Perception and Cognition in Language and Culture
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Brill’s Studies in
Language, Cognition
and Culture
Series Editors
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald
Cairns Institute, James Cook University
R. M. W. Dixon
Cairns Institute, James Cook University
N. J. Enfield
Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen
VOLUME 3
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bslc
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Perception and Cognition in
Language and Culture
Edited By
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald and Anne Storch
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2013
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Cover illustration: detail of the old chief ’s palace of Wase Tofa, Nigeria. Photograph by
Anne Storch.
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ISSN 1879-5412
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ISBN 978-90-04-21012-7 (e-book)
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CONTENTS
Preface ................................................................................................................
Notes on Contributors ...................................................................................
Abbreviations ...................................................................................................
List of Tables, Maps and Figures ................................................................
1
Linguistic Expression of Perception and Cognition:
A Typological Glimpse ......................................................................
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald and Anne Storch
2 Knowing, Smelling and Telling Tales in Luwo ...............................
Anne Storch
3 Source of Information and Unexpected Information in
!Xun—Evidential, Mirative and Counterexpectation
Markers ..................................................................................................
Christa König
4 A Quechuan Mirative? ............................................................................
Willem F.H. Adelaar
vii
ix
xiii
xix
1
47
69
95
5 Seeing, Hearing and Thinking in Korowai, a Language of
West Papua ...........................................................................................
Lourens de Vries
111
6 Perception and Cognition in Manambu, a Papuan Language
from New Guinea ................................................................................
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald
137
7 From Body to Knowledge: Perception and Cognition in
Khwe-||Ani and Ts'ixa ........................................................................
Matthias Brenzinger and Anne-Maria Fehn
161
8 Perception Verbs and Their Semantics in Dongolawi
(Nile Nubian) ........................................................................................
Angelika Jakobi and El-Shafie El-Guzuuli
193
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vi
contents
9 Excite Your Senses: Glances into the Field of Perception and
Cognition in Tima ...............................................................................
Gertrud Schneider-Blum and Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
217
10
Perception in Lussese (Bantu, J 10) .....................................................
Marilena Thanassoula
251
Index of Authors .............................................................................................
Language Index ...............................................................................................
Subject Index ....................................................................................................
271
274
277
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PREFACE
This volume is the outcome of an International Workshop held at the
University of Cologne in the autumn of 2010. Nominated by Anne Storch
and Gerrit Dimmendaal, Alexandra Aikhenvald was awarded an Alexander von Humboldt Research Prize, for 2010–12. Storch and Aikhenvald
share a deep interest in the language and grammar of epistemology. In an
attempt to learn more about this field, they organized an intensive threeday workshop during which linguists working on little studied languages
could discuss their various findings on how perception and cognition are
framed grammatically and semantically in these languages. The workshop
was organized within the general framework of an Interdisciplinary Investigation entitled ‘Migration of Ideas’ at the University of Cologne. We are
grateful to the University for making this possible.
We greatly enjoyed the intensive and stimulating discussions during
which we learnt a great deal. It is appropriate to thank all those who made
our project successful and who took part in it: Michael Bollig, Claudia
Riehl, R. M. W. Dixon, Bernd Heine, Nikolaus Himmelmann, Elisabeth Norcliffe, Dagmar Jung, José-Luis García-Ramón, among many others. We are
grateful to all our colleagues and friends who contributed chapters to this
volume, and to Monika Feinen, who helped preparing maps and graphics,
Larissa Fuhrmann for her assistance in preparing the final volume, and to
two anonymous reviewers for their many helpful comments.
The Workshop provided an exciting forum for the exchange of ideas,
and dialogue between like-minded scholars. We hope that the materials
and analyses presented in this volume will ignite further interest in perception and cognition through the prism of language.
Cairns and Cologne, September 2012
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NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald is Distinguished Professor, Tropical Leader
(People and Societies of the Tropics), Australian Laureate Fellow and
Director of the Language and Culture Research Centre in at James Cook
University. She is a major authority on languages of the Arawak family,
from northern Amazonia, and has written grammars of Bare (1995, based
on work with the last speaker who has since died) and Warekena (1998),
plus A grammar of Tariana, from northwest Amazonia (Cambridge University Press, 2003; paperback 2007), in addition to essays on various typological and areal features of South American languages. Her lengthy grammar,
The Manambu language from East Sepik, Papua New Guinea, was published
by Oxford University Press in 2008 (paperback 2010). Other monographs
with OUP are Classifiers: a typology of noun categorization devices (2000,
paperback 2003), Language contact in Amazonia (2002, paperback 2010),
Evidentiality (2004, paperback 2006), Imperatives and commands (2010,
paperback 2012) and Languages of the Amazon (2012).
Anne Storch is Full Professor of African Languages and Linguistics at
the University of Cologne. Her principal research has been on various languages of Nigeria (Jukun, Maaka), the Atlantic language region, Western
Nilotic, and on African speech registers. Her publications include Das Hone
und seine Stellung im Zentral-Jukunoid (Cologne 1999), The Noun Morphology of Western Nilotic (Cologne 2005), Secret Manipulations (New York
2011), and several edited volumes. Her book on Repertoires and Choices in
African Languages, co-authored with Friederike Lüpke, is in print.
Christa König is apl. professor at the Institute of African Linguistics at
the University of Frankfurt. She has taught at the Universities of Cologne,
Zürich, Graz, Gwangju (Korea), and at the Tokyo University of Foreign
Studies, and has carried out field research in East Africa and Namibia. Her
main book publications are Aspekt im Maa (1994, AMO, 3, Cologne), Kasus
im Ik (2002, Nilo-Saharan Studies, 16, Köppe), and Case in Africa (2008,
Oxford University Press).
Willem Adelaar is Professor of Native American Languages and Cultures at the Leiden University Centre for Linguistics. He has conducted
descriptive fieldwork in Peru on different varieties of Quechua and minor
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x
notes on contributors
languages of the Andes. His research interests include Quechua linguistic
typology, dialectology and philology, as well as reconstruction and contact history of Andean and Amazonian languages in a multidisciplinary
context. He has been involved in international activities addressing the
issue of language endangerment in South America and has been an associate editor of International Journal of American Linguistics since 2003.
His published work includes Tarma Quechua: Grammar, Texts, Dictionary
(1988), Morfología del quechua de Pacaraos (1987), and the Languages of
the Andes (with Pieter Muysken, 2004).
Lourens de Vries is professor of General Linguistics at VU University,
Amsterdam. His main interest is the description, typology and history of
the Papuan languages of New Guinea.
Matthias Brenzinger is director of The Centre for African Language
Diversity (CALDi) at University of Cape Town, after being a member of
the Institute of African Language Studies at the University of Cologne, Germany for 28 years. The main fields of his academic interest are language
classification, cognitive linguistics, ethno-botany, language documentation, applied linguistics, bimodal communication and sociolinguistics. He
has conducted extensive fieldwork in Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia, as well
as in Namibia and Botswana. The languages he has studied are Cushitic,
Nilotic, Bantu and Khoeid (formerly Central Khoisan, Khoe, Khwe).
Anne-Maria Fehn has an M.A. in African Studies from the University
of Cologne. Her ongoing research focuses on Ts'ixa, an endangered Khoe
language spoken in northeastern Botswana. She is currently working as a
project coordinator for the Kalahari Basin Area project at the Humboldt
University Berlin.
Angelika Jakobi is interested in descriptive, historical-comparative,
typological, and documentary linguistics. She has conducted intensive
field work in Sudan and Chad. Her research has mainly focused on the
Nilo-Saharan languages Fur, Beria (Saharan), and Nubian.
El Shafie El Guzuuli is an Electrical Engineer, and a native speaker
of the Nile Nubian language Andaandi/Dongolawi. Working with linguists from the University of Cologne, he developed a serious interest in
the scientific study of his mother tongue. He has made notable contributions to research carried out on his mother tongue. One of his recent
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notes on contributors
xi
contributions is the publication of a translation of the Christian legend
‘Miracle of Saint Mina’ into Andaandi/ Dongolawi, edited jointly with
Vincent W. J. Van Gerven Oei. In 2012, he also published various literacy
books for Andaandi speakers.
Gertrud Schneider-Blum is working as a post-doc in African Linguistics at the University of Cologne. Her focus of interest lies in descriptive
and documentary linguistics as well as anthropological linguistics. She has
worked extensively on languages of Ethiopia and Sudan.
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal is Professor of African Studies at the University of Cologne, Germany, and focuses on the synchronic and diachronic
study of Nilo-Saharan as well as neighbouring language families belonging
to Afroasiatic and Niger-Congo in his research. His recent publications
include a monograph, Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of
African Languages (2011). He is currently working on a reference grammar
of Tima as well as a monograph on anthropological linguistics.
Marilena Thanassoula has studied German Language and Literature
at the University of Athens, and continued her studies in Cologne, Germany, focussing on African languages and cultures. Today she is working
as lecturer and research assistant at the Institute for African Studies in
Cologne. Her teaching and research areas include areal typology, cognitive and anthropological linguistics as well as language policy in Africa.
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ABBREVIATIONS
< Ar
ö
1
2
3
A
abl
abs
ac
acc
acc/loc
act.foc
adv
advz
agent
all
ap
applic
art
asp
assoc
aug
aux
bas
ben
c
caus
ce
cert
cl
com
comp
compar
compl
cond
borrowed from Arabic
zero morpheme
1st person
2nd person
3rd person
agent; transitive subject
ablative
absolutive
anticausative
accusative
accusative-locative case
action focus
adverb
adverbalizer
agentive
allative
antipassive
applicative
article
aspect
associative
augment
auxiliary
basic cross-referencing
benefactive
common gender
causative
counterfactual marker
certainty
noun class marker
comitative
completive
comparative
completive
conditional
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xiv
conj
conn
cont
contra
conv
cop
cust
dat
def
dem
dem.dist
dem.dist.react.top
dem.prox
desid
di
dim
dir
dlmt
ds
dtr
du, du
dur
ee
emph
erg
ev
exc
excl
excl
f, f
fem
fem.sg
firsth
foc
fut
gen
ger
hab
hod
hort
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abbreviations
conjunction
connective
continuative
contra-expectancy
converb
copula
customary
dative
definite
demonstrative
distal demonstrative
distal demonstrative reactivated topic
proximal demonstrative
desiderative
distal demonstrative
diminutive
directional
delimitative
different subject
detransitive
dual
durative
epenthetic elements (either a vowel or a glide)
emphatic marker
ergative marker
evidential marker
exclusive
exclusive
exclamative
feminine
feminine
feminine singular
firsthand
focus
future
genitive
gerundive
habitual
hodiernal tense
hortative
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abbreviations
i
ideo
idf
ii
imp
imper
imperv
imps
impv
in
inc
incep
incl
ind
infer
inst
instr
io
junc
lk
loc
log
lok
m, m
masc
mir
mod
modf
nd
n.evid
n1, n2, n3
neg
nfut
nom
nomin
nomz
nonfirsth
np
np
npast
xv
active I
ideophone
indefinite
active II
imperative
imperative
imperfective
impersonal
imperative
inclusive
inclusive
inceptive
inclusive
indicative
inferential evidential
instrumental marker (nominal vs. verbal)
instrument
indirect object
juncture
linker
locative
logophoric
(a) locative, (b) locative demonstrative
masculine
masculine
mirative
modifier (non-class prefix)
modified
nominal derivation
non-evidential
noun class
negation
non-future
nominative
nominalization
nominalizer
non-firsthand
nonpast
noun phrase
non-past
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xvi
o
obj
obl
p
part
pass
past
per
pert
perv
pl
pl
pluract
pluperfect
pm
poss, poss
pot
pr
pred
pref
prep
pres
pro
prog
proh.gen
prop
prosp
pst
q
qu
real
rec.past
recip
red
redup
refl
rel
relat
rep
rept
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abbreviations
transitive object
object
oblique
past
participle
passive
past tense
perfect
pertensive
perfective
plural
plural
pluractional marker (verbal)
plusqueperfect
person marker
possessive
potential marker (TAM)
proximal demonstrative
predicative
prefix
preposition
present
pronominal form
progressive
general prohibitive
property
prospective
past
question
question particle
realis
recent past (TAM)
reciprocal
reduplication
reduplication
reflexive
relative
relational
reported
repetition
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abbreviations
s
sa
sc
seq
sg
source
sp
ss
stat
su
subord
subj
supp
svc
t
tam
tel
term
top
tr
tr
v
vd
vent
vol
vt
w2
xvii
intransitive subject
subject-agent
subordinating conjunction
sequential
singular
source marker
subject-patient
same subject switch reference
stative
subject
subordinate
subject cross-referencing
support verb
serial verb construction
transitive suffix
tense-aspect-mood
telic
terminative case
topic marker
transitive
transitional nasal
verb
verbal derivation
ventive marker (verbal)
volition
versatile tense.
north western !Xun dialect (Ekoka)
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LIST OF TABLES, MAPS AND FIGURES
Tables
3.1. The evidential, mirative and counterexpectation markers in
!Xun (W2) .............................................................................................
4.1. Direct cross-referential endings of the Tarma Quechua
Mirative .................................................................................................
4.2. Inverse cross-referential endings of the Tarma Quechua
Mirative .................................................................................................
4.3. Tense in Tarma Quechua .....................................................................
6.1. What does vǝ- mean? Grammatical tests for the free
form vǝ- .................................................................................................
6.2. The meanings and forms of verb(s) of vision and ‘trying’ in
compounds ..........................................................................................
6.3. What does wukə- mean? Grammatical tests ..................................
6.4. Some features of və-/-kəta and wukə- ...............................................
7.1. The verbs of perception in Khwe-ǁAni (cf. Viberg 1984) ...........
7.2. The verbs of perception in Ts'ixa (cf. Viberg 1984) .....................
7.3. Food texture verbs in Khwe and Ts'ixa ...........................................
7.4. Taste terms in Khwe and Ts'ixa .........................................................
7.5. Smell terms in Khwe and Ts'ixa ........................................................
7.6. From perception to cognition ............................................................
8.1. Physical perception verbs ....................................................................
8.2. Examples of serial verb constructions with nal ............................
8.3. Intrafield lexicalization patterns of basic perception verbs .....
8.4. Verbs expressing cognitive and mental perception
(all data from Armbruster) .............................................................
8.5. Perception verbs in Kambaata (adapted to layout of
Table 8.3) ..............................................................................................
9.1. Tima pronominal forms .......................................................................
9.2. Five senses in Tima ...............................................................................
9.3. Tima perception verbs and Viberg’s (1984) dynamic states ......
9.4. Derivation marking on Tima perception and cognition
verbs .......................................................................................................
9.5. Occurrence of verbs of perception and cognition in this
contribution .........................................................................................
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73
97
97
101
141
145
150
158
171
172
176
176
177
183
199
203
213
213
214
227
229
233
246
247
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xx
list of tables, maps and figures
10.1. Color terms in Lussese and their origin ........................................
10.2. Synonyms for ‘brown, red, purple’ ...................................................
263
263
Maps
2.1.
8.1.
9.1.
10.1.
Luwo and its neighbours ....................................................................
Nubia and the location of Dongolawi ............................................
Kordofan, Sudan ....................................................................................
Uganda and location of Lussese .......................................................
48
194
218
253
Figures
3.1.
7.1.
9.1.
10.1.
10.2.
The verb structure in !Xun .................................................................
Viberg’s (1984) hierarchy ....................................................................
Perception and cognition in Tima ...................................................
Linguistic affiliation of Lussese ........................................................
Semantic map of the verbs of perception in Lussese
according to their use .....................................................................
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74
169
241
252
255
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CHAPTER ONE
LINGUISTIC EXPRESSION OF PERCEPTION AND COGNITION:
A TYPOLOGICAL GLIMPSE
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald and Anne Storch
Every language has a way of talking about seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting and touching. In about a quarter of the world’s languages, grammatical evidentials express means of perception (visual, and non-visual) and
information source in general. Lexical verbs covering perception and cognitive processes may or may not form a special subclass of verbs. Their
meanings vary. In some languages verbs of vision subsume cognitive
meanings (knowledge and understanding). In others, cognition is associated with a verb of auditory perception, touch, or smell. Grammatical,
and lexical, expression of perception and cognition share a number of
features. ‘Vision’ is not the universally preferred means of perception. In
numerous cultures, taboos are associated with forbidden visual experience. Vision may be considered intrusive and aggressive, and linked with
access to power. In contrast, ‘hearing’ and ‘listening’ are the main avenues
for learning, understanding and ‘knowing’. The studies presented in this
book set out to explore how these meanings and concepts are expressed
in languages of Africa, Oceania, and South America. The final section of
this chapter offers an overview of the volume.
1
setting the scene
every language has a way of referring to basic sources of sensory perception: through sight, through hearing, through smell, through taste and
through touch. every language has a way of speaking about how one knows
what one is talking about, and what one thinks about what one knows.
in every language, there are ways of phrasing inferences, assumptions,
probabilities and possibilities, and expressing disbelief. the expression
of perception and of cognition—thinking, understanding and ‘knowing’
things—spans grammar and lexicon.
the purpose of this volume is to offer a number of case studies—
each based on firsthand data on previously undescribed or poorly known
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
languages—dealing with various aspects of the linguistic expression of
perception and cognition. these can be encoded in grammar, through
dedicated means for grammatical expression of information source known
as ‘evidentiality’, perceptual distinctions in demonstratives, overtones of
various complementation techniques, and many more.
as franz Boas (a founding father of modern linguistics) put it, languages
differ not in what one can say but rather in what kind of information must
be stated (Boas 1938: 132). a certain concept can be expressed grammatically in one language but only by lexical means in another. for example,
a certain language may have a two gender system (masculine and feminine), while another may have three genders, and yet another one may
have no grammatical gender at all—just words for ‘man’ and ‘woman’.
information acquired by seeing something can be expressed through the
demonstrative system in one language, and through a special ‘visual evidential’ in another, while a third would just use a lexical verb ‘see, look’.
the ways of expressing information source are summarised in §2.
every language of the world has lexical items (typically, verbs) of perception and cognition. this volume sets out to provide case studies on
this so far understudied field in linguistics, dealing with the connection
between language and the senses, and the varieties of perceptual language
cross-linguistically. there are other possibilities of organizing the senses
socially than those frequently referred to in earlier work on the topic—as
majid and Levinson (2011: 7) point out, ‘languages are windows on the
senses that we can hardly afford to ignore’. Of course, the notions of perception and cognition are relevant not just for linguistics. they have been
in the centre of attention of a variety of other disciplines, among them
psychology, philosophy, and anthropology in their various guises.
anthropological perspective is another matter. the ways in which
visual and auditory perception are conceptualized within a language may
correlate with cultural practices, transmission of knowledge and ways of
communication. Vision is the preferred ‘sense’ in many, especially Western, cultures (Ong 1982). hearing is highly valued in others. Vedic texts
in hindu india are a case in point. these sacred verses are transmitted
through oral recital (notwithstanding the fact that they also exist as written texts; cf. Levering 1989). in pre-colonial hindu societies, knowledge
of the Vedic texts was off-limits to members of lower castes. the ramayana describes how boiling lead was poured into the ears of a lower-caste
person who might accidentally overhear a Brahman reciting Vedic verses.
hearing something one is not allowed to may be dangerous. this goes
together with the ‘danger’ of seeing something one is not supposed to;
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linguistic expression of perception and cognition
3
examples include the punishment of Lot’s wife in the Book of genesis,
and various taboos on women catching a glimpse of magic flutes in the
east sepik and north amazonian cultures (§4).
it is certainly the case that other senses, besides vision, can be culturally salient. it has been suggested that Western culture correlates ‘smell’
with primitivity and barbarism (corbin 1996, Beer 2000, raab 2001). this
idea permeates patrick süskind’s novel Perfume. in other cultures, smell is
associated with the maintenance of social order. for example, among the
Kapsiki of cameroon, the blacksmiths as a social group are identified with
the smell of its totemic animal (Van Beek 1992, 2010).1 Various senses such
as smell and touch have played an important role in the conceptualization of social categories such as gender, holiness and marginality (see, for
instance, classen’s 1998 seminal work). since late antiquity, the ‘inversion’
of smells has been a symbol of ‘holiness’: the feces and rotting flesh of
christian saints and martyrs would smell of honey and flowers. the body
would thus symbolize beauty, and ultimately salvation.
as hill and irvine (1992: 17) put it, ‘knowledge is a social phenomenon’.
so are the means of its acquisition—among them ‘seeing’ and ‘hearing’.
this is why a study of perception and cognition in any language would
be incomplete without at least a glimpse into the ways of talking about
perception, and the ways of knowing things.
in some languages, the expression of cognition is associated with hearing, seeing, smelling, or feeling in general. the concept of knowledge may
be associated with auditory perception; the roots for this are likely to
lie in the group’s social history and attitudes to knowledge. correlations
between sensory perception and cognitive processes are as diverse as the
cultures they occur in. there is hardly any doubt that universal claims
concerning the preferred status of ‘vision’ (e.g. Viberg 1983, sweetser 1990)
are highly eurocentric, and do not hold for the majority of non-Western
societies.
in §4, we address possible social and cultural motivations for the
expression of perception and cognition across the world’s languages. a
brief summary is in §5. the final section, §6, focuses on the aims, and the
structure, of this volume.
1 similar values are attributed to smells among the dassenech of ethiopia: one distinguishes one’s own group from other groups by smell (almagor 1987). further examples are
in finnegan (2002) and drobnick (2006).
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4
alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
We now turn to a bird’s eye view of grammatical devices covering various means of perception, and the ways of knowing things.
2
the grammar of perception and cognition
in a number of the world’s languages, every sentence must specify the
information source on which it is based—whether the speaker saw the
event, or heard it, or inferred it based on visual evidence or on common
sense, or learnt it from another person. as franz Boas (1938: 133) put it,
‘while for us definiteness, number, and time are obligatory aspects, we
find in another language location near the speaker or somewhere else,
source of information—whether seen, heard, or inferred—as obligatory
aspects’. this is the essence of evidentiality as grammaticalized information source, the topic of our next section.
2.1 Evidentiality as Grammaticalized Information Source
evidentiality is a grammatical category which has source of information
as its primary meaning—whether the narrator actually saw what is being
described, or made inferences about it based on what they’d seen, or was
told about it.
tariana, an arawak language (Brazil), has five evidentials marked on
the verb.
– if i see José play football, i will say ‘José is playing-naka’, using the
visual evidential.
– if i heard the noise of the play (but didn’t see it), i will say ‘José is
playing-mahka’, using the non-visual evidential.
– if all i see is that José’s football boots are gone and so is the ball, i will
say ‘José is playing-nihka’, using the inferential evidential.
– if it is sunday and José is not at home, the thing to say is ‘José is playingsika’, using the assumed evidential since my statement is based on the
assumption and general knowledge that José usually plays football on
sundays.
– and if the information was reported to me by someone else, i will say
‘José is playing-pidaka’, using the reported evidential.
using a wrong evidential leads to miscommunication, and social exclusion: someone who does not use evidentials correctly would be deemed
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5
incompetent. Omitting an evidential can produce ungrammatical and
unnatural sentences.2
expressions related to information source are heterogeneous and
versatile. they include closed classes of particles and modal verbs, and
a potentially open-ended array of verbs of opinion and belief. the term
‘lexical evidentiality’ is misleading in that it obscures these differences.3
We now go through some features of evidential systems, and perceptional
meanings associated with them.
2.1.1 General Features of Evidential Systems
evidential systems vary in their complexity. some distinguish just two
terms. an eyewitness versus non-eyewitness distinction is found in turkic
and iranian languages, in Luwo, a western nilotic language (chapter 2),
in !xun, a Khoisan language (chapter 3) and possibly in tima (alamin,
schneider-Blum and dimmendaal 2012). Other languages mark only nonfirsthand information, for example, abkhaz, a northwest caucasian language. numerous languages, including estonian, express only reported, or
hearsay, information.
in a two-term system of eyewitness versus non-eyewitness (or firsthand
versus non-firsthand), each term is semantically complex. the non-firsthand evidential in !xun covers any kind of information which the speaker
did not witness. this evidential subsumes what one has inferred, assumed
or heard from another person through hearsay. the same evidential also
has overtones of doubt and information one does not vouch for (§3.3 of
König, this volume). the firsthand evidential is used to express what one
has seen or heard—that is, apparently any type of sensory experience.
this kind of evidential system is not uncommon cross-linguistically (see
aikhenvald 2006a: 26–9, 154–8). But this is the first time ever such system
2 a further terminological remark is in order. many linguistic terms have a counterpart
in the ‘real world’. ‘time’ is what our watch shows. the term ‘tense’ refers to a grammaticalized—and limited—set of terms we have to use in a particular language. along similar
lines, ‘evidentiality’ is a category whose real-life counterpart is information source. hardly
any linguist will say that english has a ‘yesterday’ past tense, because there is a word for
‘yesterday’. similarly, it makes no sense to call verbs ‘see’ or ‘hear’ ‘lexical evidentials’ (as
done in diewald and smirnova 2010).
3 further details on evidential systems, their nature and development can be found
in aikhenvald (2006a), (2006b), (2007), (2011a,b). aikhenvald (2006a) is a comprehensive
typology of evidential systems world-wide. a detailed overview of evidential systems in
amazonian languages is in chapter 9 of aikhenvald (2012).
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
described for an african language—which is what makes König’s chapter
a breakthrough.
evidential markers may be compulsory in every clause, as, for instance,
in tariana (arawak: aikhenvald 2003), or Quechua (chapter 4). Or they
may just appear once per paragraph: this is the case in Baniwa of içana,
from the arawak family (aikhenvald 2002). in !xun, evidential particles
are only used if the speaker chooses to focus on the information source.
evidentials may or may not have epistemic extensions, to do with probability and speaker’s evaluation of the trustworthiness of information. the
visual evidential in Quechua can refer to information the speaker vouches
for (in chapter 4, adelaar mentions the relationship between evidentiality and certainty in tarma Quechua). the non-firsthand evidential in
!xun may refer to something one does not know for certain (chapter 3,
this volume). in contrast, the nonvisual evidential in tariana can refer
to something one cannot quite see, but never to any overtones of doubt
(a special dubitative modality expresses this meaning). reported evidential in estonian has an overtone of doubt. this is akin to how ‘they say’
in english may imply that the speaker does not really believe what is
being reported. in contrast, in Quechua, shipibo-Konibo and tariana, the
reported evidential does not have any such overtones.
evidentiality does not bear any straightforward relationship to truth,
or the validity of a statement, or the speaker’s responsibility. speakers of
languages with evidentials can manipulate them to tell clever lies. christa
König (chapter 3, examples 12 and 13) shows how one can use the wrong
information source and the correct lexical item. Or one can use the right
information source and the wrong lexeme.
evidentiality is not a subcategory of the verbal category of modality or
aspect. in fact, in many languages aspect, modality and evidentiality can
be expressed within one grammatical word (see aikhenvald 2006a, and
chapters in aikhenvald and dixon 2003).
the maximum number of evidential specifications is found in past
tenses, and in perfective aspect. this is easy to understand: the primary
meaning of a perfective is to do with focusing on the results of an action
or a process. an inference can be made based on the results or traces of a
previous action or state. that is, a perfective form can easily develop overtones of a non-firsthand evidential, and it is with respect to the result that
firsthand or non-firsthand information is easy to distinguish (see comrie
1976: 110; aikhenvald 2006a: 112–16).
in Luwo, just like in many other languages of the world, evidentiality
(eyewitness versus non-eyewitness) is distinguished in perfective aspect
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7
only (storch, this volume), similarly to shilluk, from the same family
(miller and gilley 2007). Luwo is among the very few instances of evidentiality in africa—which makes this system particularly exciting.4
2.1.2 Evidentials and their meanings
semantic parameters at play in languages with grammatical evidentiality
cover physical senses, several types of inference and of report. the recurrent terms are:5
i.
ii.
iii.
iV.
Vi.
Vii.
Visual covers evidence acquired through seeing.
sensory covers evidence through hearing, and is typically extended
to smell and taste, and sometimes also touch.
inference is based on visible or tangible evidence or result.
assumption is based on evidence other than visible results: this may
include logical reasoning, assumption or simply general knowledge.
reported is used for reported information with no reference to who
it was reported by.
Quotative is used for reported information with an overt reference
to the quoted source.
the means of perception grammaticalized within evidential systems
include vision and other sensory perception. the latter typically covers
auditory perception and anything one cannot see (examples in aikhenvald 2006a: 173). Only a handful of languages have a special evidential just
for what one has ‘heard’ with one’s own ears.6
as far as we know, no spoken language has a special evidential to cover
just smell, just taste, or just feeling. however, catalan sign Language is
reported to have a special evidential marking smell (sherman Wilcox, p.c.).
this raises a question concerning the cognitive motivation for grammaticalizing one information source rather than another one, depending on
4 however, a different evidential system is found in maaka, a chadic language (see
storch forthcoming, and storch and coly (in preparation)). this suggests that african languages are much more diverse in terms of grammatically marking information source than
previously assumed.
5 Based on an update of aikhenvald (2006a). earlier classification of evidential meanings are now outdated (see a comprehensive bibliography and summary in aikhenvald
2011b).
6 the few examples of that come from highly endangered languages, and are hard to
interpret: aikhenvald (2006a: 36–7).
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the kind of language—whether spoken or signed. the issue goes beyond
our present scope.
not all evidentials are equal, in terms of their marking and their use.
2.1.3 The Privileged Status of Visual Evidential
an evidential which covers information acquired through vision tends to
be special. in many languages with evidentiality, the visual evidential, or
the evidential which expresses firsthand information, typically acquired
through vision or sensory source, is less formally marked than other
evidentials. in Bora (Witotoan), Koreguaje (West tucanoan) and hup
(makú), visual evidentials are formally unmarked. in archi (a northeast
caucasian language), in yukaghir (a paleo-siberian isolate) and in retuarã
(an east tucanoan language), the unmarked verb implies that the speaker
had witnessed the action or state with an appropriate sense (typically,
saw, heard, or smelt something).7 along similar lines, in Luwo (§1.2 of
chapter 2), non-eyewitness evidential is marked with prefix náà, while
the eyewitness term does not receive a special marker.
What if i see something, and hear it, and can make inferences and
assumptions about it all at the same time? in many languages, the visual
evidential is the preferred—and functionally unmarked—choice when
one has access to more than one information source, that is, if one saw
something, heard it, and was told about the same thing at a further point
in time. this was described for tuyuca (Barnes 1984), for Kashaya (Oswalt
1986: 43) and then further developed in aikhenvald (2006a: 307–8; 2012:
Box 9.1).
But stating that one ‘has seen’ something one actually has not, may be
inappropriate. aymara, an andean language, has an obligatory system of
evidentials reminiscent of Quechua in its organization and its structure.
in her insightful study of the aymara speech practices, hardman (1986:
132–3) reminds us that every aymara child is taught an important proverb:
‘seeing, one can say: “i have seen”, without seeing one must not say “i have
seen” ’. in the tariana and tucanoan-speaking communities, a shaman,
with his supernatural powers, can ‘see’ things which an ordinary person
does not have access to. ‘seeing’ is thus a correlate to privileged access to
knowledge as power.
7 see aikhenvald (2006a) for these and other examples, and references. in tariana
(arawak) and many neighbouring east tucanoan languages visual evidential is the least
formally marked (aikhenvald 2002).
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9
persons who overuse the visual evidential may be dangerous: they may
have hidden powers of a shaman. this special status of vision as the preferred information source is reflected in another aymara proverb ‘seeing,
speak; without seeing, don’t speak’ (hardman 1986: 132–3).
What is so special about visually obtained information? We return to
this in §5.
2.2 Information Source Through Means Other Than Evidentials
in many languages, epistemological meanings—to do with how one
knows things—can be expressed without a dedicated form whose primary meaning is information source. a conditional mood in french, a
perfect aspect in georgian, desubordinated participles or a passive voice
in Lithuanian have developed evidential-like meanings as a ‘side effect’.8
these are known as ‘evidentiality strategies’.
meanings related to perception—visual or auditory—can be encoded
within the grammar through other systems. a number of languages have
a grammatical system of demonstratives with one or more terms referring
to visible objects. Visibility in deictic systems may correlate with proximity
to the speaker, and/or to the addressee and/or to a third person. Kwakiutl,
a Wakashan language with at least three evidentiality terms (Boas 1910),
has six demonstratives, with an obligatory visible/non-visible distinction:
‘visible near me, invisible near me; visible near thee, invisible near thee;
visible near him and invisible near him’.
the exact semantic content of what is covered by ‘visible’ and ‘invisible’
varies from grammar to grammar. palikur (arawak) distinguishes objects
in the speaker’s hand, those near to speaker and to hearer, those far from
both but visible, and those far and invisible (aikhenvald and green 1998).
‘Visibility’ of the object is often a concomitant feature of near deixis; this
is the case in tariana hĩhĩ ‘this (emphatic) near you and me’.9
audibility appears to also be relevant for some demonstrative systems:
‘non-visible’ objects may be audible. muna (austronesian: van den Berg
1997: 199–201) has a seven-term system: ‘near speaker’, ‘near addressee’,
‘away from speaker and addressee, but nearby’, ‘far away, lower than or
level with point of speaking or orientation’, ‘far away, higher than point
8 see dendale and van Bogaert (2007) on french, gronemeyer (1997) and Wiemer
(2007) on Lithuanian, and giacalone ramat & topadze (2007) on georgian.
9 a comprehensive typological overview of demonstratives and their meanings is in
dixon (2010b: 223–61).
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
of speaking or orientation’, ‘not visible (may be audible), unspecified for
time’, and ‘not visible, was in view but no longer is’. santali (munda: neukom 2001: 42–4) has a special series of demonstrative pronouns (used as
modifiers in a noun phrase and also adverbially) referring to what is seen,
or to what is heard.
dyirbal (australian: dixon 1972, r. m. W. dixon p.c.) has a three-term
system of noun markers: bala- ‘referent is visible and not near speaker’;
yala- ‘referent is visible and near speaker’; and Nala- ‘referent is not visible
(but may be audible or remembered from the past)’. there is also a set of
verb markers which have some morphological correspondence with noun
markers. they provide locational qualification for the verb. the markers
with initial ŋa- refer to something non-visible and inaudible, as in (1), nonvisible but audible, as in (2), and something remembered from the past,
as in (3). the relevant forms are in bold face:
(1) ŋa-n-galus
jañja bans
garris
non.visible:abs.fem-out.in.front now there:abs.fem sun
the sun (which could not be seen) was going away out in front now
(i.e. setting)
(2) ŋayi-n-galus
bayis
non.visible:abs.masc-linker-out.in.front there:abs.masc
bani-ñu
come-past
he could be heard coming along out in front
(3) ŋa-gu-l-daya
bulunja-gu
non.visible-dative-masc-mid.distance.uphill father’s.father-dative
añja
ŋayba banagay-gu
new.action 1sg
return-purposive
and i’m going back to my father’s father remembered place a medium
distance uphill (to die there)
this is an example of a rather unusual system whereby a deictic-type
marker has a wide range of perceptual meanings. this is in addition to
numerous lexical ways of expressing the notion of ‘seeing, looking’.
no demonstrative system has yet been found which would have a special term for information acquired through smell or touch. this is similar to evidentiality systems where sensory meanings other than ‘seeing’
and just occasionally ‘hearing’ never acquire special expression in spoken languages. unlike evidentials, visual demonstratives hardly ever have
epistemic overtones of certainty.
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that visibility is not infrequently encoded in demonstrative systems
goes hand-in-hand with their nature. their primarily deictic function is
intrinsically linked to personal experience of the speaker and of the hearer,
and often involves access to visual information. evidentials in statements
always reflect the information source of the speaker. in contrast, demonstratives with perceptual meanings may combine reference to what can
be seen by the speaker, by the hearer or by both.
modal verbs, particles, parentheticals of various sorts, speech reports
and even facial expressions, can be used to express inference, assumption,
and attitude to information—whether the event is considered probable,
possible or downright unlikely. Over time, any of these can grammaticalize into an evidential (see aikhenvald 2011a).
evidential and non-evidential categories may correlate with the
type of information, attitude to it, and ways of knowing things in yet
another way.
2.3
Type of Information, and Type of Knowledge: The ‘mirative’ Puzzle
many languages of the world have a grammatical form or construction
expressing information which is new or surprising to the ‘unprepared
mind’ of the speaker, or the hearer (deLancey 2001). this is the essence
of ‘mirativity’. some languages employ non-visual evidentials for information of such sort.
the evidential marker -rke- in mapudungun, an isolate spoken in the
andean areas of chile and west central argentina, is a prime example
(smeets 2007: 246–7; 110). in (4), -rke- (with its allomorph -ürke-) (in bold
face) refers to reported information:
(4) kuyfi
miyaw-ürke-y
mawida
long.ago walk-non.firsthand-indicative forest
long ago s/he wandered through the forest (it is said)
mew
through
this same evidential form, -rke-, can have a mirative meaning, to do with
surprise and new information. if one sees someone one did not expect to
see, one can exclaim:
(5) miyaw-pa-rke-ymi
walk-cislocative-non.firsthand-2sgindicative
so you are (around) here! (What a surprise!)
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similar uses of non-firsthand evidentials have been described for many
languages of the world (see an overview in aikhenvald 2006a: 197–209).
dedicated marking of ‘surprise’, ‘unprepared mind’ and unexpected
information does not have to part of an evidential system. hone, a Jukun
language, has a special set of ‘mirative’ pronouns covering this set of
meanings (storch 1999, 2009). evidentiality, on the one hand, and surprise and ‘unprepared mind’, on the other hand, form independent grammatical systems in !xun (König, this volume) and in Quechuan languages
(adelaar, this volume).
a particle ko hà in !xun marks surprise at something the speaker did
not expect (section §3.4 of chapter 3). the marker can occur in questions
and in statements. unlike evidentials in !xun which reflect the information source of the speaker, the ‘mirative’ can also mark the information
‘surprising’ and ‘new’ to the addressee. this is especially illustrative in the
contexts where the ‘mirative’ marks information which is supposed to
‘fool’ the unexpecting addressee (examples (40) and (43) in chapter 3).
the ‘mirative’ in !xun has yet another, purely discourse-based function:
it marks ‘the main point of the story’ (see (41a–b) of chapter 3). this usage
is remarkably similar to the ways in which evidentials are manipulated
to create special discourse effects. for instance, in abkhaz, a northeast
caucasian language, crucial and unexpected ‘asides’ can be cast in the
non-firsthand evidential (chirikba 2003: 317).
the ‘mirative’ in !xun can combine with an evidential, and is in a complimentary distribution with the counterexpectation marker kò. the latter
is used if something expected fails to take place (§3.5 of chapter 3). Just
like the ‘mirative’, the counterexpectation marker may reflect the attitude
of the speaker, or the hearer, or both. it has strong overtones of an irrealis
since it is restricted to situations which did not take place, and can also
be used with a deontic (‘should’ or ‘should not’) meaning.
a number of Quechuan languages, spoken in the andean area and
especially in the peruvian andes, have a special set of verbal forms whose
major meaning is surprise, unexpected information and general ‘unprepared mind’. these forms are known under a variety of terms, the most
frequently used being the ‘unexpected discovery tense’ (since it can be
considered a term in the tense paradigm). its main meaning is very similar
to what is captured by the cover term ‘mirative’. hence the title of chapter 4, ‘a Quechuan mirative?’. Just like in !xun, ‘mirative’ is a grammatical
system in its own right, and is independent of evidentials and aspects.
the Quechuan ‘mirative’ cannot be used in negative clauses (in contrast
to !xun). this agrees with a general tendency across the world’s languages:
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that fewer categories are expressed in negative than in positive clauses. in
some languages (including maricopa, a yuman language), evidentials are
not used in negative clauses (see a detailed discussion in aikhenvald and
dixon 1998). along similar lines, fewer aspect categories are expected to
be used in negative than in positive clauses. this is also the case in tarma
Quechua, the main focus of chapter 4, where aspectual distinctions are
neutralised under negation (§7).
the meanings of the Quechuan mirative cover surprise, unexpected
outcome of an action, and also situations which are out of speaker’s control. actions performed during one’s sleep or in a state of unconsciousness
are described using mirative. and so are dreams. in many languages of
south america, non-firsthand, non-visual or reported evidentials are used
in exactly the same function (see Kracke 2010, and summary in aikhenvald 2012).
the ‘mirative’ can occur with direct and with reported evidentials.
While an evidential refers to the information source, ‘mirative’ marks the
kind of information (unexpected, new or surprising). Just like in !xun, the
mirative can occur in questions, to encourage the addressee to perform
an experiment—that is, an action with a yet unknown result (§8 of chapter 4). the Quechuan mirative can refer to the information that is new
and unexpected both to the speaker and to the addressee—again, just
like in !xun. this is in stark contrast with most descriptions of mirative
extensions of evidentials (as in (5) above): these almost uniformly reflect
just the surprise of the speaker, and not of the addressee.
But are the Quechua ‘mirative’ and !xun ‘mirative’ exponents of crosslinguistically the same category? in !xun, this category is linked with
emotionally loaded exclamations. in Quechua, it is not. neither does it
always reflect the ‘unprepared mind’ of the speaker. and in !xun, ‘mirative’ appears to be in a paradigmatic opposition to a counterexpectation
marker. not so in Quechua.
‘mirativity’ as a notion is a relatively recent arrival on the linguistic
scene (see deLancey 2001; and aikhenvald 2006a: 209–15, for a brief survey). the term has been used to subsume an array of rather different
meanings. it is not yet clear whether any marker of new or unexpected
information would always qualify as a ‘mirative’, or whether a ‘surprisive’
could be identified as a category independent of ‘mirative’ (as adelaar,
this volume, suggests for Quechua)? the jury is still out.
all we can say with some degree of certainty at the present stage is that
!xun, Quechua, and a few other languages have special means for marking the type of new and unexpected knowledge, different from marking
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the way in which the knowledge was obtained (that is, from the information source). contributions like those by König and by adelaar are crucial
in our endeavour to achieve a general perspective on the ways in which
languages express information source and information type (new, unexpected, and/or surprising).
2.4 Information Source in Grammar: An Interim Summary
grammatical evidential systems are closed and restricted, with limited
choices available. the scope of grammatical evidentials is usually the
clause, or the sentence. in contrast, other means of expressing information source offer open-ended options in terms of their semantics, and can
be more flexible in their scope. information acquired through vision, or
through firsthand access to it, appears to have a privileged status in the
choice of an evidential.
in languages with evidentials, these are never the only means of expressing information source. Verbs, adjectives, adverbials, and speech reports
may provide additional detail, to do with attitude to knowledge. We now
turn to the lexical expression of perception and cognition.
3
Lexical expression of perception and cognition
every language has lexical items covering the basic senses—what one sees,
what one hears, what one smells, tastes, touches and feels. and there may
be an array of lexical devices expressing ‘knowledge’ and related notions
of assumption, inference, opinion, and emotions. not every language distinguishes the same set of terms. We start with an example.
3.1
‘See’, ‘hear’, ‘perceive’: An Illustration
Warekena of xié, a highly endangered north arawak language from
northwest amazonia, has one verb, -eda, covering ‘seeing and looking at
(something)’ and ‘hearing and listening’. the verb is ambitransitive and
active (a=sa). in (6) it means ‘see’.10 the verb is in bold face.
10 see discussion in aikhenvald (1998). all examples are from texts or natural conversations collected with the speakers of Warekena by aikhenvald (1991–2012).
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(6) yariwa
nu-sa
natina-hã
i∫arema
neda-hã
now
1sg-go 1sg+tell-pausal what/how 1sg+perceive-pausal
eni-hi
kurupira
this-pausaL evil.spirit
now i shall tell how i saw the evil spirit
to refer to ‘hearing’ something or ‘listening’ to something, one can use the
expression -eda yu∫ana (literally ‘perceive voice’), as in (7):
(7) nida
yu∫ana utsipie ni-wayata
3pl+perceive voice
bird
3pl-speak
they hear the voice of birds singing
the exact reading of -eda is determined by context. in (7), -eda is normally
understood as ‘hear’ or ‘listen’—this is what typically happens when birds
are around. the expression -eda yu∫ana can also mean ‘understand’ (as
in benamit∫i nida yu∫ana ‘they do not understand anything’ (ana paula
Baltazar, the oldest living speaker of the language). this same verb can
also mean ‘reckon, judge’, as in (8):
(8) wa-∫a weda
damari yutsi-ri
1pl-go 1pl+perceive who
strong-adjectiviser
let’s reckon who is stronger in running
para-hã
run-pausal
a different verb, -beda, is used with the meaning ‘taste’ (typically, food):
(9) nu-beda-da-hã
mi∫i ura-mia-ri-hĩ
1sg-try-red-pausal meat soft-perf-relativiser-pausal
i am trying the meat (several times) if it is soft (Lit.: meat which is soft).
the verb meaning ‘smell (something or someone)’ is -∫imeta. it is cognate
to a causativised form of the verb meaning *-kɨma ‘hear, listen, think’ in
related arawak languages (aikhenvald 2002, appendix 2). none of the
verbs referring to perception can be used for cognitive processes. there is
a verb meaning ‘think, reason’, -puriyuta (whose etymology is unknown).
all the verbs of perception and cognition in this language are active ambitransitive (a=sa). that is, the verb ‘perceive’ cannot mean ‘be perceived’
(a passive derivation has to be used to express this meaning).
Warekena is not unique in using the same verb to express the two
major sources of perception, visual and auditory. in yir-yoront, and gugu
yalanji (australian area) the same verbal root is used for ‘see, look at;
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
hear, listen’ (evans and Wilkins 2000: 556, alpher 1991: 61, hershberger
and hershberger 1982: 135). in another australian language, guugu yimidhirr, the verb nhaa- means all of ‘see, look, hear, think, seem’ (haviland
1989: 29).
in a few other australian languages, an auditory meaning is rendered
by adjunction or incorporation of a noun designating the body part used,
as in djabugay ngundal ‘see, watch, look at’, bina ngundal (ear see, watch,
look at) ‘hear, listen’ (patz 1991).11
the form meaning ‘see’ and ‘hear’ in gugu yalanji and guugu yimidhirr may have meant just ‘see’ at an earlier stage.12 the Warekena form
-eda is cognate with the verb ‘see’ in related arawak languages (e.g. Bare
-yada ‘see, look’: aikhenvald 1995). and in Luwo, the verb ‘see, realize’
has an additional meaning ‘hear, obey’ (§2.1 of chapter 2). this may demonstrate the direction of semantic change, from ‘see’ to ‘hear’, but at the
same time could be the consequence of in-built polysemy, which, in perception verbs, is salient in Luwo.
there are examples of semantic development in the opposite direction
(contrary to Viberg 1983, 1984, 2001). in Kolyma yukaghir, a paleo-siberian
isolate, a construction whose primary meaning is ‘auditory’ can be used
for situations describing visual experience (maslova 2004).
synchronically speaking, however, the Warekena verb -eda is best
treated as a generic verb ‘perceive’. its overtones to do with sight or hearing are typically inferred from the context or disambiguated if required.
this is similar to a generic verb of perception and cognition nŋ in Kalam,
from the Kalam-Kobon family (pawley 1994: 392) (and see §3.2). a generic
verb ‘perceive’ covering several kinds of sensory information is reminiscent of a general ‘witnessed’ or ‘firsthand’ evidential term covering any
sensory perception (as described for Luwo in chapter 2, !xun in chapter
3, and for Quechuan languages: see Weber 1986, and chapter 4).
We now turn to a brief overview of recurrent patterns. Before we proceed, some terminological remarks are in order.
11 note similar examples from gugu yalanji are in hershberger and hershberger (1982:
135) (also see evans and Wilkins 2000: 556–8 for a few other examples).
12 the nature of genetic and areal relationships between australian languages is
complicated. in his comprehensive analysis of australian languages, their nature and
development, dixon (2002) casts doubts onto the viability of pama-nyungan versus nonpama-nyungan as bona fide genetic groupings. this is the reason why we refrain from
using these terms in this chapter.
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3.2
17
How Many Meanings?
in many languages of the world, verbs ‘see’ and ‘hear’ go beyond perception. sweetser (1990) claims—on the basis of a selection of indo-european
languages—that the verb of visual perception ‘see’ is a universal source for
metaphorical extension to verbs of cognition such as ‘think’ and ‘know’. in
an in-depth study of australian aboriginal languages, evans and Wilkins
(2000) demonstrated that this does not hold outside the familiar european
domain. Verbs of cognition are ‘recruited’ from verbs referring to auditory
perception. garcía-ramón (2010) has demonstrated that in ancient indoeuropean languages—for instance in the anatolian family—all possible
relations between perception and cognition exist: not only vision and
auditory perception, but also touch, smell and taste are documented as
sources for ‘know’.
as we will see throughout this volume, this is also the case in many
languages across africa and papua new guinea. in manambu, a ndu language from new guinea (chapter 6), the same verb has the meaning of
‘hear, listen, think, smell, obey, understand, worry, miss, be sorry about’.
in Korowai, an isolate from new guinea, one lexeme is used to express
auditory perception, obedience and knowledge (§3.1.1 of chapter 5). in
Lussese, a Bantu language, the verb -húlirà means ‘hear, listen, feel, and
obey’ (chapter 10). in hausa, from the chadic branch of afroasiatic, the
verb ji means all of ‘hear, feel, taste, smell, experience, understand, know,
be concerned, be immersed into something, be or become affected, suffice’ (Bargery 1951: 497ff ).
each of these lexemes can be considered polysemous. this means
that we postulate that each has several distinct albeit related meanings
(cf. Lichtenberk 1991). however, not infrequently, different meaning overtones of the same lexeme surface in different grammatical contexts. the
verb wukǝ- in manambu means ‘listen’ as a controlled activity if one of
the following conditions apply: (a) its object is marked with locativeaccusative case, or (b) the verb is accompanied with a directional, or
(c) the verb occurs in the imperative form (see table 6.3 in chapter 6).
the same form acquires an uncontrolled meaning of ‘hear’ if none of these
conditions hold.
different meaning overtones may thus be in complimentary distribution
depending on grammatical contexts. this is reminiscent of heterosemy.13
13 defined by Lichtenberk (1991) as a relation in which related, and often identical forms
and their different (and related) senses may belong to different grammatical categories,
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in a nutshell, the difference between the two is as follows. polysemy allows
us to postulate one lexeme. heterosemy presupposes the existence of several related lexemes, each surfacing in a different grammatical context.
suppose a verb in a language refers to a kind of perception (‘hear’ or
‘listen’), to a cognitive process (‘think’ or ‘understand’) and to a type of
social behaviour (‘obey’). yet the speakers recognise it as one. as evans
and Wilkins (2000: 563) put it,
we could be dealing either with an entire semantic system that does not
systematically distinguish perception from cognition, or at least some verbs
that abstract away from the difference, with the result that we have a vague
rather than a polysemous meaning.
in his description of perception and cognition verb nŋ in Kalam (KalamKobon family, papuan area), pawley (1994: 392) suggests that this verb has
a unitary meaning, merging perception and cognition. as pawley puts it,
in different contexts nŋ, occurring as the lone content verb in a clause, may
be glossed as “know, be conscious, be aware, be awake, see, hear, smell,
taste, feel, recognise, notice, understand, remember, learn, study”.
this fits in with the nature of verbal semantics in Kalam, a language with
a small closed class of verbs each with a fairly broad generic meaning.
having a closed or fairly small class of verbs with generic semantics is a
feature of numerous papuan languages (see pawley 1993 on Kalam; further
discussion in Lang 1975 and aikhenvald 2009: 101–2). What we, as speakers
of european languages, would consider an extension of meaning, could
be an integral part of meaning itself for a native speaker of a non-european language, such as Kalam or hausa.14 this aspect has been constantly
brushed aside in eurocentric discussions of perception and cognition
(e.g. sweetser 1990, Viberg 1983, 1984, 2001): the notions of ‘intrafield’ and
‘transfield’ polysemy are applied to any language being discussed without
looking at the way meanings are organized in that language. this ad-hoc
analytic approach inevitably leads to an oversimplification.
for the purpose of this volume, we will focus on a ‘meaning complex’
or ‘semantic systems’ which can be established for each particular lexeme under discussion. this approach may make it largely unnecessary
determined morphosyntactically. some scholars extend the notion of polysemy to include
heterosemy (e.g. Lyons 1977).
14 this issue, and the difficulties with distinguishing ‘basic’ from ‘non-basic’ meaning,
was brought up by Lourens de Vries and r. m. W. dixon at a local workshop on perception
and cognition at Language and culture research group, Jcu.
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19
to refer to the notions of ‘intrafield polysemy’ (e.g. polysemy of the verb
-eda ‘see, look, hear, listen’ spanning several meanings within the field of
‘perception’ in Warekena) and ‘transfield polysemy’ (e.g. semantic overlap between perception and cognition of the verb dai-/da- ‘hear, listen,
know’ in Korowai, chapter 5). We leave it to individual authors within the
present volume to decide whether they follow the ‘polysemy’ and ‘semantic extension’ approach, or consider each meaning complex as a holistic
semantic system where every overtone has an equal status.
3.3
Verbs of Perception and Cognition, and Their Semantic Systems
3.3.1 On Typological Parameters
a proper typological study of verbs of perception and cognition is still in
its early stages. this is partly so because of researchers’ focus on limited
samples, and partly so because of difficulties in obtaining fine-grained
semantic analyses of semantic systems of languages outside europe (australian languages being a notable exception).15
an oft-quoted typological study of lexicalization patterns of perception
and cognition verbs by Viberg (1983, 1984, 2001) is limited to just over 50
languages (with hardly any from the pacific, and south america). Basic
distinctions in verbs of perception introduced by Viberg are problematic.
in particular, his distinction between activity-controlled and experiencecontrolled perception verbs (such as english look at versus see) is of limited usefulness. it is indeed the case that some languages have distinct
lexemes for both (see table 5 in evans and Wilkins 2000: 554). dongolawi
(§3 of chapter 8, this volume) has different lexemes just for controlled
and non-controlled touching. controlled and non-controlled meanings
for taste, hearing and sight involve the same lexeme.
in many languages, however, the meaning of the same verbal form
depends on the construction. in Kayardild marrija typically means ‘hear’ in
declaratives, and ‘listen’ in commands (where subject’s control is implied:
evans and Wilkins 2000: 554–5). similar instances are described for manambu (see §3.2 in chapter 6), dongolawi (§3.1.1 of chapter 8) and tima
(chapter 9). the overtone of control is a general feature of commands
and imperatives (aikhenvald 2010: 150–3). so, this meaning distinction is
what we would expect.
15 see dixon (2010a), for a criticism of sampling methodology, and Jungraithmayr (2004)
for a criticism of eurocentric approach towards non-indo-european languages.
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that is, cross-linguistically speaking, the distinction between ‘activity’
and ‘experience’ in verbs of perception is often a corollary of the construction in which one single lexeme is used.
Viberg’s third type of perception verb is ‘source-based copulative (state)
construction’ from which the perceiver is omitted, as in english the painting looks old, the talk sounds interesting, or the daughter’s brow felt feverish.
the terminology itself is highly dubious, since the copular status of look,
sound and feel in these examples is debatable. Verbs of perception used in
such a construction may differ from corresponding transitive verbs with
controlled and non-controlled meanings—just as in english hear, listen
and sound are different lexemes.
in other cases, a ‘source-based copulative construction’ is just an
instance of an ambitransitive (or labile) verb. the verb marrija in Kayardild means ‘sound’ in constructions like ‘i hear that man (as) drunk’, that
is, that man sounds drunk. in Boumaa fijian the verb rogo(-ca) is an
s=O ambitransitive and may mean all of ‘hear, listen’ and ‘be audible’
(r. m. W. dixon, p.c.: Lu 2010, and chang 2010 provide similar examples
from maonan and tsou). that is, seemingly different semantics of verbs
of perception is a corollary of their transitivity patterns. it would be a
worthwhile task to provide a cross-linguistic investigation of transitivity
of verbs of perception and cognition (also see questions raised in §3.3.2)
as a background to further typological analyses.
such ‘typically “derived” nature of the source-based set’ (as evans and
Wilkins 2000: 555 put it) and the nature of differences between controlled
activity and uncontrolled experience in perception verbs invalidates the
basic typological parameters Viberg is operating with.
Viberg assumes that if a perception verb in one language may be translated by several verbs into english, we are automatically dealing with a
‘polysemy’. as we saw in the previous section, this is an oversimplification. he goes on to claim that ‘polysemies’ of perception verbs follow a
hierarchy whereby ‘vision’ is the preferred sense. the following universal
ordering of means of sensory perception is assumed to determine ‘intrafield’ extensions of verbs of perception:
sight > hearing > touch > smell/taste
a number of exceptions to this unidirectional path were demonstrated in
§3.1. importantly, the ‘hierarchy’ is based on false parameters of typological variation and on a dubious assumption of intrafield polysemies.
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sweetser (1990) also claims that vision—rather than any other sense—
is the only source of ‘transfield’ extensions from perception to cognition.
her argument in favour of ‘vision’ as the most important means of sensory
perception was criticised by evans and Wilkins (2000), based on information from australian languages. most chapters in this volume point in the
same direction.
Within this volume, we limit ourselves to the linguistic expression of
five basic senses—sight, hearing, smell, taste and touch.16 there is no
doubt that in many languages of the world perception and cognition are
expressed through the same lexical means. Vision, or auditory perception,
may be linked to cognition. Or there may be a general verb of ‘perception’
covering cognitive processes of understanding and thinking. Whether
or not we can talk of a diachronic ‘development path’, from perception
to cognition, or whether cognitive and perceptual meanings form one
conceptual package, largely depends on the individual language and its
semantic organization.
3.3.2 Verbs of Perception, and Cognition: A Special Subclass
if a verb can refer to several ways of perceiving or knowing things, how
do speakers understand each other? this can be done through pragmatic
inference. We saw in §3.1 that in Warekena ‘perceiving’ a bird is typically
associated with hearing it sing, or listening to it, and ‘perceiving’ an evil
spirit means ‘seeing’ it. Kirsner and thompson (1976) show that, in english, ‘i see that’ may mean ‘i see (that something is happening)’ and ‘i
understand (that something is happening)’, and that the context decides
which interpretation is appropriate.
What looks like the same form takes on different overtones in different grammatical frames. goddard (1994: 237) provides criteria for distinguishing three senses of kulini ‘hear, listen; think; heed, listen to, obey’ in
yankunytjatjara (also see evans and Wilkins 2000: 564–6, and §3.2 above).
if kulini means ‘think’, it takes a quotational clausal complement. in its
meaning ‘hear, listen’, kulini takes a nominalized clausal complement. if
the meaning ‘heed, listen to, obey’ is implied, kulini takes a locative clause
complement.
16 as did evans and Wilkins (2000: 555). note that some of the contributions within this
volume make reference to Viberg’s ‘typology’ for lack of any other typological study. We
hope that, as new linguistic systems are being described, a new and more comprehensive
typology will be worked out.
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all this points towards special grammatical status of perception verbs.
in the great majority of languages, verbs are an open word class, with a
notable exception of a number of languages in new guinea (including
Kalam: pawley 1993, 1994). Within this class, verbs of perception, cognition and sometimes inner states in general (including emotions) may display special grammatical features which set them apart from the rest.17
the choice of a complementizer or a type of complement clause may
serve to express meanings related to how one knows a particular fact. in
english, different complement clauses distinguish an auditory and a hearsay meaning of the verb hear: saying I heard John cross the street implies
that i did hear John stamping his feet, while I heard that John crossed the
street implies a verbal report of the result. a that- clause with perception verbs can refer only to indirect knowledge (see a concise analysis of
complement clauses with verbs of perception in english in the context of
complementation in general, by dixon 2005: 270–1). similar phenomena
have been described, by dixon (1988: 267–79), for Boumaa fijian.
in manambu and in Korowai, verbs of perception have special complementation strategies. in both languages, the way of saying ‘he saw that
his older brother was asleep’ is ‘he saw, and/while his elder brother was
asleep’ using a medial clause within a clause chain (§3.2 of chapter 5 and
§2.1 of chapter 6). in Khwe-//ani, perception verbs obligatorily occur in
serial verb constructions (chapter 7). Verbs of perception in dongolawi
(chapter 8) form serial verb constructions of unusual types. tables 1 and
3 in chapter 6 summarize the different grammatical contexts which serve
to disambiguate overtones of verbs of visual and auditory perception, cognition and ‘trying’, tasting and ‘experiencing’ in manambu.
Verbs of perception and cognition can display special properties in
terms of their argument marking. in a number of northeast caucasian
and in south caucasian languages, their subject (the ‘perceiver’: see dixon
2005) is marked with dative case rather than with nominative or ergative
case (Onishi 2001); this is a feature they share with verbs of emotions. the
case marking of objects of the verbs of perception in manambu and other
languages from the ndu family helps distinguish their meanings (chapter 6, this volume).
perception verbs in Luwo (§2 of chapter 2) allow the omission of a
perfective marker, which is impossible with action verbs. in Lha'alua, an
17 to be further addressed in aikhenvald (forthcoming).
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austronesian language from taiwan, if the verb kita ‘see, look’ is used in
progressive aspect, it has the controlled meaning ‘look’ rather than ‘see’
(pan 2012).
Verbs of perception and also of cognition may be limited in terms of
whether they can take derivational affixes. in tariana, the verb ‘see’ cannot be passivised or causativised, and can occur in only a few idiomatic
symmetrical serial verbs. in manambu neither ‘see, look’ nor ‘hear, listen’
can occur in a full range of compounds (chapter 6), or be causativised.
in their imperative forms, verbs of perception often lexicalise as discourse markers. the italian form Guarda! ‘look!’ is frequently used as a
means of entitling the speaker to break into a conversation—implying
that they have something extremely important to say which requires
immediate attention (Waltereit 2002). this form is used in situations
when no ‘looking’, or showing, is asked for—the form has developed into
a discourse marker meaning ‘i have something to say that justifies an
interruption’. a similar pathway could be constructed for english Look or
Look here, spanish Mira, portuguese Olha or Veja (bem) ‘Look’, ‘see (well)’,
each of these forms is a powerful device of ‘floor-seeking’ in conversation, and also attention-getting devices and conversation sustainers. Vanhove (2008: 357) describes a similar usage for Wolof gis ‘you see’ used in
a ‘phatic function, in order to attract attention to a piece of information’.
the imperatives of ‘see, look’, ‘hear, listen’ and ‘know’ are often used in
modern hebrew as attention getters (malygina 2001: 284). similar patterns
have been described in turkic languages (nasilov et al 2001: 215). the erstwhile singular imperative of ‘hear’ in russian only survives as a somewhat
obsolete attention getter (aikhenvald 2010: 246–7).
not infrequently, verbs of perception grammaticalize into exponents
of different categories. these include, among others, a passive marker as
in french (and perhaps archaic chinese: heine and Kuteva 2002: 270, citing alain peyraube, p.c.). a negative existential in Warekena, beda (ba‘impersonal’ + -eda ‘perceive, see/hear’) with the negative ya- . . . -pia) is
based on a negated form of ‘perceive’. Verbs of perception may develop
into exponents of negative imperative. this is also the case in Warekena:
(10) pida
pi-wayata
2sg+perceive 2sgl-talk/tell
don’t tell (anyone)
a positive or a negative verb of visual perception may express warning, as,
for instance, english look out and Latin vide (Löftstedt 1966: 94). in tatar, a
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turkic language, apprehensive meaning ‘lest’ is expressed through a combination of a main verb (in the form of a converb) and the prohibitive of
kür- ‘see’ (nasilov et al. 2001: 194–5):
(11) jegýla
kür-mä!
fall.converb ‘see’-prohibitive.2sg
beware not to fall! (Lit. don’t see falling!)
in shor, also turkic, apprehensive is expressed with a prohibitive form
of the verb and the particle kör ‘watch out, beware!’, itself a fossilized
second person imperative singular of the verb kör ‘to see’. russian has a
similar construction, literally, ‘look, don’t verb’ to mean ‘make sure you
don’t verb (or else something bad may happen)’ (note that this is the only
instance where perfective aspect appears in negative imperative in the
language). the verb kita ‘see, look’ in Lha'alua is used in the meaning of
‘beware’ (in an imperative form) (pan 2012):
(12) k-um-ita-mau
look/see-actor.voice-look/see.actor.voice.imper-strong.request
likilhi!
vehicle
beware of the vehicle(s)!
Verbs of vision frequently grammaticalize into visual evidentials (examples come from maricopa, a yuman language, and shibacha Lisu, from the
tibeto-Burman family: aikhenvald 2011a: 604–5). a verb meaning ‘hear,
listen’ may grammaticalize into a non-visual sensory evidential (this is the
case in Wintu, in shibacha Lisu and in tariana). in §5, we return to correlations between lexical and grammatical expression of perception.
3.3.3 Semantic Systems of Perception and Cognition: A Bird’s Eye View
We have seen that in quite a few language the same form may refer to
telic and controlled ‘looking’ and atelic uncontrolled ‘seeing’ and ‘noticing’. another lexeme will refer to ‘listening’ and to ‘hearing’.
the same form can refer to what one ‘sees’ or ‘looks at’, and a variety of
other means of perception. We saw in §3.1 above that in Kolyma yukaghir
and in a few australian languages (mostly from the cape york peninsula
region) the same form refers to ‘seeing’ and to ‘hearing’. the same form can
also be used for cognitive processes, ‘knowing’ and ‘understanding’. protoindo-european *weid- ‘see’ developed into greek eīdon ‘see’, perfect oida
‘know’, and Latin video ‘see’ and irish fios ‘knowledge’, cf. also dutch weten,
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german wissen ‘know’, english wise, wit, russian videt' ‘see’, vedat' ‘know’
(further discussion and examples are in ivanov and gamkrelidze 1984). this
is a typical path for indo-european languages but is far from universal—
cf. §3.2, and criticism of sweetser (1990) by evans and Wilkins (2000).
cognitive overtones (or ‘extensions’) of verb(s) of vision are not
restricted to indo-european languages. ‘see, find’ describes understanding and realising something in Luwo (§2.1 and §3 of chapter 2),
with an additional meaning ‘hear, heed, obey’. in Korowai (§3 of chapter 5), the verb i-/imo-/ima- means ‘see, look’; its perfective forms mean
‘know’ (a meaning the verb ‘see’ shares with the verb ‘hear’ in this same
language).
along similar lines, in Kasem, a gur language, vision is associated with
‘deep understanding’: the verb ña ‘see, catch sight, discern, perceive distinctly’ also refers to ‘understand, realize’. ‘understanding’ and ‘seeing’ or
‘looking’ are expressed with the same lexeme in swahili and Wolof, and,
albeit marginally, in Beja (Vanhove 2008: 357–8). in arrernte, the verb
itele-areme means ‘know, realize, remember, think, understand’, and is
originally a compound formed from ite-le ‘with the throat’ and areme ‘see,
look for, meet, visit’ (evans and Wilkins 2000: 576, Van Valin and Wilkins
1993: 523–4).
the verb ‘see’ may also imply ‘recognise by vision’; this is the case in
tariana, and australian languages mayali and tyemeri (evans and Wilkins
2000: 575). it may also be used in the sense of ‘guard, look after’, as in
tani languages (tibeto-Burman: post and modi 2010), tsou (chang 2010),
Lha'alua (pan 2012: chapter 10) (where it also has a meaning ‘think, have
an opinion’). in Warlpiri, ‘see’ has a sense of judgement and evaluation
with state-of-affairs complements (Laughren 1992: 233). in tima (chapter
9), the verb of vision also means ‘notice, think’ and may imply conjecture.
in tani languages (tibeto-Burman: post and modi 2010), ‘see’ refers to
‘have an opinion, anticipate a result’ and ‘view a situation in a certain way
as a matter of well-assimilated knowledge’. the verb ‘see, look’ refers to
finding out and discovering something (as in manambu, chapter 6).
different verbs of ‘seeing’ may have different overtones. Lien (2005)
discusses three verbs of visual perception in taiwanese southern min.
the verb khoann3 covers visual perception and cognition: it means
(i) ‘watch with eyes’; (ii) ‘have a faculty of seeing’, (iii) ‘guard, tend’,
(iv) ‘read’, (v) ‘visit’, (vi) ‘consult’, (vii) ‘recognize’, (viii) ‘determine’,
(ix) ‘judge’, (x) ‘categorize’. the verb kinn3 means ‘see’, ‘meet’, ‘decide’, and
siong3 means ‘gaze, tell fortunes, wait for’.
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the verb of auditory perception covers knowing, understanding and
remembering in numerous languages of the world. meussen (1975: 4–5)
suggested this range of meanings as an areal isogloss for sub-saharan africa
(also see heine and Leyew 2007, for verbs of visual and auditory perception and their ‘cognitive’ overtones). this range of meanings is extremely
wide-spread in australian languages (evans and Wilkins 2000), papuan
and austronesian languages of new guinea, and in arawak languages of
amazonia (aikhenvald 2002, appendix 2). in Luwo (§2.2 of chapter 2) the
verb ‘hear’ may express ‘understand’. the verb dai-/da- in Korowai refers
to hearing, listening and to knowledge, constituting a compact semantic
system where no meaning can be considered ‘basic’ (in agreement with
pawley 1994). ‘make someone hear’ means ‘inform’ (§3 of chapter 5). in
manambu, wukǝ- covers all of ‘hear, listen, think, understand, worry, miss
someone’ and also ‘smell’ (chapter 6).
a similar meaning range has been described for Beja and tswana (Vanhove 2008: 347–50 provides similar examples from some indo-european
languages). in tsou, ‘hear, listen’ may also mean ‘remember’ and ‘understand’ (but not ‘think’). in maonan (tai-Kadai: Lu 2010), ‘listen’ also means
‘feel, intend, expect, guess, suspect’. in numerous languages, ‘hear, listen’
also means ‘obey’.
in many chadic, australian and papuan languages (chapters 5 and 6,
and pawley 1993), ‘hear’ and ‘listen’ can cover other senses including ‘feel,
touch, smell’. so can the verbs of vision: in manambu (chapter 6), it covers ‘taste’, ‘try’ and ‘experience’ in general. the actual meanings can always
be disambiguated by grammatical context. a similar situation appears to
hold in other languages of the ndu family, and in other languages of the
same sepik area, including Karawari (Lower sepik, papua new guinea:
telban 2010).
‘smell’ is, not infrequently, expressed with the same lexeme as ‘hear’;
this is the case in dongolawi (chapter 8 of this volume), and manambu
(chapter 6). in Luwo, ‘smell’ is associated with the verb ‘know’, and with
‘thinking’ (chapter 2). in tsou, ‘smell’ can also mean ‘find’: the two meanings are differentiated through using different voice markers (chang 2010).
in nunggubuyu, from the australian area, =yarra- ‘to smell something’ can
also mean ‘to detect, to sense (something)’ (heath 1982: 268).18 We are not
aware of any cognitive overtones of verbs meaning ‘taste’ or ‘touch’.
18 also see evans and Wilkins (2000: 576), for a few further possible instances of cognitive extensions of the root ‘smell’.
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linguistic expression of perception and cognition
27
the verb //ám in Khwe covers taste, touch and smell (§2 of chapter 7).
the verb ‘hear’ in Khwe refers just to auditory processes, and the verb ‘see’
in Khwe has no overtones outside vision. however, the cognate form of
Khwe ‘hear’ covers other means of perception—touch, taste and smell—
in other central Khoisan languages (§2 of chapter 7).
further meanings of the verb of ‘vision’ take us into what evans and
Wilkins (2000: 572 ) refer to as the ‘social domain’. We mentioned above
that ‘see, look’ can also cover meanings of ‘overseeing, overlooking’ and
‘guarding’ something or someone. ‘see’ may refer to ‘meeting’ someone
or with someone, for example, in Kasem (gur: Vanhove 2008: 359), Lussese (chapter 10), and some australian languages, including arrernte,
and Kurtjar. in Lha'alua and in tsou, two related formosan languages,
‘see’ is also used in the meaning of ‘visiting (someone)’ (chang 2010,
pan 2012). tariana employs a causative of -ka ‘see’ in the meaning ‘meet,
encounter’.
a verb of vision may reach into other domains. in Kayardild, kurrija
‘see’ covers ‘desire, looking upon with lust’. ‘see’ may have connotations
to do with negative emotions and aggressive social acts. in tyemeri, the
auxiliary which on its own means ‘see’ participates in a number of collocations with clearly negative meanings, including ‘be jealous’ and ‘feel
ill at ease’ (evans and Wilkins 2000: 573–4). in tariana, the verb -ka ‘see,
observe, find’ has an array of meanings to do with negative emotions and
attitudes in numerous symmetrical serial verb constructions (e.g. ‘be jealous, envious’, ‘despise’, ‘mistreat’) (aikhenvald 2001).
the verb of vision may have a further use which has not been extensively discussed in the literature. in Kasem, a gur language, the verb ña
‘see, catch sight, discern, perceive distinctly’ also refers to ‘understand,
realize’ and ‘find out, win, get (something advantageous, e.g. woman, life,
water, crop)’. in ewe and Likpe (both Kwa), the verb ‘see’ has the meaning
of ‘have’ (ameka forthcoming). another verb that predicates a possessive
relation is nyǝ ‘see’:
(13) saka
ǝ�-nyǝ
a-táàbí��
<name> subject:cross:reference-see class.marker-money
saka has money
in ameka’s words, this usage ‘reflects the idea that what is in one’s perceptual domain belongs to them’. similarly, the verb of vision bona ‘see’
in tswana (Bantu) means ‘consider, suppose, imagine, recognize (as
guilty)’, and also ‘receive’ and ‘have’ (Vanhove 2008: 359). correlations
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
between ‘seeing’ and ‘ownership’ have so far been found only in african
languages.
in pasighat adi, a tibeto-Burman language, ‘look’ covers possession of
a different sort: (14) describes someone possessed by a spirit (post and
modi 2010):
(14) bɨ-m
uyu
kaa-tuŋ
3-accusative spirit look-continuous
he is being possessed by a spirit
as reading and writing enter essentially oral cultures, the verb ‘see, look’
can be coopted to cover reading. this is the case in manambu (chapter 6),
in Karawari (Lower sepik, papua new guinea: telban 2010), and in tsou
(chang 2010). in Lha'alua, the verb ‘see’ means ‘read’, and also ‘do homework, write assignments’.19
Verbs of cognition may be associated with domains other than perception, such as ‘take, hold’, and so on. in many languages, verbs of ‘grasping’
extend to ‘understanding’ (see Vanhove 2008: 366): an obvious example is
english grasp with both meanings.20
We saw above that verbs of perception may refer to cognition and to
understanding. it is however incorrect to assume that vision is a universal
‘source’ for expressing cognition (also see chapter 10). it is also not true
that meanings related to cognition always come from reinterpretation of
perception (suggested by Viberg 1984;21 but see a discussion of french
entendre which developed its meaning of ‘hear’ from the original meaning
‘understand’, and further examples in Vanhove 2008, evans and Wilkins
2000). in many instances, we are dealing with a general meaning range of
generic verbs spanning perception and cognition—in the spirit of pawley
(1994) and chapters 5 and 6 in this volume (also see evans and Wilkins
2000: 567–8, for a discussion of dalabon, Kuninjku and Kriol).
What is so special about ‘hearing’ and its relationship to ‘understanding’? and why is it so that ‘vision’ can acquire negative overtones? this
19 this is far from universal. for instance, in tariana ‘reading’ is referred to with the
same verb as ‘playing an instrument’.
20 there is, however, no evidence for a hypothetical development from hearing to
vision to prehension (to understanding) (suggested by Vanhove 2008: 368).
it is too early to make any generalizations concerning the meaning complexes of lexemes referring to knowing, understanding, opinions, assumptions and inferences.
21 however, Viberg (1984: 158) also provides a counter-example to this.
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linguistic expression of perception and cognition
29
is the topic of §4. We now turn to further ways of talking about senses,
understanding and knowing.
3.4 Beyond Verbs: Perception, Cognition, and the Human Body
meanings to do with perception may be expressed through a special set
of terms, not necessarily verb-like. Luwo (§3.1 of chapter 2) has a highly
elaborate vocabulary of terms for smells which form a special word class.
ideophones in tima (chapter 9) can disambiguate a general verb of vision
(which also has overtones to do with knowledge). Kambaata (cushitic:
treis 2010) has an extensive set of adjectives referring to different tastes.
formosan languages employ a set of ‘lexical prefixes’ with meanings of
‘seeing’ and ‘hearing’ (chang 2010, pan 2012).
in most papuan languages of new guinea, and also Quechua and
aguaruna in south america, cognitive processes can be rendered through
reported speech constructions. this is also a prominent feature of Korowai
(§4 of chapter 5; see aikhenvald 2011c).
in most languages of the world terms for body parts contribute to the
expression of perception, and of cognition. ‘eye’ is a universal organ for
‘seeing’ and ‘looking’, and ‘ear’ for ‘hearing’ and ‘listening’. and either ‘eye’
or ‘ear’ can be the ‘organs’ or ‘locations’ for knowing and understanding.
in his comprehensive study of the semantics of tibeto-Burman languages,
matisoff (1978: 161) refers to the eyes as ‘our highest, most intellectual organ
of sense’. following a similar principle, ‘eye’ is considered the ‘organ’ of
knowledge in gbaya 'Bodoe (gbaya-manza-ngbaka, ubangi: Vanhove 2008:
360). this is independent from the meanings of lexical verbs: in gbaya, the
verb ‘see, look at’ does not mean ‘understand’ nor ‘know’.
‘Liver’ is considered the seat of emotions, and sometimes also perception in many western nilotic languages (storch, own field data) and in
neighbouring Bantu languages, such as Lusoga and Luganda (thanassoula, p.c.). in gugu yalanji, an australian language, jiba-bu nyajil- ‘liver/
insides-instrumental see/hear/perceive’ means ‘know without seeing or
hearing’, e.g. a doctor who knows that a woman will die (hershberger and
hershberger 1982: 135).
in the overwhelming majority of australian languages, ‘ear’ is the locus
of understanding, memory, and cognition in general (evans and Wilkins
2000). in mangarayi, ‘the “eye” figures as an organ of apprehension, though
it does not appear to be intimately linked with the notion of understanding in the way “ear” is’ (merlan 1982: 228).
along similar lines, ‘ear’ in ts'ixa (a central Khoisan language) is associated with hearing and perhaps also cognitive processes (§2 of chapter 7).
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
Wa:n ‘ear’ is the organ of knowledge and understanding in manambu
(chapter 6). the term ‘eye’ helps narrow the meaning of the versatile verb
‘see’ in manambu to just the meaning of ‘seeing’ and ‘looking’: this verb
can also mean ‘experience, try, taste’, but not if accompanied with ‘eye’.
the ‘ear’ does not do the same job with the versatile verb ‘hear, listen,
think, remember, miss, be sorry’. Just like in australian languages, ‘ear’
is where hearing, heeding and all sorts of cognition take place. a child,
or a person who has not been socialized properly, ‘does not hear’, or ‘has
no ear’.
this is similar to pintupi (an australian language) where the noun patjaru ‘forgetful, disorientated, mad’ may also refer to a deaf person; and
rama ‘angry; emotionally upset; mad person, deaf person’ is also ‘used
of disobedient children’ (hansen and hansen 1992: 104, 122; evans and
Wilkins 2000: 584). as myers (1986: 107–8) puts it,
‘in the pintupi view, the concepts “thinking”, “understanding” and “hearing” are expressed by a single term, kulninpa, which means literally “to
hear”. the organ of thought is ear, but emotions take place in the stomach
where the spirit is located. to be unaware (patjarru or ramarama), contrastingly, is to have one’s “ears closed”’.
‘eye’ may have overtones of aggression and sexual desire (similarly to
some negative overtones of the verb of vision), as in Kayardild miburmuthanda (eye-excessive) ‘lecher, big-eye’ and ngarrkwa miburlda (strong/hard
eye) ‘bold, brazen, stern-eyed’ (evans and Wilkins 2000: 566). in dyirbal,
there are two ways of saying ‘be jealous’ both involving ‘eye’: ‘eye-sit’ is
typically used by a woman, and ‘eye-burn’ by a man (r. m. W. dixon, p.c.).
similarly, in maonan ‘eye’ is associated with negative states, e.g.’ eye red’
means ‘jealous’ and ‘eye white’ means ‘hateful’ (Lu 2010).
‘ear’ can be linked to the expression of emotions rather than of cognition. in tsou expressions containing the term for ‘ear’ refer to feelings
(such as being sad), intention, and obligation (chang 2010). in maonan
(Lu 2010), ‘ear’ is used in expressions associated with reaction to criticism
and suggestions: a person with ‘sharp ear’ is ‘receptive’ and one with ‘thick
ear’ is stubborn.
cognition and emotions may ‘reside’ in other parts of the body. the
Korowai of West papua talk about the inner states from the perspective of
invisible thoughts which reside in the innermost parts of a human being
(‘intestines-gall’ or ‘guts’) (§2.2.1–2 of chapter 5; also see above, on pintupi: myers 1986: 107–8). among the manambu of new guinea, emotions
and feelings are located in one’s mawul ‘inside’ (or ‘guts’). this notion of
‘inside’ as the seat for emotions, attitudes and even cognitive states is
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linguistic expression of perception and cognition
31
shared by Karawari, a language from the Lower sepik family from papua
new guinea (the notion of wambung ‘insides’ described by telban 2010,
1998 is remarkably similar to mawul). in other languages of new guinea,
the ‘location’ of emotions may be associated with belly, ‘insides’ or intestines, and even lungs (see Lindström 2002, priestley 2002).22
in arrernte, the verb itele-areme means ‘know, realize, remember, think,
understand’, and is originally a compound formed from ite-le ‘with the
throat’ and areme ‘see, look for, meet, visit’. in arrernte, there are ‘good
reasons to believe that the element ite ‘throat’ is primarily responsible for
the cognition reading of the compound’: ‘throat’ appears in expressions
that involve thinking, feeling and so on (evans and Wilkins 2000: 576,
Van Valin and Wilkins 1993: 523–4).
it appears that the structure and conceptualization of the human body
with respect to where cognitive process and emotions are located could
be largely independent of the structure and meanings of the verbal lexicon of perception and cognition.
ideophones are a special word class in many languages. in Luwo
ideophones refer almost exclusively to ‘vision’; this may be due to their
prominence in oral narratives. in his study of siwu, a Kwa language, dingemanse (2011) shows that ideophones may code perception, inner states
of emotion and socio-cultural intentions. he suggests that if a language
has ideophones referring to smells and tastes, it will also have ideophones
referring to vision and hearing. if confirmed, this would suggest an intrinsic hierarchy of mapping senses onto ideophones. the issue requires further investigation.23
the ‘eye’ and the ‘ear’ and their many overtones correlate with some
aspects of culture, behaviour and socialization in numerous non-european
societies.
4
perception and cognition in their social contexts
in many australian aboriginal societies, visual and auditory perception have different social statuses. evans and Wilkins (2000) stress the
22 this may suggest the conceptualization of the human body as a ‘container’ or a space
with visible and invisible components playing different roles in the expression of feelings,
emotions and understanding.
23 mohr (forthcoming) argues that mouthings in sign Languages have similar meanings
and functions.
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
importance of hearing, listening and ‘heeding’ in aboriginal social interaction. here, eye-contact is communicatively loaded and may be considered part of aggressive behaviour. it may imply sexual advances and even
negative emotions. in their dictionary of an australian language pintupi,
hansen and hansen (1992: 91) remark:
the norm is for limited eye contact in conversations and addressing larger
gatherings; prolonged eye contact which is the european norm can be offensive, implying that you don’t trust or recognise the person; prolonged eye
contact with the opposite sex, can be interpreted as a sexual advance.
similar processes of socialization through heeding and hearing have been
described for a variety of societies in papua new guinea (including the
manambu, by harrison 1990, cf. aikhenvald 2008, and the gapun, by
Kulick 1992). ‘eyeing’ and ‘looking’ in general have negative overtones as
intrusive and aggressive. negative overtones of verbs of seeing and of the
term ‘eye’ appear to be connected with these (see §3.3.3 above).
focus on ‘hearing’ and on ‘seeing’ could be associated with different
styles of communication and interaction. the ‘anglo white middle class’
conversational style is believed to involve eye contact, and people facing each other. the speaker is in control. in remote aboriginal communities, eye contact is not important, and partners in conversation do not
face each other. the hearer, not the speaker, is in control (evans and
Wilkins 2000: 582). communicative load is distributed differently across
different senses. ‘seeing’ is not emphasized as ‘giving understanding or
knowledge’.
numerous societies in south america and in new guinea share a further
feature. many taboos are associated with ‘vision’ (and none with hearing).
for example, women are not allowed to catch a glimpse of sacred flutes,
among the manambu of the east sepik, and among numerous groups in
Lowland amazonia. Just like in many australian aboriginal societies, inlaw relatives are not allowed to look at each other among the tariana and
their neighbours, and also among the groups of the xingu area (who also
employ a special avoidance style to speak to in-law relatives: aikhenvald
2012 contains references).
the manambu have further taboos associated with ‘seeing’ something
(and none to do with ‘hearing’) (§3 of chapter 6). all taboos we are aware
of are to do with women or uninitiated men seeing something they are
not entitled to. this would make them blind, or kill them.
Being able to ‘see’ what others do not see is associated with power, in
the same spirit as the power of the ‘invisible’ discussed by storch (2010a).
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linguistic expression of perception and cognition
33
powerful beings ‘see us’ but ‘we cannot see them’, in manambu lore. this
power of being able to see is echoed by the abilities of northwest amazonian shamans to ‘see’ what is hidden to others. While a normal person
cannot ‘see’ the most dangerous evil spirits and can only ‘feel’ them, a
shaman ‘sees’ them all. an ordinary human would use the non-visual evidential in talking about their dreams, while a shaman has the authority to
use the visual evidential. in many Lowland amazonian societies, special
supernatural powers can be obtained by using hallucinogenous drugs and
then getting to ‘see things’. seeing is powerful, and also dangerous. a person who does not know how to handle the shamanic visions appropriately
will die.24
this special position of ‘vision’ as a powerful but dangerous sense provides motivation for preferential status of hearing, listening and heeding
in day-to-day socialization.
during her intensive immersion fieldwork among the manambu, one of
the authors of this chapter observed the importance of oral education and
listening to what is being said. however, in contrast to remote aboriginal
communities in australia, the manambu are not averse to eye contact,
and do not consider facing each other particularly threatening or inappropriate. the exact techniques of interactions among the manambu appear
to be different from those in aboriginal societies. yet the semantic space
of the verb ‘hear’ and the role of ‘ear’ as the locus of knowledge are very
similar.
smells may be more important in some languages and cultures than
they are in others. Luwo (§3.1 of chapter 2) has a highly elaborate vocabulary of terms for smells which form a special word class. numerous terms
for ‘tastes’ are verbs. highly developed vocabularies for smell and taste
terms are a feature of other Western nilotic languages. smell terminologies in some of them describe natural and supernatural phenomena, and
in all probability reflect the world view of the people, who categorize referents according to their smell.
Languages vary as to how rich they are in terminologies for taste. Languages of the gui-//gana cluster (central Khoisan) have an elaborate set
of verbs referring to tastes. Khwe (§2.3 of chapter 7) has quite a few verbs
and numerous expressives to do with texture and taste of food.
24 We are grateful to robin rodd for these insights.
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
an additional and perhaps important point about a typological study
of semantic fields is how to encompass all the relevant distinctions without excessive simplification. so far we have limited our discussion to just
the five senses considered ‘basic’. But individual languages may be able
to express more.
for example, evans and Wilkins (2000: 554) mention another sense pervasive in australian languages. they call it ‘proprioception’, or internal
feeling as opposed to external touch, as in arrernte welheme ‘feel (cold,
sick, hot) and so on, feel something doing something to you’. this verb is
distinct from anpeme ‘touch, feel by touch (rough, smooth, etc.)’. historically welheme comes from a reflexive form of the verb ‘hear’.
tariana has a verb -rena ‘feel a general internal state, be in a good or
bad state’, distinct from -hima or its causative -himeta meaning ‘feel cold,
sick, hot, someone touching you’. and in Khwe (§3.2.3 of chapter 7) the
verb with a general meaning ‘perceive’ enters in a serial verb construction
with a verb ‘know’, creating the meaning knowing via divination. We need
many more studies before we can create a valid typology of senses and
their linguistic expression.
‘Knowledge’ itself is not a unitary concept. many West and central african societies distinguish ‘volitional’ cognition and ‘non-agentive’ knowledge. Volitional cognition implies that a person is deliberately searching
for information, or for truth—for example, by traveling, by visiting people,
by consulting an oracle or by reading a book. non-agentive knowledge
implies something that comes to a person without them deliberately
seeking it: this often involves spirit possession and knowledge obtained
through supernatural means. this type of knowledge is often associated
with the use of specific registers—such as spirit languages (storch 2011).
initiates to the yeve secret society and cult in ghana and togo go
through a period of education which may last for up to three years. they
learn the spirit (or cult) language yevegbe and speak it whenever they
are possessed, or take part in yeve rituals. in this religious register of ewe
(the main language of the people), some ambiguous terms are disambiguated. for instance, ewe has one word for ‘tomorrow’ and ‘yesterday’, and
yevegbe has two:
(15) ewe
etsƆ
{
1-46_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_F2.indd 34
‘yesterday’
yevegbe
etre
‘tomorrow’ etremƆni
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linguistic expression of perception and cognition
35
Or one term can be used where the ordinary ewe uses two. ewe has a
verb meaning ‘teach’ and another one meaning ‘learn’. yevegbe has one
covering both meanings (akuetey 1998/99):
(16) ewe
fia nu ‘teach’
srõ nu ‘learn’
yevegbe
}
yaklƆni wƆ
We hypothesise that volitional knowledge could be equated with other
agentive, or volitional, actions. these culturally distinct types of ‘knowledge’, their agentivity and acquisition, are a matter for future studies.
5
perception and cognition in grammar and in Lexicon:
What can We conclude?
every language has lexical means for expressing information source, perception and ways of knowing things. information source is grammaticalized as evidentiality in only about a quarter of the world’s languages.25 a
closed grammatical system is bound to offer restricted options. this is in
contrast to the lexicon where the choices are more abundant. We find
more fine-tuned expressions in the lexicon of perception and cognition
than in the corresponding grammatical systems. yet one can trace a common thread.
in some languages vision is associated with cognition. there, the eye
can be considered the ‘highest, most intellectual organ of sense’ (matisoff
1978: 161). in others (spoken mostly outside the familiar indo-european
domain), ‘ear’ and auditory perception is associated with cognitive
processes of understanding, knowing and remembering. Vision appears
to be treated as a rather special way of accessing information. it tends
to be linked to special access to power. it may be interpreted as aggressive, dangerous and associated with superiority and dominance, which
is not viewed as commendable in essentially egalitarian societies—such
25 the exact geographical distribution of evidentials remains a matter for further studies. aikhenvald (2006a, b) provides the most up-to-date picture based on all available
sources (over 500 grammars) (criticism of approaches based on limited ‘samples’ are in
aikhenvald 2011c). Very few evidential systems have so far been described in african languages. however, as african linguistics is developing, many more systems are coming to
light: see chapters 2 and 3 in this volume, and alamin, schneider-Blum and dimmendaal
(2012).
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
as australian, papuan, amazonian, and central Khoisan. this provides a
cultural background for the ‘ear’, not the ‘eye’ as the foremost ‘intellectual
organ’.
We hypothesize that vision is important and special, hence its potentially dangerous connotations. in contrast, hearing and listening are, in
many societies outside europe, much less intrusive. this type of perception—as the functionally unmarked choice—tends to merge with understanding, knowing and remembering, and with other means of sensual
perception, including smell and touch.
a similar principle is reflected in the semantics and usage of evidentials. in many evidential systems, vision is a privileged source of information (see §2.1.3). in a fair number of societies, visually obtained (‘seen’)
information is the most valuable sort (see hardman 1986 on aymara). at
the same time, visual and firsthand evidentials, and verbs of vision, are
to be used with caution: only a person who has ‘seen’ has the right to say
‘i have seen’. this goes together with the privileged, and somewhat feared,
status of vision in many lexical expressions. in some evidential systems,
visual and firsthand evidentials are associated with responsibility and certainty. this is not the case for non-visual and non-firsthand terms.
a close link between lexical verbs and grammatical evidentials is
reflected in their metalinguistic uses. in a number of languages with
evidentials, an evidential can be rephrased and reinforced with a corresponding lexical verb (aikhenvald 2006a: 340). in tariana, a visual evidential can be strengthened with the expression ‘i saw this-visual’ if the
audience appears to be incredulous. similar examples have been attested
in Latundê-Lakondê, a nambiquara language (see aikhenvald 2012). Lexical verbs can be employed in metalinguistic comment on evidential use
(with ‘see’ for visual evidential, ‘hear, feel’ for ‘non-visual evidential’ and
‘tell’ for reported evidential). however, the possibilities within a grammar
are restricted compared to what we may find in the lexicon.
all languages have ways of talking about smell and taste. however, these
meanings never seem to be grammaticalised as evidentials in spoken languages. a non-visual evidential hardly ever refers to information acquired
through ‘hearing’ something. neither hearing nor smell nor taste appear
to be grammaticalised in other areas of linguistic structures: for instance,
our cross-linguistic study of classifiers reveals that these parameters never
surface in any classifier type (aikhenvald 2000), or in any other verbal or
nominal category.
different cultures evolve different systems of socialization. for some,
‘hearing’, ‘tasting’ or ‘smelling’ are more central for some than for others
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linguistic expression of perception and cognition
37
(along the line of argument in storch 2004). for others, vision is ‘on
top’. One is tempted to hypothesize that the aggressive, hierarchical and
self-centred character of many indo-european cultures and societies—
reconstructed as far back as proto-indo-european by ivanov and gamkrelidze (1984)—would correlate with a strong preference for potentially
dangerous ‘vision’ as a major avenue of cognition.
egalitarian and consensus-based cultures—such as amazonian, australian and Khoisan—appear to avoid the intrusive ‘eye’ and stick to a less
marked and less intrusive perception complex, with hearing ‘on top’. at
present, this generalization remains tentative. providing a one-to-one correlation between grammar, lexicon and culture is never an easy exercise.
One thing is clear at our present state of knowledge: no ‘hierarchy’ of
senses is universal. in the light of their distinct overtones across continents and cultures, sight, touch, hearing and smell may each be primary,
and preferential, albeit in different circumstances and in distinct ways.
6
how this Volume is Organised
this volume is based on a three day international Workshop ‘perception
and cognition’, conducted by the editors in november 2010 at the insitut
für afrikanistik, university of cologne, sponsored by the preparatory initiative for the crc ‘migration of ideas’, university of cologne. a shortened
version of the current chapter and a checklist of points to address were
circulated to the invited participants, so as to make the volume uniform.
Our aim here is to present a typological, empirically based account of
ways of expressing meanings to do with perception and cognition in a
selection of languages. in every language, the field of perception and cognition is substantial. We have allowed each author to choose the most
interesting aspect of this field relevant to the language they are analysing.
We also endeavour to cover a variety of issues relevant for the expression
of perception and cognition in the language as a whole, its grammar and
its lexicon, so as to give the reader an idea of the potential wealth in this
domain, cross-linguistically speaking.
the chapters in the volume divide into two groups—those dealing primarily with grammatical expression of perception and knowledge, and
those dealing with lexical expression of these same concepts.
chapter 2, ‘Knowing, smelling and telling tales in Luwo’, by anne storch,
deals with grammatical and lexical ways of expressing perception and
knowledge. the author discusses a small evidential system in Luwo which
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
is limited to just perfective aspect. this type of system is widespread crosslinguistically, but is a rarity on the african linguistic scene. the rest of the
chapter focuses on the expression of perception and knowledge in Luwo.
there is an especially rich array of lexemes expressing smells and tastes
of various kinds, and a special word class of ideophones which almost
exclusively express vision. this is linked to the ways in which knowledge
is transmitted, and what is important to the Luwo in terms of their social
and cultural environment.
chapters 3 and 4 focus entirely on grammatical expression of information source and concomitant attitude to information, with a special
focus on what has come to be known as ‘mirativity’. chapter 3. ‘source
of information and unexpected information in !xun—evidential, mirative
and counterexpectation markers’, by christa König, starts with an analysis
of a two-term evidential system in this central Khoisan language. !xun
distinguishes firsthand and non-firsthand information. in addition to this,
it has a special mirative morpheme. this marks information which is surprising or unexpected to the speaker, or hearer. a marker of counterexpectation is in paradigmatic opposition with the mirative; it has deontic
overtones, emphasising the fact that the speaker disapproves of a piece of
‘unexpected’ information.
chapter 4 ‘a Quechuan mirative?’, by Willem adelaar, presents a comprehensive analysis of a category known as ‘sudden discovery tense’ in a
number of Quechuan languages of the andean area in south america,
with a focus on the category in tarma Quechua. in its meaning, ‘sudden
discovery tense’ is akin to mirative: it refers to unexpected events and new
information. this coexists with a three-term evidentiality system (direct
evidential, with strong overtones of certainty, conjectural evidential, and
reported evidential). But does the Quechuan ‘sudden discovery tense’ fit
in with the current definitions of mirativity? Or is this an exponent of a
different grammatical category?
the meanings and the semantic width (or ‘polysemous patterns’) for
each form are the focus of most chapters within this volume. chapter 5,
‘seeing, hearing and thinking in Korowai, a language of West papua’, by
Lourens de Vries, investigates perception and cognition expressed through
verbs of seeing, hearing and thinking in Korowai, a non-austronesian language. the author discusses grammatical constructions involved in the
expression of perception and cognition in Korowai within the context of
‘distributive’, ‘thematizing’ and ‘quotative’ patterns typical for new guinea
as a linguistic area. Korowai speakers make a distinction between talking about inner states from the inside perspective and from the outside
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39
perspective, which involves visible and audible actional manifestations of
inner states. they employ speech reports to represent the ‘inner’ conversation that takes place in the ‘guts’ of people.
chapter 6, ‘perception and cognition in manambu, a papuan language
from new guinea’, by alexandra y. aikhenvald, also focuses on the expression of perception and cognition in another non-austronesian language of
new guinea, spoken in the sepik area. in many languages of the world,
verbs and other expressions associated with perception and cognition form
a special subclass in terms of their grammatical features. Verbs of perception in manambu share a number of grammatical features, which justify
considering them as a special subclass of verbs. the verb referring to visual
perception also means ‘experience’, ‘try’, and ‘taste’. the verb referring to
auditory perception also means ‘obey’, ‘understand’, ‘remember’, ‘miss’, ‘be
sorry for’. Overtones of these verbs can be distinguished by grammatical
contexts. these include argument marking, the use of directionals, and
occurrence in imperative constructions. the chapter addresses the ambivalent role of visual perception in manambu cultural practices.
chapter 7, ‘from body to knowledge: perception and cognition in
Khwe-||ani and ts'ixa’, by matthias Brenzinger and anne-marie fehn,
focuses on the semantics of lexical verbs of perception and cognition
in this previously poorly-known Khoisan language, with special focus
on the core perception verbs mṹũ)~, kóḿ and Ɂám may cover the entire
range from bodily perception to cognition, covering understanding and
knowledge. in their cognitive meanings, the three verbs tend to be used
in serial verb constructions linked to the verb ã́ ‘know’. the semantic
domains of perception and cognition in Khwe-||ani reflect the speakers’
understanding of the world, i.e. are based on their belief systems and other
cultural traditions. What can be shown for Khwe-||ani seems to hold true
also for other central Khoisan speech communities, including ts'ixa, a
previously undescribed language spoken in northeastern Botswana.
chapter 8, ‘perception verbs and their semantics in dongolawi (nile
nubian)’, by angelika Jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli, focuses on lexical
verbs of perception and cognition and their meaning overtones in this
poorly-described language. Verbs of vision and of auditory perception
develop meanings beyond perception proper. the verb of vision covers
‘inquisitive cognition’ (examining, checking and ‘finding out’), and social
interaction (greeting, meeting, visiting, guarding and protecting). the
auditory verb has the meaning of ‘accept advice’ and ‘obey’.
chapter 9, ‘excite your senses: glances into the field of perception and
cognition in tima’, by gertrude schneider-Blum and gerrit J. dimmendaal,
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alexandra y. aikhenvald and anne storch
focuses on the lexical expression of perception and cognition in this highly
synthetic tima-Katla language spoken in the nuba mountains of sudan.
Verbs of perception and cognition do not form a special subclass. the
verb ‘see’ has an array of meaning extending into the domain of cognition and social interaction, while ‘hearing’ is associated with ‘heeding’ and
‘obeying’.
chapter 10, ‘perception in Lussese (Bantu, J 10)’, by marilena thanassoula, addresses the expression of perception and cognition in this endangered Bantu language from uganda. the author argues that the use of
terms referring to the body and the physical senses reflect cultural categories rather than universal principles. a number of metaphoric meanings
are associated with the verbs of vision in Lussese. colour terms in this
language constitute a special subclass of adjectives, and are particularly
rich. the author focuses on the semantics and cultural implications of
colours in Lussese and their significance for the way in which the sense
of vision is conceptualised.
all chapters in this volume are cast in terms of the fundamental typological theoretical apparatus ‘that underlies all work in describing languages and formulating universals about the nature of human language’,
where ‘justification must be given for every piece of analysis, with a full
train of argumentation’.26
the categories and their properties are explained inductively—based
on facts, not assumptions. as Bloomfield (1933: 20), put it: ‘the only useful generalisations about language are inductive generalisations. features
which we think ought to be universal may be absent from the very next
language that becomes accessible . . . the fact that some features are, at
any rate, widespread, is worthy of notice and calls for an explanation.
When we have adequate data about more languages, we shall have to
return to the problem of general grammar and to explain these similarities and divergences, but this study, when it comes, will not be speculative
but inductive.’
this volume is not intended as a comprehensive typology of perceptual meanings in the world’s languages. the time is not yet ripe for this:
we need many more in-depth studies, to understand the ways in which
languages of the world express what is perceived and what is known
or understood. the volume consists of nine contributions, each focusing on one language, and testing some of the hypotheses offered in this
introductory chapter. many more studies of this sort are needed before we
26 see dixon (1997: 132); see also dixon (2010).
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41
can offer a reliable comprehensive typology of lexical means of expressing
perception and cognition. Let this be a fruitful start.
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chapter tWO
KnOWing, smeLLing and teLLing taLes in LuWO1
anne storch
1
introduction
this chapter investigates expressions of perception and cognition in
luwo, a western nilotic language of south sudan, spoken in the rural area
around the town of waw, but also by people who live in large cities such
as Khartoum, Juba and Kosti. luwo has a relatively large group of perception verbs, which exhibit some unusual polysemous extensions, whereby
know and smell play particularly interesting roles. Besides these verbs,
there are dedicated word classes that denote specific sensations: words
that denote smells constitute a class of their own in luwo, and another
separate word class, ideophones, is semantically specialized as well: ideophones tend to exclusively describe visible events such as motion and
gestures, but hardly ever perceptions of sound, smell, or intensity of perceivable qualities. this chapter will first present data on the various predicative expressions of cognition and perception, which in some contexts
also have evidential meanings. then it will concentrate on smells, and
finally on ideophones, also taking a look at their relevance for narrative
speech styles. whether the way in which grammar of perception is organized in luwo has something to do with cultural and social practices of its
speakers will be addressed in the last section of the chapter.
there is relatively little linguistic and ethnographic material on luwo
and its speakers. this is surprising, as luwo as a salient vernacular language of the waw area had also been used in market economies, western
education and missionary work throughout colonial (and postcolonial)
times (santandrea 1946, 1977).
1 i am grateful to the speakers of luwo who taught me their language and shared their
insights into it with me: pierina akeelo Zubeir, Joseph modesto, henry malual, mohammed lino, albert apai. my thanks are due to sasha aikhenvald, gerrit dimmendaal, Beatrix von heyking, marilena thanassoula and two anonymous reviewers for their many
helpful and inspiring comments. Fieldwork in sudan and uganda was sponsored by the
german research society, to whom i remain grateful.
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map 2.1. luwo and its neighbours
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49
luwo speakers are very often multilingual, and many families tend to prefer exogamous marriages. as a result, luwo converges to neighbouring
languages, such as dinka and Bongo. there are also an astonishing number of italian loanwords that stem from contact with missionaries from
Verona (“comboni Brothers”).
luwo also exhibits morphological and syntactic features which are in
general meaningful for our understanding of the area’s linguistic history.
close similarities both in terms of the lexicon and the grammar are shared
with thuri, shilluk, and most southern lwoo varieties (e.g. acholi, lango,
adhola, and so on), which seem to be medieval split-offs from luwo
(storch 2005: 412 f.). map (2.1) shows the present location of luwo and
its neighbours.
1.1
Typological Profile
luwo is an oVa/sV language with a pragmatically-based split-ergative
case system (Buth 1981; storch forthcoming), which differs from those of
other case-marking languages such as päri and shilluk (andersen 1988 &
2000, miller & gilley 2001).
the noun morphology is characterized by suffixed number-marking
morphemes which derive from classifiers, and by prefixed derivational
morphemes. the language has developed complex non-linear morphology through close contact with dinka, which most prominently exhibits
morphologically relevant tone and vowel quality changes. like many eastern sudanic languages, luwo organizes its number-marking system as a
tripartite system with marked singulatives, plurals and singulars. this particular number-marking system has been extensively described by dimmendaal (2000), and with regards to western nilotic in storch (2005).
it is based on the conceptualization of referents as either uncountable
(whereby a singulative noun is derived from the unmarked mass/plural
noun), individual (whereby a marked plural is constructed on the base of
the unmarked singular form), or not specified in terms of individualization or cohesiveness (both singular and plural are marked for number).
property concepts are mostly lexicalized in state-changing verbs, but a
separate word class for olfactory terminology is set apart from this pattern.
Verb inflection primarily operates by affixation, whereby the conjugated
verb consists of a pronominal prefix or suffix, an affixed tam-morpheme
and in some forms an auxiliary. the pronominal prefix is used in intransitive clauses, reflexive clauses or wherever the pronominal affix refers to a
participant, but not the agent of a verbal action.
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an interesting feature that is shared with western nilotic languages
such as shilluk and Belanda Boor concerns the striking diversity of the
lexicon, where synchronically numerous terms without shared etymologies are used for related concepts. the verbal lexicon is particularly rich
in different roots which express fine-grained differences between actions
of the same kind. this specifically holds true for action verbs, and one
consequence of this is that such verbs tend to be less polysemous than
state verbs. an example of semantically closely related verbs, all expressing ingestion, is (1):
(1) maath
lwɛ̀th
náŋ
nɔth
dhɔ̀ɔd̀ h
cwííc
dád
cam
ɲám
cwét
‘drink (water)’
‘drink (soup, tea)’
‘lick (porridge, honey)’
‘lick (helwa, i.e an oriental sweet)’
‘suck (of a child)’
‘suck (through straw, pipe)’
‘gnaw (maize, fruit)’
‘eat (food, i.e. dumpling, mush, bread)’
‘chew’
‘eat (meat)’
1.2
Verb Phrase and Evidentiality
Verbs in luwo express actions, inchoative meanings, and states. though
such meanings may be attributed to verbs in most languages, verb semantics in luwo exhibit idiosyncratic features as they seem to exclude some
basic meanings in the field of perception, namely olfactory perception,
which—as already stated above—is mainly encoded by a separate word
class. obviously, specific properties such as odour are conceptualized as
time-stable, non-dynamic ways of being, while verbs in luwo typically
express transitional states, ways of becoming, and different types of more
or less dynamic events.
all full verbs have to be marked for aspect, tense and mood, as well as
for person, while auxiliary verbs can be identified by the lack of aspectmarking in certain constructions. state verbs are ambitransitive (unlike
the other verb classes whose valency is fixed) and exhibit singular and
pluractional stems; the latter mark the plural of the s-participant. examples for singular and pluractional stems are given in (2.a) and (2.b).
(2.a) á-à-náà-puòdhí
1sg-perv-infer-be_thin.caus
i was made thin
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(2.b) gɛ́ -à-náà-puòòdhíè
3pl-perv-infer-be_thin.caus.pl
they were made thin
these examples also illustrate, besides the inflectional and derivational
morphology of verbs, that perfective constructions can take markers
that indicate the source of information. here, a prefix náà- is observed,
which expressed that the speaker has no first-hand information about the
proposition, but bases his or her argument on assumptions and inference.
there is another perfective form, which lacks such a separate evidential
marker, and here it is the perfective marker which, as a semantic extension, expresses that the speaker has directly witnessed the event in question. as a consequence, an action or event is framed as completed only
when the speaker was able to gather first-hand information (either visual,
oral, or other) about completion—only an event whose completion has
been witnessed could actually be considered completed. the following
examples contrast both perfective forms:
(3.a) Ø-à-cʌ́ mɔ̀
3sg-perv-eat.ap
s/he ate/has eaten [speaker as witness sure that action is completed]
(3.b) Ø-à-náà-cʌ́ mɔ̀
3sg-perv-infer-eat.ap
s/he ate/has eaten [speaker has not witnessed that action was completed]
examples (3.a) and (3.b) largely mean the same, but the first one denotes
a clearly completed action (directly witnessed by the speaker), while the
second form not necessarily denotes a completed action, as the speaker
was not present when it took place. the construction in (3.a) can also
express a low degree of affectedness of the speaker in some contexts,
where the source of information is of marginal relevance (e.g. ‘he eats
food [but does so in completion of another action—buying food, cooking . . .]’). another example helps to illustrate, too, that this form indicates
completion of the action:
(4.a) Ø-à-cʌ́ mɔ̀
ù-mádh-é
3sg-perv-eat.ap imperv-drink.tr-3sg
s/he ate and then drank [directly witnessed by speaker]
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(4.b) ɲɪ̀thɪ̀ɪǹ h
à-kè-pɔ́ ɔd̀ -↓é
ù-gɔ́ ɔd̀ -↓é2
child
perv-dur-beat.tr-3sg
imperv-run-3sg
s/he was beating the child and then ran away [not witnessed by speaker]
while the à-prefix denotes an action that had been performed (as a process) and was completed by the time a second action was to take place,
the morpheme á-ké- in (4.b) expresses that the action took place in the
past, but may still be going on, or may still be of relevance. the speaker
has not witnessed its completion and has no evidence for the truth of the
utterance. this is in general characteristic for evidentials in luwo, which
only occur in the perfective, but not in the imperfective aspect.
this fairly limited framing of cognition and truth—as an extension
of only the perfective aspect, and with just one specialized inferential
evidential—is accompanied by a relatively large set of perception verbs
and epistemic verbs. these will be explored in the following paragraph,
thereby also demonstrating that luwo, which doesn’t share the diversified
systems of evidentials of its close relatives, such as shilluk, distinguishes
and expresses the source of information rather by using different lexemes
than by a variety of grammatical constructions.
2
perception Verbs
luwo has a number of perception verbs which may have several semantic extensions, sometimes leading to meanings of cognition. unlike state
verbs, perception verbs do not have pluractional stems, and unlike less
agentive verbs which often are intransitive (e.g. thɔ̀ w ‘die’) they are
always transitive. perception verbs may be detransitivized though, and
in this process the stem vowel is lengthened, making them more marked
(e.g. ŋʌ́ y → ŋʌ̀ ʌ̀y ‘know’).
that perception verbs differ from action verbs and inchoative verbs
alike becomes obvious when looking at the behavior of aspect markers:
the perfective marker may be substituted by a zero-morpheme with verbs
that denote time-stable concepts rather than actions, and this is exactly
what happens in constructions with perception verbs (see 5.a). note that
the zero-morpheme in the place of the perfective marker cannot presently
2 note the downstep of the third person marker after the verb. all verbs with a hl tone
pattern correlate with a downstep on the suffix -é; it is not yet understood what exactly
triggers this behavior of the person marker.
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53
be analyzed as being of pragmatic or semantic relevance; rather, both
forms Ø- and à-marked constructions with perception verbs—appear to
be free variants.
compare the two possible constructions which exist for derived intransitive verbs:
(5.a) Ø-ŋʌ̀ʌỳ -é
perv-know.dtr-3sg
s/he knew
(5.b) à-tóòr-↓é
perv-break.dtr-3sg
s/he broke
in the transitive construction of these verbs, the suffixed subject marker is
used as well, but an object marker plus the aspect marker (here: à-) always
appear. note that the object marker is not a clitic.
(6.a) á(n) à-ŋʌ́ y-é
1sg.o perv-know.tr-3sg
s/he knew me
(6.b) ŋɔ́
à-tôr-↓é
3sg.o perv-break.tr-3sg
s/he broke it
perception verbs such as ‘know’ construct regular imperatives, as well as
deverbal nouns, e.g.:
(7.a) ŋàyí, pl. ŋèyú (ŋɔ́ ) ‘know (it)!’ (in the sense of ‘learn (it)!’)
(7.b) ŋʌ́ y ‘know’ →ŋʌ́ yɔ̀
‘knowledge’
2.1 Knowing and Other Ways of Understanding
in the examples above, the verb ‘know’ refers to cognition, in the sense
of knowing about a referent or just encoding knowledge as an abstract
concept. the verb ŋʌ́ y is not a state verb, but is less agentive than action
verbs, as it cannot construct directional stems (itive, ventive) for example. however, ‘know’ also encodes ‘understand, realize’ when it refers to
events or when it appears in a causative construction. here, it expresses
more agentive, dynamic and active concepts of cognition, such as in the
following examples:
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(8) à-ké-ŋʌ́ y-wàn
ríc-é
kécá ɲááków
perv-dur-know.tr-1pl.excl young-nom dem girl
ù-yí-é
nɪ̀ díŋ
imperv-agree.tr-3sg sc fast
then we young (men) were learning/getting to understand (that) this girl
will agree fast
(9) án
à-mɛ́ ɛg̀ -↓é
ŋʌ́ y
ŋɔ́
1sg.o perv-make.tr-3.sg know.tr 3sg.o
he made me understand it
Besides the verb ‘know’, there are other verbs which can express cognitive meanings. the basic semantics of these verbs, however, have to do
rather with perception and emotion than cognition, and the context of
the clause—different arguments, for example more agentive or more
experiencer-like subjects, types of objects, peripheral arguments, and so
on—is in principle responsible for the semantic shift these verbs undergo,
in terms of intrafield or interfield polysemies. the following verbs have
been found to express various ways of perceiving and knowing, even
though not all of them map into cognition:
(10.a) perception verbs with interfield polysemy
yʊ́ ʊ́d
‘see, find’
par
‘remember, think’
ŋéc
‘recognize’
cʌ́ y
‘search, strive to know’
(10.b) perception verbs with intrafield polysemy
mʌ̀ɲ
‘look at’
nììd
‘see’
gɔɔj
‘touch’
lɪ̀ŋ
‘hear’
ŋʌ́ y
‘know’
ŋwaay ‘smell’
kὺic
‘ignore, know not’
it seems that the most common pattern here is framing cognition as the
result of a telic action. even though any type of cognition as state can
be elicited, the preferred construction in texts and dialogic language has
realizing and understanding as process-results. these are often expressed
by yʊ́ ʊ́ d ‘see, find’, instead by ŋʌ́ y. here, cognition is conceptualized as
an active process which involves a rather high degree of volitionality. in
the examples below, transfield polysemies play a role, as they illustrate
semantic relations between the domains of emotion, vision, and cognitive
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55
perception. intrafield polysemies may occur well, for example in (14, 16).
an example of the basic meaning of yʊ́ ʊ́ d is given in (11):
yʊ́ ʊ́d ‘see, find’
(11) án
à-yʊ́ ʊ́d-é
ké
1sg.op perv-see.tr-1sg lm
s/he saw me over there
cá
dem
non-visible object arguments trigger interfield polysemy, whereby yʊ́ ʊ́ d
expresses ‘hear’ when it refers to ‘word’, as in (12), and ‘realise’ when referring to ‘thing that the diviner found out’, as in (13):
‘see, find’ → ‘hear, obey’
(12) lúb-ɔ̀
nɪ̀ à-yʊ́ ʊ́d -gɛ́ n
word-sg sc perv-hear.tr-3pl
the (christian) word that they have heard/listened to
‘see, find’ → ‘realise, come to know’
(13) gɪ́n ma-à-yʊ́ ʊ́d-é
ŋàd-é
rel relat-perv-realise.tr-3sg
person-nom
what the diviner then has found out
thoor-é
divination-nom
Visible arguments that are seen only after a search, where ‘see’ acquires
a volitional, telic quality, trigger a shift towards ‘detect’ (14), or towards
‘seize’, as in (15), where a journey into the forest is involved in the event.
in (16), motion of the agent and removal of an obstacle (a fence) trigger
the meaning ‘discover’. consider the following examples:
‘see, find’ → ‘detect’
(14) é
cáŋ
ní
jìbɛɛr
Ø-à-bɛɛnɔ̀
paa-wàn
top day.sg while <name> 3sg-perv-come.ap village-poss.1pl.excl
bóó
ù-yʊ́ ʊ́d-é
kow-á
àkɔ̀ɔl̀
gɛ́
banana imperv-detect.tr-3sg grandfather-poss.1sg <name> 3pl
kàn ábwɔ̂lɔ̀ cííy-é
gɛ́ né
paàjò
dem <name> wife-poss.3sg 3pl loc house
one day Zubeir came to our village, Boo, and detected that my grandfather
akol and his wife abwolo were in the house
‘see, find’ → ‘grasp, seize’
(15) é
céè
dɔ́ mì ù-yʊ́ ʊ́r
oc
me-dwɔ́ ɔ̀
é
top when forest imperv-seize.tr fence relat-be_big.pl top
ŋɔ́
à-gɛɛr
3sg.o perv-build.dtr
when he was in the forest, it was seizable that a huge fence was built there
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‘see, find’ → ‘discern, discover’
(16) ù-ŋwɔ̀ɔ́d-é
tyên-é
ùù ma-Ø-à-ɲíŋɔ́
imperv-stand_up-3sg toe.pl-poss.3sg and relat-3sg-perv-look.caus
è-yʊ́ ʊ́d-ɪ́
ŋɔ́
é
gɛ́ n bɛ̀ɛd̀ à ɲɪ̀thɪ́ɪń h
3sg-discover-caus 3sg.o top 3pl it_is
child
he stood on his toes and looked, and he discovered that there were
actually children
seeing in all these examples induces cognition as the result of combining
various actions and events of vision. as we shall see in the following section, this correlation between attempts to perceive and understanding or
knowing is not achieved by other perception verbs.
2.2 Sensory Perception
most of luwo’s other sensory perception verbs do not exhibit salient
transfield polysemies, even though lɪ̀ŋ ‘hear’ can express ‘understand’ in
the sense of ‘listening to s.th. audible’, as in (17):
lɪ̀ŋ ‘hear’
(17) lúb-ɔ̀
me-ràj
word-sg relat-be_bad.sg
they hear bad news
ù-lɪ̀ŋ-gɛ́ n
imperv-hear.tr-3pl
the other verbs of sensory perception refer to the physical perception
domain and rarely show any intrafield mapping of a specific perception
domain into another. Verbs that express vision (without showing any
semantic extension into the domain of cognition) very often form part
of propositions that refer to more static events, where s is not very agentive in the sense of searching, looking around, trying to get a glimpse of
something, and so on, but rather is watching without moving the body, or
experiencing as sight or a view. examples are:
mʌ̀ɲ ‘look at’
(18) à-mʌ̀ɲ-é
báŋ cwɔ̀r
ɲɪ̀mɪ́n
perv-look.tr-3sg at
husband.sg.pert sister.sg.modf
he looked at the husband of his sister
nììd ‘see’
(19) dhècwɔ̀w gɪ́n à-nììd-ɔ̀
én
man
rel perv-see.tr-3pl.incl be_present
the man whom we saw is coming
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imperv-come.ap
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examples (20, 21) illustrate that ‘touch, feel’ expresses a much more
dynamic action, sometimes also meaning ‘hit’ instead of ‘feel’, depending
on the context and the semantics of the core participants.
gɔɔj ‘touch’
(20) ɲááków à-gɔɔj
ɲɪ̀dhɔɔg-é
girl
perv-touch.tr boy-erg
the boy touched the girl
(21) yí-gɔɔj-á!
2sg-hit.tr-1sg
i hit you!
as indicated above, none of the verbs of sensory perception briefly dealt
with here primarily expresses the concept of recognition or awareness,
e.g. as the result of a process of sensing and experiencing. the notion of
knowledge and truth is rather insignificant here, and the experience of
mystical knowledge hasn’t been recorded as a semantic extension of any
of these verbs either. if it were for these verbs of perception, and the perception/cognition verbs ŋáy and yʊ́ ʊ́ d discussed further above, one could
be tempted to conclude that luwo is not very rich in means of expressing
knowledge in terms of enlightenment, or in a mystical sense, but rather as
part of telic and agentive concepts that have to do with ‘finding out’, such
as in examples (12) onwards, ‘learning’, as in examples (7.a, b), and with
various ways of watching and other modalities of sensual perception.
moreover, most of these have to do with perception that doesn’t involve
ingestion, such as seeing, hearing, and touching, which are all perceptions
whose scope are referents that are part of the world outside the body.
some of the verbs we have looked at so far have more agentive s-participants than others, but they all have in common that s/a is not immersed
or affected physically-internally by perception, or affected intrinsically as
in emotive experiences, for example (wierzbicka 1999). this is interesting
with regards to ‘touch’, which has an extremely wide scope in other languages and cultures, mapping into sensory experiences of various kinds,
emotion, experiences of healing, mystical immersion, salvation, pain, and
so on (classen 2012). in luwo, these concepts of sensation and experience can be expressed by another verb, ŋwaay ‘smell’. this verb is closely
related to another, rather specialized verb, namely ŋéc.
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2.3
‘Recognize’ as Search and Action
Before ‘smell’ and the conceptualization of odour will be explored, it is
relevant to first take a closer look at the verb ‘recognize’, which helps
clarifying the different concepts of ‘know’, and also the etymological background of ‘smell’.
Both luwo folktales and the available ethnographic sources on this
group (santandrea 1948, 1977 & 1969) suggest that knowledge is closely
associated to searching and being actively involved in gaining knowledge.
For example, divination as a process of finding out and coming to know
about hidden things is expressed as search, as in the following name for
‘diviner’ (which is one of several terms or titles for diviners):
(22) ŋàt
cʌ́ yɔ̀
person search
seeker (of hidden things), diviner
in tales, the idea of obtaining knowledge is often expressed by ‘search’,
and the result has the connotation of ‘find’, as we have already seen above.
the verb ŋáy ‘know, understand’, which was discussed at the beginning of
§ 2 does not express these meanings, but a rather static form of cognition.
in most texts of the corpus available to me, ‘know’ is not expressed by ŋáy,
but by the verb ŋéc ‘recognize’. Both verbs are most likely not etymologically related and occur in complementary distribution rather than being
pragmatically marked variants.
as can be seen in the following examples, ŋéc expresses cognition as an
active and goal-oriented action. it is often used in imperfective, durative
constructions, expressing knowing as a continuing action (e.g. examples
23, 24).
(23) lúb-ɛ̀
ní
à-wɛ́ d-é
ŋàd-é
àmùɔ́ l-é
gɛ́
word-pl rel perv-write.tr-3sg person-nom insane-nom 3pl
pàdh
ŋéj-Í
ríí-gέn
yír
ŋƆ�gέ
exist_not know.tr-caus self-poss.3pl ben person.pl
ma-à-kwáàn-ò
wárgà
relat-perv-read.tr-1pl.incl book
the words which the diviner then wrote cannot make themselves known
to (‘be recognized by’) people who read paper
(24) ú-ŋéj-é
imperv.fut-know-3.sg
he will know/be knowing
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in (25), knowing is the result of religious experience through a Bible translation project:
(25) à-náà-ŋéj-á
lúm-é
perv-infer-know.tr-1sg word-poss.3sg
dhé-paàr-wàn
mouth.modf-place.modf-poss.1pl.excl
now i know his word in our language
ké
cop
in other contexts, ŋéc expresses ‘recognize’ as an event of vision and cognition, as in the first verbal clause of (26) and in (27). in example (27),
knowing as an event and process (and not as a state or situation) is linked
to agentivity of the a-participant and to transitivity. Both examples refer
to the result of a search for a person’s brother.
(26) ù-ŋéj-é
ɔ́ ɔ-̀ ɛ́
Ø-à-ŋééjɔ̀
imperv-recognize.tr-3sg brother-poss.3sg 3sg-perv-recognize.dtr.ap
he then recognized his brother, he just knew
(27) né ŋɔ́
à-ŋéj-ɪ̀
ké
dwɔɔg-ɪ̀ ù-wɔ́ m-ì
if sg.o perv-recognize.tr-2sg foc go-2sg
imperv-bring-2sg
ŋɔ́
3sg.o
once you recognized him you go and bring him
in terms of the semantic extensions of expressions of cognition which are
made less agentive and more autobenefactive, luwo departs from wellattested patterns and exhibits other possibilities. this becomes obvious
when the derivational morphology of sensory verbs in luwo is explored.
3
anticausative and ambitransitive constructions
while there are specific verbs that encode ‘know’, ‘learn’, ‘see’, and so on,
and that may exhibit salient polysemy, the verb ŋʌ́ y ‘know’ is rather inflexible semantically. it does, however, produce derived stems. one of these
denotes ‘smell’, suggesting that in luwo know and smell are closely
related concepts. this contrasts to some extent to our observation that
sensory perception verbs which refer to sight tend to express cognition
more than verbs referring to other perception domains. we have seen
that the verbs yʊ́ ʊ́ d ‘see, find’ and ŋéc ‘recognize’ are more polysemous
than other perception verbs (lɪ̀ŋ ‘hear’, gɔɔj ‘touch’), and express concepts
of knowing and understanding. however, there are a number of less
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volitional verbs which specifically express vision, such as mʌ̀ ɲ ‘look at’,
nììd ‘see’, and which do not exhibit semantic extensions into cognition.
the only sense we have not yet dealt with is smell, and its sibling, taste.
Before we deal with the semantic particularities of this aspect of perception, the grammatical construction of ‘smell’ needs to be explored. smelling is expressed in the following way:
(28) ríà
à-ŋwaay-é
perfume perv-smell-3sg
s/he smelled perfume
o v-sa
(29) waar (à-)ŋwaay
kɔ̀th
cloth (perv-)smell sesame_smell
of sesame smells the cloth
sp v smell
the verb looks strikingly like the verb for ‘know’, ŋʌ́ y which in all examples
recorded so far (cf. examples 5–8 above) does not exhibit any meanings
related to smell, even though a rather common pattern of semantic extension of ‘smell’ is ‘detect s.th., find out, think’. such meanings, however,
are expressed in luwo by yʊ́ ʊ́ d ‘see, find’, but not by ŋʌ́ y ‘know’. But what
is ŋwaay then? an answer comes from the following example. the verb
‘scratch’ occurs as an active stem, from which an anticausative stem can
be derived. compare the following forms:
(30.a) ‘scratch’, active stem
Ø-à-ké-gɔ́ ɔɲ̀ ɔ̀
3sg-perv-dur-scratch.dtr.ap
s/he was scratching
(30.b) ‘scratch’, anticausative stem
Ø-à-ké-gwóòɲò
3sg-perv-dur-scratch.ac.ap
s/he was scratched (for some time)
in luwo, anticausative verbs are derived from action verbs by means of
vowel quality alternation. the verbal stem vowel is always shifted to its
non-breathy functional counterpart. this strategy is very similar to that of
labwor (König 2010), for example. anticausative action verbs express an
event that affects the subject as patient-experiencer (or undergoer), but
do not provide any means to express the agent of causation. with ‘know’,
a verb that is not a real action verb (unlike ‘recognize’, ‘find’, etc.) the
situation is slightly different, and the resulting anticausative stem has an
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61
s-argument which expresses an actor who acts and endures at the same
time. ‘smell’ is conceptualized here as a perception that is much less controllable by s than sight, touch, etc. the source of the smell-event stands
in the position of o, but represents an adjunct of the predicate.
moreover, the anticausative stem of ‘know’ is not productive any longer, as speakers would not be able to spontaneously link this form with
the active stem—which they could do with action verbs, where anticausative derivation is very productive. it is possible that ‘know’ originally is a
verb that could be considered an active verb, perhaps in analogy to ‘recognize’, whereas other perception verbs are not. the frozen character of
the anticausative form of ‘know’ also needs to be seen in the context to
its use as a high-frequency form.
in the examples presented above, smell consequently is something that
invades and affects the subject’s body, obviously making it a patient as
well. it is interesting that the (inanimate) recipient of a smell, in example (26), namely waar ‘cloth’ is not marked as agent. this is due to the
case-marking pattern of the intransitive construction. while the ergative
case marker -é is suffixed to a in transitive ova clauses, it does not occur
in intransitive clauses. here, the core argument s stands in the absolutive case, which in luwo is morphologically unmarked. hence, the word
for ‘sesame smell’ in (29) above is not a core argument, but modifies
the verb.
we thus have two grammatically marked forms of the cognition verb
ŋʌ́ y ‘know’, one referring to controlled cognition and volitional sensing
(active), and one referring to uncontrollable perception (middle voice),
namely ‘smell’. compare the following forms:
(31.a) á(n) à-ŋʌ́ y-é
1sg.o perv-know.tr-3sg
s/he knew me
(31.b) á(n) à-ŋwaay-é
1sg.o perv-know.ac.tr-3sg
s/he smelled me
even though middle voice is not a grammatical category in luwo, its
semantics and functions are clearly expressed through the language’s
verb-derivative possibilities. and not only ‘smell’ is semantically middle,
but also ‘think’, which is expressed by a reflexive construction of par
‘remember’. consider the following example:
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anne storch
‘remember’ → ‘think’
(32) wɪ́ŋ-ɛ̀
Ø-par-é
head-poss.3sg perv-remember.tr-3sg
s/he thinks by herself as such: . . .
parɔ̀
ké
memory lm
cá
dem
Know can thus be described as at least two different processes and events
in luwo: on the one hand as an activity which relates to search, recognize and so on, and on the other hand as an uncontrolled event which
relates to autobenefactive actions and experiences of being overwhelmed
by sensations.
3.1
Smell and Taste Terms
it is possible that luwo originally had other smell verbs, but this is not
attested. however, it is very characteristic for this language that small differences among smells can be expressed in a very detailed manner by a
rather large variety of different lexemes.3 unlike the examples given for
ingestion verbs in (1), smell terms form a word class by themselves. they
are not verbs, adjectives, or ideophones, but morphosyntactically differentiated ophresaesthemes, which cannot inflect for tam or take a relational
prefix and so on (storch & Vossen 2007, storch 2004). examples for the
use of smell terms are:
(33.a) dhɔ̀g
à-náà-dɔɔŋ
bʌ́ dh
yír
mouth perv-infer-become neutral reason.modf
kʌ́ ʌ́
long_time_without_meat
the mouth has become tasteless because of hunger/starving for meat
(33.b) kwom-è
bàd
body-poss.3sg armpit_smell
his/her sweat-smelling body
(33.c) ŋɔ́ kɔ̀th
3sg sesame_smell
it is like the smell of sesame
3 developed smell and taste vocabularies are also found in other western nilotic languages. most of them are southern lwoo languages, whose closest relative in the northern
lwoo group is luwo (storch 2005). in chopi (storch 2011) and Kumam (storch 2005), smell
terminologies refer to both natural and supernatural phenomena and might rather reflect
world view and wisdom than just the categorization of referents according to their respective smell. mayak (Burun group, storch 2005) exhibits a similar phenomenon.
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examples for more smell terms are given in (34):
(34) cʌ́ ù
kúr
tɪù
cér
lɛ̂m
wàc
bàd
pɛ̀ɛd̀
kɛ́ ɛc̀
ŋìr
kɔ̀t
tɪ́k
kɔ̀th
bʌ́ dh
‘smell of raw fish’
‘flowery perfume’
‘pus smell’
‘smell of urine’
‘odour of flower, pollen’
‘smell of fermented flour’
‘smell of sweat under armpits’
‘smell of rotten meat’
‘aggressive smell of smoke’
‘smell of unripe beans’
‘light scent of flowers’
‘smell of uncastrated he-goat’
‘sesame smell’
‘smell of breath or of saliva’
luwo has a developed terminology of tastes as well, but these all are verbs.
there is no verb which encodes the general meaning of ‘taste’, but verbs
for specific tastes. these are:
(35) làw
cɛ̀r
lɛ̂m
wʌ̀c
kɛ́ ɛc̀
ŋáu
cwʌ̀t
ɲwɛ̀ɛt̀ h
bʌ́ t
lwɛ̂ɲ
kɛɛm
ɲʌ̂y
‘taste salty’
‘taste unripe (like sugar-cane)’
‘taste sweet (like sugar, honey)’
‘taste sour (like unripe mango)’
‘taste bitter (like pepper, mahogany)’
‘taste unripe (like fruit)’
‘taste bitter (like unripe guava, guava leaves)’
‘taste sweet (like cooked meat)’
‘taste like cooked beans just about to spoil’
‘lose taste’
‘taste not bitter and not sweet’
‘taste of cooked oily food’
differences between smell words and taste verbs in terms of agreement
patterns are exemplified in (36.a) and (36.b, c), respectively. while smell
words don’t inflect and are arguments of the verb ŋwaay, taste verbs
inflect:
(36.a) ú-ŋwáay kɔ̀th
imperv-smell.fut sesame_smell
it will smell like sesame
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anne storch
(36.b) ú-lɛ́ m
imperv-taste_sweet
it will taste sweet
(36.c) ú-lɛ́ mlɛ̂m
imperv-taste_slightly_sweet
it will taste a bit sweet
only very few of the terms given in (34, 35) can be etymologically related
to smell and taste terms in other lwoo languages (e.g. lɛ̂ m ‘be/taste sweet’,
in chopi also ‘taste nicely cooked meat’). a verb *ŋwey ~ *ŋway ‘smell’,
however, is widespread as is a root *ŋec for ‘know’. this may indicate that
in luwo and in other lwoo languages there existed a common concept of
smell as being distinct from know. ehret’s comparative data, however,
suggests a western nilotic root wʊm, deriving from ‘nose’ (ehret 2001: 294)
as a common root for ‘smell’.
we can summarize at this point that ‘smell’—a derived stem of ‘know’
in luwo—and ‘recognize, get to know’ are different concepts in a number
of closely related lwoo languages, which also share the feature of specialized smell terms. hence, smell can be assumed to have played a somewhat particular role, even though its historical cultural context remains
unknown for the time being.
the other widespread root for ‘smell’, wʊm, suggests that the luwo verb
ŋʌ́ y ‘know’ and its derived stem ŋwaay ‘smell’ originally encode a fairly
distinct concept of cognition, different from both ŋec ‘recognize’ and wʊm
‘smell’ (which could have been something like ‘sniff ’ originally). moreover,
the widespread occurrence of ŋwey ~ ŋway ‘smell’ may speak in favour of
the hypothesis that luwo ‘know’ is originally derived from this verb, with
a meaning such as ‘be immersed in knowledge’. hence, the original development could have been something like ‘smell’ → ‘know, be immersed in
knowledge’ → ‘smell (antipassive)’.
4
transmission of Knowledge
if cultural roles of different perception domains can be correlated with
the way the senses are encoded, then the transmission of knowledge
should be revealing for our understanding of how the society organizes
a hierarchy of the senses. we have seen that know as an agentive action
has much to do with search in luwo. making knowledge obtained available to others can involve a large variety of strategies, and the management of secret knowledge may be entirely different from that of public or
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generally available knowledge. one important factor, however, in passing
on wisdom and knowledge to other people is the narration of tales and
stories.
in an attempt to discover the possible origins of luwo smell words, an
extensive list of several hundred ideophones was analysed by the present
author. without discovering the origin of smell words in luwo, they shed
some light on the cultural semantics of word classes instead. ideophones
are typically used in narration where they are an indispensable part of
storytelling, and their appropriate use characterizes a skilled, socially
respected storyteller. in luwo, ideophones allow for a painstakingly accurate description of visual events or those events that can be evoked by the
storyteller (see dingemanse 2011: 34 f. for a characterization of ideophones
as words of fundamentally depictive nature). luwo ideophones hardly ever
refer explicitly to sounds, smells, and haptic sensations. a brief overview
is given in the following examples:
a. colour
(37) ŋàk ‘bright red’, thɪ̀ríc ‘bright red’, cɔ̀ɔk ‘bright green or yellow’, burr ‘bright
white’, nɪ̀lɪ́p ‘pitch dark, very black’
B. facial expression, physical state
(38) ŋaaŋ ‘look happy because s.b. else has bad luck’, cár ‘look as if doing well
(e.g. in exams)’, báŋbáŋ ‘compound is flooded’, wídwíc ‘extremely clean and
shiny’, bàlá̤ɲ ‘s.th. flashing’, túl ‘fire burning far away, vision of smoke at
horizon’
c. directed translocation
(39) kwaɲkwaɲ ‘come near with fear’, mɔ̀rmɔ̀r ‘a lot of people/cattle moving together’, maanmaan ‘pour down all water on ground (spoiling it)’,
paaw ‘pour out water at once’, kɛlkɛl ‘come near, leaving much space in
between’
d. undirected locomotion
(40) kunákuná ‘walk with head bowed down’, càjàcàjà ‘shuffle along’, címcím
‘tiptoe’, liblib ‘sneak, creep (like cat)’, kɛ̀ɛ́rkɛ́ r ‘walk weakly, close to falling
down’, cìpcìpcìp ‘walk like a dog’, tàktàgè ‘walk like a drunk person’
e. ballistic motion
(41) ryɛ̂dh ‘fall into mud’, lɔ̀t ‘fall down from high (fruit from tree)’, lùt ‘falling
from tree after losing balance’, jìk ‘fall to the ground without moving legs’,
yúàk ‘fall down lightly’, tɔ̀k ‘beat s.th.’, wày ‘pile of things falling down’
F. separation
(42) ryámryàm ‘breaking things’, tɔ̀ltɔ̀l ‘dust comes up after beating on cloth’,
ŋidŋidè ‘cut with knife that is not sharp’, ŋàay ‘to cut in the middle (e.g. fruit
with knife)’, pàc ‘slip away’
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g. transport
(43) kàjkàjì ‘pulling s.o. around in a merciless way’, lwɔ̀glwɔ̀gí ‘hold s.b., but not
firmly’, làŋèlàŋè ‘softly moved by the wind’
h. emergence
(44) cárrárré ‘vision and sound of lightning’, cúgcúk ‘move/happen straight
away’, hàrhàr ‘flame coming up suddenly’
i. oscillation and fixation
(45) kɛɛrkɛrè ‘softly swinging’, yâŋyâŋ ‘wind blowing into tree’, rìgrìg ‘shivering
because of old age or alcoholism’, kwàjìkwàjì ‘shivering because of fear’
J. change of state
(46) céláŋ ‘to appear suddenly’, rup ‘reduce s.o. quickly, lose weight quickly’,
wic ‘eat all up’, wɛɛɲ ‘lighten up again’, pét ‘become angry with s.b. very
suddenly’
even though some of the ideophones refer to emotion, touch, hear,
etc. as well, they more than anything else encode motion. they do not
highlight these senses, e.g. as touch in (34), but the movements that are
characteristic for these actions and events. most of the ideophones listed
here or in the present author’s corpus were enacted and thus made visual
by a storyteller.
these examples suggest that sound symbolism indicates distance as
well: properties that can be perceived from a distance are described by
referring to ideophones, while sensations that involve getting close to an
object or a place are never encoded by this highly specialized word class.
Vision is used in the same way a skilled storyteller describes a scene, organizes the story, points at actors and actions from a distant location, for
example sitting on a village square, under a tree and so on.
there are two aspects of poetic language that are interesting for our
understanding how the visual perception domain is valued culturally in
luwo society. First, ideophones are language that could be made visible,
as they often go along with gestures, acting and moving—rather than sitting while narrating. an example of this multimodal use of poetic and
expressive language is the following sentence:
(47) ŋàt-koor
kwɛɛr à-bʌ́ ʌl̀ -↓é
nɪ̀ cʊʊr
person-watch hoe
perv-throw-3sg sc ideo
[sit]
[raise right arm, stand]
the watchman threw a hoe at something far away
here, the narrator imitates the movement of the watchman and then sits
down on a chair again in order to continue the story. the ideophone not
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67
only allows a correlation of auditory and visual domains—in the sense
that the audience listens to a story, but also is made see its dramatic
aspects—but also the imitation of events, in the sense of a recreation
of former perception events. and this is the second aspect of poetic language as an expression of culture through visible actions. as the narrator
also is an actor, her interpretations of an event through imitating motion
become evidence of truth, as the narrated event is through a gesture made
happen once more.
this is also the case when emotions are made visible, such as in the
following example:
(48) capíiya ù-cʌ́ mɔ̀
nɪ̀ cár
<name> imperv-eat.ap sc ideo
[raise eyebrows, move head up and forward]
sophia (child) eats nicely and satisfyingly
By imitating the child’s expression while properly eating her food, the narrator here evokes emotions such as satisfaction and relief. the emotive
expression of the ideophone is only achieved in combination with the
facial expression of the narrator and then can be shared by the audience.
here, a culturally salient technique, namely storytelling with the help of
ideophones and gestures, bridges the gaps between the various perception domains, such as seeing, hearing, and feeling.
5
some conclusions
narration, and educative communication (which also is dyadic communication), being one of the fundamental elements of human interaction and
social life, has “eyes on top” (Van Beek 2010) in the perception hierarchy of
luwo. however, in other (non-dyadic) communication types, the role of
immersion is emphasized, both in the semantic extensions of sensual verbs
and in the existence of a separate smell word class. instead of exhibiting a
separate root for ‘smell’, luwo synchronically derives ‘smell’ from ‘know’,
and correlates cognition, vision and searching in other constructions,
where a variety of perception verbs apart from ‘know’/‘smell’ are used.
Finally, the situation found in luwo is interesting diachronically. the
root for ‘smell’ which is found in luwo is attested widely in almost all
branches of western nilotic (present author’s own corpus), and in a large
variety of other nilotic languages. it is therefore possible that the verb’s
historically first meaning is ‘smell’, which in luwo may have undergone
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semantic shift (or enlarged its semantics?) towards ‘know’. the present
situation—‘smell’ as an anticausative of ‘know’—should then be a later
development, perhaps through reanalysis of both forms, or a more recent
construction which makes the original meaning of ‘know’, namely ‘smell’
transparent. one argument for this hypothesis is the lack of any primary
verb for ‘smell’ in this language, and the presence of a rather large inventory of specialized smell terms.
references
andersen, t. 1988. ergativity in päri, a nilotic oVs language. Lingua 75: 289–324.
——. 2000. anywa and päri, ii: a morphosyntactic comparison. Afrika und Übersee 83:
65–87.
Beek, w. Van 2010. eyes on top? culture and the weight of the senses, in: a. storch (ed.),
Perception of the Invisible. SUGIA 21, pp. 245–270. cologne: Köppe.
Buth, r. 1981. ergative word order—luwo is oVs. Occasional Papers in the Study of Sudanese Languages 1: 74–90.
dingemanse, m. 2011. The Meaning and Use of Ideophones in Siwu. nijmegen: mpi.
ehret, c. 2001. A Historical-Comparative Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan. cologne: Köppe.
König, c. 2008. Case in Africa. oxford: oxford university press.
——. 2010. aspect in labwor, in: o. hieda (ed.), Descriptive Studies of Nilotic Morphosyntax, pp. 61–92. tokyo: research institute of languages and cultures of asia and africa.
miller, c. and l. gilley 2001. evidence for ergativity in shilluk. Journal of African Languages
and Linguistics 22: 33–68.
santandrea, s. 1946. Grammatichetta Giur. Verona: missioni africane.
——. 1977. Jur-luo texts and comments: the family. Anthropos 72: 557–609.
storch, a. 2004. haptische, visuelle und olfaktorische sprachen: westnilotische wahrnehmungen. Afrikanistik Online.
——. 2005. The Noun Morphology of Western Nilotic. cologne: Köppe.
——. 2011. grammatical categories of the noun in chopi (southern lwoo), in: o. hieda
(ed.), Studies in Nilotic Linguistics, 3, pp. 37–51. tokyo: ilcaa.
——. forthcoming. a grammar of luwo.
—— and r. Vossen. 2007. odours and colours in nilotic: comparative case studies, in:
m. reh & d. payne (eds.), Advances in Nilo-Saharan Linguistics, pp. 223–240. cologne:
Köppe.
wierzbicka, a. 1999. Emotions across Languages and Cultures: Diversity and Universals.
cambridge: cambridge university press.
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chapter three
source oF inFormation and unexpected
inFormation in !xun—evidential, mirative
and counterexpectation markerS
christa könig
1
introduction
the following is based on the W2 dialect of !xun (in short W2), formerly
called northern khoisan, now called either !xun (heine and könig forthc.)
or Ju (as e.g. by Güldemann and vossen 2000). !xun, as a cover term for
the dialect cluster, consists of three major dialect groups, namely the
northwestern dialects, among them the W2 dialect, the central dialects,
and the Southeastern dialects, among them Juǀˈhoan (see dickens 2005).
the W2 dialect is spoken in northern namibia near the angolan border.
With roughly ten to fifteen thousand speakers, !xun is among the traditional forager languages of the khoisan area with the largest speaker community (see könig 2008).
!xun has a basic avo-constituent order (see 1.a), with an isolating structure. in all !xun dialects, serial verb constructions (Svc) are of
importance. W2 has an asymmetrical Svc-type which comes close to verb
compounding. asymmetrical Svcs can be seen as a salient feature of the
area, it occurs also in the !ui-taa languages (formerly called Southern
khoisan). there is no cross-referencing on the verb, core participants such
as subject and object can be omitted. Grammatical information is mostly
expressed by clitics or particles. unlike most other !xun dialects, W2 has a
rich system of tense, aspect, and modality, expressed by clitics preceding
the verb stem. most of them are omissible (see könig and heine 2001, and
könig 2008). a transitive clause in W2 shows the structure given in (1.a):
the subject, a or S, precedes the verb, while the object follows. as (1.a)
illustrates, no encoding of any temporal or modal information is necessary, no cross-referencing on the verb is possible. !xun is a highly context
dependent language, which means that although the language provides a
considerable amount of grammaticalized markers, usually expressed by
clitics or particles, hardly any of them is obligatory. it also means that
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christa könig
the meaning of an utterance depends to a certain amount on information
given in the linguistic and extra linguistic context.
i will briefly introduce a few markers which are of importance in the
coding of the information structure as discussed in the present paper.
among them are the topic marker má, the question marker kwá, and the
negation markers ǀōā or nǁȁn.
in the W2 dialect, the topic marker má is obligatory in certain clause
types. among them are declarative clauses, such as (1.a). the topic marker
má has been grammaticalized to a kind of subject case marker. it is
still used as a productive topic marker, in that a topicalized participant
appears clause initially with má being placed at the end of the topicalized
participant (see 1.d). in certain areas which are more connected to the
focal domain, the topic marker does not appear, among them are imperatives (see 1.e), other expressions of deontic modality, questions (see 1.b),
and subordinate clauses preceding the main clause. the topic marker is
expanding its use in that these restrictions are being given up by some
speakers.1
Sentence questions are formed by the question marker kwá (often
reduced to á), which appears in the second position of a clause (see 1.b).
tense and aspect information, if expressed, appears before the verb in the
order adverb—negation—aspect—tense—verb (see 1.c).
(1.a) càālò má cŋ̏
gǁú
calo top drink water
calo is drinking water
(1.b) càālò á ā
cŋ̏
calo q prog drink
is calo drinking water?
gǁú
water
(1.c) càālò má xāŋ� ǀōa a
cŋ̏
calo top then neg prog drink
calo is then not drinking water
gǁú
water
(1.d) gǁú
má càālò cŋ̏
water top calo drink
as for the water, calo drinks it
(1.e) cŋ̏
drink
drink!
1 the topic marker má is a salient feature of the northwestern !xun dialects, particularly W1 and W2, the two western dialects. most of the remaining dialects do not have any
grammaticalized topic marker.
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source of information and unexpected information in !xun
71
(1.f ) nǁȁn
cŋ̏
neg.imp drink
don’t drink!
there are two negation markers in W2, the default negation marker ǀōā
(see 1.c), and nǁȁn, used in negated imperatives and some modally marked
expressions (see 1.f ). the negation marker nǁȁn can be seen as an indicator for the deontic value of the utterance.
2
definitions
in the following i will present four markers which have one thing in common: they encode aspects of information, two of them are concerned
with the source of information presented in the utterance, and two with
the unexpectedness of the utterance. all markers are grammaticalized
means, but none of them is used obligatorily:
Grammatical means encoding the source of information have been called
evidentials. evidentiality2 is the indication of the nature of evidence that
exists for a given statement, that is, whether evidence exists for the statement and/or what kind of evidence there is, or in aikhenvald’s words:
evidentiality is a linguistic category whose primary meaning is source of
information (aikhenvald 2004:3).
aikhenvald distinguishes between two major evidential types, called type i
and type ii. type i is an indirect system where the nature of the evidence
supporting the statement has to be inferred. type ii is a direct one where
the nature of the evidence is given directly. the latter subsumes the following subtypes: twofold systems for witness vs non-witness, firsthand
vs secondhand (sometimes also vs third hand), and visual vs non-visual
(i.e. auditory).
the majority of languages show a twofold system. up to five differentiations are documented; e.g. in inferential systems which distinguish various
degrees of inferences, such as physical evidence, and general knowledge
assumed in accordance with the speaker’s expectations.
according to a map provided by aikhenvald (2004:303), showing the
worldwide areal distribution of evidentials, continuous areas of evidentials are particularly common in a belt stretching from north america
2 for further studies on evidentiality see aikhenvald and dixon 1998, aikhenvald 2003,
de haan 2001, 2005a & b.
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to the northern part of South america. central america shows isolated
instances of evidenitals only. an additional continuous area of evidentials is found in mainland asia. papua new Guinea and australia show
isolated instances of evidentials. for africa, only one isolated instance
is mentioned (in West africa). according to aikhenvald (2004), about a
quarter of the world’s languages have some type of grammatical evidentiality. in africa, however, grammaticalized evidentiality seems to be nearly
absent. the few cases mentioned in the literature include Shilluk (miller
and Gilley 2007), luwo3 (Storch, this volume), Sissala (Blass 1989), fur4
(Waag 2010), the Bantu language Beya lega (Botne 2003:448–449), and
tima (Schneider-Blum and dimmendaal, this volume). Whether the rare
occurrence of evidentials in africa is due to lack of information or to the
fact that the languages indeed have no grammaticalized evidential markers remains unclear. Based on experience in other domains (e.g. ergativity
or split S in africa) it is very likely that the actual number of languages
with evidentials is higher than has been established so far.
!xun has a two-term evidential system.5 the evidential system belongs
to what has been called the witness vs nonwitness or firsthand vs nonfirsthand type. a firsthand evidential indicates that the information was
obtained through direct observation by the speaker. usually this is from
visual observation (eyewitness), but some languages also mark information directly heard with information directly seen. a firsthand evidential
is usually contrasted with a non-firsthand evidential, which indicates that
the information was not witnessed personally but was obtained through
a secondhand source or was inferred by the speaker. or in aikhenvald’s
wording, firsthand terms typically refer to information acquired through
vision (or hearing, or other senses), and non-firsthand covers everything
else (aikhenvald 2004: 26).
encoding an utterance as unexpected information belongs to a category which has been called mirative: the term ‘mirativity’ refers to the
linguistic marking of an utterance as conveying information which is new,
unexpected and surprising to the speaker (see delancey 2001). i will adopt
aikhenvald’s definition of mirative which is more elaborate:
3 according to Storch (this volume) all verbs are obligatory marked for evidentiality
in luwo.
4 in fur, the two systems are not separated. according to Waag (2010:258–261) there are
6 particles each of which has an evidential and a mirative function.
5 unless otherwise indicated, the term “!xun” refers henceforth to the W2 dialect, on
which this paper is based.
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mirativity is a grammatical category whose primary meaning is speaker’s
unprepared mind, unexpected new information, and concomitant surprise.
(aikhenvald 2004: 209)
there is a connection between evidential and mirative in that evidentials
can expand their meaning to cover mirative as well. according to aikhenvald there are several ways in which an evidential (except firsthand and
visual), may extend its meaning to mirative. a non-firsthand evidential
may show the following meaning extension:
lack of firsthand information → speaker’s non-participation and lack of control → unprepared mind and new knowledge → mirative reading. (aikhenvald 2004: 208)
although there are languages where the mirative meaning is expressed by
an evidential, in !xun the two domains are to be separated: the mirative
marker and the counterexpectation marker are expressed differently with
markers of their own.
3
means of expression
3.1
General Remarks
in the following, four markers are presented, namely the evidential markers mèká for firsthand information, cālā for non-firsthand information,
kȍhà, a mirative, and kò, a counterexpectation marker. table 1 gives an
overview of these four markers.
the evidential markers mèká and cālā, the mirative kȍhà, and the counterexpectation marker kò are all independent clitics which basically occur within
the verbal complex in the modality slot (see figure 1). the latter is used as well
by modal markers expressing epistemic modality, such as cē ‘could, should’,
and deontic modality, such as nǁūú ‘should’, ‘must’, and ō ‘must’. this position
suggests that the evidential markers are likely to originate from verbs via serial
verb constructions where formerly full verbs developed schematized modal
meanings. the lexical semantics of the verbs is unknown though.
table 3.1. the evidential, mirative and counterexpectation markers in !xun (W2)
item
approximate meaning
function
mèká
cālā
kȍhà
kò
‘i see that’, ‘i hear that’
‘they say that’
surprise
‘i erroneously expect that’
first-hand evidential
non-firsthand evidential
mirative
counterexpectation
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74
adverB
neGation modalitY
aSpect
tenSe
VERB
derivation
t6
paSSive
figure 3.1. the verb structure in !xun
figure 1 shows the structure of linear ordering of grammatical categories
associated with the verbal complex.
to establish a syntactic profile of the markers involved it may be helpful to look at their behavior with regard to the following features:
– whether or not they allow the topic marker má to be used,
– whether or not they appear with the question marker kwá without
expressing a question,
– which negation marker they take (the default negation marker ǀōā or
the imperative negation marker nǁȁn), and
– the position they occur in, in addition to the default modality slot.
as will be shown below, the markers differ with regard to these features,
and/or each marker shows some flexibility with regard to them. the use
of the topic marker má as a subject case can be seen as an indicator of
the degree to which a particular utterance is associated with the topical
domain. lack of the topic marker and/or use of the question marker kwá
in non-interrogative use, can be seen as indicators of the degree to which
the utterance is associated with the focal domain. the use of the imperative negation marker nǁȁn can be seen as an indicator of the degree to
which the utterance is associated with deontic modality. and finally, the
positions where the markers can be placed can be seen as an indicator of
their degree of grammaticalization.
3.2
The Firsthand Evidential mèká
this firsthand evidential conveys the meaning that the speaker witnessed
the reported news him/herself with his/her own senses, typically as an
eyewitness or earwitness.
the firsthand evidential mèká usually combines with the topic marker
má (see 2.b). a conversation of two speakers (a and B) might be as follows.
6 the transitive suffix (abbreviated as t) stands for a type of generalized ‘applicative’
which increases the valency of the verb by one.
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the firsthand evidential underlines the truth value of the statement, paraphrasable as ‘Since i have witnessed it with my own eyes there is no doubt
that the following is true’, as in (2.b):
(2.a) speaker a
djù ǀxòà hȁ ndòà cú
kwá
person n1 di
lie.sg q
is that lying person dead?
ǁāē
die.sg
(2.b) speaker B
djù ǀxòà hȁ :ŋŋ má mèká
ǀāē
person n1 pr top firsth.ev die.sg
this person is dead [as i saw it myself ]
With first person, the firsthand evidential can be used e.g. to correct a
wrong assertion that the speaker made about the hearer. in example 3,
two persons (a and B) argue about the question whether the child of B
is dead. a reports the rumor that the child of B is dead. a uses the nonfirsthand evidential to mark his statement as a non-directly perceived
information, a reported information (hearsay). B retorts by claiming the
opposite. B uses the firsthand evidential to underline the directness of the
information his statement is based on: Since B has seen it with his own
eyes there is no doubt that his child is alive. his direct source of information is more reliable than the indirect source of speaker a.
(3.b) and (4) are both answers to (3.a), both highlighting the fact that
the assumption of a is wrong, in (3.b) by using a negative statement ‘my
child is not dead!’, and in (4) by using an affirmative ‘my child is alive!’ the
firsthand evidential occurs with the default negation marker ǀōā (see 3.b).
(3.a) speaker a
à
dàbà cālā
kwá
2sg child nonfirsthand.ev q
[i heard] your child is dead
ǀāē
die.sg
(3.b) speaker B
mí dàbà má mèká
ǀōā ǀāē.
1sg child top firsthand.ev neg die.sg
my child is not dead [as i saw it myself ]!
(4)
speaker B
mí dàbà má mèká
ǀxȍȁ
1sg child top firsth.ev alive
my child is alive [as i saw myself ]!
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76
the topic marker is not obligatory with the firsthand evidential, as (5)
indicates.
(5) kā mèká
kàhīn
n4 firsth.ev be.good
it is good [as i saw it]
the firsthand evidential can also be used with first person; it then has the
connotation ‘to be sure of ’ (see 6).
(6) mí má mèká
tcˈà
ḿ
1sg top firsth.ev steal food
i stole the food [i know by directly seeing it]
in a conversation between speakers a and B, the following might happen. in (7), the firsthand evidential refers to an ear witness. in (8.b), the
firsthand evidential used with first person subject is most profitably to be
analyzed as an inferential evidential:7 the speaker signals that he has firsthand information about the predication made since it concerns himself
(‘since i woke up i am sure that i had fallen asleep’):
(7.a) speaker a
bà kwá tcāˈā mí
2sg q
hear 1sg
are you listening to me?
(7.b) speaker B
mí mèká
tcāˈā
1sg firsth.ev hear
i am listening to you!
à
2sg
or:
(8.a) speaker a
mtcē kwá bà kē
ȍ
what q
2sg past do
what were you doing?
(8.b) speaker B
mí mèká
1sg firsth.ev
i slept [i know]
kē
past
tcˈá
sleep
7 inference: based on visible or tangible evidence, or result (aikhenvald 2004:63).
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a combination of the firsthand evidential mèká and the mirative marker
kȍhà is possible (see 9). the firsthand evidential signals that the speaker
takes full responsibility for the statement, while the mirative highlights
the fact that this statement is a surprise to him. in the following example
this has the effect of an apology: although it happened it did not happen
on purpose:
(9) speaker B
mí mèká
kȍhà kē
tcˈá
1sg firsth.ev mir
past sleep
oh, i slept! [i know—it is surprising]
all uses of mèká with first person are pragmatically highly marked, in the
sense that they are used to correct a wrong expectation or assumption
made by others, as in (8.b), or even one which one had about oneself, as
in example (9).
the evidential marker mèká is not used in questions (see 10.b).
(10.a) hȁ má ǁáúlè tícē
n1 top hunt what
what is he hunting?
(10.b) *hȁ má mèká
ǁáúlè tícē
n1 top firsth.ev hunt what
what is he hunting?
in narrative discourse, mèká is used either at the peak of the narration or
at the end when the main point of the story is being presented. an old
man had to sleep on a tree because his hand got stuck in a tree hole when
he tried to eat the honey inside the hole. ‘my hand is stuck!’ (see 11) is the
desperate answer of the old man to a stranger asking him: ‘What are you
doing up there?’ in (11), mèká is used in an exclamation not with speaker
reference but with hearer reference: the firsthand evidential refers to the
addressee meaning: ‘[as you see,] my hand is stuck!’
(11) mí gǀāō mèká
nǀúˈm̀
1sg hand firsth.ev stuck
my hand is stuck [as you see ]!
it has been argued by aikhenvald that evidentials are used inter alia for
lying:
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78
attitudes to truth—that is, whether or not telling lies is an accepted social
practice—appear to be irrelevant to the ways in which evidential are
employed, since evidentiality is not about truth or validity of information.
We saw in § 3.7 that a language with evidential allows one to lie in rather
sophisticated way: one can provide the right facts with false evidential, or get
the right information source and false information. (aikhenvald 2004:358)
there are two examples where the firsthand evidential is used to tell a
sophisticated lie in narrative discourse. first, in a story of a turtle and a
jackal who are competing with each other in a race in order to see who
is faster. the jackal loses the race three times. each time the jackal calls
the turtle and the latter answers from far ahead. the third time, the turtle
answers with the firsthand evidential mèká, which is an example for an
ear witness evidential (see 12). example (12) is suggestive of a lie in that it
is a different turtle who answers from far ahead, not the one which was
at the starting point of the race.
(12) mèká
ā
tì
tcà’ā ǀˈhō tà
hȁ kwēé
firsth.ev prog search hear face and n1 say
and obviously [the turtle] answered from the front and the jackal said:
in the second example, the rabbit is fooling the elephant by telling him
that the two should put their physical power together in order to put down
trees. after the third tree which the elephant has put down, allegedly with
the help of the hare, the hare makes the claim in 13, which is ostensively
a lie, expressing the main point of the story. the rabbit strengthens his
lie by adding the firsthand evidential. (13) can count as an example of use
of the right verb with the wrong evidential since obviously the elephant
didn’t recognize that they did not use their joint strengths; rather, it was
he alone who was doing the hard work. note that mèká is connected to
the topic domain since it usually appears with the topic marker.
(13) gkhúín̄ dò ǀáú-ā-kòè
mèká
kàhīn
strength
add-t-reci firsth.ev be.good
to combine each other‘s strength is good [as we saw]!
the firsthand evidential typically refers to eyewitnesses (see examples 2.b,
3.b, 4, 5, and 6), but it covers also earwitnesses (see 7.b), and inferred witnesses for first person (see 8.b). in 11 it expresses firsthand information
referring to the speaker. it is used to tell sophisticated lies (see 12 and 13).
mostly it appears in exclamations, but declarative propositions are also
possible (see 12). the firsthand evidential has the effect that the speaker
takes over responsibility for what he says.
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3.3
79
The Non-Firsthand Evidential cālā
the non-firsthand evidential typically conveys that the speaker has
reported evidence (hearsay), that is, non-witnessed evidence, at least
for the statement made. in addition, the non-firsthand evidential covers
inferred evidence (see 24 and 25).8 frequently, the non-firsthand evidential is associated with doubts by the speaker as to whether the information is correct (see 14 and 15). the non-firsthand evidential frequently
combines with the question particle kwá, (or á in its reduced form) (see 14
and 15, compared with 17 and 20.a). the presence of the question marker
does not necessarily turn the clause into a question, but the non-firsthand
evidential can occur in questions as well (see e.g. 18.a). formally, there
is no difference between (18.a) and (14). Both fulfill the requirement of a
question. however, in (14) and (15), the question marker does not turn the
clause into a question: the question marker can be seen as an indicator of
the focal status that the statement gets with the non-firsthand evidential:
the question marker is simply triggered by the non-firsthand evidential.
that the utterance has focal status is corroborated by the fact that, basically, the topic marker má is not allowed (see 16). there is however some
variation. for some speakers, topic marking is ungrammatical, for others
it is possible, though odd (see 16). in addition, there are a few examples
where the topic marker is generally acceptable (see 17). the variation of
the topic marker with cālā is in line with the general behavior of the topic
marker (see section 1, and könig forthcoming).
Both facts, the frequent use of the question marker and its tendency
to be mutually exclusive with the topic marker, indicate that the nonfirsthand evidential cālā belongs to the domain of focus.
(14) ǁxāí á cālā
gǀè
ǁxai q nonfirsth.ev come
[they say that] ǁxai is coming [but i am not sure that he will come]
8 for convenience of the reader the examples are presented here already:
(24) mí má kā
ǁàȅ
n!ùm̀ kā ŋ̄ ŋ� kā-è
cālā
n!!áˈm̀
1sg top prog? hold rock
n4 pr n4–rel nonfirsth.ev hit
g!!à
è-tcā
lie_down.pl 1pl.ex-du
i hold this rock so that it cannot fall down and kill us
(25) kā
kā má !ùȕqn má hȁ cālā
ǁháí hȁ
when n4 top freeze top n1 nonfirsth.ev pull n1
when it [the water] froze [the hyena] tried to pull its tail out
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(15) hȁ á cālā
kē
ú ǀˈàn
hȁ
n1 q nonfirsth.ev past go with n1
he is said to have left together with her [but i doubt it]
(16) *?ǁxāí má cālā
gǀè
ǁxai
top nonfirsth.ev come
[they say that] ǁxai is coming [but i am not sure that he will]
(17) hȁ dèbē
má cālā
!!ȅhì
n1 children top nonfirsth.ev be_stupid
his children must be stupid [as i heard]
the non-firsthand marker downplays the responsibility that the speaker
is taking over for his statement.
as has been mentioned above (see section 3.1), negation is an additional
indicator for the status of cālā, which is negated by the default negation
marker ǀōā (see 18.b). in a conversation of speaker a with speaker B, the
following might be said:
(18.a) nǀhùmē cālā
kwá
nǀhume nonfirsth.ev q
[they say:] nǀhume is dead?
ǁāē?
dead.sg
(18.b) nǀhùmē cālā
kwá ǀōā
ǁāē
nǀhume nonfirsth.ev q
neg dead.sg
nǀhume is not dead [as i heard from somebody]
or:
(19.a) yà kwá cālā
tcˈà
mí ḿ
2pl q
nonfirsth.ev steal 1sg food
you steal my food [as i heard from somebody]!
(19.b) ǀōā djù
má ǀōā
kē
neg 1pl.ex top neg past
no! we didn’t steal your food!
tcˈà
steal
yà
2pl
ḿ
food
in both conversations (18 and 19), speaker a asks about something he
only knows from indirect sources. in (18.b), the hearer answers using the
non-firsthand evidential again, indicating that his source is also indirect,
although his statement contradicts the assumption made by speaker a. in
(19), speaker a blames speaker B of being a thief. With the non-firsthand
evidential, the reproach may appear a little milder than without.
used with first person subjects, the non-firsthand evidential cālā
gets the reading ‘as i heard, somebody says about me/us’, typically if an
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81
assertion is ostensibly untrue. the question marker kwá is not obligatory
(see 20.a), though possible (see 20.b).
With regard to the position of the evidential marker cālā there is some
remarkable variation: it either appears in the modal slot preceding the
verb, and in this case it has to appear after the question marker (see 15,
19.a), the latter being placed by default in second position of the clause,
also called the Wackernagel position. alternatively, the evidential marker
cālā appears directly after the subject before the question marker (see
18.a, 18.b, 20.a, 20.b, 21.a). Syntactically this makes a significant difference
in scope: if cālā is placed after the question marker it is part of the verb,
like a verbal inflexion, and has semantic scope over the verb phrase. if
however it is placed before the question marker it no longer can be seen
as a verbal particle but rather is an independent particle being attached
to the referent it refers too, typically the subject. example (18.b) can be
paraphrased as ‘nǀhume, as i heard of him, is not dead!’ instead of saying something like ‘nǀhume is dead, as i heard’, which would more likely
reflect the meaning when cālā is placed in the modality slot of the verb.
the evidential marker placed adjacent to the referee may emphasize even
more the fact that it is non-witnessed information only.
(20.a) mí cālā
kē
cŋ̏
djūí kē kwā
1sg nonfirsth.ev past drink beer tr here
[somebody said, as i heard, that] i drank beer here
ŋ̄ ŋ�
(20.b) mí cālā
kwá kē
cŋ̏
djūí kē
1sg nonfirsth.ev q
past drink beer tr
[somebody said, as i heard, that] i drank beer here
kwā ŋ̄ ŋ�
here
(21.a) m̏hm̀ cālā
kwá ǁáúlè !xō
1pl.in nonfirsth.ev q
hunt elephant
[somebody says, as i heard, that] we are hunting an elephant
(21.b) m̏hm̀ má tá
óá
ǁáúlè nhȁù
1pl.in top actually fut hunt rabbit
[but] we actually are going to hunt a rabbit!
examples from narrative discourse lack the question marker and show
again the order where cālā is placed directly after its referee or in the
adverbial slot before the negation marker (as in 22). in narrative discourse,
cālā is primarily used in exclamations in the dialogue structure to encode
crucial information.
examples (22) and (23) are taken from the same story about a young
hyena and a jackal. in both cases (22 and 23) cālā encodes information
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christa könig
which is somewhat shocking for the speaker or the addressee since it
proves that the speaker or the addressee has been cheated. a young hyena
has lost one eye because the jackal stabbed it. the young hyena and its
mother then chased the jackal. at some point the young hyena grabbed
the jackal, but the jackal fooled the hyena again by pretending to be chewing something. the jackal promises to share the food with the hyena and
orders the latter to bring a piece of bark to put honey on. the young hyena
releases the jackal, and tells its mother about the promised food. there
the mother shouts: ‘the jackal has no container [as i heard]!’ (see 22);
note that the mother has not seen the jackal herself. By this information,
it becomes clear that the jackal lied to the young hyena and made the
story up to escape. a while later the jackal reveals his lie to the young
hyena and produces a new lie by claiming: ‘But he has fur on his chest
[as i heard]!’ What the jackal means to say is that the hyena was in fact
catching the jackal, which is true. the non-firsthand evidential however
is inadequate since the jackal is talking about himself and knows by firsthand information that it was him who had been grabbed by the hyena. By
giving the impression that it was only reported information, he conceals
his personal identity. in (22), the lie of the jackal is revealed by the evidential, and in (23) a new lie is produced by using the wrong evidential
with the right verb.
(22) hȁ kūndòˈà cālā
ǁōā gè-ā hȁ ǁōā
gè-ā
n1 then
nonfirsth.ev neg be-t n1 neg be-t
he has no [container], he has no container [as i heard]!
tāqn̄
container
(23) hȁ cālā
tcōān ŋ�!ŋ�-mà
!xˈúí
n1 nonfirsth.ev chest inside-dim fur
but he has fur on his chest [like a lion, as i heard]!
in (24), cālā is used with future reference as an inferred evidential on
reasoning to tell a sophisticated lie. the jackal tells the hyena that the
rock has to be held up because otherwise it would fall down on them and
they would be dead. Since it is a hypothetical utterance, the non-firsthand
evidential puts emphasis on the assumption9 that the rock will hit down
on them and kill them. this is a lie by which the jackal keeps the hyena
busy so that it has time to catch and eat fish:
9 aSSumption: based on evidence other than visible results: this may include logical
reasoning, assumption, or simply general knowledge (aikhenvald 2004:63).
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(24) mí má kā
ǁàȅ
n!ùm̀
kā ŋ̄ ŋ� kā-è
cālā
1sg top prog? hold rock
n4 pr n4–rel nonfirsth.ev
n!!áˈm̀ g!!à
è-tcā
hit
lie_down.pl 1pl.ex-du
i hold this rock so that it cannot fall down and kill us
later in the story, the jackal fools the hyena again, telling it to catch fish
by putting its tail into the water so that the fish bites into its tail so that
the hyena can pull the tail out and catch the fish. When the hyena however puts the tail into the water, the water freezes immediately so that
the hyena cannot pull its tail out. the narrator uses the cālā evidential to
express inferred evidentiality for the observed action that the hyena tries
to pull its tail out. the inferred information is based on observation. this
is a fatal situation for the fooled hyena, who had hoped to catch fish but,
instead, got stuck in the ice. example 25 is one of the rare occurences
where cālā appears not in an exclamation but in a declarative clause.
(25) kā
kā má !ùȕqn má hȁ cālā
ǁháí
when n4 top freeze top n1 nonfirsth.ev pull
when it [the water] froze [the hyena] tried to pull its tail out
hȁ
n1
ǁxōē
tail
Given that !xun has no obligatory evidential system, the non-firsthand evidential seems to be primarily used when the reported statement is either
in contrast with the expectation of the addressee, or when the speaker
wishes to clarify a statement that he only has indirect knowledge about,
or when the speaker wishes to tell a lie.
3.4
The Mirative kȍhà
the particle kȍhà signals surprise that something unexpected happens,
hence expressing the notion of a mirative. the mirative marker changes a
neutral statement into one signaling surprise (compare 26.a and 26.b).
(26.a) hȁ má hȁ
n1 top n1
he is here
è
dem
(26.b) à
má kȍhà à
è
2sg top mir
2sg dem
oh you are here [surprise]!
instead of the topic marker má, the question marker kwá or á can be used.
kȍhà is still used as a full verb to express surprise, as in (27.a). in (27.b)
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84
the same content is presented with kȍhà being used as a mirative particle
preceding the verb in the modal slot.
(27.a) ǀāálè
ǀxòà
kwá kȍhà
jackal be_alive q
mir
the jackal must be alive! [lit. this is a lively jackal!]
(27.b) ǀāàlè
má
kȍhà
ǀxòà!
jackal top mir
be_alive
the jackal must be alive! [surprise]
as a mirative marker, it is used like a particle preceding the verb, appearing in the same slot as the other evidentials. as in the case of cālā, there
is some variation with regard to the co-occurrence with the topic marker
or question marker: Both can be used without any difference in meaning
(cf. 28.a and 28.b), and neither of the markers need to be present; absence
of both the topic marker and the question marker is acceptable as well
(see 41.a).10
(28.a) dàbà
má
kȍhà
gǀè
(28.b) dàbà á
kȍhà gǀè
child top/q mir
come
the child is really coming [i didn’t expect it]!
Kȍhà appears in the modal slot of the verb preceding the tense and aspect
slot (compare 29.a with 29.b, where its use is excluded).
(29.a) kā má kȍhà kē
gè
n4 top mir
past be
so it really existed! [surprise]
(29.b) *kā
n4
má
top
kē
past
kȍhà
mir
gè
be
in narrative discourse, there are examples where the mirative is placed
outside the verbal slot in an unusual word order: the mirative marker
10 for convenience of the reader the example is presented here already:
(41.a) ǀàālè
kū ndòˈà kȍhà hŋ�-ā mí kē !!ȅhì-kxˈàò
jackal then
mir
see-t 1sg tr stupid-person
the jackal must regard me as a stupid person
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85
appears clause initially after the topic marker má, which serves here as
a clause boundary marker, separated from the verbal slot by the locative
participant in (30.a) and the subject in (30.b).
(30.a) tà kā hȁ hŋ� tcȁhā-m̏hè má hȁ kū-ndòˈà gǀè
!òō gǁà
and n4 n1 see calf-dim.pl top n1 loc-di
come lock stand.pl
yīí !ȕhnùn
kā-ndòˈà má kȍhà tcȁhā-m̏hè !xˈā
kā-ndòˈà
n3 enclosure n4–di
top mir calf-dim.pl heart n4–di
má gè-ā gǀȕì
top be-t hyena
and when he saw the calves he came to lock [the calves standing] in the
enclosure, but among these calves there must have been a hyena
(30.b) kāndòˈà má kȍhà ǀàālè
then
top mir
jackal
the jackal must be absent!
kūndòˈà
then
kwàlà
be_absent
the mirative marker can be used in questions as well, usually to form a
question (see 31 through 33). it can also be used with the question marker
without turning the clause into a question, but rather making a surprising
statement (see 34).
(31) hȁ á kȍhà gǀè
n1 q mir come
is he really coming? [surprise]
(32) hȁ á kȍhà óá
gǀè
n1 q mir
fut come
will he really be coming? [surprise]
(33) bà kwá kȍhà ú
2sg q
mir
go
are you going? [surprise]
(34) é
m̏hm̀ -tcā kwá kȍhà
ā
ǁháí-ā-kwè
interj 1pl.in-du q
mir
prog pull-t-reci
oh, it seems, we two were pulling each other! [surprise]
Kȍhà is negated by the default negation marker ǀōā, placed after kȍhà,
or before (compare 35, 36 and 37). the position where kȍhà follows the
negation marker is the modal slot, the preceding position is the slot used
by adverbials otherwise.
(35) ǀàālè
má
kȍhā ǀōā
ǁāē
jackal top mir
neg die.sg
the jackal did not die! [surprise]
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christa könig
(36) hȁ má kȍhà ǀōā
ǀxòà
n1 top mir
neg be_alive
it is not alive! [surprise]
(37) kā má ǀōā
kȍhà kē
gè
n4 top neg be
past be
so it didn’t exist! [surprise]
like the firsthand and non-firsthand evidentials, the mirative kȍhà is
also used as a cheating device in lies. there is a productive pattern at the
beginning of narrative discourse: the main actor presents his plans, which
usually contain a lie. the mirative expresses a reaction of surprise that
the fooled addressee may show—in accordance with the expectation of
the main actor when presenting the plan. one strategy is that the main
actor is going to tell a lie to someone he wants to fool, saying something
like this:
(40) mí má kȍhà hŋ� gǀȕì
ō
ǁȁhìn-ā ō
hȁ ō
1sg top mir
see hyena purp tell-t
purp n1 purp
gǀè
gù
ǀxūúnnu
come catch.sg crocodile
i must see the hyena to tell it to come to catch the crocodile lying there
the surprise expressed by kȍhà in (40), refers to a future event and desribes the reaction the jackal expects from the hyena when being told that
they should catch a crocodile for eating. the lie consists in the fact that,
first, the jackal does not intend to participate in the dangerous adventure
of catching the crocodile but has the plan to send the hyena alone, and
second, that the jackal knows that crocodiles are far too dangerous to be
cought and eaten. the mirative refers to a hypothetical future event desribing the surprise of the addressee, rather than that of the speaker.
in addition, the mirative is used in narrative discourse to express the
main point of the story, particularly at the end of the story. this also
applies to the present story, where the hyena becomes aware that it had
been fooled by the jackal, resulting in exclamations by the hyena, as in
(41.a) and (41.b):
(41.a) ǀàālè
kū ndòˈà kȍhà hŋ�-ā mí kē
jackal then
mir
see-t 1sg tr
the jackal must regard me as a stupid person
!!ȅhì-kxˈàò
stupid-person
(41.b) bà má kȍhà hŋ�-ā mí tcˈā
ǁáé
2sg top mir
see-t 1sg sleep die.sg
you seem to see me as if i were sleeping like being dead [= being too
stupid to understand anything]
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87
another main point of the story containing a mirative is expressed by the
hyena who has never seen a turtle before. it expresses its surprise like this
(see 42a):
(42.a) hŋ�
ílò
má kȍhà kí
look God top mir
hab
look! (what) God has created!
kúlú
make
the reply of the turtle in (42.b) contains a mirative as well. the surprise of
the turtle is a lie in that the turtle let the audience wait for it on purpose
because they were showing no respect for it.
(42.b) yà kȍhà n!ōxā
ǁú-é
!àn
mí
2pl mir
already prog-past wait 1sg
you were already waiting for me [surprise]?
another example of surprise meant for the addressee and not for the
speaker appears in the story about a jackal who fools the hyena. the jackal
has only female goats and suggests to the hyena, who has only male goats,
to put one male goat to its female goats in order to get offspring. the
hyena agrees. the jackal promises to share the offspring with the hyena.
one year later the hyena comes to the jackal in order to collect half of
the offspring. But the jackal refuses, arguing that male goats do not give
birth and therefore the hyena is not entitled to collect any of them. they
fight with each other and decide that a neutral court should be consulted.
the court is lead by the turtle, who decides that the jackal is right and the
hyena is wrong. the turtle does so with the following words:
(43) bà kȍhà nǀūún ˈn!!ȅhī kū ndò'à nǁȁqē ǀú-í
gǁā'àè
2sg mir must know then
men
neg-hab give_birth
tà
bà kū ndò'à kwēé
and 2sg then
say
[the turtle said:] “you should know [surprise] that men never give birth!”
and you say:
the surprise in (43), expressed by the turtle, refers to the addressee, the
hyena, which is so stupid that it did not know that male goats cannot
give birth.
of all the four markers discussed in this paper, the mirative marker
kȍhà is by far the most frequent one. in narrative discourse, it is basically
restricted to the dialogue structure in exclamations. it is often used at the
end of stories at the point where the truth is revealed by the speaker as a
surprising observation since he has been cheated. (see e.g. 44)
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christa könig
88
(44) bà
kȍhà dcŋ̏-kx‘àò!
2sg mir
lie-agent
you are a liar! [surprise]
the mirative11 differs in a number of ways from the evidentials, and it may
combine with them. it expresses new, surprising information for which
the participant concerned is unprepared. it appears in statements, mostly
in exclamations and indirect questions, and it appears in negative sentences. it is used to tell lies, and it can refer to future events. the surprise
is ‘objective’—the event is not necessarily unexpected to the speaker, but
to anyone else involved in the conversation it is.
3.5
The Counterexpectation Marker kò
the counterexpectation marker kò can be used only when an expected
action does not take place. With kò the speaker expresses his disappointment that something he wished to happen did not. it typically appears in
statements with the topic marker má.
(45) hȁ má kò gǀè
tā
hȁ má ǁˈàn
n1
top ce come
and n1 top sick
he is supposed to come but he is sick [therefore he will not come]
(46) à
má
kò g!!ȍhò tā
à
má kē
cŋ�
djūí
2sg top ce work
and 2sg top past
drink beer
you were supposed to work but [instead] you were drinking beer [and
therefore you couldn’t work]
(47) hȁ má kò ǁáúlè !xō,
tā
hȁ má xāŋ� ǁáúlè
n1 top ce hunt elephant and n1 top then hunt
he is supposed to hunt elephant but then he hunts a rabbit
nhȁù
rabbit
Kò can not only refer to the expectation of the speaker but to that of any
other person, as e.g. in (48), which has a first person subject. in (48), the
counterexpectation marker occurs with the mirative. the mirative has the
effect of an apology, like: “i should have done something, but i didn’t, and
what i did instead was surprising to me—so i did not do it on purpose”:
(48) mí má kò tcòȁq ǁˈāē
tā
má
kȍhà
1sg top ce cut
grass
and
1sg
mir
i was supposed to cut grass but i surprisingly slept
kē
past
tcˈá
sleep
11 the mirative in !xun differs from the mirative in Quechua (adelaar, this volume) in
that it appears in negation and mostly in exclamations.
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source of information and unexpected information in !xun
89
in questions, kò is either used when the speaker witnesses something which
according to his expectation the addressee should not do, as e.g. in (49),
where the speaker observes a thief trying to steal something (see 49).
(49) mtícē
kwá
bà
kò
ȍ?
what
q
2sg
ce
do
what are you doing? [asked if addressing someone who is not supposed to
do what he is doing, e.g. a thief ]
or the speaker asks in a more neutral way what the expectation is (compare the neutral question in (50) with (51.a), which includes the counterexpectation marker). in the answer of (51.b), kò can only be used with the
connotation that it did not happen.
(50)
hȁ má ǁáúlè tícē
n1 top hunt what
what is he hunting?
(51.a) hȁ má kò ǁáúlè tícē
n1 top ce hunt what
what is he hunting/supposed to hunt?
(51.b) hȁ má kò ǁáúlè !xō
n1 top ce hunt elephant
he is supposed to hunt elephants but he didn’t
the counterexpectation marker kò shows the structural behavior of an
imperative mood: it is negated by the imperative negation marker nǁan̏
only, ǀōā is not allowed (see 53). and it takes the imperative habitual
marker kú only (see 55). tam markings follow kò, while the negation
marker precedes or follows (see 52). When following the negation marker,
kò appears in the modality slot, when preceding it it appears in the adverbial slot.
(52) hȁ má
nǁȁn
kò
or:
hȁ
má
kò
n3 top neg.imp ce
he is not supposed to go!
nǁȁ
neg.imp
(53) hȁ
má
kò
nǁan̏
ǁáúlè
*hȁ má
kò
ǀōā
ǁáúlè
n1
top ce
neg(.imp) hunt
he is not supposed to hunt elephants!
ú!
ú!
go
!xō
!xō
elephant
(54) à
má
kò
kē
nǁȁn̏
cŋ̏
2sg top
ce
past imp
drink
you were not supposed to drink beer!
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beer
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90
christa könig
(55) hȁ má kò kē
nǁȁn̏
kú
cŋ̏
djūí kā hȁ ǁàȅ-ā
n1 top ce past neg.imp hab.imp drink beer n4 n1 hold-t
tí
kē
tB
ǁˈà-ān tí
past tr
tuberculosis sick-t past
he was not supposed to drink beer anymore because he had tubercolosis
[lit: he was held by tB sickness]
the counterexpectation marker is by far the least frequently used of the
four. unlike the mirative marker it frequently has a deontic connotation
and is restricted to referring to situations which did not take place or, if
uttered in a command, which should not take place.
4
discussion
the meaning differences between the four markers discussed above can
be seen in the following examples which vary in the information marker
only. in (56.a), no information marker is present; it is a neutral statement.
With the non-firsthand evidential in (56.b), the speaker highlights the fact
that his knowledge is based on indirect information only. the firsthand
evidential in (56.c) highlights the fact that his knowledge is witnessed and
therefore reliable. in (56.d), the speaker highlights the fact that the statement comes as a surprise to him. With the counterexpectation marker in
(56.e), the speaker highlights his expectation that the statement should be
reality but, unfortunately, it is not.
(56.a) hȁ má
gē-ā
n1
top be-t
he is in okongo
kòŋgō
okongo
(56.b) hȁ má
cālā
gē-ā
kòŋgō
n1
top nonfirsth.ev be-t
okongo
he is in okongo [as i heard from somebody]
(56.c) hȁ má mèká
gē-ā kòŋgō
n1
top firsth.ev be-t okongo
he is in okongo [as i see—i know from seeing]
(56.d) hȁ má kȍhà gē-ā kòŋgō
n1
top mir
be-t okongo
he is in okongo [surprise]!
(56.e) hȁ má kò gē-ā kòŋgō
n1
top ce be-t okongo
he is supposed to be in okongo! [but he is not]
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source of information and unexpected information in !xun
91
to illustrate the use of the different information markers, i will present
them in the frame ‘ǁxāí comes’: mèká expresses a firsthand evidential,
which means that i know via direct evidence (see 58.b), cālā expresses a
reported evidential (58.c), and kȍhà a surprising situation (58.d). the nonfirsthand evidential marker cālā can also be used in negated questions
(see 57). in (58.e), the same frame is used with the counterexpectation
marker kò expressing a strong command.
(57)
ǁxāí á cālā
ǀōā
ǁxai q nonfirsth.ev neg
ǁxāí is not coming [as i heard]?
gǀè
come
(58.a) ǁxāí kwá gǀè
ǁxai q
come
is ǁxāí coming?
(58.b) ǁxāí mèká ǀōā
gǀè
ǁxai firsth.ev neg come
ǁxāí is not coming [as i saw]
(58.c) ǁxāí cālā
ǀōā
gǀè
ǁxai firsth.ev neg come
ǁxāí is not coming [as i heard from somebody]
(58.d) ǁxāí má kȍhà ǀōā cūún
ǁxai top mir
neg yet
ǁxāí has not yet come [surprise]!
gǀè
come
(58.e) ǁxāí kò nǁȁn
gǀè
ǁxai ce neg.imp come
ǁxāí is not supposed to come!
the non-firsthand evidential used with a second person subject in a question by speaker a in (59.a) can be answered with the firsthand evidential
with first person in the answer of speaker B to correct the wrong assumption of speaker a (see 59.b).
(59.a) mtícē kwá bà ǀōā
kē
gǀè-ā
why
q
2sg neg past come-t
why didn’t you come to work?
bà kw-ē
cālā
tcˈā
2sg q-past nonfirsth.ev sleep
did you sleep? [as i heard from somebody]
(59.b) ǀōā! mí mèká
ǀōā
neg 1sg firsth.ev neg
no! i didn’t sleep [as i know]
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kē
past
g!!ȍhò
work
tcˈā
sleep
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christa könig
92
evidential, mirative, and counterexpectation marking in !xun in general
changes an unmarked assertion into a pragmatically highly marked one.
this might be due to the fact that it is not obligatory. therefore, whenever one of the four markers is used, the speaker wishes to outline either
that the source of information is only non-witnessed, or witnessed, or that
the statement comes as a surprise or that the statement is contrary to
expectation. neutral statements are possible without using any of the four
markers. if no evidential marker is used, it is left open what the source of
information for the statement was, if no mirative or counterexpectation
marker is used, it is left open whether the statement comes as a surprise
or not or whether it contradicts an expectation. evidentials are used particularly in contrast to views by others assumed to be incorrect, to correct
certain views, or to launch a lie. considering the fact that !xun is a highly
context dependent language, it makes sense that the use of evidentials is
not all that frequent.
the flexibility that the evidentials show with regard to their position,
their syntax, that is, whether they have to occur in a question or not, the
use of the topic marker, the kind of negation marker they take—all these
factors indicate that the evidential system shows some freedom of use.
historically, the evidential markers appear to go back to verbs, even if
their etymological sources are opaque. the use in the modal slot bears
witness to their verbal origin.
the evidentials and the mirative take the default negation marker ǀōā,
the counterexpectation marker takes nǁȁn, which is used for imperatives
and other deontic expressions. With regard to the question marker and
the topic marker there is some significant difference among the four in
that mèká and kò clearly favor the topic marker whereas cālā and kȍhà
allow various strategies: the question marker is mutually exclusive with
the topic marker, or else neither of the two markers is present. With kȍhà,
the use of the topic marker is more frequent than with cālā. With regard
to the position of the markers discussed here, all show the same range
from being placed within the verbal complex in the modality slot, i.e. in
the adverbial slot, or even outside it.
5
conclusions
it has been shown that !xun has a twofold grammaticalized evidential system, distinguishing a firsthand and a non-firsthand evidential expressed
by clitics which basically are part of the verb phrase but exceptionally
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source of information and unexpected information in !xun
93
may independently be placed adjacent to their referee outside the verb
phrase. according to aikhenvald’s typology (2003, 2004), !xun has a direct
evidential system (called type ii by her) of a sensory kind. two differentiations are made: a first hand evidential, indicating direct physical evidence
(typically ‘see’ but also ‘hear’, ‘feel’), opposed to a non-firsthand evidential
(typically reported, such as hearsay, inferred), indicating only indirect or
reported evidence.
the mirative and the counterexpectation markers are not covered by
extensions of the non-firsthand evidential but have a system of their own.
they are expressed in the same slot. firsthand evidential includes eyewitness, and other senses such as ‘hear’, or ‘feel’; the non-firsthand evidential
includes reported such as hearsay, and inferred knowledge. the reported
evidential often has a connotation of conveying unreliable information.
the information markers show no restriction with regard to first person,
tense and negation.
the evidentials and the mirative marker can be combined. first person
firsthand evidential highlights the directness of the source of information.
Sometimes the speaker uses it to contradict a non-firsthand (hearsay)
evidential uttered earlier by the hearer. the evidential system is used to
either step back from responsibility by choosing the non-firsthand evidential. the evidentials and the mirative are productively used for cheating,
to present a lie when using the wrong verb with the right evidential or
the right verb with the wrong evidential, or expressing the addresssee’s
surprise when having been fooled. this is a productive too, particularly
used in narrative discourse.
the difference between the mirative and the counterexpectation
marker in !xun lies primarily in the fact that the latter always has a deontic impact. unexpectedness can be expressed by both, but with the counterexpectation marker kò the speaker emphasizes the fact that he himself
does not allow it, or does not want it. the counterexpectation marker
always has a negative connotation which is not present with the mirative
marker.
references
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aikhenvald and r. m. W. dixon (eds.), Studies in Evidentiality, pp. 33–62. amsterdam:
Benjamins
——. 2004. Evidentiality. oxford: oxford university press.
——, and r. m. W. dixon 1998. evidentials and areal typology: a case study from amazonia. Language Sciences 20: 241–57.
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—— and —— (eds.) 2003. Studies in Evidentiality. (Typological Studies in Language, 54.)
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Blass, r. 1989. Grammaticalization of interpretive use: the case of rέ in Sissala. Lingua 79:
56–80.
Botne, robert. 1995. the pronominal origin of an evidential. Diachronica 12:201–21.
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de haan, ferdinand. 2001. the cognitive basis of visual evidentials, in: alan cienki, Barbara J. luka, and michael B. Smith (eds.) Conceptual and Discourse Factors in Linguistic
Structure, pp. 91–106. Stanford: cSli publications.
——. 2005a. coding of evidentiality in: haspelmath, martin, matthew S. dryer, david Gil
and Bernard comrie (eds.) The World Atlas of Language Structures, pp. 318–321. oxford:
oxford university press.
——. 2005b. Semantic distinctions of evidentiality, in: haspelmath, martin, matthew S.
dryer, david Gil and Bernard comrie (eds.) The World Atlas of Language Structures, pp.
314–317. oxford: oxford university press.
delancey, Scott. 1997. mirativity: the grammatical marking of unexpected information.
Linguistic Typology 1: 33–52.
——. 2001. the mirative and evidentiality. Journal of Pragmatics 33: 369–382.
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köppe.
Güldemann, tom and rainer voßen. 2000. ‘Khoisan’, in: heine, Bernd and derek nurse
(eds.) African Languages: An Introduction, pp. 99–122. cambridge: cambridge university
press.
haspelmath, martin, matthew S. dryer, david Gil & Bernard comrie (eds.) 2005. The World
Atlas of Language Structures. oxford: oxford university press.
heine, Bernd and christa könig, forthcoming. The !Xun language. A Dialect Grammar of
Northern Khoisan. (Quellen zur khoisan forschung). cologne: köppe.
—— and derek nurse (eds.) 2000. African languages: An Introduction. cambridge: cambridge university press.
könig, christa. 2008. a grammar of !xun, W2 dialect. (manuscript)
——. forthcoming. topic in !xun, in: Sonja ermisch (ed.), Khoisan Languages and Linguistics. The Riezlern Symposium 2005. (Quellen zur khoisanforschung, 18). cologne:
köppe.
—— and Bernd heine. 2001. the !xun of ekoka: a demographic and linguistic report.
Khoisan Forum Working Paper, 17.
miller, c. l. and l. G. Gilley. 2007. evidentiality and mirativity in Shilluk, in: m. reh and
d. l. payne (eds.). Proceedings of the 8th International Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium, pp. 191–206. cologne: köppe.
Waag, christine. 2010. The Fur Verb and its Context. cologne: köppe.
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chapter Four
a Quechuan miratiVe?
willem F.h. adelaar
1
introduction1
a number of Quechuan language varieties spoken in the central peruvian
andes, more specifically, in the northwestern part of the department of
Junín and adjacent areas of the departments of Lima and pasco, feature a
special category of verb forms that has the exclusive function of denoting
the surprising nature or unexpectedness of an ongoing event or situation.
from a perspective of grammatical organization, this category functions
as a ‘tense’ and constitutes, together with a number of other tense categories, the unmarked or indicative mood in the verbal conjugation of the
language varieties in question. thus, it stands in a paradigmatic relationship with other categories that mainly convey temporal (and occasionally
aspectual) functions, such as past, past habitual, present and future. in
a grammatical study of the varieties spoken in the province of tarma in
the department of Junín (henceforth tarma Quechua),2 this ‘tense’ denoting unexpectedness has been defined, under the denomination of sudden
discovery tense, as a category that “refers to events that have been going
on unnoticed and which are suddenly discovered by the speaker or by
another person playing a central role in the narrative” (adelaar 1977: 96).
a straightforward english translation for this Quechuan tense category
could be introduced by the phrase “it turned out that . . .”. its semantic
characteristics are closely akin to those of the category of mirative as
defined in recent typological literature (DeLancey 1997, 2001; aikhenvald
2004: 195–215).
a noteworthy feature of the mirative in tarma Quechua is that it is
mainly used in objective, non-emotional statements. although it refers to
1 i am grateful to alexandra aikhenvald, Kees hengeveld, hella olbertz, anne Storch
and an anonymous reviewer for their valuable comments.
2 these varieties belong to the southern representatives of Quechua i, one of the main
subdivisions of the Quechuan language family along with Quechua ii. the denominations
Quechua i and Quechua ii were taken from torero’s (1964) classification.
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situations that may have been surprising to the speaker at the moment
he/she became aware of them, its main function lies in the impact it has
on the audience. tarma Quechua miratives are most frequently found in
narratives. however, the boundary between narrative and conversational
accounts in Quechuan languages is not a strict one, and miratives can also
be found in interactive contexts with the same connotation of objectivity.
in many other Quechuan languages, as well as in aymara (matt coler
pers. comm.), the mirative reading emerges as a secondary usage of one
of the indicative tenses (narrative past, remote or mythical past, perfect,
etc.) that also cover other, more familiar interpretations. a peculiarity
of the Quechuan language varieties spoken in the central peruvian area
delineated above is that their tense system includes a category of forms
that has no other function than to convey mirative meaning.
one of the questions that will be addressed in this article is whether
or not the provisional semantic definition of the tarma Quechua mirative is compatible with the notion of mirativity as generally used in the
linguistic literature. the uniquely distinct character of the mirative category in tarma Quechua will be made visible by contrasting it with other
subsystems of tarma Quechua morphosyntax, such as aspect, negation
and evidentiality. it will be shown that the tarma Quechua mirative does
not behave like an evidential category, that it functions independently of
aspect (though not of tense!), and that it is incompatible with negation.
first, however, the formal characteristics of the tarma Quechua mirative and its possible historical background are presented in a comparative
perspective.
2
form and origin
the mirative verbal ‘tense’ in tarma Quechua is marked by means of an
affix -na-.3 Like other tense-marking affixes, it appears in combination
with cross-referential person-marking affixes referring to an agent (a/S)
and, when relevant, also to a patient (o/io), which must be a human or
humanized participant in the speech act. forms denoting agent/subject
alone or ‘direct’ relations between participants and/or non-participants
that are in compliance with a person hierarchy 1>2>3 take simple crossreferential endings, as shown in table 4.1:
3 as other Quechuan languages, tarma Quechua is predominantly suffixing. all affixes
are suffixes.
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table 4.1. Direct cross-referential endings of the tarma
Quechua mirative
1 a/S [ > 3 o/io]
2 a/S [ > 3 o/io]
1 a/S > 2 o/io
1+2 a/S [ > 3 o/io]
3 a/S [ > 3 o/io]
-na-:*
-na-y[ki]**
-na-q
-na-nči[k]***
-naq
* the vowel length that indicates 1 a/S may have originated from
a segmental affix -y (adelaar 1984).
** the element -ki (dialectally -gi) of the -y[ki] ending is not pronounced, except word-finally. if it is omitted in word-final position
as well, stress (normally penultimate) remains located on the syllable that precedes the omitted element.
*** the element -k in -nči[k] is optional in some dialectal varieties
but absent in others.
By contrast, the counter-hierarchical (‘inverse’) relations are expressed by
means of combined cross-referential endings, as shown in table 4.2:
table 4.2. inverse cross-referential endings of the tarma
Quechua mirative
2 a/S > 1 o/io
3 a/S > 1 o/io
3 a/S > 1+2 o/io
3 a/S > 2 o/io
-ma:-na-y[ki]**
-ma:-naq
-ma:-na-nči[k]***
-šu-na-y[ki]**
**, ***: see table 4.1
the affix -naq ‘3 a/S mirative’ deserves special attention because it contains an element -q, which is not otherwise found as a 3 a/S marker. probably, the original mirative ending can be reconstructed as *-ñaq, a form
which is still found in some phonologically conservative central peruvian
varieties (huanca Quechua, pacaraos Quechua). as it seems, *-ñaq was
originally used only as a 3 a/S form, but it could be combined in a compound paradigm with inflected forms of the auxiliary verb ka- ‘to be’ in
order to denote all other attested cross-referential forms. this situation
is still found in pacaraos Quechua (province of huaral, department of
Lima). apparently, the tarma Quechua mirative paradigm, which does
not involve any overt forms of the verb ‘to be’, consists of contracted forms
based on such a compound paradigm.4
4 Black et al. (1990: 264), who use the label ‘narrative past’ in their study of the Quechua
of northern Junín and Southeastern pasco, provide an unambiguous example of -naq with
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the reconstructed form *-ñaq can tentatively be derived from a combination of *ña ‘already’ with the agentive nominalizing affix -q. this element ña operates in many Quechuan varieties as an affix or a lexically
free adverb.5 nominalized verbs containing the affix -q are used in most
Quechuan languages with forms of the auxiliary verb ka- ‘to be’ in a compound tense paradigm that denotes habitual past. consequently, *-ñaq
may be analyzed diachronically as a combination of habitual past with
*ña, except that the latter appears in an anomalous location before the
nominalizing affix.
in the huanca varieties, which are spoken in the andean part of the
department of Junín south-east of tarma Quechua, reflexes of either *-naq
or *-ñaq are found according to localities.6 although contracted forms are
preferred over analytic constructions with ka-, both options have been
attested. Descriptive studies of the huanca varieties (cerrón-palomino
1976, Wroughton 1996) apply the label ‘narrative past’ (Spanish pasado
narrativo) to the forms at issue, suggesting that they are used, at least in
some of these varieties, both as a narrative past and as a means to convey
mirative meaning. a collection of texts reproduced in Wroughton (1990:
81–150) contains evidence that this is definitely the case for varieties spoken in the area of Jauja.
forms in -naq (or its reflex -na:) are found throughout the remaining
(northern) varieties of the Quechua i branch. these forms convey different types of meaning, and a semantic value akin to mirative is usually one
of them (cf. howard 1988: 130–131, Weber 1989: 114–115, hintz 2011: 84).7
in some of the northern Quechua i dialects spoken in the department of
ancash -naq (~ -na:) is combinable with other tense markers, which puts
in doubt its status as a component of the tense system. parker (1976: 111–2)
treats it as a modal rather than a temporal element, although mirative
meaning is clearly present.
mirative meaning as defined in this article, but none that could be qualified as an instance
of narrative past in particular.
5 in ayacucho Quechua (a Quechua ii variety), the element ña occurs both as an affix
and as an adverb with identical meanings. the adverb ña has to be accompanied by at
least one other constituent that contains the affix -ña (unless the adverb constitutes an
utterance by itself). conversely, the affix need not be reinforced by the adverb.
6 originally a post-velar stop, *q has undergone different types of change in the huanca
dialects.
7 in his study of South conchucos Quechua, hintz (2011: 137–42) also assigns mirative
meaning to a number of aspect suffixes thus distinguishing several ‘miratives’ with different functions and use.
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in Quechua ii, the mirative meaning associated with Quechua i *-ñaq
or *-naq is usually expressed by means of the non-agentive participle
and nominalizer in *-shqa, or one of its reflexes, in combination with
the auxiliary verb ka- ‘to be’. again, both contracted and non-contracted
paradigms occur. in Quechua ii, the *-shqa paradigm regularly combines
mirative meaning with other more frequent meanings.8 attested functions of the *-shqa paradigm in Quechuan languages are narrative past
(Quechua ii: ayacucho Quechua, cuzco Quechua), perfect or experiential
past (pacaraos Quechua; cf. adelaar 1986),9 and recent past (Quechua i:
South conchucos Quechua; cf. hintz 2007: 16–18).10 this situation suggests
that in most Quechuan languages the mirative is based on a semantic
extension of tense-like verb forms, such as perfect, habitual or narrative
past, a development which resembles the rise of evidential strategies from
perfect, resultative and past tenses in languages of the eastern mediterranean basin and other parts of the world (cf. aikhenvald 2004: 112–116).
3
meaning and use
the mirative tense in tarma Quechua and adjacent varieties indicates a
fact or occurrence that is objectively surprising. although a speaker may
express surprise at an event of which (s)he had not been previously aware,
(s)he may also reveal information already familiar to him/her but still
likely to surprise an audience. the tarma Quechua mirative often refers
to information that is withheld from the addressee until the speaker sees
fit to reveal it, a frequent strategy in narratives of which the unexpected
outcome is reserved for the end. By consequence, the speaker him/herself
need not be under the impact of surprise any longer when using the mirative. the speaker shows no particular excitement, and there is no exclamation of surprise. essential is the fact that in a previous time span an event
has occurred or a state has been in place, unnoticed by the speaker or any
other person relevant to the communicative context. characteristically,
8 the establishment of criteria to distinguish between mirative and non-mirative use
of tense categories in the different Quechuan languages is a complex task that lies beyond
the scope of this article.
9 the classificatory status of pacaraos Quechua is undecided. from a morphological
point of view it is close to Quechua i, but it may possibly occupy a position outside the
Quechua i / ii dichotomy.
10 tarma Quechua has no compound tense based on *-shqa. its reflex -sha has mainly
an attributive function and cannot be combined with cross-referential affixes, except in
one very specific construction.
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actions performed during one’s sleep or in a state of unconsciousness are
expressed in the mirative (cf. cerrón-palomino 1987: 273). the mirative
can also be used in recounting dreams (see floyd 1999: 64–65, cited in
aikhenvald 2004: 345, for an example from huanca Quechua).
in tarma Quechua, as in the neighbouring huanca varieties (floyd
1999, cf. aikhenvald 2004: 203), the mirative can also indicate an expected
surprise, the uncertain outcome of an experiment still to be undertaken
or an impending revelation (see Section 8 below). Such exceptional usage
clearly shows that the classification of the mirative as a tense is related to
grammatical organisation, rather than to genuine temporal semantics.
according to DeLancey (2001), “the term mirativity refers to the linguistic marking of an utterance as conveying information which is new
or unexpected to the speaker.” in aikhenvald (2004: 209) mirativity is
defined as “a grammatical category whose primary meaning is speaker’s
unprepared mind, unexpected new information, and concomitant surprise.” as we can see, the definitions by DeLancey and aikhenvald broadly
match the semantic description of the tarma Quechua mirative, except
that the requirement of newness or unexpectedness does not necessarily
apply to the speaker’s state of knowledge. the tarma Quechua mirative
stands out for its non-emotional, matter-of-fact connotations. it remains
a question if the Quechuan mirative must be placed outside the general
concept of mirative, or if the current definitions and semantic and functional characterizations of mirative in grammatical descriptions of other
relevant languages should be reformulated.11
Quechuan languages are known for the existence of sharp semantic
and functional divisions between the different grammatical subsystems
and the high level of organization of the latter.12 apart from its seemingly arbitrary classification as a tense, the tarma Quechua mirative is
no exception to this rule. in the following sections we will see how the
mirative is incorporated within the tense system (4) and how it can be
combined with aspect markers (5) and with evidential markers (6). a
constraint on the occurrence of the mirative in negative sentences is presented in section (7). in section (8) we discuss the use of the mirative in
11 in a recent paper, hengeveld and olbertz (forthcoming) propose a new definition
for the mirative based on the newsworthiness or unexpectedness of a proposition. Such
definition appears to fit the Quechuan category under discussion quite felicitously.
12 exceptions are found in the derivational morphology internal to the verb form, in
particular in Quechua i, and in the fluid transition between the categories transitive and
intransitive in the andean languages in general.
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interrogative utterances with special attention for the experimental mirative (see above), which from a formal point of view is also an interrogative
utterance. the incompatibility of the mirative with exclamations is illustrated in section (9) with examples from highland ecuadorean Quichua
collected by olbertz (2009).
4
mirative and tense
in table 4.3, the relation between mirative and tense in tarma Quechua is
illustrated with an inventory of the 3 a/S forms of the tenses of the (unmarked)
indicative mood. it clearly shows the paradigmatic relation between mirative
and the other indicative tenses, even though the semantic contribution of
mirative can be characterized as modal, rather than temporal.
table 4.3. tense in tarma Quechua
present/unmarked
future
past
mirative
habitual/narrative past
wata-n
wata-nqa
wata-ra
wata-naq
wata-q
5
‘he/she ties (it)’
‘he/she will tie (it)’
‘he/she tied (it)’
‘it turns out that he/she had tied (it)’
‘he/she used to tie (it)’. ‘he/she
would tie (it)’13
mirative and aspect
tarma Quechua has a rather transparent verbal aspect system consisting
of three mutually exclusive categories: perfective, progressive and customary. although one of the tenses, the habitual, may have an aspectual
overtone, tense and aspect are grammatically separate. there is no fusion
of tense and aspect markers in portmanteau morphemes. the use of aspect
markers is subject to some grammatical constraints and considerations of
register (cf. adelaar 1988, see also § 7). many speakers use aspect markers
in all contexts in which they are allowed. otherwise, verbs that are not
marked for aspect refer to general truths. as the following examples show,
the mirative is freely combinable with all three aspect categories: progressive aspect in (1), customary in (2), and perfective in (3).
13 the habitual/narrative past is a compound tense, which contains forms of the verb
‘to be’ with all personal reference markers other than 3a/S and 3a/S > 1o/io.
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102
(1) turumanya inti-ta-m
muyu-ra-ya:-naq
rainbow
sun-acc-cert turn-cont-prog-3a/s.mir
a rainbow was surrounding the sun
(2) chawra-qa cha:-qa
ka-ku-na[q]14
alqu
then-top
that-top be-cust-3a/s.mir dog
so it turned out that he was a dog [not a human being as he had appeared
to be]
(San pedro de cajas)15
(3) yarga-ra-:ri-na-:
masya:du
go_upward-perv-pl-mir-1a/s too_much
we realised that we had climbed too far
6
karu-ta-m
far-acc-cert
mirative and evidentials
tarma Quechua has a transparent system of evidentials consisting of three
mutually exclusive categories: certainty, reported and conjectural. the
‘certainty’ evidential implies a firm conviction on the side of the speaker.
it does not always mean that the speaker has witnessed the communicated state or event in person, but the utterance contains information that
(s)he can vouch for. the ‘reported’ refers to facts communicated by rumour
or hearsay. its use implies that the speaker feels no personal responsibility
for the truth value of what (s)he is communicating. understandably, the
reported evidential is frequently used in narratives. if the source of the
information is a known person who can be identified by name, a quotation construction will be used, rather than a reported evidential. the
‘conjectural’ evidential is mainly used to indicate a guess of the speaker.
in that case there are no firm indications that the utterance is actually
true, but it refers to a situation or event that can provide a plausible explanation for a state-of-things familiar to the speech act participants.
the use of evidentiality markers is not strictly obligatory, but most
speakers use them in all contexts in which they are allowed. evidentiality is marked at the sentence level, usually (but not always) after the
first constituent of the sentence. as can be deduced from the examples
(1) and (3), the mirative is freely combinable with the evidential that marks
14 in some dialectal varieties of tarma Quechua the final -q of the ending -naq can be
silent in word-final position.
15 the variety of San pedro de cajas differs from the variety spoken in the surroundings of tarma in a number of phonological aspects. its morphosyntax, however, is nearly
identical. We only indicate the dialect provenance of data that are not from the immediate
neighbourhood of tarma itself.
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certainty. a further example of this combination from the related dialect
of pacaraos, which behaves in the same way in this respect, is given below
under (4). it shows that the presence of the evidential marker of certainty
does not imply that the speaker has witnessed the event when mirative
is involved.
(4) altu-ĉaw
ka-yka-nqa-y-kama-m
highlands-loc be-prog-nomz-1a/s-dlmt-cert
intrega-rqa-ma:-ñaq
mamá-y
give_away-perv-1o/io-3a/s.mir mother-1poss
while i was staying in the highlands, my mother had given me away [in
marriage]
example (5) shows that the mirative is also combinable with the reported
evidential. the reported speech marker is used here because the sentence
is part of a narrative which in its totality is derived from hearsay.
(5) ima-sh
ga-naq,
rachak-shi kinra-n
kinra-n
what-rep be-3a/s.mir toad-rep
side-3poss side-3poss
ĉura-naka-ra-:ri-na[q]
ĉaski-yubay-si
place-recip-perv-pl-3a/s.mir relay_runner-compar-add
what had actually happened? the toads had posted each other on different
spots along the track as in a relay-race
(vienrich 1961: 36)
the tarma Quechua mirative has not been attested in combination with
the conjectural evidential marker. this should not come as a surprise
because the conjectural always refers to situations that are not necessarily true, whereas the mirative refers to facts or events that are not in
doubt.
7
mirative and negation
the tarma Quechua mirative does not occur in negative sentences. this
rather unexpected conclusion can be drawn from two considerations.
firstly, no instances of mirative in negative sentences are attested in our
data. Secondly, main verbs in negative sentences that convey an element
of sudden awareness or unexpectedness are not marked for mirative, but
for some other tense. the following examples illustrate this. in (6), the
main verb of the sentence is in the plain past tense, not in the mirative.
in (7), the habitual is used in its narrative past interpretation in an utterance with a clear mirative overtone.
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104
(6) man-ta
qam ka-ra-y-chu
chay
o:ra-qa,
nuqa
not-contra you be-past-2a/s-neg that
time-top, i/we
rikaĉaku-rka-ya-ra-q-ta
look_out-pl-prog-past-1a/s>2o/io-contra
you were not there then [although we had agreed to meet there]. We were
looking out for you
(San pedro de cajas)
(7) chay-bita ali
yarba-rgu-tbi-n-qa,
mana-m
ni
that-abl
well think-dir-subord.ds-3a/s-top not-cert not_even
imay
ĉa:-mu-na-n-si
ga-q-chu
when arrive-vent-fut.nomz-3a/s-add be-3a/s.hab-neg
then, when he thought about it properly, [he realized] there was no way to
ever come down again
the incompatibility of mirative and negation remains unexplained. however, it should be observed that tarma Quechua exhibits a similar constraint on the co-occurrence of aspect and negation. aspect markers are
banned from the main verb in a negative sentence, as has been ascertained through tests in which speakers were asked to negate verbs marked
for aspect. in those cases, aspect markers were systematically removed
and all aspect distinctions neutralized. as it seems, the answer must be
sought in the overall way negation is conceived by speakers of tarma
Quechua. negation apparently makes both mirative marking and aspect
marking irrelevant.
it should be observed that the incompatibility of mirative and negation
is by no means a general feature of the Quechuan languages. in pacaraos
Quechua mirative and negation are combinable (8).
(8) peru say mana-sh arros-ta mika-ri-ñaq-su
but
that not-rep
rice-acc eat-pl-3a/s.mir-neg
but, reportedly, it turned out that they did not eat rice16
8
mirative and interrogative: the experimental mirative
as we have seen in example (5), the mirative is occasionally found in interrogative expressions. in a majority of cases such interrogative expressions
occur as embedded questions in an utterance in which the addressee is
encouraged by the speaker to perform an experiment of which the out-
16 possible cases of mirative use in negative sentences have been attested in cuzco
Quechua as well (cusihuamán 1976: 171; Xiomara Sánchez, pers. comm.).
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come, for as yet unknown, is expressed in the mirative form in combination with both an interrogative element and the reported speech
evidential. the interrogative element can either be an interrogative pronoun (wh-expression) (9), or the affix -chu, which marks a polar question (10). note the highly conventional nature of this construction with
its three obligatory components (mirative, reported speech marker and
interrogative element). in it, the mirative does not refer to an event in
the past or present, and the reported speech evidential does not refer to
information from hearsay, but rather to knowledge to be obtained by an
action that still has to be performed.
(9) wipi-ru-y
ma:
weigh-perv-2a/s.imp let_us_see
weigh it, let us see how much it is!
ayga-sh
how.much-rep
ga-naq
be-3a/s.mir
(10) ma:
tupa-yu-y
kuyu-ri-naq-chu-sh
let_us_see bump_into-dir-2a/s.imp move-incep-3a/s.mir-inter-rep
why do not you give it a push to see if it moves or not!
as we have noted before, this highly specific construction has a wider
distribution than just tarma Quechua. it has been attested as a so-called
‘challenge construction’ by floyd (1999) for the neighbouring huanca
dialects (cited in aikhenvald 2004: 203). the utterance in (11) does not
contain a hortative verb form, as the previous examples do, and the mirative is not part of an embedded question. however, the semantic effect
is similar.
(11) ma:
mayan-man-shi chay illay-kuna-:-ta
let_us_see who-all-rep
that money-pl-def-acc
let us find out who he gave the money to
u-ña
give-3a/s.mir
(floyd 1999: 150)
more neutral examples of the use of mirative in interrogative sentences,
not involving any challenge or uncertain outcome, can be found in (5) and
in the following example from pacaraos Quechua (12).17
(12) wikuña aská-s
ka-rqu-ñaq
o
icha-lá-s
vicuña many-inter be-perv-3a/s.mir or few-dim-inter
did you find that there were many vicuñas or just a few?
17 in pacaraos Quechua polar questions are indicated with an affix -su, which is usually
reduced to -s after a vowel when the affix occupies the word-final position. in that case
stress is maintained on the preceding vowel.
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9
mirative and exclamation
as we have noted before, the mirative in tarma Quechua does not imply
any emotional expression. characteristically, mirative statements are
objective in character. in tarma Quechua, as in most other Quechuan
languages, exclamations are easily recognized by the presence of specific
clitic elements or by a shift of stress to the word-final syllable (or a combination of both strategies). none of the miratives that are part of our data
have been found in such specific exclamatory contexts.
for examples that illustrate this state-of-affairs we may refer to a study
by olbertz (2009) on the use of miratives in highland ecuador. in ecuadorean highland Quichua, statements in the mirative form are objective and non-emotional (13), whereas exclamatory utterances of surprise
(14) do not take the mirative, but the unmarked present tense form.
(13) kipi
llashak-mi
ka-shka
bundle heavy-cert be-3a/s.mir
the bundle is heavy indeed
(olbertz 2009: 70)
(14) ima-shina
kay
wañu-shka kusa
what-compar this die-nomz
husband
miku-n-arí
eat-3a/s.pres-emph
how terribly this dead husband is eating!
manchanai-ta
terror-acc
(olbertz 2009: 73)
the objective character of the Quechuan mirative is also illustrated in
example (15) from pacaraos Quechua, which is parallel in meaning to (13).
(15) aya-ku-ñaq
miku-na-yki
spicy-cust-3a/s.mir eat-nomz-2poss
your food is spicy indeed
10
mirative in andean Spanish
in the variety of Spanish spoken in the andean countries, also known as
castellano andino, a mirative interpretation has become associated with
some of the compound tenses of the Spanish verbal system. in peruvian
Spanish this role is fulfilled by the pluperfect (pluscuamperfecto). this is
illustrated in example (16), which represents an andean Spanish translation of a Quechuan mirative.
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107
(16) así
había_sido
la
voluntad del
taytacha
like_that be.3s.pluperfect art.f will
of.art.m God
that is how God’s will turned out to be
(escalante and valderrama 1992: 118)
Since Spanish originally had no mirative tradition, this seems to reflect a
clear case of linguistic diffusion from the indigenous andean languages to
the language of the european colonizers in its local variety (cf. de Granda
2002: 103–121; cerrón-palomino 2008: 142; aikhenvald 2004: 297).
in a comparative study of the common structures of the Quechuan
and aymaran languages, cerrón-palomino (2008: 142) discusses a ‘nonexperienced past’, also called ‘narrative’ or ‘mythical’ past, which refers
to events that do not involve voluntary participation of the subject. he
adds that this temporal category, which is considered characteristic for
the languages in question, has a second usage, a ‘surprise’ past, which
would have been adopted by andean Spanish as a local interpretation of
the pluscuamperfecto (pluperfect) paradigm. this ‘surprise’ past coincides
with the use of the Quechuan mirative as attested in central peru. it is
precisely in the central peruvian varieties that the Quechuan mirative is
used today in its most unambiguous form. it is not unlikely that language
contact with these varieties at a relatively early stage of the colonization
process may have been responsible for the reinterpretation of the pluperfect as a mirative in the andean variety of Spanish.
11
final consideration: is the Quechuan mirative Like
other miratives?
as we have seen, the Quechuan mirative category does not fit the various
definitions of mirative that can be found in the literature very neatly. it
stands out as an objective and non-emotional type of communication, in
which a sensation of surprise has acquired an objective character without necessarily affecting the speaker any longer. as a matter of fact, this
is almost never the case in our data. in most examples, the mind of the
speaker is no longer unprepared at the moment of speaking. naturally,
surprise and unexpectedness are at the origin of any communication in
the mirative tense, but at the moment of communication itself the element of surprise is more likely to affect the addressee or any other person
rather than the speaker him/herself. a contrastive study of the mirative
in different genres, such as story-telling and spontaneous conversation,
is a prerequisite for a thorough understanding of the possibilities of the
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108
willem f.h. adelaar
Quechuan mirative. So far, most examples found in the literature belong
to the narrative genre, but there are no indications that the interpretation of the mirative category in interactive contexts would be noticeably
different.
the Quechuan mirative cannot be seen as an extension of the evidential system. apart from its emergence out of the tense system, the mirative has few connections with other subsystems of the Quechuan verb.
it is compatible with aspect and two of the three evidentials, and the
interaction between it and these categories is minimal. categories such
as the Quechuan mirative have been found in surrounding languages as
well, either as independent categories or as categories derived from other
usage, and it seems on its way to becoming an areal feature.
the mirative in tarma Quechua shows a high level of grammaticalization, in particular, because it does not have to share its form with other
uses, such as narrative past. this seems reason enough to include the
Quechuan-type mirative in a catalogue of terminology relevant to linguistic typology, when necessary under a different label than the more direct
expressions of surprise that have also been referred to as miratives. possibly, a distinction between the labels ‘mirative’ (for the Quechuan type)
and ‘Surprisive’ (for the traditional type) could bring a solution. a more
suitable alternative may be to abandon the term ‘mirative’ for the Quechuan category at issue and replace it with some more specific denomination such as ‘revelative’.
references
adelaar, Willem f. h. 1977. Tarma Quechua, Grammar, Texts, Dictionary. Lisse: peter de
ridder press.
——. 1984. Grammatical vowel length and the classification of Quechua dialects. International Journal of American Linguistics, 50, 1: 25–47.
——. 1986. Morfología del quechua de Pacaraos. Documento 53, centro de investigación de
Lingüística aplicada. Lima: universidad nacional mayor de San marcos.
——. 1988. categorías de aspecto en el quechua del perú central (english text). Amerindia
13: 15–41.
aikhenvald, alexandra Y. 2004. Evidentiality. oxford: oxford university press.
Black, nancy, with verena Bolli and eusebio ticsi Zárate. 1990. Lecciones para el aprendizaje del quechua del sureste de Pasco y el norte de Junín. cerro de pasco: región andrés
abelino cáceres, Dirección Departamental de educación—pasco & instituto Lingüístico de verano.
cerrón-palomino, rodolfo m. 1976. Gramática quechua Junín-Huanca. Lima: ministerio de
educación & instituto de estudios peruanos.
——. 1987. Lingüística quechua. cuzco: centro de estudios regionales andinos “Bartolomé
de las casas”.
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a quechuan mirative?
109
——. 2008. Quechumara. Estructuras paralelas del quechua y del aimara. La paz: plural
editores.
cusihuamán G., antonio. 1976. Gramática quechua Cuzco-Collao. Lima: ministerio de educación & instituto de estudios peruanos.
DeLancey, Scott. 1997. mirativity: the grammatical marking of unexpected information.
Linguistic Typology 1: 33–52.
——. 2001. the mirative and evidentiality. Journal of Pragmatics 33: 369–382.
escalante, carmen and valderrama, ricardo. 1992. Nosotros los humanos. Ñuqanchik
runakuna. Testimonios de los Quechuas del siglo XX. cuzco: centro de estudios regionales andinos “Bartolomé de las casas”.
floyd, rick. 1999. The Structure of Evidential Categories in Wanka Quechua. Dallas: Summer
institute of Linguistics and the university of texas at arlington.
Granda, Germán de. 2002. Lingüística de Contacto: Español y quechua en el área andina
suramericana. valladolid: universidad de valladolid.
hengeveld, Kees and hella olbertz. forthcoming. Didn’t you know? mirativity does exist!
(comment on a paper by nathan W. hill: ‘mirativity’ does not exist: hdug in ‘Lhasa’
tibetan and other suspects.)
hintz, Diane m. 2007. past tense forms and their functions in South conchucos Quechua:
time, evidentiality, discourse structure, and affect. phD thesis, university of california
at Santa Barbara.
hintz, Daniel J. 2011. Crossing Aspectual Frontiers. Emergence, Evolution, and Interwoven
Semantic Domains in South Conchucos Quechua Discourse. university of california publications in Linguistics, volume 146. Berkeley and Los angeles: university of california
press.
howard-malverde, rosaleen. 1988. talking about the past: tense and testimonials in
Quechua narrative discourse. Amerindia 13: 125–155.
olbertz, hella. 2009. mirativity and exclamatives in functional Discourse Grammar: evidence from Spanish. in: evelien Keizer and Gerry Wanders (eds). The London Papers I,
Special issue of Web Papers in Functional Grammar 82: 66–82.
parker, Gary J. 1976. Gramática quechua Ancash-Huailas. Lima: ministerio de educación &
instituto de estudios peruanos.
torero, alfredo a. 1964. Los dialectos quechuas. Anales Científicos de la Universidad Agraria
2, 4: 446–478. La molina, Lima.
vienrich, adolfo. 1961 [1905]. Azucenas quechuas. tarma: ediciones Lux.
Weber, David J. 1989. A Grammar of Huallaga (Huánuco) Quechua. university of california
publications in Linguistics, volume 112. Berkeley and Los angeles: university of california press.
Wroughton, John r. 1996. Gramática y textos del quechua Shausha Huanca. pucallpa: ministerio de educación & instituto Lingüístico de verano.
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chapter FiVe
seeing, hearing and thinKing in Korowai,
a language oF west papua1
lourens de Vries
1
introduction
this article investigates linguistic (and some anthropological) aspects of
perception and cognition expressions in Korowai, a papuan language of
uncertain affiliation2 spoken by around 4000 persons in the area between
the upper Becking and eilanden rivers, and east of the headwaters of the
Becking river, in the digul Basin of west papua, indonesia. we limit our
attention to seeing, hearing and thinking in korowai, both for reasons of
space and availability of data.
van enk and de vries (1997) published a grammar and texts of korowai.
the anthropologist Stasch wrote a doctoral dissertation and a number of
other important publications on korowai cultural and linguistic practices
(Stasch 2001, 2007, 2008a/b, 2009) that are my sources for the cultural
aspects.3 the cultural aspects relevant to the linguistic analysis of see,
hear and think concern beliefs about the opacity of minds of others, the
distinction between two ways of talking about the minds of others, and
1 this paper could be written because of a visiting scholarship at the cairns institute
of James cook university in 2010. thanks are due to prof. aikhenvald, prof. dixon and the
members of language and culture research group for comments and discussion. i also
benefitted from the comments of the participants of the workshop on the typology of
perception and cognition held at the university of cologne, 24–27 november 2010.
2 van enk and de vries (1997: 9) assumed that korowai was an awyu-ndumut language
but this was not based on reconstructive work. wilco van den heuvel and ruth wester
at the vu university amsterdam are currently working on language relations in the digul
Basin based on reconstruction of proto morphologies in the area.
3 i would like to thank rupert Stasch for sharing his unpublished fieldnotes, for insights
into the cultural background and for critical comments on the linguistic side of the article, both in terms of correcting factual errors, bringing new data to my attention and in
the analysis of volitionality, the use of the verbs of hearing to express knowledge and
the verbs de- ‘to say’ and -te ‘to be’. any remaining errors of flaws in the analysis are
entirely my responsibility.
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the place and function of references to intestines, gall, liver (and combinations of these in exocentric compounds) to refer to the minds of others.
these cultural aspects are reflected in a number of linguistic practices
and distinctions, e.g. in linguistic marking of the distinction between discourse about the minds of others from the inside perspective, of what goes
on in the ‘guts’ of people, and discourse about the minds of others from
the outside perspective, from the perspective of visible and audible, often
culturally scripted manifestations of inner states. the cultural aspects are
also reflected in the patterns of contextual meanings of perception and
cognition verbs, in disambiguating say/think readings of verbs of speaking
and finally in the grammatical distinction between controlled and uncontrolled thinking.
expressions of thinking come in two contrastive construction types in
korowai, volitional and non-volitional; in the volitional type we find verbs
of saying and idioms of ‘planting’ thoughts in the ‘intestines-gall’ or ‘mind’
where the thinking person is agentive and expressed as a grammatical
subject.4 in the non-volitional type the thinking person is not expressed as
an agent but as an experiencer. the experiencer is not subject but theme
in an experiential predication that has (compound) nouns referring to
‘guts’ as subject.
the grammatical constructions that express perception and cognition
in korowai must be understood in the context of distributive, thematizing
and quotative patterns of language use. these patterns are part of what
might be called the areal pragmatics and areal semantics of new guinea5
(de vries 2005, 2006).
the first section of the paper gives linguistic and cultural background
information, most of it from the perspective of new guinea as a linguistic
and cultural area. the second section discusses korowai verbs of seeing
and hearing and the third section deals with expressions of thinking. the
4 korowai grammatically groups a and S as subjects. Subjects (and objects) are
unmarked and this sets them apart from oblique constituents that take postpositional
clitics. Subjects play a role in person and number agreement with the verb, constituent
order and in switch reference marking. the constituent order in korowai clauses is a o v
in transitive clauses and S v in intransitive clauses.
5 foley (2000:357) defines the linguistic area new guinea as ‘that area of the southwest pacific, excluding australia, in which languages not belonging to the austronesian
language family can be found. roughly, it runs from the easterly indonesian islands of
halmahera, timor, and alor in the west, to the westerly island group of new georgia in
the Solomon islands in the east’.
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final section summarizes the korowai findings and places them in the
broader context of new guinean patterns of discourse and grammar.
2
linguistic and anthropological Background
2.1
Linguistic Background: Distribution, Thematization,
Quotative Framing
there are striking continuities in a number of patterns of language use
in the linguistic area of new guinea. these continuities are heterogeneous in nature and vary from ways to connect clause chains in discourse
(e.g. tail-head linkage as an areal feature, de vries 2006) to semantic framing preferences (e.g. quotative framing of cognition, emotion and other
inner states, reesink 1993) and syntactic complexity reduction strategies
(e.g. distribution, see below). of course, languages in the area vary in
terms of the extent to which they follow these patterns of language use
but the tendencies are strong enough to mitigate the extreme linguistic
diversity in the area, a diversity that is especially intense in the lexica and
morphologies of papuan languages.
the areal tendencies lead to high frequency of certain expression types
and ultimately to freezing of frequently used forms into language-specific
grammatical constructions. these speakers’ preferences are not necessarily unique to papuan languages or the linguistic area of new guinea.
however, the relatively high frequency, intensity and unmarked nature of
these patterns probably is distinctive for papuan speakers. in the framework of this article we can only briefly introduce those areal patterns of
language use that are relevant to the grammar of perception and cognition
in korowai, namely distributive, thematizing and quotative patterns.
2.1.1 Distribution
in the majority of papuan languages the verb is the head of the verbal
clause, and the only obligatory constituent. the nominals in the clause
could be considered optional modifiers of this head. the observation
of foley (1986:170) that ‘in the great majority of Yimas clauses the verb
occurs without any associated nominals at all’ is true for very many papuan languages. if there must be nominals, papuan speakers try to have no
more than one nominal modifying the verb in the clause, and no more
than one modifying element in the nominal phrase. thus ‘two fat pigs’
is preferably expressed as ‘two pigs, fat pigs’ and ‘in the early morning
Burufare cut the pork with a knife’ as ‘it-became-light and Burufare came
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and took a knife and cut the pork’. heeschen (1998) has shown in great
detail for the papuan language of eipo, a Mek language, how the preference to have no more than one modifier per np or clause leads to systematic distribution of nominals over series of clauses and of modifiers over
serialized phrases.
the distribution tendency is not a set of grammatical constraints but a
preference in language use to reduce syntactic complexity in phrases and
clauses. non-distributive forms, for example a clause with two or rarely
three lexical arguments, are structurally possible and do occur but when
they are used, they are marked and occur in specific contexts, acquiring
special meanings in opposition to their unmarked, distributive counterparts. heeschen (1998: 308) and farr (1999: 340) for example, describe the
use of non-distributive forms by eipo and korafe speakers in summarizing
and concluding contexts. distribution is a powerful force in the area of
new guinea and a motor behind very significant grammaticization trajectories. for example, distributive pressures in conjunction with coordination
reduction fuelled the development of switch reference and clause chaining
in awyu-ndumut languages (de vries 2010). the korowai example (1)–(2)
is typical for the kind of flat, linear type of verb dominated discourse that
results from distributive pressures in many papuan languages:
(1) elo-bo-do
ulmekho duol-mo
sleep-stay.3sg.real-ds shoot.ss put.into-supp.3sg.real
hei was sleeping and hej shot (him)
(2) ulmekho duol-mo-tofekho
gebelipekho-dakhu melil-an
shoot.ss
put_into-supp.3sg.real-ds
start_from.sleep-ss fire-loc
fele
fall.3sg.real
hej shot (him) and hei started from his sleep and hei fell into the fire
2.1.2 Thematization
thematization is the term heeschen (1998) uses for the discourse preference that is exemplified by the following opening utterances of a korowai
myth of origin:
(3) mül-xuf-efè
af-efè
lamol fu-bo-xa
former-time-theme
then-theme
universe put-3sg.perv.real-conn
abül-fefè
yu lamol
menil fe-nè
fu-daxu
man-theme
he universe fire
get-ss put-ss
in former times, then, the one who had created the universe, he took fire
and set the universe on fire . . .
(van enk and de vries 1997: 163)
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in (3) the theme marker -( f )efè occurs three times. the first three constituents are syntactically not integrated in the clause chain that follows,
they are a juxtaposed series of thematic constituents that have pragmatic
relations of relevance to the clauses that follow but are syntactically and
intonationally separate units, with a pause after each theme preceded by
a rising contour on the theme clitic. it is not just noun phrases that are
made into themes, fully finite clauses can be thematized as well. clauses
that function as thematic nps are frequent in papuan languages, often
translated into english as adverbial (especially conditional) and relative
clauses (de vries 2005, 2006). in its canonical form a theme is an extraclausal constituent that precedes a clause or clause chain and that presents information as a given domain with respect to which the following
clause is relevant; the relevance relation in combination with absence of
syntactic integration is typical for thematization (dik 1978: 19).
when speakers very frequently employ thematization strategies in
language use, the conditions are met for freezing or conventionalization
into grammatical patterns with language-specific meanings. an example
of this would be the development of specialized theme/topic markers
from deictics in some papuan languages because papuan languages very
often use place deictic elements to mark themes (this man here, he is my
father) and in some cases, as in korowai, these deictics lose their deictic
functions and specialize into dedicated theme markers (de vries 1995).
another grammaticization path is the gradual intonational and syntactic
integration of thematic constituents in the following clause. the themes
drop their (often deictic based) theme markers and pause phenomena
disappear when the thematization freezes into conventional clause structures with a range of specific grammatical functions including experiential
constructions (de vries 2006). this happened in kombai (de vries 1993),
inanwatan (de vries 2004) and korowai (van enk and de vries 1997) and
resulted, among others, in experiential constructions where the human
experiencer is expressed as an initial thematic constituent followed by
a body-part noun as subject and a verb that agrees with that inanimate
body-part subject. the point with agreements of verbs in experiential
constructions is negative: they do not agree with the human experiencer
and this is marked, unexpected and in doing so the lack of control of the
human experiencer is signaled. Below we will return to the grammatical
contrast between controlled and uncontrolled cognition expressions in
korowai.
there seems to be a certain division of labor between thematization and
distribution tendencies in papuan narrative texts. thematization occurs
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especially in discourse initial sections when the time, place, participant
and main themes are introduced, and in discourse final sections with summarizing and concluding functions (heeschen 1998: 309). thematization
combines with non-distributive forms in these contexts to form discourse
units in which the number of nps, both extraclausal and intraclausal, is
relatively high. Such sections are not organized around progression of
events and recapitulative tail-head linkage (de vries 2005) is hardly present. once the story is under way, distributive tendencies become more
dominant and the number of nps per verb goes down drastically, with
tail-head linkage connecting the often lengthy and ‘verby’ chains. thematization occasionally occurs once the story is underway but as a marked
phenomenon, in conditions of thematic re-orientation. narrative and procedural texts published by van enk and de vries (1997, korowai), de vries
(1993, kombai), heeschen (1998, eipo) and farr (1999, korafe) all exhibit
this pattern. farr (1999) uses the terms thematic paragraphs and chaining paragraphs for this division of labor. of course, thematic paragraphs
occur also outside narrative texts in genres not dominated by the event
line, with discourse conjunctions providing major means of connecting
sentences.
2.1.3 Quotative Framing
Quotative framing to express a very wide range of meanings has been
observed in many papuan languages (healy 1964; reesink 1993; de vries
1993). papuan speakers strongly prefer use the frame of (reported) conversation, with deictically (semi-)direct quotation clauses, with quote-marking morphology and/or verbs of speaking, not only to report speech acts,
but also to talk about many other domains including intention, cognition,
emotion, perception, indirect causation.
the use of direct quotes, with their own deictic centre as shown by
first person verbs, to express intention, emotion, thoughts and other inner
states is often the unmarked way to express these domains and in some
contexts even obligatory (e.g. in constructions with motion verbs in kombai, de vries 1993: 96). of course, not all papuan languages use the conversational template for the same things or with the same frequencies and
levels of grammaticization; perhaps, the most widespread use of quotative forms in papuan languages is in the domain of intention (‘want’),
especially in contexts of motion verbs (he came to buy a pig = he came
and said/saying ‘i want to buy a pig’). the quotative framing preference is
not restricted to papuan languages of new guinea, it also occurs in other
areas of the world, for example in the native languages of South america
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117
(e.g. aguaruna, larson 1978; kwaza, van der voort 2002; Quechua, adelaar 1990). But quotative framing is highly frequent and very widespread
in new guinea. awyu-ndumut languages but also their neighbours, ok
and Marind families, just love quotative strategies, they are everywhere
and have been described in the earliest missionary linguistic sources, e.g.
drabbe (1955, 1957, 1959).6 healy (1964: 29) described the use of quotative
clauses in telefol with ‘to say, think, see, know, feel’ and calls the use of
direct speech forms for the expression of non-verbalised thought ‘direct
cerebration’.
here is an example of quotative framing from kombai (de vries 1993: 97):
(4) yarimo kho
fera-f-e-ne
garden go.ss
see-lsg.int-conn-quote.sg
he wants to see his garden (lit. ‘he goes saying “i want to see my garden” ’)
2.2 Cultural Background
there are two issues that need to be addressed in relation to the cultural
contexts of the linguistic expression of perception and cognition. first,
the theme of the opacity of the minds of other people, often expressed
by korowai speakers (Stasch 2008b), a theme reflected on in many new
guinea communities (robbins and rumsey 2008). Second, the issue of
korowai expressions that denote the human mind, with nouns referring
to inner organs such as ‘guts’, ‘intestines-gall’ or ‘intestines-liver’ that figure
very prominently in korowai expressions to denote thinking, consciousness, intention, memory and other aspects of the human mind.
2.2.1 Opacity of Mind and Two Ways to Talk About Inner States
inner states of people (thoughts, emotions, intentions) are talked about in
korowai in basically two ways. the first way to talk about minds and inner
states of mind is from the inside perspective of the invisible thoughts, feelings and intentions that reside in the innermost part of human beings, the
‘intestines-gall’ or ‘guts’. this first way of talking about inner states of others is characterized by the use of quotative framing combined with ‘gutsy’
nouns that refer to the mental and emotional inner center of humans,
6 e.g. drabbe (1955: 133) on Marind: ‘. . let erop hoe men de gedachte, het motief weergeeft in de directe rede.’ (‘notice how the thought, the motive is represented by direct
speech’). drabbe (1957: 85) on the awyu language aghu: ‘. . numo-gh, aldus zeggen, betekent hier: aldus tot zichzelf zeggen, of: aldus denken..’ (‘. . numo-gh, to say thus, means here:
to say thus to oneself, or: to think thus..’).
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as discussed in 4.1 and 4.2. the second way is from the outside perspective of visible and audible, external actional manifestations of inner states,
exemplified in this section by the xén register, see example (5) and the
discussion there.
korowai speakers often express doubts whether a person can actually
know what is going on in the mind of another person, thus questioning
the whole idea of talking about the thoughts of others from the inside perspective, by ascribing intentions and thoughts to others without any clear
basis, because no one can see the ‘guts’ of others where these thoughts
are hidden. this opacity of mind motive occurs in many communities
of new guinea in some form and has been the topic of intense debate
among anthropologists (robbins and rumsey 2008). commenting on the
korowai expression ye-pa ye-xul-melun ‘his-refl his-intestine-gall’/’he
has his own mind’, Stasch (2008b: 395) describes the attitude of korowai
speakers towards the uncertain world of intentions and thoughts inside
other human beings as follows: ‘emphasis on the impossibility of knowing or speculating about other people’s intentions is widely reported from
other new guinean communities (see goldman 1993: 280–287 for a selection of references). a typical refrain by which korowai express the impossibility of knowing other peoples’ intentions is ‘he has his own thoughts’,
meaning loosely ‘i don’t know what he intends, he’ll act according to his
own thought.’ people often wonder aloud about the possibility that their
assumed relations with other people could turn out to be other than what
they seem.’
the motive of uncertainty concerning the insides of other human
beings gets even more relief against the background of korowai witchcraft
beliefs and practices, the heart of which is the idea that every death in the
community is murder, murder committed by cannibalistic male witches
called xaxua (van enk and de vries 1997: 47–48; Stasch 2001, 2009). these
witches can by anyone, your brother, your father, your uncle, your friend
because they hide their true nature. these beliefs are pervasive and form
a daily obsession for many korowai speakers, strongly contributing to the
idea that one cannot know the minds of others (see also Stasch 2001: 456
for link between witchcraft beliefs and beliefs about the impossibility to
know others). the other side of this coin is the fear to be accused of witchcraft: a person cannot see inside others to check whether he is suspected
of being a witch.
these are very real fears. in principle, every death of a yanop ‘(social)
person’ is caused by witchcraft. witches are believed to hit people so
that they become unconscious (xul-melun enon-telo ‘intestines-gall
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forgetful-be’, see below for this expression from Stasch unpublished field
notes). Suspected witches are arrested, bound very tightly with ropes, and
put under extreme mental and physical pressure to confess. when i lived
in the kombai and korowai areas in the 1980s and 1990s, these witches
were then executed and their bodies or body parts sent to more distant
clans to be eaten. Such executions were very regular and Stasch (2001:
435) estimates that 20% of the deaths of adult males in recent generations
were witch-executions: “in fact, it is clear that korowai practiced societyinternal capital punishment at rates unparalleled in the ethnographic and
historical record except by some other new guinea peoples with similar witchcraft beliefs” (Stasch 2001: 435). at the time that Stasch did his
fieldwork the executions were slowly coming to an end because of fear of
government punishment.
Stasch (2008b) sees also a political motive behind frequent assertions
of the type exemplified by ye-pa ye-xul-melun ‘his-refl his-intestinegall’/’he has his own mind’, based on the high value the radically egalitarian korowai place on personal autonomy. talking about the mind of
others is a kind of trespassing or entering the territory of another person,
and a form of threat to personal autonomy of the other.
the presence of opacity beliefs concerning the minds of others among
korowai speakers does not imply, as in some other new guinea communities, that talk about the minds of others is strongly discouraged or
avoided (Stasch 2008b) but it did create a cultural awareness of the difference between discourse about the minds of others from the inside perspective and discourse about inner states from the outside perspective of
the visible and audible external actional manifestations of the minds of
others. and this awareness translates into very marked linguistic signaling of this difference in which ‘intestines-gall’ expressions and quotative
framing play a key role.
the second way to talk about the minds of others, from the ‘outside’
perspective, leads to discourse in which external manifestations of inner
states, often culturally scripted and predictable combinations of verbal and non-verbal actions, play a key role. ‘the emotion exists in and
through its social correlates.’ (Stasch 2001: 401). the speech register of
“anger” (korowai xén), analyzed by Stasch (2001: 401–402), exemplifies this
second way. if you are angry with someone, you shout angry words, you
take bow and arrows, ready the arrow for shooting, have very aggressive
body language, with fast, nervous movements, running back and forth,
away from and then again toward the person you are angry with. or you
openly refuse someone food that you should share food with on the basis
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of kinship or marriage relations, as an expression of the suspension of
good relations, while saying or shouting angry things.
nobody is angry without the concomitant ‘drama’ and adjectives such
as xén refer to this actional, theatrical outward manifestation rather than
to an inner state per se. Stasch (2001: 402) writes: ‘anger’ is less an essential
internal condition with occasional surface manifestations, than a quality
of a person’s actions toward others, and a quality of relations between
persons’. it is a performative notion (Stasch 2001: 401). in fact, the gloss
‘angry’ is misleading for ‘emotion’ adjectives such as korowai xén, a better
gloss would be “display anger”. for an example of the xén speech register
see the text published by van enk and de vries (1997: 173–186 ) that contains this fragment about a husband who has a nasty habit of being very
angry with his wife who has to do all the chores, including preparing his
food but is repeatedly told not to eat it:
(5) ü
gu
wa-fefè
i-mba-lé
de-di-mo-daxu
exclm you there-theme
see-prog-1sg
say-say-hab.3sg-ss
ye xén-te-lo-mo
he angry-be-tel-hab.3sg
hey, you there, i am watching you, he used to say and he used to be angry
preceding and following (5) the visible and audible behavior of the angry
husband are extensively described, as in (6):
(6) xul
ao
lu
fe-nè
fu
lawa
intestines cleanse.SS enter.SS get-ss put.ss
food_wrapping
duo
fe-nè
fu
è
yu
lu-ngga
put_into.ss put-ss put pause
3sg eat-infin.conn
lexé-mo-mo-tofexo
gup belén-é
de-di-mo
purpose-supp-hab.3sg-ds.but
you do’nt-exclm
say-say-hab.3sg
she cleansed the intestines, took them into the house, put them into a leaf
wrapping and cooked it, put it down (for them) and she wanted to eat it
but then he always said, ‘don’t you’!
the adjective xén, used in (5) predicatively with the verb –telo ‘to be’, is
used in this text in a context where an inner state is portrayed in a discourse about the external visible manifestations of that inner state. these
visible actions follow cultural scripts easily recognizable for the audience.
for example, just as sharing food between husband and wife expresses
and symbolizes marriage relationships in the korowai community, openly
refusing to do so is a culturally recognized action to express the suspen-
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121
sion of that relation (and other relations expressed in food sharing). the
combination of this visible behavior combined with his shouting leave no
doubt in the korowai mind about the inner state of the man. his behavior has written xén all over it and the behavior is a conscious and public
display. that is why xén never occurs as an experiential predicate that
expresses uncontrolled inner states (see below for korowai experiential
constructions in the domain of thinking).
2.2.2 Xul-melun ‘intestines-gall’ and other Gutsy Expressions
Stasch (2008: 444–445) writes about xulmelun: ‘the word i translate as
“thoughts” here, xulmelun, could also be glossed as “thinking,” “mind,”
“intention,” “will,” “plans,” “consciousness,” “awareness,” “feelings,” or “reasoning.” the word xulmelun also means ‘guts’ or “viscera.” korowai like
many other people identify cognitive and emotional deliberation with
spaces of bodily interiority, specifically the internal cavity of a person’s
torso, and the organs there.’
emotions, intentions, thoughts share rooms. they are all located in the
intestines, liver, gall. emotion, cerebration and other mental operations
are represented without lexical differentiation under the general notion
of processes and actions taking place in the guts/mind. however, korowai
makes a clear grammatical distinction between controlled actions and
uncontrolled experiences or processes that unfold in the guts of people
(see section 4). the following korowai text from van enk and de vries
(1997: 43) describes mutual attraction and longing between man and
woman rather graphically as a case of intestines melting together:
(7) wa lal
ye-fi-melon
alo-melu
xenè
that female her-intestines-gall stand-move_up.non1.sg.real
next
wafil
fi-melon-an
melé-ai-xai-do
wafil
man
intestines-loc
move-move_down-non1.sg.irr-ds
man
ye-xul-melun
mesi
alo-melu
his-intestines-gall_bladder next
stand-move_up.non1.sg.real
xenè
wa
lal fi-melon-an
next
that girl intestines-gall-loc
melé-ai-xai-xa-fè
xolo-xolop
move-move.down-non1.sg.irr-conn-theme
each-each
momu-te-lo-xa-té
longing-be-tel-irr-non1.sg
the woman her intestines move up, and will go down into the man’s intestines and the man’s intestines-gallbladder move up and given that it will get
down into the woman’s intestines, they will long for each other . . .
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exocentric noun compounds and nouns referring to innermost belly
organs occur in many idioms and collocations to denote both the inner
processes (think, remember, know, feel) and the products of those processes (thoughts, feelings, memories, intentions). Besides xul-melun
‘intestines-gall’ we find xul-üm intestines-liver, xul ‘intestines’, fi-melun or
fi-melon ‘guts-gall’ (Stasch 2008b: 452) and they play key grammatical and
discourse roles in korowai (see section 5). here are some examples of
these nouns in various contexts.
(8) ye-xul
waxan-te-lo
his-intestines left-be.3sg.real-tel
he was discontented
(9) xul-melun
xelep-te
intestines-gall clear-be.3sg.real
to be sentient, have memories, become conscious’
(from the unpublished fieldnotes of rupert Stasch)
(10) ye-xul-melun
xaü
his-intestines-gall downwards
his intentions are bad
(from the unpublished fieldnotes of rupert Stasch)
(11) khu
laimekhe-te
intestines bury-3pl.real
they hid their thoughts
(van enk and de vries 1997: 199)
3
Seeing and hearing in korowai
korowai has a verb dai-/da- ‘to hear; to listen’ and i-/imo-/ima- ‘to see; to
look’. first, we describe the grammar of the verbs. Second, we will discuss some contextual senses of these perception verbs that go beyond the
basic senses of ‘see’ and ‘hear’.
3.1
The Syntax of Seeing and Hearing
the grammar of the korowai verbs dai-/da- ‘to hear; to listen’ and imo-/
ima-/i- ‘to see; to look’ is in line with the more general areal patterns
described in section 2. four different constructions are used.
the first construction has the second argument of the perception
verb expressed as object. this construction can only be used when the
object of the perception verb takes the form of a noun or a simple noun-
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headed phrase, as in the korowai example (12), from van enk and de
vries (1997:189):
(12) xolo-xolo aup
da-té-daxu. . . .
each-each voice listen-real.non1.pl-ss
they deliberated and . . . (lit. they listened to each others’ voice and . . . )
when the second argument is a clause, the second construction appears,
the distributive construction, since the clause that denotes the perceived
event must distributed out of the perception clause and receives a place
in the clause chain following the clause with the perception verb:
(13) Muxalé yu imo-tofexo
y-afé
élo-bo
Muxalé he see-real.ds.non1sg his-brother sleep-be.real.non1sg
Muxalé he saw that his older brother was asleep (lit. Muxale he saw and
his brother was asleep)
(from van enk and de vries 1997:189)
this second construction is the default construction with verbs of perception, it is by far the most frequent of the four constructions in which
verbs of perception occur and it is also much more frequent than the first
construction in which a simple noun or noun phrase is the object of the
perception verb. the reason why the first construction is less frequent
than the second distributive one is the preference of korowai speakers to introduce participants, activate them in the consciousness of the
addressee and then leave them implicit as the subjects and objects of the
verbs in the clause chains.
the perception clause in the distributive construction always precedes
the percept clause in the clause chain7 and since the subject of the perception clause is always different from the subject of the percept clause, the
perception clause is marked for switch of subject reference (dS). notice
that the clause denoting the perceived event in distributive constructions
is not a constituent of the perception clause and is not the object of perception verb in the preceding clause. there is just a pragmatic relevance
7 reesink (2008: 883) claims that the overall aov or avo order of a language determines whether a given language has a (preferred) percept-perception order (aov) or the
perception-percept order (avo) but korowai and awyu-ndumut languages as kombai and
aghu are clear counter-examples to this hypothesis; they are strictly aov but always have
the order perception-percept in their conjoined or chained perception constructions.
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relation between the two consecutive chained clauses and the addressee
contextually infers the goal or patient relation that the percept clause has
to the preceding perception clause.
the third construction used for the expression of perception in korowai
is based on thematization of the perception clause, with the percept as
the comment. korowai thematizes fully finite clauses with the subordinating suffix -xa, optionally followed by the topic marker -fe( fe):
(14) [nu ima-lé-xa(-fe)] theme np
[wof-e-xa
gol
i
see-1sg.real-conn-theme
that-tr-conn
pig
pinggu-anop]np
middle_finger-amount
i saw the three pigs (lit. given that i saw, the three pigs)
(van enk and de vries 1997:114)
(15) [nu dai-mba-lé-xa] theme np
Sentani-fosü
pesahu fiüm
i
hear-prog-1sg.real-conn
Sentani-from plane
many
i am hearing many planes from Sentani/given that i am hearing, many
planes from Sentani
(van enk and de vries 1997:114)
the fourth construction used in korowai is a reflex of the general areal
tendency to use the frame of speaking and inner conversation for a wide
range of domains including perception. the quoted clause represents the
perceived state of affairs:
(16) ima-te-tofexo
u
noxu-alef-e-xaup
maf-ax
see-non1.pl.real-ds
excl
our-canoe-tr-inside picture-water
kuasel ibo-ibo
hook
be.non1.sg.real-be_non1.sg.real
they saw that there were mirrors and fish hooks in their canoes (lit. they
saw and ‘oh my, in our canoes there are mirrors and fishhooks!’)
(van enk and de vries 1997:189)
the quotative nature of the construction is clear from the use of the exclamative interjection and the shift of deictic center from the perception
clause to the percept clause in (16).
the pragmatic relationships between the four construction types are as
follows. the default choice for korowai speakers is the second type, the
distributive type. the quotative and thematized constructions are marked
with perception verbs. the quotative type is only used when speakers
want to portray emotional inner states of the perceivers, their attitudes
to what they saw, when the events they saw shocked or surprised them or
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triggered other emotions, usually with interjections in the quote to indicate shock, surprise and so on, as in (16). Below we will see that quotative forms are strongly associated with the inside perspective and with
the domain of cognition while distributive constructions (he saw and she
fell) are the default in the domain of perception. now when speakers use
quotative forms for the perceived event, they use hybrid constructions
that start as distributive construction (the default with perception verbs)
but then switch to a quotative construction (the default construction to
express thoughts and other inner states), as in (17):
(17) [[ima-te-tofexo] chained switch reference clause [u
noxu-alef-e-xaup
see-non1.pl.real-ds
excl our-canoe-tr-inside
maf-ax
kuasel ibo-ibo] quotative clause]
picture-water hook
be_non1.sg.real-be_non1.sg.real
they saw (and/dS) ‘oh my, in our canoes there are mirrors and fishhooks!
(van enk and de vries 1997: 189)
the thematized type is so rare in korowai with perception verbs that we
have not enough data to establish their conditions of use with any certainty. But given the division of labour between distribution and thematization in papuan languages and given their use in other languages (see
section 5) a probable hypothesis is that they are used in contexts of thematic discontinuity, when speakers discontinue the event-line and present
the perception event as an off-line background for the percept clause.
3.1.1 Contextual Senses
the verb dai-/da- is used both in contexts of uncontrolled hearing, (15),
and controlled listening (e.g. (18), controlled). the verb is also found in
contexts of deliberation and consultation (e.g. (12) xoloxolop aup dai- ‘to
consult; to deliberate’ (lit. ‘to hear each others voices’), obedience, (18),
and knowledge, (19). the contextual sense of ‘know’ occurs in the texts
collected by van enk (van enk and de vries 1997) especially when the
verb dai- is marked for perfective (dai-bo- ‘to have heard>to know’) as in
(19) but according to rupert Stasch (p.c.) in overheard conversations both
realis and irrealis forms of dai-/da- that are unmarked for aspect are used
with the sense ‘to know’ (e.g. nu da-le i hear-real.1sg ‘i know’)’
(18) gexenép anè
da-mén
you.pl
hort
listen-imp.pl
you must be obedient!
(van enk and de vries 1997: 43)
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(19) aim-xo-pé
yexené è
xambom a
aturan lé
kombai-there-theme they
pause village
pause rules ?
dai-dife-ba-tél-e-xa
hear-be_almost-perv-non1pl.real-tr-conn
as for the kombai people, given that they already knew a little about the
village rules . . .
(van enk and de vries 1997: 200)
whereas dai-/da- ‘to hear’ is the default expression for knowing in the
sense of being familiar with something or someone on the basis of having
perceived and experienced that thing or person, knowing in the sense of
understanding something, seeing through something, is expressed with
the adjective xelép ‘clear’ in various collocations and idioms:
(20) nu ne xelép-té
i
me clear-be.3sg.real
it is clear to me/i understand
(21) nup-to Banyo xelé-pe-nè
féda-lé
i-foc Banyo
clear-caus-ss
give-1sg.real
i have explained (made clear) it to Banyo
the causative, derived verb xelépo- ‘to clear something (e.g. the ground),
make a clearing, make open, make visible’ that occurs in (21) with the
sense ‘to explain’ occurs in the unpublished field notes of rupert Stasch
also with the senses ‘to remember’ and ‘to think’ and in constructions with
the verb -te ‘to be’ with senses such as ‘conscious’, and ‘reminiscent’.
the korowai causative compound damo- ‘make-hear’ means ‘let someone know/inform someone’:
(22) gup-to
anè
da-mo-m-é
dé
you-foc hort
hear-caus-2sg.imp-excl
say.3sg.real
he commanded (the little bat), ‘you should let me know’
(van enk and de vries 1997: 174)
3.1.2 imo- ‘to see; to look’
the verb i- /imo-/ima- ‘to see; look’ is used both for controlled, e.g. (23),
and uncontrolled visual perception, e.g. (13). Just as dai-/da- ‘to hear’, perfective forms of i- /imo-/ima- ‘to see; look’ may mean ‘to know’. the verb
also occurs with the sense ‘to watch’, especially when the verb has a progressive aspect, (24):
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(23) bol-tena-sü
imo
hole-little-through look.3sg.real
he looked through the little holes
(24) i-nè
xami-bo-do
see-ss sit-stay.3sg.real-ds
they were watching and . . .
in contexts of human relationships, the verb i-/imo-/ima- ‘to see, to look’
may also mean ‘to pay (positive) attention to someone within a relationship’. in the following text a prayer to ancestors is reported in which people beseech the ancestors to ‘see’ , that is to ‘watch over’ them, a prayer
that accompanies pig sacrifices (van enk and de vries 1997: 159–162):
(25) gexené if-e-xa
gol-mél
bando-xe-nè
you
this-tr-conn
pig-forepaw bring-go-ss
le-mén-daxu
noxu im-ba-mon-è
eat-2pl.imp-ss
us
see-stay-2pl.imp-exclm
you should take this forepaw of the pig, eat it and watch over us
perception verbs of seeing and hearing are sometimes translated or glossed
in the korowai texts with translations such as ‘know’, (19), or ‘watch over’,
(25), and these contextual senses go beyond perception proper. But it is
important to note that these extensions only occur in contexts where the
referent of the object of the verb is a visible or audible entity that can be
perceived with eyes or ears.
when the object is situated in the insides, in the guts, of people, and
does not have sensory qualities, cannot be seen or heard, such as intentions, conclusions, thoughts, in contexts where english can use perception
verbs (‘John saw that Bill was right’), in korowai quotative framing is triggered in combination with expressions that refer to the insides (‘guts’) of
people. this has to do with the awareness among korowai that the world
of intentions, thoughts, feelings is a world that is not accessible to the
eye or ear (see section 2) and discourse about that inner world is clearly
marked as talk about the ‘guts’ of people.
the restriction with verbs of seeing and hearing to visible and audible
object arguments implies three things; first, that in all the contextual
senses of these verbs (to obey, to know, to consult, to pay attention, and
so on) that go beyond the domain of perception proper, the aspect of
perception remains very much active, for example when the ancestors
are asked to accept the pork and to pay attention to their descendants,
the idea is very much there that the ancestors follow them with their eyes
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and protect them, and that is why the gloss ‘watching over’ perhaps comes
closest to the semantics of the perception verb in (25). when the perfective daibo- ‘to have heard’ is used in the sense ‘to know’ the object always
refers to explanations, to talk that people heard. So, in (19) where daibohas xambom ‘settlement’ as object, it is understood that they heard talk
about village life and therefore know about that; the second implication
is that grammatically, in terms of coding, these extended senses are not
distinguished from core senses that involve direct perception, seeing and
hearing, for example, in (19) where daibo- means ‘to know’ grammatically
there is no difference with the other usages of the dai-/da- ‘to hear’ verb;
the third implication of the restriction to visible and audible objects with
verbs of perception, is that contextual extensions of perception verbs into
the domain of the inner states of people (think, understand, conclude,
and so on) were blocked. instead, a whole range of other verbs and idioms is used for that inner domain: verbs of speaking, verbs of shooting/
planting thoughts in the ‘guts’, experiential constructions with ‘guts’ with
a wide range of cognitive meaning, and many expressions in which the
adjective xelép ‘clear’ plays a central role (see e.g. (20) and (21)).
4
4.1
think
Thinking as Controlled Action
whereas in the domain of perception, with seeing and hearing, notions of
control and volition are not expressed in lexical or grammatical contrasts,
in the domain of thinking the opposition volitional versus non-volitional
is expressed grammatically. controlled thinking is expressed with the
verbs de-/di-, ‘to say’ and duo- ‘to shoot/plant/insert into’. the latter verb
takes nouns that denote intestines, gall and other inner organs as object.
Quotative framing of thinking is illustrated by (26) where the verb ‘to
say’ with a direct quotation is used to represent the thoughts of a man
who was buried alive and has just come out of his grave, from a text in
van enk and de vries (1997: 157). to emphasize the fact that thoughts are
represented from the ‘inside’ perspective of what is going on in the heart
or mind of someone, idioms of thinking that refer to inner organs may be
used, often combined with the verb duo- ‘to shoot/plant/insert into’, as in
(28), sometimes in combination with quotative framing, (27).
the human thinker is cast as agent with these verbs and expressed as
the grammatical subject of the verb of speaking (thought as inner speech)
or planting (thoughts as things planted into the ‘intestines’ or ‘guts’.
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(26) wé
mé-laimexo-baxa-ti-do
mbaxa-mo-f-è
excl
earth-bury-hod-real.non1pl-ds
what-Supp-1sg.intent-excl
dé-daxu . . .
say_non1.sg.real-ss
. . . he thought (wondered), ‘hey, they have buried (me today) and what am
i to do?’
the verb de-/di- is used in (26), with a direct quotation, to express the
thought of the man (who was buried alive, regains consciousness in his
grave and then thinks ‘what now?’). the buried man is the agent of the
thinking action and is the subject of the de- ‘to say; to think’.
out of context expressions with di-/de- ‘to say’ are ambiguous between
saying and thinking. to disambiguate, speakers may add ‘guts’ idioms
such as fi-melon/xul-melun duo- to the quotative frame. By doing so the
speaker makes clear that he is reporting thoughts, not locutionary acts, of
other people, and that he engages in talk about the minds of others from
the inside perspective, as in (27):
(27) [dajo-menél
ye-fi-melon]part of chained clause
dajo-young.girl her-intestines-gall
[nu if-è
Muxalé] part of quotative clause
i
this-conn
Muxalé
[duo-tofexo]chained clause [[él y-afé-da-é
nu
put_into_non1sg.real-ds
yes his-older.brother-neg-excl
i
Muxalé-lo
fo-p-xelüf-é] quotative clause
dé8
Muxalé-foc marry-1sg.intent-desid-excl
say.non1sg.real
the dajo girl thought ‘i really don’t want to marry the older brother, i
badly want to marry Muxale’
(van enk and de vries 1997: 207)
the clause with the ‘think’ idiom may be linked to the quotation clause by
chaining as in (27) or the ‘think’ clause may be thematized, as in (28):
(28) [nu ne-xul
due-lé-xa] theme
i
my-intestines put_into-1sg.real-conn
[nu ne lép-te-lo-bo]
i
me ill-be_non1sg-tel-stay_non1sg.real
i think that i am ill (lit. given that i think, i am ill)
(van enk and de vries 1997: 114)
8 we have not found quotative suffixes or quotative clitics in korowai. the verb di-/
de- ‘to say’ is used as a quote-marking verb, especially its medial SS form denè that seems
to be loosing its verbal properties. when it is used as a quote-marking device, forms of di-/
de- sometimes cliticise to the last word of the quoted clause.
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4.2 Uncontrolled Thinking
the fully inflected verb -te ‘to be/become’ has various usages in korowai,
one of which concerns us here, its use with predicates denoting uncontrolled physical and psychological experiences in experiential constructions. in such constructions the verb is a third person singular form and
does not agree with the human experiencer. for example:
(29) nu lép-te-lo
i
ill-be.3sg.real-tel
i am ill (lit. i (it) ills)
the verb in (29) does not agree with the experiencer nu ‘i’ because in that
case the verb would have been telo-nde (be-1sg.real). the experiencer nu
‘i’ is a theme (lit. (as for) me (it) ills) that can be replaced with themes of
different person and number without the verb form changing since the
experiencer in this construction does not have a grammatical relation to
the verb, it is not the subject. for example in (30) the theme is second
person plural but the predicate remains in the 3sg form:
(30) gekhenép lép-te-lo
they
ill-be.3sg.real-tel
they are ill
Stasch fieldnotes contains a range of experiential predicates with xul-melun
‘intestines-gall/thinking’ denoting non-volitional experiences that involve
thinking such as xul-melun ü-telo ‘thinking is gone’, glossed by Stasch as
‘unconscious/unthinking/out of it’, and xul-melun-telo ‘to become preoccupied’. the following examples of non-volitional xul-melun expressions
with -telo ‘to be’ have a first person singular theme ‘i’ that does not agree
with the subject because the subject is xul-melun and the construction
signals uncontrolled experiences:
(31) nə xul-melun
ndaun
i intestines-gall ndaun
i could only think of ndaun
tanux-te-lo
only-be.3sg.real-tel
(from the fieldnotes of rupert Stasch)
(32) nu xul-melun
enon-te-lo
i intestines-gall forgetful-be.3sg.real-tel
i am unconscious (what happens with witch/demon attack)
(from the fieldnotes of rupert Stasch)
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Quotative forms and the volitional think verbs di-/de- ‘to say’ and xul/
fimelon/xul-melun duo- ‘to plant/insert into/put into guts’ cannot occur in
these experiential constructions.
although verbs of saying and quotative forms in combination with
‘inside’ organ idioms are the default expression for think, i found at least
one other verb in the domain of thinking, the verb aful. this verb has
‘to fight, to struggle, to wrestle’ as its basic meaning but it is also used
metaphorically for inner states of constantly and often worriedly thinking
about something, to wrestle with something in your thoughts. this verb
occurs with distributive forms, in chained form, with the clause containing the aful verb preceding the clause denoting what someone is constantly thinking about:
(33) wai
le-nè
mbayap
mbala-mo-daxu
move.down.ss
come-ss penisgourd distribute-supp.3sg.real-ss
séx
mbala-mo-daxu
afü-be-bax-i
skirt distribute-supp.3sg.real-ss
struggle-stay-hod-3sg.real
melél-mo-tofexo
di-le-lo-tofexo
finish-supp.3sg.real-ds
lacking-be.3sg.real-tel-ds
sé
xaim
gelü-nè xe-bax-i
next tree house run-ss
go-hod-3sg.real
he came out and arrived and dispensed the penis-gourds, and he dispensed the skirts and then still was worried that it was finished and that
were not enough, so he ran to the tree house
in (33) it says literally ‘he fought/struggled and it was finished, there was
not enough’. possibly because the transcription helper thought that the
more marked and specific expression with aful was unknown to van enk,
the missionary who recorded and transcribed the text, he spontaneously
paraphrased it to van enk with the far more common expression (see van
enk and de vries 1997, note 128 to chapter 6):
(34) ye xul
duol
he intestines shoot.3sg.real
he thought . . .
5
concluding remarks
the perception verbs of seeing and hearing occur in four constructions
in korowai. the default construction is the distributive one (of the type:
Mukhale saw and/ds his brother was asleep) and it has its basis in areal
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syntactic preferences of new guinean speakers to distribute arguments of
verbs out of the syntactic domain of the clause.
given the strong distribution tendency in the linguistic area of new
guinea, we expect that distributive constructions for the expression of perception to occur in many papuan languages. indeed it is found in Mian, an
ok language (wegener 2008: 278), Manambu of the ndu family (aikhenvald 2008: 556), inanwatan of the South Bird’s head family (de vries 2004:
58), in most if not all papuan and austronesian languages of the Moluccas
(e.g. tetun, Buru and taba, reesink 2008:880), in Moskona of the east Bird’s
head family (gravelle 2010:339), hatam (reesink 2008:880) and Maybrat
(dol 1999), both of the west Bird’s head family, usan (numugenan family,
reesink 2008:883), hua (Yagaria family; haiman 1980; reesink 2008: 883),
amele (roberts 1987: 183) and koromu (reesink 2008:88). the fact that
the juxtaposed, conjoined, chained or serialized constructions of the type
“John saw (and) pete fell” occur all over new guinea in genealogically and
typologically very different languages (including austronesian languages
of the area) points to the areal nature of distribution.
the second construction used by perception verbs of seeing and hearing in korowai is the thematized form (of the type: given that John saw,
pete fell).
given the general areal thematization tendency discussed in section 2,
again we expect such constructions with the perception event as a given
theme or background for the percept also in other languages of the linguistic area of new guinea. indeed they have been reported for Savosavo
(wegener 2008: 277) and the languages mentioned by reesink (2008: 884),
usan (reesink 1987:244), hua (haiman 1980:67) and koromu (priestley
2001:204). take this example from usan:
usan (reesink 1987:244)
(35) [ne asi
g-ar
eng] theme
and look.for see-3sg.far.past
this-given
ninmun wo naget
igo-ai
ninmun 3sg stand.SS stay-3sg.far.past
and when she looked and saw, (there) was ninmun standing
what is the relationship between perception constructions based on distribution, of the type ‘John saw (and) Bill fell’ and those based on thematization, of the type ‘given that John saw, Bill fell’? Much research needs to
be done in this area but it is very likely that the relationship between these
alternative constructions for expressing perception in individual papuan
languages reflects at least some properties inherited from the contexts in
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which papuan speakers prefer to use distributive or thematization strategies, namely distributive forms in contexts of thematic continuity and
thematized forms in contexts of thematic discontinuity
if that generalization is valid, we would expect thematization to be
applied to perception expression in contexts of thematic discontinuity,
as a more marked strategy that is used when the speaker highlights the
percept against the background of the perception event, as in the usan
example (35). the event line is broken in such cases for special purposes
and the perception event is expressed as off-line. distributive expression
of perception, on the other hand, would be expected to be much more
frequent, the default option, used in conditions of thematic continuity
when the event line is unbroken and both the perception event and the
perceived event are expressed on-line, in a sequence of conjoined or
chained clauses. the korowai data on distributive perception constructions are in line with these predictions: they are both the default option
and occur invariably in what farr (1999) would call chaining paragraphs,
sections of the discourse with high thematic continuity, with the time,
place and participants all known and active, where the perception event
and the perceived event are both chained clauses (i.e. on the continuous
event-line).
the quotative construction, the fourth construction that we find
with korowai perception verbs is also a marked construction type, only
used when speakers want to portray emotional inner states of the perceivers, the mental response to the perceived event. this switch to the
inside/’guts’ perspective triggers quotative framing in korowai and the
result in korowai is a hybrid perception-cognition construction that starts
as a distributive construction with a perception clause but then switches
to a verb of speaking with a direct quotation to represent both the percept
and the mental response to it. whereas quotative framing is a marked
construction with verbs of perception, it is the default construction in
the domain of thinking, although korowai speakers can use a distributive
construction, with the verb aful- ‘to wrestle, fight, struggle; to struggle in
thought’ (see 4.2).
two types of thinking take place in the ‘guts’ of people, volitional actions
of thinking in which the thinking person is in control as an agent and
non-volitional thought processes where the thinking person experiences
thoughts, unconsciousness, cognitive confusion or its opposite, cognitive
clarity, just as he experiences illness or cold. the grammar of korowai captures this control/uncontrolled contrast in two distinct constructions types.
further research is needed to establish how widespread the opposition
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between volitional and non-volitional cognition constructions is in the
area of new guinea. kombai, the neighbor of korowai, makes a similar
distinction between volitional and non-volitional thinking. compare the
volitional construction (36) with the experiential construction (37):
(36) yafo-fina
wa-xumolei-neno
their-breath/thinking perv-die.non1sg.nfut-quote.pl
they think he is dead (lit. their breath (thought) ‘he has died’-quote)
(de vries 1993: 98)
(37) ya
ox-o
fina-ge
they water-conn
breath/thinking-non1sg.nfut
they are thirsty (as for them it thinks of water)
(de vries 1993: 98)
the noun fina ‘breath; mind’, with a possessive prefix denoting the thinkers, literally ‘their breath/mind’ is followed by a quotative construction in
(36). the construction has a volitional reading in contrast to (37) where
the derived verb finage- ‘to think’ is used in an experiential construction
with the experiential predicate in the 3rd person singular and not agreeing with the experiencer theme ‘they’.
korowai speakers frequently express beliefs about the opacity of minds
of other people and these beliefs are to be understood, not as epistemological folk theories, but as expressions of deep concerns, negatively in
relation to the dangerous unpredictability of other people and positively
in relation to the egalitarian desire to respect the autonomy and freedom
of action of others (Stasch 2008b). these opacity beliefs lead to a cultural
awareness of the distinction between talk about inner states of others
from the perspective of their ‘insides’ and talk from the external perspective of the visible and audible actions of others that express their inner
states. the latter type of discourse was illustrated in this article with the
speech register of xén ‘displaying anger’. to signal that a given discourse
about the minds of others is talk from the inside perspective, korowai
speaker employ verbs of speaking and direct quotation forms that represent the inner conversation that takes place in the ‘guts’ of people.
to emphasize the ‘inside’ perspective even more, korowai frequently
add expressions that explicitly refer to intestines, gall, liver and other
inner organs that stand for the mind. in volitional expressions of thinking these references to inner organs are optional (but frequent) since
quotative framing in itself already signals the inside perspective. in nonvolitional constructions, where quotative framing cannot be used, references to intestines, gall, liver and compounds of those, are obligatory.
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inner states cannot be seen or heard, they are not visible and audible entities that can be located in space and time, they have an elusive,
propositional nature and they reside in the ‘guts’ of people. this nature is
captured by quotative framing, thoughts as inner speech a person directs
to himself in combination with gutsy idioms. verbs of perception have a
limited place in the cognition domain as they require visible and audible
objects; when we find cognitive contextual senses of perception verbs
(e.g. dai-bo- ‘hear-perv’>to know’) the aspect of hearing is still semantically
active. the perfective form of verbs of seeing and hearing have resultative
overtones: the state that results from having heard or seen something is
a mental state of knowledge. in a sense these perfective forms of see and
hear verbs stand with one leg in the perception domain and the other in
the cognition domain. this makes them interesting borderline cases in
a language and a speech community that otherwise conceptualizes the
world of inner states, including cognition, very differently from the external world of visible and audible states.
references
adelaar, w. 1990. the role of quotations in andean discourse, in: h. pinkster and inge
genee, (eds.), Unity in Diversity: Papers Presented to Simon C. Dik on his 50th Birthday,
pp. 1–12. dordrecht: foris.
aikhenvald, a. Y. 2008. The Manambu language of East Sepik, Papua New Guinea. oxford:
oxford university press.
dik, S. c. 1978. Functional Grammar. amsterdam: north-holland.
drabbe, p. 1955. Spraakkunst van het Marind. Studia instituti anthropos, vol. 11. vienna:
uitgeverij van het Missiehuis St. gabriel.
——. 1957. Spraakkunst van het Aghu-dialect van de Awju-taal. den haag: nijhoff.
——. 1959. Kaeti en Wambon. Twee Awju-dialecten. den haag: nijhoff.
dol, philomena 1999. A grammar of Maybrat, A language of the Bird’s Head, Irian Jaya,
Indonesia, phd dissertation, university of leiden.
farr, c. J. M. 1999. The interface between syntax and discourse in Korafe, a Papuan language
of Papua New Guinea. canberra: australian national university.
foley, w. a. 1986. The Papuan languages of New Guinea, cambridge: cambridge university
press.
——. 2000. the languages of new guinea, Annual Review of Anthropology, 29: 357–404.
goldman, l. 1993. The culture of coincidence: accident and absolute liability in Huli. oxford:
oxford university press.
gravelle, g. 2010. A Grammar of Moskona, an East Bird’s Head Language of West Papua,
phd dissertation, vrije universiteit, amsterdam.
healy, p. M. 1964. Teleéfoól quotative clauses, canberra: a.n.u.
heeschen, v. 1998. An Ethnographic Grammar of the Eipo Language. Berlin: reimer.
haiman, J. 1980. Hua: a Papuan language of the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea. amsterdam: Benjamins.
larson, M. l. 1978. The functions of reported speech in discourse. arlington. uSa: Sil and
university of texas.
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priestley, carol. 2001. the morphosyntax of verbs in koromu (kesawai), a language of
papua new guinea. Ma thesis, anu, canberra.
reesink, g. p. 1993. ‘inner speech’ in papuan languages. Language and linguistics in Melanesia 24: 217–225.
——. 2008. lexicon and syntax from an emic viewpoint. Studies in Language 32, 4:
866–893.
roberts, J. 1987. Amele. london: croom helm.
robbins, J. and a. rumsey. 2008. cultural and linguistic anthropology and the opacity of
other Minds, Anthropological Quarterly 81: 407–420.
Stasch, r. 2001. Figures of alterity among Korowai of Irian Jaya: Kinship, Mourning and Festivity in a Dispersed Society, phd dissertation, department of anthropology, university
of chicago.
——. 2007. demon language. the otherness of indonesian in a papuan community, in:
Miki Makihara and Bambi B. Schieffelin, (eds.), Consequences of contact: Language ideology and sociocultural transformations in Pacific societies, pp. 96–124. oxford: oxford
university press.
——. 2008a. referent-wrecking in korowai: a new guinea abuse register as ethnosemiotic
protest. Language in Society 37/1: 1–25.
——. 2008b. knowing minds is a matter of authority: political dimensions of opacity statements in korowai moral psychology, in: Joel robbins and alan rumsey (eds.), cultural
and linguistic anthropology and the opacity of other Minds, pp. 443–453. Anthropological Quarterly 81.
——. 2009. Society of Others: Kinship and Mourning in a West Papuan Place. Berkeley: university of california press.
van enk, g. J. and l. de vries. 1997. The Korowai of Irian Jaya. Their language in its cultural
context. oxford: oxford university press.
voort, h. v. d. 2002. the quotative construction in kwaza and its (de)grammaticalisation,
in: M. crevels, S. van de kerke, S. Meira & h. van der voort (eds.), Current Studies on
South American Languages: Indigenous Languages of Latin America (illa) 3: 307–328.
vries, l. 1993. Forms and Functions in Kombai, an Awyu language of Irian Jaya. canberra:
australian national university press.
——. 1995. demonstratives, referent identification and topicality in wambon and some
other papuan languages, Journal of Pragmatics 24: 513–533.
——. 2004. A Short Grammar of Inanwatan, an Endangered Language of the Bird’s Head Peninsula of Papua. canberra: a.n.u. press.
——. 2005. towards a typology of tail-head linkage in papuan languages, Studies in Language 29, 2: 363–384.
——. 2006. areal pragmatics of new guinea: thematization, distribution and recapitulative linkage in papuan languages, Journal of Pragmatics 38: 811–828.
——. 2010. from clause conjoining to clause chaining in dumut languages of new guinea.
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wegener, c. 2008. A Grammar of Savosavo, a Papuan Language of the Solomons Islands.
nijmegen: Mpi.
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chapter six
perception and cognition in manamBu,
a papuan language From new guinea
alexandra Y. aikhenvald
1
General remarks
in many languages of the world, verbs and other expressions associated
with perception and cognition form a special subclass in terms of their
grammatical features. they may have special properties in terms of argument marking, or require special complementation strategies or complement clauses. Verbs of perception and cognition often have restrictions
on forming imperatives, or on taking part in serial verb constructions.
they vary in the range of meanings covered. the verb referring to visual
perception may also mean ‘try’, ‘taste’, or ‘understand’. the verb referring
to auditory perception may also mean ‘obey’, ‘understand’, and ‘remember’. the purpose of this chapter is to discuss, in some detail, grammatical
and semantic properties of verbs of visual and auditory perception, and
cognition, in Manambu, a language from the ndu family spoken in the
Sepik region of papua new guinea. at the end, we address the role of
visual perception in Manambu cultural practices.
we start with an overview of some grammatical features of Manambu.
2
background
Manambu belongs to the ndu language family, and is spoken by about
2,500 people in five villages (avatip, Yawabak, Malu, apa:n and Yuanab
(or Yambon)) in the east Sepik province of papua new guinea, plus expatriate communities in port Moresby and in wewak (aikhenvald 2008a).
like other ndu languages, Manambu is agglutinating with some fusion,
and predominantly suffixing (two prefixes, several dozen suffixes). there
is productive verb compounding.1
1 other languages of the ndu family are iatmul, boiken varieties, gala (or ngala),
wosera/abelam continuum and Kaunga (or Yelogu). transcription adopted here follows
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alexandra y. aikhenvald
word classes are: nouns, verbs, two subclasses of adjectives (agreeing
adjectives: kwasa ‘small’, nǝma ‘big’ and yara ‘fine’; and non-agreeing (the
rest)), adverbs, and numerous closed classes. nouns have two covert genders (feminine and masculine, marked via agreement in singular only)
and three numbers (singular, dual and plural) marked on modifiers and
on verbs. gender assignment for humans is sex-based; for other groups of
nouns, gender choice depends on the referent’s size and shape. So, a small
location will be referred to as feminine, and a large one as masculine; a
short stretch of time is feminine, and a long one masculine.
nouns distinguish nine case forms: a zero-marked subject case (with
the same form employed in a number of other functions, including copula
complements and second arguments of extended intransitive verbs); definite or fully involved object and location case ‑Vm; dative-aversive (‘for
fear of ’) ‑Vk; with overtones to do with frustration, warnings and future
projection, and incomplete involvement of the object; comitative ‑wa;
terminative (‘up to a point’) ‑Vb; transportative ‘via transport’ ‑say, ‑sap;
allative-instrumental ‑Vr; and substitutive ‘instead’ ‑yæy.
Verbs can be intransitive, or ambitransitive (over 80% verbs are S = a
ambitransitive; but there are some S = o); there are rather few strictly
transitive or ditransitive verbs. Verbal categories in main clauses include
personal cross-referencing fused with tense; a variety of aspects, including habitual, completive, repetitive, etc.; mood and modalities, including
irrealis (distinguishable from future only in negative clauses), imperative, purposive, desiderative, and directionals; and a complex system of
marking negation. every verb has to cross-reference the subject (a/S)
and optionally another argument (if it is more topical than the subject).
directionals (up, down, across away, across towards speaker, inwards,
outwards, around the place) make the verb telic.
a member of any word class can head the predicate of an intransitive
main clause. Verbs take tense-sensitive verbal cross-referencing suffixes.
depending on clause type and mood, modality and aspect, either just the
subject (a or S) or the subject and an additional constituent can be crossreferenced. other word classes take nominal cross-referencing enclitics
with no tense distinctions. only verbs can head transitive clauses.
the principles in aikhenvald (2008a), a reference grammar of the language based on fieldwork over a period of 15 years by the present author. i am grateful to my Manambu family
for teaching me their remarkable language. Special thanks go to r. M. w. dixon and anne
Storch for suggestions and comments. note that voiced stops and affricates are prenasalized, and so b is realized as mb, d as nd, g as ng, and j as nj.
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Clause-chaining is a notable feature of many languages in new guinea.
Manambu is no exception. the major strategy for linking clauses involves
a chain of medial dependent clauses marked for switch reference—that
is, whether or not the subject of the preceding supporting clause is the
same as that of the main clause. Constituent order in main clauses is predominantly verb-final; the order of a/S, o, and obliques is pragmatically
determined. Constituent order in medial clauses is strictly verb-final.
Similarly to other languages of the Sepik region, Manambu has no
grammatical evidentials. there are no cultural requirements to be precise in stating one’s information source (this is in contrast to many small
societies in amazonia: aikhenvald 2012: Chapter 9). the adverb wayway
‘maybe’ is used of any assumption and also for unreliable information.
numerous modal forms, including future and irrealis, are used for the
same purpose.
Speech reports (introduced with the speech verb wa- ‘say, speak’) are
very frequent, and are used to express thinking (cognition), desire, intention, reason etc. (similarly to Korowai and Kombai: de Vries, this volume:
also see aikhenvald 2008b).
Manambu does not have complement clauses as a special clause type.
Clauses of other types—such as medial clauses and purposive clauses—
are used as complementation strategies. Verbs of perception and cognition differ from verbs of other classes in the types of complementation
strategies they require—this is the topic of our next section.
3
Verbs of perception and Cognition, and their properties
the most frequently used verbs of perception and cognition are:
– vǝ‑/-kǝt(a) ‘see, look, taste, experience, try, read’—see §2.2;
– wukǝ‑ ‘hear, listen, smell; obey, think (about something), worry,
remember’—see §2.3;
– laku‑ ‘understand, know’—see §2.4.
– mawula:m wa‑ (in.the.‘inside’ say) ‘think (that x; or something (np)),
have an opinion’—see §2.4.
unlike most other verbs in the language, none of these verbs can ever be
replaced with the generic verb mǝgi‑ ‘do whatever’. they also share a type
of complementation strategy discussed below.
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alexandra y. aikhenvald
140
3.1
Clausal Complements of Verbs of Perception and Cognition
Completive medial clauses are used as clausal complements in o function
with the verbs of perception ‘see/look’ and ‘hear/listen/obey’ (and compounds and directional forms involving these), and verbs of cognition.
the action of the clausal complement precedes that of the main clause.
the semantics is that of activity or fact (aikhenvald 2009). Verbs of perception and cognition are in bold face. Clause boundaries are indicated
with square brackets.
(1) [amæy wa-lǝ-k]
[a-wuk]
mother say-fem.sg-compl.ds
impv-hear/listen/obey
listen to/obey what mother said (lit. mother having said, listen/obey)
(2) [a-dǝ
wajǝk
akǝtawa
dem.dist-masc.sg eel+lk+dat like_this
kur-lǝ-k]
[ata vǝ-dǝ-l]
do/act-3fem.sg-compl.ds then see-3masc.sgsubj-3fem.sgbas
he saw that she’d acted like this because of the eel
if the action of the complement is either simultaneous or subsequent
to the main clause, juxtaposition of main clauses is used to express a
clausal complement in o function with the same verbs of perception and
cognition.
(3) [wa-tua]
[a-wuk]
say-1sgsubj.vt+3fem.sgbas.vt impv-hear/listen/obey
listen to /obey what i am saying (lit. i having said, listen/obey)
(4) [a
takwa-ñan
kǝtu
dem.dist woman+lk-child look.upward
vǝ-lǝ-l]
[du kǝ-da-wur
see-3fem.sgsubj.p-3fem.sgbas.p man dem.prox-masc.sg-up
adǝka
rǝ-na-d]
dem.dist.react.top+masc.sg sit-act.foc-3masc.sgbas.vt
that young woman looked up and saw: the up-there-man was sitting there
in contrast, verbs of speech take purposive clauses or direct speech reports
as complementation strategies. the order of clauses is fixed (see aikhenvald 2008a: 535–9 on constituent order in Manambu). Verbs of perception
and cognition form a subclass of verbs in terms of their complementation
strategies and the fact that they cannot be substituted by the generic verb.
we now turn to a number of rather subtle differences between them.
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perception and cognition in manambu
3.2
141
‘Sight’ and Related Notions
the verb vǝ‑/(*kǝt(a)‑) covers a range of meanings, including ‘see, look,
taste, experience, try, read’. grammatical tests help disambiguate the
many overtones of this verb. table 6.1 summarizes these for the verb vǝ‑
used as a free form (not in a compound or with a directional).
unlike in some indo-european languages such as english, ‘see’ does not
cover the meanings of ‘know’ or ‘understand’ (these are expressed with
laku‑ ‘know, understand’—see §3.4, and partly with wukǝ-—see §3.3).
table 6.1. what does vǝ‑ mean? grammatical tests for the free form vǝ‑
Meaning
Case
marking: o
imperative permissive with a
with məl Sections
sequencing ‘eye’
where
clause
discussed
‘see, look at’
Ø-marked
no
no
no
yes
§3.2.1,
§3.2.6
‘look,
see well’
(controlled,
telic)
-Vm
yes
‘accusativelocative case’
yes
no
yes
§3.2.1,
§3.2.6
no
‘look around, ‑Vk ‘dativenotice’
aversive case’
no
no
?
§3.2.1
‘try,
experience’
(nonvolitional)
Ø-marked
no
no
no
no
§3.2.2
‘try, taste,
touch’
(volitional)
-Vm
yes
‘accusativelocative case’
yes
yes
no
§3.2.2–3
‘read’
no
-Vm
‘accusativelocative case’
no
no
no
§3.2.5
we now discuss the various meanings of vǝ- ‘one by one’. this verb is an
S = a ambitransitive.
3.2.1 ‘See, look at’
in its meaning ‘see, look at’, the verb vǝ‑ takes an o unmarked for case if
indefinite or not ‘seen’ completely:
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(5) wun kayik
ma: vǝ
i
film/ghost/picture neg see
i didn’t see a/any film/ghost/picture
if the object is fully seen and the action is volitional and/or telic (meaning
‘look (at)’, or ‘see well’), the object is marked with accusative-locative case
-Vm. (6) can also mean ‘i looked at the picture, ghost or film’.
(6) wun kayka:m
vǝ-lwun
i
film/ghost/picture+acc/loc see-1fem.sgbas.p
i saw the film/the ghost/the picture (fully)
the same verb can mean ‘look around for’ and ‘notice’. then, the object is
marked with the dative-aversive case, as in (7) and (8):
(7) [brǝ-kǝ-k
vǝ-tuǝ-k]
[ata wa-bǝr]
3du-obl-dat see-1sg-compl.ds thus say-3dubas.p
after i’d noticed the two of them, they said thus
(8) [ta:y waku-dǝ
yibun-miya:k]
ata
first go_out-3masc.sgvt stick-tree+lk+dat then
vǝ-brǝ-d
see-3dusubj.p-3masc.sgbas.p
then the two looked around for the number one chief (of the village)
telic and atelic meanings of the same verb are frequently differentiated by the case of the object. the verb kwakǝ- ‘search, find’ is a case in
point. it has the meaning ‘search for something’ with its object in dativeaversive case. if the o is marked with accusative-locative case, the same
verb means ‘find (something)’.
if used in 1st and 2nd person imperative, the verb vǝ‑ means ‘look’ (and
never ‘see’ or ‘notice’). this is consistent with the meaning of control typical of imperative constructions in general (see aikhenvald 2010):
(9) ap
vǝ-tǝk
vǝ-nak
vau
‘look (2sg/dual/plural)!’
‘let’s look (1dual)!’
‘let’s look (1pl)!’
‘let me look!’ (1sg)
forms in (9) may also have a permissive meaning, ‘may i look, may i try’;
we return to these in §3.2.3. in idiomatic collocations, the o tends to be
unmarked. in (10) the meaning of vǝ- can be ‘see’ or ‘experience’:
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(10) yala-wa
tǝ-ta:y
akǝs
bap
belly+lk-com stand-cotemp neg.hab moon
vǝ-kwa-na-di
see-hab-act.foc-3plbas.vt
when one is pregnant (lit. with a belly) one does not menstruate (that is,
see moon)
we now turn to the ‘experience’ meaning of vǝ-.
3.2.2 ‘Experience’
if the verb vǝ- refers to non-volitional and uncontrolled experience, its o
is typically unmarked for case, as in (11). this was an answer to a question about the age of the late duamakwa:y, one of the oldest man in a
Manambu community, at the time when he had met dangwan, one of
the Manambu interpreters for walter behrmann’s 1912–13 expedition to
the ambunti area.
(11) wun wasa-yuwi
bǝ
vǝ-dǝwun
i
cheek+lk-hair already see-1masc.sgbas.p
i already shaved (lit. i already experienced beard)
the expression yigǝn vǝ‑ ‘see/experience a dream’ also involves ‘seeing’.
3.2.3 ‘Try’ (as volitional activity)
in its meaning ‘try (as a volitional activity)’, vǝ‑ typically describes trying
something by taste or touch. the manner of ‘trying’ is specified with a
sequencing ‑n form of a verb, as in (12). the verb cannot refer to ‘experiencing’ something non-volitionally or by chance:
(12) ka:n
vǝ-tua
eat+seq see/try-1sgsubj.vt+3fem.sgbas.vt
i am trying (the new food) by eating
an imperative of vǝ‑, ap, can mean ‘look!’ or ‘try!’ (as shown in (9)). as
is typical for imperatives (aikhenvald 2010), it has to have a telic and
volitional meaning—that is, ap does not mean *’See!’ or *’experience!’. a
permissive 1sg form in (13) has two meanings, ‘may i look’ and ‘may i try’.
it does not mean ‘may i experience’, because ‘experiencing’ denoted by
vǝ‑ is beyond asking for permission—this is something that just happens
no matter what.
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(13) vau
see/try+1sgimpv
may i see/look?; may i try?
a biclausal construction with a sequencing suffix -n can be used to make
sure that the meaning of vǝ- is that of ‘trying’ something or attempting to
do something.
(14) [ka:n]
[vau]
eat+seq see/try+1sgimpv
may i try by eating
*may i look and eat
the verb vǝ‑ here cannot mean ‘look’ (hence the starred translation).
if the verb vǝ‑ is used in a similar biclausal construction and is marked
with the sequencing ‑n, the resulting meaning is ‘try and see, try and look’,
and not *‘see looking’:
(15) [væn]
[ap]
see/try+seq impv.2p+see/try
try and see, try and look
if the verb vǝ‑ appears with a completive medial clause as its clausal complement in o function, it can only mean ‘see’, as in (16) and in (2):
(16) [waku-dǝ-k]
[vǝ-lǝ-d]
go_out-3masc.sg-compl.ds see-3fem.sgsubj.p-3masc.sgbas.p
she saw that he went out
*she tried for him to go out
the bound verb root -kǝta ‘try; look’ is an alternative to vǝ- in a number of grammatical contexts. the bound verb root -kǝta cannot form an
imperative.
3.2.4 The Bound root -kǝta ‘try; look’: A Suppletive Form of vǝthe bound root ‑kǝta is in a complementary distribution with vǝ- within
verbal compounds. it can thus be considered a suppletive counterpart of
vǝ-, in some of its meanings. table (6.2) summarises the conditions under
which the distribution occurs.
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table 6.2. the meanings and forms of verb(s) of vision and ‘trying’ in
compounds
Meaning
first component Second component directionals further
in compounds
in compounds
formations
See
yes (18); form
vǝlook
yes (18): form
vǝexperience no
try, taste
no
no
no
yes (19); form
-kǝta
no
no
yes (20–1);
form -kǝta
no
no
yes (§3.2.7);
form vǝyes (§3.2.7):
form vǝno
no
as the first component of a verb compound (or: a single word serial verb
construction, in the meaning of aikhenvald 2006), vǝ- means ‘see’, or
‘look’, as in
(17) ñǝn-a:m
vǝ-tǝpǝ-tua
you.fem.sg-lk+acc/loc see-close-1sgsubj+3sg.fem.nonsubj
i saw you/looked at you for the last time (lit. see-close)
*i tried you for the last time
Verb compounds in Manambu often develop somewhat idiomatic meanings. but if they contain vǝ‑ as the first component, they have to do with
sight and not ‘trying’, ‘tasting’ or ‘experiencing’. for instance, vǝ- in combination with a directional form of the verb kar‑/kra‑ ‘carry, bring’: vǝ‑kraki‑
(see-carry.across-) means ‘recognize by seeing’. a combination of vǝ- with
sapwi‑ ‘open, be opened’ as the second component of the compound,
vǝ‑sapwi‑ (see-open-) means ‘discover by seeing something, recognize’
(see below on wukǝ‑sapwi- ‘discover by hearing’). the verb vǝ‑tay‑taya‑
(see-sideways.away-sideways.away) means ‘look appreciatively’.
the verb vǝ- never occurs as a second component in compounds. the
form ‑kǝta has to be used then. in this context, ‑kǝta can only mean ‘try’,
as in (18) (synonymous with (14)):
(18) [kǝ-kǝta-n]
[vau]
eat-try-seq see/try+1sgimpv
may i try and eat (lit. try by eating, taste)
*may i see and eat
Verbal compounds with the verb ‑kǝta in the V2 slot in combination with
a directional markers describe ‘looking’ rather than ‘trying’:
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(19) a
gapǝm
ata
rǝ-kǝtǝwun
then big_post+lk+loc then sit-look.up
she then sat at the house post looking up
ra:l
sit+3fem.sgbas.p
a directional imparts a telic and controlled meaning to the verb. a telic
meaning would be incompatible with any overtone of ‘trying’. Somewhat
different and rather irregular forms of -kǝta appear as a free-standing
directional form of ‘look’ (not ‘see’ or ‘try’, since directionals are telic and
controlled):
(20) [ala-wur
aba:m
tǝ-ku],
dem.dist.fem.sg-up head+lk+loc stay-compl.ss
[kǝtay
kǝti
ata
vǝ-di]
around_look around_look then see-3plbas.p
having arrived up there at the end (lit. head), they looked around (inspecting)
if used with a directional, the verb vǝ‑ cannot mean ‘try’, e.g. kǝtu vǝ‑
(look.up see/ look-) can only mean ‘look upwards’, and not *‘try and look
upwards’.
in summary: the form -kǝta‑ can be considered a suppletive form of
vǝ-, and is used as a second element in compounds and with directionals, and also as a directional for vǝ- ‘see/look’ (which cannot occur with
bound directional markers). Since directionals make the verb telic, the
translation ‘look’, and not ‘see’, is the only one appropriate for vǝ- with
a directional. the directional forms of verbs of perception, ‘see/look’ and
also ‘hear/listen’, indicate the direction of the gaze or of listening. the
directional suppletive forms of ‘look’ are used adverbially, as modifiers,
but never as verb roots.
3.2.5 ‘Read’
a further overtone of the verb vǝ‑ (but never ‑kǝta) is ‘read’. this can be
used (depending on the object) in the same contexts as ‘see, look’. the
accusative-locative case often marks the object of ‘see’ in this meaning,
but does not have to:
(21) a
lǝ-a:b
buk
ma: vǝ,
dǝ-kǝ-dǝka
then she-too book neg see+neg he-obl-only
vǝ-dǝ-l
see-3masc.sgsubj.p-3fem.sgbas.p
she did not read the book, only he read it
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(22) buka:m
vǝ-na
book+lk+acc/loc see-act.foc+3fem.sgbas.vt
she is reading a (specific) book
Just like most societies of papua new guinea, the Manambu have no
tradition of reading or writing. the meaning ‘read’ for the verb of visual
perception is a recent innovation (alien to those older members of the
community who are illiterate).
3.2.6 Distinguishing ‘vision’ from Other Overtones of və-: A Body Part
Construction with ‘eye’
body parts mǝl ‘eye’ and wa:n ‘ear’ can be used with verbs ‘see, experience, try’ and also ‘hear, listen, understand, obey’. then the meanings of
the verbs are limited to just perception: mǝl vǝ- can only mean ‘see, look’,
and wa:n wukǝ‑ means ‘hear, listen’ (but see more on this in §2.3). the
body part terms cannot be cross-referenced on the verb, or questioned
separately. for these reasons they cannot be considered objects of the
perception verbs. only a limited number of presentational adverbs can
intervene between the body part and the perception verb. the verbs
remain transitive—that is, they can take an object (either case-marked
or not). these body part expressions are similar to complex verbs, and
the zero-marked body parts behave like nominal components in complex
verbs of other classes (discussed at length in aikhenvald 2008a: 426–45).
we now turn to some examples.
in (23) a child is instructed to look properly at what she is doing, and
in (24) the speaker is recounting her own experience:
(23) mǝl ap
eye impv+see
look! (*try!)
(24) kǝtabǝk-a
ja:p
mǝl vǝ-tua
this.way+pred+like-lk thing eye see-1sgsubj.vt+3fem.sgbas.vt
i saw this kind of thing with my (own) eye
Just occasionally, mǝl ‘eye’ can take accusative-locative case if seeing with
‘one’s own eyes’ is focussed on:
(25) kǝp-a
mǝla:m
vǝ-k-na-ñǝn
own-lk eye+lk+loc see-fut-act.foc-2fem.sgbas.vt
you will see (the gala people and their ways) with your own eyes (as
opposed to hearing about them)
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we will see below that a construction containing the body part term ‘ear’
and the auditory perception verb is only superficially similar to the one
involving ‘eye’ .
3.2.7 Further Expressions for ‘seeing’
Manambu also has a number of fairly idiosyncratic expressions involving
visual perception.
the form kukə- ‘back’ appears in a few modifier-noun compounds,
including a partially predictable one kukə-məl, in kukə-məl və- (back-eye
see) meaning ‘look back’. if repeated, it can be used ironically to describe
someone looking over and admiring themselves, as in (27). this is how a
little girl was supposed to react to a traditional papua-new guinea style
female dress ‘meriblaus’ which i was instructed to buy for her:
(27a) kukə-məl kukə-məl və-kə-na
back-eye back-eye see/look-fut-act.foc+3fem.sgbas.vt
she will look at herself admiringly (lit. eye to the back eye to the back she
will see)
the verb və- appears in a number of formations which marginally involve
vision as a means of perception. these include və-səməl- (see-?-) ‘look
around, look for’, və-səməl-səməl- ‘look for something very carefully’ (the
second component of the compound, -səməl-, is not encountered anywhere else in the language). Similarly, və-kəka-n tə- (see-?-seq have-) ‘look
after’ contains a nonce second component -kəka. the form və-və-ka- (seesee-‘move’?-) in və-və-ka-taka- (see-see-?-put-) ‘watch carefully’ contains
reduplication of the verb root. an additional irregular form və-və-ka-, also
containing reduplication, means ‘see, watch’ :
(27b) məl və-və-kan
kwa-na
eye see-red-?+seq
stay-act.foc+3fem.sgbas.vt
she is watching (us talking)
in none of these cases can the verb və- have the meaning of ‘try’ or
‘experience’.
further expressions to do with seeing or looking include: məl sray-taka
(eye ?-put) ‘look with attention’; puku- ‘stare; also bulge’; saypæy pəti- ‘not
recognize, not notice, be forgetful’; jaw- ‘check, watch, be on guard’. these
are fairly restricted in their meanings.
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3.2.8 ‘Vision’ and Experience in Manambu: A Summary
the verb və-/-kǝta in Manambu covers visual perception (both telic and
controlled, and atelic and non-volitional), and experiencing and ‘trying’
something (both volitionally, and non-volitionally). the two forms are in
a complementary distribution, with the form ‑kǝta being used in combinations with directionals (where it refers to vision) and as a second component of compounds (where it refers to ‘trying’). Combination of the body
part ‘eye’ and the verb of experience always has the meaning of ‘vision’.
the perceptual meaning of və‑/‑kǝta can be considered the basic one
for this verb, since it is instantiated in most contexts (see tables 6.1–2).
this is also the only meaning of the verb as the first component in verbal
compounds (as shown in §3.2.4, and examples (17) and (27a)). the meaning ‘experience, try’ is restricted to just some contexts, and can be considered a semantic extension of the erstwhile verb of vision. Such experience
also includes testing something by ‘tasting’ or ‘touching’ it. there is no
other verb ‘taste’ in the language. the verbs wapw‑ ‘touch’ and kur‑ ‘grab’
can be used if a speaker decides to stress that the experience involves
‘touching’.
an additional remark is in order. the verb və‑ is cognate to the verb of
vision in other languages of the ndu family (abelam, iatmul and boiken).
it is usually translated into tok pisin (an english-based Creole and the
national language of papua new guinea) using the verb of vision lukim.
3.3
Auditory Perception and Related Notions: Perception,
Feeling, and Cognition
the verb wukə‑ means ‘hear, listen, smell, obey, understand, think about,
be missing (someone), worry (about someone), be sorry for’. it is always
transitive. grammatical tests which help disambiguate its meanings are
summarized in table 6.3.
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table 6.3. what does wukə- mean? grammatical tests
Meaning
Case
imperative/ with
Conversation nominalizations, with
marking: o permissive directionals sustainer
reduplication
wa:n
‘ear’
examples
‘hear’
Ø-marked
no
(28)
‘listen’
(controlled,
telic)
-Vm
‘locativeaccusative
case’
yes
(1), (3),
(30),
(36–39),
(43),
(45–6)
no
no
yes
yes
‘try and
listen’
-Vk ‘dativeaversive
case’
‘smell’
Ø-marked
yes
no
yes
yes
(35)
no
no
yes
no
no
no
no
(29), (33)
yes
no
no
no
yes
(1), (3),
(30), (36),
(44–5)
no
yes
yes
yes
(32),
(41–2),
(45)
no
no
no
no
(31)
no (one
no
exception?)
no
no
(34), (40),
(47)
‘obey’
-Vm
‘accusative‘understand’
locative
yes? (42)
case’
‘think about’
yes
‘worry, miss, -Vk ‘dativebe sorry for’ aversive
no
case’
3.3.1 The Many Meanings of wukəif the object is unmarked, wukə- tends to mean ‘hear (unintentionally),
overhear’:
(28) a-də
du
sə
bə
dem.dist-masc.sg man name already
wukə-tua-d
hear-1sgsubj.vt-3masc.sgbas.vt
i already overheard the man’s name
it may also mean ‘smell’, especially if accompanied with the noun ‘smell’
or something one could smell, e.g. a flower or rotting food:
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(29) a
ya:m wukə-lə-l
dem.dist.fem.sg smell smell-3fem.sgsubj.p-3fem.sgbas.p
she (death adder) smelt that smell
in the meanings of ‘hear’, ‘listen’, ‘smell’ (on purpose), ‘obey’ and ‘think
about’, this verb requires an o marked with the accusative-locative case:
something was fully heard, or listened to, or obeyed.
(30) [atabək-ə
japə-m]
wukə-tukwa
like_this-lk thing+lk-acc/loc listen-proh.gen
do not listen to/obey things like this
(31) a
ma:
dəy-a:m
then again they-lk+acc/loc
he thought about them again
wukə-d
think/hear-3masc.sgbas.p
(32) dəya-di kudiya:m
they-pl language+lk-acc/loc
i understand their language
wukə-na-wun
understand-act.foc-1fem.sgbas.vt
(33) a
təp
wukə-lə-l
dem.dist.fem.sg village smell-3fem.sgsubj.p-3fem.sgbas.p
she (death adder) was smelling the village (to find the man she was
looking for)
if the object is marked with dative-aversive case, wukə- is likely to have
the meaning of ‘worry (about someone), be sorry (for someone), be missing (someone)’. this use of the dative-aversive case is congruent with its
general meaning—to do with something negative. we can recall from §2
that the dative-aversive case is used to mark the object of verbs of fear,
and is also used in warnings.
(34) [ma
amæy-wa
asayik
wukə-ku]
[yawi ma:
again mother-com father+dat worry-compl.ss work neg
kwa:r]
do+neg
having worried about mother and father, (i) did not work
or wukə- can mean ‘listen so as to try and hear something’. this is congruent with the purposive meaning of the dative-aversive case which often
has overtones of future projection:
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(35) a-də
sa:k
wukə-n
dem.dist-masc.sg name+dat listen-seq
rə-lə-l
sit-3fem.sgsubj-3fem.sgbas.p
she was sitting listening for his name
when used in commands, wukə- always refers to controlled telic activities—‘listen’, ‘obey’, or ‘smell’ (especially if accompanied with noun
ya:m ‘smell’ or anything one can smell, e.g. mawa:y ‘flower’): see (29) and
(36–7).
(36) lə-kə-k
a-wuk
she-obl-dat impv-listen
listen to her, obey her! (not *worry about her!, *miss her! or *be sorry for
her!)
(37) [wa-su-ga:y
wa-su-da-k]
[yabi:b wukə-nak]
call-up-cond call-up-3pl-compl.ds quickly listen/hear-1plimpv
just in case they call up (to the house where we are), let’s quickly listen
the verb wukə- can combine with a directional; and then it has the meaning of ‘listen’:
(38) [aka
yi::n]
[a
gapum
dem.dist.react.top.fem.sg go:rep+seq then big_post+lk+loc
[ata wukə-su wa:n kui-n]
ra:l]
then listen-up ear
give_to_third_p-seq sit+3fem.sgbas.p
having gone to another house, she sat on the big post listening to what
was above
accompanied by a complementation strategy, wukə- also has the meaning of ‘listen’, and ‘obey’, as in (1) and (3). it may also have the meaning
of ‘understand’ in exactly the same contexts. to differentiate ‘listen, obey’
and ‘understand’, many speakers opt for an english form understand, or
for tok pisin harim tok ‘listen to speech; obey’. both are used in (39) (an
angry command by an exasperated mother to her unruly children). this
example also illustrates a parallel use of Manambu and tok pisin synonyms as a means of ‘pressing the point’.
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(39) [ñən
a-wuk]
[harim tok
ada]
you.fem impv-listen listen speech ‘stand’.impv
ada
aux.impv
you listen! listen to speech! understand!
153
understand
understand
the verb və- ‘see, look, try, experience’ is not used as an attentiongetting device (unlike english see or look). the second person imperative
form of wukǝ‑, awuk!, is. this attention-getting usage is frequent both in
day-to-day life and in ritual contexts. a question wukə‑ñəna or wukə‑məna
‘do you (fem or masc) hear/listen, understand?’ is used as a conversation
sustainer, to make sure the audience is following what is being said. it
cannot possibly mean ‘*are you smelling?’, ‘*are you sorry?’ or ‘*are you
thinking?’.
often just the context helps work out the exact meaning of wukə-. a
little boy went missing and later it turned out that he had drowned—this,
and the fact that we cried, provides the background for reading wukə- in
(40) as ‘be sorry (about someone), be missing (someone)’:
(40) [ata wukə-ku]
[gra-dian]
then be_sorry-compl.ss cry-1plbas.p
then being sorry/missing (him) we cried
Speakers who tend to code-switch with tok pisin use wori instead of
wukə‑ in the meaning of ‘worry, be sorry’, in the same context. Similarly
to (39), using a word in a different language helps disambiguating the
polysemous form.
reduplicated and nominalized verb wukə‑ accompanied by an inflected
form of the same verb is a way of saying ‘understand’, as in (41).
(41) wukə-wuk
wukə-na
hear-red:nomin hear-act.foc+3fem.sgbas.vt
yi-yi
suan yi-na
talk-red hard go-act.foc+3fem.sgbas.vt
she does understand (the language), talking is difficult
a reduplicated form of wukə‑ refers to ‘gradually understanding something or someone’:
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(42)
wukə-wukə-ta-d
hear-red-1dusubj.vt-3masc.sgbas.vt
we gradually understand him
a nominalization with an auxiliary verb tə- means ‘listen’, rather than
‘understand’ or ‘obey’:
(43) wukə-wuk
tə-kwa-na
listen-red:nomin ‘stand’-hab-3fem.sgbas.vt
she keeps listening
reduplication has many meanings in Manambu, among them intensive
action, gradual action, and the formation of nominalizations (aikhenvald
2008a).
3.3.2 Further ‘disambiguation’: Objects and Body Parts
with the object yanu ‘magic’, wukə- means ‘know, understand’. the noun
phrase yanu wukə-d-ə du (magic know/understand-3masc.sgbas.vt-lk
man) means ‘a man who understands magic; sorcerer’. Similarly, we saw
in (29) that if accompanied by the object meaning ‘smell’ (or referring to
something one can smell), wukə- unambiguously refers to smelling.
if the object is ma:j ‘speech’ (in the accusative-locative case, or in the
terminative case), wukə- means ‘listen, obey’:
(44) [majəb
wukə-ku]
[akətawa kurə-d]
speech+lk+term listen-compl.ss like_this do-3masc.sgbas.p
having obeyed (his) words exactly, he acted this way
we saw above that the verb və- in its strictly perceptual meaning ‘see’ can
appear with ‘eye’ in a body part construction. the verb wukə- appears in a
similar construction, accompanied by ‘ear’—see (45). the expression wa:n
wukə- can mean ‘listen’, ‘obey’, or ‘understand’—that is, it does not help
distinguish those meanings of wukə- which relate to cognition from those
which refer to perception and obeying someone:
(45) wa:n a-wuk
ear
impv-hear/listen
listen/understand/obey! (lit. ear listen)
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unlike ‘eye’, wa:n ‘ear’ cannot be case-marked in this construction. the
construction with ‘ear’ remains polysemous—this is in contrast to the ‘eye
see’ construction whose meaning is only perceptual.
the noun wa:n ‘ear’ can be used with the auxiliary ‘be, have’ to mean
‘listen’:
(46) wa:n tə-na
ear
have-act.foc+3fem.sgbas.vt
she is listening
the expression wa:n kui- ‘give ear’ always means ‘listen’ (as in (38)). there
are no parallel expressions with ‘eye’.
the verb wukə- can combine with the full set of directionals. then its
meaning is telic—as is expected for a directional compound. Such compounds refer to listening to a sound coming from a direction expressed
with the bound root. in (38) wukə-su- (hear/listen-up-) describes the snake
sitting on the post of the house and listening to what was happening up
there in the house. forms wukə-saku- (listen-outward-) and wukə-səwəla(listen-inside-) refer to listening to what is happening outside and inside
respectively.
when wukə- combines with the directional -tay- ‘sideways away’,
the resulting form has an idiomatic meaning ‘miss, be longing for
(someone)’:
(47) lə-kə
amaeyik
wukə-tay-a:l
she-poss+fem.sg mother+dat hear/worry-away-3fem.sgbas.p
she was missing her mother
the directional can be reduplicated, and the result is wukə-tay-tay- ‘worry
a lot (about)’.
Similarly to və-, wukə- can be used as the first component of compounds,
but not as the second one. Meanings of compounds containing the verb
wukə- are often not easily predictable from the meaning of the components. in a combination with the verb -kraki ‘carry across’, wukə-kraki(hear-carry.across) means ‘recognize by hearing’. this is reminiscent of
və-kraki- (see-carry.across-) ‘recognize by seeing’. the compound wukəsapwi- (hear-open-) means ‘discover by hearing’ (see above on və-sapwi(see-open) ‘discover by seeing something’).
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the root wukə- combines with -təp ‘be closed’ as a second component,
and the resulting compound is again idiomatic—wukə-təp(ə)- (think/
hear-be.closed) means ‘forget (completely)’. the form wukə-mar- ‘forget
(not necessarily completely)’ is also idiosyncratic (the component -mar- is
probably linked to the negator -ma:r-). the compound wukə-taka- (hear/
listen?-put-) means ‘provide’. the expression wukə-n karya- (hear-seq
bring), literally ‘hearing bring towards someone’ means ‘remember’.
Similarly to the verb of visual perception, using wukə- in compounds
helps distinguishing its overtones. however, unlike the verb vǝ‑ which
refers to visual perception within compounds, the verb wukǝ‑ is not limited to auditory ‘hearing’ or ‘listening’. in some compounds it refers to
cognitive processes, in others to perception. it is next to impossible to
decide which meanings is primary for wukǝ-. that english and tok pisin
code-switches are used to disambiguate this verb (if necessary) corroborates this.
the verb wukǝ‑ is the only verb covering auditory perception in
Manambu. we now turn to other verbs and expressions for cognitive
processes.
3.4
Further Means of Expressing Cognitive Processes in Manambu
Manambu has a number of verbs and complex predicates referring to
cognitive processes of ‘thinking’ and ‘understanding’. the most frequently
used is the S = a ambitransitive verb laku‑ ‘understand, know, be knowledgeable, be obedient’. this verb does not combine with any directionals,
and occurs in just one compound wa‑laku‑ (say-know) ‘give advice, make
someone be aware of something’.2
the ‘locus’ of knowledge and understanding is mawǝl, literally, ‘the
inside, sago pith, bone marrow, core, liver’, also used in the meaning of
‘mind; mindset; thinking’. if a person is clever or has positive thoughts,
they can be referred to as vyakat mawǝl tǝ‑na ‘good “inside/thinking” ’
have-act.foc+3fem.sgbas.vt). a woman who is worried, concerned or
fretting about something can be referred to as having a lot of ‘inside’
(mawǝl samasam tǝ‑na). ‘inside’ can form a nominal compound if combined with wukǝ‑. the resulting form, wukǝ‑mawǝl, refers to ‘memory,
2 traditionally, different levels of ‘knowledgeability’ corresponded to various stages in
male initiation (not practiced anymore). the lexical items for different levels of initiated
men reflected the level of ‘knowledge’ the person would have.
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reminiscence, thought’. if ‘inside’ is used as the subject of the verb of
speech wa-, the resulting expression means ‘i think, in my opinion’. the
verb wukǝ‑ never has this meaning. if i remember something, i would say
‘it sits in my “inside” ’.
unlike numerous australian aboriginal languages (see evans and
wilkins 2000), ‘ear’ is not a locus for cognitive processes. it is an instrument of auditory perception, and is also associated with getting something through to someone, and ‘obeying’ a command. in contrast, ‘eye’ is
a locus of ‘seeing’ (it is not associated with understanding or cognition).
a blind person is normally referred to as someone whose ‘eye is closed’,
or ‘eye does not see’.
to express ‘ignorance’, or lack of thinking or understanding, one can
simply negate the verb wukǝ‑. (48) has four meanings:
(48) mǝn
ma: wa:k
you:masc neg hear/listen/understand/obey:neg
you are not listening/hearing/obeying/understanding
Wa:n ma: wa:k (ear neg hear/listen/understand/obey:neg) can refer to
someone who is deaf, or not listening, or not understanding or thinking, or just mad (kwa:m). other expressions covering ‘ignorance’ include
tǝkǝgǝp ‘nutcase’ and kulakul ‘Johny-come-lately, ignorant person’.
3.5
The Meanings of the Perception Verbs: A Summary
the verb və‑/‑kəta in Manambu refers to visual experience (‘see, look’),
and also to ‘taste, experience, try, read’. the verb wukə‑ may mean ‘hear,
listen, smell, obey, understand, think about, be missing, worry, be sorry
for’. the two verbs require the same complementation strategies, and cannot be replaced with the generic verb. table 6.4 features a comparison
between them.
the two verbs differ in their idiomatic meanings with directionals, and
in complex predicates. while the body part term ‘eye’ helps disambiguate
the ‘vision’ overtone of vǝ‑, the body part ‘ear’ does not do the same job
for wukǝ‑.
we can now summarize our findings. the polysemous patterns of və‘see, look, try’ can be easily disambiguated by grammatical contexts. the
meaning of ‘vision’ is primary for this verb. this is much less easy for
wukə‑ ‘hear, listen, understand, obey, be sorry for’; the meanings ‘obey,
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table 6.4. Some features of və‑/‑kəta and wukə‑
grammatical contexts
və‑/‑kəta
wukə‑
Meaning in imperative
telic: ‘look’
telic: ‘listen, obey, smell’
use as conversation
sustainer
no
yes
Meaning with o in
dative-aversive case
incomplete
future projection and trying
involvement of o
(‘try and listen’); aversive
(‘look around, notice’) connotations (‘worry about,
be sorry about’, be missing’)
Meaning with body
part as part of complex
predicate
‘see, look’
disambiguation with tok no
pisin or english words
‘listen, obey, understand’
yes: harim tok, understand,
wori
listen and understand’ are hard to disentangle in Manambu. the meaning ‘be sorry, miss’ can be considered less basic: it is associated with the
dative-aversive-marked object, which would have negative connotations
due to general overtones of the dative-aversive case in the language.
there is no strong language-internal evidence in favour of the oftquoted development from perception to cognition of the verb covering
auditory perception (see the discussion in Chapter 1 of this volume).
Code-switches are a means of distinguishing the meaning overtones if
necessary. the verb of auditory perception in other ndu languages (whose
forms are cognate across the family) covers the same semantic ground as
the Manambu wukǝ-.
we can thus conclude that vision warrants a special lexeme. in contrast, auditory perception does not; rather, it forms an integral part of a
whole complex of mental activities involving hearing, understanding and
doing what one is told to do. why so?
4
what is Special about Vision in Manambu?
Similarly to many languages and cultures in the area, the Manambu have
numerous taboos and restrictions associated with ‘seeing’ and ‘looking’,
and none to do with ‘hearing’ or ‘listening’. Magic flutes and the spirit
dakul who plays them should not ever be seen by women. if a woman, or
an uninitiated man, sees them, even by chance, they will become blind
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(and this is what is believed to be the reason why the late Ñatabi, one of my
teachers of Manambu, became blind). there are no restrictions on hearing the sound of flutes. in fact, ‘hearing’ the flutes is a signal for women
and uninitiated men to hide, lest they catch a glimpse of the flutes.
if a woman happens to catch a glimpse of yams before the Yam festival,
she will die (a recent death of an elderly woman was attributed to this).
women are not allowed to see the procession of the Yam festival.
being able to ‘see’ is associated with power. Somewhat dangerous and
mischievous bush spirits apawǝl are invisible to us, humans (they hide in
a haze, bǝw, the same word as ‘ashes’). but they can see us (and so they
are more powerful than we are).
the special status of ‘seeing’ reflected in many cultural practices is likely
to underlie the fact that ‘seeing’ is discernible as the primary meaning
of vǝ‑ in Manambu, and in languages from the same family. in contrast,
hearing, understanding and obeying are part of one semantic package.
auditory perception by itself is not distinctive enough to warrant a specific lexical item just for it alone.
the inherent ambiguity of wukǝ‑ is consistent with the general principles of organization of the verbal lexicon in Manambu, whose semantics
tends to be fairly generic. this ambiguity may also relate to the apparent
lack of a cultural requirement to be precise when stating how one knows
things in Manambu.
references
aikhenvald, alexandra Y. 2004. Evidentiality. oxford: oxford university press.
——. 2006. Serial verb constructions in a typological perspective, in: alexandra Y. aikhenvald and r. M. w. dixon (eds.), Serial Verb Constructions: A Cross‑Linguistic Typology,
pp. 1–87. oxford: oxford university press.
——. 2008a. The Manambu language of East Sepik, Papua New Guinea. oxford: oxford university press.
——. 2008b. Semi-direct speech: Manambu and beyond. Language Sciences 30: 383–422.
——. 2008c. information source and evidentiality: what can we conclude? Rivista di
Linguistica 19: 1, Mario Squartini (ed.). Special issue on Evidentiality between lexicon and
grammar: 209–227.
——. 2009. Semantics of clause linking in Manambu, in: r. M. w. dixon and alexandra Y.
aikhenvald (eds.). Semantics of Clause Linking: A Cross‑Linguistic Typology, pp. 118–144.
oxford: oxford university press.
——. 2010. Imperatives and Commands. oxford: oxford university press.
——. 2012. Languages of the Amazon. oxford: oxford university press.
evans, n. and d. wilkins. 2000. in the mind’s ear: the semantic extensions of perception
verbs in australian languages. Language 76: 546–92.
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CHAPTER SEVEN
FROM BODY TO KNOWLEDGE: PERCEPTION AND COGNITION
IN KHWE-ǁANI AND TS'IXA
Matthias Brenzinger and Anne-Maria Fehn1
1
Introduction
Studies in the semantic fijields of perception and cognition have led to the
postulation of linguistic universals regarding the hierarchy of the verbs of
perception (Viberg 1984) and their extensions into the realm of cognition
(Sweetser 1990). Primacy of the visual domain has been claimed across
all cultures and languages of the world; however, more recent research
has challenged this view (e.g. Evans & Wilkins 2000). The Khoeid2 (formerly Central Khoisan or Khoe) language Khwe-ǁAni, spoken among
former hunter-gatherers in Namibia, Botswana, South Africa, as well as
Zambia and Angola, seems to contradict the postulated hierarchy of the
senses with vision at the top. In the following discussion, it is argued that
among the three verbs of perception which may be considered basic in
1 The authors would like to thank the Khwe and Ts'ixa speech communities, in particular Bothas Marinda and the late David Soza Naudé from Mutc’iku, Namibia, as well as Politics Kebuelemang, Tshiamo Kebuelemang and Molatlhegi Phillip Matsamo from Mababe,
Botswana with whom the data for this paper were elicited and discussed. Our thanks also
go to Alexandra Aikhenvald and Anne Storch for valuable comments on a previous version
of this paper presented at the “International Workshop on Perception and Cognition”, held
at the University of Cologne, Nov. 25–27, 2010.
2 Khoeid is a newly invented term to replace Central Khoisan or Khoe. Khoeid refers to
the language family, established by Rainer Voßen in 1997. The closely related languages of
this family are Khoekhoegowab, Naro, ǀGui-ǁGana, Khwe-ǁAni, Shua and Tshwa, with the
status of Ts'ixa still unresolved. The former use of “Khoe”, as in classifijicatory terms, such
as “Khoe languages”, “Non-Khoe” and “Kalahari Khoe” is rejected. Like the term Khoekhoe, Khoe in the spelling Khwe (formerly Kxoe) is the genuine name of a clearly defijined
language community and their language; it will be exclusively employed as such in the
present paper. The formerly Central Khoisan or “Khoe” language family will be called
Khoeid. To maintain “Central Khoisan” as a name of a language family, after “Northern”
and “Southern Khoisan” and even “Khoisan” as a family no longer exist, seems to be odd.
The advantage of Khoeid—as a strictly linguistic classifijicatory term—is that it will solve
the confusions caused by the ambiguous use of Khoe in the diffferent classifijicatory levels.
It is highly unlikely that speakers or activists will use this technical term in a non-linguistic
sense to refer to themselves as people. (cf. Brenzinger forthcoming)
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matthias brenzinger and anne-maria fehn
Khwe—namely mṹũ̀ ‘see’, kóḿ ‘hear’ and ǁám̀ ‘taste, smell, touch’—it is
not mṹũ̀ or kóḿ but ǁám̀ which is of central importance. While ǁám̀ is
semantically rooted in oral perception with a principal meaning ‘perceive
food’, the verb extends to internal and external feeling, eventually covering a mode of sensory perception that is essentially “holistic”. It is only
this holistic perception that may actually lead to knowledge, i.e. extend
from body to knowledge.
The core perception verbs mṹũ̀, kóḿ and ǁám̀ may cover the entire
range from bodily perception to cognition and understanding as well
as—to a limited extent—even knowledge. When extending into the cognitive domain, however, all three verbs tend to be used in serial verb constructions linked to the verb ã́ ‘know’, which as a body-part term means
‘forehead’. While the default meaning of this semantic combination is
‘recognize by mode of perception’, ǁám̀ -a-ã́ ‘perceive-II-know’ in many
contexts does not mean ‘recognize’ but ‘anticipate’, or rather ‘know what
is going to happen’. Consequently, ǁám̀ -a-ã́ expresses a deep understanding of what is holistically perceived with respect to future events. Thus,
ǁám̀ -a-ã́ is no longer restricted to a single sense modality.
The semantic domains of perception and cognition in Khwe reflect the
speakers’ understanding of the world, i.e. they are based on their belief
systems and other cultural traditions. Semantic as well as grammatical
properties in the fijields of perception and cognition therefore add to our
understanding of the Khwe’s conceptualization of the physical and spiritual world as well as of the acquisition and generation of knowledge.
Finally, what can be shown for Khwe seems to also hold true for other
language communities of the Khoeid language family. This claim will be
substantiated by comparative data from Ts'ixa, a hitherto undocumented
language spoken in north-eastern Botswana.
1.1
The Khwe-ǁAnikhwe Language Community
Khwe-ǁAni—a Khoeid language—consists of two main varieties, namely
Khwe proper and ǁAni. ǁXom, ǁXo, Buga, Ngarange and Buma are former regional varieties of Khwe proper that have merged during the past
30 years. Even though Khwe and ǁAnikhwe diffferentiate their ethnic identities, they claim to speak varieties of one common language. For that reason, in the year 2000 Khwe and ǁAni speakers formed one single language
committee that coordinates the standardization and development of their
common language.
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Roughly 4,000 Khwe-speakers live in Namibia, mainly in the Caprivi
Strip, and about 1,700 in the north-western part of Botswana. Since 1989,
approximately 1,300 have been living in Platfontein and Schmidtsdrift,
west of Kimberley in South Africa. There are still about 300–400 Khwe
(Ngarange-Khwe) moving between the Rivungu area of Angola and the
Sioma plains in Zambia. Today, the largest Khwe settlements are Mutc’iku
(1,200) next to the Okavango River in Namibia, and Gudigoa (800) north
of the Okavango Delta in Botswana. Many Khwe in Botswana, especially
those living in Maun and Khwai, have shifted to SeTswana as their fijirst
language. The approximately 1,000 ǁAnikhwe, previously also known as
“River-Bushmen” live along the so-called Okavango Pan Handle, a swampy
area next to the Okavango River in Botswana. ǁAnikhwe settle together
with Khwe, as well as speakers of Bantu languages, mainly ThiMbukushu
and SiYeyi. (Brenzinger forthcoming).
The distribution of Khwe settlements today is the result of movements and migrations which were caused by changes in the speakers’
social, physical and political environments. Until the 1960s, many Khwe
were still highly mobile hunter-gatherers who lived in small family units
which were often separated from one another by long distances. From
the 1960s onwards, they became involved in the liberation wars in Angola
and Namibia, which led to their resettlement in army camps and eventually resulted in a dramatic change in livelihood. Today, most Namibian
Khwe live in resettlement schemes in West Caprivi, relying on subsistence
farming, the gathering of ‘bush food’ (from the Afrikaans boskos) and food
aid. Regarded as inferior by neighboring Bantu groups and treated accordingly, they sufffer from widespread alcoholism, illiteracy and HIV.
1.2
The Ts'ixa Language Community
Ts'ixa is the term most commonly applied to the local tongue and language community of Mababe, a small village located on the fringes of
the Okavango Delta in north-eastern Botswana. All speakers residing
elsewhere, e.g. in Maun or Gaborone, can be traced back to Mababe, so
one can confijidently assume that Ts'ixa is restricted to this single village.
According to Voßen’s (1997) historical-comparative study, Ts'ixa is a member of the Shua dialect cluster but shares phonological, morphological and
lexical features with Khwe-ǁAni which may be ascribed to language contact. At present, competent speakers number less than 200, hence Ts'ixa
has to be regarded as defijinitely endangered.
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Recent research has shown that Ts'ixa is neither an ethnonym nor a
term of self-reference, but rather a label employed by the Khwe of Khwai
to refer to their neighbors. However, during a workshop held in April 2011,
the community agreed to use Ts'ixa to refer to both their language and
language community.
The Ts'ixa language community is made up of former hunter-gatherers of the western part of the Chobe National Park who may originally
have spoken diffferent, albeit related, Khoeid languages. Even today, the
Mababe villagers remember what may be perceived as their actual ethnic
origins, most prominently Handaakhoe and Danisin. Although the relationship with neighboring Khwe groups has been described as strained by
the Ts'ixa, it is clear that most villagers share close family ties with both
the Khwe and ǁAni, as well as with the Danisi and Shua living in the Nata
area and around Pandamatenga.
Just like their Khwe neighbors, the Ts'ixa were mobile until the 1960s,
though most of their former dwellings are now located in Chobe National
Park and are therefore inaccessible to the community. They sufffer from
similar problems as other former hunter-gatherer groups in southern Africa, i.e. poverty, alcoholism, and an alarmingly high rate of HIV
infections.
1.3 Socio-Cultural Background
The marginalized status of these language communities has led to the
preservation of what might be considered a traditional belief system and
traditional modes of communication. To a great extent, Khwe-ǁAni and
Ts'ixa are still what Givón (2005: 235) terms a “society of intimates”:
Such societies are characterized by small group size, kin-based structure,
daily face-to-face contact, low socio-economic diffferentiation, consensual
non-hierarchic policy, great territorial stability and geographical isolation,
slow cultural change, high information stability and homogeneity—and
thus a high rate of shared knowledge, both cultural-generic and episodicspecifijic.
Since face-to-face interaction within the community itself is still of primary importance, westernized concepts only successively and fragmentarily enter the Khwe’s life and language. In part, this is also true for the
Ts'ixa, though in recent years, they have been increasingly exposed to
Tswana culture and language. Still, both language communities retain
cultural traits heavily based on what—according to the defijinition used
by Nesbitt et al. (2001)—could be labeled a holistic system of thought:
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We defijine holistic thought as involving an orientation to the context or fijield
as a whole, including attention to relationships between a focal object and
the fijield, and a preference for explaining and predicting events on the basis
of such relationships. Holistic approaches rely on experience-based knowledge rather than on abstract logic and are dialectical, meaning that there is
an emphasis on change, a recognition of contradiction and of the need for
multiple perspectives, and a search for the “Middle Way” between opposing
propositions. (Nesbitt et al. 2001: 293)
Holistic thought is contrasted by its analytic counterpart, which is generally assumed to be a feature of Western societies:
We defijine analytic thought as involving detachment of the object from
its context, a tendency to focus on attributes of the object to assign it to
categories, and a preference for using rules about the categories to explain
and predict the object’s behavior. Inferences rest in part on the practice of
decontextualizing structure from content, the use of formal logic, and avoidance of contradiction. (Nisbett et al 2001: 293–4)
The distinction between analytic vs. holistic thought rests on a long
research tradition and has been subject to studies in the fijield of cognitive and cross-cultural psychology. While most research deals with a
holistic East Asian vs. a more analytic Western culture, in a cross-cultural
investigation Witkin and Berry (1975) introduced further evidence from
migratory and sedentary foraging populations, sedentary agriculturalists, and industrialized Westerners. Their study confijirmed the previously
assumed analytic mindset of westernized societies, but also suggested
an analytic mode of thought for migratory foragers, based on their proclaimed independence as compared to the interdependence of sedentary
agriculturalists.
Among the former hunter-gatherers under discussion, livelihood and
mode of subsistence rely on the interdependence of all community members. Despite their hunting-and-gathering background, a holistic, highly
situation-based mode of thought is prevalent, which can be seen in the
Khwe-ǁAni’s conceptualizations of the world. For them, God, supernatural
beings, as well as one’s ancestors participate actively in everyday interactions. Even though they may make their physical presence known, e.g.
by slapping their relatives in protest, ancestors and God are visible only
to yǝú-kx’au, the sacred healers. Along these lines, Khwe-ǁAni, but also
Ts'ixa elders, consider all aspects of their existence as being dependent on
a supernatural power known as tcóò. Tcóò may threaten or save lives and
constitute both “healing power” and “power hostile to life”. Tcóò is any
type of medicine and treatment, but also any poison and illness. Since the
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control of tcóò is not limited to God and the ancestors, traditional healers
and sorcerers may also use or misuse this supernatural power. Healing of
severe illnesses is not an activity carried out by an individual healer alone.
It is a community efffort that aims to identify the causes of an illness, with
the treatment of physical symptoms often being of only minor concern.
Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa hold a “holistic concept of well-being” which is
also mirrored by a holistic concept of human perception and cognition as
found within linguistic structures. The following discussion of these concepts will focus on the verbs of perception in Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa by taking their semantic extensions and grammatical properties into account.
1.4
Typological Characteristics of Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa
1.4.1 General Characteristics
Both Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa are related members of the Khoeid language
family and share a number of typological features.
Both are phonologically rich languages, though Ts'ixa appears to have
a slightly reduced click-inventory when compared to Khwe-ǁAni. So far,
only the phoneme inventory of Khwe has been studied extensively (KilianHatz 2008). The language comprises 70 phonemic consonants, including
35 clicks, and 25 vowel phonemes. Being a tonal language, it has 8 distinctive tones on each syllable, consisting of 3 tone levels, plus 5 falling and
rising tones. Tone sandhi processes are common in Khwe, as they are in
other Khoeid languages.
The dominant constituent order in both Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa is AOV,
which is most commonly featured in simple clauses. However, as one element is always focused, AVO and OAV are more common in narrations and
everyday conversation (Kilian-Hatz 2008). In Khwe-ǁAni, there are three
main syntactic verb classes: intransitive, transitive and ambitransitive, with
only few ditransitive verbs (Kilian-Hatz 2008). Ts'ixa has intransitive and
transitive verbs, no distransitive and only a few ambitransitive verbs.
Like other Khoeid languages, Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa make use of a
number of derivational sufffijixes to be used on nouns and verbs. However,
while in Khwe-ǁAni, Tempus-Aspect-Mode (TAM) is generally expressed
by post-verbal sufffijixes, Ts'ixa also uses TAM-marking particles that precede the verb and follow the subject. Both languages feature PersonGender-Number (PGN)-sufffijixes on nouns and their dependents. Subject- and object-marking is optional in Khwe-ǁAni, while Ts'ixa has been
shown to display a phenomenon known as Diffferential Object Marking
(Fehn forthcoming); peripheral participants are marked obligatorily by
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postpositions. Neuter objects or subjects are never expressed in Khwe.
(Heine & Kilian-Hatz 1997).
There is no real class of adjectives in Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa, but attributes may be derived from nouns by sufffijixes. Furthermore, state verbs
often have attributive functions.
1.4.2 Multiverb Structures Denoting a Complex Event
According to Kilian-Hatz (2007, 2008, 2010), Khwe has two multiverbal
constructions that may denote a series of closely connected events: serial
verb constructions3 (‘SVC’) and converb constructions. The diffference
between the two construction types can be put as follows:
Whereas the main function of a SVC in Khwe is to express a complex event
composed by two or more single events that happen simultaneously, the
main function of a converb construction is to mark immediate succession
of two or more single events. (Kilian-Hatz 2010: 137)
While the verbs of perception in Khwe-ǁAni can be part of both SVCs and
converb constructions, Ts'ixa only makes use of the former. Both types
will be briefly outlined.
Serial verb constructions
According to Aikhenvald (2007: 1)
a serial verb construction (SVC) is a sequence of verbs which act together as
a single predicate, without any overt marker of coordination, subordination,
or syntactic dependency of any sort.
A SVC in both Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa may consist of two or more verbs
forming one intonation unit. Only the last verb is marked for tense,
aspect and mode, the preceding verbs obligatory take the active voice suffijix glossed as ‘II’ which in this context functions as a mere construction
marker (Kilian-Hatz 2010: 118). SVCs in Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa may be symmetrical, i.e. consist of verbs belonging to an open class (ex. 1.a), or asymmetrical, i.e. involve a minor verb (e.g. caá ‘fail in doing’) in a predictable
3 To consider this particular construction type a serial verb construction is controversial, as the verbal linker (glossed as II) may be seen as a conjoining element. This paper
will follow Kilian-Hatz’s terminology for reasons of convenience, but acknowledges the
existence of more unambiguous cases found in non-Khoeid languages such as !Xun (König
2010) and ǂHoan (Berthold & Gerlach forthcoming).
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slot (ex. 1.b). Note that in the following, Ts'ixa examples are marked as
such, while unmarked examples are Khwe-ǁAni.
(1.a) tí
mṹũ-a ã́-à-tǝ
ǂ’íyo
à
1sg see-ii know-i-pres snake OBJ
I recognize (identify) that snake
(1.b) tí kóḿ-á caá-a-hã
khóé
ǁ’ó-xo-a-tà
ta
1sg hear-ii fail-ii-past person die-compl-ii-past comp
I couldn’t hear properly whether the person has died [lit. I failed to hear
that the person has died]
Ts'ixa:
(1.c) tí kò
mṹũ̀-à ã̀ã́
nóxà-mà
1sg ipfv see-ii know snake-sg.m.acc
I recognize the snake
(1.d) tí
kúḿ-à
1sg hear-ii
I overheard
à
foc.acc
sáà-nà-tà
fail-i-past
In the languages under discussion, it is mostly symmetrical SVCs that may
be translated as a single predicate or that become idiomatic in meaning. As
will be shown, the semantic path from perception to cognition is marked
by the lexicalization of SVCs involving a verb of perception and ã́ ‘know’,
to be translated as ‘recognize/identify by mode of perception’.
Converb Constructions
Until now, Khwe has been the only Khoeid language known to make use
of this construction type. Similar to an SVC, a converb construction may
consist of two or more verbs, only one of which takes the TAM marking.
The other verb(s) take the converb marker -kò which is obligatorily suffijixed to the active morpheme ‘II’. Other than the verbs in a SVC, the verbs
in a converb construction do not form a single predicate and denote a
series of closely connected events rather than a complex event (ex. 2).
(2)
nǂṹ-á-kò
tákò mṹũ̀ gyáò-á-kò
fénstere4 ki
sit-II-conv then see
look-ii-conv window prox
you must sit and look through the window to see
4 Afrikaans loanword.
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According to Kilian-Hatz (2010: 134), the most frequent converb construction type in Khwe is ‘manner’, i.e. the fijirst verb describes how the action
encoded in the second verb is performed. Along these lines, the activity
type verb ‘touch’ is expressed by a converb construction combining the
verb xó ‘hold’ with ǁám̀ ‘perceive’.
2
The Verbs of Perception
2.1 The Verbs of Perception in Khoeid Languages
In 1984, Viberg published the results of his typological study on the verbs
of perception in 53 languages. Dividing the fijield into fijive sensory modalities (see, hearing, touch, taste, smell) and three fijield-independent
parameters (activity, experience, copulative), he put forward a hierarchy of the senses with see on top and taste/smell at the bottom.
Since hardly any language covered the whole fijield by 15 independently
lexicalized expressions, Viberg postulated a linguistic universal according
to which verbs for higher sensory modalities may extend to lower modalities, but not the other way round (cf. Fig. 7.1).
While subsequent works on the subject (e.g. Evans & Wilkins 2000,
Viberg 2001) seemed to confijirm this hierarchy, none of them included
data from any Khoisan language.
Only recent research by Hirosi Nakagawa (forthcoming) on the Khoeid
dialect cluster ǀGui-ǁGana, involving the linguistic varieties ǀGui, ǁGana
and ǂHaba spoken in Botswana, can be regarded as a step towards fijilling
the void. Interestingly, Nakagawa’s data seems to suggest a break with
Viberg’s hierarchy as it was postulated in 1984. ǂHaba possesses three
verbs to denote sensory perception: móò ‘see’, kóḿ ‘hear’ and ǁám̀ ‘touch,
taste, smell’. Following Viberg (1984), the basic meaning of ǁám̀ should
be expected to lie with ‘touch’, extending to the lower sensory modalities
taste and smell. Linguistic evidence, however, suggests that the basic
meaning is in fact ‘taste’ or rather ‘perceive orally’, which expanded to
cover non-oral meanings such as ‘touch’ and ‘smell’.
In ǀGui and ǁGana, the verb kúḿ ‘hear’ extended its meaning to all sensory modalities denoting non-visual perception. While this is in accordance
SEE > HEARING > TOUCH > TASTE/SMELL
Figure 7.1. Viberg’s (1984) hierarchy
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with Viberg’s hierarchy, the existence of a hyponym of kúḿ, a verb ǁám̀
‘have a taste of ’, further strengthens the above hypothesis, by which
a verb denoting taste extended to cover a higher sensory modality,
namely touch.
Even though, Khwe and ǁAni are closely related varieties of one language, only ǁAni shares the extension of kóm̀ ‘to hear’ with ǀGui and ǁGana
with respect to SMELL. ǁAni employ kóm̀ in an extended meaning, next
to ǁám̀ , in perceiving ‘smell’.
A two-fold division with a verb for visual and another one for nonvisual perception as found in ǀGui and ǁGana is a recurring feature of African languages. Younger speakers of Ts'ixa also extend a verb kúḿ ‘hear’
to cover both ‘touch’ and ‘taste’, but not ‘smell’, the latter being expressed
by either hùḿ or ǁám̀ . The extensions of kúḿ in ǁAni and Ts'ixa might
be explained by a conceptual transfer, possibly triggered by language
contact, as several southern African Bantu languages, such as SeTswana,
but also Khoisan languages such as !Xóõ (Traill 1994: 154) and possibly
!Xun (Heine & König 2008: 64) extend a verb denoting hearing to cover
all non-visual sense modalities. The extension of kóḿ or one of its variants in some Khoeid languages may therefore be explained as an areal
feature.
Voßen (1997) established Khoeid (Khoe-Sprachen) as a genealogically
related linguistic unit in his essential historical-comparative study. He
lists lexemes for see and hearing, along with a verb ǁám̀ ‘feel’ for KhweǁAni, Naro, as well as for the dialect clusters Shua and Tshwa. Even though
ǁám̀ might have lost its basic status in some varieties for reasons outlined
above, it seems that the three-fold division in the following suggested for
Khwe-ǁAni actually comprises a general Khoeid feature rather than just a
characteristic of Khwe and ǂHaba. In all languages taken into account by
the authors, this hypothesis is supported by the retention of conceptual
patterns related to the notion of body-feeling, no matter whether these
are still connected to ǁám̀ or have been transferred to kóḿ/kúḿ.
2.2 The Verbs of Perception in Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa
The Khwe-ǁAni dialect cluster has a three-verb system in the experiencerbased fijields of activity and experience, and a two-verb system in the
phenomenon-based domain. The verbs mṹũ̀ ‘see’, kóḿ ‘hear’ and ǁám̀ with
a basic meaning ‘perceive food’, but covering ‘taste’, ‘touch’, and ‘smell’
express activity as well as experience. For state, the verb íi ‘look like’
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Table 7.1. The verbs of perception in Khwe-ǁAni
see
hearing
perceive
food
touch
taste
smell
Experiencer-based
Activity
Experience
Phenomenonbased state
mṹũ̀
kóḿ
hold.CONV + ǁám̀
ǁám̀
ǁám̀ + OBJ
mṹũ̀
kóḿ
ǁám̀ + OBJ
ǁám̀ + OBJ
ǁám̀ + OBJ
(khóá-ná) íi
(khóá-ná) ǂ’ĩí
(khóá-ná) ǂ’ĩí
(khóá-ná) ǂ’ĩí
(khóá-ná) ǂ’ĩí
is used in the visual domain, and ǂ’ĩí ‘be like’ for all remaining sensory
modalities. These state verbs may combine with the verb khóá ‘resemble’
and are discussed in more detail in section 2.4.of this chapter.
All verbs in the experiencer-based domains of activity and experience
are monotransitive, i.e. they take on a direct object which may be marked
by à or one of its allomorphs. It is important to note that neuter objects
are never encoded in Khwe.
The following table provides an overview of the verbs of perception in
Khwe-ǁAni. Subsequently, they will be discussed in detail with respect to
the domains of activity and experience.
The situation in Ts'ixa is slightly more complicated than in Khwe-ǁAni,
as speakers display an idiolectal variation that is connected to age and ethnic afffijiliations outside the Ts'ixa language community (most commonly
speakers of Bantu languages or Shua). As has already been mentioned,
younger speakers in particular tend to calque SeTswana by extending
kúḿ ‘hear’ to all non-visual sense modalities, with the exception of ‘smell’,
which is mostly expressed by hùḿ. In particular older speakers of nonShua origin use the system outlined above for Khwe-ǁAni with three basic
perception verbs: mṹũ̀ ‘see’, kúḿ ‘hear’ and ǁám̀ ‘touch, taste, smell’, all of
which may cover both activity and experience, as well as combine with
khónà to denote the phenomenon-based category. Most speakers additionally use hùḿ for ‘smell’, though it is commonly acknowledged that in
this context, it can be used interchangeably with ǁám̀ . Just like the other
verbs mentioned, hùḿ may also combine with khónà.
Verbs denoting body action in Ts'ixa include gáò ‘look at, search’, kyékyé ‘listen’, xóò ‘hold’ and zàá ‘have a taste’. These may not be combined
with khónà, but frequently extend into the activity domain. They are not
included in the table below, as their semantics are obviously not rooted
in perception or perceptive action.
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Table 7.2. The verbs of perception in Ts'ixa
see
hearing
perceive
food
touch
taste
smell
Experiencer-based
Activity
Experience
Phenomenonbased state
mṹũ̀
kúḿ
ǁám̀ + OBJ
ǁám̀
ǁám̀ + OBJ
hùḿ
mṹũ̀
kúḿ
ǁám̀ + OBJ
ǁám̀
ǁám̀ + OBJ
hùḿ
khónà íì
khónà kúḿ
khónà ǁám̀
khónà ǁám̀
khónà ǁám̀
khónà hùḿ
2.2.1 mṹũ̀—SEE
Mṹũ̀ is restricted to the fijield of vision and thus has no intrafijield-extensions
to other sensory modalities. The root is widespread in Khoeid, with very
little variation in its meaning (Voßen 1997). mṹũ̀ may cover activity, i.e.
‘look’ (ex. 3.a), though another verb gyaó (Ts'ixa: gáò) is often used synonymously in this domain (ex. 3.b). The converb construction in example
(3.b), however, suggests that the basic meaning of gyaó is actually a body
action, i.e. ‘using one’s eyes’, rather than a perceptive activity. If gyaó is
used to denote the latter, it is primarily in contexts where body action is
foregrounded, e.g. with the meaning ‘search’ or ‘look for’ (ex. 3.d). Ts'ixa
mirrors Khwe-ǁAni (ex. 3.e), though it could be observed that gáò was
used slightly more frequently to denote activity than in the Khwe-ǁAni
corpus (ex. 3.f ). However, it still remains rooted in body action, as can
be gathered from example 3.g. In what follows, examples from Ts'ixa will
always be marked as such, while Khwe-ǁAni remains unmarked.
activity
(3.a) mṹũ̀
nà
gùì
é
look.imp and take imp
look and take (it)! (Kilian-Hatz 2008: 287)
(3.b) tí nǁáa gyaó-à-kò
mṹũ̀
1sg say
look-ii-conv see
I said: look (i.e. use your eyes) and see!
(3.c) tcá
gyaó-ǝ-tǝ
vé
2sg.m look-i-pres neg
you are not looking (i.e. not using your eyes)!
(3.d) tcá
khú-a-kò
gyáò
2sg.m turn-ii-conv look
you, turn and search (i.e. go back and look for, e.g. the book)!
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Ts'ixa:
(3.e) pítà-m̀
mṹũ̀-nà-hà zìrá-ǀṍã́-zà
à
<name>-sg.m see-ii-pfv vulture-child-pl.f.acc foc.acc
Peter saw/looked at the birds
(3.f ) zìrá ti
kò
gáò
bird 1sg ipfv look
I am looking at a bird
(3.g) gáò-nà mṹũ̀
look-II see
look (i.e. use your eyes) and see!
To denote experience, both Khwe-ǁAni (ex. 4.a-c) and Ts'ixa (ex. 3.e)
unanimously use mṹũ̀.
experience
(4.a) tí ǂxéí-kà
mṹũ̀-à-tǝ
1sg eye-inst see-i-pres
I see with the eyes
(4.b) tí mṹũ̀-à-tǝ khó-mà
1sg see-I-pres person-sg.m
I see a man
à
obj
̀
(4.c) cáò
bérgǝ5
à
mṹũ-vé-rè-xà
2du.f mountains obj see-neg-ii-ger
have you never seen mountains before
In both activity and experience, mṹũ̀ is a monotransitive verb and takes
on a direct object which may be marked with à or one of its allomorphs.
Though Kilian-Hatz (2003: 51) considers gyaó to be a monotransitive verb,
it appears to be ambitransitive; when used to denote a body action, gyaó
does not take an object and acts intransitively, while it is a transitive verb
in the realm of perceptive action.
2.2.2 kóḿ—Hearing
Like mṹũ̀, kóḿ in Khwe-ǁAni is limited to only one sensory modality,
namely hearing. It is used to express both activity (ex. 5.a) and experience (ex. 6.a), while another verb ǂé-ǂé (lit. ‘ear-ear’) denotes the underlying
body action. ǂé-ǂé is an ambitransitive verb that can be used intransitively
5 Afrikaans loanword.
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when denoting mere body action, but kóḿ is purely monotransitive in all
its functions. Like any monotransitive verb in Khwe, it can be intransitivized by adding a neuter-passive (ex. 5.b) or a marker that derives state
verbs (Kilian-Hatz 2008: 132).
activity
(5.a) tcá
kóḿ-a-tè
vé
2sg.m listen-i-pres neg
you are not listening
(5.b) hĩi ̃́
tìyó ǂé-ǂé-ì-kò
kóḿ-è ’á xó-hɛ̀ ’ɛ̀
hort then ear-ear-imps-conv hear-imps that
thing-sg.f.obj
let us then listen and hear about that thing
(5.c) tcá
ǂé-ǂé-e-tè
vé
2sg.m ear-ear-i-pres neg
you are not listening (lit. not using your ears)
experience
(6.a) tí ǂé-kà
kóḿ-a-tè
1sg ear-inst hear-i-pres
I hear with the ears
(6.b) àhãã́ ápa cɛ́rɛ́-na-kò
ngyɛ́-ɛ-hã
yes
dog sound-ii-conv pass_by-ii-past
yes, it is the dog rustling while passing by
Kóḿ or variants thereof are found throughout the Khoeid languages with
the meaning ‘listen, hear’ (Voßen 1997), but only in some languages does
it expand to all lower sensory modalities, i.e. touch, taste and smell.
This latter extension does not apply to Khwe, where kóḿ is restricted to
the auditory domain and does not have any intrafijield extensions. Younger
speakers of Ts'ixa, on the other hand, frequently extend kúḿ ‘hear’ to
cover touch, taste, and—to a lesser extent—smell.
Otherwise, Ts'ixa parallels Khwe in having one verb kyé-kyé (lit. ‘earear’) to denote primarily body action (ex. 7.a) but extending into the
activity domain (ex. 7.b), and kúḿ ‘hear’ for the fijields of both activity
and experience (ex. 7.c).
Ts'ixa:
(7.a) kyé-kyé!
ear-ear
listen! (lit. use your ears!)
(7.b) pítá-m̀
kò
kyé-kyé ǀíì-sà
<name>-sg.m ipfv ear-ear song-sg.f.acc
Peter is listening to the song.
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foc.acc
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(7.c) tí kò
kúḿ kyé-sèrà kà
1sg ipfv hear ear-du.f ins
I hear with the ears
Apart from the verbs mentioned above, the Khwe-ǁAni lexicon is rather
specifijic when it comes to the semantic domain of auditory perception.
There is no generic term akin to the English sound, but specifijic sounds
have been lexicalized independently, e.g.:
cɛ́rɛ́ ‘rustling sound’ (made by wind, people passing by, etc.)
kx’ɛ́ ‘crying sound’ (made by children, birds, mice, etc.)
ǂguú ‘growl’ (of lion, dog, car, strong wind, etc.)
2.2.3 ǁám̀ —Perceive Food
Just like ǂHaba, both Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa use a verb ǁám̀ to cover the
remaining sensory modalities touch, taste and smell. However, Ts'ixa
difffers from Khwe-ǁAni insofar as smell is frequently covered by a verb
hùḿ. Our own data seems to confijirm Nakagawa’s (forthcoming) hypothesis, according to which the basic meaning of ǁám̀ lies with ‘taste’, i.e.
‘oral perception’ rather than with ‘touch’. Taken in isolation (ex. 8), ǁám̀
is translated as ‘taste’, though in unambiguous contexts the verb may also
denote both activity and experience for ‘touch’ and ‘smell’.
(8)
ǂ‘ṹ
a
tí ǁám̀ -a-tè
vé
food obj 1sg perceive-i-pres neg
I do not smell/taste/feel [cf. touch] (e.g. the food)
Further evidence for a basic meaning ‘perceive food’ is found in the secondary meaning ‘have a taste’ and the semantic extension ‘try (primarily
food)’.
An explanation for the intrafijield-extensions to touch and smell was
provided by a Khwe consultant, who insisted that the oral perception of
food involves all three modalities, e.g. touch, taste and smell. While the
link between taste and smell in food perception seems obvious, the addition of touch needs further elaboration. For Khwe, the texture and consistency of food (e.g. meat, fruit, veld food) is of crucial importance, as it
gives information regarding factors such as ripeness or state of decay.
Nakagawa (forthcoming) describes a highly elaborate lexicon in the fijield
of food perception, including a large number of “elaborate taste verbs” and
“food texture verbs” for the ǀGui-ǁGana cluster. Khwe and Ts'ixa seem to
share several ideophones with ǀGui-ǁGana which are either “food texture
verbs” or lexemes with related meanings.
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Table 7.3. Food texture verbs in Khwe and Ts'ixa
Khwe
Ts'ixa
‘have the texture of . . .
ts’àm ts’àm
ǁxám̀ ǁxám̀
kx’òàrà kx’óàrà
ǀq’àm̀ ǀq’ám̀
xòm xóm
ǀxòm̀ ǀxóḿ
ǀx’ã́ĩǹ ǀx’ã́ĩǹ
ts’ám̀ ts’àm̀
ǁxáǹ ǁxàǹ
sóárá sóárà
—
xúm̀ xúm̀
—
—
ǂxã́ĩn ǂxã́ĩǹ
ǂx’óbó ǂx’òbò
ǂáyò ǂáyò
xúbí xùbì
xóbó xòbò
ǂx’ã́ũ̀ ǂx’ã́ũ̀
ts’óḿ ts’òm̀
nǂàì nǂáí
ǀqṹ ǀqṹ
qàm qám
ǂùbù ǂúbù
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
qáḿ qám̀
—
easy eating, soft meat’
sand’
dry food which was not properly cooked’
nice, fat meat’
biscuits, soil or mushrooms’
small, crispy things’
something that must be chewed, e.g. chicken
breastbones’
soft bones of small animals, e.g. duiker’
gum’
sticky food’
fresh cooked beans, trunk of water lily’
dry cornflakes’
raw meat with bones’
intestines, sausage’
something creamy, soft or slippery’
bones when sucked on’
roasted seeds’
something muddy, e.g. cold boiled potato’
ǀGui has a food texture verb !gã́ũ̀ !gã́ũ̀ ‘have the texture of rubbery meat’
(Nakagawa forthcoming). A similar ideophone !gã̀ũ̀ !gã́ṹ in Khwe denotes
a bodily condition resulting from eating rubbery meat, i.e. ‘have a swollen
stomach’ rather than the consistency of the meat itself.
Apart from the verbs specifying texture, Khwe and Ts'ixa also have a
number of what Nakagawa terms “elaborate taste verbs”, even though it
is not clear in all examples whether they should actually be considered
verbs or rather adjectives.
Table 7.4. Taste terms in Khwe and Ts'ixa
Khwe
Ts'ixa
Gloss
ǀòárá
ǂùì ǂúí
tsɛ́rú
kx’ɛ́ú
q’áré
ǂxámì
ǂhòá
—
—
tsɛ́rù
k’áú
qárè
—
—
‘have a sour, rough taste’
‘have a nice, sweet taste’
‘(be) sour’
‘(be) bitter’
‘(be) sweet’
‘(be) hot’
‘(be) tasteless’
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Table 7.5. Smell terms in Khwe and Ts'ixa
Khwe
Ts'ixa
Gloss
ǁx’ãṍ ̀
cĩi ̃ ǁx’ã́õ̀
xṹũ ǁx’ã́õ̀
kyã́ĩ ǁx’ã́õ̀
qáré ǁx’ã́õ̀
ǁx’ãṍ ̀
—
xṹũ̀ ǁx’ã́õ̀
kã́ĩ̀ ǁx’ã́õ̀
qárè ǁx’ã́õ̀
‘smell’ (neutral)
‘strong smell’ (e.g. of honey badger)
‘rotten smell’ (e.g. of rotten meat or spoiled milk)
‘pleasant smell’
‘sweet smell’
While the fijield of olfactory perception seems to be less developed, Khwe
and Ts'ixa have nevertheless lexicalized a number of terms to refer to specifijic smells, involving a state verb and the generic noun ǁx’ã́õ̀ ‘smell’.
As Khwe and Ts'ixa have several means to specify the meaning of ǁám̀ ,
depending on the sensory modality, taste, smell and touch and will be
treated independently.
2.2.4 Taste
‘Taste’ comes closest as the basic meaning of ǁám̀ ‘perceive’, and no
semantic or grammatical means are required to specify the verb when
used in this meaning in Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa. However, only ǁAni has
lexicalized a generic term for ‘taste’, the noun ǂhĩ-hɛ̀. In its genuine use,
ǁám̀ may cover both activity (ex. 9) and experience (ex. 10), and is
monotransitive.
activity
(9.a) tcá
yaá
ǁám̀
2sg.m come perceive
come and taste!
è
imp
(9.b) tí
ǁám̀ -a-tè
kyãĩ́
1sg perceive-i-pres be.pleasant
I perceive (taste) pleasant food
ǂ’ṹ
a
food obj
Ts'ixa:
(9.c) Háà-nà ǁám̀
come-II perceive
come and taste!
experience
(10.a) tí dòvèe a
dáma-kà
ǁám̀ -a-tè
1sg salt
obj tongue-inst perceive-i-pres
I perceive (taste) the salt with the tongue
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Ts'ixa:
(10.b) pítá-m̀
nǀgé dòbéè
<name>-sg.m past salt
Peter tasted salt in the soup
ǁám̀
tsáà-m̀
perceive soup-sg.m
à
loc
Ts'ixa extends an additional verb, zàá ‘have a taste’ into the domain of
perceptive activity (ex.11).
Ts'ixa:
(11) pítá-m̀
nǀgé zàá
’yṹṹ-sà
<name>-sg.m narr taste food-sg.f.acc
Peter tasted the food
à
foc.acc
2.2.5 Smell
ǁám̀ can be used without any specifijic object, if the context determines
smell rather than taste. However, with ǁám̀ being a monotransitive verb,
the meaning can be specifijied by adding an unambiguous object, e.g. an
associative construction consisting of the generic noun ǁx’ã́õ̀ ‘smell’ and
the smelled object or phenomenon (cf. ex. 13.b). Even though ǁAni and
Khwe share most of the conceptual features under discussion, they difffer
in that in ǁAni, kóm̀ ‘to hear’ can be used in an extended meaning, alongside ǁám̀ , to express ‘perceiving smell’ (13.c.).
activity
(12) tcá
yaá
ǁx’ã́õ̀ a
ǁám̀
è
2sg.m come smell obj perceive imp
you, come and perceive the smell!
Experience
(13.a) tí ǁx’ã́õ̀ a
ǂùì-kà
ǁám̀ -a-tè
1sg smell obj nose-inst perceive-i-pres
I perceive the smell with the nose
(13.b) xàḿ a
dì
ǁx’ã́õ̀ a
tí
ǁám̀ -a-tè
lion foc poss smell obj 1sg perceive-i-pres
I smell the lion’s smell
̀
(13.c) xàḿ dì
ǁx’ãṍ -ma
tí
kóḿ-a-tè
lion poss smell-sg.m 1sg hear-i-pres
I smell the lion’s smell (ǁAni)
ǁám̀ in Ts'ixa also covers smell (ex. 14.a), though another verb, hùḿ,
has been lexicalized with the meaning ‘smell’ for both activity and
experience (ex. 14.b).
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Ts'ixa:
(14.a) pítá-m̀
’yṹṹ-sà
ǁám̀
<name>-sg.m food-sg.f.acc perceive
Peter smelled (at) the food
(14.b) pítá-m̀
ǀgé
hùḿ ɲúníì
<name>-sg.m narr smell mouse
Peter smelled a mouse in the soup
tsáà-m̀
à
soup-sg.m loc
2.2.6 Touch
The meaning of touch is probably hardest to specify, even by means
of a direct object. For that reason, Khwe-ǁAni uses a slightly diffferent
strategy in combining ǁám̀ with the verb xó ‘hold’ in a converb construction (ex. 15). Since ‘hold’ denotes an activity rather than an experience,
this construction type is limited to activity. experience ‘feel’ has to be
deduced from the context (ex. 16). In both cases, however, ǁám̀ functions
as a monotransitive verb and takes on a direct object.
activity
(15.a) tí
ǂqoó a
cèú-kà
xò-ò-kò
1sg dirt obj hand-inst hold-ii-conv
I perceive (touch) dirt with the hand
(15.b) yaá
xò-ò-kò
come hold-ii-conv
come and touch!
ǁám̀ -a-tè
perceive-i-pres
ǁám̀
perceive
experience
(16.a) natá tcá
ǁám̀ -a-tè
nǀí ta tí
hĩí no
how 2sg.m perceive-i-pres this so 1sg do when
how does it feel when I touch you like this?
(16.b) tí
ǁám̀ -a-tè
kyã́ĩ
a
1sg perceive-i-pres be_pleasant obj
it (the touch) feels good (lit. I perceive the pleasant)
While younger speakers of Ts'ixa use kúḿ to denote tactile perception
(ex. 17.a), ǁám̀ may be used instead (ex. 17.b). It is also interesting to note
that activity is most commonly encoded by xóò ‘hold’ (ex. 17.c), which in
this context extends its meaning to ‘touch’ without being part of a multiverb construction with either kúḿ or ǁám̀ .
Ts'ixa:
(17.a) tí
kò
ǁ’ṹ-sà
kúḿ
1sg impv bark-sg.f.acc hear
I am touching the bark (of a tree)
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(17.b) pítá-m̀
nǀgé ǁám̀
gìràá-sà
<name>-sg.m past perceive cloth-sg.f.acc
Peter touched/felt the cloth
(17.c) pítá-m̀
nǀgé xóò gìrà-sà
<name>-sg.m past hold cloth-sg.f.acc
Peter touched the cloth
2.3
à
foc.acc
à
foc.acc
The Phenomenon-Based State Verbs íi and ǂ’ĩí in Khwe-ǁAni
In Khwe-ǁAni, the phenomenon-based category state (e.g. Engl. ‘look
like’/‘be like’) is expressed by two basic verbs: íi ‘look like’ for the visual
domain, and ǂ’ĩí ‘be like’ for all non-visual modalities. This two-fold division becomes transparent when taking into account the corresponding
nouns, i.e. íi ‘appearance’ and ǂ’ĩí ‘manner’. Both verbs are generally part of
an SVC, most commonly with the verb khóá ‘resemble’. Kilian-Hatz (2008:
266–7) suggests that *khṍã́ once functioned as a full verb ‘be like’, but has
been replaced by íi and ǂ’ĩí in recent times. Today, khóá and its variants
function as similative markers, whereas the frequently occurring variant
khóá-ná still bears witness to its use as fijirst verb in an SVC.
(18)
tó
ã́
khòà-xà Wíndùku
2pl.c know like-ger Windhoek
You know it as Windhoek
When combined with khóá(-ná), íi (ex. 19.a) and ǂ’ĩí (ex. 19.b) may or may
not take on TAM-marking; thus this construction has not yet fully grammaticalized into a mere copula. There seems to be no change in meaning, regardless of the grammatical construction in which íi and ǂ’ĩí are
embedded.
(19.a) ǀgãã̀ ́́ khóá(-ná)
íi-yè-tè
leaf resemble(-II) look.like-i-pres
it looks like a leaf/it could be a leaf
(19.b) nǀí
cɛ́rɛ́-hɛ̀
ǂ’ã́
khóá(-ná)
ǂ’ĩí́
dem rustle-sg.f wind resemble(-II) be-like
this rustle is (sounds) like the (rustling of the) wind
According to Kilian-Hatz (2008: 307), another way for íi and ǂ’ĩí to combine
with other verbs is as minor verbs in an asymmetrical SVC. In this case,
the exact meaning is dependent on the position of íi/ǂ’ĩi.́ If they are used
as last verb (V2), the fijirst verb describes the way the object looks/is like
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181
(ex. 20.a). If they occur in V1-position, however, the meaning changes to
‘seem’ or ‘pretend’ (ex. 20.b).
(20.a) tá-khò-mà
ǁó-ó íi-e-tè
old-ag-3sg.m die-II look-like-i-pres
the old man looks like being dead (Kilian-Hatz 2008: 307)
(20.b) tá-khò-mà
íi-e
ǁó-à-tè
old-ag-3sg.m look-like-II die-i-pres
the old man seems/pretends to die (Kilian-Hatz 2008: 307)
The system found in Ts'ixa is slightly diffferent, though based on khónà, the
etymology of which probably mirrors the one outlined above for KhweǁAni. Khónà may combine with all perception verbs (ex. 21.b–e) except
for mṹũ̀, as state in the visual domain is expressed by khónà íì (ex. 21.a).
According to one speaker, khónà ǁám̀ may be used to express state for all
non-visual modalities, i.e. akin to Khwe-ǁAni khóá(-na) ǂ’ĩí (cf. ex. 21.e).
Ts'ixa:
(21.a) hìí-cì
mé-cí
ǀèé
tree-sg.f dem-sg.f wildebeest
that tree looks like a wildebeest
(21.b) dùḿ-m̀
mé-m̀
kùè tí
voice-sg.m dem-sg.m prog 1sg
dí-m̀
khónà kúḿ-cì
poss-sg.m be_like hear-refl
that voice sounds like my sister’s
khónà ìí
è
be-like look-like cop
ká
táxù-cì
assoc sibling-sg.F
(21.c) tsáà-m̀
dòbéè khónà ǁám̀ -nà-tà
soup-sg.m salt
be_like perceive-i-past
the soup tasted of salt
(21.d) tsáà-m̀
ɲúníì khónà
soup-sg.m mouse be_like
the soup smelled of mouse
hùḿ-nà-hà
smell-II-pfv
(21.e) ’é-m̀
kà
xúnú-m̀
xàḿ
3sg.m assoc snore-sg.m lion
his snore sounds like a lion’s roar
3
!’ùdí khónà ǁám̀
roar be_like perceive
è
cop
Transfield Extension to Cognition
Sweetser’s (1990) claim that the perceptive verbs denoting vision are universally the most productive when extending from the perceptual into
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the cognitive domain has been challenged by Evans & Wilkins (2000).
Their study on 69 Australian languages revealed that the transfijield fijigurative projection of sense verbs into the domain of cognition is far more
open to cultural variation than intrafijield extensions are (Evans & Wilkins
2000: 547).
As stated above, the language communities treated in this article tend
to perceive the world and its mechanisms in a situation-based, holistic
fashion that is mirrored by cultural practices, conceptualization patterns
and language structures. Following the decisive role of cultural variables
claimed by Evans & Wilkins (2000), a closer look at the transfijield extensions found in Khwe should be expected to reveal additional properties
underlying the verbs of perception. Indeed, as will be shown in the following discussion, primacy is not ascribed to visual or auditory perception, but to a holistic understanding of sensory perception expressed by
the verb ǁám̀ . Only elaboration on the transfijield extensions of all verbs
of perception as well as consideration of the cultural subtext may shed
light on the speakers’ classifijication and assessment of knowledge. Thus,
this chapter will discuss the cognitive extensions of mṹũ̀ ‘see’, kóḿ ‘hear’
and ǁám̀ ‘perceive food’ (‘taste’, ‘smell’, ‘touch’) in order to postulate a
conclusive hypothesis on how body action and subsequent perception is
cognized and transformed into knowledge.
3.1
Grammatical Patterns of Transfijield Extension to Cognition
The verbs of perception in Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa require a specifijic grammatical frame to extend into the cognitive domain without situational or
cultural context. In both languages, the verbs of perception can be combined with the verb ã́ ‘know’ in a symmetrical SVC to take on a cognitive
meaning. In this construction, the perceptive verbs do not function as
a closed class, i.e. they cannot be considered evidentiality markers. This
specifijic kind of SVC should be translated as ‘recognize/identify by mode
of perception’ rather than ‘know by mode of perception’, which fijits
with Aikhenvald’s (2007) observation that
symmetrical SVCs tend to become idiomatic in meaning. Some then become
lexicalized to the extent of losing their segmentability [. . .]. As a result of
such extensive lexicalization, the language loses its symmetrical SVCs [. . .].
(Aikhenvald 2007: 34)
The meaning of the whole is not equal to the sum of meanings of the components, and none of the components can be substituted with another verb.
(Aikhenvald 2007: 11)
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While Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa have not lost their symmetrical SVCs, SVCs
involving the verbs of perception undergo lexicalization processes. By consequence, they may be translated as single predicates, i.e. ‘recognize’ (lit.
‘see-know’) or ‘understand’ (i.e. ‘hear-know’). Though “the meaning of the
whole is not equal to the sum of meanings of the components” anymore,
an observation made by Bruce (1988) should be taken into account:
Serialisation of roots in a verb stem is restricted to sequences of events
which are commonly associated culturally or for which there is a cultural
basis or pragmatic reason for their close association. (Bruce 1988: 30, quoted
in Aikhenvald 2007: 11)
This suggests that the present stage was probably preceded by what
Evans & Wilkins (2000) term a “bridging context”, namely an intermediate stage in which perception features and cognition features are merged.
(Evans & Wilkins 2000: 577)
Along these lines, perception and knowledge, are connected in that
their interplay is considered a culturally complex event by the speakers,
leading to the creation of idiomatic combinations, i.e. SVCs (cf. Aikhenvald 2007: 12). However, while the combination of visual or auditory perception and knowledge merrily leads to recognition, ǁám̀ -a-ã́ ‘see-II-know’
may actually denote a holistic understanding of the world. While this particular SVC in some cases might be translated as ‘recognize by tasting/
smelling/touching’, the genuine meaning is ‘anticipate’, or rather ‘know
what is going to happen’.
The following table provides an overview of the cognitive extensions
of the verbs of perception in Khwe in a SVC. The combination with ã́
to express recognition by perception seems to be the most common.
Data from Naro (Visser 2010) suggest that verbs of perception are rather
productive in combining with other verbs to form new lexical units. In
Khwe, however, we were not able to detect any other idiomatic expressions involving the verbs of perception, save for the ones given in the table
under “other extensions”.
Table 7.6. From perception to cognition
Sight
Cognition mṹũ-a-ã́
see-II-know
‘recognize’
‘identify by
seeing’
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Hearing
kóm-a-ã́
hear-II-know
‘understand’
‘identify by
hearing’
Perceiving Food
Holistic
Touch
Smell
Taste
xò-ò-kò
hold-II-CONV
(Khwe-ǁAni only)
ǁám̀ -a-ã́́
perceive-II-know
‘identify by touching’
ǁám-a-ã́
perceive-I-know
1. ‘identify by tasting/
smelling/ touching’
2. ‘anticipate’
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Table 7.6 (cont.)
Sight
Hearing
Perceiving Food
Touch
Other
mṹũ-a-khom
extensions see-II-cut
‘distinguish
by shape/size/
colour’
(Khwe-ǁAni
only)
3.2
Holistic
Smell
Taste
ǁám̀ -ca
perceive-VOL
‘Let’s try!’ (food, ride a bicycle, etc.)
(Khwe-ǁAni only)
The Semantics of the Verbs of Perception in the Cognitive Domain
3.2.1 mṹũ̀ -> mṹũ̀-a-ã́
One of the most frequent lexicalized SVCs to be found in Khwe-ǁAni is
mṹũ-a-ã́ ‘recognize’, i.e. ‘recognize by vision’ or ‘identify what is seen’
(ex. 22.a). The merely perceptive nature of mṹũ̀ becomes obvious when
contrasted with mṹũ-a-ã́, which denotes an extension to cognition, albeit
not knowledge (ex. 22.b).
(22.a) tí mṹũ-a ã́́-à-tè
ǂ’íyo
à
1sg see-II know-I-pres snake obj
I recognize (identify) that snake
̀
(22.b) tí
mṹũ-à-tè
támà ti
mṹũ-a ã́-à-tè
1sg see-I-pres but
1sg see-II know-i-pres
I see, but I do not recognize (I cannot identify)
vé
neg
The same construction type is found in Ts'ixa (ex. 23):
Ts'ixa:
(23) tí
kò
mṹũ̀-à ã̀ã́́
nòxá-m̀
1sg ipfv see-II know snake-sg.m
I recognize (identify) that snake
mé-mà
à
dem-sg.m.acc foc.acc
In Khwe-ǁAni, there is a specifijic kind of knowledge apparently linked to
visual perception in terms of truth value. The lexicalized term mṹũ-ã́-khòè
‘see-know-person’ as found in ex.24 clearly refers to someone who knows
about something because he has seen it with his own eyes. Still, it is quite
unlikely that the lexicalized SVC mṹũ-a-ã́ can be interpreted along the
same lines.
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(24)
185
ní
tà ǂx‘óa mĩ tcá
di
mṹũ-ã́-khòè
what so ask
say 2sg.m poss see-know-person
you as a see-knowledgeable person, say, what can you ask?
What appears to be more common is a direct semantic extension from
mṹũ̀ ‘see’ to ‘know’, without the verb ã́ ‘know’. This extension, however, is
restricted to cultural contexts in which the visual domain can be considered as primary, e.g. the observation of nature (ex. 25.a) or the collection
of medical plants (ex. 25.b) in ǁAni.
(25.a) kx’oxú xà-nà
aná guní-é-ǁòè támáxà nákò ka
meat
dem-pl.c that hunt-i-hab then
when with
gúní-é-ǁòè ǀám mṹũ-a-ǁòè nákà
hunt-i-hab time see-i-hab with
they (the ǁAnikhwe) also know (see) when it is time for hunting game
(25.b) á-ta
mṹũ-a ã́
nà
ngyávé-cà ǀám xó-cà
dem-be_so see-II know and girafffe-du.f two thing-du.f
ǂhɛ́-ǁx’áé
nà tcóò tíó
á
ǀõ̀ã̀
à
tcákà-rà-xú
fijill-together and treat then that child obj good-ii-comp
it is known (seen) that there are two girafffe (-medicines) you have to mix
and when you treat the child (with them) it recovers
While visual perception may not necessarily extend to knowledge for
ordinary Khwe, diffferent rules apply to traditional healers (yèú-kx’ao). In
an interview with Matthias Brenzinger (2002), the yèú-kx’ao Mahure discussed his ability to see and talk to God. While the verb used in ex. (25)
is ã́ ‘know’, the intended meaning is quite obviously ‘see’. It can therefore
be assumed that for a healer like Mahure, perception does not lead to,
but actually is knowledge. Hence, the verbs mṹũ̀ ‘see’ and ã́ ‘know’ may
be used almost interchangeably by him, though only in contexts like the
one referred to above.
(26)
́
nǀí-ǀ’e
tamaxa tĩ-̀ ĩ-tà
góánáo ã-á-tè
dem-day also
stay-ii-past now
know-i-pres
á-m̀
m̀
ǀxɛ́-hɛ́
ɛ̀
dem-sg.m poss body-sg.f obj
even today that you are here I see his (God’s) body (Brenzinger 2002)
3.2.2 kóḿ ->kóḿ-a-ã́
The extension from ‘hear’ to ‘understand’ is stated to be common in many
Australian languages (Evans & Wilkins 2000). In Khwe-ǁAni, however,
the SVC kóḿ-a-ã́ ‘hear-II-know’ does not primarily mean ‘understand’,
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but rather ‘recognize by hearing’, or ‘identifying a sound’. This meaning
becomes obvious in ex. (27.a) where kóḿ-a-ã́ is contrasted with its cognitive counterpart mṹũ̀-a-ã́ ‘recognize by vision’.
(27.a) tí kóḿ-a ã́-à-tè
vé
tama mṹũ̀-a ã́-à-tè
1sg hear-II know-i-pres neg but
see-II know-i-pres
I do not recognize (it) auditorily, but I do recognize (it) visually
(27.b) nǀí cɛ́rɛ́-hɛ̀
tcá
kóḿ-a ã́
re
this rustle-sg.f 2sg.m hear-II know q
do you recognize this rustling sound?
Again, Ts'ixa has lexicalized exactly the same type of SVC with a core
meaning ‘recognize by hearing’ (ex. 28.a). The notion of ‘understand’ may
be expressed by kúḿ-à-ã̀ã́, but is more commonly conferred by combining
kúḿ with the perfect-marker tè (ex. 28.b).
Ts'ixa:
(28.a) tí
kò
kúḿ-à ã̀ã́
1sg ipfv hear-II know
I recognize by hearing
(28.b) tí
tè
kúḿ
1sg prf hear
I understand
In Khwe-ǁAni, kóḿ-a-ã́ may in some contexts also mean ‘understand’ in
the sense of ‘acquiring knowledge through hearing’ (ex. 29.c). This secondary extension from ‘recognize by hearing’ to ‘understand’ might have
been triggered by a semantic extension from kóḿ ‘hear’, which on its own
might take on the meaning ‘understand’ (ex. 29.b), with ‘understand language’ (ex. 29.a) being the most likely bridging context. The same is found
in Ts'ixa (ex. 30).
(29.a) xà-nà-m̀
kx’úí-mà
té kóḿ
dem-pl.c-poss speak-sg.m 1pl hear
we understand their speaking
(29.b) tákò tcá
té à
kóḿ-á-hĩ
véé
then 2sg.m 1pl obj hear-ii-past neg
and you don’t understand us (Heine 1997: 16)
́
(29.c) á
xò-hɛ̀
kóm-a ã-i-kò
tíkò
tcáká-kà
this thing-sg.f hear-II know-imps-conv and_then be_good-caus
understand this issue and make it right
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from body to knowledge
(30)
187
tí kò
kúḿ Khwe-dàḿ
1sg ipfv hear Khwe-tongue
I understand the Khwe language
3.2.3 ǁám̀ ->ǁám̀ -a-ã́
The wide range of meanings covered by ǁám̀ -a-ã́ makes it difffijicult to
determine a primary meaning for this particular cognition SVC. ǁám̀ -a-ã́
may be—depending on the context—translated by ‘recognize by tasting/
smelling/touching’ (ex. 31.a-d).
́
(31.a) tí
ǁám̀ -a
ã-á-tè
ǀqóm̀
a
1sg perceive-II know-i-pres manketti obj
I recognize the taste of manketti nuts
(31.b) tí
ǁám̀ -a
ã́-á-tè
ǀqóm̀
di
ǂhĩ-hɛ̀
1sg perceive-ii know-i-pres manketti poss taste-sg.f
I recognize the taste of manketti nuts (ǁAni)
̀
́
(31.c) nǀí ǁx’ãṍ -hɛ̀
tcá
ǁám̀ -a
ã-á-tè
re
this smell-sg.f 2sg.m preceive-II know-i-pres q
do you recognize this smell?
́
(31.d) tí
xò-ò-kò
ǁám̀ -a
ã-á-tè
ve
1sg hold-ii-conv perceive-II know-i-pres neg
I do not recognize (it) by touching
The most complex meaning of ǁám̀ -a-ã́ is ‘anticipate’, i.e. ‘know what is
going to happen’. This latter meaning comprises the correct interpretation
of a wide range of sensory stimuli, with evidence that does not derive
from any identifijiable sensory modality, and including what is sometimes
referred to as ‘sixth sense’. For that reason, Khwe-ǁAni ǁám̀ -a-ã́ in this
usage may best be labeled as holistic perception (ex. 32).
(32)
tí
ǁám̀ -a
ã́-á-tè
nǀíi ̀ mboróngà-hɛ̀ ɛ̀
1sg perceive-II know-i-pres dem problem-sg.f obj
I anticipated this problem (I knew this problem would come up)
The same meaning is also found in Ts'ixa (ex. 33.a–b).
Ts'ixa:
(33.a) tí
kò
ǁám̀ -à
ã̀ã́
1sg ipfv perceive-II know
I feel s.th. is coming
́
(33.b) tí
tè
ǁám̀ -à
ã̀ã́
hĩĩ̀ -cí
gérè tà
1sg prf perceive-ii know do-refl fut comp
I anticipated this would happen
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matthias brenzinger and anne-maria fehn
While comparable semantic strategies are found in other languages, e.g.
English ‘I feel good’ (ex. 34.a–b), the range of Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa ǁám̀
extends much further than just referring to the general condition of the
experiencer.
(34.a) xà-má
kyã́ĩ-a
ǁám̀ -à-tè
dem-3sg.m be.nice-II perceive-i-pres
he feels well
Ts'ixa:
(34.b) é-m̀
kã́ĩ-̀ sè
kò
ǁám̀ -cí
3sg.m be-nice-adv ipfv perceive-refl
he feels well
ǁám̀ -a-ã́ ‘recognize by ǁám̀ ’ involves information acquired with all senses,
including visual and auditory perception, but goes far beyond the physical sense modalities. Among the three cognition-SCVs of Khwe-ǁAni and
Ts'ixa, it is only ǁám̀ -a-ã́ that can extend from cognition to knowledge in a
broad, general sense; thus, true knowledge can only be accessed through a
holistic experience of the world. Visual and auditory information, as well as
“facts” perceived with other physical sensory modalities are rather doubtful and only fragmentary. Seeing and hearing cannot be trusted and are
merely superfijicial impressions of an uncertain, unpredictable event-based
reality. The supernatural power tcóò (Ts'ixa: tsóò), the ancestors, and God,
are the forces that really matter, as they govern the lives of these former
hunter-gatherer communities. With that, the most important aspects of
life cannot be perceived by the sense modalities considered common or
even primary by western standards.
The holistic dimension of ǁám̀ becomes especially clear when considering ex.35. Here, ǁám̀ -a-ã́ is used to denote the activity of a diviner, who
consults bò, an ‘axe’, which is a common oracle among the Khwe. Not
only does he perceive information about the future in ex. (35.a), he also
interprets it correctly and with that knows what is going to happen. In
ex. (35.b), he perceives information which he does not understand; thus,
he does not know what is going to happen.
́
(35.a) ǀx’ú
khòè-mà
ǁám̀ -a
ã-à-tè
oracle person-sg.m perceive-II know-i-pres
the diviner knows the future (after consulting the axe-oracle)
(35.b) ǀx’ú
khòè-mà
ǁám̀ -a
ã́-à-tè.
ve
oracle person-sg.m perceive-II know-i-pres neg
the diviner doesn’t understand the future
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from body to knowledge
189
In Ts'ixa, this outcome is expressed in the same way (ex. 36).
Ts'ixa:
́ ̀
(36) ǀxú
khóé-m̀
ǁám̀ -à
ã̀ã́-tã
oracle person-sg.m perceive-ii know-ipfv.neg
the diviner doesn’t understand the future
As shown by the above examples, divination is best understood as an act
that requires a holistic perception in order to reach an overall understanding and knowledge about the future.
This kind of anticipation should, however, not be confused with a feeling of premonition, as often experienced by good hunters on hunting
trips. Khwe has lexicalized a verb ǁx’ám ‘anticipate threats or danger’. It
is restricted to this specifijic context and is neither a synonym, nor a hyponym of ǁám̀ -a-ã́ ‘anticipate’.6 Khwe state that ǁx’ám ‘premonition’ is only
experienced by ordinary Khwe, i.e. not by yèú-kx’au. These sacred healers
do not need to ‘anticipate’ future events, as their special skills actually
allow them to know what is going to happen.
(37) ǀx’ũ ngyéu-ǁoa
a
ǁx’ám-a-ǁòè
kx‘éí yaá-xà.
kill young_men7-pl.m foc anticipate_danger-i-hab fijirst come-ger
good hunters anticipate dangers (lit. killers feel the things that will happen
fijirst)
Returning to ǁám̀ as a verb of perception, its unique expansion across the
fijields of cognition and fijinally knowledge implies that not visual or auditory, but holistic perception should be considered its primary meaning.
This observation further emphasizes that holistic perception is of overall
importance to Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa in perceiving the world.
4
Conclusion
In ascribing primacy to a holistic mode of perception expressed by the verb
ǁám̀ , Khwe-ǁAni, Ts'ixa and other Khoeid languages seem to contradict
universalist notions on the hierarchy of the senses, i.e. commonly visual
or auditory perception. The data discussed in this paper support Hirosi
6 Similar concepts seem to have been lexicalized in other Khoeid languages as well, e.g.
Ts'ixa k’uri ‘anticipate danger on hunts’.
7 Ngyéu ‘young’ in this context implies rather strength than age, i.e. also older hunters
are called ǀx’ṹ ngyéu-ǁoa, if they are successful and strong.
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matthias brenzinger and anne-maria fehn
Nakagawa’s (forthcoming) ǀGui-ǁGana fijindings, suggesting that a basic
meaning ‘perceive food’ for ǁám̀ may be more widespread within the
Khoeid family.
Since the act of food consumption combines the sensory modalities of
taste, smell and touch, ǁám̀ may extend to cover all these meanings,
with ‘taste’ being the most central one in the domain of sensory perception. The fijirst expansion of ǁám̀ probably went from mere ‘oral perception’
to also cover ‘touch’ and ‘smell’ in non-oral, i.e. body-external contexts.
However, ǁám̀ remained rooted in body-internal perception, as can be
seen by its coverage of what may be considered the domain of proprioception, i.e. ‘body feeling’. This is best exemplifijied by another transfijieldextension of ǁám̀ , namely that covering the meaning ‘try’. While ǁám̀ may
be employed in contexts such as ‘try food’ or ‘try to ride a bike’, it cannot
be used for activities that do not involve bodily perception or movement,
e.g. ‘try on clothes’.
From this “body perception”, ǁám̀ went on to cover what might be
explained as “perceiving the world”, i.e. a holistic mode of perception. In
fact, ǁám̀ -a-ã́ is the only way that leads to knowledge rather than just recognition. In this respect, ǁám̀ substantially difffers from the other verbs of
perception, namely mṹũ̀ ‘see’ and kóḿ ‘hear’, which for Khwe-ǁAni and
Ts'ixa do not lead to the immediate acquisition of knowledge. Hence the
holistic mode of perception is the only way to arrive at the kind of understanding that is considered deep and meaningful in all respects. This is in
accordance with a more general tendency to describe objects and events
in relation to the bigger picture rather than by reduced, abstract means. It
can thus be argued that the verbs of perception in Khwe-ǁAni and Ts'ixa,
along with their extensions in the cognitive domain serve as an example
for the linguistic rendering of what Nesbitt et al. (2001) describe as the
impact of culture on the interpretation of cognitive processes.
Along these lines, the former hunter-gatherers discussed in this paper
consider the holistic perception of the physical and social environment
to be more important and reliable than what can be perceived by any
other fallible physical sense modality. Thus, only the perception verb ǁám̀
denoting holistic perception could eventually extend to knowledge, i.e. a
true understanding of the world.
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—— 2007. Serial verb constructions in Khwe (Central Khoisan), in: Aikhenvald,
Alexandra Y. and R. M. W. Dixon (eds.) 2007: 108–123.
—— 2008. A Grammar of Modern Khwe (Central Khoisan). Cologne: Köppe.
—— 2010. Serial verb constructions vs. converbs in Khwe, in: Brenzinger, Matthias and
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König (eds.). 2010: 144–175.
Nakagawa, Hirosi. Forthcoming. The importance of TASTE verbs in some Khoe
languages.
Nesbitt, R. E., Peng, K., Choi, I. and A. Norenzayan. 2001. Culture and systems of thought:
Holistic versus analytic cognition. Psychological Review 108, 2: 291–310.
Sweetser, Eve. 1990. From Etymology to Pragmatics: Metaphorical und Cultural Aspects of
Semantic Stucture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Traill, A. 1994. A !Xóõ Dictionary. Cologne: Köppe.
Viberg, Ake. 1984. The verbs of perception: a typological study. Linguistics 21/1: 123–162.
—— 2001.Verbs of perception, in: Haspelmath, M. et al. (eds.). Language Typology and
Language Universals: An International Handbook, pp. 1294–1309. Berlin/New York: de
Gruyter.
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(eds.) 2010: 176–200.
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chapter eight
perception VerBs and their semantics
in dongolawi (nile nubian)1
angelika Jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
1
introduction
the dongolawi language is spoken in the nile valley of northern sudan,
roughly between the 3rd cataract south of Kerma town upstream to the big
bend of the nile near ed-debba (as shown on map 8.1). ‘dongolawi’ is an
arabic term based on the name of the town of old dongola on the eastern
side of the nile, which was the centre of makuria, the famous christian
kingdom that flourished between the 6th and 14th century. today’s dongola was founded during the 19th century on the western side of the nile.
the dongolawi speakers call their language andaandi (an-daa-n-di) ‘[the
language] of my/our home’.
dongolawi speakers are also speakers of sudanese colloquial arabic,
the lingua franca of sudan. arabic/dongolawi bilingualism can be characterized as replacive in the sense that dongolawi is threatened by complete
replacement by arabic (Jakobi 2008). this is reflected by the dwindling
number of dongolawi speakers and the growing impact of arabic on this
language. this paper will show that arabic loan words are attested even
in the semantic field of perception verbs.
dongolawi is closely related to Kenzi which is spoken in southern egypt.
in linguistic studies, therefore, both languages are often referred to by one
term, Kenzi-dongolawi, even though, Ethnologue now treats Kenzi and
dongolawi as two separate languages (i.e. [xnz] and [dgl], respectively).
along with nobiin and old nubian these languages form the eastern, i.e.
nile nubian branch of the nubian language family. nubian is a member
of the northern sub-group of eastern sudanic and ultimately classified as
a nilo-saharan language.
1 we gratefully acknowledge alexandra aikhenvald and anne storch’s commentary on
the first draft of this paper. we are also very grateful to gerrit dimmendaal for reading a
more recent draft. his suggestions have deepened our understanding of the topic.
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angelika jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
map 8.1. the location of dongolawi and other nubian languages
Kenzi-dongolawi boasts a long record of linguistic studies including the
works of leo reinisch (1879, 1911), richard lepsius (1880), herman almkvist (1911), gertrud von massenbach (1933), and charles h. armbruster.
the latter published an impressively detailed dongolawi grammar (1960)
and lexicon (1965). there are a large number of annotated Kenzi texts
published by heinrich schäfer (1917 and 1935), by hermann Junker, and
heinrich schäfer (1921). moreover, gertrud von massenbach (1962) published a volume of Kenzi and dongolawi texts along with a glossary. the
first modern study of Kenzi is ahmed sokarno abdel-hafiz’ reference
grammar of Kunuz (i.e. Kenzi) published in 1988. recently linguistic
research on dongolawi has been resumed by marcus Jaeger and Kamal
hissein (2008) as well as by marcus Jaeger and el-shafie el-guzuuli (2012).
moreover, naasir satti (2008), a mother tongue speaker of dongolawi, has
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perception verbs and their semantics in dongolawi
195
written a phd thesis focussing on the grammatical analysis of phrases and
clauses. while in previous linguistic studies of dongolawi and Kenzi tonal
issues were completely ignored, satti’s thesis provides first preliminary
evidence that tone is grammatically and lexically important.
the data in this paper are not tone-marked, however, because it is not
based on fieldwork carried out within a dongolawi language community.
rather, the data is drawn from different sources, comprising massenbach’s dongolawi texts (examples below are marked by m), armbruster’s
dongolese lexicon (dl), dongolawi proverbs provided by marcus Jaeger
(mJ), examples from naasir satti (ns),2 and, most importantly, from the
co-author, el-shafie el-guzuuli (sh)3 who is a native speaker of dongolawi
engaged in the maintenance and revitalization of his mother tongue as
well as in developing a dongolawi orthography. in fact, this paper has
emerged from the authors’ ongoing discussion of linguistic and orthographic issues encountered in dongolawi.
dongolawi is characterized by the following typological features. it
has basic sv/aov constituent order, but oav order is also attested (see
example 15 below). grammatical relations are expressed both by participant markers on the verb and by the clitic case marker =gi on the object
constituent. the agent role is encoded as unmarked subject, as illustrated
in (1). the same morphosyntactic pattern is found in (2), although the
unmarked subject constituent encodes a natural phenomenon (rather
than an animate, instigating agent). locative, ablative, directional, and
temporal noun phrases are marked by the clitics =r (or its allomorphs
=ir/do/ro), =ged, =gaddi, and =gi, respectively.
in view of the fact that grammatical relations are morphologically
marked on the verb and on the object constituent, dongolawi is considered to be both head-marking and dependent-marking on the clause
level.4
(1) esmaan elum=gi
bee-ko-n
<name> crocodile=obj kill-per-3sg
osman has killed a crocodile
sh
2 we gratefully acknowledge the dongolawi data which marcus Jaeger and naasir satti
contributed to our paper.
3 all examples are written according to the dongolawi orthography rules developed by
marcus Jaeger and el-shafie el-guzuuli (2012).
4 the terms head-marking and dependent-marking are adopted from nichols (1986).
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angelika jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
(2) aru man katre=gi boor-kir-edol-in
rain that wall=obj fall-caus-prosp-3sg
rain is about to cause that wall fall down
sh
according to satti (2008), there are two genitive constructions, i) type 1 with
the possessor (marked by the clitic =n) preceding the possessed, ii) type 2
with the possessed preceding the possessor (marked by =n) plus the property marker (-di). the latter construction is illustrated in the language
name an-daa-n-di above. adjectives follow their head noun, whereas
demonstratives precede it.
the morphological structure is generally agglutinative but inflectional
morphemes on the verb are often fused. verbal morphology is rich in
derivational and inflectional morphemes. verbs are obligatorily inflected
for person and number of the subject. person and number of the subject
are often fused, i.e. syncretism occurs in this grammatical domain. Furthermore, the morphological contrasts between the 2nd and 3rd person
singular as well as between the 1st and 2nd person plural are neutralized;
they are marked by -n and -u, respectively.
there are several derivational suffixes that either raise or reduce transitivity, including a transitivizer (-ir), causative (-kir, -kiddi), benefactive
(-tir, -deen), passive (-katti), stative/progressive (-buu), and inchoative morpheme (-an). among the morphemes marking tense, aspect, and mood,
there are two referring to events in the past. the choice between these
suffixes, -ko (-go) and -si (glossed as per and pst) depends on whether
they occur in a main or subordinate clause.
a conspicuous feature of dongolawi clauses are multiverb constructions composed of individual verbs which may also occur in monoverbal
clauses. compare nog in the multiverb constructions (3) and (4) to (12)
where nog represents the only verb in the subordinate clause. in a multiverb construction, the final verb takes the inflectional morphemes whose
values for person, number, tense, mood, negation have scope over the
entire clause, as seen in (3) and (4). a series of individual verbs may be
non-contiguous allowing other constituents to occur between the verbs,
as illustrated by the locative noun phrase in (24) and by the object clause
in (30). Furthermore, the individual verbs may have the same or different
transitivity values. while in example (3) nii-ed ‘drink’ represents a transitive verb with ʃay=gi ‘tea’ as its syntactic object, the verbs imbel and nog
are intransitive verbs.
although the individual verbs in a multiverb construction share the
inflectional values for person, number, tense, mood, and negation,
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perception verbs and their semantics in dongolawi
197
they may be marked by different aspect markers, as shown by the suffixes -os and -ed in example (3). armbruster (1960: §3790) claims that
-os and -ed do not occur on stative verbs like buu ‘lie’, aag ‘sit, squat’,
daa ‘exist’, e ‘say’, which suggests that the occurrence of these morphemes
may be motivated by telicity. more research, however, is needed to find
out about the distribution and function of these aspect morphemes. contrary to armbruster’s observation, the verb aag very commonly takes the
suffix -ed, such as in esmaan ar gonon uguun toortin bokkon aaged nogkon ‘osman sat with us till midnight and left’. For the time being, in the
examples below, the aspect markers -os and -ed will be glossed as asp1 and
asp2, respectively.
(3) ʃay=gi
nii-ed
bedd-os
imbel nog-iran
tea=obj drink-asp2 pray-asp1 get_up go_along-pres.3pl
they drink tea, pray, rise and walk away
m
(4) imbel nog
ju kal-we
get_up go_along go eat-imp.2pl
get up, go and eat!
sh
examples (3) and (4) also illustrate that in a multiverb construction the
order of components is iconic, i.e. the linear order of individual verbs
reflects the chronological sequence of events. however, as we will show
below, when such constructions involve perception verbs they may
acquire a purpose reading.
in sum, the typological characteristics of the multiverb constructions in
dongolawi suggest that we are dealing with serial verb constructions as
defined by aikhenvald (2006) in her cross-linguistic study.
2
research Questions
this paper is restricted to five sensory modalities: sight, hearing, smell,
touch, and taste. it is concerned with the question how they are expressed
by the corresponding physical perception verbs. the events associated
with these sense-modalities comprise i) controlled/conscious attentive
activities, e.g. look at, listen to, smell/take a sniff at, ii) uncontrolled spontaneous experiences, e.g. see, hear, smell, and iii) source/phenomenon-based
states or inchoative processes, e.g. be visible, sound, emit a smell. in other
words, physical perception may be activity-oriented, experience-oriented,
or source-oriented.
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angelika jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
in contrast to a prototypically transitive event involving an initiating
or instigating agent and an affected patient, both an attentive activityoriented event and an uncontrolled spontaneous experience-oriented
event lack prototypical transitivity. rather, perceptional events are associated with the semantic roles of experiencer (the perceiving entity)
and source/phenomenon (the perceived entity). in some languages, the
semantic roles of experiencer and phenomenon require special grammatical encodings. in english, for example, the phenomenon is encoded
by oblique case marking, as attested by the verbs look at, listen to, take a
sniff at.
languages differ according to the lexicalization patterns of perception
verbs. in some languages active and spontaneous visual perception, for
example, are realized by different verb roots, as illustrated by english look
and see. in other languages, the same root is used as attested by xuud in
Kambataa, a cushitic language of ethiopia (treis 2010). moreover, a perception verb root may cover more than one sense-modality. in swahili, a
bantu language of east africa, for example, sikia expresses both auditory
activity ‘listen to’ as well as olfactory activity ‘smell’, ‘take a sniff at’. in
setswana, a bantu language of botswana, there is one verb, utlwa, covering four sense-modalities, as it expresses experienced hearing, touching,
tasting, and smelling. there are, however, hierarchical restrictions on the
possible patterns of polysemy. according to the (simplified) sense-modality hierarchy (viberg 2001: 1297), sight is at the top of this hierarchy. it is
followed by hearing. the lowest ranking sense-modalities are smell, touch,
and taste, and, therefore, they are often lexically expressed by the same
perception verb. this hierarchy is correlated with markedness. it predicts
that semantically unmarked verbs rank high and semantically marked
verbs rank low in the hierarchy.
apart from these cases of ‘intrafield’ polysemy within the domain of
physical perception verbs there are also cases of ‘transfield’ polysemy.
visual and auditory perception verbs, which rank high in the sensemodality hierarchy, tend to acquire cognitive readings. english see, for
instance, is semantically extended to ‘understand’, german hören ‘hear’ is
also used to express verstehen ‘understand’. such semantic extensions of
physical perception into the field of mental/cognitive perception appear
to be influenced by cultural factors, as evans and wilkins (2000) assume.
this present paper will address the following questions. how are the
five sense-modalities lexically expressed in dongolawi? how are the
role of experiencer and source/phenomenon grammatically encoded in
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dongolawi? what are the lexicalization patterns of the perception verbs?
are there semantic extensions into other sense-modalities and into the
semantic field of cognition?
3
physical perception verbs
the following table accounts for the sense-modalities sight, hearing, smell,
touch, and taste and for the basic verbs expressing activity-oriented, experience-oriented or phenomenon-oriented physical perception.
table 8.1. physical perception verbs
sense-modality activity-oriented experience-oriented phenomenon-oriented
sight
hearing
smell
touch
taste
nal
gijir
sunde
tabbe, jaabe
tance
nal
gijir
gijir
hissee (< ar.)
tance
waandi
gijir-katti
iris=ki ko, numme
–
–
we will discuss these physical perception verbs in turn starting with visual
perception.
3.1
Sight
in dongolawi, there is one basic verb, nal, expressing both controlled
visual activity and uncontrolled visual experience. in both cases nal takes
two arguments, i.e. it occurs in a formally transitive clause in which the
experiencer is encoded as unmarked subject and the source/phenomenon is marked by the clitic object marker =gi.
3.1.1 Verbs Expressing Visual Activity
evidence of nal as expressing a controlled visual activity is provided by
the fact that it may be used in imperative forms, as seen in (5). the verb
nal has several shades of readings which range from attentive directed
‘looking’ and ‘watching’ to the semantic domains of cognitive perception
and social behaviour. controlled directed looking is attested in the following examples, where nal has the readings ‘look at’ as in (5) and (6), ‘look
out for’ as in (7), ‘look for’ as in (5), and ‘watch’ as in (8) and (9).
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nal—‘look at’, ‘look for’
(5) tek=ki
nal
3sg=obj see.imp.2sg
look at/for him/her/it!
dl
nal—‘look at’
(6) ay
bi
nal-li
1sg.su fut see-pres.1sg
i’ll look at [it]
dl
nal—‘look out for’
(7) duul weer=ki nal
large idf=obj see.imp.2sg
look out for a large one!
dl
nal—‘see’, ‘watch’
sh
(8) booliis magas=ki dukkaan=do too-buu-n
nal-ko-n
police thief=obj shop=loc
enter-prog-3sg see-per-3sg
the policeman saw/watched the thief enter the shop
nal—‘see’, ‘watch’
dl
(9) er
ogij kiis=ir
undur-si-n-gi
nal-ko-naa
2sg.su man bag=loc put_into-pst-3sg-obj see-per-2sg.q
did you see (i.e. watch) the man put [it] into the bag?
the following examples (10) to (15) illustrate the readings of nal as ‘greet’,
‘meet’, ‘visit’, ‘look after’, ‘guard’, ‘protect’, which show that the semantics
of nal extend into the domain of social interaction.
nal—‘greet’
(10) ay=gi
nal-os
1sg=obj
see-asp1
greet me! / say hello to me! / shake hands with me!
ns
nal—‘see, meet’
(11) ay
esmaan=gi
suug=ir
nal-kori
1sg.su <name>=obj market=loc see-per1sg
i have seen/met osmaan in the market
sh
nal—‘see, meet’
sh
(12) er=on
innowwi=gi shefii=ki
nal-ki-n
2sg.su=emph? today=obj
<name>=obj see-cond-2sg
isikki
intaad dungula=gaddi
nog-buu-n-gi
ask.imp.2sg when dongola=towards go_along-prog-3sg-obj
if you see/meet shafie today ask him when he will go to dongola
nal—‘see’, ‘meet’, ‘visit’
sh
(13) in
tannan ogij ay
ju nal-s-i
this
s/he is man 1sg.su go see-pst-1sg
this is the man that i met/visited (lit. this is the man that i went to and saw)
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nal—‘look after’, ‘guard’
(14) ay
wide
taa-ri
bokkon in
an
1sg.su return come-pres.1sg until
this my
bitaan=gi nal
child=obj see.imp.2sg
look after/guard my child until i come back
201
sh
the following utterance is heard when someone had an accident but was
not seriously injured. the basic aov constituent order is reversed, most
probably because of pragmatic reasons.
nal—‘protect’
(15) ek=ki
arti nal-ko-n
2sg=obj god protect-per-3sg
god has protected you
ns
the semantic extension of controlled visual activity into the domain of
cognition is attested by the following examples (16) to (18), where nal has
the readings ‘examine’, ‘ascertain’, ‘think about’.
nal—‘examine’
(16) doktoor koor=ki
nal-ko-n
doctor wound=obj see-per-3sg
the doctor examined the wound
sh
nal—‘see, ascertain’
(17) ten
maktab=ki saa
minkotteer=ro
3sg.gen office=obj hour how_many=loc
kus-in=gi
nal
open-3sg=obj
see.imp.2sg
see (i.e. ascertain) at what time he opens his office
dl
nal—‘think about’
(18) ay
abaag=ked bi
1sg.su end=abl
fut
i will think about it later
sh
nal-li
see-pres.1sg
3.1.2 Serial Verb Constructions With nal
the verb nal often occurs in serial verb constructions, where it always
occupies the final position ((v) + v + nal). the reversed position (nal +
v + (v)) is not admitted. the verbs preceding nal may belong to the same
or to a different semantic field. thus nal is attested in combination with
other physical perception verbs, as in (19) and (20), and with verbs of
bodily (rather than mental) activity, including motion verbs, as attested
in (21) to (25).
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perception verb + nal
(19) guuɲci nal
look_at see.imp.2sg
1) look at it carefully!/examine well!
2) think about it!
(20) guuɲci nal
ter=on
juu-bu-ki-n
look
see.imp.2sg s/he=emph go-prog-cond-3sg
check if s/he is coming5
bodily activity verb + nal
(21) shidar=ro darri nal
tree=loc climb see.imp.2sg
climb up the tree and look for [it]!
(22) mohatta=r
nog
ju nal
station=loc go_along go see.imp.2sg
go along to the station and ascertain!
dl, sh
sh
sh
dl
(23) tood tinn-essi=gi
bokki nal-ko-n
sh
boy his-sister=obj hide see-per-3sg
the boy hid and looked at his sister/he looked at his sister secretly
(24) bood ju uru=r
tebee nal
sh
run
go river=loc search see.imp.2sg
go quickly to the river and look for it [e.g. something lost there]!
(25) ur=ki
undur nal
head=obj put_in see.imp.2sg
think about it! (lit. put [your] head into it and see)
sh
table (8.2) provides some examples (in the unmarked 2nd person singular imperative form) of serial verb constructions in which nal always
appears as the last verb. this list is by no means exhaustive. the first five
examples show nal being preceded by other verbs expressing active perception. depending on the context, in these constructions nal may adopt
a cognitive meaning that may be rendered as ‘check’ or ‘find out’ or even
‘think about something’ when taking english as the metalanguage. the
individual verbs preceding nal express events that may be considered as
prerequisites for checking or finding out something. so these constructions often imply a sense of purpose. (dongolawi has, however, yet other
constructions for expressing purpose.)
5 in connection with the progressive marker -bu the motion verb ju(u) ‘go’ adopts the
reading ‘come’.
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table 8.2. examples of serial verb constructions with nal
guuɲci nal
gijir nal
sunde nal
tabbe nal
tance nal
tebee nal
bokki nal
kutte teeb nal
teeg-os nal
tubb-os nal
nog ju nal
look at to check/find out, think about it
listen to check/find out
smell to check/find out
touch to check/find out
taste to check/find out
search to check/find out
hide to check/find out
get down, stand up and check/find out
sit down and check/find out
lie down and check/find out
go along, go and ascertain
3.1.3 Other Activity-Oriented Perception Verbs
apart from nal, there are other perception verbs expressing controlled
visual activity. they appear to be semantically more specific than nal.
they include guuɲci ‘look at, watch’,6 jiindi ‘stare at’, ‘stare at somebody
in an intimidating or warning manner’ and naaŋe ‘peep’, ‘watch secretly’,
as shown in example (26) to (30). these verbs are attested in serial verb
constructions, too, as attested in (27), (29), and (30). interestingly, the
sequence of the visual perception verbs jiindi and guuɲci in (29) and
naaŋe and nal in (30) may not be reversed. this finding is explainable in
terms of the perception verb hierarchy which predicts that semantically
less marked verbs rank higher and the more marked verbs rank lower in
the hierarchy. the less marked visual perception verbs guuɲci in (29) and
nal in (30) are always found in clause-final position.
guuɲci—‘watch’
(26) tood tilifiziyoon=gi guuɲc-ed-aag-in
boy tv=obj
watch-asp2-prog-3sg
the boy is watching tv
sh
guuɲci—‘watch’
sh
(27) tokkon
katre=n
jer=ked
bokki teeb
neg.imp.2pl wall=gen back=abl hide stand
guuɲci-men-we
watch-neg-imp.2pl
don’t stand hiding behind the wall and watch [him/her/it]
6 the verb guuɲci also has the reading ‘await, expect someone’.
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jiindi—‘stare at’
(28) ay
tek=ki
jiindi-ri
gaal
1sg.su 3sg=obj stare-pres.1sg when
sandi-go-n
get_afraid-per-3sg
when i stared at him [intimidatingly] he got afraid
sh
jiindi guuɲci—‘stare at’
(29) ay
tek=ki
jiindi
guuɲci-gori
1sg.su 3sg=obj stare_at look-per.1sg
i looked at him/her staring intimidatingly
sh
naaŋe—‘peep’, ‘watch secretly’
sh
(30) ju man adem kaa=r
toor-el=gi
go that person house=loc enter-part.per=obj
naaŋe nal
peep see.imp.2sg
go to the house and watch [secretly] that person who has entered
3.1.4 Experience-Oriented Visual Perception
spontaneous/uncontrolled visual perception is expressed by nal, as
attested by the following examples (31) and (32). example (31) illustrates
nal in a transitive clause, example (32) in an intransitive clause with an
unmarked single argument.
(31) er
kannee=r-toon
taa-n
taad
sh
2sg.su north=loc-from come-2sg
when
jaama
wee=gi bi
nal-in
mosque idf=obj fut see-2sg
when you come from the north, you will see a mosque [as a landmark]
(32) adem dungur nal-mun
person blind
see-neg.3sg
a blind person does not see / a blind person can’t see
sh
3.1.5 Source-Based Visual Perception
the verb waandi ‘appear, become visible, come in sight’ expresses sourcebased inchoative visual events, cf. (33) and (34), grammatically encoded
in intransitive clauses with unmarked single arguments.
waandi—‘come in sight’
(33) mufettiʃ waand-os-ko-n
inspector become_visible-asp1-per-3sg
the inspector has come in sight
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waandi—‘become visible’
mJ
(34) essi
shugur-ki-n
kulu waandi-n
water recede-cond-3sg
stone become_visible-3sg
if the water recedes the stone becomes visible
the moral of this proverb would be: Your weaknesses will soon become
visible.
3.2
Hearing and Smelling
there is one verb, gijir ‘perceive with ear’ and ‘perceive with nose’, which
semantically covers auditory activity, as in (35) and (36), auditory experience, as in (41), (42), (43), as well as olfactory experience, as in (44)
and (45).
3.2.1 Auditory Activity
the imperative form in (35) attests that gijir is an activity-oriented verb.
similar to nal, gijir occurs in transitive clauses where the experiencer is
encoded as unmarked subject and the phenomenon as marked object.
gijir—‘listen to’, ‘take advice’
dl
(35) andi=gi
gijir
mine=obj hear/smell.imp.2sg
1) listen to me!, 2) listen to my advice/opinion! / take my advice!
gijir—‘listen’
sh
(36) tinn-aaw
igid-i=gi
iig-ki-n
his-grandmother story-pl=obj narrate-cond-3sg
tood gijir-in
boy hear/smell-3sg
when his grandmother narrates the stories, the boy listens
Gijir may also have the reading ‘take advice’, ‘obey’, as attested in (35)
above and (37) below. that is, it extends into the semantic field of social
behaviour.
gijir—‘listen’, ‘obey’
sh
(37) ek=ki
wee-ran=gi
gijir
2sg=obj tell-pres.3pl=obj hear/smell.imp.2sg
1) listen to what they tell you!, 2) obey to what they tell you!
as for the question whether gijir also has the reading ‘understand’ as in
(38) below, we would like to point out that ‘understand’ here expresses
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angelika jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
hearing, i.e. physical auditory perception rather than cognitive perception. therefore we agree with armbruster (1965: 79) who explicitly notes
that gijir does not render ‘understand’ as a cognitive process, “(giǧir does
not=understand)”. rather, cognitive understanding in the sense of ‘grasp’
is lexically expressed by aar, which is another polysemous verb with
the basic meaning ‘seize’, as illustrated in (39). dongolawi aar therefore
presents another example of the close semantic association between prehension verbs like ‘take’ and ‘grasp’ and cognition which exists in many
languages, e.g. german be-greifen ‘be-grasp’ (vanhove 2008).
gijir—‘listen’, ‘hear’, ‘understand’
sh
(38) ay
ek=ki
wee-ri=gi
er
1sg.su 2sg=obj tell-pres.1sg=obj 2sg.su
gijir-naa
hear/smell-2sg.q
1) do you hear what i am telling you?, 2) do you understand what i am telling you?
aar—‘seize’, ‘understand’, ‘grasp’
(39) ay
ek=ki
wee-ri=gi
er
1sg.su 2sg=obj tell-pres.1sg=obj 2sg.su
aar-naa
seize-2sg.q
do you grasp what i am telling you?
sh
there is another semantically more restricted verb expressing auditory
activity, ulukkij ‘eavesdrop’. this verb is morphologically composed of
three parts, uluk-k-ij the first part is ulug ‘ear’, the second part is difficult
to identify. the final -ij is a derivational morpheme which marks verbs
expressing intensive/repetitive (armbruster 1960: § 2883) or distributive
(sokarno 1988: 117) events.
ulukkij—‘eavesdrop’
sh
(40) ay
ulukkij-ed
teeb-kori
tin
baɲɲid=ki
1sg.su eavesdrop-asp2 stand-per.1sg their talk=obj
addee-s-an
bokkon
finish-pst-3pl till
i stayed eavesdropping till they finished their talk
3.2.2 Auditory and Olfactory Experience
when gijir expresses uncontrolled auditory and olfactory experience it
takes two arguments, the experiencer and source/phenomenon roles
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207
being encoded as grammatical subject and object, respectively, as illustrated in (41) to (45).
gijir—‘hear’
m/sh
(41) een
his=ki
gijir-os=gi
war
wide
woman noise=obj hear/smell-asp1=obj jump turn
guuɲci-go-n
look-per-3sg
upon hearing the noise the woman jerked round and looked back
gijir—‘hear’
sh
(42) tood arabiyye=n harak=ki
gijir-ko-n
boy car=gen
sound_of_motion=obj hear/smell-per-3sg
the boy heard the sound of motion of a car
gijir—‘hear’
(43) wel=n
uukkid=ki
gijir-kori
dog=gen barking=obj hear/smell-per.1sg
i heard the barking of the/a dog
dl
gijir—‘perceive a smell’
(44) er
in
siyatti=gi
gijir-naa
2sg.su this bad_smell=obj hear/smell-2sg.q
do you perceive this bad smell?
sh
gijir—‘notice a smell’
(45) jugiid=n
iris=ki
gijir-ri
burning=gen smell=obj hear/smell-pres.1sg
i notice a smell of burning
dl
3.2.3 Source-Based Auditory Perception
phenomenon-based or source-based hearing may be expressed by the
passive form derived from the root gijir, as in (46.a) where the semantic patient (ten his) is encoded as grammatical subject of an intransitive
clause. however, there are other non-perception verbs that may be used
to render the perception of a sound or noise coming from a source, as in
(46.b) and (46.c).
gijir-katti-—‘be heard’
(46.a) ahmed oddi-n
ten his
<name> sick-3sg
his voice
gijir-katti-mun
hear/smell-pass-neg.3sg
ahmed is sick. his voice cannot be heard.
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angelika jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
(46.b) ahmed oddi-n
ten his
bel-mun
<name> sick-3sg
his voice come_out-neg.3sg
ahmed is sick. his voice cannot be heard. (lit. ahmed is sick. his voice
does not come out.)
(46.c) ahmed oddi-n
ten his
dii-buu-n
<name> sick-pres.3sg his voice die-stat-3sg
ahmed is sick. his voice cannot be heard. (lit. ahmed is sick. his voice is
dead.)
3.2.4 Olfactory Activity
the smelling activity ‘smell’, ‘take a sniff at’ is not expressed by gijir but
by a different verb, sunde (variant: sunne), as illustrated in (47) and (48).
a special lexical root, sumsum ‘sniff ’, is used for olfactory activity of animals, as shown in (49) and (50). except for (49), in all examples the experiencer is encoded as subject and the source/phenomenon as object.
sunde—‘smell, take a sniff at’
(47) in=gi
sunde
this=obj smell.imp.2sg
smell this!
dl
sunde—‘smell, take a sniff at’
sh
(48) een
iris=ki
sunde-nal-ko-n
woman parfume=obj smell-see-per-3sg
the woman smelled the parfume (to find out whether she liked it or not)
sumsum—‘sniff (at)’
sh
(49) wel sumsum-in
gon
daa-n
dog sniff-pres.3sg while go-pres.3sg
the dog is going around sniffing here and there (lit. the dog is sniffing while
going)
sumsum—‘sniff (at)’
(50) wel kiid=ki
sumsum-ko-n
dog bone=obj sniff-per-3sg
the dog sniffed at the bone
sh
3.2.5 Phenomenon-Oriented Olfactory Perception
phenomenon-oriented olfactory perception may be rendered either by the
periphrastic expression iris=ki ko, literally ‘have a smell’, ‘emit a smell’, as
in (51) and (52), or by the evaluative verb, numme ‘have a good smell’, as in
(53) and (54). apparently, there is no corresponding verb with the reading
‘have a bad smell’. note that iris has a general reading ‘smell’ without specifying whether the smell is good or bad, as attested in (51) but in a more
restricted sense iris means ‘perfume’, as in (53). according to dimmendaal
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perception verbs and their semantics in dongolawi
209
and schneider-blum (this volume) such additional meanings are often
expressed in languages in the area by adding ideophones to such verbs.
iris=ki ko—‘have a smell’
dl
(51) iris=ki
koo-n
smell=obj have-3sg
he/she smells (lit. he/she has a smell [whether good or bad])
iris=ki ko—‘have a smell’
(52) in
kusu iris
weer=ki koo-n
this meat smell idf=obj have-3sg
this meat smells / this meat has a smell
dl
numme—‘have a good smell’
sh
(53) in
iris=ki
sokke misse numme
this perfume=obj take
spray have_a_good_smell.imp.2sg
take this perfume, spray it [on your body] to have a good smell!
numme—‘have a good smell’
(54) erkanekool=gi
numme-gir-we
bridegroom=obj have_a_good_smell-caus-imp.2pl
make the bridegroom smell good!
3.3
sh
Touch
For controlled tactile activity there are three verbs, tabbe,7 jaabe, and
tabtab. the last one is semantically restricted as it expresses palpating in
a medical examination or feeling around for something that one cannot
see, as illustrated in (59) and (60).
tabbe—‘touch’
(55) een
wel=gi
tabbe-go-n
woman dog=obj touch-per-3sg
the woman touched the dog
sh
tabbe—‘touch’
sh
(56) een
kal=gi
tabbe nal-ko-n
woman food=obj touch see-per-3sg
the woman touched the food (to find out whether it is hot)
jaabe—‘touch’
(57) tokkon in=gi
jaabe-men
neg.imp this=obj touch-neg.imp.2sg
don’t touch this!
sh
7 apart from ‘touch’, tabbe has the meaning ‘dip in’, ‘make wet’, ‘moisten’.
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angelika jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
jaabe—‘touch’
sh
(58) er-on
eski-gi-n
imbel ogoode ju man
2sg.su-emph can-cond-.3sg
get_up stand
go that
gur=ki
jaabe
bull=obj touch.imp.2sg
if you can/dare, get up, go and touch that bull!
tabtab—‘feel around for’
sh
(59) ay
doolaab=n
jer=ked
tabtab
1sg.su cupboard=gen back=abl feel_around_for
nal-kori
el-ko-mun
see-per.1sg find-per-neg.1sg
i searched for it behind the cupboard, but i did not find it
tabtab—‘feel around for’
sh
(60) doktoor bitaan=n
ii=gi
tabtab
nal-os
doctor child=gen arm=obj feel_around_for see-asp1
asal=gi
taa-we
e-go-n
tomorrow=obj come-imp.2pl say-per-3sg
the doctor examined the child’s arm and said come again tomorrow
uncontrolled tactile experience is expressed by hissee ‘feel’, a loan word
from arabic, cf. (61) to (63). note that hissee lexically covers two notions,
feeling by direct contact, as in (61), and perceiving without direct contact.
the latter is illustrated in (62) where the hen perceives/feels the imminent danger before the falcon has even touched and seized the hen. in
(63), too, the heat of the iron is perceived/felt without even touching it.
hissee—‘feel (direct contact)’
(61) een
kulu kinna-tod weer=ki tenn
woman stone small-dim idf=obj her
togoo=r
hissee-go-n
bottom=loc feel-per-3sg
the woman felt a small stone under her foot
sh
ossi=n
foot=gen
hissee—‘feel (without direct contact)’, ‘perceive’
m/sh
(62) dummade sirrij=ki
hissee-ki-n
tirti-nci
hen
falcon=obj feel-cond-3sg
master-pl
gijir-os-gi
bood ju sirrij=ki
tuur-ran
hear-asp1-obj run
go falcon=obj chase_away-pres.3pl
when the hen feels/perceives the falcon and when the owners hear it [the
hen] they go quickly to chase the falcon away
hissee = ‘feel (without direct contact)’, ‘perceive’
(63) ay
in
ʃaarti jugrii e-n-gi
hissee-ri
1sg.su this iron hot
be-3sg-obj
feel-pres.1sg
i feel/perceive that this iron is hot (even before touching it)
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perception verbs and their semantics in dongolawi
211
apparently dongolawi does not have a specific verb expressing a tactile
phenomenon, such as ‘the cloth feels smooth’, ‘the body feels hot’ (german sich anfühlen).
3.4
Taste
the verb tance expresses both gustatory activity and experience. as an
activity verb, tance can be used in the imperative form as attested in (64).
gustatory activity is also illustrated in (65). moreover, tance expressing
gustatory experience is attested in (66) and (67). there is no specific verb
expressing a phenomenon-based gustatory event, however.
tance—‘taste’
mJ
(64) in
fuul in
jen-di-n
tance-we
this bean this year-property=gen taste-imp.pl
these beans are of this year. taste them. lit. this bean is . . .
tance—‘taste’
sh
(65) een
kusu nib-buu-l=gi
tance-nal-ko-n
woman meat roast-stat-part.per=obj taste-see-per-3sg
the woman tasted the roasted meat (e.g. to find out whether it was soft or
hard).
tance—‘taste’
(66) er
marak=ki tance-go-naa
2sg.su broth=obj taste-per-2sg.q
did you taste the broth?
dl
tance—‘taste’
mJ
(67) surre-el
kus-in
juude-el
tie.a.garment-part.per open-3sg
dissolve-part.per
tance-n
taste-3sg
who has tied a garment will open it, who has dissolved [something in a
liquid] will taste it
the moral of this proverb would be that you are responsible for your
actions.
4
Findings
this paper shows that the physical perception verbs discussed in this
paper do not form a special subclass of verbs in the dongolawi language.
their grammatical behaviour does not differ from agentive verbs. that is,
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angelika jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
although activity- and experience-oriented perception verbs are not associated with proto-typical transitivity, the experiencer role is encoded as
unmarked nominative and the phenomenon/source role as marked accusative. this suggests that the subject position in dongolawi may be associated with a variety of semantic roles, and that non-agentive roles are not
necessarily expressed in non-subject position, contrary to languages like
beria (saharan, nilo-saharan), were active alignment occurs. as shown
by Jakobi (2007, 2010), beria treats non-agentive subjects of verbs such as
‘sleep’, ‘fall’, ‘grow’ as syntactic objects, whereas agentive subjects of verbs
such as, ‘marry’, ‘run’, ‘climb’ are treated as syntactic subjects.
serial verb constructions are very frequent in dongolawi. they may
be composed of verbs belonging to different semantic fields, including
perception verbs and bodily activity verbs. when the visual perception
verb nal occurs in a serial verb construction it always takes the final position. in this context, the verbs preceding nal express events that appear
to be necessary conditions for getting new insights. thus, in this context,
nal expresses cognitive activities such as checking, finding out, ascertaining, and thinking about. in other words, in dongolawi gaining insight and
knowledge is mainly dependent on sight, rather than on hearing as in the
australian languages studied by evans and wilkins (2000).
the ‘intrafield’ lexicalization patterns of the basic perception verbs are
summarized in table (8.2). there are three verbs, nal, gijir, and tance,
each of which covers both active and experienced perception. moreover,
both experienced hearing and smelling are jointly lexicalized in one verb,
gijir. according to viberg (2001), this polysemous lexicalization pattern is
also attested in several other languages in the world, like russian, persian
and Yoruba.
except for gijir-katti- which is the derived passive form of gijir, the
other phenomenon-based verbs are not etymologically related to the
activity- or experience-oriented perception verbs. the gaps in table (8.3)
are presumably due to the fact that there are no distinct verbs lexicalizing
phenomenon-based touching and tasting events.
as for ‘transfield’ lexicalization, only the activity-oriented physical perception verbs nal and gijir, which rank high in the sense-modality hierarchy, semantically extend into the field of non-physical perception. the
visual perception verb nal extends into two semantic fields, i) into the
field of inquisitive cognition including events such as examining, checking,
finding out, thinking about, and ii) into the field of social interaction as
realized by greeting, meeting, visiting, guarding, protecting. the auditory
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perception verbs and their semantics in dongolawi
213
table 8.3. intrafield lexicalization patterns of basic perception verbs
sense-modality activity-oriented experience-oriented phenomenon-oriented
sight
hearing
smell
touch
taste
nal
gijir
sunde
tabbe, jaabe
tance
nal
gijir
gijir
hissee (< ar.)
tance
waandi
gijir-katti- (passive)
iris=ki ko, numme
–
–
table 8.4. verbs expressing cognitive and mental perception (all data from
armbruster)
aaminee (< ar.)
aar
baal ko (< ar.)
hemmee (< ar.)
iiw
jerribee (< ar.)
jille
kuur
saddigee (< ar.)
uɲur
believe in, trust
understand, comprehend (< seize, grasp, catch)
pay attention, attend, take care, mind, heed, notice
be anxious, worried, concerned, troubled
forget
try
remember, think, think about
learn
believe
know, know how to, understand, recognize
verb gijir extends into the domain of social behaviour, too, as attested by
the readings ‘accept advice’ or ‘take advice’ and ‘obey’.
neither nal nor gijir lexicalize cognitive events such as understanding,
grasping, comprehending, knowing, remembering, thinking or learning.
these events are rather rendered by distinct verbs that are obviously not
etymologically related to nal and gijir, as attested in table (8.4) (the list
is probably not exhaustive). note that several of these lexical items are
borrowed from arabic, thus showing the deep structural and conceptual
influence of the latter on the dongolawi language.
Finally, we notice that dongolawi (a nilo-saharan language) shares a
number of lexicalization patterns with Kambataa, a cushitic language
spoken in ethiopia. according to Yvonne treis (2010: 3279), “[t]here is no
lexical differentiation of activities and experiences in the domain of vision
and hearing [. . .].” if one compares table (8.5) (which does not account for
phenomenon-oriented perception verbs) with table (8.3) above one realizes that ‘see’ and ‘hear’ share the same lexicalization patterns. it remains
to be determined to what extent these patterns are more widespread in
the area.
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angelika jakobi and el-shafie el-guzuuli
table 8.5. perception verbs in Kambaata (adapted to layout of table 8.3)
sense-modality
activity
experience
sight
hearing
smell
touch
taste
see
hear
smell
see
see
see
hear
smell
hear-pass
hear-pass
the comparison of dongolawi perception verbs with those of the ethiopian linguistic area (treis 2010) reveals further shared lexicalization patterns. similar to the serial verb constructions in which dongolawi nal is
combined with other perception verbs, in Kambaata (cushitic) and baskeet (omotic), ‘see’ is attested in combination with verbs expressing active
touching, tasting, feeling. however, in these languages the verbs preceding ‘see’ are marked as non-finite converbs and therefore differ from the
unmarked serial verbs attested in dongolawi.
similar to dongolawi nal which in serial verb constructions expresses
cognitive activities such as ‘check’, ‘find out’, ‘ascertain’, Kambaata xuud
‘see’ heading converb constructions semantically extends to ‘check’,
‘examine’ and ‘consider’. treis (2010) therefore draws the conclusion that
xuud “is often used to express that knowledge is acquired actively or that
evidence is requested or looked for by a controlling agent”. the semantic
extension of ‘see’ to ‘check’ is also attested in amharic and sidama.
Furthermore, comparable to numme in dongolawi, languages of the
ethiopian linguistic area are known to have a distinct evaluative olfactory verb expressing ‘have a good smell’. however, the opposite evaluative
verb expressing ‘have a bad smell’ is not attested in these languages (treis
2010). this is also true for dongolawi.
although we do not know how widely these lexicalization patterns are
geographically distributed, we would like to point out that they provide
additional support for dimmendaal’s hypothesis of a former typological
convergence zone stretching from eritrea in the east to tchad in the west.
according to dimmendaal (2007), in this zone, nilo-saharan languages
(including nubian) were in contact with genetically unrelated afroasiatic languages of ethiopia. up to now this hypothesis has mainly been
based on morphological and syntactic features. shared lexicalization patterns may turn out to provide additional evidence for language contact
in that area.
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215
references
abdel-hafiz, ahmed sokarno. 1988. a reference grammar of Kunuz nubian. phd thesis,
university of new York at buffalo.
aikhenvald, alexandra Y. 2006. serial verb constructions in typological perspective, in:
a. Y. aikhenvald and r. m. w. dixon (eds.), Serial Verb Constructions. A Cross-Linguistic
Typology, pp. 1–68. oxford: oxford university press.
almkvist, herman. 1911. Nubische Studien im Sudan 1877–78. uppsala: almqvist & wiksell—
leipzig: harrassowitz.
armbruster, charles hubert. 1960. Dongolese Nubian. A Grammar. cambridge: cambridge
university press.
—— 1965. Dongolese Nubian. A Lexicon. cambridge: cambridge university press.
dimmendaal, gerrit J. 2007. eastern sudanic and the wadi howar and wadi milk diaspora.
Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 18: 37–67.
evans, nicholas and david wilkins. 2000. in the mind’s ear: the semantic extension of
perception verbs in australian languages. Language 76, 3: 546–592.
Jaeger, marcus and Kamal hissein. 2008. dongolawi phonology leading to an old nubian
unicode font. paper presented to the 10th nilo-saharan colloquium, paris, 2007.
—— and el shafie el guzuuli. 2012. aspects of dongolawi roots and affixes related to
orthography, in: muhammad Jalal hashim and abdelrahim hamid mugaddam (eds.),
Unity and Diversity of Nubian Languages, pp. 151–172. cape town: casas.
Jakobi, angelika. 2007. semantics and syntax of motion verbs in beria (saharan). Annual
Publication in African Linguistics, 5: 113–136.
—— 2008. nubian. Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics, vol. 3: 435–439.
leiden: brill.
—— 2010. morphosyntax und semantik der medium-verben im beria (saharanisch), in:
a. r. bachmann, chr. el mogharbel and K. himstedt (eds.), Form und Struktur in der
Sprache. Festschrift Elmar Ternes, pp. 161–185. tübingen: narr.
Junker, hermann and heinrich schäfer. 1921. Nubische Texte im Kenzi-Dialekt. vienna:
hölder.
lepsius, richard. 1880. Nubische Grammatik. berlin: hertz.
massenbach, gertrud von. 1962. Nubische Texte im Dialekt der Kunuzi und der Dongolawi.
wiesbaden: steiner.
nichols, Johanna. 1986. head-marking and dependant-marking grammar. Language 62:
56–119.
reinisch, leo. 1879. Die Nuba-Sprache. vienna: braumüller.
—— 1911. Die sprachliche Stellung des Nuba. vienna: hölder.
satti, naasir. 2008. grammatical analysis of dongolawi phrases and clauses. phd thesis,
university of Khartoum.
schäfer, heinrich. 1917. Nubische Texte im Dialekt der Kunuzi (Mundart von Abuhôr)
(abhandlungen der akademied der wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Klasse, 5). berlin: akademie der wissenschaften.
treis, Yvonne. 2010. perception verbs and taste adjectives in Kambata and beyond, in:
anne storch (ed.), Perception of the Invisible (Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika, 21),
pp. 313–346. cologne: Köppe.
vanhove, martine. 2008. semantic associations between sensory modalities, prehension
and mental perceptions. a crosslinguistic perspective, in: martine vanhove (ed.), From
Polysemy to Semantic Change, pp. 341–370. berlin: mouton de gruyter.
viberg, ake. 2001. verbs of perception, in: haspelmath, martin et al. (eds.), Language Typology and Language Universals, 2, pp. 1294–1309. berlin and new York: de gruyter.
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CHAPTER NINE
EXCITE YOUR SENSES: GLANCES INTO THE FIELD OF PERCEPTION
AND COGNITION IN TIMA1
Gertrud Schneider-Blum and Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
1
Introduction
Tima has approximately 6.000 speakers, most of whom live in the Nuba
Mountains in Sudan in an area about 900 km south-west of the capital
Khartoum. Further speakers live in a small community in Khartoum,
whereas some Tima are scattered throughout the country and abroad.
1.1
Language Situation
Tima has been classifijied as a Kordofanian language by Greenberg (1963:149),
and Schadeberg (1981), but recent comparative work has raised suspicion
that the small language group consisting of Tima and the closely related
languages Katla and Julud constitute “an independent, early offfshoot of
Niger-Congo, rather than being part of Kordofanian, with remnants of
(presumably) archaic Niger-Congo features” (Dimmendaal 2009a:81).
Tima is highly endangered, because Arabic, the offfijicial language in the
country, is spreading rapidly as a lingua franca and as a primary means of
communication in the Nuba Mountains, an area of approximately 80.000
km2 (the size of Scotland) with more than 40 diffferent languages. The vast
majority of Tima people are bilingual in Tima and Sudanese Arabic; when
they reach school-age, they acquire English as a third language, as this
language is a popular means of instruction in the educational system in
the area.
1 Our special thanks go to Birgit Hellwig (La Trobe University, Melbourne). Her critical questions helped improving this contribution considerably. We also like to thank the
editors Alexandra Aikhenvald (James Cook University, Cairns) and Anne Storch (University of Cologne) and the two anonymous reviewers for their detailed comments and suggestions. The authors would like to express their deeply felt gratitude to the Volkswagen
Foundation for the generous DoBeS grant, which allowed a team furthermore consisting
of Suzan Alamin, Abeer Bashir, Meike Meerpohl and Abdelrahim Mugaddam to document
this endangered language.
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gertrud schneider-blum and gerrit j. dimmendaal
Map 9.1. Kordofan, Sudan
1.2 Some Background Information on Tima Grammar2
Tima is a tone language with two register tones (which may also be combined to create rising and falling tones) plus downstep and downdrift.
There is contrastive lexical tone (e.g. kʊ́ dà ‘python’, kʊ̀ dà ‘shoe’ and kʊ̀ dá
‘tree sp.’) as well as grammatical tone, e.g. with respect to tense-aspect
marking in the language.
Tima has 21 consonants (plus the dental fricative /ð/, which is found
only with some very old speakers; with younger speakers, the latter has
shifted to and merged with the palatal glide /y/). It has 12 vowels which
2 The Tima documentation project is funded by the Documentation of Endangered
Languages (DoBeS) programme of the Volkswagen Foundation. In this programme, the
preparation and archiving of documentation material is foregrounded. Our thanks go to
all the people who helped us throughout this project, from the time of applying for support until now. Special thanks are due to the technical team of the Max-Planck-Institute
for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen (the Netherlands) for their technical support and advice
with respect to the archiving of the data.
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219
are divided into two groups: six [+ ATR]3 and six [-ATR] vowels that can
be either short or long.
+ATR
front central back
high
mid
low
i
e
ɨ
ʌ
u
o
–ATR
front central back
ɪ
ɛ
ɘ
ʊ
ɔ
a
Tima has a classical vowel harmony system in that the root only contains
vowels from one or the other harmony group. Afffijixes and clitics behave
diffferently in that some harmonize with the root vowels, while others
do not.
The noun shows remnants of a noun-class system with agreement on
nominal modifijiers, and consists of one or more prefijixes (indicating location, instrument, or number) and a root, which can host a number of
(optional) clitics. The agreement prefijix of a nominal modifijier reveals the
diffference between singular and plural (or singulative and collective) as
determined by the head noun.
(1.a) kʊ̀-bɔ̀ŋ
kɘ́ -mál
sg-bracelet sg-good
nice bracelet
(1.b) ɪ̀-bɔ̀ŋ
ɪ́-mál
pl-bracelet pl-good
nice bracelets
The most complex constituent in a Tima utterance is the verb. The root
may be preceded by a negation marker, and by person and TAM markers,
and followed by a number of diffferent derivational markers, pronominal
object and subject markers, and again a negation marker (the negation
marker in fact being a discontinuous morpheme).4
For a better understanding of the examples in this contribution, it is
necessary to explain the following morphological phenomena more thoroughly: transitivity, pluractionality, instrumental and antipassive marking.
In addition, we will supply some information below on telicity as well as
on the tense/aspect system, the constituent order and the lexicon.
3 Advanced tongue root and retracted tongue root, abbreviated as [+ATR] and [-ATR]
respectively, involve contrasting positions of the tongue root during the pronunciation of
vowels.
4 Cf. Alamin (2012, chapter 4.2).
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gertrud schneider-blum and gerrit j. dimmendaal
1.2.1 Transitivity
Verbs in Tima are inherently transitive or intransitive, a feature following
from the construction type in which they occur. In addition, however, a
sufffijix -i/-ɪ or -a may be added, in order to express high as against low transitivity.5 Whether a particular verb can be combined with either of these
sufffijixal morphemes, or with neither of the two, is lexically conditioned.6
Notice that high transitivity marking in Tima makes the formal expression
of a direct object obligatory.
(2.a) *dí-ì
tie-ht
tie (it)
(2.b) dí-ì
kw-àná
tie-ht sg-cow
tie the cow
In ex. (3), the high transitive morpheme assigns a causative meaning to
the verb.
(3) dʊ̀w-ɪ́
k-àtáwʊ̀ ɪ̀-yɪ̀-ŋɛ́ ɛ̀
stand-ht sg-book dir-loc2-mouth
put the book upright
However, transitivity is only overtly marked with a high transitivity suffijix, if the action referred to is telic and if it includes a single object. If the
object cannot be singled out or if the action is carried out regularly (at
diffferent occasions), the unmarked verb-form is chosen:
(4.a) cɪ̀lɛ́ ŋ-ɪ̀
c-ɪ̀tɪ̪ ̀
rinse-ht sg-cloth
rinse the cloth
(4.b) cɪ́lɛ̀ŋ c-ɪ̀tɪ̪ ̀
/ ɪ̀tɪ̪ ̀
rinse sg-cloth / clothes
rinse the cloth several items / the clothes
For some verbs, the event structure is inherently bound to a repeated
action or to more than one patient, and consequently high transitivity
marking is prohibited here:7
5 The high transitivity marker i/-ɪ may also be realized as -ɔ and -ɛ as a result of phonological assimilation or fusion with preceding root-fijinal vowels.
6 Cf. Alamin (2012, chapter 4.5.1.1) for a discussion of high and low transitivity marking.
7 The distribution coincides with some of the parameters mentioned by Hopper and
Thompson (1980:252f ), mainly involving individuation of the object, afffectedness of the
object and telicity (aspect).
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(5) kɪ́hɛ̀ŋ y-ɛ̂h
sort
pl-sorghum
sort the sorghum (from dirt)
221
*kɪ̀hɛ́ ŋ-ɪ̀ y-ɛ̂h
sort-ht pl-sorghum
(6) árɪ̀ŋ
ɪ̀hɪ̀
*àrɪ́ŋ-ɪ̀
ɪ̀hɪ̀
decant milk
decant-ht milk
pour the milk to and fro (so that it cools down)
Verbs like ‘drink’, mɔ́ ɔ̀ k, never seem to take a high or low transitivity
marker, whereas verbs like ‘break’ can be combined with both sufffijixes
(Dimmendaal 2010: 207).
Determining the transitivity of an expression in Tima is not always
straightforward, as we shall see below in the discussion of perception
verbs. Nevertheless, we found that Hopper and Thompson’s (1980) conceptualization of transitivity—especially their parameters involving
aspect (telicity), punctuality, afffectedness of the object and individuation
of the object—can account well for the Tima situation. However, individuation of the action is the main parameter that governs transitivity
marking in Tima.
1.2.2 Pluractionality8
Pluractionality is sometimes semantically inherent to the verb (as with
‘sort’ in ex. 5 above). In addition, Tima has several ways of marking pluractionality. Overt marking is achieved by root-internal alternations;
depending on the verb, these may afffect vowel quality (e.g. ex. 9) and/or
vowel length (ex. 10), involve full or partial reduplication of the verbal root
(examples 7 and 8, respectively) or suppletion. The pluractional form of
the verb is chosen whenever one is dealing with a repeated or unlimited
action.
(7.a) tɘ̀n-ɪ́
c-ʊ̀ràŋ
break-ht sg-stick
break the stick
(7.b) tɘ́ ntɘ̀n
c-ʊ̀ràŋ
break:redup sg-stick
break the stick into pieces
(7.c) tɘ́ ntɘ̀n
ɪ̀-ʊ̀ráŋ
break:redup pl-stick
break the sticks (each once or into many pieces)
8 See also Dimmendaal (2009b: 340) and Alamin (2012, chapter 4.5.1.2).
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222
(8.a)
gertrud schneider-blum and gerrit j. dimmendaal
bʌ̀rʌ́ -y-ì
c-ɪ̀tɪ̪ ̀
tear-ee-ht sg-cloth
tear (it once)
(8.b) bʌ̀rʌ́ rʌ̀-ʌ̀k
tear:redup-ap
tear several things once or one thing several times
(9.a)
rʊ̀kʊ́ w-ɪ̀ c-í↓bʌ́ -nʌ́
pinch-ht sg-child-dem
pinch the child (once with all fijingers)
(9.b) rɔ́ kɔ̀w (+ obj.)
pinch:pluract
pinch (several times with all fijingers, either several people once or the
same person several times)
(10.a) t̪ùn-í
c-ɪ̀bɪ́
plant-ht sg-tree
plant (it)
t̪úùn
ɪ̀bɪ́
plant:pluract trees
plant (several items)9
1.2.3 Instrumental10
Instrumental marking may be expressed by way of a derivational sufffijix on
the verb or periphrastically by way of a clitic preceding the noun (expressing instrument as well as related semantic roles in Tima: the same marker
is used for ergativity marking on A-roles, as shown in the section on constituent order.) The choice between the head-marking and the dependentmarking strategies in Tima depends on the pragmatic state of reference in
the mind of the speech participants. The marker sufffijixed to the verb, -aa,
refers to an action involving some kind of instrument, whereby the cognitive status of the latter is active (i.e., the current focus of consciousness),
accessible (textually, situationally or inferentially available), or inactive,
but involving the hearer’s long-term memory in the terminology of Chafe
(1987). Naming the instrument is not obligatory, as can be seen from the
following two examples:
9 Since it does not make sense to plant the same thing several times, this reading is
excluded here. In other words, the exact meaning is further conditioned or determined by
knowledge of the world.
10 Cf. Alamin (2012, chapter 4.5.1.5.1).
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223
(11) àn-tɔ́ ɔ́-w-áá-ná
rec.past-pass-ee-inst-1sg:erg
I passed by (with something or somebody)
(12) cɛ́ n-dɘ́ n-dɛ́ ɛ́k-ɪ́ŋ-àà-nà
íid́ ì
imperv-1sg:fut-fetch-vent-inst-1sg:erg water
I will fetch water (with something)
Instrumental marking on the verb also covers the notion of accompaniment (as further discussed in section 4).
(13) Tùrúdà cɛ̀m-pɘ́ lá-w-áá
k-ɔ́ ɔ̀
À bɪ́ɪŕ
<name> imperv-want-ee-inst sg-walking <name>
Trudel wants to go home with Abeer
ɘ́ l-ɔ́ ɔ̀
loc-family
The use of a prepositional phrase with an instrumental noun (or noun
phrase) on the other hand involves a discourse situation whereby the cognitive status of the instrument is not active. The instrumental marker on
nouns is a proclitic marker N-, i.e. a homorganic nasal:
(14) k̀-címbʌ́ rí án-tɔ̀n-ààt̪áŋ
pɛ́ ɛl̀ âŋ
ŋ̀ -k-ʌ́ wùh
sg-child
rec.past-break-inst:compl window inst-sg-stone
the child broke the window with a stone
As already shown in some of the examples presented above, several derivational markers may also be combined. Consider the following example
in this respect:
(15) dʊ̀w-á-y-ɪ̀k-ɪ́ŋ-àá
stand-low.tr-ee-caus-vent-inst
let him/her/it come down (towards the speaker by using something, e.g.
a rope)
1.2.4 Antipassive
The antipassive is, by defijinition, a verb voice whose use results in deletion
or demoting of the object of a primarily transitive verb. Consider the Tima
expressions below, one with a transitive verb and one with the same verb
marked by the antipassive marker -(V )k (with V being an underspecifijied
vowel):11
11 Cf. Abeer Bashir (2010, chapter 4.1).
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(16) ʌ́ ↓bú y-ɛ̂h
t̪ɪm
̀ ɪ̀tɪ̪ m
̀ ɪ̀k
plant pl-sorghum densely
plant the sorghum densely
ʌ́ bù-y-ùk
plant-ee-ap
plant (sth.)
However, the situation is more complicated in that one may fijind the antipassive marker in Tima on a verb with an object following the derived
verb:
(18) bʌ́ rh̀ c-ɪ̀tɪ̪ ̀
wash sg-cloth
wash the cloth
(19) bʌ́ rh-ʌ̀k
wash-ap
wash (it)
(20) bʌ́ rh-ʌ̀k ì-dʌ̀wún
wash-ap pl-hand
wash your hands (lit. wash the hands for your own benefijit)
In (20), the antipassive marker refers to an action executed for one’s own
benefijit, i.e. the marker’s range touches the fijield of middle voice. By contrast, if a person is supposed to wash the hands of somebody else, the
antipassive marker would be ungrammatical:
(21) bʌ́ rh̀ ì-dʌ̀wún
wash pl-hand
wash (his/her/their) hands
Overt antipassive and high transitivity marking are (usually) mutually
exclusive. The only exception we found in the data concerns a transitive
action carried out for one’s own benefijit:
(22) t̪ɪh̀ -ɪ́-y-àk
pull-ht-ee-ap
take it offf (for yourself; here: a piece of cloth)
1.2.5 Telicity
Another important topic prerequisite for a proper understanding of the
argument structure and semantics of perception verbs in Tima is telicity.
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It not only plays a role in connection with high transitivity marking (as
mentioned above), we also fijind a marker in Tima that converts an atelic
action into a telic one. This marker is -at ̪aŋ, a sufffijix occurring in combination with many perception verbs. Consider fijirst:
(23) mɔ́ ɔk̀ ‘drink’
vs.
mɔ́ ɔ́k-àt̪àŋ ‘drink up’
Consider also the following exampleː
(24.a) wɔ́ r↓t̪ɘ́máádɘ̀h
man
the man fell
àŋ-kídìk
past-fall
vs.
(24.b) wɔ́ r↓t̪ɘ́máádɘ̀h
àŋ-kídík-át̪áŋ
man
past-fall-compl
the man fell on the ground
̀-nʌ́ hì
prep-ground
Whereas wɔ́ r↓t ̪ɘ́ máádɘ̀ h àŋkí dìk12 implies that the speaker was present,
when the man fell, in wɔ́ r↓t ̪ɘ́ máádɘ̀ h àŋkí dí kát ̪áŋ ̀nʌ́ hì the speaker found
the man had fallen when (s)he came across the person in question. In (25)
vs. (26), the diffference lies in the completion of the action. Both actions
were executed in the past, but whereas ṕ nʌ̀ cɛ̀ táɽʊ̀ wàk ‘(s)he was cleaning’ implies that there is more cleaning to be done, in ṕ nʌ̀ cɛ̀ tàɽʊ̀ wàkàt ̪áŋ
‘(s)he was cleaning up’ it is clear that the cleaning of the fijield has been
completed.13
(25) ṕnʌ̀
cɛ̀-táɽʊ̀-w-àk
pro3sg imperv:past-clean-ee-ap
(s)he was cleaning a/the fijield
12 Note that the verb is not marked for the imperfective (as in ex. 25). If this were the
case, the speaker would want to refer to some event that happened during the time the
man was falling.
13 Hopper and Thompson (1980) explain the situation in their paragraph on aspect as
follows: “ASPECT: An action viewed from its endpoint, i.e. a telic action, is more efffectively transferred to a patient than one not provided with such an endpoint. In the telic
sentence I ate it up, the activity is viewed as completed, and the transferral is carried out
in its entirety; but in the atelic I am eating it, the transferral is only partially carried out.”
(1980: 252)
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(26) ṕnʌ̀
cɛ̀-táɽʊ̀-w-àk-àt̪áŋ
pro3sg imperv.past-clean-ee-ap-compl
(s)he was cleaning up the fijield
In Tima (as well as in English) a partially executed action is implied in
the use of the imperfective marking (here: past imperfective). The imperfective aspect assigns atelicity to the action. By contrast, the completive
marker -at ̪aŋ, is associated with telicity and shows that the action was
going to be completed.
1.2.6 Tense/Aspect
In Tima, two perfect paradigms are diffferentiated morphologically from
each other. One denotes a recent perfect (glossed as rec.past), the other
one a remote perfect (glossed as past). Tima also has an imperfective,
which may refer to actions in progress or habitual actions, respectively. In
addition, two future paradigms (near and distant future)14 can be diffferentiated from a potential aspect. All tense/aspect markers precede the verbal root. The simplest form of the verb, the root, is a form without either
person or tense/aspect marking. It may, for example, occur whenever a
phrase or constituent other than the verb is in focus and when the verb
consequently is in post-focal position (see also Dimmendaal 2009b:339).
(27) kɔ́ r↓t̪ʊ́máádɘ́ h-ɘ́ -↓ná15 ɪ̀sháhɪ̀-y-ɛ̀ mɔ́ ɔk̀ ŋ̀ -kù-t̪úk
man-ee-dem
tea-ee-foc drink inst-sg-porridge
this man is consuming tea together with bread
1.2.7 Constituent Order
The constituent order of Tima tends to be SV/AVO for clauses uttered in
isolation, but because of focus and topic marking the order can be OVA,
VAO, or VOA for a transitive clause. As pointed out in the fijirst sketch
of Tima (Dimmendaal 2009b), the language shows signs of split ergativity. The object (taking on the role of patient in semantic terms), which is
morphologically marked for focus, precedes the verb, whereas the agent
follows and is prefijixed by N- (a homorganic nasal). If the agent is pronominal, it is marked by a special pronominal clitic on the verb (1st, 2nd singular and plural) or an ergative pronoun (3rd singular and plural) consisting
14 Cf. Suzan Alamin (2012, chapter 4.4.1.1).
15 wɔ́ r↓t ̪ɘ́ máadɘ̀ h and kɔ́ r↓t ̪ʊ́ máádɘ̀ h ‘man’ are variants from each other.
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of the homorganic nasal fused with the independent pronoun. Consider
the three sets of pronominals (cf. also Dimmendaal 2009b:338):
Table 9.1. Tima pronominal forms
1sg
2sg
3sg
1pl:incl
1pl:excl
2pl
3pl
Independent
Pronoun
Verbal Pronominal
Enclitic
Ergative Pron. Enclitic /
Ergative Pronoun
ḱ↓dʌ́
ŋààŋ
ṕnʌ̀
ɪ̀nɛ̀ɛỳ
ìnìiǹ
ɪ̀nààn
ìhìnʌ́
-dʌ / -da / -dɔ / -dɔ
-ŋaŋ
-Ø
-nɛy
-nin
-naan
-Ø
-nʌ / -na / -no / -nɔ
-ŋaŋ
ḿnʌ̀
-nɛy
-nin
-naan
ɲìhìnʌ́
(28) y-ábʊ̀h-ɛ̀
ŋ̀ -ḱmʌ́ n-nʌ́
pl-meat-foc pm-be_satisfijied-1sg:erg
I am satisfijied by the meat / the meat satisfijied me
(29) ŋààŋ-á húm-áá-yáŋ-nʌ́
c-ídʌ̀
2sg-foc depend-inst-2sg:loc-1sg:erg sg-body
I depend on you
Furthermore, the ergative pronominals occur when the verb itself is
focused (see also ex. 12) in the section on the instrumental marker; cf.
Dimmendaal (2009b: 345):
(30) cèŋ-kúmún-nʌ́
ɲ-ɪ̀ɪ ́
lɛ́ ɛ́nɪ́
imperv-fijind-1sg:erg inst-eyes 1sg:poss
I’ve seen it with my own eyes
(31) kɪ́-hɪ̀-y-àà-nʌ̂ŋ
neg-know-ee-inst-1sg:erg:neg
I don’t know
(32) cɛ́ -dàh-ɪ́ɪ-́ ↓dá
ḿ↓nʌ̀
3imperv-say-ben-1sg pro3sg:erg
(s)he said to me . . .
dʌ̀ŋdèè . . .
like
(33) ú-↓kúmùn ɲìhìnʌ́
3past-fijind pro3pl:erg
they did see (it)
In sum, ergative marking occurs when the unmarked constituent order
(SV/AVO) is altered to focus either on the object or on the verb (plus an
object which is understood from the context).
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1.2.8 The Tima Lexicon
The Tima language has a rich inflectional and derivational morphology
which allows one to diffferentiate several word-classes such as nouns,
adjectives, and verbs (with several sub-groups), to name but the most
prominent ones. As outlined elsewhere (Schneider-Blum, in press), the
Tima lexicon—organized by roots—so far appears to comprise a relatively small number of roots. One of the reasons is that many lexemes are
polysemous due to the frequent use of metaphorical extensions; polysemous words can be disambiguated with the help of ideophones,16 which
are mostly lexically bound to a particular word of one of the major wordclasses, and therefore not listed as independent roots. Consider e.g. cɪ̀ŋɪ́
with the meanings ‘fijire’ and ‘gun’, respectively. To disambiguate the two
meanings of the word, one attaches the ideophonic words p̀r or tùm,
hence cɪ̀ŋɪ́ p̀r for ‘fijire’ and cɪ̀ŋɪ́ tùm for ‘gun’. Lexically bound ideophones
are not confijined to nouns, but may specify adjectives and verbs too, e.g.
àttún kùlùmkùlùm ‘(beautifully) dark’ vs. àttún hɘ̀ rhɘ̀ r ‘dark (with the connotation of being dirty)’.
After having presented some background information on the language
and grammatical issues prerequisite to a proper understanding of the
examples in the discussion on perception and cognition below, we will
now focus on the domain of perception.
2
Perception
The term perception is a rather vague and cloudy expression potentially
referring to quite diverse concepts. When asking a theologian for a defijinition, the answer will probably be diffferent from a psychologist’s or biologist’s conceptualization. For some, the term refers to a complex cognitive
process, for others to physical absorption and processing only. While leaving the question ‘What is perception?’ open, and while abstaining from
an absolute and universal defijinition, we will start with what is generally agreed upon as being part of our perception system: sense perception. In the strict sense we confijine perception here to the (volitional or
16 The Tima bound ideophones discussed in the following are only glossed as ideo,
because it would be wrong to assign an individual meaning to each. The expressions
should be treated as constructions or phrasal compounds consisting of a free word with a
broad meaning and a bound word that specifijies the meaning, but has no semantic value
by itself.
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Table 9.2. Five senses in Tima
Sense Modality
Basic Lexeme
Verbal Root17
English Equivalent
vision
audition
olfaction
kɘ̀ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́l
k̀m̀ntéél
k̀ŋʌ̀ʌ́l
kùdùùhéél
kɪ̀lɛ̀ɛm
̀ ɪ́l
kɘ̀dàál
-ŋah-mɨnt-ŋʌl-duh-lɛm-da-
seeing, watching, looking
listening, hearing
smelling
smelling at, snifffijing at
tasting
touching
gustation
tactition
non-volitional) physical (and hence measurable) excitement of our sense
organs by an outer input (i.e., the stimulus originating from outside the
body and activating the sensory receptors).17
In the Tima lexicon, we can diffferentiate between verbal concepts that
refer to the following sense modalities: vision (seeing with eyes), audition
(hearing with ears), olfaction (smelling with the nose), gustation (tasting
with the tongue), and tactition (touching with the hands). In Table (9.2),
these fijive senses are listed together with their Tima equivalents: the verbal nouns (as the citation form) in the second column, and the (bound)
verb roots in the third column.
Viberg’s (1984: 123f ) dynamic system—determined by fijield-independent components—is divided into activities (i.e. consciously controlled
unbounded processes), experiences (i.e. uncontrolled states or inchoative achievements, or, using Himmelmann’s (2010: 4) terminology, “spontaneous / not consciously directed perceptions”) and copulative static
expressions. The former two are experiencer-based, whereas the latter
is source-based. The following examples (ex. (34)–ex. (45)) show, where
available, the corresponding Tima verbs, starting with the controlled
(active) experience (ex. (34)–ex. (38)):
Vision:
(34) ká-á-ŋàh-àk
àlàkɔ́ ɔ́-w-ɔ́ ŋ
neg-2sg-see-ap back-ee-neg
don’t look back!
17 The simplest form of the verb sometimes is the imperative in the singular, consisting
of the root only, i.e. ŋâh ‘watch’. However, this is not always the case, since often one of
the derivational markers needs to be added to yield the imperative, e.g. ḿ nt-ʌ̀ k (root +
antipassive marker) ‘listen’ or ŋʌ̀ l-í (root + transitive marker) ‘smell’.
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Audition:
(35) ḿnt-ʌ̀k-t̪ɛɛ̀ ́ nǃ
or ḿnt-ʌ̀k-áá-dà
hear-ap-loc:1sg
hear-ap-inst-1sg
listen to meǃ
Contrary to the verbs for ‘see’ and ‘hear’, verbs expressing the following
sensory experiences can in fact take, and in fact frequently do occur in
combination with, the high transitivity marker.
Olfaction:
(36) k-úù
án-dùh-ì
k-ûh
sg-dog rec.past-snifff-ht sg-bone
the dog snifffed at the bone
Gustation:
(37) lɛ̀m-ɪ́
ì-t̪úk
taste-ht pl-porridge
taste the porridge (before you serve it)!
Tactition:
(38) cíbʌ̀ án-dày-ɪ̀
k-àn
child rec.past-touch-ht sg-thing
the child touched the hot iron
hʊ̀wàn kʊ̀-dʊ̀ʔál18
empty mod.sg-hot
The same words are attested in situations illustrating a less controlled
(passive) experience:
(39) cùk-wʌ̀
ŋáh-↓dá wɔ́ r↓t̪ɘ́máadɘ̀h
ideo-foc see-1sg man
I only saw the man from the corner of my eye
(40) ́-ḿn↓t-ʌ́ k-áá↓-dá
lɛ̀lmʊ́ l k-áhŋá
past-hear-ap-inst-1sg noise sg-night
I heard some noise last night
(41) á-ŋʌ̀l-ì-ŋàŋ
rec.past-smell-ht-2sg
bùŋùl(-nʌ́ )
ɘ̀-k-áŋál-nǎ
stench(-dem) prep-sg-sheep-dem
ɪ́-mɪ́ɲáwá-át̪áŋ-nà?
pl-bloated-compl-dem
did you smell the stench of the bloated sheep?
18 The noun kàn (pl: yàn) is a bound noun occurring in compounds such as kàn hʊ̀ wàn
‘iron’.—To assign an active, controlled reading of ‘touching’ to ex. 38) does not, of course,
mean that the child knew what he/she was doing. It just means that the child was moving
deliberately.
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(42) cɛ́ -lɛ̀m-ɪ̀-yàŋ-ɘ́ -dà
imperv-taste-ht-3sg.obj-ee-1sg
I taste spices in the cofffee
yɛ̀mpɛ̀rɛ́
medicine
231
ì-yìmbìrîŋ
prep-cofffee
There is no passive uncontrolled reading for ‘touching, feeling’.
We fijind the same verbs in copulative expressions, which are sourcebased; the experiencer is either not expressed at all, or occurs in nonsubject position. These verbs express a state rather than a process. This
is reflected in the Tima sentence structureː The experienced entity is in
subject position followed by an adjective marked for stative singular or
plural. (The plural morpheme i-/ɪ- is not restricted to stative marking, but
indicates plurality in diffferent contexts. Only by analogy with the singular form, we can conclude that we are dealing with the stative here.) The
predicative adjective is followed by a secondary predication in this construction type.
(43) kì-hí
à-mál
sg-place stat-good
the place looks nice
ŋáh-àk
see-ap
(44) kʊ̀ɽʊ̀nɛ́ ɛ́l à-mál
ḿnt-ʌ̀k-îŋ
singing
stat-good listen-ap-vent
the singing sounds good (to the speaker who is at a certain distance from
the source)
(45) ɪ̀-dɘ̀lɛ́
ì-hhín
ŋʌ́ ʌl̀
pl-flower pl-very.sweet smell:pluract
the flowers smell extremely nice
There is no corresponding copulative expression with ‘tasting’ and ‘touching, feeling’.
The words for ‘seeing’ and ‘listening’ may also cover the notions of
‘being visible’ and ‘being audible’, respectively. Here the experience is
source-based (as it is the copulative expression), but the verb is marked
for potential, whereas the Patient role is expressed as a subject.
(46) ýɽ́ ì cɛ́ -ŋàh-àk-ɪ̂?
kɘ̀-ŋáh-àk-ɪ̂ŋ
Yɨɨɽi imperv-see-ap-vent.qu pot-see-ap-vent
is Yɨɨɽi (i.e. a mountain) visible? it is visible (to the speaker(s))
(47) t̪-àmáá nʌ́ -m̀nt-ʌ̀k-àà?
t̪-àmáá k̀-ḿnt-ʌ̀k-îŋ
sg-talk 2pl-listen-ap-inst sg-talk pot-listen-ap-vent
do you (pl.) hear the talk? the talk is audible (to the speaker(s))
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The lexeme kɘ̀ ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́ l ‘seeing’ covers also the notion of ‘noticing, thinking, conjecture’ (in ex. (48), i.e. it is essentially semantically general over
several readings:
(48) ɘ́ -ŋáh-ɘ́ -ná
c-ídʌ́
k-ɔ̀ɔ́-lɪ́-yɛ̀
ʊ́ -tɔ̀ɔ̀
past-see-ee-1sg.erg sg-body sg-family-foc-rep past-pass
I noticed / thought / saw) that someone moved past (not sure)
Again, only by adding an ideophone the meaning becomes more specifijic,
i.e. is confijined to a certain reading. Ideophones thus are used to restrict
the potential range of meanings. For example, to specifijically point out
the notion of not having seen something properly, the ideophone cùk
is attached (see ex. (39)). The co-occurrence of the verb kɘ̀ ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́ l with
another ideophone renders the notion of ‘watching to and fro, watching
around’:
(49) kʊ̀-dáádɪ́ cɛ̀-ŋáh-ák
pɔ̀ŋkɔ̀lpɔ̀ŋkɔ̀l
sg-thief
imperv:past-see-ap ideo
the thief looked around (repeatedly)
Similarly, the lexeme k̀m̀ntéél is semantically general over ‘hearing, listening, sounding’ and ‘overhearing’ or ‘eavesdropping’. To specify the latter meaning, the verb needs to be modifijied by the ideophone hʊ̀ dàhʊ̀ dàk
(ex. (50) and (51)).
(50) ́-ḿn↓t-ʌ́ k-áát̪áŋ-ɘ́ -dà
past-listen-ap-inst:compl-ee-1sg
t̪-àmáá-nǎ
sg-talk-dem
á-y-ìhìnʌ́
hʊ̀dàhʊ̀dàk
source-ee-pro3pl ideo
I overheard this conversation between them (other people)
(51) ŋáh
see
kɪ̀-dɛ́ k, ʌ́ yír-ʌ̀k
tìʔìŋ, ɪ̀hwáá-nǎ
sg-neck speak-ap little people-dem
à-ḿnt-ʌ̀k-àá-yɛ̌y
y-àmáá hʊ̀dàhʊ̀dàk
rec.past-listen-ap-inst-loc:1pl.inc pl-talk ideo
watch out / be careful, speak in a low voice, these people eavesdropped on
us before
The data discussed above are summarized in Table (9.3).
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Table 9.3. Tima perception verbs and Viberg’s (1984) dynamic states
Sense
Tima Verb
Modality
English
Equivalent
Experiencer
Based*
Source Based**
Active Passive Copulative Potential
(-able)
vision
kɘ̀ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́l
seeing,
watching,
looking,
noticing
audition k̀m̀ntéél listening,
hearing,
sounding,
eavesdropping,
overhearing
olfaction k̀ŋʌ̀ʌ́l
smelling
kùdùùhéél smelling at,
snifffijing
gustation kɪ̀lɛ̀ɛm
̀ ɪ́l
tasting, trying
(food)
tactition kɘ̀dàál
touching,
(active) feeling
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
–
–
x
–
–
–
–
* agent / experiencer in subject position; ** source (= stimulus) in subject position
Some additional properties need to be pointed out with regard to the
olfactory sense. There are actually two verbs in Tima that can be translated as ‘smelling at’ vs. ‘smelling’:
kùdùùhéél ‘smelling at sth. in front of you, snifffijing at sth.’ (ex. (36))
k̀ŋʌ̀ʌ́l
‘smelling the odour / the scent of something in the air’ (ex. (52))
(52) k-úù
á-ŋʌ̀l-ì
k-ûh
sg-dog rec.past-smell-ht sg-bone
the dog smelled the bone (hidden somewhere in the grass)
With regard to kɪ̀lɛ̀ ɛ̀mɪ́ l ‘tasting (trying food)’, the most crucial issues have
already been discussed. The verb may occur in active as well as passive
experiencer-based sentences, with the experiencer in agent or subject
position, respectively (depending on whether the object is mentioned
or not). It may also occur in copulative expressions with the stimulus in
subject position.
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The verb kɘ̀ dàál covers the meaning of active touching or feeling only.19
In order to convey additional notions, alternative lexical strategies are
required. The most common one is to use the stative marker in combination with an adjective (which results in a non-verbal predicate):
(53) k-úúr
à-t̪ʌŋ̀ ̀rt̪ʌŋ̀ ́r
sg-bark stat-rough
the bark is / feels rough
↓lɛ́ ɛ́nɪ́
(54) cídʌ́
à-t̪ʌŋ̀ ̀rt̪ʌŋ̀ ́r
sg-body 1sg:poss stat-rough
my skin (lit.ː body) is / feels rough
Notice, however, that the above translation with ‘feel’ may be misleading:
the stative marks a fact or state rather than an experience.
If one wants to feel the temperature of an item, one can ‘touch’ the
item and ‘fijind out’ its temperature.
(55) ɘ́ n-dà-y-í-dà
past-touch-ee-ht-1sg
k-wɛ̀ɛ́ŋ
sg-bowl
úŋ-↓kúmún-nʌ́
1sg:past-fijind-1sg.erg
ká-à-dʊ̀ʔàl-âŋ
neg-stat-hot-neg
I touched the bowl to fijind out whether it (here: the soup) is not hot
To express a feeling of hunger, thirst, heat, and so on, the stative marker
a- again can be used:
(56) ḱ↓dʌ́
à-dʊ̀ʔál
pro1sg stat-hot
I am / feel hot
19 Some remarks on the sense modalities mentioned so far seem in order. Restricting
the discussion to fijive senses, as done up to this point, is a somewhat outdated procedure.
Contemporary insights into the world of perception (and cognition) suggest that there are
more senses than the afore-mentioned: Thus, we have our own sense for preserving the
equilibrium, for proprioception (i.e. the feeling for our body), and also we have our own
sense for pain (nociception). Nociception (like other sense modalities) may intertwine
with other senses. But it should be stressed that pain is not exclusively ‘felt’ by touching
or being touched; rather, feeling pain is a distinct phenomenon with its own receptors.
Similarly, temperature is captured by special receptors (cold vs. hot). This sense is called
thermoception. The brain itself has special regions for each of these senses. Consequently,
from a neuroscientifijic point of view it makes perfect “sense” if the Tima people do not ‘feel’
pain by using the word kɘ̀ dàál ‘touching’. The experiencer of pain does not play an active
role; instead, he rather fijinds himself in the role of a victim to whom something is done.
We therefore decided to use the term ‘tactition’ rather than the more common ‘haptic
perception’ (which is associated with processing the input and hence with feeling) so that
the confijinement of kɘ̀ dàál to active touching is reflected in its terminology.
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(57) à-t̪ɘl̀ àwʊ́ -dà20
or ḱdʌ̀
à-t̪ɘl̀ àwù
stat-hunger-1sg
pro1sg stat-hunger
I am / feel hungry
However, if the feeling is more intense, or if it becomes painful, the actual
source of the pain also becomes active. It ‘catches’ you, ‘takes’ you or
‘eats’ you:
(58) cíiǹ
ʊ́ -kʊ̀d-ɪ̀-y-àk-àt̪àŋ-ɘ́ -dà
cold past-catch-ht-ee-ap-compl-ee-1sg
I feel cold (lit. the cold caught me)
(59) mɪ̀lɛ́ ɛ́,
k-ʌ́ wùh ʊ̀-kʊ́ tɛ̪ ɛ̀ ́ n yàdɪ́ɪ ́
wait:ht sg-stone past-took:loc:1sg loc2:leg
wait, I have/feel a stone under my foot (lit. wait, a stone took at me at the
leg)
(60) t̪ɘ-̀ làwʊ̀
́-↓kʌ́ lùk k̀-cím↓bʌ́ rí
sg-hunger past-eat sg-child
the child was very hungry (lit. hunger ate the child)
We fijind similar constructions in other domains of the language, and in
all of them a lack of control or a non-volitional act appears to be the key
factor, for example when somebody slipped and said: kààn ánt ̪ɪ̀hɪ́ ɪ́dà; lit.:
‘the stone pulled for me’. After heavy rains, a man drowned in a seasonal
stream in the Tima area, which lead somebody to remark: àŋkʊ́ tʊ́ ɽákát ̪áŋ
ɲìídì; lit.: ‘the water took him along’. The bottom line is that if we do not
master a situation any longer, we are no longer agents; the linguistic reflex
of this state of afffairs grammatically is the expression of the experiencer
in non-subject position.
Having discussed the verbs of olfaction, gustation and tactition, we are
left with the verbs for vision, kɘ̀ ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́ l ‘seeing’, and audition, k̀m̀ntéél
‘hearing’, and consequently we now enter the fijield of cognition.
3
Perception and Cognition
The meaning of kɘ̀ ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́ l is not restricted to a more punctual active or passive ‘seeing’. Instead, the word may also confer the more durative meaning
or reading of ‘watching’ in the sense of ‘intensively looking at something,
e.g. watching TV, as well as the meaning of ‘watching, herding’.
20 The expression is similar to the (archaic) German ‘es hungert mich (lit.: it hungers me)’.
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(61) áyɪ́↓wééŋ ɪ̀-hɘ̀làk-àà-nín
when
pl-stay-inst-1pl.exc
l-ánt̪ɘ̀
loc-inside
hùrù,
forest
ɪ̀-hɔ̀ɔ́k
ɘ́ -↓ŋáh-ɘ̀-nìn
past-see-ee-1pl.exc pl-bird
when we were in the forest, we were watching the birds
(62) kʊ̀-háàl
cɛ́ -↓ŋáh
ɪ́-mɪ̀ɪ,̀
áɲ-áŋàl,
áɲ-áná
sg-herding.boy imperv-see pl-goat conj.pl-sheep conj.pl-cow
a/the herding boy watches (the) goats, (the) sheep and (the) cattle
Consider also:
‘watching children’—kɘ̀ŋàhɘ̀l íib́ ʌ́
‘watching the house’—kɘ̀ŋàhɘ́ l úkùrtú
The actual meaning of ‘seeing’ is extended into a more abstract ‘tending, caring for something, looking after’. Compare also the following two
examples (ex. (63)–ex. (64)) with the translated possible readings and
implications:
(63) ŋáh-àk-àt̪áŋ
see-ap-compl
watch out / pay attention / take care
The sentence above was uttered when somebody’s child did not pay attention to a coming car. It can be uttered only when the person is actually
able to see, contrary to the next example, which may be used even when
addressing a blind person (see also ex. 51).
(64) ŋáh kɪ̀-dɛ́ k
see sg-neck
take care (lit. watch the neck)
Whereas the action in ex. (63) is still bound to perceptual seeing, and
hence bridging the gap between perception and cognition, the action in
ex. (64) is transferred to a more cognitive level, with the perceptional seeing being neglected.
With the following three examples, we move yet further away from the
perceptual ‘seeing’ to a more cognitive ‘assuming / having the impression /
considering’.
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↓k-ábʊ́ h
(65) c-íbóónìn à-lá-y-ɪ́
ɪ́tá̪ n
sg-girl
rec.past-prepare.sauce-ee-ht sauce sg-meat
ɪ̀-mmál;
cɛ́ -ŋáh-ɘ́ -ná
à-kɛ̀lɛ́ ŋ-ɪ̀-yɛ̀
pl-very.good imperv-see-ee-1sg.erg stat-skilled-ee-rep
cɛ̀ŋ-kɔ́ yɔ̀-ɔ̀k
imperv-prepare.food-ap
the girl prepared a very good meat sauce; I have the impression (lit. I see)
that she can cook well / I consider her (to be) a good cook
(66) cɛ́ -ŋáh-ɘ́ -ná
imperv-see-ee-1sg.erg
ì-dʌ̀wún ɪ̀-dɪ́-háwʊ̀k-ɪ̀-yɛ̀
pl-hand pl-fut-plenty-ee-rep
ɪ̀-hɘ̀làk-àá
pl-stay-inst
I consider (lit. I see) staying longer (not sure)
(67) c-íbóó↓nín-nʌ̌
sg-girl-dem
cɛ́ -ŋâh
kɪ̀-dɛ́ k
imperv-see sg-neck
cɛ́ -yɛ̀
imperv-rep
ŋ́ -kɘ́ -màl-ŋùŋ
inst-mod.sg-beautiful-3sg:log
this girl considers (lit.: sees) herself to be beautiful (but in fact she is not)
The fijindings for the domain of vision in Tima so far are as follows: There
is a lexeme for ‘seeing / looking / watching’, kɘ̀ ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́ l, which also covers
some more abstract notions like ‘tending, caring’, ‘having the impression’
and ‘considering’. It is also possible to express ‘being visible’ with this
verb.
The word k̀m̀ntéél covers notions such as ‘listening / hearing / sounding’, if we use English as the metalanguage; (see ex. (35), (40), and (44)).
Its meaning may—not quite unexpectedly—extend beyond pure perception. Consider the following two sentences:
(68) k-úù
sg-dog
à-ḿnt-ʌ̀k-ààt̪áŋ
t̪-àmáá
rec.past-listen-ap-inst:compl sg-talk
á-kʊ̀-háàl
source- sg-herding.boy
the dog obeyed / followed (lit. heard / listened to) the command of the
shepherd
(69) ḱ-m̀nt-ʌ̀k-áá-dà
t̪-àmáá lááŋɪ́
mʌ̀dʌ̀k-ʌ̂ŋ
neg-listen-ap-inst-1sg sg-talk 2sg:poss again-neg
I don’t heed your advice (lit.: listen to your talk) any more
Norclifffe (2010) discusses the metonymic constraint concerning ‘hearing’
in Guambiano. “Perception event descriptions in Guambiano don’t readily
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accommodate metonymic extension from signals to sources. That is, the
entity producing the signal, cannot stand in for the signal itself (which is
the true direct object of the perception event).” (Norclifffe 2010: 16) Moreover, in Tima one cannot say ‘listen to your father’; instead, one needs to
phrase such a command as ‘listen to the words of your father’, i.e. one
needs to mention the object of hearing, like the talk (in ex. (68) and (69)),
the noise (in ex. (40)), etc. What is peculiar or remarkable with all sentences involving k̀m̀ntéél ‘hearing’ is the use of the antipassive marker
(as is also reflected in the verbal noun, which morpho-phonologically also
contains the antipassive marker: < kɨ-m̀nt-ʌ́ k-í l); it seems to be petrifijied/
lexicalised with this verb. Once marked for the antipassive, mentioning
of an object is not readily possible; only if the instrumental derivational
extension is added to the verb, it allows for the “incorporation” as a core
constituent of an otherwise peripheral syntactic argument.
The basic meaning ‘listening, hearing’ of k̀m̀ntéél extends to the
notions of ‘obeying, complying with’ or to ‘heeding’, respectively (and
with the latter meaning it may also be used with people who are not able
to hear, i.e. with respect to deaf people). The diachronic link (in terms of
semantic extensions or networks) here is that the perception results in
some responsive action. The question arises, of course, how the notions
of ‘understanding’, ‘knowing’, ‘thinking’ and ‘remembering’ are expressed.
First of all, there is the verb of cognition k̀dìndìŋí l ‘thinking’. It is basically intransitive, but by adding the instrumental a peripheral role may be
“raised” to object position, i.e. be incorporated into the argument structure of the verb (as pointed out above).
(70) ́n-díndíŋ-áá-↓dá
k-ʌ́ hù
c-íbʌ́ -↓nʌ́
1sg:past-think-inst-1sg sg-name sg-child-dem
I thought about the child’s name
Another relevant verb is kùmùnúúl ‘fijinding’. Contrary to the verbs ‘see’
and ‘hear’, where we have an extension from perception to cognition,
‘fijinding’ originates outside this domain, namely in the concrete physical
universe, and—from there—it enters the fijield of cognition. Consider the
following sentences:
(71) ɘ́ m-pɘ̀l-áá-↓dá
1sg:past-want-inst-1sg
gálɘ̀m; dámàk ùŋ-kúmún-nʌ́
pen
then
1sg:past-fijind-1sg.erg
á-l-íhí
hàŋkɘ̀rɛ́ ŋ
source-loc-place bed
I was looking for my pen; then I found it under the bed
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(72) gálɘ̀m
pen
239
lɛ́ ɛ́nɪ́
àŋ-wʌ́ r-ʌ̀k-àt̪áŋ;
1sg:poss rec.past-lose-ap-compl
ùŋ-kúmún-nʌ́
1sg:past-fijind-1sg.erg
ŋ̀ -k-ʌ́ ʌ́d̀h-é-yè
erg-sg-monkey-ee-rep
kʊ́ tʊ́ ɽ-ák-át̪áŋ
take.with-ap-compl
my pen was lost; I found out that a monkey had taken it along
Here, the meaning varies between ‘fijinding’ and ‘fijinding out, discovering,
retrieving’ (see also ex. (55)). But there is more to kùmùnúúl in terms of its
semantic structure. (Ex. (70)) ‘I thought about the child’s name’ was the
fijirst statement of an utterance which continued with:
(73) . . . dámàk ùŋ-kúmùn-ʌ̀k-àt̪àŋ-ná
. . . then
1sg:past-fijind-ap-compl-1sg.erg
. . . then I remembered (lit.: found)
Another reading of kùmùnúúl may be ‘meeting’ or ‘seeing sb.’:
(74) nʌ̀-kúmùn-ʌ̀k-ɘ̀-nàn í-dʌ̀
nà
Háámɪ̀t kùlʌ̀?
2pl-fijind-ap-ee-2pl
pl-body with <name> yesterday
did you (sg./pl.) meet with Hamid yesterday?
(75) á-↓kúmún-ŋàŋ
Háámɪ̀t kùlʌ̀?
2sg:past-fijind-2sg <name> yesterday
did you see Hamid yesterday?
The (fundamental) diffference between ex. ((74)) and ex. ((75)) is that in
the former question the inquirer wanted to know whether the addressee
actually had contact with Hamid, whereas in the latter situation the
inquirer knew that they did not have contact; in other words, (s)he just
wanted to know whether the addressee saw Hamid since (s)he (the
inquirer) knew that Hamid was there as well, but without having seen
him (the addressee).
In certain contexts, kùmùnúúl is the equivalent of ‘reaching sb. / contacting sb.’ in the metalanguage English:
(76) nʌ́ -kúmùn k-ày21
kɔ̀lɔ́ ɔl̀
kùlʌ̀?
2pl-fijind
sg-agent driving yesterday
did you (pl) reach the driver yesterday?
21 Another bound noun is kày (pl. yày). It is the fijirst element of a nomen agentis.
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gertrud schneider-blum and gerrit j. dimmendaal
The context made clear that the addressee could not have met the driver,
since the latter was far away (on the road). The inquirer knew that the
addressee had tried to use his satellite phone to contact the person in
question.
One additional reading of kùmùnúúl ‘fijinding’ in its cognitive and interpretative reading is ‘understanding’:
(77) cáá-↓kúmùn-ʌ̀k-àt̪áŋ
kɪ́hɪ́yánɛ́ ɛ́l lɛ́ ɛ́nɪ́?
2sg:imperv:past.surprise-fijind-ap-compl asking
1sg:poss
did you understand my question (lit.: did you fijind my asking)?
(78) càà-kúmùn-ʌ̀k-àt̪áŋ
t̪-ámáá lɛ̀ɛǹ ɪ̀?
2sg:imperv:past-fijind-ap-compl sg-talk 1sg:poss
do you understand me (lit. did you fijind my talk)?
Also, kùmùnúúl may convey the readings of ‘knowing, be acquainted with’
and ‘learning’.
(79) wɔ́ r↓t̪ɘ́máádɘ̀h àŋ-kúmùn-ʌ̀k-àt̪áŋ
k̀-cím↓bʌ́ rí
man
rec.past-fijind-ap-compl sg-child
the man knows (lit. the man found) the child
(80) úŋ-↓kúmún-dʌ̀
yʌ̀ntúwʌ́ ŋ ìhʌ́ tt̪ ʌ̪ m
̀
ǹt̪ú-múrìk: . . .
1sg:past-fijind-1sg things
many
loc3-Tima
I learned (lit. I found) many things in the Tima area: . . . (said while still in
the Tima area)
(81) kùhùnʌ̀ŋ, càà-kúmùn-ʌ̀k-àt̪áŋ
ɪ̀-mɛ̀ɛǹ ɛ́
now
2sg:imperv:past-fijind-ap-compl pl-small.one
y-àmáá índíʔíl: . . .
pl-talk all
now you know (lit. you found) all letters: . . . (said to children after they had
learned all letters of the alphabet)
There is a special word for ‘knowing’, though, namely kɪ̀hɪ̀yɪ́ ɪ́l. Consider
the next sentence:
↓t̪-ámáá dì-ŋgìlìiz̀ í
(82) ṕnʌ̀
cɛ́ -hɪ́-y-áá
pro3sg imperv-know-ee-inst sg-talk mod-English
(s)he knows the English language
The diffference between the use of kùmùnúúl in ex. (81) and kɪ̀hɪ̀yɪ́ ɪ́l in
ex. (82) is that in the former situation emphasis was put on the process of
achieving (i.e. of ‘fijinding’) the knowledge, whereas in the latter case the
process does not play a role, but rather the state of knowing.
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241
The following graph summarizes the verbs discussed above and shows
which Tima verbs convey a clear perceptional/concrete meaning, which
verbs have a pure cognitive meaning, and which verbs oscillate between
the two domains.
PERCEPTION
COGNITION
kɘdáál
‘touching’
kdìndìŋíl
ˋ
‘thinking (of)’
kùdùùhéél
‘smelling at’
kŋʌʌl
ˋ ´´
‘smelling’
kìhìyííl
‘knowing’
kìlέέmil
‘tating’ ‘trying
food’
‘listening’ ‘hearing’ ‘sounding’ ‘obeying’ ‘heeding’ ‘paying attention (hearing)’
‘seeing’ ‘meeting’ ‘finding’ ‘getting into contact’ ‘finding out’ ‘discovering’
‘remembering’ ‘learning’ ‘understanding’ ‘knowing’
‘seeing’ ‘looking’ ‘noticing’ ‘considering’ ‘having the impression’ ‘assuming’
‘concluding’ ‘watching’ ‘caring’ ‘tending’ ‘paying attention’
Figure 9.1. Perception and cognition in Tima
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4
Verbs of Perception and Grammar
From a grammatical point of view, the verbs of perception and cognition
discussed in the previous paragraphs do not form a coherent subgroup. A
closer look into their behaviour with regard to derivational properties and
valency produces the following results (see also Table 9.4).
The verb ŋâh ‘watch, see, look’ (with the verbal noun kɘ̀ ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́ l) requires
a direct (= unmarked) object. The verb must be derived by the antipassive (=> ŋáh-àk), if the object is not explicit; this is also reflected in the
corresponding verbal noun, kɘ̀ ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́ l from kɘ̀ -ŋàh-àk-ɪ́ l. Additional instrumental marking (-aa) refers to the presence of an incorporated object, i.e.
to the instrument with which something is watched.
The imperative of k̀m̀ntéél ‘listening, hearing’ is ḿ ntʌ̀ k. The inflected
verb is invariably marked for the antipassive, which seems to be, as mentioned before, a frozen element, since it obligatorily occurs with the
inflected verb as well as with the verbal noun k̀m̀ntéél (from k̀m̀nt-àkɪ́ l). Again, the verb must—in addition—be derived for the instrumental /
accompaniment (-aa) to allow for a “raised” object (in terms of syntactic
functions).
(83) cáá-↓ḿnt-ʌ̀k-àá
kɪ̀-hɪ̀yànà
lɛ̀ɛǹ ɪ̀?
2sg:imperv:past-listen-ap-inst sg-question 1sg:poss
did you hear my question?
(84) ḿnt-ʌ̀k-àá
wáyɛ̀n t̪-àmáá / t̪ámáá ʊ́ ↓-wáyɛ́ n
listen-ap-inst father sg-talk / talk
prep-father
listen to what your father is saying; obey your father
This behaviour is not unique in the language. There are other inflected
verbs only occurring in combination with the petrifijied antipassive marker,
e.g. ʌ́ yí r-ʌ̀ k ‘speak’ and hɘ́ l-àk ‘stay, live’. Since they are marked for the
antipassive, they do not readily permit a direct object. To allow for such
an object, the verbal base ʌ́ yí r-ʌ̀ k again needs to be further expanded by
instrumental marking (as is the case of ḿ nt-ʌ̀ k). Consider:
↓t̪ámáá
(85) ìhìnʌ̀
́-kʌ́ yír-ʌ́ k-áá
pro3pl past-speak-ap-inst talk
they gave a talk
(86) céŋ-kʌ̀yìr-ʌ̀k-áá-↓dʌ́
1sg.impervːpres-speak-ap-inst-1sg
I speak the Tima language
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t̪àmáá
talk
dù-mùrík
mod-Tima
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243
The noun (phrase) following the stative verb hɘ́ l-àk ‘stay’ must either be
preceded by a prepositional clitic (ex. (87)) or needs to be inflected for the
locative by changing the shape of the noun class (ex. (88)).
(87) ɪ̀-wɪ́ɪ↓́ k-ɛ́
hɘ́ làk ʊ̀-k-wɛ̀ɛ́ŋ
pl-ziziphus-foc stay
prep-sg-bowl
there are fruits of the Christ’s thorn in the bowl
(88) kɪ̀-bɛ́ n-↓lɪ
hɘ́ làk y-ánt̪ɘ̀
kɘ̀-dɘ̀lɛ́
sg-cucumber.beetle-foc stay
loc-inside sg-flower
there is a cucumber beetle sitting in the flower
In all cases, the noun (phrase), whether marked for the locative, or taking
a prefijix to indicate its semantic role as the (locative) goal, or, alternatively,
being formally unmarked but with a corresponding instrumental marking on the verb, is demoted. This demotion has semantic consequences,
which are illustrated with the verb kùtùlùnúl ‘visiting’ below.
For the unmarked verb, the presence of the object is obligatory. If the
object is deleted, the verb must be marked for the antipassive (which
excludes the presence of an object). Further derivation of the verb by the
instrumental again licenses the presence of a noun phrase.
(89) túlùn ɪ̀hwáà
visit
people
visit/see your people/family
*túlùn (no object)
túlún-ʌ̀k
visit-ap
visit
túlùn-ʌ̀k-áá ɪ̀hwáà
visit-ap-inst people
meet with your people/family (somewhere)
Syntactically, ‘people’ is not an object in the fijinal example; instead, the
presence of an instrumental marker expresses the incorporation of an otherwise peripheral semantic role like a location reached by certain means
or in a specifijic manner. Semantically, there is also a diffference between
túlùn ɪ̀hwáà ‘visit your family’ and túlùnʌ̀ káá ɪ̀hwáà ‘meet with your family’. In the former case, the addressee is supposed to visit his family at
their home, in the latter case, all of them are supposed to meet somewhere, which makes it a mutually performed action, hence less directed
towards the family (and less transitive).
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The verbs k̀m̀ntéél as well as kɘ̀ ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́ l are associated with a certain
duration (i.e. a low degree of punctuality). In order to cast only a glance
at something, speakers would choose another verb instead, i.e. k̀mʌ̀ t ̪éél
‘glancing’. This verb behaves like ḿ ntʌ̀ k ‘listen’ in that it is always derived
for the antipassive. It cannot entail an (unmarked) object unless the verb
is marked for the instrumental. The object, however, does not refer to a
stimulus, but rather to an instrument or manner.
(90) mʌ́ t-̪ ʌ̀k-àà
kʊ̀-kwán
glance-ap-inst sg-entrance
peep/glance through the door
The imperative of k̀ŋʌ̀ ʌ́l ‘smelling’ is ŋʌ̀ lí (containing the high transitivity marker), if one wants to express the punctual meaning of ‘pick up a
smell’, rather than the durative meaning of enjoying the scent for longer;
the form ŋʌ́ ʌ̀ l is used, if the action is repeated or if the smelling involves
an indeterminate duration. Grammatically, this means that the verb has
to be either marked for transitivity (-i/-ɪ), or for pluractionality (here by
means of vowel length). The verb marked for pluractionality is labile with
regard to valency (consider again ex. (45)). Antipassive marking is obligatory in an experiencer-based sentence, if the object is not mentioned in
the statement. If the verb is marked for the instrumental, it depends on
the position of the object (which semantically expresses an instrumental role) whether it is marked as well. If it precedes the verb, it remains
unmarked, if it follows the direct object (patient), it is prefijixed by the
homorganic nasal proclitic in order to express its peripheral status as an
instrument. The verb kùdùùhéél ‘smelling’ behaves in a similar way. We
can overtly mark it for high transitivity so that the imperative becomes
dùhí ; the corresponding pluractional form dúùh is used only under the circumstances described above for ŋʌ́ ʌ̀ l. The same is true for the lexemes for
‘tasting’ and ‘touching’, i.e. kɪ̀lɛ̀ ɛ̀mɪ́ l and kɘ̀ dàál respectively. With the verbs
‘smelling’, ‘smelling at’, ‘tasting’ and ‘touching’, the antipassive form has
to be chosen, if the object is deleted or omitted. The antipassive always
attaches to the pluractional form of the verb. If the instrument is incorporated thematically into the argument structure of the verb, the latter must
be derived for the instrumental.
(91) lɛ̀m-ɪ́
ìtú̪ k
taste-ht porridge
taste the porridge
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245
lɛ́ ɛm
̀
ìtú̪ k
taste:pluract porridge
taste the porridge repeatedly
lɛ́ ɛ́m-àk
taste:pluract-ap
taste it
lɛ́ ɛ́m-àk-àà
kááyɪ̀m
taste-ap-inst spoon
taste it with a spoon
The verb kùmùnúúl covers a variety of readings such as ‘seeing, meeting, fijinding, reaching, discovering, remembering, learning, understanding
and knowing’. If the inflected verb is marked for the antipassive -Vk plus
the completive marker -at ̪aŋ and nevertheless followed by an unmarked
object, it refers to the more abstract cognitive readings of ‘remembering,
learning, and knowing’ i.e. literally ‘fijinding for oneself ’ (cf. ex. (73), (77),
(78), (79) and (81)).22 Note that with kùmùnúúl in its original meaning of
‘fijinding’, the verb is not marked for the antipassive, even if the object is
not mentioned.
For the perception and cognition verbs discussed so far, high transitive
marking and pluractional marking are coupled: If a verb can be marked
for transitivity, it can also (alternatively) be marked for pluractionality
(and vice versa). The object following a verb marked for transitivity usually refers to a single individualized item, but it may also refer to a number
of things or a collective noun as long as it is one unitary action.
(92) cé-ŋʌ̀l-ì
y-ábʊ̀h ǹ-c-ɪ̀tɪ̪ ̀
3sg.impervːpres-smell-ht pl-meat inst-sg-cloth
s/he smells the meat through the cloth
Pluractionality refers to either a repeated action or an action extended
over a long period. Mentioning of the object in both cases is obligatory,
unless the verb is marked for the antipassive. If, in addition to the antipassive marking, the verb is marked for the instrumental, the unmarked
object refers to the instrument in terms of semantic roles. If the verb is
22 The one exception (ex. (74)) does not contradict this hypothesis, since it illustrates
a set phrase consisting of the derived verb—with the antipassive in its second sense, i.e.
doing for one’s own benefijit—plus í dʌ̀ ‘bodies’.
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246
English
(basic
meaning)
Tima
verbal
noun
watching
glancing
hearing
smelling
smelling at
tasting
touching
fijinding
kɘ̀ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́l
k̀mʌ̀té̪ él
k̀m̀ntéél
k̀ŋʌ́ ʌ́l
kùdùùhéél
kɪ̀lɛ̀ɛm
̀ ɪ́l
kɘ̀dáál
k̀m̀nʌ̀néél
thinking
knowing
k̀dìndíŋíl
kɪ̀hɪ̀yɪ́ɪĺ
Tima verbal imp sg tr pluract inst ap ap + inst unmarked
unmarked obj marked obj
root
-i/́ -ɪ́ (vowel -aa -ak
-akaa
obj
(patient (p)
(inst) Nlength)
(default*) and/or instrument (no inst
(inst)) after
marking on
inst-marking on
the verb)
the verb
-ŋah-mʌt̪-mɨnt-ŋʌl-duh-lɛm-da(N) -mɨnʌn(V) -umun-díndìŋ-hɪ-
ŋâh
mʌ́ tʌ̪ k̀
ḿntʌ̀k
ŋʌ̀lí
dùhí
lɛ̀mɪ́
dàyí
–
–
–
+
+
+
+
–
–
–
+
+
+
+
+
–
–
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
–
–
+
+
+
+
–
+ (inst)
+ (p)
+ (p/inst**)
+ (p/inst**)
+ (p/inst**)
+ (p/inst**)
+
–
+
+***
+***
+***
+***
úmùn
díndìŋ
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
+
+
+
+
–
–
+
–
–
+
–
–
+ (p)
+ (p)
+ (p)
+
–
–
* after transitive marked verbs, pluractional marked verbs or underived verbs
** if object (instrument) in the position immediately after the verb or preceding the verb ((a)voblo/oblvoa)
*** if object (instrument) is demoted from the verb and follows the direct object (patient)) ((a)voobl)
gertrud schneider-blum and gerrit j. dimmendaal
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Table 9.4. Derivation marking on Tima perception and cognition verbs
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excite your senses
247
marked for the instrumental but not for the antipassive, the unmarked
object refers to the patient.
The two stative verbs k̀dìndí ŋí l ‘thinking’ and kɪ̀hɪ̀yɪ́ ɪ́l ‘knowing’ need
to be expanded with the instrumental marker in order to allow for an
(unmarked) object (patient).
5
Some Summarizing Thoughts
From a semantic point of view, verbs of perception constitute a semantic subgroup within the class of verbs in Tima. However, with regard to
all language-internal formal criteria (such as derivation marking, tense/
aspect and constituent ordering), they show the same behavioural features as other verbs. They may, according to the context, be derived by
transitive markers, by instrumental and antipassive markers, and they
may be derived for pluractionality. With regard to tense and aspect, verbs
of perception may combine with the imperfective as well as with the
perfective, depending on the situation type. The imperfective is chosen
when the action is non-punctual or repeated, i.e. with atelic actions; these
action(s) may take place at the time of speaking or in the past. The perfective is chosen when an action is completed. The marker -at ̪aŋ primarily
shows whether an action is telic irrespective of the chosen tense/aspect.
Constituent order is flexible in the environment of such verbs (as it is with
other verbs), so that the basic constituent order AVO/SV may be inverted.
If the stimulus of a perception verb becomes the subject of a sentence, a
verb shifts from an experiencer-based reading to a source-based reading.
Table 9.5. Occurrence of verbs of perception and cognition in this contribution
verb
English equivalent
example
kɘ̀dáál
‘touching’
(38), (55)
kùdùùhéél
‘smelling at’
(36)
k̀ŋʌ́ ʌ́l
‘smelling’
(41), (45), (52)
kɪ̀lɛ̀ɛm
̀ ɪ́l
‘tasting, trying food’
(37), (42), (91)
k̀dìndìŋíl
‘thinking (of )’
(70)
kɪ̀hɪ̀yɪ́ɪĺ
‘knowing’
(31), (82)
k̀mʌ̀té̪ él
‘glancing’
(90)
kùmùnúúl
‘seeing’
(30), (33), (75)
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gertrud schneider-blum and gerrit j. dimmendaal
Table 9.5 (cont.)
verb
k̀m̀ntéél
kɘ̀ŋàhɛ́ ɛ́l
English equivalent
example
‘meeting’
‘fijinding’
‘getting into contact, reach’
‘fijinding out’, ‘discovering’
‘remembering’
‘learning’
‘understanding’
‘knowing’
(74)
(71)
(76)
(55), (72)
(73)
(80)
(77), (78)
(79), (81)
‘listening, paying attention (hearing)’
‘sounding’
‘hearing’
‘obeying, following’
‘heeding’
‘overhearing/eavesdropping’
(35), (84)
(44)
(47), (83)
(68), (84), (69)
‘seeing, looking’
‘noticing, thinking’
‘considering’
‘having the impression,
‘assuming, concluding’
‘watching’
‘taking care’
‘paying attention, watching out, be careful’
(34), (39), (43), (49)
(48)
(66), (67)
(65)
(50), (51)
(61), (62)
(51), (64)
(63)
References
Alamin, Suzan. 2012. The Nominal and Verbal Morphology of Tima—a Niger-Congo language spoken in the Nuba Mountains. Cologne: Köppe.
Bashir, Abeer. 2010. Phonetic and phonological study of the Tima language. Ph.D. thesis,
University of Khartoum.
Chafe, Wallace L. 1987. Cognitive constraints on information flow, in: Russell S. Tomlin
(ed.), Coherence and Grounding in Discourse, pp. 21–52. Amsterdam and Philadelphia:
Benjamins.
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. 2009a. The genetic position of Tima (abstract), in: The Catalogue of
Wocal6—Cologne. The World Congress of African Linguistics, 17.–21.08.2009. P. 81.
——. 2009b. Tima, in: Gerrit J. Dimmendaal (ed.), Coding Participant Marking, pp. 331–353.
Amsterdam and Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. 2010. Ditransitive constructions in Tima, in: Andrej Melchikov, Martin Haspelmath, and Bernard Comrie (eds.), Studies in Ditransitive Constructions: A Comparative Handbook, pp. 204–220. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Evans, Nicholas and David Wilkins. 2000. In the mind’s ear: The semantic extensions of
perception verbs in Australian languages. Language 76.3: 546–592.
Greenberg, Joseph H. 1963. The Languages of Africa. Bloomington/The Hague: Indiana University Press.
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Himmelmann, Nikolaus. 2010. Handout presented at the Workshop on Perception and
Cognition in Cologne, November 25–27 2010.
Hopper, Paul J. and Sandra A. Thompson. 1980. Transitivity in grammar and discourse.
Language 56.2, pp. 251–300.
Maslova, Elena. 2004. A universal constraint on the sensory lexicon, or when hear can
mean ‘see’?, in: Aleksandr P. Volodin (ed.), Tipologičeskie obosnovanija v grammatike: k
70-letiju professora Xrakovskogo V.S., pp. 300–12. [PDF, ms] http://anothersumma.net/
Publications/Perception.pdf (access 16, November 2010).
Norclifffe, Elisabeth. 2010. Asymmetries of Experience: The Grammar of Knowledge and
Perception in Guambiano. Handout presented at the Workshop on Perception and Cognition in Cologne, November 25–27 2010.
Pines, Maya. 1995. Our Common Senses, in: Report from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute 1995, pp. 4–11. http://www.hhmi.org/senses/senses.pdf (access 19 November, 2010).
Schadeberg, Thilo C. 1981. The classifijication of the Kadugli language group, in: Schadeberg,
T. C. and M. L. Bender (eds.), Nilo-Saharan: Proceedings of the 1st Nilo-Saharan Linguistics
Colloquium, Leiden, September 8–10, 1980, pp. 291–305. Dordrecht: Foris Publications.
Schneider-Blum, Gertrud. 2012. Don’t waste words—perspectives on the Tima lexicon, in:
Matthias Brenzinger and Anne-Maria Fehn (eds.,), Proceedings of the 6th World Congress of African Linguistics, 17–21 August 2009 pp. 515–522. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe.
Treis, Yvonne. 2010. Perception verbs and taste adjectives in Kambaata and beyond, in
Anne Storch (ed.), Perception of the Invisible, SUGIA 21, pp. 313–346. Cologne: Köppe.
Viberg, Åke. 1984. Verbs of perception: a typological study. Linguistics 21.1: 123–162.
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chapter ten
perception in lussese (bantu, J 10)
Marilena thanassoula
1
introduction
the aim of this chapter is to examine the meaning and the use of the
words expressing sensory experience with special reference to some verbs
of perception in Lussese. since the following empirical data are based on
my phD thesis, i will discuss here the first findings of a work in progress
and make some preliminary notes about possible theoretical approaches
regarding the linguistic expression of perception in this language. First i
will give some introductory information about the grammar of Lussese.
after an overview of the domain of perception exemplified by the verbs
of perception we will focus on the domains of audition and vision. i will
argue that both the grammar and the meanings of the Lussese counterparts for ‘hear’ and ‘see’ reflect primary cultural categories. We will see
that the verb -húlirà ‘hear’ covers much more semantic domains than the
verbs expressing vision. still the frequency and rich polysemy of the verb
-húlirà do not support the claim that the visual domain lacks symbolic
values or, in other words, that the visual domain might be less important
in comparison to the auditory: Demonstrating the metaphoric power and
the cultural significance of the visual domain color terms will serve representing qualities primarily associated with vision.1 some examples of
the use of color terms will show that the interpretation of colors again
depends on cultural concepts.
at the end i will discuss the empirical data with respect to theoretical
issues concerning the language of perception: i will argue that the choice
to categorize meanings of the sensory verbs as being more “basic” compared to others, hence peripheral, meanings seems to be for Lussese, as
well as the two major neighboring languages, Luganda and Lusoga, an
inappropriate approach, since some of the “peripheral meanings” cannot
be expressed by other verbs in these languages. Further i will argue that a
1 on colors and synaesthesia see Majid et al. 2009.
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marilena thanassoula
modal hierarchy of the various domains of sensory experience must take
into account cultural concepts; again the choice which domain of perception should be considered as the most “prominent” one is rather a matter
of innate cultural interpretation regarding the human body and the environment than a matter of the human body and the environment as given
by biological and/or physical conditions.
1.1
Language and Speakers
Lussese is an east african Bantu language. this linguistic variety is spoken in uganda, on the ssese islands, located at the coast of the capital
city, Kampala. the ssese archipelago in the northwest of Lake Victoria
consists of 84 islands, 37 of which are inhabited. although the total population amounts to some 35.000 people (last census 2002) the indigenous
language of the islands is almost extinct. these days the few remaining
Lussese speakers are over 80 years old, further they do not have regular
contacts with each other. the local Lingua Franca is Luganda, the status
of Lussese is basically seen as one of four dialects2 of the former.
Benue congo
Bantoid
southern
narrow Bantu
central: Group J
Group J10: hema, hima, Ganda, soga,
Gwere. Dialects of Luganda: Ludiopa,
Lukooki, Lussese, Luvuma
Figure 10.1. Linguistic affiliation of Lussese
2 criteria to distinguish between language and dialect include political, social and economic aspects, thus they will be not considered here; Luganda, Lussese and Lusoga will all
be referred to as separate languages.
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perception in lussese (bantu, j 10)
253
Map 10.1. uganda and location of Lussese
1.2 Notes on the Grammar
Lussese is a “typical” Bantu language with agglutinating morphology and
a strong inflecting tendency. the pragmatically unmarked and most frequently used word order is Vo.
(1) constituent order: (x) (s) Vo (x)
(2) phrase:
head—dependent
nominal gender consists of 15 prefixed noun classes, which exhibit class
markers (marked in bold) and augments:
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marilena thanassoula
254
(3) o-mu-sáighia a-ba-sáighia
aug-cl1-man aug-cl2-man
‘man’
‘men’
o-mú-ti
e-mí-ti
aug-cl3-tree aug-cl4-tree
‘tree’
‘trees’
the subject is either pronominalized through concord prefixes of the verb,
as observed in all verbs in (4), or it occurs in initial position, as in (4.a).
adverbs and other adjuncts may appear before or after the verbal phrase
(4.c–d). the sentence (4.d) is marked for emphasis: note that the move
of the adverbial phrase to the initial position is followed by a suffixation
obligatory in these cases with a locative suffix on the verb:
(4.a) a-ba-gúngu
aug-cl2-chief
(4.b) bwe
conj
ba-síbuki-irè
Bwerenga
2pl-origin-per loc
lw-a
cl7-ass
Kirulu
loc
ba-búi-re
2pl-grow_up
ba-lénga
2pl-go
ne
conj
ba-géndh-irè
2pl-go-per
(4.c) ba-séng-ire
e
2pl-settle-per prep
Kiténde mu
loc
prep
(4.d) a-h-ò
e
aug-loc-rel prep
Kitende
loc
Bushiro
loc
ba-lúire-ho
í-i-nyo
2pl-stay:per-loc aug-cl9-much
‘our clan leaders originated from Bwerenga of Kirulu. When they grew old
they left and went to settle in this Kiténde (which is) in Bushíro. there, in
Kiténde, they stayed long.’
Like many other Bantu languages, the word classes often can only be
defined through the morphology. the possibilities of expressing properties will be briefly demonstrated by the next examples since properties
are perceived and evaluated by the senses. First, Lussese has very few
adjectival roots. the next example demonstrates three possibilities for the
expression of one property: in (5.a) an ideophone employs verbal morphology, in (5.b) an ideophone employs nominal morphology, in (5.c) the
same meaning is expressed through a prepositional phrase:
(5.a) ya-gwa-gwá-irè
3sg:per-ideo-redup-per
lit. (s)he became gwágwa
(5.b) mu-héme-héme
cl1-ideo-redup
lit. (s)he is hémehéme
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perception in lussese (bantu, j 10)
(5.c)
255
a-tá-li
mu
ma-gédhi.
3sg:pres-neg-be prep cl6-wisdom
lit. (s)he is not in wisdom
(5.a–c) (s)he is stupid
Lussese employs various strategies to express properties. Verbs as well
as nouns, adjectives and ideophones combined with the rich Bantu morphology offer an amazing variety of means.
2
perception in Lussese
the following schematic overview of the verbs of perception and their
meanings shall serve as an introduction to the domain of perception in
Lussese. Figure (1) shows the basic verbs of perception and the domains
each of them covers without the implication of any kind of hierarchy, neither concerning the domains nor the lexical items. still the prominence of
-húlira ‘feel/hear’ is apparent.
Figure 10.2. semantic map of the verbs of perception in Lussese according to
their use
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marilena thanassoula
note that Lussese has two registers:3 an everyday language and the language used for the communication with spirits, termed here as the secret
register. the meanings of the verbs of perception change in this secret
register,4 but this use will be not treated in the present paper.5
some remarks on the argument structure6 of the verbs -húlira ‘feel/
hear’, -bó(i)na ‘see’ and -loreréra ‘look at’ shall serve for a better understanding of the examples. Lussese makes no morphological difference
between the transitive (a) and the intransitive (s) subject. regarding the
verbs of perception a/s realize the thematic role of the experiencer, and
(o) realizes the thematic role of theme or location.
Further the opposition between perception as an experience and perception as an action7 holds for the visual domain: the verb -bó(i)na can
be used in transitive and intransitive sentences, thus the most appropriate
english translation is ‘see’. the verb -loreréra is used only in transitive sentences and the control and volition of the subject is inherently implied,
hence translated in english as ‘look at’.
only the verb -húlira can express both the meanings ‘hear’ and ‘listen
to’—i.e. perception as experience and as action without any difference
in the morphological marking or in the constituent order. the same verb
expresses ‘feel’ and/or ‘perceive’. Further this verb can be used with the
reflexive prefix, which appears in the slot of the subject (ex.7). the characteristic Bantu strategy of valency change through suffixes is not employed
in combination with this verb, but -húlira is the only verb of perception
that allows passive (ex.14). regarding the reflexive and the passive sentences of -húlira note that the selection of a human entity as subject is
obligatory. Further the selection of an object denoting source of olfaction
is obligatory for the reading of -húlira as ‘smell’ (ex.13).
the behavior of both Lussese’s verbs denoting vision is less intriguing.
Like verbs of other genus verbi they allow suffixation for valency purposes.
3 Lusoga has as well a second register for the spirits, called Luswezi. Luganda has a
second register employed not to communicate with spirits but in association with the
King (more about the royal tradition of the Baganda in ray 1990, for secret languages in
africa see storch 2010).
4 With “secret” is meant here the observation that not all but only the healers among
the Bassese speakers have mentioned and occasionally used this register.
5 Further an extensive discussion of the olfactory, tactile and gustatory verbs is not
possible here: examples with the verbs -húnya ‘smell’, -núuka ‘smell’ and -geedha ‘taste/
try’ will be employed only to highlight the use of -húlira ‘feel/hear’.
6 For an overview of the theoretical points considering the relation between syntactic
status and thematic relations see Lüpke (2005: 23–57).
7 Further about this distinction in Viberg 2008.
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perception in lussese (bantu, j 10)
257
For their use in the domain of social interaction -bó(i)na ‘see’ employs the
reciprocal suffix (ex.15.b) and generates the meaning ‘to meet’, -lorérera
on the other hand obligatory selects a human/child8 as direct object for
the meaning ‘to take care of ’ (ex.16.b).
2.1
The Holistic and Auditory Domain
the verb which has the richest polysemy in Lussese, is -húlirà. this verb
has both the meaning ‘to hear and ‘to feel/perceive’ (6.a/b). only in context
it is possible to choose which translation sounds more appropriate. this
verb is, compared to the other verbs of perception, the one most frequent
in use. it can be employed to express all kinds of sensual and physical
experience (6.c), emotion (6.d) and cognition (6.e). the verb -húlirà ‘feel/
hear’, is further employed as a discourse marker; in a dialogue it implies
either the request of the speaker for attention (6.f ) or the reassurance of
the hearer that he is following what the speaker says. the verb can be also
used in the meaning of ‘obey’ (6.g).
(6.a) m-púlira
1sgpres-feel/hear
i feel good
bu-gè9
cl14-good
(6.b) o-húlira
e-ki-nyóni?
2sgpres-feel/hear aug-cl7-bird
do you hear the bird?
(6.c) m-púlira
e-m-bého
1sgpres -feel/hear aug-cl9-wind
i feel cold
(6.d) m-púlira
1sgpres-feel/hear
i am happy
e-i-sányu.
aug-cl9-happiness
(6.e) ndi-húlir-e
e-bi-gámbo
by-aifè
1sgper-feel/hear-subj aug-cl8-words cl8-1plposs
nayè sí-kula
ku-hikiridhà.
conj 1sgneg:pres-can cl15-agree
i understood what you said, but i can’t agree
8 it is still an open question if this use of the verb presupposes human entities or if it
is also used to express caring relations between other animates.
9 amiableness is expressed through phrases including the heart, like ‘to be/have a
good/pure heart’.
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marilena thanassoula
(6.f ) o-(ki)-hulir-é-ho?10
2sgpres-(cl7)-hear-loc
are you following me (my word)?
(6.g) o-bu-hería
bu-húlirà
a-ba-kairè.
aug-cl14-child cl14-feel/hear aug-cl2-old
young children should listen to/obey the olders/parents
With the reflexive prefix the verb expresses the meaning ‘to be arrogant/
proud’: the preferred interpretation depends on the context. in the first
person singular the speaker refers to his own feeling of being proud (7.a),
but speaking about others with the reflexive form expresses a critical
comment about their arrogance (7.b).
(7.a) n-ee-húlira
1sgpres-refl-feel/hear
i am proud
(7.b) y-ee-húlira
3sgpres-refl-feel/hear
he is arrogant
two adjectives can be derived from the nominal prefixes of the human
class. For the meaning ‘proud person’ the verbal root needs a verbal derivational affix, probably the causative (8.a), whereas the reflexive prefix
with the nominal derivational suffix is only employed for the meaning
‘to be arrogant’ (8.b). please note that the use of the reflexive form of the
verb to express arrogance is far more frequent than the use for the reference of to the speaker’s own feeling of pride. (8.c) is the typical comment
about europeans:
(8.a) mw-ee-húli-dh-í
cl1-refl-feel/hear-vd-nd11
arrogant (person)
(8.b) mw-ee-húlir-e
cl1-refl-feel/hear-nd
proud (person)
(8.c) a-ba-dhúng-u
b-ee-húlira
aug-cl2-turn_around-nd cl2-refl-feel/hear
europeans are arrogant
10 Being able to hear the other person is expressed through the noun ‘voice’.
11 -i is the derivational suffix used to create nomina agentis out of verbal roots.
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Further the verb -húlirà ‘feel/hear’ can be used to express olfactory and
gustatory experience.
2.2 The Olfactory and Gustatory Domain
Lussese has two verbs for ‘smell’: -núuka and -húnya, exemplified in (9). if
something smells good, then the verb -núuka will be employed. if something smells bad, the verb -húnya will be used. the verb -húnya is further
employed to express general matters of odors. the verb -núuka is not so
frequently used in the everyday register, but in the religious register, or
secret language, it is the only verb used for ‘smell’. if you negate -núuka
(9.d) than you get the same meaning as in (9.b):
(9.a) e-ki-múli
ta-ki-húnya
aug-cl7-flower neg-cl7-smell_bad
the flower does not smell
(9.b) e-ki-múli
ki-húnya
aug-cl7-flower cl7-smell_bad
the flower stinks
(9.c) e-ki-múli
ki-núuka
aug-cl7-flower cl7-smell_good
the flower smells good
(9.d) e-ki-múli
ta-ki-núuka
aug-cl7-flower neg-cl7-smell_good
the flower stinks
example (10) demonstrates further meanings of these verbs: in (10.a) the
verb -núuka (with an applicative extension due to the pronominalized
direct object) expresses personal taste, in (10.b) -húnyà is used to express
the speaker’s uncertainty about something in the future:
(10.a) ta-na-núuk-ira
bú-ge
3sgneg:pres-1sg-smell-applic cl14-good
i have difficulties with him/her, lit. he doesn’t smell good to me
(10.b) si-húny-e
obà á-ighia
kw-íghia
1sgneg:pres-smell-subj conj 3sgpres-come cl15-come
i wonder if he will come, lit. i can’t smell, if he will come
examples (11) shows the use of both -húlirà and -húnyà to refer to taste.
the sentence formed with the verb -géedha, which means primarily ‘taste/
try’ expresses a totally different meaning (12):
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(11.a) o-húlira
e-i-múnyu
mu bu-lío
2sgpres-smell aug-cl9-salt loc cl14-food
do you taste the salt in the food?
(11.b) o-húnya
e-i-múnyu
mu bu-lío
2sgpres-feel/hear aug-cl9-salt loc cl14-food
do you taste the salt in the food?
(12)
o-geedhá-ko
e-i-múnyu
mu bu-lío
2sgpres-taste-loc aug-cl9-salt loc cl14-food
are you going to spice the food with salt? lit. do you taste/try salt in the
food?
this needs an explanation: the verb -géedha marked with the locative suffix requires a second, locative object and in this construction it means ‘to
spice’. i consider this as an example of how needs for meaning can be
satisfied by creatively employing grammatical strategies, which open the
way of innovative extension from one domain to others.
although the verbs presented in (9) to (12) are the most frequent in
the olfaction and gustatory domains, -húlira ‘to feel/hear’ can also be
employed to express tastes and odors, but then an obligatory direct object
modifies the sense:
(13) o-húulira
a-ka-hóoho
ky’
e-ki-múli?
2sgpres-feel/hear aug-cl12-odor cl13:assoc aug-cl7-flower
do you smell the aroma of the flowers?
-húlira is the only verb of perception that can be put into passive in a sentence with a human entity as subject, hence in the thematic role theme:
in this construction it means ‘to stink:12
(14) o-lu-mbì
o-lw-ò-ku-mála
aug-cl11-after aug-cl11-rel-cl15-be_enough
mu ki-sáahe, tu-hulír-w-a
bu-bì.
loc 7-field
1pl-feel/hear-pass-ind 14-bad
after working on the field, we smell badly
2.3
o-ku-kóla
aug-cl15-work
The Verbs of Visual Perception
the two basic verbs for visual perception cover only one additional
domain: they can only be used in the domain of social interaction: -bó(i)na,
12 For non-human animates the verb -húnya (a.o. constructions) is used.
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the more frequent of the two and ditransitive, can be used further with a
reciprocal suffix with the meaning ‘meet’ (15.b), and -loreréra, the transitive verb which expresses directed and controlled vision, without extra
grammatical marking, but with an animate if not precisely human object
it can express the meaning ‘care for somebody’ (16.b):
(15.a) sí-kula
ku-bó(i)na
1sgneg:pres-be_able cl15-see
i can’t see anything, (i am) sick
ky-oinà,
cl7-all
mu-lwair-è
cl1-sick-nd
(15.b) tu-ghià-bona-ganà
1pl-fut-see-recip
we’ll meet each other again!
(16.a) n-doleréra
é-nya-ndha.13
1sgpres-look_at aug-cl9-lake
i am looking at the lake
(16.b) ha-loreréri-irè
a-ka-hería
3sgper-look_at-per aug-cl12-child
s/he took care of the children
there is a noun derived from the verbal root -bó(i)na that means ‘sign’
in the singular and ‘symptom’ in the plural. Despite of the fact that
these nouns are derived from the perception verb for vision, both nouns
express all kinds of signs or symptoms and can be used in combination
with all other perception verbs: especially regarding the interpretation
of symptoms the two traditional Bassese healers among the speakers
explain that symptoms are not visible most of the time, but one has to
“feel/hear” them.14
2.3.1 The Visual Domain: Cultural Evaluation
Before focusing on the colors, it is worth mentioning that the Bassese
organize and evaluate the visual domain in a different way from people
in europe or their neighbors, the Baganda and the Basoga.
the metaphoric use of colors and the choice of color terms in Luganda
show a shift from the traditional Luganda terminology and the inherent
13 this word corresponds to the common Bantu root for ‘lake’, meaning ‘big water’; the
name of Lake Victoria in the local languages is Nalubáale, ‘the mother of the spirits’, lit:
‘female spirit’.
14 For the use of the Luganda counterparts in discourse compare orlove & Kabugo
2005.
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cultural association to loanwords, or other linguistic expressions that
reflect rather the english terminology and association. i assume that this
phenomenon might be explained as a result of globalization and of the
discourse of modernity versus tradition that is very vivid in urban areas
and among the young and higher educated people in the capital city and
the surrounding areas.
in the case of the Basoga, this shift is also observable, but still there are
differences due to sociopolitical reasons, but also due to history: Lusoga
was longer in contact with swahili, which earlier adopted arabic and
european concepts. apart from diachronic contacts let us consider the
synchronic situation:
today Lusoga has the status of Luganda only on the paper, de facto
it is a major regional language that is threatened by both english and
Luganda and it is rapidly losing ground. to give an example, Lusoga is not
the language of instruction in the first four grades in primary school, as it
should according to the reform of 2005, due to the paucity of teachers and
school-materials for this language. this situation has led a group of Basoga
scholars to take care of planning their language, and with this scope they
initiated the cultural centre for Basoga studies and edited dictionaries,
children´s stories and some thin but quite impressive books about mythology, dance and music. the work of this centre inspired some young teachers to use the Lusoga vocabulary as much as possible. in general there is
an interest in the re-invention of Lusoga by the speaker community and
this revitalization process seems to have more impact on the language
than globalization or the official Luganda-centered policy.
the Bassese speakers on the other hand, being very few and old, can
differenciate very clearly between the concepts and the linguistic expression of their parents, who have spoken Lussese, compared with those of
their grandchildren, who speak Luganda. as an endangered language,
Lussese is conservative, not metaphorically speaking: the language conserves older concepts that for different reasons shift in the near regional
languages. although the people forgot a lot, since they do not use Lussese,
all of them remember the colors and enjoy speaking about them. in this
context color terminology is for the Bassese one of the parameters for
identity.
With this background let us now deal with the color terms; we will see
that the metaphorical meanings reflect cultural categories as well as the
interpretation of environmental conditions beginning with their source.
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2.3.2 The Color Terminology in Lussese
color terms in Lussese originate from various associations as well as
loanwords.
table 10.1. color terms in Lussese and their origin
color term english gloss source
english Gloss
-hémbu
-irugábu
-ishámbu
kikúshi
kitakà
-myúpu
kakobè
-igúbugúbu
-héra
‘mango-fruit’
‘darkness’
‘very fresh leaf ’
‘smoke’
‘earth’
‘to be/get_red’
‘yam’/’royal clan’
? ‘pineapple’
?‘yellow’
‘black’
‘green’
‘grey’
‘brown’
‘red’
‘purple’
?‘orange’
‘white’
kachúngwa ‘light green’
mu-hémbe
i-irugabu
i-ishámbu
m(w)óshi
i- itáka
-myúka (v. intr.)
i-ikobè
?e-i-kúbu
common Bantu root
v. intr: *-yedv.intr:*-welloanword
‘become_white’
‘be covered with white sand’
(chinese or indian source)
some of the colors have various counterparts that express different shades
of the same color. in the following table i listed words i could find expressing the colors ‘brown’, ’red’ and ‘purple’:
table 10.2. synonyms for ‘brown, red, purple’
color term
english Gloss
source
english Gloss
kabugò
kasáahi
mámbia
bunì
‘dark brown’
‘dark red’
‘purple sky’
‘brownish’
i-i-bugò
mu-sáhi
?
?arabic
‘bark_cloth’
‘blood’
–
–
the term mámbia only refers to the color of the sky during dusk, thus it
can be used as a temporal adverb, although Lussese has a noun for dusk,
omuhérima, both unknown to Baganda and Basoga speakers. in (17), the
nouns and the temporal expressions for this day-time in Luganda and
Lusoga are illustrated:
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(17.a) Lussese
o-mu-hérima mámbia
aug-cl3-dusk ?cl6:purple_sky
evening
at dusk-time
(17.b) Luganda
ka-wungée-zi
nga bu-wungéera
cl14-become_evening-nd conj cl15-become_evening
evening
at dusk-time
(17.c) Lusoga
n-kúngù
nkyò
cl9-evening aDV
evening
at dusk-time
in terms of syntax the colors behave like other dependents: they follow
the head-noun, and as far as they allow concordance, they employ the
same nominal morphology that marks the head-noun (18.a). in (18.b) you
see the frozen behavior of ‘brown’:
(18.a) e-n-dhyánga e-i-rugábu
aug-cl9-bag aug-cl9-black
black bag
(18.b) e-n-dhyánga kitakà
aug-cl9-bag Øbrown
brown bag
example (19) shows the use of adjectives combined with colors to modify
an animate noun. the word-order of the dependents is the pragmatically unmarked and most frequent one. the part marked in bold shows
the emphasized modifier, which in Lussese is the most remotely placed
towards the head noun. in this position color terms frequently occur, if
combined with other nominal dependents:
(19)
e-n-kóidhi
i-i-núme
aug-cl9-dog aug-cl9-male
ya-fu-íre
3sgper-die-per
the big black male dog died
i-i-néne
aug-cl9-big
i-i-rugábu
aug-cl9-black
reduplication constitutes a further strategy to modify color terms. reduplication is a common strategy of emphasis in the language and of emotive
speech. Duplicating adjectival roots intensifies the meaning, as illustrated
in (20.a). But duplicating a color term relativizes the meaning (20.b). the
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reduplicated forms of color terms correspond to the english difference
between blue versus bluish, or the German: rot versus rötlich: for colorterms the reduplication means ‘not really the color’:15
(20.a) mu-tyámpai-tyámpay
cl1-small-redup
very small (person)
(20.b) kitakà-takà
brown-redup
not really brown
this example demonstrates that reduplication is a sophisticated strategy;
it is not just emphasizing something without respect to a specific reason.
the meaning of the words plays a crucial role for the interpretation of a
reduplicated form: in terms of colors, in Lussese you can’t intensify color:
You can describe shades through other modifiers, as we saw above, further you can express that the color is somehow taken out of its accepted
spectrum by reduplication.
it is not only the grammar but the semantics that render colors interesting, so let us see the cultural associations for at least two colors, ‘red’
and ‘brown’ and discuss the absence of ‘blue’.
2.3.3 Symbolic Interpretation of ‘brown’ and ‘red’
Brown is the most important color, the color of the earth and woods: it is
associated with power, thus it is the color of kings and priests. it can be
interpreted positively as the source of life. at the same time it is the color
of death, due to the extended use of bark cloth in burial-rituals.
in former times the bark-cloth was used in several rituals, but in the
20th century there is a shift in ritual practices: especially those rituals
celebrating life like baptism and marriage follow the christian or Muslim canons and today the bark-cloth is used only in burials. however in
Lussese the term kitakà ‘earth-brown’ is conceptualized positively whereas
the term kabugò ‘bark-brown’ has a negative connotation. the expression
“brown in the belly” is a synonym for brotherhood: Formerly during a
ritual, warriors got coffee-tattoos in the belly, which led to scarves. in this
way two men with the same tattoo became brothers. an equal expression
also exists in Luganda although the people i asked didn’t know the origin.
15 this is a wide spread pattern in african languages, especially in Benue-congo and
its contact languages.
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if the copula or the possessive verbs are used with this expression, then
the subject occurs always in plural:
(21) (tu-lí-(na))
kitakà mu lu-bénge
(1pl:pres-be/(have)) brown loc cl11-belly
we are brothers, lit. we are/have brown in the belly
red is symbolically associated with beauty. the ideal red is the red of the
earth, a kind of terracotta in my eyes. the verb ku-myuka ‘to be/get_red’,
used for humans, means that someone is beautiful:
(22) o-mu-hála
(h)a-myuk-iré-nyo
aug-cl1-girl 3sgper-be(come)_red-per-adv_very
the girl is very beautiful
on the other hand bloody-red is dangerous and not regarded as a nice
color. “if you see your own blood, you have a problem”, is the explanation of the most speakers. the two healers among them mention the rituals of sacrifice, where the kitakà-brown, positively laden bark-cloth gets
kasáahi-bloody-red, thus negatively laden. the whole act of sacrifice is
symbolized by the color-change of the ritual cloth. other kinds of red are
more or less dangerous, according to the entity or practice that the color
is associated with.
Last but not least the missing color—blue! in Luganda and Lusoga blue
is a loanword, bbulù or ibùru respectively, from english. in Lussese, however, blue is considered not to be a color at all, because of the sky and the
lake: What blue means in the european languages is a weather condition
or a specific time-slice for the Bassese, even a product of our standing
point, a locative accident, nothing that really has to do with properties
considered as being characteristic for the sky and the lake. Blue flowers,
birds and butterflies used to be described through kakobè ‘purple’. it is
believed that the sacred nature of purple mirrors the fact that natural
purple may only be seen on animates, so symbolically the color reflects
animacy, life. of course purple is also a color of the catholic church, so
the traditional association to life accidentally met the imported christian
association and purple shifted in the notion of power. Blue is irrelevant for
the Bassese, it is seen as a labile attitude of weather and time, a caprice,
blue is not a proper property.
to sum up, color has its own status among other properties, although
the color terms do not constitute a word class of its own. the terminology
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of colors derives from other word-classes as well as other properties;
some colors can be regarded as adjectival roots, others do not behave like
adjectives. among them there are many morphologically frozen forms,
further the reduplication strategy shows a different evaluation of the
color-semantics compared with the semantics of other properties.
Finally the metaphorical use or the extended meanings of color are
rooted in cultural associations and practices. it is not the scientific colorspectrum or the environment itself, as a given and objective reality that
matters, as we could see especially by the absence of blue: it is the inherent cultural interpretation of the environment that governs the color
semantics.
3 conclusion:
Lussese and some Methodical and theoretical issues
it is always too early to speak about “conclusions” when the empirical
work and language documentation still go on, but some theoretical and
methodological issues must briefly be mentioned:
the various examples of the verb -húlira ‘feel/hear’ in use show that
the meaning of this verb depends on the context of the sentence: it arises
out of the combination of the verb with its arguments. the same pertains
to the other verbs of perception. therefore it makes more sense first to
analyze the event and argument structure of these verbs and only then, if
the data allow it, to differentiate between basic semantics in opposition
to peripheral meanings.
secondly the overview of the semantic domains covered by verbs of perception in Lussese shows that the verb -húlira ‘feel/hear’ can be employed
to more contexts than the others, hence it generates more meanings.
regarding the frequency of use and its rich polysemy, this verb is the most
prominent one among the verbs of perception in Lussese.
the cognate verbs in Luganda and Lusoga are primarily seen as auditory verbs and usually translated as ‘to hear’, although this evaluation is
based on a translation choice that is not supported by the data in both
neighboring languages either. how confusing the choice of translation
can be, is easily exemplified considering for the moment that the basic
meaning of -húlira is ‘hear’ and further continue the theoretical analysis:
aspiring a modal hierarchy regarding the senses one could claim then
that with respect to the examples of -húlira the auditory domain is the
most prominent, followed by the olfactory domain, followed by the visual
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domain and as the last of the given hierarchy one should then consider
the domains of taste and touch.
this analysis ignores that the verb -húlira may be translated using
the english terms ‘feel/perceive’ as already shown. if this translation is
regarded as the most appropriate one, the given hierarchy of the senses
cannot be maintained: unfortunately ‘feel’ and/or ‘perceive’ in english are
general terms that mean some kind of sensory experience which is not
associated with one particular sense. this means that towards a modal
hierarchy of the senses we could hardly take into consideration the verb
-húlira translated as ‘feel/perceive’, since it would neither correlate with
one particular organ nor it could be located in one domain of the sensory
apparatus. the safe solution is to regard this “out-of-space” translation as
a secondary or peripheral, not basic one. however, this would mean to
ignore the frequency and rich polysemy of this verb in Lussese, further to
brush off the importance of the holistic sensual experience expressed in
Lussese, in Luganda and Lusoga, as well as other languages mentioned in
this volume. We are all confined our own respective linguistic identities
and as scientists further corrupted by the extended use of english in scientific discourse. our challenge is to analyze the meaning in the language
we try to describe and not the translated sentence. the same applies to
theoretical issues. to hierarchically organize the “senses” in general and
the verbs of perception in particular is itself a eurocentric idea.
every sensory domain is associated to specific cultural interpretation
as well as practices. in this sense all domains of perception have their
own, unique semantics and thus importance. according to which criteria one can claim that the association of perception and cognition shall
be regarded as more important or basic than the association of perception and emotion or perception and social interaction? it was aimed to
answer this question by a comparison within one sensual domain. albeit
the restricted uses of the visual verbs, the visual domain shows by the
metaphors and associations of the color terms the unique value of visible
categories. Why should these meanings be considered as irrelevant, if we
strive after a modal hierarchy of the senses? the specific interpretation
and evaluation of properties should be more integrated in the analysis
of sensual modalities and their linguistic expression, since to recognize
properties as such is a matter of cultural experience, further to evaluate
them and to express them in language are matters of socialization.
regarding the analysis of the color terminology there is a significant
parallel with the debate about the verbs of perception: the question which
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colors should be considered as the basic ones. although the meaning of
‘basic’ is different with respect to theories about the verbs of perception
and those regarding colors and despite the fact that the question of basic
colors is surely interesting from a cross-linguistic point of view, the theoretical frame developed by Berlin & Kay (1969)16 seems not to be fruitful
in the case of Lussese: neither the opposition of basic versus non-basic
colors, nor the supposed diachronic development and surely not a method
based on the Munsell system, questionnaires, color-samples and standard
notification can lead to answers about the use and the meaning of colors,
basically because the Bassese are old people with tired eyes and no experience of laboratory apparatus. exploring perception and language exposes
our methodological dilemma.
evans and Wilkins were among the first who explored the relation
between body-conceptions, cultural practices and linguistic expressions,
and demonstrated that “the same domain can have its ‘universal’ and ‘relativistic’ sides; a foot in nature and a foot in culture” (evans&Wilkins 1998:
54). endangered languages conserve worlds of sense that change rapidly
because of various reasons in larger and/or dominant languages: perception can be regarded as a field where language reflects this rapid shift of
concepts. our analysis and understanding of languages and the grammar
of the senses fail, if we treat cultural, social and historical parameters as
subordinate matters or even not at all.
acknowledgments
My research is supported by the German research society to which i am
very grateful. i hope to express my deepest gratitude to the Bassese speakers for their patience and their willingness to cooperate with me, especially
Mrs. nassali Lowinsa, Mrs. nampomwa nalongo, Mr. erasto Lubandi, Mr.
eliphaz Lubinah, Mr. andronikos Magatto and Mr. sseluwaji Dominic. in
Busoga i was helped by Mrs. regina Batamye, Mr. Kaluuba patrick, Father
Kayaga Gonza and patrick izimba, the Ngobi of the Kigulu Kingdom. i also
thank the anonymous referees for that valuable comments.
16 summary and historical background of the theory see hardin, Maffi and Kay (1997),
for a critical overview based on anthropological concepts see saunders 2000.
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Majid, asifa, t. Van Leeuwen and M. Dingemanse. 2009. synaesthesia: a cross-cultural
pilot. Field Manual Volume: 8–13.
nakabayashi, nobuhiro. 2008. What Does Obuwangwa (Culture) Mean in Busoga? An Aspect
of Ethnonasionalism in Uganda. Yokohama: toin university press.
nsimbi, Michael B. 1956. Amannya Amaganda n‘ennono zaago. Kampala: uganda society.
nurse, Derek and G. philippson (eds). 2003. The Bantu Languages. London: routledge.
orlove, Ben and Merit Kabugo. 2005. representing perception in ordinary conversation.
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pollnac, r.B. 1972. Variation in the Cognition of Luganda Color Terminology. columbia:
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saunders, Barbara. 2000. reply to hardin & Maffi and Kay. American Anthropologist 102,
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251-270_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_f11.indd 270
12/14/2012 3:09:44 PM
index oF authors
abdel-hafiz, ahmed sokarno 194
adelaar, Willem f. h. 95–101, 117
aikhenvald, alexandra Y. 5–19, 22–9,
32, 35–6, 71–3, 76–8, 82, 93–5, 99–100,
105–7, 111, 132, 137–47, 152, 161, 167, 182–3,
193, 197
akuetey, C. 35
alamin, suzan 5, 35, 217–22, 226
almagor, uri 3
almkvist, herman 194
alpher, Barry 16
ameka, felix K. 27
andersen, t. 49
armbruster, Charles hubert 194–7, 206,
213
dik, s. C. 115
dimmendaal, Gerrit J. 5, 35, 39, 193, 208,
214, 217, 221, 226–7
dingemanse, Mark 31, 65, 251
dixon, r. M. W. 6, 9–10, 13, 16–22, 30,
40, 111
dol, Philomena 132
drabbe, P. 117
drobnick, J. 3
Bargery, G. P. 17
Barnes, Janet 8
Bashir, abeer 217, 223
Beek, Wouter Van 3, 67
Beer, Bettina 3
Berlin, Brent 269
Berry, J. W. 165
Berthold, falko 167
Black, nancy 97
Blass, r. 72
Bloomfield, Leonard 40
Boas, franz 2, 4, 9
Botne, robert 72
Brenzinger, Matthias 161, 163, 185
Bruce, L. 183
Buth, r. 49
farr, C. J. M. 114–16, 133
fehn, anne-Maria 166
finnegan, ruth 3
floyd, rick 100, 105
foley, W. a. 112–13
Cerrón-Palomino, rodolfo M. 98, 100, 107
Chafe, Wallace L. 222
Chang, henry Y. 20, 25–30
Chirikba, Viacheslav 12
Classen, C. 3
Coly, Jules Jacques 7
Comrie, Bernard 6
Corbin, alain 3
Cusihuamán G., antonio 104
de haan, ferdinand 71
deLancey, scott 11, 13, 72, 95, 100
dendale, Patrick 9
dickens, Patrick 69
diewald, G. 5
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 271
ehret, C. 64
el Guzuuli, el shafie 194–5
escalante, Carmen 107
evans, nicholas 16–21, 25–34, 156, 161,
169, 182–5, 198, 212
Gamkrelidze, t. V. 25, 37
García-ramón, J.-C. 17
Gerlach, Linda 167
Giacalone ramat, anne 9
Gilley, Leoma G. 7, 49, 72
Givón, thomas 164
Goddard, Cliff 21
Goldman, L. 118
Granda, Germán de 107
Gravelle, G. 132
Green, diana 9
Greenberg, Joseph h. 217
Gronemeyer, C. 9
Güldemann, tom 69
haiman, J. 132
hansen, K. C. 30, 32
hansen, L. e. 30, 32
hardin, C. L. 269
hardman, Martha J. 8, 9, 36
harrison, simon J. 32
haviland, John 16
heath, Jeffrey 26
heeschen, V. 114–16
heine, Bernd 23, 26, 69, 167, 170, 186
hengeveld, Kees 95, 100
12/14/2012 3:24:32 PM
272
index of authors
hershberger, henry d. 16, 29
hershberger, ruth 16, 29
hill, Jane h. 3
himmelmann, nikolaus 229
hintz, diane M. 98–9
hissein, Kamal 194
hopper, Paul J. 220–1, 225
howard-Malverde, rosaleen 98
Irvine, Judith t. 3
Ivanov, V. V. 25, 37
Jaeger, Marcus 194–5
Jakobi, angelika 193, 212
Jungraithmayr, hermann 19
Junker, hermann 194
Kabugo, Merit 261
Kay, P. 269
Kilian-hatz, Christa 166–9, 172–4, 180–1
Kirsner, r. s. 21
König, Christa 60, 69, 79, 167, 170
Kracke, Waud h. 13
Kulick, don 32
Kuteva, tania 23
Lang, adrianne 18
Larson, M. L. 117
Laughren, Mary 25
Lepsius, richard 194
Levering, Matthew 2
Levinson, stephen C. 2
Leyew, Zelealem 26
Lichtenberk, frantishek 17
Lien, Chinfa 25
Lindström, eva 31
Löftstedt, Leena 23
Lu, Mike tianqiao 20, 26, 30
Lüpke, friederike 256
Lyons, John 18
Maffi, L. 269
Majid, asifa 2, 251
Malygina, L. V. 23
Maslova, elena 16
Massenbach, Gertrud von 194
Matisoff, James a. 29, 35
Merlan, francesca 29
Meussen, a. e. 26
Miller, Cynthia L. 7, 49, 72
Modi, Yankee 25, 28
Mohr, susanne 31
Myers, fred r. 30
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 272
nakagawa, hirosi 169, 175–6, 190
nasilov, d. M. 23–4
nesbitt, r. e. 164–5, 190
neukom, L. 10
nichols, Johanna 195
norcliffe, elisabeth 237–8
olbertz, hella 95, 100
ong, Walter 2
onishi, Masayuki 22
orlove, Ben 261
oswalt, robert L. 8
Pan, Chia-jung 23–9
Parker, Gary J. 98
Patz, elizabeth 16
Pawley, andrew P. 16–18, 22, 26–8
Post, Mark W. 25, 28
Priestley, Carol 31, 132
raab, Jürgen 3
ray, Benjamin C. 256
reesink, G. P. 113, 116, 123, 132
reinisch, Leo 194
robbins, J. 117–18
roberts, J. 132
rumsey, alan 117–18
santandrea, s. 47, 58
satti, naasir 194–6
saunders, Barbara 269
schadeberg, thilo C. 217
schäfer, heinrich 199
schneider-Blum, Gertrud 5, 35, 39, 228
smeets, Ineke 11
smirnova, e. 5
stasch, r. 111, 117–22, 125–26, 130, 134
storch, anne 7, 12, 32–4, 37, 49, 62, 256
süsskind, Patrick 3
sweetser, eve 3, 17–18, 21, 25, 161, 181
telban, Borut 26, 28, 31
thompson, sandra a. 21, 220–1, 225
topadze, Manana 9
torero, alfredo a. 95
traill, a. 170
treis, Yvonne 29, 198, 213–14
Valderrama, ricardo 107
Van Bogaert, Julie 9
Van enk, G. J. 111, 114–31
Van Leeuwen, t. 251
Van Valin, robert d. Jr. 25, 31
12/14/2012 3:24:32 PM
index of authors
Vanhove, Martine 23–9, 206
Viberg, Åke 3, 16–21, 28, 161, 169–72, 198,
212, 229, 233, 256
Vienrich, adolfo 103
Visser, hessel 183
Voort, h. van der 117
Vossen, rainer 62, 69, 161–3, 170–2, 174
Vries, L. de 18, 111, 114–31
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 273
273
Waag, Christine 72
Waltereit, richard 23
Weber, david J. 16, 98
Wegener, C. 132
Wiemer, Biörn 9
Wilkins, david P. 16–21, 25–34, 156, 161,
169, 182–5, 198, 212
Witkin, h. a. 165
Wroughton, John r. 98
12/14/2012 3:24:32 PM
language index
!xóõ 170
!xun 5, 12–13, 16, 38, 69–94, 167
|Gui 161, 169–70, 175–6, 190
ǁani 170
ǁGana 161, 169–70, 175, 190
ǁxo 170
ǁxom 170
ǂhaba 169–70, 175
ǂhoan 167
abelam 137, 149
abkhaz 5, 12
acholi 49
adhola 49
african languages 1, 6–7, 17, 26, 28, 35,
38, 47–94, 161–270
afrikaans 163, 168, 173
afroasiatic languages 17
aghu 117, 123
aguaruna 29, 117
amazonian languages 3, 5, 14, 26,
32–3, 36–7, see also south america,
languages of
amele 132
amharic 214
andean languages 8, 11–12, 38, 95–109
arabic 193, 210, 213, 217, 262–3
arawak languages 4–9, 14–16, 26
archi 8
arrernte 25, 27, 31, 34
australian languages 10, 15–21, 24–34,
37, 72
austronesian languages 9, 23, 26, 38–9,
112, 132
awyu-ndumut languages 112–14, 117, 123
aymara 8, 9, 36, 96, 107
Baniwa of Içana 6
Bantu languages 17, 27, 29, 40, 72, 251–70
Baskeet 214
Bare 16
Beja 25–6
Belanda Boor 50
Benue-Congo 252, 265
Beria 212
Beya Lega 72
Boiken 137, 149
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 274
Bongo 49
Bora 8
Boumaa fijian 20–22
Buga 162
Buma 162
Buru 132
Burun languages 62
Catalan sign language 7
Central Khoisan 27, 29, 33, 36, 38–9,
162–91
Chadic languages 7, 17, 26
Chinese 23, see also taiwanese southern
Min
Chopi 62
Cushitic 198, 213
Cuzco Quechua 99, 104, see also
Quechua
dalabon 28
dinka 49
djabugay 16
dongolawi 19, 22, 26, 39, 194–215
dutch 24
dyirbal 10, 30
east Bird’s head languages 132
east tucanoan languages 8
eastern sudanic 193
eipo 114, 116
english 5–6, 19–25, 28, 141, 149, 152, 155–7,
217, 226, 237–40, 246
estonian 5–6
ewe 27, 34–5
fijian, see Boumaa fijian
formosan languages 27–9
french 9, 23, 28
fur 72
Gala 136
Ganda 252
Gapun 32
Gbaya ‘Bodoe 29
Georgian 9
German 25
Greek 24
Gugu Yalanji 15–16, 29
12/14/2012 3:24:32 PM
language index
275
Gur languages 25–7
Guugu Yimidhirr 16
Gwere 252
Kwa languages
Kwakiutl 9
Kwaza 117
hatam 132
hausa 17–18
hebrew, see Modern hebrew
hema 252
hima 252
hone 12
hua 132
huanca Quechua 97–100, 105, see also
Quechua
hup 8
Labwor 60
Lango 59
Latin 23–4
Latundê-Lakondê 36
Lha’alua (or saaroa) 22–8
Likpe 27
Lithuanian 9
Lower sepik languages 26, 28, 31
Ludiopa 252
Luganda 29, 251–2, 256, 261–7
Lukooki 252
Lusoga 29, 251–2, 256, 262–8
Lussese 17, 27, 40, 251–70
Luvuma 252
Luwo 5–8, 16, 22- 33, 37–8, 47–68, 72
Iatmul 137, 149
Inanwatan 132
Indo-european languages
35, 37
Iranian 5
Irish 24
Italian 23, 49
Ju 69
Jukun languages
Julud 217
17, 19, 24, 26,
12
Kalam 16–18, 22
Kalam-Kobon languages 16–18
Kambaata 198, 213–14
Kapsiki 3
Karawari 26, 28, 31
Kasem 25, 27
Kashaya 8
Katla 40, 217
Kaunga 137
Kayardild 19–20, 27, 30
Khoe, see Central Khoisan
Khoisan 5, 27–9, 33, 36–9, 69–94, 162–91
Khwe 27, 33–4, 39, 162–91
Khwe-ǁani 22, 27, 33–4, 39, 162–91
Kombai 115–119, 123, 134, 139
Korafe 114–16
Kordofanian 217
Koreguaje 8
Koromu 31, 132
Korowai 17, 19, 22, 25–6, 29–30, 38,
111–36, 139
Kriol 28
Kumam 62
Kuninjku 28
Kuot 31
Kurtjar 27
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 275
27, 31
Maaka 7
Makú 8
Manambu 17, 19, 22–3, 25–6, 28, 30, 32–3,
39, 132, 137–59
Mangarayi 29
Maonan 20, 26, 30
Mapudungun 11
Maricopa 13
Marind 117
Mayak 62
Mayali 25
Maybrat 132
Mek languages 114
Mian 132
Moskona 132
Modern hebrew 23
Muna 9
nambiquara languages 36
naro 161, 170, 183
ndu languages 17, 22, 26, 132, 137–59
new Guinea languages 17, 22, 26, 28–32,
38–9, 72, 111–59
ngala 137, see Gala
ngarange 162–3
nilo-saharan languages 193, 212–14
nobiin 193
northeast Caucasian languages 8, 12, 22
northern Khoisan 69–94
northwest Caucasian languages 5
nubian languages 39, 161–215
numugenan family 132
nunggubuyu 26
12/14/2012 3:24:32 PM
276
language index
old nubian 193, 215
ok 117, 132
omotic 214
Pacaraos Quechua 97, 99, 103–6, see also
Quechua
Palikur 9
Papuan languages 18, 26, 29, 36, 39,
111–59, see also new Guinea languages
Päri 49
Pasighat adi 28
Pintupi 30, 32
Portuguese 23
Quechua 6, 12–13, 16, 29, 38, 95–109,
117, see also Cuzco Quechua, huanca
Quechua, Pacaraos Quechua
Quechuan languages, see Quechua
retuarã 8
russian 23–5
saaroa (or Lha’alua) 22–8
santali 10
savosavo 132
sepik languages 3, 26–32, 39, 137–59
setswana 163, 170–1, 198
shibacha Lisu 24
shilluk 7, 49, 50, 52, 72
shipibo-Konibo 6
shor 24
shua 161–4, 170–1
sign Languages 7
sissala 72
siwu 31
siYeyi 163
soga 252
south america, languages of, 1, 13, 19,
29, 32, 38, 72, 95–109, 116–17, see also
amazonian languages
south Bird’s head languages 132
south Caucasian languages 22
southern Lwoo 49, 62, 64
spanish 23, 98, 106–7
swahili 262
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 276
taba 132
tai-Kadai languages 27–6
taiwanese southern Min 25
tani languages 25
tariana 4, 6, 8–9, 23–5, 27–8, 32, 34, 36
tarma Quechua, see Quechua
tatar 23–4
telefol 117
tetun 132
thuri 49
tibeto-Burman languages 24, 28–9
tima 5, 19, 25, 39–40, 72, 217–49
tima-Katla 40
tok Pisin 149, 152–3, 155–7
ts’ixa 29, 39, 161–91
tshwa 161, 170
tsou 20, 25–30
tswana 26–7
turkic languages 5, 23–4
tuyuca 8
tyemeri 25, 27
ubangi 29
usan 132
Warekena 14–16, 19–23
Warlpiri 25
West Bird’s head languages 132
West tucanoan languages 8
Western nilotic languages 29, 33, 47–68
Wintu 24
Witotoan languages 8
Wolof 23–5
Wosera 149
Yagaria 132
Yankunytjatjara 21
Yevegbe 34–5
Yelogu 137
Yimas 113
Yir-Yoront 15
Yukaghir 8, 16, 24
Yuman languages 13, 24
12/14/2012 3:24:32 PM
suBJeCt Index
advanced tongue root vowel harmony
(atr) 218–19
agglutinative 137, 196, 253
ambitransitive 14–15, 20, 50, 59–62, 138,
141, 166, 173
anticausative 59–62, 68
antipassive 64, 219, 223–4, 229, 238,
242–7
applicative 74, 222–3, 259
apprehensive 24
areal pattern 16, 112–17, 122–3, 132–5
aspect 6–9, 12–13, 49–52, 95–107, 138,
166–7, 196–7, 225–7, see also tense
assumed evidential 4–7, 11
assumption 11
atelic 24, 142, 149, 225–6, 247, see also
telic
auditory perception 2–3, 21–41, see also
non-visual evidential
social status of 31–5
verbs of 14–16, 26–9, 67, 71, 137–59,
174–90, 198, 205–12, 257–67, see also
hearing
autobenefactive 52, 62
beliefs 118–19
benefactive 52, 62, 196
body parts in perception and
cognition 29–31, 39–40, 147–8, 154–8,
162–90
case 17, 138, 141–6, 150–8
classifier 49
clause chaining, see switch reference
click 166
cognition 1–41
lexical expression of 14–41, 111, 127–35,
139–58, 181–90, 235–48
cognitive states, verbs of 14, 41, see
cognition, lexical expression of; inner
states
colour 40, 65, 251–69
command 17–19, 23–4, 90–1, 137, 141–58,
237–8, see also imperative
complementation 19, 21, 122–5, 139–40,
152
compound 112, 122, 126, 146
constituent order 69–71, 123, 139–40, 166,
195, 201, 219, 222, 226–7, 238, 247, 256
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 277
contact language 149, 152–7, 252, 265, see
also language contact
control 17, 13, 17–20, 23–4, 32, 61–2, 73,
112, 115, 121, 125–30, 133, 141, 146–52, 166,
201–10, 214, 229–31, 235, 256, 261
converb 167, see also multiverb
construction
counterexpectation 88–93
cultural practices 2–3, 39–40, 117–22, 158,
164–6, 269, 282, see also beliefs, taboos
data source, see evidential
definiteness 4, 138, 141
deictic, see also demonstrative pronouns
demonstrative pronouns 9–11
direct evidential 4–8, 13, 97–103, see also
firsthand evidential
distribution as an areal feature of new
Guinea 113–14, 123–5, 131–5
dyadic communication 67
emotions 14, 22, 27–32, 54, 57, 66–7, 95,
100, 106–7, 113, 116–25, 133, 257, 268
endangered language 7, 14, 40, 163, 217,
262, 269
epistemic meanings 10, 52, 73
ergative 22, 49, 61, 72, 222, 226–7
evidentiality 2–14, 36–8, 50–2, 71–83,
90–3, 108, 139
evidentiality strategy 9–10, 102–3
eyewitness evidential, see firsthand
evidential
eye contact 31–3, see also vision
firsthand evidential 5–7, 73–8, 102–3, 167
focus 6, 70, 79–80
fusional 101, 107, 133, 137, 161, 220
gender 2–3, 138, 166, 253–4
genetic relationship 16, 162, 217
grammaticalisation 2–14, 24–5, 34–5,
69–74, 92, 108, 180
gustatory 211, 229–35, 256–60, see also
taste
head-tail linkage 113, 116
hearing 1–41, 52–7, 72, 111, 117–126,
145–58, 169–74, 181–90, 198–208,
12/14/2012 3:24:32 PM
278
subject index
211–14, 228–48, 255–9, see also auditory
perception, verbs of
hearsay, see reported evidential
heterosemy 17–19
hierarchy of perception 20–9
holistic view 19, 66, 162, 182–4, 187–90,
257–69
hunter-gatherer 161–6, 188–90
ideophone 29–31, 38, 47, 62, 65–7, 175–6,
209, 228, 232, 254–5
imperative 17–19, 23, 39, 53, 70–1, 74, 89,
92, 137–8, 141–4, 150–2, 157, 199–205, 211,
229, 242–5, see also command
inference 11, 82
inferred evidential 4–7
information source, see evidentiality
instrumental 222–3, see also applicative
intentionality 30–1, 116–18, 121, 127, 139,
150
inner states 117–22, 131–5
interrogative, see question
knowledge 33–40, 48–68
transmission of 34–7, 64–7
lack of control 17, 13, 17–20, 23–4, 32,
61–2, 73, 112, 115, 121, 125–30, 133, 141, 146,
147–52, 166, 201–10, 214, 229–31, 235, 256,
261
language contact 49, 107, 163, 170, 214,
252, 262, 265, see also areal patterns,
contact language
lexical evidentiality 5
lexicalisation 19–20, 23, 49, 168–9, 175–8,
182–6, 189, 198–9, 212–14, 238
liver 29, 112, 117–221, 134, 156
loan 49, 168, 152–7, 173, 193, 210, 261–3,
266, see also areal pattern, language
contact
lies and evidentials 82–3
markedness 8–9
mirative 11–14, 38, 72–3, 77, 83–108
modal verb 5, 9, 11
modality 4–9
multiverb construction 167–8, 179,
196–7, see also converb, serial verb
construction
negation 70, 85–6, 96, 103–7, 219
non-firsthand evidential 5–7
non-visual evidential 4–8, 73–83
number 4, 49, 221–2
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 278
odour, see smell
olfactory 1–3, 33, 49–50, 177, 198, 205–8,
214, 233, 256, 259, 267–8, see also smell
opacity of others’ minds 111–12, 117–22,
131–2
Pama-nyungan hypothesis, lack of validity
of 16
perception 1–41
grammatical expression of 2–14, 102–3
lexical expression of 14–41, 112, 122–58,
162, 169–89, 192–214, 228–35, 251–69
perfective 50–2, 101–2
pluractionality 221–1
polysemy 17–21, 38, 54–5, 181–9, 198–9
possession 27–8
question 70–1, 79–80, 85, 104–6
quotative 116–17, 125, 128–35, see also
verbs of speech
reanalysis 67–8, see also
grammaticalisation
reliability of information 6
reported evidential 4–7, 13, 75–83, 103–5
reported speech 9,11, 14, see also
quotative; verbs of speech
responsibility 6,77
see 1–41, 126, 145–58, 169–74, 181–90,
199–214, 228–48, 255–7
sensory perception 1–8, 56–62, see also
hearing, seeing, smell, taste, vision
serial verb construction 23–34, 39, 68–9,
137, 145, 162, 167, 180–7, 203
sight, see vision
smell 1–3, 21, 26–33, 48–68, 151, 176–9,
205–9, 244–5, 259–61
source of information, see evidentiality
speech report 128–35, 139
surprise, see mirative
sVC, see serial verb construction
switch reference 123–5, 129, 130–40
taboo 1–3, 32–3, 158
tactition, see touch
tail-head linkage 113, 116
taste 22, 26–9, 33, 62–4, 176–7, 211–13,
251–16
telic 24, 54–7, 138, 141–3, 146, 149–50,
155–7, 197, 219–21, 224–7, see also
command
tense 4–7, 49–52, 95–107, 167, 226–7
thematization 114–16, 132–5
12/14/2012 3:24:32 PM
subject index
tone 49, 52, 166, 195, 218
topic marker 69–70, 85
touch 26–9, 179–80, 209–11, 251–61
truth 6
uncertainty 118, 259, see also epistemic
meanings
unprepared mind, see mirative
Vedic texts 2–3
verbs of cognition 21–41, 53–61, 111, 127–
35, 139–58, 181–90, 235–48
verbs of innner states 117–22, 131–5
271-282_AIKHENVALD-STORCH_index.indd 279
279
verbs of perception 14–41, 112, 122–58,
162, 169–90, 192–214, 228–35, 251–69
as a special subclass of verbs 22–4,
52–3, 137–58
verbs of speech 14–16, 112–34, 139–59,
see also speech report
vision, 1–3, 8–9, 21, 41, see also see
negative overtones of 27–30
social status of 27–35, 158, 261–3,
see also taboos
visual evidential 4–8, 24
volition 34–5, 54–5, 60–1, 111–12, 128–34,
141–3, 149, 228–9, 235, 256
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