers.com Web: www.StacksBowers.com CHINA-EMPIRE. Ta Ching Government Bank. 5 Dollars, 1908. P-Unlisted. Specimen. PCGS GSG About Uncirculated 50. Details.

Government of the British Solomon Islands. 10 Shillings, 27.7.1921. P-2a. PMG Very Fine 20 Net. Restoration.

Unit 1603, 16/F, Miramar Tower, No. 132 Nathan Road • Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon, Hong Kong Telephone: 852.2117.1191 Email: infoHK@StacksBowers.com 1231 East Dyer Road Ste 100, Santa Ana, CA 92705 info@StacksBowers.com • StacksBowers.com • 949.253.0916 California • New York • New Hampshire • Hong Kong • Paris

THE NUMISMATIC INDUSTRY LEADER SINCE 1960

WORLD’S #1 RESOURCE FOR

COIN & PAPER MONEY COLLECTORS & INVESTORS

BEIJING INTERNATIONAL COIN EXPOSITION: THIS NOVEMBER, VISIT US AT THE BEIJING INTERNATIONAL COIN EXPOSITION TO RECEIVE A SPECIAL EDITION COPY OF COIN WORLD.

COIN WORLD BEIJING SPECIAL EDITION:

CHECK OUT LAST YEAR’S BEIJING SPECIAL EDITION: HTTPS://BIT.LY/2IHCVW1

COIN WORLD MARKETPLACE LAUNCHES:

PLEASE VISIT OUR NEW ONLINE EXPERIENCE — THE COIN WORLD MARKETPLACE — YOUR ONE-STOP DESTINATION TO RESEARCH, BUY AND SELL COINS:

COINWORLD.MARKET

F O R T H E L AT E S T C O I N C OV E R A G E , V I S I T

COINWORLD.COM

New Polish Dealer selling on MA-Shops 波蘭 Podlaski Gabinet 錢幣公司在 MA-Shops 網站上線

Podlaski Gabinet 公司簡介： Marek Melcer’s Podlaski Gabinet Numizmatyczny has been oficially established in the year 2000. From the beginning our company’s main mission has been aimed at reliable coin evaluation and coin grading. Since 1999 we have organised fifteen professional numismatic auctions together with the Poznanski Dom Aukcyjny. Throughout all these years, we have gained a substantial experience in the coin trade and coin grading. We are the first Polish company (and the only one in three) invited to join a prestigious German Organization Der Verband der deutschen Münzenhändler e.V affiliating associations that deal with only licensed numismatic sales. We help collectors in creating and building up their coin collection. We are in close partnership with many numismatic companies and auction houses both in the country and abroad. What is more, we are actively present at the majority of important exchanges and numismatic auctions. It allows us to professionally represent our clients and purchase numismatic items on their behalf and with the highest level of expertise. Visit the shop: https://www.ma-shops.com/podlaski/

馬雷克·梅爾徹爾的 Podlaski Gabinet 錢幣公司成立於 2000 年。自一開始我們公司便主營真實可信的錢幣鑒定和評級業務。 1999 年，我們和波茲南斯基拍賣行一起辦了 15 場專業錢幣拍賣會。這些年來，我們已經在錢幣交易和錢幣評級方面獲得了大量的經驗。我們是唯一一家波蘭公司（三家中的唯一一家），受邀加入著名的德國錢幣機構——德國硬幣經銷商協會，只從事授權錢幣的交易。我們幫助收藏家創建他們的錢幣收藏集，和國內外諸多錢幣公司和拍賣行有密切合作。更重要的是，我們積極地參加大多數重要的錢幣交流會和拍賣會。這讓我們擁有高水準的錢幣專業知識，專業代表我們的客戶選購錢幣。流覽網店：https://www.ma-shops.com/podlaski/

Nice coins offered by this dealer 優質品相錢幣在售：

August II Thaler 1717, Dresden mint. US $4,150.00 Silver 45 mm, weight 29,30 g. Catalogue References: Kopicki 11119 R4, Kaminski 629, Gumowski 2106 Very attractive and rare thaler minted to commemorate the death of the mother of Frederick Augustus I, Anna Sophia. 1717 年奥古斯特二世 1 泰勒，德累斯顿造币厂 4,150.00 美元银质，直径 45 毫米，重量 29.30 克目录参考：科皮斯克 11119 R4，卡明斯基 629，顾莫乌斯基 2106。非常受欢迎的一枚珍稀泰勒，纪念弗雷德里克·奥古斯塔斯一世的母亲安娜索菲亚的逝世。

1/2 Rouble 1819 NC RUSSIA US $3,500.00 Weight: 10.36 g Diameter: 28.00mm Catalogue References: Bitkin 163, KM C# 129. Condition: Scarce in this condition. 1819 年 1/2 卢布，俄罗斯北卡罗来纳 3,500.00 美元重量 10.36 克，直径 28.00 毫米目录参考：比特金 163，KM C# 129。品相：罕见。

German New Guinea 5 Marks 1894 2,125.00 US$ Weight: 27.77 g Diameter: 38.00 mm Catalogue References: KM 5 1984 年德属新几内亚 5 马克 2,125.00 美元

Australia 100 dollars 2010 P. High Relief Koala 1,650.00 US$ Weight: 31.10 g Diameter: 27.00 mm Catalogue References: KM 1469. Diameter 27 mm, 1 Oz. Gold. Certificate PCGS PR 69 DCAM, scarce, low mintage 2000 pcs. Proof – High Relief

重量 27.77 克，直径 38.00 毫米

2010 年澳大利亚高浮雕考拉 100 澳元

目录参考：KM 5

1,650.00 美元重量 31.10 克，直径 27.00mm 目录参考：KM 1469。直径 27 毫米，1 盎司金币。 PCGS 证书 PR69 DCAM，稀有，铸币量少至 2000 枚，高浮雕精制币

Stater Kingdom of Macedon US $2,500.00 Ancient Greece. Kingdom of Macedon. Philip II 359-336 BC. Gold 17 mm, weight 8,58 g., Amphipolis mint. Obverse: Laureate head of Apollo right. Reverse: Charioteer driving biga right, holding kentron in right hand, reins in left; ivy leaf below horses. Catalogue references: Le Rider 70. 马其顿王国斯塔特 2,500.00 美元古希腊，马其顿王国，菲利普二世（公元前 359-336）金质，直径 17.00 毫米，重量 8.58 克，安菲波利造币厂正面：阿波罗的戴桂冠头像，侧面向右反面：御者右手持肯特隆显微硬度计，左手握缰绳，驾驶战车，向右前行。战马下方为常春藤叶。参考目录：骑士 70

OPEN YOUR MA-SHOP and sell to 300.000 collectors. 打开 MA-SHOP 网站，向 300,000 收藏家出售钱币吧！

East Asia Journal 1984 Issue 《東亞通寶》第 1 期 1984 年發行

First Issue of JEAN digital edition January 2016 Issue 《東亞泉志》電子雜誌第 1 期 2016 年 1 月發行

入會申請表 Application Form 申請日期 Application date：申請會員類別：

本地會員 Macau Member

Membership applied for:

外地會員 Non Macau Member

姓名 Name：

性別 Gender：

證件號碼 ID No.：

出生日期 Date of Birth：

（中文及外文）

住址 Add.：

職業 Occupation：

錢幣收集範圍 Interst：

聯絡電話 Phone Number：

繳納會費：

會費新會員需交付：入會費 MOP500.00 New membership fee: MOP 500.00

本會宗旨：團結錢幣愛好者，推動錢幣之收藏及研究介紹人 Referee：（需我會兩位成員推薦 two members of the Society）會員姓名編號 Member No：會員姓名編號 Member No：此欄由澳門錢幣學會填寫 (Filled by the Society only)：新會員入會日期：新會員編號： 1）新會員需認同本會宗旨。 New members should comply with the Society regulations. 2）入會申請人需填妥本申請表、交 1 張相片及繳納相關入會費用。 Please attach one photo and pay the membership fee. Add: AV. DR. RODRIGO RODRIGUES. 600E-P105 FIRST INTERNATIONAL COM. CENTER, MACAU Tel: (853)2833 4556 Fax: (853)2830 4772 Email: dcdesign@macau.ctm.net

地址：澳門羅理基博士大馬路 600E-1 樓 P105 室電話：(853)2833 4556 傳真：(853)2830 4772 Email：dcdesign@macau.ctm.net

余敏榮獲克勞斯出版社世界硬幣大獎評委會頒發的終身成就獎

《世界錢幣新聞》主編 David C. Harper（左）和中國駐德國大使館文化部秘書李剛

上海造幣有限公司高級工藝美術師余敏在觀看 CCTV 新聞頻道

本屆世界硬幣大獎頒獎典禮於 2 月 4 日在德國柏林的世界錢

1993 年獲工藝美術師任職資格，並被聘為工藝美術師。2004

幣展上舉行。本屆的世界硬幣大獎錢幣設計終身成就獎的獲

年 7 月，被中國雕塑學會吸收為會員。

得者是上海造幣有限公司的設計雕刻師——余敏。余敏從 1980 年從事錢幣設計雕刻至今已 30 年，從 1993 年聘中華人民共和國駐德意志聯邦共和國大使館文化部秘書——

為工藝美術師至今也已 23 年。從 1982 年發行第一枚熊貓金

李剛代表獲獎者領獎並發表獲獎感言。

幣起，至今已有近三十年歷史。余敏作為設計雕刻人員參與並見證了熊貓金銀幣發展的整個過程。

余敏是首位獲得這項大獎的亞洲錢幣設計師，前三屆終身成就獎的獲得者分別是：奧地利的赫爾伯特 • 韋納、義大利的瑪

由余敏設計雕刻的 1983 版熊貓銀幣獲得了 1985 年世界硬幣

利亞 • 卡梅拉 • 柯蘭納瑞以及德國的 Heinz Hoyer 和 Sneschana

大獎最佳銀幣獎，這些年，余敏一共設計和雕刻了 40 多枚紀

Russewa-Hoyer 夫婦二人。

念熊貓，包括 2005、2006、2008、2009、2010、2012 和 2013 熊貓金銀幣。余敏為現代造幣廠設計和雕刻的錢幣數量之多，

獎項由《世界硬幣新聞》主編及世界硬幣大獎的發起人之一

很可能在當今世界範圍內也無出其右。

的大衛 •C• 哈珀負責頒發，而世界錢幣展也是本屆獎項的贊助商之一。

他所設計的 2009 版熊貓幣被德國錢幣雜誌評為最佳紀念幣。

《東亞泉志》出版人周邁可先生為李博士做了一下介紹。周

紀念幣方面，余敏設計並雕刻了毛澤東誕辰 100 周年流通紀

先生的《東亞泉志》不僅贊助本次的世界硬幣大獎，同時也

念幣中的毛澤東頭像一面。在非常堅硬的鎳包鋼產品上製作

準備了一篇余敏的生平簡介。

浮雕是一個近乎苛刻的任務，經過多次實驗之後，余敏最終圓滿完成任務。

余敏 1980 年 8 月畢業於上海工藝美術學校（中專）。同年進上海造幣廠（上海造幣有限公司前身）設計製模車間從事錢

在 2008 北京奧運幣的競標中，余敏的設計成為了入圍了最終

幣設計雕刻工作。

的決賽圈。余敏與他人合作的設計（擊劍、五項全能、射箭、足球）也在競標被中國銀行選中。

1996 年 2 月至 6 月期間，赴俄羅斯列賓美術學院雕塑系進修。

由余敏負責設計、上海造幣廠生產的第一枚心形紀念熊貓母親節特別收藏加厚版紀念熊貓（50g），鑄造量 300 枚

50 克的峨眉山面有金頂佛光

30 克

30 克的峨眉山面沒有金頂佛光

50 克

余敏此次設計的母親節紀念熊貓是上海造幣廠生產的第一枚心形

原包裝盒及證書，每人限購一枚。購買事宜請聯繫冠軍公司美國

紀念熊貓。其中銀質熊貓共生產 1000 枚，品質為 30 克；金質熊

經銷商 Jerica，電話：941 952 0100；郵箱：jericainternational@

貓為 100 枚，重 8 克，另外還有特別收藏版 50 加厚克銀質熊貓，

gmail.com。

鑄造量為 300 枚，每枚熊貓上均打有編號。正面圖案為母親節康乃馨、熊貓母親和倆個熊貓寶寶；背面圖案為熊貓故鄉——四川

地址：佛羅里達薩拉索塔 34236，1650 大道，Estate Coin and

峨嵋山金頂及佛光。峨眉山是中國四大佛教聖山之一。

Jewelry Galleria 公司。

每枚母親節熊貓均有單獨編號，並附有上海造幣有限公司特製包

此前由冠軍公司出品、上海造幣有限公司工藝美術師余敏設計的

裝盒。紀念熊貓由冠軍拍賣出品，上海造幣廠資深工藝美術師余

展會熊貓曾在 2014 年 6 月的澳門錢幣學會年展、2016 年 7 月的

敏負責設計，並由上海造幣有限公司負責生產。有意購買者可以

柏林世界錢幣展以及 2016 年美國錢幣協會展覽上取得過巨大的

499 美元的價格購得這種母親節特別收藏加厚版紀念熊貓，附帶

成功。

2016 年澳門錢幣學會國際年展紀念熊貓

2017 年柏林世界錢幣展覽會三色銅紀念熊貓

2016 年美國錢幣協會安娜海年會紀念熊貓

2017 年柏林世界錢幣展覽會三色銅紀念熊貓

AUCOFFRE.COM 成立於 2009 年，其創始人兼法國總裁是讓·弗朗索瓦·福爾。 AUCOFFRE.COM 是一家為全球私人投資者提供庫存金銀幣交易的網上平臺。公司大約有 2 萬名顧客，4 噸黃金庫存，11 噸白銀庫存，25 名員工。2015 年成交額達到 3500 萬歐元。 2011 年底，AUCOFFRE.COM 決定自鑄錢幣——1 盎司純金金幣 Vera Valor（意為“真實的價值”，含金量為 999.9%°）。2012 年，在法國、比利時和瑞士，Vera Valor 已成為銷量最大的金幣。該金幣自發行起，銷量已超過 35,000 枚。此後，AUCOFFRE.COM 決定使產品多樣化，開始鑄造各種版別的 Vera 錢幣——1/10 盎司 Vera Max 金質收藏幣、1 盎司 Vera 銀幣等。Vera 錢幣自誕生以來，鑄造量已超過 400,000 枚，VeraValor.com 因此成為法國的第一私營造幣廠。 2015 年，AUCOFFRE.COM 決定打造一個宣傳小塊領土的地圖幣收藏集，開始鑄造第一種法定貨幣——桑吉巴 1 盎司 Vera 銀幣，面值為 1000 坦尚尼亞先令，鑄造量為 50,000 枚。這些 Vera 銀幣很快被搶購一空，很多顧客甚至還想購買這種幣的更多版別。具有代表性的第二塊領土是直布羅陀，也將鑄造此種法定貨幣—— 50,000 枚 1 盎司 Vera 銀幣和 5,000 枚 1 盎司 Vera Valor 金幣。 2013 年，AUCOFFRE.COM 發行了 VeraCash 金卡——唯一也是首個消費實物黃金 Vera Valor 的借記卡。和其他的借記卡不同，其他的借記卡消費的是加密數位貨幣或虛擬貨幣。對於 VeraCash 金卡來說，按照黃金價格，用實物黃金來確定用戶所花費的確切金額。通過 VeraCash 金卡和移動應用，將 VeraCash 的金額發給另一用戶，也能成為一種支付方式。一個單位的 VeraCash 錢幣等於一個單位的該國貨幣。不論是作為實物錢幣，還是一種支付方式，VeraValor.com 和 VeraCash.com 都希望體現實物黃金和白銀的真實價值。

《东亚泉志》电子杂志《东亚泉志》为冠军拍卖公司总裁周迈可和著名钱币学专家史博禄于1994年创办，是一本学术性钱币研究专业杂志。旨在让广大钱币收藏家、研究学者更深入地了解钱币知识，让世界各地的读者更好地了解中国深厚的钱币文化。杂志高级编辑史博禄1951年生于美国密苏里州圣路易斯市，为密苏里大学历史系学士，哈佛大学中国研究专业硕士。1974-1977年在克劳斯出版社任《世界钱币新闻》助理编辑，参与《世界硬币标准目录》与《世界纸钞标准目录》编辑工作。史博禄拥有30多年的收藏和研究中国钱币的丰富经验。他在《东亚泉志》上发表的研究文献极大地丰富了中国钱币的知识内涵。《东亚泉志》于1994年7月份问世，在20多个国家发行，广受欢迎，长期占据许多重要图书馆书架的显著位置，包括美国国家博物馆史密森尼学会、大英博物馆、哈佛燕京图书馆、哈佛大学、耶鲁大学、哥伦比亚大学、斯坦福大学、康奈尔大学和美国钱币学会、美国钱币协会。杂志刊发过不少有重要学术价值的文章，如詹姆斯•史威尼写的《1900年京局银元》、史博禄写的《徐世昌刻字纪念章》和《民国二十五年和民国二十六年之中国银元故事》、汤姆•基纳写的《1897年浙江三分六厘样币和1899 年安徽三分六厘流通币的关系》以及曾泽禄写的《台湾老公银伪品》等。 2015年5月，周迈可决定于2016年1月复刊《东亚泉志》为电子季刊，中英双语。内容以披露最新钱币收藏研究成果、推介泉界成功人士的事迹为主。主要栏目有学术研究、人物专访、鉴赏争鸣、拍卖回顾、重要信息等。聘请著名钱币研究学者袁水清担任中文主编。袁水清，1948年生，大学金融专科毕业，从事银行工作30多年。中国钱币学会会员，陕西省钱币学会常务理事，西安市收藏协会常务副会长。同时聘请国内外知名的钱币学者、收藏家及专业人士加入，如美国华人钱币学者曾泽禄、美国纸钞专家弗雷德·施万、美国东南亚钱币专家霍华德·丹尼尔、德国中国现代币研究学者塞巴斯蒂安·威斯霍夫斯基、香港中国现代金银币研究学者陈景林、台湾钱币学者周建福、《戳记币简史》作者台湾东吴大学加拿大籍高林教授等。从2017年起，《东亚泉志》加盟由克劳斯在德国柏林世界钱币展览会期间举办的 “世界硬币大奖”颁奖活动。

《东亚泉志》2017年免费订阅，如果需要，请把您的邮箱发到 jeanzg@163.com！《东亚泉志》第一期在线阅读：issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_first_issue_of_jean

The Journal of East Asian Numismatics Bilingual (English-Chinese) Digital Quarterly In 1994, The Journal of East Asian Numismatics (JEAN) was founded by Michael Chou, the CEO of Champion Auction and Bruce Smith, a noted numismatist. It is a professional numismatic academic journal whose mission is to educate collectors and researchers on the subjects of Chinese numismatics, culture and history. Bruce Smith, the chief editor of JEAN, was born in 1951 in St. Louis, MO. He received his BA in history from the University of Missouri St. Louis; and his MA in China studies from Harvard University. In 19741977, he worked for Krause Publications as Editorial Assistant on World Coin News and as cataloger for Standard Catalog of World Coins and Standard Catalog of World Paper Money. He was a full time coin dealer 1977-1987. In 1988-1989, he studied in China as a student of China Studies in Chengchow (Zhengzhou) University, Henan province. In 1991-1993, Mr. Smith was a graduate student at Harvard University. In 1994-1998, he was the editor of The Journal of East Asian Numismatics (JEAN). Bruce Smith has been a collector and researcher of Chinese coins for over 30 years. His published research in JEAN has added immensely to the body of knowledge for Chinese coins. The first issue of JEAN was released in July 1994, and the last issue (18th issue) in 1998. Most articles were written in English, the remainder in Chinese. The journal was distributed in over 20 countries, and remained a mainstay on many important library shelves, including the Smithsonian Institution, the British Museum, the Harvard Yenching Library, Harvard University, Yale University, Columbia University, Stanford University, Cornell University, the ANS (American Numismatic Society), and the ANA (American Numismatic Association). The journal enjoyed great popularity and many important articles were published in JEAN, including “Peking Coins of 1900” by James Sweeny, “More on the Hsu Shih-chang Medals with engraved names” and “The true story of China’s 1936 and 1937 Silver Dollars” by Bruce Smith, “The Apparent Relationship between 1897 Chekiang 5 Cents Pattern and 1899 Anhwei

JEAN Online Links 《東亞泉志》在線閱讀

The First Issue

5-Cents Circulation Strike” by Tom Keener, and “A Forgery of Taiwan’s Old Man Dollar” by Dr. Che-lu Tseng. In May 2015, Michael Chou decided to start issuing the journal again starting in January 2016. The famous numismatic researcher Mr. Yuan Shuiqing will be chinese chief editor. He is a member of China Numismatic Society, serving as executive director of the Shenxi Numismatic Society and executive vice president of the Xi’an Collectors Association. As a numismatic researcher, he was chief editor of Collections and China Numismatics. He has published over 100 numismatic research articles and the masterpiece The Elite of Monetary History of China. Other distinguished contributors from home and abroad are numismatists, collectors and coin dealers, including Bruce Smith (author of Howard Franklin Bowker-Numismatic Pioneer), Colin Gullberg (Canada, author of Chopmarked Coins-A History), Chinese American senior numismatist Dr. Che-lu Tseng, Steve Feller former international banknote society editor, senior numismatic scholar of China modern gold and silver commemorative coins King L. Chan (Hong Kong), senior numismatist Chien Fu Chou (Taiwan) and CEO of Beijing Coins website Richard Guo. It will be a quarterly, bilingual e-journal, covering the latest numismatic research, interviews with famous collectors, auction reviews, and general news. The Journal's distribution is now over 5,000, including over 2,000 in Greater China region. Starting in 2017, Journal of East Asian Numismatics is a co-sponsor of Krause's Coin of the Year Award Ceremony in Berlin with World Money Fair. You are welcome to subscribe, submit articles for publication, and advertise in the upcoming JEAN. The 2018 subscription is free of charge. Please send your email to jeanzg@163.com.

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_first_issue_of_jean

The Second Issue http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_second_issue_of_jean The Third Issue

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_third_issue_of_jean

The Fourth Issue

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_fourth_issue_of_jean

The Fifth Issue

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_fifth_issue_of_jean

The Sixth Issue

http://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_sixth_issue_of_jean

Wechat

The Seventh Issue https://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_seventh_issue_of_jean The Eighth Issue

https://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_eighth_issue_of_jean

The Ninth Issue

https://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_ninth_issue_of_jean

The Tenth Issue

https://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_tenth_issue_of_jean

2018-2019 JEAN Advertising Rate 2018-2019 Issue Issue Date

Ad Required

Full Page/Issue

Full Page 4 Issues

1/2 Page/Issue

1/2 Page 4 Issues

Issue 12

10/31

10/01

US $500 (¥ 3,500)

US $1,600 (¥ 11,000)

US $300 (¥ 2,000)

US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)

Issue 13

01/31

01/01

US $500 (¥ 3,500)

US $1,600 (¥ 11,000)

US $300 (¥ 2,000)

US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)

Issue 14

04/30

04/01

US $500 (¥ 3,500)

US $1,600 (¥ 11,000)

US $300 (¥ 2,000)

US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)

Issue 15

07/31

07/01

US $500 (¥ 3,500)

US $1,600 (¥ 11,000)

US $300 (¥ 2,000)

US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)

* PX: 300 Contact JEAN Shanghai Office Tel: 021-62130771 Email: jeanzg@163.com Add: Room 1808, Bao Hua Building No. 1211, Changde Rd.

* full page (A4): 210×297mm

* 1/2 page: 210×148mm

東亞泉志電子季刊 · 中英双语《東亞泉志》為冠軍拍賣公司總裁周邁可先生和著名錢幣學專

2015 年 5 月，周邁可先生決定于 2016 年 1 月復刊《東亞泉誌》，

家史博祿先生于 1994 年創辦，是一本學術性錢幣研究專業雜誌。

聘請著名錢幣研究學者袁水清先生擔任主編。袁水清，1948 年生，

旨在讓廣大錢幣收藏家、研究學者更深入地了解錢幣知識，讓世界

大學金融專科畢業，從事銀行工作 30 多年。中國錢幣學會會員，

各地的讀者更好地了解中國深厚的錢幣文化。

澳門錢幣學會學術顧問，陝西省錢幣學會第六屆常務理事，西安市

雜誌高級編輯史博祿先生 1951 年生於美國密蘇里州聖路易斯市，為密蘇里大學歷史係學士，哈佛大學中國研究專業碩士。 1974-1977 年在克勞斯出版社任《世界錢幣新聞》助理編輯，參與《世界硬幣標準目錄》與《世界紙鈔標準目錄》編輯工作。1977-1987 年全職進行錢幣交易。1988-1989 年在中國鄭州大學留學，主修中國研究課程。1991-1993 年在哈佛大學攻讀碩士。1994-1998 年任《東亞泉志》總編。史博祿先生擁有 30 多年的收藏和研究中國錢幣的豐富經驗。他在《東亞泉志》上發表的研究文獻極大地豐富了中國錢幣的知識內涵。

收藏協會常務副會長。退休后，歷任《收藏》《古泉園地》《西部金融 • 錢幣研究》雜誌的責任編輯，《中國錢幣界》雜誌主編。多年來他傾力于中國貨幣史和錢幣學的研究，發表過近百篇錢幣研究文章；2012 年，出版了匯集中國古今錢幣的鴻篇巨製《中國貨幣史之最》。同時聘請國內外知名的錢幣學者、收藏家及專業人士加入，如《霍华德 • 富兰克林 • 包克——錢幣學研究先驅者》作者史博祿先生、《戳記幣简史》作者高林先生、美國華人資深錢幣學者曾澤祿先生、國際紙鈔收藏協會前任總編輯 Steve Feller、香港中国现代金银币资深研究学者陳景林先生、台灣資深錢幣學者周建福先生、美國東南亞錢幣專家亞當 • 比亞吉先生以及北京錢幣網总裁

《東亞泉志》于 1994 年 7 月份問世，1999 年停刊，發行了 18 期。雜誌中大部分文章是英文，只有少部分是中文，在 20 多個國家發行，廣受歡迎，長期佔據許多重要圖書館書架的顯著位置，包括美國國家博物館史密森尼學會、大英博物館、哈佛燕京圖書館、哈佛大學、耶魯大學、哥倫比亞大學、斯坦福大學、康奈爾大學和美國錢幣學會、美國錢幣協會。雜誌刊發過不少有重要學術價值的文章，如詹姆斯 • 史威尼寫的《1900 年京局銀元》、史博祿寫的《徐世昌刻字紀念章》和《民國二十五年和民國二十六年之中國銀元故事》、湯姆 • 基納寫的《1897 年浙江三分六釐樣幣和 1899 年安徽三分六釐流通幣的關係》以及曾澤祿寫的《台灣老公銀偽品》等。

郭嘉華先生等。復刊后的《東亞泉誌》為電子季刊，中英双语。內容以披露最新錢幣收藏研究成果、推介泉界成功人士的事跡為主。主要欄目有學術研究、人物專訪、鑒賞爭鳴、拍賣回顧、重要資訊等。從 2017 年起，《東亞泉志》加盟由克勞斯在德國柏林世界錢幣展覽會期間舉辦的“世界硬幣大獎”頒獎活動。《東亞泉志》2018 年免費訂閱，如果需要，請把您的郵箱發到 jeanzg@163.com ！

JEAN Online Links

第一期

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_first_issue_of_jean

《東亞泉志》在線閱讀

第二期

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_second_issue_of_jean

第三期

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_third_issue_of_jean

第四期

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_fourth_issue_of_jean

第五期

http://issuu.com/jean388/docs/the_fifth_issue_of_jean

第六期

http://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_sixth_issue_of_jean

第七期

https://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_seventh_issue_of_jean

第八期

https://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_eighth_issue_of_jean

第九期

https://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_ninth_issue_of_jean

第十期

https://issuu.com/jeandigitala1/docs/the_tenth_issue_of_jean

微信版

2018-2019 年《東亞泉志》的廣告現在接受預定！ 2018-2019 年

發行時間

廣告截止時間

1頁1期

1頁4期

1/2 頁 1 期

1/2 頁 4 期

第 12 期

10 月 31 日

10 月 1 日

US $500 (¥ 3,500)

US $1,600 (¥ 11,000)

US $300 (¥ 2,000)

US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)

第 13 期

1 月 31 日

1月1日

US $500 (¥ 3,500)

US $1,600 (¥ 11,000)

US $300 (¥ 2,000)

US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)

第 14 期

4 月 30 日

4月1日

US $500 (¥ 3,500)

US $1,600 (¥ 11,000)

US $300 (¥ 2,000)

US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)

第 15 期

7 月 31 日

7月1日

US $500 (¥ 3,500)

US $1,600 (¥ 11,000)

US $300 (¥ 2,000)

US $1,000 (¥ 6,500)

* 分辨率：300 《東亞泉志》上海辦公室電話：021-62130771

郵箱：jeanzg@163.com

地址：常德路 1211 號寶華大廈 1808 室

* 1 頁 (A4)：210×297mm

* 1/2 頁：210×148mm