he Prehistoric Period he Prehistoric Archaeology Of County Fermanagh Ronan McHugh and Brian G. Scott he prehistory of Co. Fermanagh spans the period from 7000 BC to the early centuries AD, and accounts for almost 80% of the entire duration of human occupation in the county. Such a time-span inevitably witnessed dramatic changes, which deined and redeined the lives of the communities living there. Although in the west of the island, seemingly distant from regions with more prominent activity, we repeatedly encounter artefacts that demonstrate widespread contacts throughout Ireland, and beyond into Britain and further aield. hese included the arrival of the irst people, the transition from an economy based on seasonal hunting and gathering to a thriving agricultural society, and the equally pivotal introductions of gold, copper, tin, bronze and then iron metallurgies. Such landmark innovations can be detected and broadly dated from a study of survivals from the past, and archaeologists conventionally subdivide the prehistoric period using the irst introductions of farming and metalworking as boundary markers (Table 2). While this approach simpliies our contemporary discussions of prehistory, it should always be remembered that the people who lived through those times were not governed by our modern models, while many other changes or events, possibly of equal signiicance to the prehistoric population, may not yet be relected in the archaeological record. Table 2 Broad phases and dates for Irish prehistory. Phases in Irish Prehistory Approximate Dates Early Mesolithic 7000–5500 BC Late Mesolithic 5500–4000 BC Neolithic 4000–2400BC Early Bronze Age 2400–1500 BC Middle Bronze Age 1500–1000 BC Late Bronze Age 1000–600 BC Iron Age 600 BC–AD 500 While Co. Fermanagh is rich in prehistoric archaeological sites and inds, there has been little archaeological excavation undertaken there in comparison to other counties. And, as Plunkett points out (see p. 13), environmental records for the county are also sparse. Nonetheless, a broad outline of life and society in prehistoric Fermanagh can be created by combining the available information from the county with the archaeological evidence from across the island of Ireland. 55 the prehistoric period he Mesolithic When people irst arrived in Ireland, probably c. 7000 BC, the island was dominated by natural forests of willow, juniper, birch and hazel. hese had colonised most of the land surface since the retreat of the last ice sheets about 12,000 BC, rendering much of the country relatively inaccessible (see pp 14). he people of the Irish Mesolithic have let almost no discernible impression on this landscape. here is no indication from environmental records that they interfered signiicantly with the primeval forests and, unlike later prehistoric societies, they did not apparently see reason to construct substantial dwellings or to build permanent monuments from stone. While it is impossible to determine the population of the country during this period, it has been estimated to have been as low as 7000 at any one time (Cooney and Grogan 1994, 22). Nevertheless, Mesolithic sites and material have been identiied in many parts of the island, suggesting that during these irst three millennia of basic subsistence living, the irst human arrivals did penetrate well inland. Mesolithic occupation sites, represented in the main by localised collections of characteristic lint or stone artefacts, or midden deposits, are usually located in coastal or low-lying areas, and close to lakes, rivers or streams (Cooney 2000, 12). While the majority of Mesolithic material from Co. Fermanagh has been found on the shores and islands of Lough Macnean, particularly on the island of Inishee (Inv. 5), the majority of these artefacts have been retrieved as surface inds, with no obvious focus for the occupation they doubtless represent. he few inds from the other potential occupation site at Carr (Inv. 2) are not informative, so our understanding of the earliest people in the county derives from sites elsewhere in Ireland, most particularly from Mount Sandal in Co. Londonderry (Woodman 1985), Lough Boora in Co. Ofaly (Ryan 1980), Newferry in Co. Antrim (Woodman 1977) and Ferriter’s Cove, Co. Kerry (Woodman and Anderson 1999). Excavations at these sites have demonstrated that the early Irish were hunter-gatherers who survived on their ability to hunt and ish, as well as to gather fruit, nuts and other wild plants. his dependency on naturally occurring seasonal food resources meant that mobility was an important factor in Mesolithic society, and this probably accounts for the paucity of permanent occupation structures. he activities of some groups might have been organised from more permanent base camps, and the succession of huts discovered at Mount Sandal has been interpreted as such (Woodman 1985, 167), but comparable sites remain elusive in Ireland. here appears to have been a general preference for ishing over hunting in the Mesolithic economy. his is relected both in the characteristic location of Mesolithic sites near coasts, rivers and lakes, and in the comparatively few known assemblages containing faunal remains (Waddell 2000, 22). he range of animals exploited was extremely limited, with contemporary research raising the possibility that most, if not all species were re-introduced by humans in the post-glacial period (McCormick 2007, 79). At Mount Sandal, Lough Boora and Ferriter’s Cove, the only large terrestrial animal that occurred in signiicant quantities was wild pig, while other species such as wild cat, hare or canids have occasionally been found (ibid. 80). Red deer is thought not to have been introduced until the 4th millennium BC and, while the site at Carr (Inv. 2) produced red deer antlers close to a Mesolithic Bann lake (Carroll 1992, 118 and 119, ig. 10), this species has not yet been found in a secure Mesolithic occupation context. he diet of ish and meat would have been supplemented by hazel nuts and edible plants such as wild pear or crab apple. Much of the surviving Mesolithic material consists of tools worked from lint or chert and probably associated with hunting and ishing, as well as the preparation of food and skins. Up until c. 5500 BC, Mesolithic tools consisted largely of small blades known as ‘microliths’, which were probably aixed to bone or wood handles, forming composite implements such as ishing harpoons, hunting spears or arrowheads. 56 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Crude lake and core axes, blades and picks, which may have been hand-held, or mounted in wooden hats, were also features of the Early Mesolithic tool kit. From the second half of the 6th millennium BC, microliths were replaced by larger, single-piece artefacts, including the characteristic butt-trimmed and leaf-shaped lint lakes known as ‘Bann lakes’ that were probably used as knives or multi-purpose cutting tools. Flint axes were not common, but polished stone axes, particularly of schist or mudstone occur, while picks as well as crude borers, are also regular features of surviving Late Mesolithic assemblages. he change in technology relected in these new tools may have marked a more sophisticated approach to food procurement in the Late Mesolithic, with these larger artefacts representing woodworking tools used, for instance, to make traps for animals and ish (Woodman and Anderson 1990, 387). Burial evidence for the Irish Mesolithic is extremely rare and, indeed, until recently, no funerary sites were attributed to period. However, O’Sullivan has suggested that the few human bones found in shell middens at Rockmarshall, Co. Louth and Ferriter’s Cove, Co. Kerry may represent a tradition where remains were deliberately deposited in middens, so that the veneration of ancestors was connected to the daily routines of the living (O’Sullivan 2002, 12). Perhaps more signiicantly, excavations in 2001 on the banks of the River Shannon, at Hermitage, Co. Limerick, revealed two Early Mesolithic cremations deposited in pits, and also Fig. 7 Selection of Mesolithic artefacts from Co. Fermanagh: 1 polished stone axe, 2 stone pick, 3 chert core, 4 chert flake (all from Lough Macnean Lower: after Williams and Gormley 2002). 57 the prehistoric period close to a possible occupation site. Each pit contained the remains of a single individual, one complete and accompanied by a polished stone axe, the other consisting of what was identiied as a token deposit of only the partial remains of a person. A series of four radiocarbon dates (two from each pit) returned a range of dates spanning the period 7530–7320 BC to 7030–6630 BC, conirming an Early Mesolithic date for these burials (cf. Collins 2009). he small quantity of material recovered from Co. Fermanagh to date is, almost exclusively, characteristic of the Late Mesolithic (Fig. 7). Carr, near Ross Lough (Inv. 2), yielded a Bann lake as well as some animal bone beneath a deposit of peat (Carroll 1992, 131), while at Derryharney (Inv. 212) the excavator reported a single Late Mesolithic lint as a stray ind (Conway 1993a). In his pioneering catalogue of Irish Mesolithic material, Woodman (1978, 306) listed seven mudstone axes, a double-pointed pick and two possible Bann lakes from the shores of Cushrush Island and these, along with a possible butt-trimmed lake, were then the only artefacts provenanced to Co. Fermanagh. his number has been added to signiicantly by inds collected from the shores of both Cushrush and Inishee Island, largely due to the diligence of Burns and Nolan in the 1990s and early years of the 21st century. Martin carried out a detailed review of their catalogue of inds in 2009, when he also undertook a programme of ieldwork on Inishee to determine both the nature and extent of the Mesolithic presence in the area (Martin 2011). He recognised approximately 70 lithic artefacts of possible Mesolithic date, including the material previously listed by Woodman (1978, 306) from amongst the material collected from Cushrush. Following the 2009 ieldwork on Inishee Island (Inv. 5), which involved survey of the shoreline and the excavation of 19 small test pits in the interior of the island, he identiied a total of 149 artefacts of Mesolithic, or possible Mesolithic date. Although unable to locate a settlement site or midden associated with the inds, his work allows some tentative conclusions to be drawn about Mesolithic activity in this part of Co. Fermanagh. he recognisable artefacts were characteristic of Late Mesolithic technology, and were found during the survey of the shoreline. he lithic material recovered from the test pits was less diagnostic, and Martin concluded that it potentially represented Early Mesolithic activity on Inishee. He ofered the alternative hypothesis that it could indicate the presence of an Early Neolithic culture that had reverted to the use of small bladed tools, as was the case in some areas of Leinster and Munster (Martin 2011, 9–10). Perhaps the most signiicant result from this work (ibid. 12) was the predominance of local siltstone in the manufacture of tools (104 out of the total of 149 lithic artefacts), rather than higher quality lint (6 artefacts). he overwhelming prevalence of this locally occurring material may suggest a relatively insular nature for this particular settlement, or else a deliberate choice to exploit convenient local resources rather than import lint from elsewhere in the country (ibid. 13). Martin suggested that as well as the availability of lithic materials, Inishee may have been chosen for settlement to exploit an abundant supply of eel, and may have been used as a seasonal base camp although, again, it should be stressed that no actual site for such a camp was identiied during this project (ibid. 14). Elsewhere in Co. Fermanagh, a core axe or pick and a Bann lake were recovered during dredging in the Sillees River (Williams and Gormley 2002, 114), but, notwithstanding the indings from the Lough Macnean Lower Valley, the evidence from the county for activity in this period remains sparse. Whether the Mesolithic presence in the county was ever more extensive is not known, but the region would have been favourable to the early arrivals. Dominating the landscape, Upper and Lower Lough Erne, with a network of smaller lakes and rivers, provided an ideal habitat for the plants, wildfowl and ish that were so favoured by hunter-gatherer communities. In addition, the abundant waterways aforded them a potentially attractive and navigable passage through this region, in contrast to the heavily wooded landscape that dominated much of the rest of the island. he earliest Irish logboats are from the Mesolithic, and a hull-loor fragment from Brookend in neighbouring Co. Tyrone (Fry 2000, 116 and 120, no. 90) has been 58 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh dated to 5490–5250 BC (UB-4066). It is likely that these vessels played an important part in Mesolithic life in Co. Fermanagh as they did from the Neolithic onwards, but no logboats of this antiquity have yet been recovered in the county. It follows, therefore, that other factors, such as the growth of peat and blanket bog over much of the county in later times, has obscured further Mesolithic evidence which may be uncovered in the future by targeted research. he Neolithic he change from a hunting and foraging society to one based on the deliberate cultivation of crops and the rearing of domestic animals began in Ireland around 4000 BC. Farming communities had become established in much of continental Europe by 5500–5000 BC, so the appearance of agriculture in Ireland was relatively late. It is not entirely clear whether the new practices accompanied a population migration from Britain or Continental Europe, or whether they were gradually assimilated by the indigenous communities as a result of contacts with these regions. What is certain is that the impact of this new farming economy was dramatic on every level, precipitating environmental change, an increase in population size, new settlement patterns and new stone tool types. Pottery was introduced for the irst time, while burial ritual was organised and focused on megalithic tombs. Economy and Settlement Despite the absence of detailed palaeoenvironmental evidence from across the county, we can suggest nevertheless that Fermanagh was subject to the same kinds of landscape changes recorded elsewhere in Ireland at the start of the 4th millennium BC. he forests were cut back, ring-barked or burnt progressively by the early farmers to create the land necessary for cultivation and pasture. his resulted in a marked decline in the tree pollen record, balanced by a corresponding rise in grasses and weeds of cultivation, with the more open landscape that resulted being used for crops such as emmer, wheat and barley (Waddell 2000, 29). Doubtless agricultural practices difered from region to region while, over the 1600 years of the Neolithic, changing environmental and social factors necessitated adaptation and variation on the part of the irst farmers. Nonetheless, the available palaeoenvironmental evidence suggests that the general pattern of Irish Neolithic agriculture followed a particular trend; ater an initial period of crop cultivation, until c. 3200 BC, many areas were then given over to pasture or abandoned. Plunkett (see pp 14–15) has noted that there is less pollen evidence for farming activity in the later part of the Neolithic. While the new agricultural economy probably precipitated a rapid rise in population, no deinitive settlement sites of this period have yet been found in Fermanagh. Excavations in Ireland over the past 30 years have unearthed the remains of over 90 Neolithic houses (Grogan 2002, 517). Where they have been found, they are generally rectangular post- or plank-built structures, enclosing internal areas that usually range between 20m2 and 50m2, and probably represented single farmsteads for extended families (Waddell 2000, 30). Such houses would undoubtedly have formed the kernel of Neolithic communities in Fermanagh as elsewhere. We should, however, enter a caveat to the discussion of prehistoric settlement evidence in Co. Fermanagh. As discussed by Gardiner (see pp 905–912), a recently discovered landscape in the Marlbank region, in the foothills of Cuilcagh Mountain, which incorporates parts of eastern Co. Cavan as well as south-western Co. Fermanagh, contains a signiicant network of ieldwalls and house structures. Study of this landscape is in its infancy, with no excavation or scientiic dating yet, but a number of these remains are likely to be of prehistoric origin and are located close to identiiable court tombs and cup-and-ring marked stones. Drystone ield walls have been used to deine and subdivide agricultural holdings since 59 the prehistoric period the Neolithic, with the most prominent Irish ield complex found preserved beneath blanket peat at Céide, near Ballycastle Co. Mayo (Caulield 1978 and 1983). his site covered an area of some 12km2, consisting of a system of walls arranged in a coaxial pattern and forming long rectangles which were, in turn, divided into broadly rectangular ields by cross-walls. he walls were up to 2km in length and 150m to 200m apart. A programme of radiocarbon dating produced a series of dates conclusively proving a Neolithic date for the Céide ields (Caulield et al. 1998, 639), but ield systems continued to be a characteristic of land organisation throughout prehistory, and the construction of a network of ieldwalls in the uplands of Co. Antrim has been dated to the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages (Francis 1987, 109 and 112). he extent of the prehistoric remains in this south-western part of Fermanagh has yet to be determined, but their presence is potentially indicative of a structured approach to agriculture in this region, possibly with origins in the Neolithic period. Both rectangular, and roughly circular hut platforms have been identiied in this landscape, although Gardiner (see pp 910–911) suggests the former are most likely medieval or later in date. he majority of the circular platforms are located in Co. Cavan, but there are examples within Co. Fermanagh, in Killykeeghan, with diameters ranging from 3m–7m. Although not as common as rectangular structures, circular houses dating to the Neolithic have been discovered, for example at Lough Gur, Co. Limerick (cf. Ó Ríordáin 1954) and Townley Hall, Co. Louth (cf. Eogan 1963), while the circular plan became more prevalent from the Middle Bronze Age onwards (Doody 2000, 143). hus, while it is not yet possible to be precise about the date of these structures, they have the potential to greatly expand our knowledge of prehistoric settlement in the county. Irish Neolithic faunal remains are particularly scarce, especially from recognised domestic sites, so our understanding of animal exploitation in the Neolithic is limited. he most widely accepted model is that imported cattle quickly became the predominant domesticate, followed by pig and sheep/goat (Cooney and Grogan 1994, 35). he cattle were probably raised for both their meat and hides, but there is no direct evidence for dairying in Irish prehistory. he fundamentals of the Irish Neolithic economy, therefore, were the rearing of domesticated animals and cereal crop production, no doubt complimented by the native herbs, roots, wild fruit, berries and nuts exploited seasonally since the Mesolithic. he Neolithic provides the irst evidence of how the people of Co. Fermanagh moved around in their water-dominated environment. In his inventory of logboats discovered in Northern Ireland, Fry (2000, 123–128) lists 29 examples from the county. hese date from the Neolithic through to the 17th century, conirming the extraordinary longevity of this type of vessel. he example from Lough Erne at Rossfad townland (ibid. 50), some 8.65m long, yielded a radiocarbon date of 3500–3360 BC (UB-4237). Neolithic Artefacts An array of new implements appeared in the Neolithic to serve a society primarily reliant on agriculture, but elements of the earlier practices were still retained. Flint and chert remained the preferred stone for manufacture, but a diferent array of tools became common, particularly scrapers, arrowheads and javelins (Fig. 8). Stone axes became ubiquitous, while stone was also used to fashion querns for the grinding of cereal grain. he Neolithic period also saw the introduction of pottery vessels, which appeared to serve both a sacred and profane function in society. Scrapers (Fig. 8.1–15) Scrapers, generally small lint lakes with either a convex or, perhaps more characteristically, concave, retouched scraping edge, have been found throughout the county, including in excavated court tombs at Aghanaglack (Inv. 11), which produced a total of 11 hollow scrapers, Ballyreagh (Inv. 12) and Tully (Inv. 35). 60 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 8 Neolithic flint artefacts from Co. Fermanagh: 1–15 hollow scrapers, 16–18 javelin heads, 19 arrowhead, 20–24 planoconvex knives (1–8 Aghanaglack Inv. 11, 9–11 Ballyreagh Inv. 12, 12–15 Tully Inv. 35, 16 Aghanaglack, 17 Randalshough Monea, 18 Tully, 19 ‘Co. Fermanagh’, 20–22 Ballyreagh, 23–24 Tully (after Herity 1987 and Williams and Gormley 2002). he function of these implements is uncertain; the convex scraper may have been used in the preparation of animal hides, while the hollow scraper may have been used for the production of arrow-shats or, mounted in sickle formation, in the reaping of crops. Arrowheads and javelin heads (Fig. 8.16–19) he bow-and-arrow was a common element in the Neolithic toolkit, as indicated by the quantity of lint arrowheads attributable to the period, including a number from Co. Fermanagh which have been picked up as stray inds. hey are predominantly thin, lozenge- or leaf-shaped lakes, and examples of both forms occur in the county. Javelin heads, which were also oten lozenge- or leaf- shaped, are larger and more elongated than the arrowheads. hey may be polished on one or both faces, or be completely covered with pressure laking, marking the most extravagant examples as particularly impressive evidence of Neolithic lintworking skills. here are three recorded javelin-heads from the county – from Randalshough, Monea, and from the excavated court tombs at Aghanaglack (Inv. 11) and Tully (Inv. 35), where fragments only were found. While presumed to have been used predominantly for hunting it is likely that they were also used as defensive weapons. At hornhill, Co. Londonderry and Ballyharry Co. Antrim, groups of lint arrowheads have been found with the remains of structures, which both excavators suggested may have been burned during episodes of conlict (Logue 2003; Moore 2004). At Poulnabrone, Co. Clare a small arrowhead was 61 the prehistoric period found embedded in a male hip bone (Lynch 1988, 106), raising the possibility that the new economy, with its attachment to agricultural land, may have encouraged territoriality and rivalry amongst the early farmers that sometimes erupted in violence. Knives (Fig. 8.20–24) he most recognisable type of Neolithic knife is the plano-convex form. hese are usually elongated implements with two worked edges forming blades. he convex, dorsal side is generally wholly or partially pressure-laked. Plano-convex knives are common inds in court tombs, and fragments of two rough chert examples were found at Tully (Inv. 35), but they appear to have endured in use into the 2nd millennium BC. Other miscellaneous worked or unworked pieces of lint probably also served as Neolithic knives. Polished stone axes he most commonly surviving artefact type from the Neolithic is the polished stone axe. Originally made in the Mesolithic, it became commonplace in the Neolithic and is considered diagnostic of the period. Axes took a variety of shapes, and were fashioned from diferent rock types, but consistently had polished edges and surfaces, a process designed to enhance their efectiveness. hey were probably used primarily for felling or ring-barking trees to create land for agricultural activity. Cooney and Mandal (1998, 31, table 3.2) have recorded some 162 stone axes from Co. Fermanagh, of which 26 are of porcellanite, the majority being of mudstone or shale (ibid. 63, table 4.2). Other stone types represented are lint, schist, slate, basalt, gabbro, dolerite, rhylite and one example of porphyry. Many of these could have derived from the local glacial drit, although artefacts of porphyry (which is noted from an Early Bronze Age macehead and from inds of pebbles on a crannog – see Inv. 1088) show primary concentrations in Leinster around Co. Dublin and in Co. Antrim (ibid. 77–78 and ig. 4.14; cf Cooney 2005). he use of the metamorphic rock porcellanite, which is not found in Co. Fermanagh, is particularly signiicant in that it occurs only in two places in Ireland – Tievebullagh, near Cushendall, and Brockley on Rathlin Island, both in Co. Antrim. he Co. Fermanagh total of 17% porcellanite axes provenanced at least to county level is the lowest of the historic Ulster counties (ibid. 63, table 4.2). A porcellanite adzehead from Belleek (NMNI WM:2250) has been shown by trace-element analysis to have originated from the source at Brockley (Cooney et al. 2011, 72). Another important example was found during peat-cutting at Maguiresbridge in the late-19th century (NMI 1900.43), and provided a rare occasion where the wooden hat of the tool survived, along with its porcellanite head (Plate 11). Other porcellanite axes known from the county include those from Ballycassidy, Killyhevlin, Magherahar and Tempo. It is clear either that the owners of these implements had travelled some Plate 11 Hafted porcellanite axe-head from Maguiresbridge distance to Co. Fermanagh, or that they were brought (© NMI). there perhaps along a trade route from northern Co. 62 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Antrim. In this respect, it is perhaps worth noting that Cos Antrim, Donegal, Down and Londonderry have signiicantly more examples than Cos Armagh, Cavan, Fermanagh and Monaghan. It may be that there was a primary trade route along the northern coast of Ulster, across the River Bann, with much less traic to the immediate south of Lough Neagh, thereby restricting the quantity of porcellanite that made its way to the Co. Fermanagh area. Cooney (1989, 155) has demonstrated, from sites elsewhere in Ireland, that the distribution of polished stone axes can be used as an indicator of settlement patterns. But although four major concentrations of stone axes have been plotted in the county, at Enniskillen, Portora, Lough Macnean Lower and Rosslea, these are probably biased due to extensive work by antiquarians and collectors, as well as dredging of the River Erne in these particular localities, and thus should not be treated as indictors of settlement locations (Williams and Gormley 2002, 6). Maceheads Maceheads are occasionally found in megalithic tombs, but are most commonly provenanced to lakes, rivers or bogs, a recurring association that suggests they were deliberately deposited in these locations, probably for ceremonial purposes (Simpson 1988, 31). hey appear to have been crated primarily for their appearance, so that most of the stones chosen had a distinct, speckled or veined appearance, and few of the known examples show signs of wear or abrasion (ibid. 33). Two examples have been found in Co. Fermanagh, both from the shores of Lough Erne. he irst, a inely crated quartzite with a vein of quartz running through it, was found on the borders of Lisgoole and Drumsna townlands (Plate 12), and is paralleled only by a macehead from the passage tomb cemetery at Knowth, in Co. Meath (Eogan and Richardson 1982). he second, a stone of veined quartzose gneiss from Portora, is also of a recognisably Neolithic type, and Simpson (1988, 38) classed it as one of only ive pestle maceheads of ‘hames’ type, seemingly conirming the presence of some of the more elaborate and prestigious ornaments of Neolithic Plate 12 Quartzite macehead from Lisgoole and Drumsna society in the county. townlands (© National Museums Northern Ireland). Saddle querns he saddle quern was an essential agricultural tool, used for grinding cereal grains to make lour, and Irish querns were generally fashioned from granite or sandstone (Connolly 1994, 26). Once introduced it continued to be used in both the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, but none of the Co. Fermanagh examples can be dated with any conidence to the Neolithic as they have not been found in securely dated contexts. he typical saddle quern consists of two basic elements, a lower ‘bedstone’ with the distinctive concave or ‘saddle’ shape of its upper surface and a smaller, upper stone or ‘rubber’ to push the grain up and down to make lour. Williams and Gormley recorded 12 from Co. Fermanagh (Williams and Gormley 2002, 4), including a limestone example from Carn cashel (Inv. 352) identiied by Brannon as belonging to a period predating the cashel (Brannon 1982a, 64), while three ‘grain-rubbers’ used to consolidate the foundation 63 the prehistoric period Fig. 9 Neolithic pottery from the court tombs at Aghanaglack, Ballyreagh and Tully: 1–10 plain vessels (1–2 Aghanaglack Inv. 11, 3–7 Ballyreagh Inv. 12, 8–10 Tully Inv. 35), 11–14 decorated vessels (11–12 Aghanaglack; 13–14 Ballyreagh: after Herity 1982 and 1987). 64 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh layers of Pottiagh crannog no. 1 (Inv. 1088) were probably saddle querns that were no longer in use at the time of its construction (D’Arcy 1900, 212). Pottery Pottery was introduced for the irst time in the Neolithic, and vessels of ired clay were used in the daily lives and activities of the people, for cooking and possibly to transport and store food and drink. Fragments of pottery are common on settlement sites and in megalithic tombs, where they were deposited with the remains of the dead. he earliest examples are undecorated bowls of various sizes, oten shouldered with out-turned rims and showing signs of polishing on the exterior surfaces. hese were coil-built but wellired and the technology used was relatively sophisticated, requiring knowledge of clay sources and suitable inclusions to prepare the wet clay for iring in simple clamp kilns. he court tombs of Fermanagh have been a rich source of early Neolithic pottery, with the excavated sites at Aghanaglack (Inv. 11), Ballyreagh (Inv. 12) and Tully (Inv. 35) all producing fragments of a variety of vessels, with Tully alone producing over 40 fragments of plain Neolithic pottery (Fig. 9). Over the course of the Neolithic, pottery styles became more diverse, and by c. 3650 BC, more variation in vessel form, rim shape and decoration is apparent (Sheridan 1995, 18). Examples of decorated Neolithic vessels have been recovered during excavations in Co. Fermanagh; the remains of a possible hemispherical bowl with all-over decoration was recovered from Chamber 1 of the eastern gallery of the Aghnaglack court tomb, while an unusual shouldered vessel was found in Chamber 1 of the eastern gallery at Ballyreagh (Inv. 12). Sherds of a coarse vessel with stab-and-drag decoration, of a pottery type known as Carrowkeel ware, were recovered from Burial 1 at Kiltierney stone circle (Inv. 100: Daniells and Williams 1977, 38). he appearance of grooved ware in the early part of the 3rd millennium BC provided a further development in pottery production. Grooved ware vessels were generally lat-based, bucket-shaped pots and fragments have been found associated with some of the most important Neolithic sites in Ireland, such as Ballyhahatty, Co. Antrim and the passage tombs of the Boyne Valley, but to date none have been found in Co. Fermanagh. Megalithic Tombs he absence of settlement evidence, combined with the inding of many of the Neolithic artefacts from the county during the excavation of megalithic tombs, means that most of our knowledge of the irst farmers of Co. Fermanagh is derived from these impressive sites. Futhermore, until Neolithic houses are discovered in the county, they are the best indication we have of the localities where Neolithic communities settled. he custom of building stone monuments in the landscape was, along with the transition to agriculture, the most dramatic expression of Neolithic society recognisable today. hey represent signiicant expenditure of time and efort in their construction, while their sheer size and form would have irreversibly altered the immediate landscape and subsequently controlled the perception of that place for subsequent generations. he Co. Fermanagh megalithic tombs, while not settlement sites in themselves, are not only indicators of a human presence in the Neolithic, but also markers of locations that were evidently of great signiicance to the tomb builders, whether their importance was created by tomb-building or formalised by it (Fig. 10). In addition, the burial customs tell us something of the preferences of the living, while the practice of depositing grave goods with the dead gives an indication of their material culture, albeit in a singular, ceremonial context. Court tombs In Ireland, some 428 court tombs are distributed mainly in the northern half of the island. here are 26 in Co. Fermanagh making them the dominant megalithic tomb type in the county. he available dating 65 the prehistoric period Fig. 10 Distribution of Neolithic megalithic tombs. evidence suggests that the court tomb was amongst the earliest of the Irish tomb types and was principally a monument of the 4th millennium BC (Waddell 2000, 86–88), being closely associated with the advent of farming. Court tombs are characteristically enclosed in trapezoidal or rectangular cairns, with the broader end usually forming a facade or ‘court’, which can vary from a shallow arc to a full enclosure (Plate 13). he burial gallery of the tomb is accessed through the court, and the entrance is usually marked by a pair of portal stones, oten with a prominent lintel. he gallery is usually divided by jamb stones into two or more chambers built within the body of the cairn, and is roofed by a system of corbels or capstones. Most oten, the tombs are aligned with the court opening broadly to the east, with the majority of known examples occurring in an arc between north-north-east to south-south-east. A notable exception is the excavated Tully tomb (Inv. 35), the court of which faces west-south-west. In a common variant, the dual court tomb, two galleries were placed back-to-back in a single long cairn, each accessed through its own forecourt. hese tombs generally share the common, approximate east-west, alignment of the basic court tomb. here are six dual court tombs in the county, at Aghanaglack (Inv. 11), Ballyreagh (Inv. 12), Cavantillycormick (Inv. 16), Clyhannagh (Inv. 17) Knockninny (Inv. 27), and Lissan (Inv. 28) and this variant is particularly common in 66 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh central and southern Ulster (ibid. 81). he court tombs of the county are conined to hilly, upland regions, most prevalently to the west of Lough Erne and are largely absent from the lowlands, with only the tomb at Tully standing at an altitude of less than 100m. At the other end of the scale, only a single tomb, that at Beihy Mountain (Inv. 13), is located at an altitude of over 300m. his pattern is repeated throughout Ireland, and De Valera (1960, 40) saw the easily cultivated soils available in these regions, rather than the altitude itself, as the determining factor in the location of the court tombs. hey do not generally occur closer than 1km to their nearest neighbour, following the prevailing pattern of distribution highlighted by Darvill (1979, 314). Cremation is the predominant burial rite in court tombs, but unburnt remains are also regularly found and both burial customs are represented in the county. Common grave goods from Irish court Plate 13 Carrickmacsparrow court tomb (Inv. 15), viewed from tombs include lint arrowheads, hollow scrapers and the south-east. Plate 14 Aerial view of the dual court tomb at Aghanaglack (Inv. 11). 67 the prehistoric period javelins, along with both decorated and undecorated pottery vessels. hree of the Co. Fermanagh court tombs have been excavated, while, in the 19th century, Wakeman carried out what he termed a ‘partial excavation’ of the dual court tomb at Knockninny (Inv. 27) during a programme of study in the townland in 1875 (1879a, 336). He recognised three burial chambers, all of which contained unburnt human bone mixed with animal bone, but nothing else of note (ibid. 338). Davies (1939a and 1942a) investigated the dual court tombs at Aghanaglack (Inv. 11: Plate 14) and Ballyreagh (Inv. 12) in the late 1930s and early 1940s. Aghanaglack supposedly had been ‘partially opened’ previously by Plunkett, although there was no published report of this work (ibid. 22). Davies found a tomb that had been robbed of its covering cairn and roof stones, but the cremated bones of a child were discovered in the irst chamber of the north-eastern gallery. he Ballyreagh dual court tomb is, even today, an impressive monument consisting of two well-deined burial galleries (Plate 15), each divided into two chambers. Cremated remains were found throughout the galleries, but the primary burial place was in Chamber I of the eastern gallery, where the excavation unearthed the bones of a young adult female in a deposit that included fragments of plain and unshouldered round-bottomed bowls, as well as an unusual decorated shouldered vessel (see Fig. 9.13 above). he western burial galleries also both yielded quantities of burnt bone and Neolithic pottery, as well as secondary activity represented by Bronze Age potsherds. hree fragments of a Bronze Age cordoned urn, as well as pieces of two other vessels of probable Bronze Age date, were found in the western forecourt, further suggesting the re-use of the site for Bronze Age burial rituals (ibid. 88), and the enduring importance of these monuments long ater their original construction and period of usage. Plate 15 The entrance to the impressive burial gallery at Ballyreagh court tomb (Inv. 12) defined by well-matched pairs of orthostats on either side of the gallery. 68 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Plate 16 The unusual non-structural wall uncovered at the eastern end of the cairn during the 1976 excavation of Tully court tomb (Inv. 35). he most recent investigation of a Fermanagh court tomb was carried out at Tully (Inv. 35) by Waterman in 1976 (Waterman 1978). Here, cremated remains, probably of ive individuals, were unearthed from a single gallery that incorporated a small cist built into its eastern side. Two of the burials were of young children, with the only other identiiable remains being those of a young adult. Sherds of early, Western Neolithic, pottery were found in the outer chamber, while the inner chamber contained a stone bead and a lint lake. he Tully court tomb was notable for the apparently ritual sealing of the burials, with the soils containing the remains being covered by thin slabs and the forecourt blocked by a spread of stone slabs. Perhaps its most signiicant feature, however, was the occurrence of a free-standing, seemingly nonstructural wall along the eastern edge of the cairn (Plate 16). Waterman described this as the equivalent of a modern veneered wall, serving no obvious practical function and, as such, it is diicult to parallel elsewhere (ibid. 11). Radiocarbon dates obtained from the burial gallery of 3960–3545 BC (UB-2115), 3910–3520 BC (UB-2119) and 3710–365 BC (UB-2120) all indicate that the tomb was in use in the early 4th millennium BC, and not the 3rd millennium as concluded erroneously by Waterman (ibid. 12). Portal tombs he majority of the 170 portal tombs in Ireland are located in the northern half of the island, with a distribution that mirrors that of the court tomb, showing a similar preference for light, readily cultivatable soils. On the whole, they tend to be sited in lower-lying locations, with Ó Nualláin (1983, 86) noting 62 examples in river valleys. he type is characterised by a pair of orthostatic entrance or portal stones leading to a single chamber roofed with one or two large capstones, supported by the portals and a usually lower 69 the prehistoric period back-stone. he chamber was built at one end of a trapezoidal or rectangular cairn. While Fermanagh has 26 court tombs, there are only two portal tombs deinitely identiied – at Glengesh (Inv. 36) and Kilrooskagh (Inv. 37: Plate 17), although this low igure, may, of course, be partly due the poor survival rate of this monument type in the county. A second tomb at Glengesh (Inv. 68), now disappeared, was also identiied by PSAMNI as possibly belonging to this class. None of the Fermanagh portal tombs have been excavated, and both surviving tombs are in poor repair. In their current condition, perhaps the most noteworthy aspect of the two surviving tombs is the altitude of the Glengesh site which, at 210m OD, is signiicantly above 120m, the level below which, according to Ó Nualláin, approximately 70% of Irish portal tombs lie (ibid. 10). he relatively few excavated Irish portal tombs indicate that both cremated and inhumed burials occur, while the range of grave goods is broadly similar to that of the court tombs, and it is likely that these tomb types were at least partly contemporary. Passage tombs Passage tombs are oten regarded as the apogee of Irish megalithic tomb construction. hey conventionally consist of a circular cairn or mound containing a single or cruciform burial chamber at the centre which is accessed through a passage. he cairn may be delineated by large slabs or kerbstones and these, as well as the Plate 17 Kilrooskagh portal tomb (Inv. 37), viewed from the west. 70 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh orthostats of the passage and chamber, may be decorated with elaborate spirals, zig zags and other motifs linking them culturally with megalithic tombs across Western Europe from Brittany to southern Spain. hese monuments generally occur in groups or cemeteries, and examples are known both in prominent hilltops locations and on low ground. he most celebrated of the Irish tombs, including Knowth, Dowth and Newgrange, form part of the Boyne Valley Cemetery in Co. Meath, but other cemeteries are found in the Wicklow Mountains, Lough Crew, Co. Westmeath, and Carrowkeel and Carrowmore in Co. Sligo. Within Ulster there are clusters at Kilnamonaster/Croaghan, Co. Donegal, northern and southern Antrim and Knockmany/Sess Kilgreen, Co. Tyrone and Slieve Gullion, Co. Armagh. he dating of passage tombs has been the subject of much debate but, as Waddell (2000, 77) has concluded, the typological scheme proposed by Sheridan (1986), which begins with simple tombs and culminates in the great tombs of the Boyne Valley, is reasonable. Available radiocarbon dates suggest a concentrated period of passage tomb-building around 3000 BC (Ó Nualláin 1997, 58). A wide variety of distinctive artefacts is associated with passage tombs, including decorative maceheads, stone basins, bone and antler beads, pins and pendants, while decorative ‘Carrowkeel ware’, similar to the sherds from Burial 1 of the Kiltierney stone circle (Inv. 100), is the most common pottery style. Flint artefacts are rarely associated with passage tomb burials, and cremation is more common than inhumation. Plate 18 Burial chambers at Moylehid passage tomb (Inv. 39). 71 the prehistoric period Two passage tombs, at Kiltierney (Inv. 38) and Moylehid (Inv. 39), have been recognised in Co. Fermanagh, and both have had excavations conducted on them. hat at Moylehid, on the highest point of Belmore Mountain (Plate 18), with its well-preserved, cruciform burial gallery, was ‘excavated’ crudely in only four days by Plunkett in the late-19th century (Cofey 1898). he interior of the tomb was shown to have undergone signiicant modiication in the Bronze Age with the creation of at least six cists, three of which were formed by the division of the western burial chamber into three compartments, and it yielded little recognisable Neolithic material. he Kiltierney tomb lies on lower ground (Plate 19), and there is a clear line of sight between it and Moylehid. It is the oldest component of a rich archaeological landscape that is considered in detail elsewhere (see pp 857–870), and has been the subject of four excavations (Wakeman 1881; Davies 1946; Flanagan 1969 and 1992; Foley 1988). he tomb consisted of a passage and chamber opening to the east and set in a cairn which was later covered by a mantle of clay and re-used as an Iron Age cemetery. hese features were destroyed during 19th-century investigations by Archdall and only six stones survive, two of which are adorned with pecked decoration similar to the decorated stones of the Boyne Valley and Lough Crew tombs (Wakeman 1881, 546–548). Archdall also reportedly dismantled an inhumed cist-burial within the tomb but this could be a misinterpretation of the central burial chamber. he meagre total of two passage tombs for the county may be an underestimate of the original number, with any of the 32 recorded round cairns, many of which are in prominent hilltop locations, possibly concealing passages and burial chambers. Some of these, in particular the destroyed cairn at Annaghmore Glebe (Inv. 187) Plate 19 Kiltierney passage tomb and surrounding Iron Age burial mounds (Inv. 38). 72 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh with its surviving orthostatic kerbstones, and the large Cornashee cairn (Inv. 207) which may once have had associated satellite mounds similar to Kiltierney, display characteristics of the passage tomb class, but cannot be added to the existing corpus in the absence of excavation. Megalithic tombs and society Archaeologists commonly draw inferences about the societies that gave rise to them from aspects of megalithic tombs. Studies from throughout Ireland have demonstrated that tombs were sometimes built on former house-sites, and the presence of megalithic tombs can be used as a proxy indicator of settlement (Cooney 1983, 189). Megalithic tombs represented more than just repositories for the dead and were, as Morris stated, ‘an enduring symbol of the social group’s use and ownership of a particular piece of land’ (Morris 1974, 55). he size and complexity of the tombs, as well as the way in which the dead were disposed of may, however, provide some information on the type of society or ‘social groups’ that prevailed in the Neolithic. he larger tombs, none of which are found in Co. Fermanagh, clearly necessitated considerable efort and engineering ability, and this relects a degree of social organisation on the part of the builders (Waddell 2000, 99). Nonetheless, there is some acceptance that, at least in the Early Neolithic, the tombs were the product of a basically classless society (Sheridan 1997, 51). here is a general preference shown for collective burial in megalithic tombs, with its resultant juxtaposition of remains (Jones 2007, 39) and there are regular instances of child burials, as witnessed at both the Tully and Aghanaglack court tombs (Mallory and McNeill 1991, 81). hese features of Neolithic burial custom have been cited as evidence to show that, in general, burial in megalithic tombs was not the sole preserve of important people, even though it is clear that not everyone was aforded this privilege. In an analysis of the distribution pattern of court tombs, Darvill (1979) extended this notion by suggesting that the dispersed location of the court tombs relected a segmented society. He proposed that groups could come together when necessary and collaborate on projects such as the construction of the tombs, but had no strict hierarchical structure. Such an interpretation is less satisfactory for the builders of passage tombs, and Sheridan (1986) argued that, in the Late Neolithic at least, the increasingly elaborate passage tombs and their prestige grave goods might represent the eforts of rival, organised communities to compete with and outdo each other. Unclassiied tombs In Co. Fermanagh, as elsewhere, interpretation of the megalithic tombs is limited by the fact that there are a number of unclassiied monuments which, in each case, might represent any of the recognised types of tomb. here are 38 such unclassiied monuments in the county (including one, Inv. 114, at Brougher, which is associated with a stone row), in addition, to a further 44 sites which are classiied as ‘cairns’ of various types. Of these, at least 32 are round cairns and, while antiquarian ‘excavation’ at some, such as Topped Mountain (Inv. 236), has revealed Bronze Age material (see pp 85–86), many of these sites remain unexcavated and are thus of uncertain date. It is tempting to think that some of them, such as the Annaghmore Glebe (Inv. 187) and Cornashee (Inv. 207) cairns mentioned above, may have been passage tombs which were later re-used in the Bronze Age. Indeed, even at Topped Mountain, where the principal indings were Bronze Age, the excavation produced evidence of probable Neolithic activity at the site in the form of lint scrapers. he discovery of artefacts such as the Lisgoole/Drumsna macehead (see Plate 12 above), which is paralleled only by a similar artefact from Knowth, ofers tantalising evidence that other prized types of artefact associated with the most elaborate passage tomb tradition were present in Neolithic Co. Fermanagh. It has also been suggested that the enigmatic stone from Doon (Inv. 169: Plate 20 and p. 241, Plate 74) bears 73 the prehistoric period Plate 20 Stone with rock art and cupmarks at Doon (Inv. 169), now placed face down over a larger stone to protect it from weathering. decoration that is more reminiscent of passage tomb art than any of the other decorated stones from the county (H. Lanigan Wood pers. comm. 2009; Halpin, A. 1994, 24), although such a classiication remains doubtful. Even with these caveats, however, the comparative predominance of court tombs in the county cannot be ignored. he presence of the two portal tombs and two deinite passage tombs conirms that the people, culture or ideas represented by these other forms existed in the county, although the relatively small number of excavations here does not disclose whether the use of the sites overlapped. What does appear clear, however, is that, whatever order the tomb types appeared in the county, court tombs were the dominant expression of the imperatives that drove the construction and use of megalithic tombs during the Neolithic in Co. Fermanagh. Hengiform monuments In the Late Neolithic period, the practice of constructing earthwork structures of an apparently ceremonial character was introduced. A wide variety of circular earthworks can be attributed to this period, with Condit and Simpson identifying earthen embanked enclosures, internally ditched enclosures, embanked stone circles, circle henges and timber circles as variations of an Irish ‘Henge’ Tradition (Condit and Simpson 1998). Indeed, they also implied that the inding of Neolithic material at some of the well-known 74 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh royal enclosures, such as Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare and Eamhain Mhacha, Co. Armagh, which are usually discussed as monuments of the Iron Age, may be evidence of a Neolithic origin for these great enclosures (ibid. 58). he best known Irish henges are monuments of more than 100m diameter, and excavations suggest they served a variety of ritual functions. he grouping of thirteen in the Boyne Valley area of Co. Meath has been identiied as one of ‘six remarkable concentrations’ of henge monuments in Britain and Ireland (Wainwright 1989, 14), and Stout and Holloway suggested that these monuments represented a change from the ritual ideas embodied in the passage tombs, a change that was also manifested in the adoption of Beaker pottery styles, as well as a less ostentatious, single-burial practice by the henge builders (Stout and Holloway 1991, 253). Condit has further suggested that an artiicial lake close to the Monknewtown henge in this landscape may be an additional ritual site contemporary with the Boyne Valley henge monuments (Condit 1997, 23). he embanked enclosure at Ballynahatty, Co. Down, has been shown to be part of an archaeological landscape of some 33ha that also includes a passage tomb and timber-circle monuments, and exhibits evidence of excarnation, burial ceremonies and ritual feasting (Hartwell 1991 and 1994). he ceremonial functions of these monuments, therefore, appear to have been diverse. he internally ditched enclosure, generally consisting of an open, circular area enclosed by a nondefensive earthen bank with an internal ditch, corresponds to the classical British henge, and it is this type that is the prevalent survival in Co. Fermanagh. here are three monuments, at Knockbeg (Inv. 178: Plate 21), Lisnamallard (Inv. 179) and Sheebeg (Inv. 180), but between them, there is little consistency is terms of size or setting. he largest, at Lisnamallard, has a maximum diameter of only 60m, but it is Plate 21 Knockbeg henge (Inv. 178). 75 the prehistoric period signiicantly larger than either Knockbeg (41.5m) or Sheebeg (28.4m). Sheebeg is located at one end of a signiicant ceremonial landscape (see pp 901–903), while neither of the other two monuments has any close contemporary neighbour. In addition, although within an upland region, Knockbeg is in a particularly secluded valley setting compared to the prominent hilltop setting of Sheebeg, while Lisnamallard stands on a not particularly prominent drumlin top and is surrounded by similar hills. Each of these sites can best be considered a local response to the wider Henge Tradition of the Late Neolithic. In general, the enclosures of the Irish Neolithic are diicult to identify and, in comparison with the megalithic tombs, their study is in its infancy. heir remains are not easily distinguishable from large barrows and hillforts (Condit and Simpson 1998, 50), and of the Fermanagh sites, the poorly preserved hengiform monument at Drumcrow East (Inv. 177) cannot be classed as a Neolithic monument with great conidence. he unusual stone circle at Aghatirourke (Inv. 87), where the perimeter of the monument is deined by a stony bank with four standing orthostats, possibly belongs to the Neolithic period and may be related to the embanked stone circle variant of the Irish Henge Tradition of Condit and Simpson (ibid. 55–56). hese sites occur rarely in Ireland, but may also have been the prototype for the Kiltierney stone circle (Inv. 100), according to the excavators (Daniells and Williams 1977, 40). To the group of Co. Fermanagh henges that can be identiied with conidence may tentatively be added two of the monuments on the hill of Cornashee, immediately adjacent to the drumlin on which the Sheebeg henge stands. Cornashee is the site of an impressive trio of monuments – a substantial round cairn (Inv. 207) and oval enclosure (Inv. 176) surrounded by a large and symmetrical, circular enclosure (Inv. 175). Geophysical survey of the oval enclosure in 2006 and 2007 has indicated a possible internal ditch at the base of the ploughed-out bank that deines much of the perimeter of the site (Trick 2007), placing the enclosure within the henge category. he large circular enclosure was originally identiied by Foley (1977), subsequently by Condit and Simpson (1998, 46), as an internally ditched site, but no such ditch is visible today, nor was it revealed by either the 2006–2007 geophysical survey, or an airborne LiDAR survey undertaken in 2008 (see p. 898, Fig. 365). Faint traces of an external ditch are visible in places around its perimeter. he antiquity of both of these enclosures, however, is not certain. he elliptical plan of the oval enclosure is not typical of Neolithic henges, while the impressively symmetrical form and sharply proiled bank of the large enclosure may suggest more modern construction, perhaps on the site of an earlier enclosure. In addition, the Cornashee complex is intimately associated with the medieval Maguire lordship and, as discussed below, the entire complex may be either an elaborate creation of the Gaelic lords or, perhaps more likely, the constituent and probably prehistoric monuments have been signiicantly modiied for later ceremonial use, with the result that their original forms have been distorted or obscured. he Prehistoric Archaeology of the Fermanagh Caves With its abundance of limestone clifs and outcrops, particularly in the uplands to the west of Lough Erne, Co. Fermanagh has a rich supply of natural caves, swallowholes, sinkholes and caverns, and there is some evidence to suggest these became the focus for ritual activity in prehistory. Writing in 1878, Plunkett highlighted the karst uplands of Knockmore as an area unparalleled in the entire island of Ireland in terms of the number of ‘interesting caves’ (Plunkett 1878a, 183). his antiquarian curiosity resulted in the establishment of a Committee for the Exploration of the Fermanagh Caves, spearheaded by Plunkett, which reported to the British Association for the Advancement of Science in the late 19th century. Up to 15 caves were investigated (Inv. 253), and the results published in a number of accounts (Plunkett 1876, 1877a and b, 1878a and b, 1898). he locational information given in these reports is scant, and only a few of the caves (‘Shining Rock’ and ‘the Ram Cave’) have folklore names, so that they are diicult to locate or to diferentiate one from the other today. Plunkett provided brief accounts of his explorations in each of the 76 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh caves but, in summary ‘every one yielded memorials of man’ (Plunkett 1878a, 183). Notable inds included burnt human bone within a charcoal spread in the same cave where an iron knife and dagger, both of a ‘very ancient type’, human skull fragments as well as cut antlers were discovered (Plunkett 1876, 137–138). In other caves, deeply stratiied human bone fragments were associated with bone pins and lint lakes (Plunkett 1878a, 184), and lint lakes and pottery were supposedly found along with a human jawbone deep in glacial clay (Plunkett 1877b, 76). An abundance of animal bone was, not surprisingly, found throughout the deposits excavated in all of the caves. Unfortunately, none of the artefacts recovered during the work at Knockmore survive today, so a proper reappraisal of what Plunkett found is impossible. He stated that the Co. Fermanagh caves were ‘no doubt used by savage tribes as dwelling-places’ but, given what was reported, it is unlikely that many of these sites would be so deinitively interpreted as prehistoric settlement sites today, and there is little indication of the likely date of the material he recovered. Recent work by the Human Remains from Irish Caves Project (Dowd et al. 2006, 17) has shown that caves have been used for funerary and ritual activities from Mesolithic times through to the 17th century AD, but with a particular concentration in the Neolithic and, to a lesser extent, the Bronze Age. here is, however, a paucity of settlement or domestic evidence dating to the prehistoric period from such sites, although some point to short-term occupation of caves in the Late Mesolithic and Bronze Age (Dowd 2008, 310; McConkey 2011). Dowd has therefore suggested that while some use for settlement cannot be discounted, caves were primarily a place for rituals and ceremonies associated with death in this period (Dowd 2001, 25 and 2008, 311). Rather than pointing to long-term occupation of the caves, the indings recorded by Plunkett of small quantities of human remains and the occasional tool, potsherd or artefact, were probably similar to the assemblages described by Dowd during her recent work (Dowd 2008, 306–311). She interpreted these types of deposit in subterranean contexts as the possible result of processes such as excarnation of the remains, or the token deposition of quantities of disarticulated bone, both of which practices point to a strongly ceremonial element to the placing of human remains in caves in prehistoric times (ibid. 309). In general terms, there are obvious parallels between the placing of remains in caves with interment in megalithic tombs, particularly passage tombs with their oten cramped stone passages and dark enclosed burial chambers, but the albeit scant datable remains seem to suggest that use of caves in Co. Fermanagh tends to have been mostly in the Bronze Age. An unusual subterranean site was revealed in 1972, when a team of cavers discovered human remains in Pollthanacarra, a vertical swallowhole in south-western Co. Fermanagh (Inv. 255). Excavation of the site by the Geology Department of the Ulster Museum (Doughty 1995) revealed an assemblage which was initially thought to consist of three individuals, but was later re-examined by Fibiger, senior osteo-archaeologist on the he Human Remains from Irish Caves Project, who identiied the remains of at least four people, including two recognisable males and one female adult. A large quantity of animal bone was also recovered. A number of radiocarbon dates have been obtained from the bones from the site. An initial set of four dates, three from cattle and one from a human bone, suggested a likely Neolithic date for the deposition of bones in the cave, although the date-ranges returned from most of the samples were relatively broad (recalibrated at 2- using the OxCal 4.01 program as 4340–1900 BC, 1920–1610 BC, 4050–2580 BC and 2880–1870 BC: sample numbers unknown). A more recent series of AMS dates from three of the human bones (Dowd forthcoming) conirmed that these individuals all found their way into Pollthanacarra between 2400 BC and 1900 BC (2430–2140BC, 2280–2035BC and 2130–1890 BC: UBA-8154, UBA-8153 and UBA-8152). he question of whether the Pollthanacarra indings represent a formal burial is fraught with uncertainty. While it is conceivable that the unfortunates may simply have fallen into the cave, this appears unlikely. As the excavator pointed out, no artefacts of any kind were associated with the remains. his may suggest either 77 the prehistoric period that the individuals had no preservable items with them, or that they were stripped before being deposited in the cave (Doughty 1995, 59). Dowd has re-appraised the evidence (2008 and forthcoming), interpreting it as indicating that the Pollthanacarra remains were deposited deliberately. he new radiocarbon dates suggest that the three individuals all arrived in the cave over a relatively short period in the Early Bronze Age, and it is notable that none of the dated bones are later than 1610 BC. Further, analysis showed that a number of the animals represented in the deposits were immature specimens of domesticated species. In an agricultural society, such stock would probably have been valuable, making it less likely that these animals would have been allowed to stray accidentally near a dangerous cavern. Dowd considered it most likely that, probably in the Early Bronze Age, the people and animals represented by the remains were deliberately thrown into the cave, which may have served as a dedicated site for the ritual deposition of human and animal subjects, or else a repository for victims of conlict, illness or violence (Dowd 2008, 310). If the nature of the deposition of the remains at Pollthanacarra is uncertain, there are two other sites in the county that appear to it more clearly the pattern of use of caves for funerary purposes. he prehistoric burial at Largalinny (Inv. 254) was described as a ‘rock cut grave’ when excavated by Davies in 1933 (Davies 1934). At this site, a natural issure in a limestone outcrop had been enlarged to accommodate the remains of an adult male. he entrance to the burial was probably sealed with a bank of earth and stone following the interment, while Davies also revealed what he perceived to be a paved forecourt immediately outside the mouth of the makeshit burial chamber. He considered aspects of the burial (the gallery, the blocking of the Plate 22 The entrance to the ‘Fox Cave’, Sheehinny, on Knockninny hill (Inv. 256). 78 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh entrance and the possible forecourt) to be similar to elements of the Court Tomb Tradition. Although no diagnostically dateable material was recovered during his excavation, he suggested the burial may belong to a period when the ‘art of megalith-building’ had been lost (ibid. 149–150). Probably the best known of the prehistoric cave sites in the county is ‘Knockninny Cave’, also known as the ‘Fox Cave’ (Inv. 256) at Sheehinny, on Knockninny Hill (Plate 22), which is also the location of three Bronze Age burial cairns (Invs 242–244) and three court tombs (Invs 10, 20 and 27). he cave was investigated by Plunkett at the same time as he was exploring the Knockmore caves, and the inds were more impressive than those from Knockmore. A wall niche in the cave housed the cremated remains of what were identiied in the 19th century as a male and female underneath an inverted urn, and close to a vase urn, again pointing to the use of the cave as an Early Bronze Age burial place. While the artefacts from the excavation are held in NMI (NMI 1876.9 and 1876.10), the human remains, unfortunately, cannot be located today. Antiquarian reports also identiied at least three other cave sites in the county that were thought to show evidence of prehistoric use, in the form of decoration inscribed on the cave walls. he ‘Lettered Cave’ at Knockmore (SMR 191:040) and the ‘Inscribed Cave’ at Clogherbog (SMR 209:004) both feature carvings that Wakeman considered to be of prehistoric date. More recent examination of the caves in the 1970s during ieldwork for the Co. Fermanagh Survey has suggested that none of these carvings are so early, and are likely to represent folk-art motifs, possibly dating to penal times. When the caves were visited by SheeTwohig, she found that the decoration was largely obscured by algae, so that it was not possible to determine superimposition of carvings (Shee-Twohig 2004, 225). She did, however, share the view that the type of inscription described by Wakeman in the Fermanagh caves may be of relatively recent date and, in relation to the Knockmore cave in particular, she suggested that some of the interlaced designs could date from any period from medieval times up to the 19th century (ibid. 228). Wakeman also posited a prehistoric date for decoration of the ‘Gillie’s Hole’ at Gortcor (Inv. 1240), reportedly close to the Lettered Cave, but the site was not located during recent ieldwork, so that its carvings could not be reviewed. However, as with the other two caves, it is probably unlikely that the inscriptions from this cave date to the prehistoric period. he Bronze Age he introduction to Ireland of metallurgy and metal objects, c. 2400 BC, heralded the beginning of the Irish Bronze Age, a generic term that archaeologists have used to label a period of approximately 1800 years. he Irish Bronze Age commenced with the appearance of simple copper objects and climaxed in the irst centuries of the inal millennium BC, when there was such an abundance and diversity of artefacts of both bronze (an alloy principally of copper and tin) and gold that this later period is considered to be the zenith of material wealth in Irish prehistory (Mallory and McNeill 1991, 115; Waddell 2000, 226). he inhabitants of Co. Fermanagh kept pace with developments elsewhere on the island, and a signiicant proportion of the full suite of Irish Bronze Age ceramics and metal artefact types has been found here. he appearance of these objects followed the same trajectory seen on the rest of the island, with a gradual rise in both quality and quantity to Late Bronze Age splendour. his was followed by a rapid decline into the ‘dark age’ centuries (Scott 1974 and 1991, 41f), when there is a marked paucity of archaeological material of all kinds, before the start of the developed Iron Age. In tandem with the appearance of copper, bronze and gold, a new array of pottery styles was introduced and these, in turn, were closely associated with new burial customs. here was a departure from ostentatious collective burial in megalithic tombs, and this was replaced by the adoption of generally single burial, in less elaborate cist or pit graves dug into the lat ground or placed in cairns or mounds. hese new rituals of themselves were not static and continued to develop though the Bronze Age, no doubt relecting changes 79 the prehistoric period in the spiritual and social perspectives of the population. he physical evidence let by Bronze Age peoples across Europe and the British Isles points to increasingly hierarchical societies that, by the end of the period, had developed a distinctly martial character. here has been much debate over the origins of Irish non-ferrous metallurgy (e.g. Scott 1978; Sheridan 1983; O’Brien 1995), but there is ample evidence in the earliest material of an inluence from the panEuropean ‘Beaker Culture’ of the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. Beaker pottery, metal and lint artefacts have been found throughout the island, but predominantly in the northern half. A site of vital importance to our understanding of these inluences is at Ross Island, Co. Kerry, where copper mining activity associated with Beaker pottery at a metalworking site, attests to the role of users of these ceramics in the development and spread of the earliest Irish metallurgy (O’Brien 1995 and 2004). With its signiicant copper and gold resources, Ireland was one of the most proliic metal-producing areas in early prehistoric Europe. While there is some 19th-century evidence for small deposits of copper (e.g. Scott 1977a, 10, ig. 1) and there are no known sources of gold or tin within Co. Fermanagh, potential gold resources have been identiied in Cos Donegal and Tyrone, while outcropping copper sources which could have been exploited in the Bronze Age have been mapped for Co. Tyrone (Foley 2000, 5, ig. 1.2). Tin, the second major component of bronze, may have had to be imported from farther aield; there are few known tin deposits in Ireland and Cornwall has been identiied as a likely source for some Irish bronzes (Jackson 1978; Shell 1978). Flanagan, however, countered that there may have been suicient native Irish resources to satisfy demands (Flanagan 2000, 181–182). Lead, important in the Late Bronze Age as an alloy component that facilitated the production of complex castings and sheet metalwork, is found in the form of galena but also not in any signiicant quantities in the county today. here is no direct evidence that it was known here and exploited in the Bronze Age. he scarcity or absence of local sources of ores and native metals means that the gold and bronze objects found in Co. Fermanagh were most likely produced elsewhere in Ireland and imported either as inished objects, or in the form of small ingots or even as scrap. For example, the dagger from the Sillees River was cast from an arsenical copper that could be attributed to sources in south-western Ireland (Sheridan and Northover 1993, 61). Similarly, lead isotope analyses comparing ore sources with artefacts indicate that two copper axes from Enniskillen were made from a metal originating from ores from a similar area (Northover et al. 2001, 27, ig. 1b and 36, table 4). Northover (1978) suggested that the lat axe of Ballyvalley type (FCM 1978_159) from the Tully court tomb (Inv. 35) had a composition characteristic of recycled scrap. he adoption of metal as the predominant tool-making material was gradual and, as with many aspects of the Early Bronze Age, there is a degree of continuity evident with earlier traditions. Many of the stone tool-types characteristic of the Neolithic continued to be made. Stone was of course still used for querns and for small ornaments such as beads. Stone and lint axes may have continued in use, while metals remained a relatively new luxury. Flint scrapers, knives, javelins and especially arrowheads continued to be produced into the Early Bronze Age, with some developments in form being evident. Settlement and Economy Evidence for occupation and settlement in Bronze Age Ireland has been described as ‘patchy’ (Doody 2000, 149; Suddaby 2003, 85). House sites from the period are comparatively rare, particularly from the Early Bronze Age, but circular huts became the predominant form of domestic structure by the Late Bronze Age, oten occurring within enclosures, on lakeside platforms or crannogs, or as part of hillfort complexes. While no house sites have yet been identiied in Co. Fermanagh, and we consequently have little indication of the location and makeup of population centres in this period, it is probable that environmental factors inluenced settlement patterns. Major episodes of climatic deterioration have been recorded c. 1510–1250 80 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh BC and c. 750–540 BC, when the climate became colder and wetter. Climatic conditions may have combined with the efects of almost 2000 years of exploitation of the light upland soils preferred by the Neolithic farmers to precipitate a general decline and degradation in soil quality, resulting in the inexorable growth of blanket peat in upland regions. he role played in this process by human agency is uncertain (Aalen 1978, 360–361) and it seems that it did not immediately afect the prevailing practices of exploitation and monument building in these areas; for example, the extensive cluster of Early Bronze Age stone monuments at Mountdrum was concealed beneath blanket peat until its rediscovery in the 1990s. It is thus possible to suggest that the meagre remains exposed under blanket peat at Callagheen (Inv. 1) indicate small-scale settlement activity here around the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Nonetheless, it is likely that, from the early years of the second millennium BC both settlement and farming activity gradually extended to lowland areas that were previously undisturbed. he distribution of the Bronze Age ield monuments of Co. Fermanagh bears out the suggestion that human activity spread over much of the county. Fig.11 is a map of the sites of probable Bronze Age date, with the ritual and burial monuments diferentiated from the enigmatic sites known as burnt mounds (see pp 851–856). Fig. 11 Comparative distribution of Bronze Age ritual/burial monuments and burnt mounds. 81 the prehistoric period here is a marked distinction between the locations of the ritual sites and the burnt mounds, ritual sites having continued to be located in the upland regions popular with the megalithic tomb builders. Burnt mounds became commonplace in the Middle to Late Bronze Age and, in contrast, lie primarily in the lowlands, on the fringes of Lough Erne, with another concentration around the smaller lakes in the southeast of the county. While none of these sites are, of themselves, a reliable indication of actual settlement locations, their dispersal over such extensive and wide-ranging areas demonstrates diverse Bronze Age activity throughout in the county. here is a handful of sites in Co. Fermanagh, however, which have some of the characteristics associated with settlement sites elsewhere in Ireland, although none has been excavated. At Imeroo, on the banks of the Mary Burns River, a series of horizontally laid timbers overlain with brushwood and charcoal was partially exposed during ploughing (Inv. 4). A morticed oak timber (UB-3471), which formed part of a structure was dated by dendrochronology to 1478±9 BC. he structure may have been a lakeside habitation site of the Early to Middle Bronze Age (Baillie 1982, 236–237). Timber from one of the crannogs in Lough Macnean Lower (Inv. 1083) gave a radiocarbon date of 920–805 BC (UB-3198), indicating construction at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. At Leam Beg, on the north-western shore of Coolyermer Lough in the south of the county, the remains of ive, circular submerged platforms are still visible around the shoreline today (Inv. 7). hese were stone-built, while horizontal timbers may have provided a foundation for house or hut sites but, because of changes in water level over the intervening millennia, it is not known if these were originally crannogs or were located on an old shore line. hree saddle querns found in the vicinity of the platforms may suggest agricultural activity and, although no scientiic date has been obtained from the site, Plate 23 Doagh Glebe inland promontory fort (Inv. 181) from the north-west. 82 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh the lakeside setting, timber-loored platforms and possibly associated saddle querns recall features of the Bronze Age settlement sites at Cloninlough Co. Ofaly (Maloney et al. 1993) and Lough Eskragh, nearby in Co. Tyrone (Collins and Seaby 1960; Williams and Pilcher 1978). he exploitation of lakes or lakeside locations for settlement became a prevalent feature of Irish society from the Middle Bronze Age. In a study of these sites, O’Sullivan has advanced a number of possible explanations for their emergence. hey may have served as seasonal agricultural centres, occupied only at certain times of the year, as high prestige residences, as genuinely defensive refuges (cf. Scott 1991, 44–45) or as ritual centres (O’Sullivan 1997). he Co. Fermanagh sites have produced little evidence to assist the interpretation of these sites in a wider context, but their recognition points to an increased utilisation of the lakes of the county, which represent such a large proportion of its area, as a locus for settlement and human activity. Elsewhere in Ireland, the Late Bronze Age saw the rise of signiicant large-scale defended settlements, notably Haughey’s Fort, Co. Armagh (cf. Mallory 1991 and 1995), Rathgall, Co. Wicklow (Ratery 1973 and 1976) and Dún Aonghusa, Co. Galway (Cotter 1993). Although unexcavated, the spectacular hilltop promontory fort at Doagh Glebe (Inv. 181) could be of prehistoric date (Plate 23), and can be grouped with Ratery’s Class III hillforts or inland promontory forts on the basis of its morphology (Ratery 1994, 45f). Dating of Irish inland promontory forts, hilltop forts and enclosures is problematic. However, from a summary of the available evidence, Grogan (2005, II, 111) concluded that the primary phase of construction of large ramparts at hilltop locations may have occurred in the Late Bronze Age, while it is feasible that they continued to be built well into the Early Christian period. he Doagh Glebe site could have been built at any stage during this period, although it may be signiicant that a Middle Bronze Age hoard consisting of two langed bronze axe-heads is also provenanced to this townland. A date at the end of Bronze Age would be unsurprising, since the centuries ater c. 700 BC show what Scott (1991, 45) termed a ‘communal anxiety’ amongst those who had their position and status to protect, as well as those lower down the order fearing the violence inevitably bred by social and political instability. he date from the Lough Macnean Lower crannog (Inv. 1083) suggests that at least some of the inhabitants of Co. Fermanagh were afected by this in the same way as other regions, and reacted similarly by increasing the security of their settlements. he lack of evidence from domestic sites means that we can only ofer a simplistic picture of a mixed Bronze Age economy of animal husbandry, with some agriculture and gathering of nuts, fruits and berries. he basis of the economy remained primarily agrarian, and the introduction of metal tools doubtless enhanced eiciency, paving the way for improvements in farming practices with the introduction of wheeled transport and the exploitation of a wider range of land than was previously possible. Signiicant diversiication in animal domestication practices are evident in the archaeological record, with pig, cattle and sheep/goat each predominating in diferent areas of the island in the Early Bronze Age. More balanced assemblages of pig and cattle are characteristic of the later part of the period (McCormick 2007, 23f ). While we might expect Co. Fermanagh to have seen signiicant exploitation of what must have been abundant ish stocks we have, to date, no traces of this. Burials 1 and 4 at Kiltierney (see Inv. 100), dating to the beginning of the Bronze Age, yielded carbonised remains of hazelnuts (Corylus sp.), wheat (Triticum sp.) and wild and possibly domesticated oats (Avena spp), indicating both cultivation and gathering (Larmour 1977). Hazelnuts were also found in abundance at Tonystick in the basal layer of a burnt mound on the shore of Killynure Lough (SMR 211:088: Carroll 1994a). he continued cultivation and processing of cereals may also be inferred from the discovery of saddle querns. hree were retrieved from the vicinity of the lakeside settlement platforms at Coolyermer Lough (Inv. 7), albeit not in stratiied archaeological contexts, and could be evidence of Bronze Age agriculture associated with the habitation site. Another was unearthed during the excavation of a burnt mound at Derrybrusk (SMR 230:112), where Carroll (1994b) recovered from the mound a saddle quern, along with two logboats 83 the prehistoric period hollowed out from alder trunks, which returned dates of 1260–1000 BC and 1190–930 BC (UB-3848 and UB-3846: Fry 2000, 110–111). he better preserved of the two (ibid. 110, no. 104) has traces of gunwales indicating the use of oars to propel it. he Beaker Assemblage Beaker pottery vessels in Ireland are found in domestic contexts as well as wedge tomb burials, with many variations in form, fabric and size. Characteristically, they exhibit a ‘S-shaped’ proile, and are decorated with comb-impressed ornamentation, or with impressions created by the application of twisted cord to the unired clay. Many of the surviving examples have capacities between 500ml and 2 litres, and were possibly drinking vessels (e.g. Waddell 2000, 114). Although common in the northern half of the island, beakers are rare in Co. Fermanagh, but an almost complete, notably crude, example was found in an unknown context at Errasallagh (Fig. 12.1: Sweetman 1976a, 126). Daniells and Williams (1977, 39 and 38, ig. 7.12) compared three small sherds found with a cremation at the stone circle in Kiltierney (Inv. 100) with Beaker pottery from Loughash, Co. Tyrone and Dalkey Island, Co. Dublin, but the attribution remains uncertain. As well as the characteristic pottery, barbed-and-tanged arrowheads (Fig. 12.2–5) and stone wrist-guards are typical of Beaker groupings. A wrist-guard (now lost: Fig. 12.6) probably dating to this horizon was found at Wheathill, close to a standing stone (Inv. 165). At least one chert barbed-and-tanged arrowhead has been found in Co. Fermanagh, as well as eight of lint. Two come from the cairn at Molly associated with Early Bronze Age pottery (Anna Brindley pers. comm. 2011), another two are from the court tomb at Aghanaglack (Davies 1939a, 33, ig. 33 nos 40 and 62: Inv. 11), and one is from Topped Mountain cairn (Inv. 236: Williams and Gormley 2002, 101). Fig. 12 Beaker artefacts: 1 giant beaker from Errasallagh, 2–5 barbed-and-tanged arrowheads, 6 archer’s wristguard from Wheathill (2–3 from Aghanaglack Inv. 11, 4–5 ‘Co. Fermanagh’: 1 © NIEA, 2–3 after Herity 1987, 4–6 after Williams and Gormley 2002). 84 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Bronze Age Pottery he Beaker Tradition was the forerunner to a complex range of pottery styles which becomes common in the Early Bronze Age and which was closely tied to the burial customs of the period. he associated burial rituals themselves are discussed below (see p. 106f), but the pottery is worth some consideration in its own right. Waddell identiied four main categories of Early Bronze Age vessel, the bowl, the vase, the cordoned urn and the collared urn. All but the collared urn are represented in Co. Fermanagh, although there are antiquarian accounts of ‘urns’, long since lost, being found at localities including Annaghmore Glebe (Inv. 187), Coa (Inv. 201) and Coolbuck (Inv. 204) which may have belonged to any of these categories. Table 3 Radiocarbon date-ranges for Early Bronze Age pottery (after Brindley 2007). Vessel Type Date-range Bowls Vases 2200 BC–1800 BC 2150 BC–1750 BC Cordoned urn 1900 BC–1650 BC Collared urn 1800 BC–1500 BC While fragments of bowls, vases and cordoned urns do occur on settlement or occupation sites, they are most commonly found in association with burials. Bowls and vases have traditionally been described under the umbrella term ‘food vessels’, both because of their relatively small size and because they are generally found as an accompaniment to the burial and thought to have contained sustenance for the spirits of the dead. Urns are usually larger, and are found either covering or containing the remains. Within these general categories, however, there are signiicant variations, as well as some degree of overlap. Bowls are generally between 8cm and 15cm high (Waddell 2000, 141), are broader than they are tall with an exterior oten covered with impressed or incised ornament, and have simple, unexpanded rims (Brindley 2007, 11). In Co. Fermanagh, a tripartite bowl was found with the inhumed remains of a child in the cist burial at Shanco (Inv. 240), from which was obtained a radiocarbon date of 2140–1960 BC (GrN14342). Two cists, A and C, containing adult inhumations in the lat cemetery at Tonyglaskan (Inv. 249: Hurl and Murphy 2004) included bowls, and three dates of 2195–1960 BC, 2190–1940 BC and 2275–1985 BC (UB-6599, UB-6600 and UB-6601) were obtained from bone from these graves. Bowls were also found in two cists containing cremation burials, both of which were secondary insertions into the passage tomb on Belmore Mountain in Moylehid townland (Inv. 39). he Vase Tradition has been described by Waddell (2000, 148) as the major ceramic tradition of the later3rd and earlier-2nd millennia BC in Ireland, and has a more extensive distribution than the bowls. In contrast to bowls, vases are taller and narrower than they are broad, generally standing between 11cm and 16cm high, have everted or expanded rims and bear incised or, occasionally, cord-impressed decoration. hey are found with both cremated and inhumed remains, although cremation appears to have gradually become more commonplace, while grave goods began to be deposited with the remains more regularly. Gradually, vases became associated with other pottery vessels, oten another vase, a larger vase urn or encrusted urn, but also with plano-convex lint knives or bronze daggers. Excavation of the burial cairn on Topped Mountain (Inv. 236) exposed a stone-lined cist, which contained an inhumed burial accompanied by a decorated vase and a bronze dagger with its gold pommel-binding (Plate 24). he base of a vase was recovered by Wakeman from one of the cists in the multiple-cist cairn at Beihy (Inv. 189). In the ‘Fox Cave’, on Knockninny Hill (Inv. 256), a vase accompanied the cremated remains of two 85 the prehistoric period Plate 24 Decorated vase food-vessel and bronze dagger with its gold pommel-binding from Mullyknock or Topped Mountain cairn (Inv. 236: © NMI). adults, which had been covered by an inverted encrusted urn, while a vase also accompanied a vase urn, which had been inverted over cremated bones in a sandpit near Enniskillen (Waddell 1990, 88). he cordoned urn is most common in the north-east of Ireland, in Cos Antrim, Down, Londonderry, Tyrone and Louth, with scattered examples in Cos Donegal, Galway, Limerick and Waterford. So-called 86 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 13 Bronze Age pottery: 1–5 bowls (1 Moylehid Inv. 39, 2–3 Tonyglaskan cemetery Inv. 249, 4 Shanco Inv. 240, 5 Cavancarragh Inv. 195), 6–7 vases (6 Topped Mountain Inv. 236, 7 ‘near Enniskillen’ Inv. 216), 8 cordoned urn from Kiltierney stone circle (Inv. 100: 1, 5–6 and 7 after Ó Ríordáin and Waddell 1993, 2–3 after Hurl and Murphy 2004, 4 after Williams, B.B. 1987, 8 after Daniells and Williams 1977). because of a raised rib or cordon around the body just below the rim, they are generally about 30cm high and are invariably associated with cremations, usually in a simple pit grave. hey are frequently found inverted over the cremated remains but are occasionally upright, containing the burnt bone. In Co. Fermanagh they are represented by the barrel-shaped vessel (see Fig. 13.8) covering the cremation in Burial 3 at the Kiltierney Stone Circle (Inv. 100; Daniells and Williams 1977, 38–39 and ig. 8), and the three sherds of ‘Pot A’ unearthed during the 1942 excavation by Davies at Ballyreagh dual court tomb (Inv. 12; Davies 1942a, 87; Kavanagh 1976, 364). By around 1500 BC, the tradition of producing such decorated vessels had died out. he predominant form from Irish Middle to Late Bronze Age settlement sites is an undecorated, bucket-shaped, pot with a lat or internally bevelled rim. his type is commonly described as ‘lat-rimmed ware’ or simply ‘coarse ware’. It is only relatively recently that archaeologists have begun to recognise burials from this period but, where they occur, the remains are also oten accompanied by this type of pottery. he pottery fragments unearthed 87 the prehistoric period by Dunlop associated with cremated remains in the ring cairn at Molly Mountain (Inv. 232) may belong to this class (Dunlop 2005 and 2011a). However, pottery of any kind becomes increasingly rare towards the end of the Bronze Age, and it is likely that the cooking and storage functions previously performed by ceramic vessels were replaced by containers made from organic materials and metal, while pottery also became less important in the burial tradition. Non-Metals Battle axes An interesting and important stone type is the so-called ‘battle axe’, of which three specimens have been found in the county (Simpson 1990), one localised just to ‘Lough Erne’ (ibid. 33 no. 40: Plate 25), one to Ballymagarland (ibid. 34 no. 55) and one to ‘Co. Fermanagh’ (ibid. 37, no. 90). hese are well-worked and polished pieces of stonework that obviously would have had some degree of prestige attached to them. Axe 90 was placed by Simpson in his ‘early’ class, which in Britain is associated with Beaker elements. He drew attention also to an old ind of this type from ‘a copper mine in Co. Cork’, noting the association of this area with Beaker mining and metallurgy (ibid. 9). Axes 40 and 55 belong to his later ‘Bann’ class (ibid. 12f) which, elsewhere in Ireland and Britain, has associations with urn burials. Axe 40, from ‘Lough Erne’, is not dissimilar in form to one from Burial 38 at Tara, Co. Meath (Brindley 2007, 136), found in a grave dated to 1840–1640 BC (GrA-17232), along with the remains of an unclassiied dagger (Harbison 1969a, 17 no. 101a), a collared urn and a corddecorated vessel. his accords well with the evidence from Scotland, with the ‘Bann’ type having a broad date-range there of 1900/1800– 1600 BC (Sheridan 2007, 175–176). It is interesting also that the two ‘Bann’ type battle axes are not made from stone that is native to the county, with no. 40 having been made from a glacial erratic cobble of dolerite (identiication kindly supplied by Dr Simon Howard, Department of Natural Sciences, National Museum of Scotland: information courtesy of Dr Alison Sheridan, Department of Antiquities, National Museum of Scotland), and no. 55 of quartz/ porphyry (identiication kindly supplied by Dr Mike Simms, Department of Geology, National Plate 25 Dolerite battle axe provenanced to ‘Lough Erne’ (© Alison Sheridan). 88 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Museums Northern Ireland), a stone with limited occurrence in Ireland, but with a notable concentration of artefacts in Co. Antrim (Cooney and Mandal 1998, 77–78 and ig. 4.14). Pebbles of the same stone were found on Pottiagh crannog in Drumcrittin Lough (Inv. 1088: Williams and Gormley 2002, 112 no. 755). hus, as with the porcellanite axes in the Neolithic, and with metalwork in the earlier part of the Bronze Age, we see a completed object of worth brought in from elsewhere or, although less likely, the raw materials obtained elsewhere and fashioned within the county. Amber In addition to the gold ornaments discussed below, stone beads were used for personal adornment and examples have been found at Kiltierney stone circle, accompanying Burial 7 (Inv. 100; Daniells and Williams 1977, 38–39, and 38, ig. 7.8–9). Amber beads, of which 15 have been found in the county, were also used, indicating trade either directly or indirectly with eastern Scotland or the Baltic region. Burial 7 at Kiltierney yielded three complete beads, as well as a small lump of amber not yet perforated for use as a bead (ibid. 38, ig. 7.4–7), as well as two small stone beads (ibid. 39). he largest group from Co. Fermanagh forms part of the hoard from Killycreen West (Plate 26), where seven were found along with a socketed knife and gouge (Eogan 1983, 85–86 and 257, ig. 41D). he Kiltierney beads are small, ranging in diameter from 7mm to 1.2cm, while those from Killycreen West have diameters of 9mm to 2cm. Although it is assumed commonly that amber in Ireland originates either from the Baltic region or eastern Scotland, Briggs (1997) has argued persuasively that not enough analysis has been carried out on other potential sources for matters to be so cut and dried, citing potential sources including Holland and the eastern coast of England. To these could be added also the amber still collected on the Atlantic coast of Denmark Plate 26 Amber beads from the Late Bronze Age hoard at (Earle 2004, 116). Briggs highlighted also possible Killycreen West (© National Museums Northern Ireland). Irish sources from, amongst others, glacial drit of the type that covers areas of Co. Fermanagh. Wood he inal centuries of the Irish Bronze Age, post c. 1200 BC, are a time when the production of ceramics seems to have diminished, while we see the introduction of large sheet bronze metal vessels, cauldrons and buckets. his indicates a shit away from pottery for containing and/or cooking with liquids, and towards other materials, both metal and perhaps leather and wood. Towards the end of the period, wooden copies of bronze cauldrons appear, one of which comes from Clogh Bog in the county (e.g. Scott 1991, 48–49: Fig. 14), and for which a radiocarbon date-range of 770–360 BC has been obtained (OxA-2418; Earwood 1990, 44). he iner shaping would have been carried out using tools such as the socketed gouges known from the county (see Fig. 23 below), including that found together with a socketed axe on Boa Island. In addition 89 the prehistoric period to the evidence of archery provided by chert and lint arrowheads, a small section of a bow from Drumwhinny Bog near Kesh (Glover 1979) also survives (Fig. 15). he D-sectioned piece of yew, which inds parallels with contemporary bows of the Bronze Age from southern England and Europe (Clark 1963, 55 and 67f), has a date-range of 1680–1320 BC (OxA – 2426; Brindley 1995, 9). Yew was the wood of choice for the English medieval longbow, and apart from the obvious implication for Bronze Age hunting and, possibly, conlict, this piece demonstrates that ine woodworking and an appreciation of the properties of particular species are to be expected ater millennia of occupation on the island. Competent woodworking shows also in the manufacture of another essential of life in the county, the logboat, which was in use in Ireland since the Mesolithic and continued in use in Bronze Age Co. Fermanagh and later (see below). Two specimens were recovered at the site of a burnt mound on the former shoreline of Lough Neely, in Derrybrusk townland (Fry 2000, 110–111, nos 104 and 105), with no. 105 returning a date of 1260– 930 BC (UB-3848). Metalwork Unlike lint, stone and ceramics, metal artefacts are not commonly found in Ireland in association with funerary sites or, indeed, any other archaeological material. Exceptions are the dagger from Topped Mountain, with its gold pommel binding and, possibly also, two slivers of copper from a cremation burial at Monea (Inv. 233). Most commonly metalwork has been recovered as chance inds, usually of individual objects, but with some occurring in hoards (see below, p. 106) recovered in river dredging or unearthed during agricultural or ground improvement work. In Co. Fermanagh, dredging of the Erne and Sillees rivers proved a rich source of metal inds (Ramsey et al. 1992), while fords and crossing points such as Portora have also produced signiicant numbers. hose metal artefacts that can be dated with reasonable conidence indicate that the inhabitants 90 Fig. 14 Wooden cauldron from Clogh Bog (after Mahr 1935). Fig. 15 Fragment of bow from Drumwhinny Bog (after Glover 1979). the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh of the county at no time throughout the Bronze Age lagged behind the rest of Ireland in adopting the products and exploiting the potential of the new technology. Various chronological schemes have been proposed for the metalwork of the Irish Bronze Age but we shall here modify the simpliied version proposed by Waddell (2000, 124, table 3). he whole period is divided into phases named ater speciic inds, although the paucity of evidence from the later 1st millennium BC, following the irst appearance of the use of iron, can make it appear (almost certainly misleadingly) as if the island had seen a drastic reduction in population size. Table 4 Metalworking phases of the Bronze Age. Period Early Bronze Age Middle Bronze Age Late Bronze Age Phase Knocknagur Killaha Ballyvalley Derryniggin Killymaddy Bishopland Roscommon Dowris Approximate date-ranges 2400–2200 BC 2200–2000 BC 2000–1600 BC 1600–1500 BC 1500–1350 BC 1350–1000 BC 1000–900 BC 900–600 BC Daggers (Fig. 16.1–4) he small, tanged daggers which irst appeared in Europe in conjunction with Beaker pottery are amongst the earliest metal artefacts in Ireland. An example of one of the earliest forms, designated type Knocknagur by Harbison (1969a, 7) was found under some 4.25m of peat at Clontymore (loc. cit. no. 1 and Plate 1). It has the typical, short and lat, tanged blade of the early daggers and probably dates to the Beaker period. Analysis of its metal shows it to stand slightly apart in its trace element composition from the majority of Irish specimens, in that it has a low level of arsenic (Sheridan and Northover 1993, 67–68). Dredging of the River Sillees in 1992 uncovered a ine example of another of the early forms, type Listack (Harbison 1969a, 8; Carroll 1992, 118 and 120, ig, 13; Ramsey et al. 1992, 150–151). It is made of arsenical copper, and metallographic study revealed traces of cold-working and annealing ater casting (Sheridan and Northover 1993). he composition of the metal indicated that the dagger probably is a primary product (i.e. not made from recycled metal), and that it could well have come originally from south-western Ireland (ibid. 61). An example of Type Corkey (named ater a grave-ind with a bowl food vessel from Corkey, Co. Antrim) came from under some 4m of peat at Blunnick (NMNI A30.1968) and had a surviving wooden hilt (now lost). he inest of all of the Co. Fermanagh daggers, however, is that retrieved by Plunkett and Cofey from the cairn on Topped Mountain (Inv. 236), accompanying a crouched inhumation and a vase food vessel (see Plate 24 above). Giving its name to type Topped Mountain (Harbison 1969a, 10, no. 43 and Plate 2), it has a pair of grooves running parallel to its edges, and traces of two rivet holes at its butt where it would appear to have broken of. It was found also with a pommel-binding of embossed gold strip. Brindley has ofered a date-range for vases from Ireland of c. 2150 BC–1750 BC. She also provided a series of radiocarbon dates from the bones found in the Topped Mountain grave, of which only one of 2030 BC–1770 BC (GrA14761) she considered to be reliable, arguing for a central date of c. 1880 BC–1830 BC (2007, 85 and 260–261). Halberds (Fig. 16.5–7) he halberd is similar in form to the riveted dagger, and consists of a broad asymmetrical blade fastened to an organic handle with three or more rivets. It difers from the dagger in that it was attached to 91 the prehistoric period Fig. 16 Early Bronze Age daggers and halberds. Daggers: 1 Clontymore, 2 River Sillees, 3 Blunnick, 4 Topped Mountain. Halberds: 5 Enniskillen, 6 Ballinamallard, 7 Portora (nos 1 and 4–7 after Harbison 1969a, nos 1, 43, 154, 196 and 230; 2 after Sheridan and Northover 1993). its handle at an angle of 90º (see O’Flaherty et al. 2002), and is also one of the few object types that, for the most part, continued to be fashioned from copper throughout the Early Bronze Age. his is an object characteristic of the European Early Bronze Age, and is particularly common in Ireland, where 170 examples have been found. he basic form of the object suggests it was a weapon, and some of the Irish halberds have displayed signs of wear at the cutting edges, but it probably would have been cumbersome in combat. hree copper halberds have been found in Co. Fermanagh, each belonging to one of the types deined by Harbison (1969a). A specimen from Enniskillen (ibid. 39, no. 154 and Plate 8) falls into his Type Carn, and has a symmetrical midrib and holes for three rivets. he other two, from Ballinamallard and Portora (ibid. 41 and 43, nos 196 and 230 and Plates 12 and 16), belong to Type Cotton, with slightly curved blades and holes for three rivets, each retaining only one round-headed rivet. Harbison suggested that Type Carn was the earliest, followed by Type Cotton (ibid. 50f), and since published analyses indicate that these were made of copper, they are certainly early in the technological series of development. he dating of halberds is problematic (cf. Schuhmacher 2002, 275–276), as in Ireland only two examples are associated with other artefacts. An example of Type Cotton was found with lat axes of Type Ballybeg and Type Lough Ravel (see below) and a dagger of Type Corkey in the hoard from Frankford, Co. Ofaly (Harbison 1969a 20, nos 375–377 and Plate 15), and one of Type Breaghwy with axes of Type Killaha and a dagger of indeterminate class came from Killaha East, Co. Kerry (ibid. 27, nos 581–584 and Plate 23). his 92 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 17 Middle Bronze Age dirks and rapiers: 1 Enniskillen, 2 Ely Lodge, 3 Enniskillen, 4 Keeran, 5 Monea, 6 Belleek, 7 ‘River Erne’, 8 Derrygonnelly area, 9 Drumgowna West, 10 Lough Erne (after Burgess and Gerloff 1981, nos 24, 100, 209, 227, 543, 706, 779, 793, 803 and 935). indicates a broad date in the range c. 2400 BC–2000 BC, with the Co. Fermanagh examples likely to fall into the earlier part. Dirks and rapiers By the Killymaddy Phase, daggers of the earliest period of the Bronze Age were being replaced gradually by increasingly longer and narrower weapons which, in form, resembled an elongated version of the grooved dagger. hese new implements have been broadly divided into two categories, with the term ‘dirk’ applied where the blade is less than 30cm long and could have served a similar function to a dagger, either as a cutting tool or stabbing weapon. he longer version is termed a ‘rapier’ and its form suggests it was suitable only for thrusting and stabbing. However, the 30cm dividing line seems more than somewhat arbitrary and, as can be seen from Fig. 17, these weapons form a continuum, the key feature of which is the development of a longer and narrower weapon (e.g. note the contrast between the ‘Enniskillen’ dirk and rapier at opposite ends of the scale), but where the distinction becomes increasingly blurred as we move towards the median values. Burgess and Gerlof (1981, 113) have suggested they were employed in two-handed combat, with the dirk held in one hand and rapier in the other, rather in the manner of duelling in the 16th to 18th centuries AD. In most cases, however, the hilts would have been or wood or horn, and many of the surviving dirks 93 the prehistoric period Fig. 18 Late Bronze Age swords: 1 Portora, 2 Ballinamallard, 3 ‘Lough Erne’, 4 Portora, 5 Aghavass (1–4 after Eogan 1965, 5 © NIEA). and rapiers exhibit damage to the rivet holes, where, presumably, the hilt had come away from the blade, suggesting that the design was less than robust. In a signiicant number of cases, on both dirks and rapiers from Ireland and Britain, tears to rivet holes indicate that when subject to hard use they were prone to failure. Seven dirks and ten rapiers, as well as two uncertain specimens that could be either dirk or rapier, are known from the county. Of particular interest amongst the dirks is a specimen from Belleek, which has a metal hilt that was cast separately and then rivetted onto the blade with two large and two small rivets (Fig. 17.6). However, these have not been inserted through circular holes, but into notches in the sides of the hilt, showing that it was possible to attach a hilt onto a blade with a notched as opposed to perforated hilt 94 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh (information courtesy of Dr Greer Ramsey, Armagh County Museum). It is not easy to ind parallels for this piece, as there is only one other of this general class in Ireland with a cast hilt, that from Kanturk, Co. Cork (ibid. 21, no. 72 and Plate 11). he Enniskillen rapier (Fig. 17.1) is one of a group of inely cast blades from the Atlantic Isles that come predominantly from Ireland (ibid. 8–9). Swords Some of the late rapiers anticipate the appearance of true swords in Ireland in their lat, lozenge-shaped section and slight widening of the blade to a leaf shape. But a key innovation came when the hilt and blade were cast in one piece, thus largely eliminating the line of weakness of dirk and rapier, where the hilt and blade were joined by rivets. he swords of the Late Bronze Age are characterised by the move of the centre of gravity towards the point, the mark of a blade intended for slashing, signalling a major shit in ighting technique from that of earlier periods. here are some 27 examples from Co. Fermanagh and, using the classiication constructed by Eogan (1965), these break down as shown in Table 5. Table 5 Late Bronze Age sword types from Co. Fermanagh. Eogan Class Ballintober, Class 1 2 3 4 5 6 Miscellaneous No. of specimens 2 1 2 19 2 0 3 From around 1000 BC, the irst Irish swords of Ballintober type, Class 1, appear, and are characterised by a rectangular tang with two pairs of rivet holes for the securing of two hilt plates. Two specimens are known from Co. Fermanagh, one localised only to ‘Lough Erne’, the other to Portora (ibid. 24, nos 6 and 7, and ig. 3). By Dowris times, the tang of the Class 1 sword was replaced by the langed hilt of Classes 2 and 3, and ater about 800 BC, Class 4 swords – another type fossil of the Irish Late Bronze Age – appear, and these are the most numerous, with some 450 examples known. he Class 5 swords from Aghavass and Portora (NMNI A9.1988 and Eogan 1965, 137 no. 509 and ig. 67) belong to an important group that derives from a Continental Hallstatt C type – the Gündlingen sword. hese spread to southern Britain and Ireland sometime around 600 BC, the time when the technological transition from bronze to iron in Europe was well advanced, and when workers in Ireland had been making the acquaintance of the new metallurgy. A third sword listed in Williams and Gormley (2002, 27, no. 8) as a Class 5 sword from Aghavass is, in fact, a Class 4 sword from Toome, Co. Antrim (NMNI L4.1932: Eogan 1965, 41 and ig. 13 no. 78: information courtesy of Dr Greer Ramsey, Armagh County Museum). he Gündlingen sword is characterised by a lat hilt with a bifurcated terminal, and a blade that is longer than the other Irish Late Bronze Age forms. heir appearance heralds both the transition from bronze metallurgy to that of iron in Ireland, as well as the decline into the ‘dark age’ that preceded the indigenous Iron Age (below). here are no examples of the Class 6 sword provenanced to the county; Eogan’s ‘Miscellaneous’ group is represented by a blade fragment and two complete weapons (1965, 149, 156 and 159). Spearheads he spearhead made the transition from lint to metal at the start of the Bronze Age. Like daggers, the earliest metal spearheads elsewhere were tanged, but these are rare in Ireland and socketed spearheads appeared at a relatively early stage, becoming commonplace by the Derryniggin Phase. Although there is a variety of forms, the ‘end-looped’ spearhead was most common in the earlier part the Bronze Age, 95 the prehistoric period Fig. 19 Bronze Age spearheads from Co. Fermanagh: 1–3 Tattenamona, 4 Cloonatrig, 5–6 Portora, 7 Tempo, 8–9 Dreenan, 10 Portora (1–3 and 7–9 after Eogan 1983, 4 after Collins 1960, 5–6 after Hodges 1957). consisting of a grooved blade and a short, conical socket with attachment loops near its mouth (Ramsey 1995, 51f ). By the Kilnamaddy Phase, the hollow socket had been made longer so that it extended towards the point forming a prominent midrib, with the loops usually occurring midway between the base of the blade and the mouth of the socket. Blades tend to be kite- or lozenge-shaped, and are considered to be a development speciic to the Irish Bronze Age, contemporary British spearheads tending to be more leaf-shaped. hree of these kite-shaped spearheads, each of a diferent size, were found in a hoard in Tattenamona (Eogan 1983, 220: Fig. 19.1–3), leading Evans and Mitchell to speculate that such an assemblage may have been standard equipment for a Bronze Age spearman (Evans and Mitchell 1954, 37). Of interest too is a specimen dredged from the Erne at Cloonatrig townland (Fig. 19.4), which has its side loops set asymmetrically. Collins (1960, 22–23) cited an unlocalised parallel from Ireland and one from a Scottish hoard probably of Later Bronze Age date. he spearhead is uninished, with its original casting seam prominent. It could have been brought to the area in this form, but it is equally likely that it provides evidence of local bronze casting and fabrication in the Later Bronze Age (see pp 105–106). he basal-looped spearhead, with its more leaf-shaped blade, had considerable longevity, probably 96 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh originating in the Bishopland Phase and in use through until the Dowris Phase. Examples of this type of spear occur with Dowris material, including from the Tempo hoard where a basal-looped spearhead was accompanied by two specimens of Class 4 swords, one of which has its hilt cast on as a repair (ibid. 86–87, and 259, ig. 43). It is a very ine casting, sharing distinct typological features with a small number of other top-quality weapons, such as that from Knockanbaun, Co. Sligo (Eogan 1983, 298, ig. 82B), suggesting perhaps the design of a single workshop (Greer Ramsey pers. comm. 2012). Also datable to the Middle Bronze Age are protected-loop spearheads, where the loops are set within the head itself. One damaged example is localised to ‘Co. Fermanagh’ (BM OA 121: Ramsey 1989, II, 153 no. 777). Towards the end of the Middle Bronze Age, we ind protected loop spearheads where a pear-shaped blade has a pair of small loops, oten located to the end of the blade. A design resembling this is represented by the ine spearhead from Corratistune, although here the loops are larger and lunate in form. A recent radiocarbon date of 970–800 BC (GrN 29155: Richard Warner pers. comm. 2012: information courtesy of NMNI) for a fragment of ash retained in the socket of the Corratistune example (Plate 27: NMNI A 9177) indicates conirmation of this type appearing at the start of the Late Bronze Age. Interestingly, along with the more elaborate forms, the Late Bronze Age saw a continuation in the use of simple, leaf-shaped spearheads such the two damaged examples that formed part of the Dreenan hoard (ibid. 258: below p. 158). Waddell has speculated that these may have been functional weapons, while the more decorative forms were for parade or ostentation (Waddell 2000, 239–240). he more likely explanation, however, is that all of these were intended for active use as weapons, as all have a deinite point coupled with sharp edges, and evidently were designed to cause maximum penetrative trauma. hose more elaborate castings might well have belonged to the aluent who valued ine workmanship and aesthetics as well as killing power. But all are clearly, without distinction, intended to be lethal weapons. Axes (Figs 20–22) Like the ubiquitous polished stone axe of the Neolithic, Plate 27 Protected-loop spearhead from Lower Lough metal axes are the most common artefact throughout Erne at Corratistune townland (© National Museums the Bronze Age, indicating common usage for a variety Northern Ireland). 97 the prehistoric period Fig. 20 Early Bronze Age axes: 1 Ballinamallard, 2 Portora, 3 Faughard, 4 ‘Co. Fermanagh’, 5 Enniskillen, 6 Faughard, 7 ‘Co. Fermanagh’, 8 ‘Co. Fermanagh’ 9 ‘Co. Fermanagh’, 10 Enniskillen, 11 Enniskillen, 12 Rosslea (after Harbison 1969b, nos 25, 140, 374, 575, 774, 922, 925, 996, 1697, 1698, 1887 and 1981). of tasks, although considerable variation is evident in the evolution of their design and technology, from simple edged shapes to complex looped-and-socketed types. he earliest were lat, usually undecorated implements of copper, with sides which extended broadly parallel from the comparatively thick butt, before broadening gently towards the cutting-edge. hey would have been attached to wooden hats in a similar fashion to their stone predecessors. Early axes are relatively common in Fermanagh, and all four types from the classiication constructed by Harbison (1969b) – Lough Ravel (Fig. 20.1–2) and its subtype Ballybeg (Fig. 20.3), Killaha (Fig. 20.4–5), Ballyvalley (Fig. 20 and 11–12) and Derryniggin (Fig. 20.7–10) – are represented. he Lough Ravel axes belong to the Knocknagur Phase, c. 2400–2200 BC, while those of the eponymous Killaha Phase of which the most striking discovery was the (now lost) hoard of 20 reportedly found at Knockninny Hill (Williams 1974), and the specimen found as a secondary insertion amongst the cairn material at the Tully court tomb (Waterman 1978, 11, ig. 7.13), range from c. 2200–2000 BC. Ballyvalley axes, which date from c. 2000–1600 BC have slight langes, and regularly show decoration. he inal form, type Derryniggin, dating from c. 1600–1500 BC, have more pronounced langes, although still only millimetres high, as well as a slight stop-ridge, and are usually decorated. hese continued into the Killymaddy Phase of the Middle Bronze Age, but were superseded by axes with pronounced langes (Fig. 21), typiied by the axes from the hoard at Doagh Glebe. Co. Fermanagh has also produced a langed 98 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 21 Middle Bronze Age axes: 1–2 Doagh Glebe, 3 Mullanaroddy, 4 ‘Co. Fermanagh’ (1–2 after Armstrong 1917, 4 after Eogan 1991). axe that Harbison identiied as an exotic import from Central Europe (1969b, 64). he inal development of this type is the palstave, a type-fossil of the Middle Bronze Age, of which only a small number has been found in the county. he comparative rarity of axes of the Middle Bronze in Co. Fermanagh may well be more apparent than real since, like other artefact types, there is a signiicant number in the corpus that either have no provenance other than to ‘Ireland’ or have no provenance at all. he inal centuries of the 2nd millennium BC in Ireland, characterised as the Bishopland Phase, witnessed the appearance of the looped-and-socketed axe in Ireland, a type that became common in the Late Bronze Age (Fig. 22). Eogan (2000) identiied 17 discrete groupings of socketed axe, many with sub-classes. But the unifying diagnostic features of this type-fossil of the Later Bronze Age are a wide-mouthed socket into which a wooden hat could be inserted, and a loop for a thong or tie just below the opening. Eogan has listed some 2100 examples from Ireland, and variants remained in circulation for more than 700 years, although, again, an unfortunately high proportion have no provenance other than to county or, simply, to ‘Ireland’. he earliest from Co. Fermanagh are the axes of Classes 2–4 (Fig. 22.1–5), which belong to the Roscommon Phase (c. 1000–900 BC), and of which there are ive examples. his is followed by Class 5, represented in the county by the axe from the Boa Island hoard (Fig. 22.6), and which appears at the start of the Dowris Phase (900–800 BC). Axes of Classes 9 (Fig. 22.7–8), 10 (Fig. 22.10), and 11 (Fig. 22.10–15) belong also to Dowris. he specimen from Kilsmullan (Inv. 6: Fig. 22.13) with its associated date of 356–0 BC (UB-2173), indicates that the looped-and-socketed axe lingered into and beyond the transitional ‘dark age’. here are no representatives of the other classes of axe, although this need not have any particular signiicance given the lack of provenance of so much of the Irish corpus. Other tools While the axe was a general purpose woodworking tool, the Dowris period saw the introduction of more specialist implements. Amongst these was the socketed gouge, three of which have been found in Co. 99 the prehistoric period Fig. 22 Late Bronze Age socketed axes from Co. Fermanagh: 1 Dog Big, 2 Florence Court, 3 Belleek, 4 Lough Erne, 5 Ballynamall, 6 Boa Island part of hoard, 7 Dreenan part of hoard, 8 ‘Co. Fermanagh’, 9 Kilmalanophy, 10 Cornacreeve, 11 ‘Near Kesh’, 11 Portora Ford, 12 Gortnaloughan, 13 Kilsmullan, 14 Belleek, 15 ‘Co. Fermanagh’ (after Eogan 2000, nos 21, 85, 113, 122, 166, 208, 460–461, 628, 722–723, 1248, 1357 and 1811–1812). Fermanagh, all in hoards, from Killycreen West (Fig. 23.1), Boa Island (Fig. 23.2) and one provenanced only to ‘Co. Fermanagh’ (Fig. 23.3). hese are similar in form to that in the hoard from Loughbown, Co. Galway, which Eogan (2007) has interpreted as the toolkit of a woodworker. he Boa Island gouge was found with a Class 5 axe, a type which Eogan saw as originating at the start of the Dowris Phase (Eogan 2000, 12–13 and 43, no. 208). Socketed knives, of which there are also two examples, from hoards at Killycreen West and Dreenan, were probably general purpose tools (Fig. 23.7–8). Both Fermanagh examples are of the horndon type as deined by Hodges (1956, 38), which, based on associations in southern Britain may date to the 8th and 7th centuries BC. Evidence for ine metalworking taking place in Late Bronze Age Co. Fermanagh comes from the hoards from Gardenhill and Dreenan, which included socketed hammers that could have been used for shaping and inishing. Dreenan also produced a lump of bronze (Fig. 23.6) that has been interpreted as part of the header from a casting (e.g. Eogan 2000, 5). While this could be the case, a more likely interpretation is that it is a small anvil used for ine work, probably along with the hammer which accompanied it. 100 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 23 Late Bronze Age tools: 1 Killycreen West, 2 Boa Island, 3 ‘Co. Fermanagh’, 4 Gardenhill, 5–7 Dreenan, 8 Killycreen West (after Eogan 1983). Horn One of the artefacts that best typiies the technological excellence of the Irish Late Bronze Age is the cast bronze horn. With their curved, tapering cylindrical shapes and the uniform thicknesses of their walls, they represent the peak of the art of the bronzefounder in constructing the complex clay moulds and pouring the molten metal. Only one example is known from Co. Fermanagh, found at Scrabby Bog, near Garrison (MacWhite 1945). he area of the mouthpiece has broken of, but it is clearly an example of a Class I ‘endblow’ horn (Coles 1963, 355). hese have a distribution that is almost entirely conined to north-eastern Ulster, 101 the prehistoric period with the Co. Fermanagh horn and two others, one each from Cos Cavan and Leitrim, being the only outliers in the northern half of the island (ibid. 331). It is thought possible that this type was played as one of a pair with a side-blow horn, rather in the manner of pipes, with one acting as a drone, the other to play melody. Gold ornaments Goldworking was probably introduced to Ireland in the Beaker Period/Early Bronze Age, with the most striking example of the earliest goldsmithing being the slender, crescent-shaped sheets of beaten gold known as lunulae. Taylor considered them not to be individual property, but rather to belong to a social group or tribe, possibly priestly decoration or perhaps adorning inanimate idols (Taylor 1994, 42). Two are known from Co. Fermanagh, one from Plate 28 Late Bronze Age end-blow horn from Scrabby Bog, near Garrison (© NMI). a bog near Cooltrain, the other from close to Enniskillen. he former ind is signiicant as it is the only Irish example of what Taylor termed a ‘provincial’ lunula, a type found more commonly in Britain and Continental Europe (Taylor 1980, 33; Eogan 1994, 32). he only other gold object of the Early Bronze Age from the county is the pommel-binding associated with the Topped Mountain dagger (see Plate 24 above). Gold ornaments remained popular in Ireland in the Middle Bronze Age, when neck ornaments such as bar- or ribbon-torcs, penannular ear-rings and various types of bracelet were amongst the characteristic artefacts. A spectacular example of a four-lange twisted gold bar torc was discovered in 2009 in a waterlogged ield in Corrard townland (NMNI A2013.1), and dates probably to the period c. 1300–1100 BC (Plate 30). Coiled, its length is c. 22cm; uncoiled it would measure some 1.21m, excluding the terminals, and thus represents a quite superb feat of goldsmithing (information kindly supplied by Dr Greer Ramsey, NMNI). Analysis showed the metal to be a gold alloy with silver and some copper (Au 87%, Ag 11% and Cu 2%), slightly unusual for this particular type, and the torc itself is fairly isolated in terms of the distribution of gold bar torcs in Ireland (Ramsey forthcoming). he indspot is close to an inlet of Lough Erne, apparently liable to occasional inundation (at least in the 20th century: Macdonald 2012). It is reminiscent of the topography of that of the Iron Age Broighter hoard (Warner 1999, 81f and 84, ig. 3.1), indicating perhaps deposition in the context of the wider European and Scandinavian practice of votive deposits in connection with water, although not as part of a hoard (see below). As was the case with bronzes, there was a signiicant increase in both the number and variety of gold objects from the Bishopland Phase of the Late Bronze Age and into Dowris. Chief amongst these was a range of pennannular objects with expanded terminals which come in various sizes, but whose function is uncertain. he smaller examples, called ‘sleeve-fasteners’, may have served a similar purpose to modern cuf-links, and examples have been found on Davy’s Island, near Newtownbutler, at Tattykeel Lower and at Inishmore Isle. One specimen of a larger type, a ‘cup-ended bracelet’, was found in the county, at Cleenaghan. Also dating to the Late Bronze Age are the gold ornaments that archaeologists have in the past termed 102 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Plate 29 Early Bronze Age lunula from Cooltrain (© National Museums Northern Ireland). ‘ring money’, now just ‘pennanular ring’, and which have circular cross-sections diameters in the region of 2.5cm. Although their true purpose is unknown, they have a widespread distribution throughout the country and can readily be classed with the other decorative personal ornaments of the Late Bronze Age. Examples of this curious artefact type have been found at Enniskillen and Gardenhill. Analyses of four of the Co. Fermanagh gold artefacts (Table 6) shows that they fall into two of the recognisable groupings of Bronze Age gold – early as characterised by a moderate silver content, with low levels only of copper and tin, and late which has high silver and copper and some tin (e.g. Warner 103 the prehistoric period Plate 30 Gold Torc from Corrard (© National Museums Northern Ireland). Plate 31 Bronze Age gold ornaments from Co. Fermanagh: 1 Cleenaghan, 2 Tattykeel Lower, 3 Gardenhill (1–2 © National Museums Northern Ireland, 3 © NMI). 104 Fig. 24 Late Bronze Age sword mould fragments from Boho (after Eogan 1965). the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Table 6 Compositions of prehistoric gold artefacts from Co. Fermanagh. Provenance Type Reg. No. no. Topped Mountain Cooltrain townland Davy’s Island Gardenhill Corrard Pommelbinding Au Ag Cu Sn Irish Gold Programme Analyses no. Au Ag Cu Sn 83.0 16.0 0.37 0.5 37 90.0 10.0 0.04 0.05 76.0 18.0 6.2 0.5 71.0 24.0 4.3 0.24 Hartmann analyses NMI 1049 1898:10 NMNI Lunula 2450 A157.1926 Sleeve NMI 815 fastener 1899:30 Penannular NMNI ring A157.1926 FlangeNMNI twisted A2013.1 torc 89.0 10.7 0.35 61.5 32.5 6.0 87.0 11.0 2.0 2004, 79f; Warner et al. 2011). hus, as would be expected, the analyses of the Topped Mountain binding and the Cooltrain lunula fall into the early grouping, while the Davy’s Island and Gardenhill pieces show characteristically later compositions. Bronzeworking As noted above, metals had to be brought into Co. Fermanagh as inished artefacts, or in ingot form or as scrap, and there is good evidence for the later centuries of the Bronze Age that casting and shaping of weapons and ornaments was taking place there. he Cloonatrig spearhead (above) is an uninished piece, as is the looped-and-socketed axe from Ballynamall (Fig. 22.5), which shows the remains of the casting jet and untrimmed casting langes. One of the class 4 swords from the Tempo hoard (Eogan 1983, 86 and ig. 43 no.1: NMI 1912:56) has had a new hilt cast on, presumably to replace one that snapped of. As well as single inds, metalworkers’ hoards occur, such as the Late Bronze Age group of scrap from Dreenan (ibid. 83–84), some of which was awaiting melting down to provide the stock for new artefacts. he socketed axe (Fig. 22.7) has untrimmed casting seams indicating a fresh casting. he hoard also included a socketed hammer and what is almost certainly a small anvil, indicating that its owner also shaped metal as well as casting it. Further evidence of bronze casting may be recognised in the clay mould fragments (Fig. 24) found at Boho (Hodges 1954, 62–65; Eogan 1965, 178; Ó Faoláin and Northover 1998, 71, ig. 1). From Gardenhill came a hoard of metalwork, of which now only three pieces survive (Eogan 1983, 84– 85). It included a socketed hammer and two rings, one with a staple, suggesting that it might have been the possession of a maker or repairer of metalwork. hus, while Co. Fermanagh was not an area of primary metal production, it is certainly likely to have seen some fabrication of artefacts – either recycled from scrap gathered locally or from ingots of raw metal brought in from outside – as well as fashioning and repair. Excavations at Kilsmullan (Inv. 6; Williams 1984a), the indspot of a miniature bronze socketed axe on the periphery of a small dried-out lake, revealed a stone-built structure and charcoal which provided a radiocarbon date-range of 360–0 BC (UB-2173). his could have been a hearth for the melting down of scrap, with the poor quality of the miniature axe certainly making it a candidate for recycling. It can be treated as an example of the survival of bronze tools into what, chronologically, is the Irish Iron Age. his 105 the prehistoric period should not be surprising considering the scarce evidence for metal production in this, or any other part of Ireland in the last centuries BC, and the liklihood both that a degree of low-level working continued to produce some long-established forms, with some designs surviving long past their ‘sell-by’ date. Metalwork hoards he deposition of groups of objects as hoards is notable from the Early Bronze Age, broadly coeval with the period of the bowl food vessels (Eogan 1983, 5) but it became particularly prevalent in the Late Bronze Age, during the most proliic period of Irish metalwork production. he signiicance of these assemblages is uncertain and they are found in a variety of locations. Early Bronze Age hoards are usually from dry land locations while, from the middle of the 2nd millennium BC they are more commonly found in wetland or boggy locations. Some of the assemblages that are today recognised as hoards may be attributable to simple loss, or else to the storage of objects for safekeeping, perhaps during times of uncertainty. But it is thought that at least some of the wetland hoards were deliberately deposited as votive oferings associated with the veneration of sacred lakes and water sources, a practice that Eogan pointed out inds parallels amongst the Celts of Gaul or further aield in Mexico (ibid. 11). Of the Co. Fermanagh hoards, only the Knockninny ind is potentially of Early Bronze Age date, but since the axes from here are lost, this is uncertain. here are two of Middle Bronze Age date, both consisting of a single artefact type. A further seven date to the Late Bronze Age and are generally larger and more varied in their content (Table 7). he largest of these is the Dreenan hoard, which consists of a variety of Late Bronze Age weapons and tools as well as a small anvil. As has been noted, this can be interpreted as the property of a bronzesmith (ibid. 84), although the circumstances of its deposition are not known. he hoard localised only to ‘Co. Fermanagh’ may also have been the property of a metalworker, while that from Boa Island could have belonged to a woodworker. Ceremonial Monuments of the Bronze Age he dearth of identiied Bronze Age settlement in Co. Fermanagh, as well as the isolated nature of most of the inds from the period, means that there is, again, a bias in the surviving evidence towards the burial and ritual practices. he Irish Bronze Age was a period of dynamic diversity in these spheres, with enduring elements of Neolithic inluence eventually giving way to a range of very diferent burial customs and practices. In the early centuries of the Bronze Age, stone sepulchres, in the form of wedge tombs continued to be built, but true megalithic tomb building, with its attendant co-operative efort and the subsequent use and re-use of the tombs to house at least a section of society, went into decline. A new tradition of less prominent burial in stone pits or cists emerged in the Early Bronze Age. In this new tradition the status of the deceased was emphasised by the deposition of prestige grave goods which were particularly common in those burials accompanied by vases and urns of all types. While chambered tombs remained important – witnessed by the continued use of wedge tombs in parts of the country, their association with earlier monuments and the regular re-use of Neolithic sites as repositories for cist burials – their place within the new ritual scheme of the Early Bronze Age was subtly altered. In addition to the wedge tombs, a further range of stone monuments became common in the Late Neolithic/ Early Bronze Age landscape. Like the megalithic tombs, they were deliberately built to permanently deine and mark the signiicance of places in the landscape, but these sites did not obviously derive from the enclosed Megalithic Tomb Tradition, and were not so commonly associated with burial. he most dramatic manifestation of this ritual expression was the stone circle, but this monument type occurs so commonly in association with other sites, particularly with other stone circles, stone rows, standing stones, round cairns or even earlier megaliths (McConkey 1987, 5) that they should probably not be viewed in isolation, but as 106 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Table 7 Bronze Age hoards from Co. Fermanagh. Townland Knockninny Nature of indspot unknown Current location Contents unknown ‘above a score of “bronzen” axes in a heap’. Most likely type Killaha. Period EBA Derrygonnelly unknown NMI 1913.321–323 Two palstaves and a leaf-shaped spearhead. Hodges (1957, 63) has MBA cast doubt on the association, suggesting that only the palstaves were found together. Doagh Glebe bog Private collection Two langed axeheads. MBA Tattenamona bog Private collection hree spearheads. MBA Boa Island unknown NMI 1917:82–83 Looped-and-socketed axehead and socketed gouge. LBA Dreenan dry land Ashmolean Museum 1927:2908–2916 Class 4 sword, four spearheads, looped-and-socketed axehead, LBA socketed hammer, socketed knife, possible anvil. Gardenhill bog NMI P 1952:9–11 Socketed hammer, ring, ring and LBA staple. Inishleague Island shore ind NMNI 505:1935 Two Class 4 swords. LBA Killycreen West bog Armagh County Museum 50–52:1938 Socketed knife, socketed gouge, amber beads. LBA Tempo unknown NMI 1912:55–57 Two Class 4 swords and a spearhead. LBA Co. Fermanagh unknown NMI 1892:24–36, 38 Socketed gouge and three rings. LBA components of composite sites or complexes, examples of which are abundant in the upland areas of Co. Fermanagh. Wedge tombs Wedge tombs are generally regarded as the inal phase of the true Irish Megalithic Tomb Tradition and, although they may have originated in the Late Neolithic, the majority of the available radiocarbon dates indicate an Early Bronze Age date (Brindley and Lanting 1992, 23; O’Brien 1999, 12). he wedge tomb is characterised by a trapezoidal, single burial chamber narrowing and decreasing in height from front to back, and roofed with lat lintel stones. here is oten a small antechamber at the front of the tomb, with a blocking, or septal stone between it and the main chamber. Orthostatic walling oten lanks the chamber within a compact cairn, which is usually round, oval or D-shaped, but few of the cairns survive complete 107 the prehistoric period today (Waddell 2000, 92). Ó Ríordáin (1979, 123) noted an upland preference in the siting of these tombs, and there is a consistent tendency for the front of the tomb to face between west-north-west and south, possibly to receive the light of the setting sun (Waddell 2000, 96). Wedge tombs were introduced to a landscape already well-endowed with the megalithic tombs of the Neolithic, and they are oten found close to other chambered tombs (Mitchell and Ryan 2001, 196), suggesting some ainity with the sacred places or customs of the past. Seven of the ten tombs identiied in Co. Fermanagh are located in landscapes with signiicant concentrations of earlier monuments, in the upland areas that were probably irst exploited during the Neolithic; two tombs lie at the heart of a complex of monuments at Mountdrum (Invs 47 and 48) which also includes the possible remains of two court tombs, while three others form part of a grouping of monuments at Killybeg (Invs 44–46), along with four other megalithic monuments which are more diicult to classify. None of the wedge tombs of the county have been excavated, but the few excavated elsewhere indicate that cremation was the usual mortuary practice, although unburnt burials also occur. he wedge tombs in the county are generally in poor repair, and their sizes vary considerably; the largest, at Mountdrum (Inv. 47), consists of the remains of a burial gallery, measuring 8m long by 2.3m wide, enclosed in a badly denuded cairn measuring 15m long by 11m wide. Other sites, such at Cloghtogle (Inv. 40) and a badly damaged tomb at Killybeg (Inv. 46), consist only of the damaged remains of the burial gallery. A number of the tombs were roofed with massive capstones. hese are still visible in situ at Cloghtogle, Plate 32 Mountdrum wedge tomb (Inv. 47), viewed from the south-east. 108 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Coolbuck, Greenan and Keeran (Invs 40–43), while at Mountdrum a particularly massive capstone lies fallen from its original position at the eastern end of the burial gallery (Plate 32). As well as Mountdrum, the outline of a surrounding cairn is visible at Coolbuck (Inv. 41), at the second Mountdrum tomb (Inv. 48) and at Greenan (Inv. 42), with the latter two cairns exhibiting the characteristic D-shape, while the poorly preserved remnants of an antechamber survive at Greenan and two of the Killybeg monuments (Invs 44 and 45). Cist and pit burials he move towards less monumental interment is epitomised by the emergence of single burial as the predominant funerary rite in Early Bronze Age Ireland. he repository for the remains in most cases was a small, stone-lined box or ‘cist’ such as at Tonyglaskan (Plate 33), and Cavancarragh (Fig. 25) while the burial usually consisted of either a crouched inhumation, or a cremation placed inside or beneath an inverted vessel. Although cists have been found which contain the remains of more than one individual, they were usually constructed to receive a single burial (Mallory and McNeill 1991, 96). he variety of contexts and locations of these cists is the most remarkable aspect of the tradition. hey occur as single graves, in lat cemeteries, in purpose-built, round ‘cist-cairns’ or mounds, or as secondary insertions into earlier megalithic tombs. his new burial practice was commonplace in Co. Fermanagh, although because the cist-burial is oten just one element of a visually more impressive or Plate 33 Cist B at Tonyglaskan (Inv. 249). 109 the prehistoric period recognisable monument, and in many cases it may be a later addition to an existing structure, it is oten relegated to the role of adjunct in the archaeological literature. he 29 Fermanagh sites containing cists or cist burials, together with their contexts, are set out in Table 8, but the cist structure from Tully court tomb (Inv. 35) has been omitted, as the burial has recently produced a radiocarbon date of 3470–3395 BC (UBA-13545), thus indicating that this structure was part of the Neolithic use of the monument. At 11 of these sites, the cists were found in the body of a round cairn (a single cist was also reported in an earthen mound at Coa: Inv. 201). he most celebrated of these cist-cairns is the cairn on Topped Mountain (Inv. 236), to the northeast of Enniskillen, a monument that occupies a prominent location in a landscape with a dense concentration of Early to Middle Bronze Age sites (see pp 839–850, and p. 278, Plate 86). Eogan (2004, 57) recently highlighted it as amongst the six largest Bronze Age cairns anywhere in Ireland. Within the cairn, as well as a series of largely unremarkable Fig. 25 Depiction of the two-chambered cist at Cavancarragh cremation deposits, Plunkett and Cofey unearthed (Inv. 195: after Wakeman 1878). a stone cist that they considered to be a secondary insertion into the monument (Cofey 1898). his contained the decayed remains of an adult skeleton accompanied by a vase food vessel and a bronze dagger with a gold pommel-binding. his is one of only four instances in Ireland where gold has been found in a Bronze Age burial context, along with a hair ornament from a cremation at Rathgall, Co. Wicklow and possibly two gold discs from Ballyshannon, Co. Donegal and a plaque from Carrick-na-Crump, Castlemartyr, Co. Cork, although the latter two inds were made many years ago, rendering the veracity of their reported contexts questionable according to Eogan (Eogan 1994, 2). his scarcity of gold inds as part of Irish Bronze Age funerary rituals elsewhere may be a further indication of the importance of the Topped Mountain cairn. 110 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Table 8 Co. Fermanagh cist burials and their contexts. Inv. Townland SMR 190 Beihy Flat slabs at the base of a depression at the centre of a round cairn, 244:038 irst discovered on aerial photographs in 1982, have been identiied as the possible capstones of a cist. 56 Carn Badly damaged megalithic tomb, discovered during NIEA ieldwork 193:077 in the 1970s, includes one boulder which may be the capstone of a disturbed cist. 124 Cavancarragh 212:025 195 Cavancarragh Single surviving cist, probably associated with two now-disappeared cist-cairns originally reported by Wakeman in 1873. According to him, one of the cairns had been almost completely destroyed prior 212:087 to his visit, but the second had a number of cists arranged around the base. One of these was divided into two chambers, each containing an unspeciied clay pottery vessel. Another cist contained the base of a vase food vessel (Wakeman 1873a, 434 and 1878). 197 Clefany 213:002 Mound, now disappeared, reported by the OS in 1856 as containing human remains covered by a lagstone. 198 Clogherbog 209:024 Cist cairn in ‘Clough Bog’, unearthed in the 19th century, supposedly contained three pottery vessels and cremated bones. 201 Coa 212 Derryharney 23 Doohatty Glebe 187 189 Context Round cairn which, according to a letter from 1712 (Borlase 1897, Annaghmore Glebe 272:006 228) formerly enclosed ‘stone coins’ containing urns, although neither coins nor urns survive today. Multiple cist-cairn containing a central cist and 8–12 others, all of which had reportedly been robbed out sometime prior to Wakeman’s Beihy 244:010 visit in the 1880s so that only fragments of bones, and the base of a single vase food vessel were found inside (Wakeman 1883, 169–170 and 1891, 119–121). A single cist lying at the base of a standing stone was reported to NIEA in the 1970s. A mound, now disappeared, was reportedly dug into by a local 193:050 farmer in 1913 and was found to enclose a cist containing an urn burial (Tierney 1918, 151). In a complex of barrows and burnt mounds, the capstone of a centrally placed cist was reported to be within the remains of one 230:096 of the barrows during excavation of the site by Conway in 1993 (Conway 1993b, 1). Fiteen cists recorded by Wakeman in the modiied cairn of a court 244:011 tomb, some of which contained cremated bones (Wakeman 1883, 163–167 and 169, and 1891, 121–124). None of the cists survive today. 111 the prehistoric period Single rectangular cist-grave containing a knife of unknown type, 194:004 reportedly unearthed near the standing stone by the landowner in the 1950s. he remains of a possible cist were identiied by NIEA surveyors in 134:007 2002 and form part of a complex of monuments that also includes stone circles and stone rows. 141 Drummackan 97 Formil 220 Gorteen 228:022 Killykeeghan Round cairn which Lowry-Corry and Richardson suggested was probably originally a multiple cist-cairn that had been partly 243:024 destroyed by Ordnance Surveyors (Lowry-Corry and Richardson 1937, 175) although there are no visible cists at the site today. 100 Kiltierney Stone circle site, excavated in 1975, which contained at least six burials, two of which were accommodated in, or marked by, stone cists 154:004 (Daniells and Williams 1977). C-14 date of 1610–1495 BC obtained from burial 7, which was marked by a stone cist. C-14 date of 1780– 1680 BC obtained from Burial 4, which was inserted in a rock-cut pit. 26 Knockennis 194:010 Molly Mountain Cist burial, containing a cordoned urn inverted to cover cremated 259:001 bone, formed part of a small enclosed lat cemetery excavated by Channing in 1998 (Channing 2000a). 231 Molly Mountain he remains of a possible cist, closely associated with a disturbed cremated bone deposit excavated in the body of a round cairn. 259:002 he remains of two other disturbed cremations were also recorded in the body of the cairn during excavation by Channing in 1999 (Channing 2000b). 233 Monea Cist burial containing human bones reported by landowner in 2006 191:139 and excavated by Gahan and Long in 2007. A pit burial containing a cremation lies close by (Gahan and Long 2007). 106 Mountdrum Possible multiple cists compartments built into a three concentric212:111 ringed stone circle that forms part of a complex of Bronze Age monuments. 224 230 112 A single cist, now disappeared, was recorded at one end of a long barrow by surveyors in 1940 (PSAMNI 171). Small stone cist, recorded in 1940, inserted in a court tomb cairn (PSAMNI 155). the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh 39 Moylehid Plunkett’s excavation in 1894 showed that this Neolithic passage tomb was modiied in the Bronze Age, and included the insertion into the cairn of at least three cists containing cremated and unburnt bone, with one of the cists also containing a bowl food vessel. Part 210:050 of the original cruciform burial passage was also re-used, with the western chamber being divided horizontally into two chambers, one of which contained a bipartite bowl food vessel accompanying a cremation burial, with a third cist in the form of an adjoining ‘leanto’ (Cofey 1898). Cist containing two burials; a cremation and an unburnt burial, excavated by Plunkett and Cofey in 1897. Associated with the unburnt burial were a number of artefacts, including a decorated food vessel and a bronze dagger with gold pommel-binding (Cofey 1898, 651–658). A number of other burials were also found within the cairn. C-14 date of 2030–1775 BC. Single cist burial containing the unburnt remains of a child was uncovered in 1984 and subsequently excavated by Williams (Williams, B.B. 1987). he burial was accompanied by a tripartite bowl food vessel. C-14 date of 2140–1955 BC. A round cairn which, according to Wakeman was originally a cist-cairn housing stone cists with urns and burnt bone, although none of these survive today, and, indeed, had been removed prior to Wakeman’s visit to the site in the 1870s (Plunkett 1876, 466; Wakeman 1878, 336). Now disappeared cist-cairn which, according to the Ordnance Survey in 1855, formerly contained seven graves containing burnt remains (OS Revision Name Book 1855, Sh. 24, 3). 236 Mullyknock/ ToppedMountain 212:028 240 Shanco 212:105 242 Sheehiny 245:020 247 Tattenabuddagh 214:008 248 Tiranagher Beg 171:032 Single stone cist, identiied by NIEA ieldworkers in the 1970s. 249 Tonyglaskan 250 Tullycallrick Flat cemetery containing at least three cists, all of which contained unburnt remains, was uncovered during topsoil removal in 2000. 194:040 hey were subsequently excavated by Hurl and Murphy (2004). Two of the burials were accompanied by bowl food vessels. C-14 dates of 2195–1945 BC, 2189–1943 BC and 2275–1985 BC were obtained. Single cist, containing a human skeleton and an unspeciied earthen 154:081 vessel were reportedly unearthed in the 1840s and were associated with a ‘fort’ (Wakeman 1881, 543). 113 the prehistoric period Plate 34 Round cairn at Beihy (Inv. 189). N BONE 0 Fig. 26 Plan of Cist A, Tonyglaskan (Inv. 249). 114 1 Metre It is likely that the number of recognised cistcairns is an underestimate of the total in Co. Fermanagh. here are at least 23 other round or oval-shaped cairns such as Beihy (Inv. 189: Plate 34) and Sheehinny (Inv. 242: Plate 35) distributed throughout the uplands of the county, oten in hilltop locations similar to many of the identiied Bronze Age cairns, that have not been investigated or else have disappeared since they were recorded in the 19th century. Similarly, the burial mounds at Clefany (Inv. 197) and Coa (Inv. 201), both of which were reportedly associated with stone cists or coins, are likely to belong to this class of monument. he reported inding of several ‘cinery urns’ in a small cairn close to Lough Skale (possibly Inv. 204), may the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Plate 35 Round cairn at Sheehinny (Inv. 242). also relate to a cist-cairn, although in this instance, Wakeman did not mention a containing stone box or cist (Wakeman 1875a, 535–536). In other instances, pre-existing burial monuments were adapted for use as Bronze Age cemeteries, and ive explorations of megalithic tombs in the county revealed secondary burial activity in the form of characteristic cist burials inserted into pre-existing structures. For example, the ‘excavation’ of the passage tomb at Moylehid (Inv. 39) revealed that the western chamber of the cruciform burial passage had been re-used, and reconstituted as a two-level cist containing a bipartite bowl food vessel, with an adjoining third ‘lean-to’ cist, while three other cists were identiied in the body of the cairn, one containing a simple bowl food vessel (Cofey 1898). Another instance was recorded by Wakeman at Doohatty Glebe (Inv. 23), where 15 cists were inserted into the cairn (modiied into an unusual star shape) of a court tomb, again representing the Bronze Age re-use of the earlier Neolithic burial site (Wakeman 1883). In recent times development work and agricultural improvement schemes have resulted in the discovery of previously unrecorded lat cemeteries of cist burials. In such a context at Shanco (Inv. 240) in 1984, Williams (Williams, B.B. 1987) excavated a single polygonal cist containing an inhumed child burial dating to 2140–1960 BC (GrN – 14342). In 2000, Hurl excavated a cemetery of three cists at Tonyglaskan (Inv. 249; 115 the prehistoric period Hurl and Murphy 2004), each of which contained a single inhumation, two of adults and one of a child, for which a date-range of 2270–1940 BC was obtained from a sample from each burial (UB-6599, UB-6600 and UB-6601). Two Bronze Age burial sites excavated by Channing on Molly Mountain were discovered in advance of quarrying works. He identiied an enclosed lat cemetery containing a cist cremation and an associated urn burial at a site previously recorded as a rath (Inv. 230; Channing 2000a). Approximately 110m to the north of this site, he unearthed a possible cist-cairn associated with disturbed cremation deposits (Inv. 231; Channing 2000b), which lay in a complex that also included two standing stones, as well as possible evidence of settlement activity in the form of post-holes. As noted earlier, the burial rites of the Early Bronze Age were closely linked to a practice whereby richly decorated pottery and other artefacts were deposited with the remains. Cists and pits, occurring either singly or in cist-cairns, cemetery mounds or lat cemeteries, all acted as repositories for burials of this type. While unburnt burials were relatively common, particularly in the Early Bronze Age, cremation gradually became the predominant rite with a marked preference for the burial of single individuals as opposed to the collective interments of the Neolithic. his emphasis on individual rather than collective burial has been cited as further evidence of the emergence of a social diferentiation in Early Bronze Age society that began in the Late Neolithic (Cooney and Grogan 1994, 93). Burial in the Middle and Late Bronze Age Burial customs continued to evolve through the Middle to Late Bronze Age (see Grogan 2004 for a comprehensive treatment). In the period c. 1500–1300 BC, the archaeological record relects a degree of continuity with Early Bronze Age practices, with prestige burials still occurring and the remains oten being deposited in pre-existing cemeteries or earlier monuments. Towards the end of the 2nd millennium BC, the characteristic rectangular cist was replaced by burial in simple pits or rough, stone-lined graves. he apparent trend towards more minimalist practices was further emphasised by the almost total disappearance of grave goods from burials, and the replacement of the decorated food vessels and urns with coarse domestic vessels to house the remains. A major change occurred in the burial rite itself, with the interment consisting of token deposits of cremated bone rather than the complete remains of individuals. his period also coincided with an increase in the use of small mounds, ring ditches and barrows as repositories for the remains, although these monuments rarely had the same visual impact as the earlier megalithic tombs, or even the hilltop round cairns of the Early Bronze Age. he practices evolved in the Middle Bronze Age appear to have endured through the Late Bronze Age and into the Iron Age (ibid. 69). Ring barrows Of the late prehistoric funerary monuments of the Middle to Late Bronze Age, barrows are probably the most visible in the landscape, but their study in an Irish context has been, at best, sporadic. Most of the work carried out to date has been site- or region-speciic, with little focus on an overall Irish context. A recent study by Newman, albeit conined to the Tara landscape, has seen a welcome attempt to classify the Irish barrows based on their morphological characteristics (Newman 1997, 153–170 and 2005). he basic element of the type is a circular ditch, sometimes enclosing only a lat and level interior (ring ditch), or a low mound (ring barrow) or a larger, built-up mound (bowl barrow), while all forms frequently have an external bank encircling the ditch. To this classiication can be added simple round barrows, where a circular earthen mound occurs without visible evidence of a surrounding ditch or bank. Both the number and distribution of barrows are diicult to assess due to the diiculty in making positive identiications, and the fact that most of the recognised ring-ditches are invisible at surface level. Many of the recognised barrows in Ireland survive as slight, ephemeral earthworks that are easily overlooked, while 116 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 27 Distribution of cairns, barrows, wedge tombs and other Bronze Age burials. most of the recognised ring ditches have only been detected during excavation works, on aerial photography or by geophysical prospection. hey vary greatly in size, with the diameters of some simple ring ditches being as little as 6m, rising to 60m in some of the more complex embanked sites. Excavations have shown that this simple form of monument probably originated in the Late Neolithic, again perhaps as part of a movement towards single burial, and continued to be built right through to the Iron Age following an upsurge in their use in the Middle Bronze Age. Indeed, evidence from elsewhere on the island suggests that some Christians still chose to be buried within small, ring-ditched enclosures known as fearta, so that the longevity of this burial custom was considerable. Sixteen barrows, including the example on Inishmacsaint island (Inv. 222: Plate 36) as well as a single ring ditch have been recognised in Co. Fermanagh, while the county also boasts three impressive ring cairns – Cullentragh (Inv. 210), Molly (Inv. 232) and Moylehid (Inv. 234: Plate 37) – which consist of banks of stone enclosing a circular or oval area, and these also probably belong to the wider Barrow tradition. Ten of the barrows can tentatively be classed as ring barrows, and the majority are surrounded by an external bank, and vary from 6m in diameter at Tullanaglug (Inv. 251) to almost 25m at Coagh (Inv. 202). hey 117 the prehistoric period Plate 36 Aerial view of Inishmacsaint (Island) round barrow (Inv. 222). have a scattered distribution, with nine of the fourteen occurring in lowland regions between 50–100m OD, although two sites in the Cuilcagh Mountain uplands to the south-east of Lough Erne, including the pair of barrows at Gortahurk West, are located in mountainous regions at over 250m OD (Inv. 219). One barrow site in the county has been excavated, as well as one of its ring cairns. Conway (1993b) found little diagnostic material at Derryharney (Inv. 212), but this cemetery of ploughed-out barrows was associated with a number of examples of burnt mounds and ploughed-out burnt mound material. One of the barrows, however, contained the displaced capstone of a cist. Dunlop identiied the ring cairn at Molly during excavation of a monument that was previously thought to have been a cashel (Inv. 232). he excavation produced the disturbed cremations of at least three adults, as well as a number of sherds of pottery which were considered indicative of a Late Bronze Age date for the site (Dunlop 2005 and 2011; Dunlop 2011a). he relatively modest mortuary practices of the Middle to Late Bronze Age present a marked contrast to the other strands of evidence from the period, particularly the massive increase in metalwork production and the rise of defended settlements, which point to an increasingly wealthy society, at least at the higher levels. It may simply be either that the veneration of the individual in death was no longer considered paramount in this society, or else that the pivotal element of the ritual was represented by some other, less ostentatious aspect, such as the cremation process itself, the setting of the burial or the choice of the token remains. 118 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Plate 37 Aerial view of Moylehid ring-cairn (Inv. 234). Stone circles and rows here are 26 stone circle sites recorded in Fermanagh (McConkey 1987), and of these only six occur in relative isolation from other prehistoric monuments. In addition, of fourteen stone rows, only two are not in close proximity to stone circles and/or cairns. here are 51 single standing stones recorded in the county. he stone circles of the county are largely located in blanket peat in the foothills of the Sperrin Mountains, and form part of a wider group which Burl (1976, 243), in his exhaustive account of the stone circles of the British Isles, has classed as the ‘mid-Ulster group’. hese difer from stone circles elsewhere on the island in that the stones are rarely more than 50cm in height, whereas elsewhere stones of some 2m in height are not uncommon. he majority of the Co. Fermanagh circles are of mid-Ulster type, although the excavated example at Kiltierney (Inv. 100) incorporated an earthen bank along its perimeter, suggesting it might be related to the Embanked Stone Circle Tradition also possibly represented in the county by the unusual Aghatirourke circle (Inv. 87). Even within the mid-Ulster circles, there is much variation in form and a particularly striking example of this is the unique, triple-ringed stone circle at Mountdrum (Inv. 106). his site lies within a grouping of monuments in bogland on a plateau in the Topped Mountain uplands, and comprises three concentric rings of small orthostats. Between the inner and central circle, radial stones subdivide the interior into a series of cist-like compartments. he site has not been excavated, and so the signiicance of these unusual features has not yet been determined, nor is it known if these compartments were used for burials. he three concentric rings in addition to the radial stone settings, however, are diicult to parallel, 119 the prehistoric period and ind no clear comparison in Ireland. To date, three of the Fermanagh stone circles have been excavated. Drumskinny (Inv. 95) was excavated by Waterman in 1962 (Waterman 1964) and is a complex of features consisting of a stone circle, row and a round cairn. he Drumskinny excavations produced little dating evidence, with only a small assemblage including a hollow scraper and a convex scraper, as well as a single sherd of undecorated, probably Neolithic, pottery being recovered. Perhaps the most notable ind from the excavation was the absence of burials, including from the round cairn. he Kiltierney stone circle (Inv. 100), by contrast was found to enclose seven burials, which appear to span a long phase of activity at the site. Burial 1, for example, was a cremation burial, through which sherds of pottery, lints and a collection of hammer pendant beads were found. he pottery has been identiied as Neolithic Carrowkeel ware, and the burial has been dated to 3030–2915 BC (UB-13540). his may have been the primary interment at the site, but it appears to have been disturbed prior to the excavation, as it overlay Burial 7, which was marked by a small cist-like structure contained in a rock-cut pit. Associated with Burial 7 was a cache of four amber beads, and the deposit has been dated to 1610–1490 BC (UB-13542). Fig. 28 Distribution of stone circles, stone rows, standing stones and rock art. 120 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Cremation Burial 4 was accompanied by small sherds of pottery that have been identiied as fragments of a Drumnakilly-style urn (named ater the site at Drumnakilly, Co. Tyrone, SMR TYR 035:015: information courtesy of Dr Alison Sheridan, National Museums of Scotland). Two radiocarbon dates have been obtained for bone from this burial, with corroborating Early Bronze Age age-ranges of 1780–1680 BC (UB-13541) and 1880–1620 BC (SUERC-30677) respectively. Burial 3 consisted of a cremation placed beneath an inverted cordoned urn, suggesting an Early Bronze Age date, while burials 2, 5, 6, were unaccompanied by artefacts and not dated. Burial 5, however, lay in a trapezoidal, stone-lined pit, a custom that, while originating in the Early Bronze Age, became more commonplace from the Middle Bronze Age. he small-scale excavation at Cloghcor (Inv. 92) returned no cultural material or dating evidence (Williams and Yates 1982). he sparse inds from Co. Fermanagh do not contradict the view that stone circles might have had their origins towards the end of the Neolithic (Mallory and McNeill 1991, 72), although the majority of available radiocarbon dates suggest that the monument type primarily belongs to the period ater 1800 BC (Waddell 2000, 169–174). Standing stones here have been no formal excavations at any of the 51 sites of standing stones in the county, and many of these are somewhat isolated. Some, such as the supposed Crom Cruaich stone at Drumcoo (Inv. 139), the stone (removed in the late 1960s) thought traditionally to commemorate the battle at Dragh in AD 1379 (Inv. 137), and the possible inauguration stone at Lurganbane (Inv. 155), have their own particular Plate 38 Stone row at Ratoran (Inv. 116). 121 the prehistoric period legend or folklore, suggesting a range of periods in the past. Indeed, it is known that ‘standing stones’ have been erected in early modern times to provide cattle with scratching posts, although these are usually distinguishable from the prehistoric examples. Most of the standing stones in Ireland are thought to belong to the 2nd millennium BC. he Co. Fermanagh standing stones regularly occur with associations indicative of a Bronze Age date and, as is the case throughout Ireland, standing stones in the county are regularly found as components of composite sites, alongside stone circles and/or rows as, for example, at Brougher (Inv. 89) and Formil (Inv. 97). he two standing stones at Cavancarragh (Inv. 124) and Mullyknock (Inv. 156) appear to have been used to signpost the Bronze Age burial cairn on Topped Mountain in that they are arranged in an alignment pointing to the cairn (see p. 237). he Mullyknock and Drummackan (Inv. 141) stones were said by locals to mark the location of stone cists, while the Wheathill stone (Inv. 165) stands close to the spot where the wrist-guard of an Early Bronze Age archer was discovered in 2002. he signiicance of stone circle complexes Like megalithic tombs, the stone circles and associated monuments were clearly intended as permanent features in the landscape, formalising the signiicance of the place they occupied. hey were sometimes associated with burials, as at Kiltierney (Inv. 100), but oten the burials were later additions, and the association is not as prevalent as it is with megalithic tombs. It is also the case that the stone circle complexes, particularly the mid-Ulster type, are not physically prominent in the landscape, so it is unlikely that they (a) (b) Plate 39 Standing stones at (a) Drumcoo (Inv. 139) and (b) Clareview (Inv. 127). 122 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh served, of themselves, as territorial markers or ostentatious symbols of power as has been suggested for megalithic tombs. hom has advocated a possible astronomical signiicance for the alignment of stone rows at Beaghmore in Co. Tyrone (hom 1980, 18), but this is inconclusive and cannot with any conidence be extended to the Co. Fermanagh sites, given the extensive diversity in the rows recorded by McConkey (1987). Indeed, Patrick and Butler (1974) have argued cogently against the blanket assumption that all stone rows of this period had any sort of calendrical function. he recurring association of stone circles with other Bronze Age and earlier sites, ensures that today they are oten found prominently sited in areas with signiicant concentrations of monuments. Doubtless proximity to other important sites played a part in the decision to locate the Bronze Age monuments, but recent work at a particularly rich archaeological landscape around Topped Mountain (see pp 839–850) suggests that there may have been other imperatives. Here, attention appears to have been focused at the centre of an elevated landform on three basins that were all the sites of freshwater lakes, at least until the Neolithic period. his recognition that natural features can perform an integral function within an artiicially modiied ritual landscape lies at the core of recent treatises on the subject (Tilley 1994; Bradley 2000). he signiicance of the Topped Mountain area appears to have been highlighted by the strategic use of round cairns on the highest peaks in the landscape, which were used to concentrate attention on the lakes at the centre of the landform. Each of the lakes is surrounded by a discrete cluster of largely Bronze Age monuments, including ive stone circles with associated rows, two standing stones and at least two wedge tombs. But it is the lakes themselves, rather than the individual monuments, which appear to be the truly signiicant part of the landscape. his is an interpretation of particular interest given the pan-European evidence for the attribution of spiritual or sacred qualities to bodies of water, something which seems to have begun in the early part of the Bronze Age and increased in prevalence throughout the period (Cooney and Grogan 1994, 210). he strongest Irish evidence for this phenomenon may lie in the deposition of Late Bronze Age wetland hoards, and Eogan has suggested that the hoards from Dowris, Co. Ofaly, Mooghaun, Co. Clare and Cullen, Co. Tipperary in particular, may have been intended to venerate sacred lakes (Eogan 1983, 11). his arrangement of monuments around the lakes of the Topped Mountain uplands may relect such a focus of spirituality, with the proliferation of monuments from Early Bronze Age times onwards perhaps connected to a reverence for bodies of water. Rock art he ive decorated stones at Reyfad (Inv. 174) on the eastern slope of Boho Mountain represent the most striking expression of another enigmatic aspect of the prehistoric heritage of Co. Fermanagh (Plate 40). he surfaces of these stones have been decorated with a plethora of cup-and-ring motifs, including simple hollows, cup-marks encircled by rings, conjoining cup-and-ring marks and occasional simply incised crosses, which may be later additions. here are at least ive other in situ boulders in Co. Fermanagh that have been marked with comparable decoration (Invs 167–170 and 173), and recent discoveries in the Cuilcagh Mountain upland region are set to swell this number considerably (Burns and Nolan 2007, 30). Two other stones recorded in earlier accounts have been removed to museums so are no longer visible at their original locations (Invs 171 and 172) while the Aghanaglack stone (Inv. 166) can no longer be located. Such decorated boulders are part of a wider distribution across Atlantic Europe and Northern Britain, and within Ireland there are concentrated distributions centred in west Cos Cork and Kerry, Inishowen in County Donegal, and Cos Louth, Monaghan, Wicklow and Carlow in the east midlands (Waddell 2000, 167). hey generally occur in elevated locations, and the decorative motifs have been formed by the pecking of a lat or sloping rock surface, presumably with either a stone or metal tool. here is some similarity between 123 the prehistoric period Plate 40 Detail of the largest of the cup-and-ring decorated stones at Reyfad (Inv. 174, no. 1). this form of decoration and the passage tomb art found on Passage Tombs such as at Newgrange and Knowth in the Boyne Valley and two of the stones at the Kiltierney passage tomb (Inv. 38: pp 175-178). he two traditions are now generally recognised as being broadly contemporaneous and originating in the Neolithic (O’Connor 2007, 184), but with a currency that extended into the Early Bronze Age, as evidenced by the occasional appearance of cup-and-ring mark decoration on cist slabs and wedge tombs (Evans 2004, 65–66). he function of these decorated boulders in prehistoric society is uncertain, and as they are surface art objects they remain diicult to date or associate with particular activities. An unpublished excavation by Collins (1962) in the vicinity of the ‘Grey Stone’ at Doon (Inv. 169) revealed the remains of a pit with cremated remains, tentatively suggesting a Bronze Age association for these stones. Traditionally the carvings have been regarded as having some long-forgotten magical or religious signiicance. But inluential work by Bradley (1997, 214) on the rock art of Atlantic Europe, including the known Irish monuments, has led to the interpretation of these boulders as markers for well-established routeways, directing the population along pathways to signiicant destinations in the landscape. More recently, a programme of geophysical survey and excavation has been carried out at the site of a decorated stone at Drumirril on the border between Cos Louth and Monaghan. his has demonstrated that, far from being some isolated ritual monolith, the stone was a component of a complex and living landscape that spanned the Neolithic through to the Early Christian period, and which incorporated domestic ield systems, enclosures and post-built structures (O’Connor 2007). 124 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Burnt mounds Burnt mounds are the most numerous of all of the prehistoric ield monuments in Ireland, and are considered in detail in pp 851–856. Over 400 possible examples have been discovered in Fermanagh alone (Appendix 2), largely as a result of extensive ield survey carried out by Carroll in the mid1990s. hey are widely dispersed in the lowlands around Lough Erne and in east of the county, with a signiicant majority occurring below 120m OD. he available evidence indicates that, while burnt mounds appeared during the Early Bronze Age, the majority were created between 1800 BC and 800 BC (Waddell 2000, 177), and as such they were a ubiquitous feature of the Middle to Late Bronze Age landscape. Although it has been thought that this is a monument type still current in the Early Christian period, the evidence is disputed (Hawkes 2012). Burnt mounds have been interpreted as the remains of places where water was heated, but their purpose is not certain, and they may have functioned as washing or cooking places, as sites for the processing of textiles or, as has recently been suggested on the basis of experimental evidence, as ‘micro-breweries’ (Quinn and Moore 2007). Plate 41 Decorated stone at Killykeeghan (Inv. 173). he Iron Age he archaeological evidence for the Irish Iron Age, the centuries from c. 600 BC–AD 500, is sparse and this is particularly true of the period from c. 600–300 BC, which has understandably been labelled the ‘hiatus period’ or a ‘dark age’ in Irish archaeology (Scott 1991, 41). As Ratery has demonstrated (1994, 35f), attempts to draw a clear dividing line between the Later Bronze Age and the earlier part of the Iron Age are currently doomed to failure through sheer lack of evidence. Indeed, there is no relationship whatsoever between the Dowris assemblage of the Later Bronze Age with its stratum of Hallstatt C material and irst indigenous iron artefacts, and the insular La Tène material that emerges during the 3rd century BC. However, in Co. Fermanagh, as elsewhere, we ind a little evidence of the inluences responsible for bringing iron technology to Ireland in the 7th–6th centuries BC. In short, the latter half of the 1st millennium BC is a time when the people who made and used artefacts and built structures across the island of Ireland are largely hidden. As phrased memorably by Ratery (ibid. 112f ), these are truly the centuries of the ‘invisible people’, an age when we know that massive earthworks such as the Black Pig’s Dyke (Invs 259 and 260) were constructed, but one in which we gain only leeting glimpses of the builders. But for Co. Fermanagh, we must also remember that of the builders of the substantial megalithic monuments, we have primarily only evidence of their deaths, and little of their daily lives. 125 the prehistoric period he only possible traces of an Iron Age occupation site in Co. Fermanagh come from pre-bank deposits at the impressive bivallate rath of Lisdoo in Castle Balfour Demesne (Inv. 375: Brannon 1982b, 55). A sample from these yielded a date of AD 260–540 (UB-2202), spanning the last centuries of the period. In other counties across Ireland, the bulk of evidence for occupation usually comprises small features yielding dates in the centuries on either side of 0 BC (e.g. Carlin et al. 2008), and is generally insubstantial. he paucity of Iron Age burial evidence across the island may be due to Later Bronze Age burial customs surviving into the Iron Age, leading to a failure to diferentiate Iron Age burials in the absence of diagnostic inds or radiocarbon dates (Eogan 2004, 69). Indeed, evidence from Kiltierney (Inv. 38), the only deinite Iron Age burial site in the county, indicates that at least some others might have been placed, as yet unrecognised, in much earlier monuments. Here, some 19 satellite mounds, one of which covered a cremation with grave goods, were constructed around a Neolithic cairn, while at least three cremations – two with grave goods – were contained in pits dug into a clay mantle with which the cairn had been covered. he decline into this ‘dark age’ doubtless had complex causes, not least a signiicant deterioration in climate in the 9th and 8th centuries BC. While mass invasion may be discounted, it seems likely that there was a virtually complete breakdown of society over quite a long period, due in part to an inherent instability in the fabric of conspicuously consuming Late Bronze Age society exacerbated by competition for resources (Scott 1991, 45), in part to natural catastrophe (Warner 1993). Metal-production networks – the interlinked complex of miners, charcoal burners, clay producers, transporters, smelters, casters and shapers – seem to have all but disappeared, and the capacity to output large quantities of high-quality metalwork was lost. We can detect the seeds of this in the Later Bronze Age, in the widespread evidence for insecurity manifested both in the building of major fortiications and the creation of small crannogs, with the Lough Macnean Lower crannog (Inv. 1083), possibly also the Doagh Glebe inland promontory fort (Inv. 181), showing that at least some of the inhabitants of Co. Fermanagh fell prey to the same anxieties. Metalwork In the 1st millennium BC there are indicators of the new iron technology becoming established in Ireland (summarised most recently in Dolan 2012, I, 90f). Sites such as Parksgrove 1, Co. Kilkenny (Stevens 2005), Kinnegad 2, Co. Westmeath (Murphy 2008a) and Rossan 6, Co. Meath (Murphy 2008b), produced ferrous metallurgical waste from features with radiocarbon dates of 750–260 BC, 810–420 BC and 820–780 BC respectively (ibid.). While this is indicative of early ironworking in a Late Bronze Age context, and hardly unexpected in the context of still vigorous (if declining) metalworking activity, dates in the 9th–8th centuries BC would place Ireland virtually at the forefront in the westwards-spreading adoption of the new technology in Europe (see, for example, Pleiner 2000, 23f ), and such contexts require re-evaluation. Nevertheless, a spearhead with surviving fragments of its wooden shat from the River Suck, in Correen townland, Co. Roscommon (NMNI 1988:105), has yielded a date of 900–540 BC (information kindly supplied by E.P. Kelly, National Museum of Ireland). Whether or not it was forged locally from iron smelted in Ireland, or brought in from outside, it further demonstrates acquaintance with and use of iron in a Later Bronze Age context. In stark contrast to the abundance of top-quality metalwork in the Later Bronze Age and artefacts from other materials, only a few survivals linger on into the second half of the 1st millennium BC. In terms of the Iron Age, in his corpus of Irish Iron Age antiquities, Ratery (1983) could list fewer than 900 artefacts in comparison with the thousands known from the Later Bronze Age. Only nine came from Co. Fermanagh, and ive of these came from Kiltierney (Inv. 38), four being glass beads, the ith a bronze brooch. Jope (1958) suggested that an iron spearhead from one of the Co. Fermanagh crannogs (either Drumderg or Lankill: Invs 1050 or 1074) was an import from southern England, where semi-lunate ields on either side of a ine midrib have strong parallels in the blades of some La Tène I daggers there. But convincing parallels are 126 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh more common amongst post-Roman Germanic weaponry on the continent (Scott 1977b, 314). Ratery noted also (1983, I, 185) a number of glass beads, largely unprovenanced (the Co. Fermanagh examples including Williams and Gormley 2002, 45 no. 169, 46 nos 171–175 and 177, 67 no. 359 and 73 no. 412) that might be of Iron Age origin, but with strong cautions. As dating evidence was not available at the time, his corpus did not include representatives of that long-lived form of transport, the logboat. But two, from Crevinish Bay in Lower Lough Erne and Killynure Bridge near Maguiresbridge (see below), have yielded dates spanning the Iron Age. Ratery also let it to Caulield (1977a) to record some 200 beehive querns, nine of which come from the county. Between 1983 and 2010, other pieces have come to light. hese comprise a complete iron brooch and scraps of corroded iron found with a number of small copper-alloy rivets and possible fragments of a copperalloy mirror, including a part of its copper-alloy plate-grip with traces of an enamel setting from cremation Burial 4 at Kiltierney (Foley 1988). Also of note is an iron spearbutt from the Sillees River in Killyhommon townland (Ramsey et al. 1992). Excluding the stone statue from Boa Island which was once placed in the Iron Age but is now thought to be later, and identifying that from Tonystick as modern folk art (Lanigan Wood 2004, 36), then this sparse assemblage from the county represents just around 2% of the Irish total of established Iron Age material. While the dearth of diagnostic metal artefacts across the island may be due in part to a decline in the practice of ritual deposition of objects (e.g. Waddell 2000, 286–287), an equally important factor is the susceptibility of iron to corrosion. And for the irst time since the Mesolithic, as with the rest of the island, there is no discernible ceramic tradition. Wood and leather, again highly perishable, were obviously used for containers as a substitute for pottery, as shown by the date-range of 770–360 BC, spanning the ‘dark age’, for the wooden cauldron from Clogh Bog (see above, p. 109–110), as well as similar dates obtained for other Irish wooden vessels (Earwood 1990). As in the Bronze Age, the majority of Irish Iron Age metalwork occurs in isolation, and objects are most oten datable only through typological and stylistic comparisons. Also, although most edged weapons and tools are made of iron, the great majority of non-utilitarian metal artefacts from Ireland are of copper-alloy or gold. But no Iron Age gold has yet been found in Co. Fermanagh, and there are only two complete iron artefacts of deinite chronological attribution currently known from the county, along with the fragment of mirror handle and unidentiiable iron fragments from Kiltierney. he iron rod-bow brooch from Kiltierney (Inv. 38: Fig. 29) came from a deposit that produced a radiocarbon date of 180–45 BC (UBA-13537). It is one of only two iron specimens of this type from Ireland (among some Fig. 29 Iron rod-bow brooch from Kiltierney (Inv. 38). 127 the prehistoric period ten or eleven examples), along with the brooch from Feerwore, Co. Galway (Jope 1962, 26; Ratery 1984, 145f and 151). Like the Irish copper-alloy specimens (and unlike the Feerwore example with its internal chord), the Kiltierney brooch has an external chord. Unique in being forged in iron, a spearbutt (Fig. 30) from the River Sillees at Killyhommon (Ramsey et al. 1992, 150f) is stylistically of Ratery’s Lisnacrogher Type 1a, which he dated to possibly the last century BC, while suggesting continuation into the irst two centuries AD (1984, 125). However, a recent radiocarbon determination from a fragment of wood (possibly ash) that survived in the socket produced a date of 530–380 BC (UBA-18620). In each case, the dating is signiicantly earlier than previously thought for these types. A date no later than the 4th century BC for the Killyhommon spearbutt should not excite comment. As irst pointed out by Scott (1974), such copying in iron of types designed originally in bronze is characteristic of the transition from Late Bronze Age to Iron Age in Ireland. Further examples include the iron loopedand-socketed axes from Co. Antrim and the cauldron from Drumlane, Co. Cavan (brought together in Scott 1991, 45, 48 ig. 3.2.3 and 50–52, pls 3.3.1–2 and ig. 3.3.1). Contrary to some recent suggestions (pace e.g. Carlin 2008, 108), the production and working of iron Fig. 30 The iron Raftery Type 1a spearbutt from Killyhommon. The dashed white line follows the corroded edge of the weldseam of the socket (© National Museums Northern Ireland). 128 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh was at least as complex as that of non-ferrous metals – in a number of ways more so, in particular the smelting process. hus, the shaping of the iron Kiltierney brooch required delicate use of the hammer to reduce the stock to the required thickness and ine judgement of the heat required to soten the thinneddown metal for it to be manipulated into shape, with particular care being required for the forming of the catchplate and spring. X-radiography of the corroded piece reveals that the foot return was welded to the bow, closing the foot as on the copper-alloy examples. As Ratery noted (1998, 102–103), the forging of the iron Killyhommon spearbutt is striking not only for the use of iron, but also because of the levels of skill required of the smith in its forging, quite probably using special tools. Although damaged by corrosion, the piece shows a rivet hole in the very slightly lared socket, traces of a weld seam that runs from the lip of the socket to just above the basal knop, and delicate circumferential mouldings around the lower and upper knops, comparable to those on two of the Lisnacrogher, Co. Antrim, butts (NMI 1928:324 and 325: Ratery 1983, I, 115 and II, ig. 118, 294–295). It was forged up from a single piece of stock, with the socket drawn down in the manner of a spearhead socket, and the two edges of the lat sheet produced were lapped one over the other and welded shut (cf. Scott 1991, 22, ig. 1.5.1c and f). he regularity of the components of its design shows, without doubt, the work of a skilled and experienced smith in complete control of his tools and conident in the shaping of hot iron. he Killyhommon and Kiltierney dates potentially have broader implications for the chronology of the development of the Earlier Iron Age in Ireland. At Lisnacrogher, Co. Antrim, some 14 examples of Ratery’s Type 1a butt were found (see Ratery 1982, 79–80, igs 2–4), along with examples of Types 1b and 2 (‘doorknob’) butts, iron swords, decorated copper-alloy scabbards and ferrules. Warner (1983, 161f) ofered a 3rd-century BC origin, noting the internal consistency of the material, which was quite possibly placed in its watery resting place as an ongoing series of votive oferings that Ratery (1998, 107) compared in signiicance to those at Llyn Cerrig Bach in Wales and, indeed, La Tène in Switzerland itself. More recently, Jope (2000, 30f ) suggested that it came from the armoury of a chietain and, starting in the 2nd century BC, spanned at least four generations. Ratery (1982, 78) suggested that spearbutts of his Type 1a stand at the head of a development in design that led through the more complex mouldings of his Type 1b and hence to the Type 2, the so-called ‘doorknob’ spearbutt, albeit acknowledging that this was an entirely stylistic construct with no irm chronological basis. He noted that the S-scroll decoration cast in relief on one of the Lisnacrogher Type 1a specimens (ibid. 79, ig. 3.3) bears resemblance to the northern-British ‘boss style’ of decoration of the irst centuries AD. Heald (2001) has re-assessed knobbed spearbutts, with particular emphasis on the doorknob type, and suggested on the basis of recent inds that while the evidence still favours an Irish/northern British origin, its currency spreads further south spatially and further into the irst centuries AD chronologically than previously thought. Equally, however, Killyhommon pushes back the Irish Type 1a butts chronologically since, unless it were suggested that hollow-cast bronze examples were copies of iron exemplars – something that seems very unlikely indeed – we may view them as originating perhaps as early as the later 4th century BC, thus with implications for the date-range of Lisnacrogher and for the emergence of Irish La Tène metalwork in the northern part of Ireland. he copper-alloy artefacts of the Iron Age from Co. Fermanagh comprise a broken Ratery Type B horsebit from Annashanco (Fig. 31.1), two leaf-bow brooches, one from cremation Burial 1 at Kiltierney, the other from Modeenagh (Fig. 31.2–3), a conical spearbutt of Ratery’s Type 4 from Portora (Fig. 31.4), an ornate spearhead with an octagonally facetted socket from Boho (Fig. 31.5) and a small piece of a mirror plate grip with traces of a red enamel setting and possible fragments of its plate from Burial 4 at Kiltierney (see below). he brooches are of leaf-bow type, a form considered by Jope (1962, 27) to be an insular speciality belonging to the last centuries BC (e.g. Ratery 1984, 149f), although perhaps not as early as the 3rd century BC date 129 the prehistoric period proposed by Hawkes (1982, 57). Ratery (1984, 146) drew attention to similarities in form between the Modeenagh specimen and that from Bondville, Co. Armagh, which Jope viewed as representing the folded wings of a bird or a bat (1962, 30 and 2000, I, 271) and of continental background, although the Modeenagh brooch is much more stylised and intricate in execution. he Kiltierney brooch, from a deposit with a radiocarbon date of 170 BC–AD 5 (UBA-20341) stands in direct relationship to the characteristic brooches of Navan type, and Ratery (1984, 155–156) saw it as representing an overlap in design between the leaf-bow and Navan types and again centering in date on 0 BC or a little later. his would match with his dating (ibid. 202–203) to the last centuries BC and 1st century AD of the beads from Kiltierney Burial 4 (Fig. 32). Burial 4 yielded fragments of a bronze mirror handle and plate, the handle fragment with traces of a red enamel setting coming from the point where it joined the relective plate (Fig. 33.2). Fig. 31 Co. Fermanagh Iron Age bronzes: 1 Type B horsebit, Annashanco, 2 brooch, Modeenagh, 3 brooch from Burial 1 at Kiltierney, 4 spear butt, Portora, 5 spearhead, Boho (1 and 4 after Raftery 1983, 2; 3 and 5 after Raftery 1984). 130 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 32 Glass beads from Kiltierney (Inv. 38: after Raftery 1984). he form of this piece is reminiscent of the design seen in equivalent positions on the mirrors from Old Warden in Bedfordshire and Holcombe in Dorset (Jope 2000, I, 140 and 143), while the enamel ield may be paralleled on the Old Warden mirror, also on that from Birdlip, Gloucestershire. Jope viewed bronze mirrors with decorated backs as a distinctly British creation of the last century BC (ibid. 137), and compared decorative elements of the mirror handle from Ballybogey Bog, near Ballymoney, Co. Antrim, which he saw as an import from southern Britain, with those on the Old Warden mirror and the handle of the bronze bowl from Keshcarrigan, Co. Leitrim (1954, 94). Ratery, however, suggested that an immediate origin might be further to the north, in the Yorkshire area, but pointed out that the bird heads on the Ballybogey handle have sound parallels on undoubtedly Irish pieces, and that it could be considered to have been cast in Ireland (1984, 209–210). He noted also (ibid. 156, ig. 83 and 157) the possible connection between British mirror handles such as those from Great Chesterford and Colchester, both in Essex, and Navan-style brooches. Apart from the Ballybogey mirror-handle and the Kiltierney ind, there currently is only the intrusive Lambay Island iron specimen as evidence for the use of mirrors in Iron Age Ireland. hus, while taking on board Ratery’s comments regarding Ballybogey, on morphological grounds we might well view the Kiltierney fragments as representing an import from southern Britain. It is unfortunate that the fragments of its plate are too far degraded for us to discover whether or not there originally was decoration. Garrow et al. (2009) recently obtained radiocarbon determinations for a series of deposits containing British Iron Age artefacts, including a cremation from Latchmere Green, Hampshire, which included a mirror in the deposit. he burial (Fulford and Creighton 1998) yielded dates with a range of 360–110 BC (OxA-17287 and OxA-18355: Garrow et al. 2009, 88, table 2), against an expected date in the mid-1st century BC on the basis of associated artefacts. While the excavators suggested that a fraction of the bone might represent 131 the prehistoric period Fig. 33 Iron Age mirror handles and parallel: 1 handle from Holcombe, Dorset, 2 handle fragment with enamelled setting from Kiltierney (Inv. 38), 3 handle from Old Warden, Bedfordshire, (4) Navan-style brooch from Somerset, Co. Galway (1 and 3 after Jope 2000; 4 after Raftery 1984; 2 © NIEA). curated remains (Fulford and Creighton 1998, 339), it is not impossible that all of the human remains are contemporary and that it is the mirror, with its simple, two-looped handle with horn-like extensions, that was an heirloom. he Kiltierney date could strengthen argument for the Latchmere and other decorated British mirrors beginning before the end of the 2nd century BC. In turn, this would have implications for the genesis of Irish Navan-style brooches, potentially pushing them back into the 1st century BC. Excavations at Kiltierney did not elucidate the connections (or lack thereof) between the burial assemblages, as the dates are broadly similar. However, the iron rod-bow brooch clearly was made by a cratsman with a copper-alloy examplar, if not in his view then in his mind’s eye. If the mirror was an import, then could not also the brooch have been brought from Britain to Ireland? his is certainly one possibility, since iron versions of British copper-alloy brooches of La Tène I onwards were being produced there (e.g. Hull and Hawkes 1987, 72f ). However, since there clearly were skilled ironworkers operating regularly in Ireland by at least the 4th century BC, it is not necessary to invoke import to explain the Kiltierney specimen. hat being the case, we might see the brooch as having been forged to copy a local copper-alloy model, since the external chord (unlike the Feerwore specimen) and lattened bow match those non-ferrous Irish examples known (Ratery 1984, 149). Hawkes (1982, 53) ofered a date in the 3rd century BC for the introduction of the lattened-bow model to Ireland, much earlier than Jope (1962; more recently 2000, I, 151) – who wrote 132 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh of Irish brooches that ‘None of them seem to have been made before the 1st century B.C.’ – would have accepted. Ratery (1984, 149f) was more lexible on Hawkes’ chronology, suggesting that ‘...conirmation of such an early dating must await the discovery of signiicantly associated examples’. here are no Iron Age swords or scabbards known from Co. Fermanagh, with the only martial inds being of a spearhead and spearbutt (see also above). he bronze spearhead from Boho is a most elegant piece. With its octagonally facetted socket (almost unique in Ireland) and step-and-circle decoration both on the socket and in the rhomboid ield bisected by the midrib, it is a ine example of the crat of the bronzesmith. Although impossible to date with any precision, the decoration on the socket resembles that found on a possible harness loop provenanced only to the ‘north of Ireland – possibly the River Bann’ (Ratery 1983, I, 277, no. 858), and its angular, ‘stepped’ form along with that on the blade invites comparison with the decoration on the socket of the Corroin, Co. Clare spearhead, on ferrules from Lisnacrogher, Co. Antrim (e.g. Ratery 1984, 109, ig. 58 and 110, ig. 59), and on the base of the decorated stone from Turoe, Co. Galway. While it is a splendidly decorative weapon that would have marked out its owner, like its inely shaped predecessors of the Later Bronze Age, it is also a killing weapon capable of inlicting signiicant penetrative trauma. A recent ind from the River Blackwater at Moy, Co. Tyrone, coupled with another ferrule (Bourke and Crone 1993, 111, ig. 2 no. 1 and 112, ig. 3 no. 6), has a similar form, although the facetting of the octagonal socket is deined less well, and the rhomboid ield has piercings. he conical spearbutt from Portora is of a type that currently is undated, beyond the fact that it does not occur in either the Late Bronze Age or the Early Christian period. While admitted by Ratery into his Iron Age corpus, its chronological position is unclear and the only other point of note is that the majority of this type come from rivers, notably at locations of fords (ibid. 128–129). he horsebit from Annashanco, from the commonest class in Ireland and likely to date to the last century BC, reminds us that one of the things that we do know about Iron Age people in Ireland is that they included horse riders. But although Ireland as a whole has produced over 130 examples, this is the only representative from Co. Fermanagh, perhaps indicative of the relative importance there of horseriding as opposed to boat travel. Iron Age Communities We have so far concentrated on metalwork and ornament in the form of brooches, as these inds are the most immediately recognisable of Iron Age relicts, and the associated radiocarbon dates have provided a new perspective on this period, not just in the county, but wider aield. he various pieces form one strand of evidence that demonstrates that Co. Fermanagh was not a deserted wasteland during this obscure period. It shows us that at least some people here may have worn clothing fastened with brooches, adorned themselves with beads and admired themselves in hand mirrors, rode horses and indulged in martial activities. But as with other areas, what we are seeing is the property of those with the means to acquire conspicuously highquality artefacts, since archaeology usually only represents the prominent. So what of the broader population? While occupation site evidence is slight in the extreme, and we have but a few burials, there is good evidence for the existence of groups capable of directed, communal efort. And given that some of this involved hard physical labour – mining of ores, metal-production, erection of substantial earthworks and building of logboats – we may infer also that they were suiciently well-nourished through eicient production of food. Beehive querns We know that grain was still being consumed, since there are nine representatives from the county of the beehive quern (6 upper stones, 3 lower) used for grinding cereals (Caulield 1977a, 131f ). Unfortunately, we have no petrological information, so that we have no guide as to where the rocks from which they 133 the prehistoric period were manufactured originated – local outcrops or glacial drit, or brought in from further aield. But it seems a reasonable inference that some at least were produced in the county, and this in turn implies cratsmen with the skill to select suitable stone and to process it to the required shape. One unfortunately unlocalised and broken specimen (FCM 1978_106) is decorated with a deep groove around the opening of the hopper, from which close-spaced lines radiate downwards (Fig. 34). his is close in design to the decoration on one provenanced only to the ‘Antrim/Derry border’ (NMNI A26477: Griiths 1951, 51 and pl. 6.6), and on another from Pepperstown, Co. Louth (Caulield 1977b). his simple pattern is not amenable to dating other than to the broad Iron Age date-range for beehive querns (Caulield 1977a, 124–125), but it does indicate that in Iron Age Co. Fermanagh there were workers in stone who could produce artefacts that were both functional and decorative, and this in turn implies a local infrastructure capable of supporting them. While such decoration could equally have been produced using stone or copperalloy tools, it seems not unlikely that they were of iron, again indicating the presence somewhere in the region of iron-producers. Fig. 34 Decorated upper stone of a beehive quern from ‘Co. Fermanagh’ (© Fermanagh County Museum). 134 Logboats As we see throughout this volume, the landscape of Co. Fermanagh is dominated by lakes and rivers, and while horse-riding or horse-drawn vehicles would have been one form of transport, by far the more important is likely to have been water-borne. We have no evidence for skin-covered vessels, but instead there are signiicant survivals of the logboat, or cot, fashioned from a single tree-trunk. he two largest examples in the north of Ireland – amongst the largest in the British Isles – come from Crevinish Bay in Lower Lough Erne (Fig. 35: Fry 2000, 77–78, nos 49 and 50), and one (no. 49) yielded a radiocarbon date of 0–AD 340 (HAR1969). A fragmentary logboat from Killynure Bridge near Maguiresbridge (ibid. 119, no. 115) gave a dendrochronological date of 429±9 BC (Q-9556-M). Both of the Crevinish logboats are the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 35 Logboats from Lower Lough Erne at Crevinish, (after Fry 2000). over 10m in length (no. 49 at 10.5m and no. 50 at 16.15m), while the fragmentary remains of a third (ibid. 79, no. 51) from the same location measured 8.5m; all were made from oak. Crevinish no. 49 is likely to have had a removable mast, and both it and no. 50 had transverse ridges spaced along their lengths. Fry (ibid. 78) estimated that if no. 49 had had a side of 50cm average height, it would have been capable of transporting a load of some 1 tonne with a freeboard of 25%, a not insigniicant capacity. Given their close proximity when found, it is not unlikely that all three of the Crevinish boats are of similar date and, along with the Killynure Bridge specimen, they represent much investment in time and efort throughout the Iron Age (Plate 42). It is not only the efort of making the logboat, but also the selection of the right tree, its felling, shaping and transport to the desired location that has to be taken into account. In addition, there would have been a need to procure the relevant tools – both of metal and wood – probably also ropes and smaller logs to be used as rollers. his implies a community capable of organising itself to do the heavy work of felling and dressing the tree and manoeuvring it while it was being worked, and getting the inished boat to the 135 the prehistoric period water. Experimental reconstructions have shown that the level of skill, itness and motivation of the building team would have been important, since the early stages of the work are almost as heavy as breaking stone using hand-tools, so rest days and/or a large rotating work force are a given (Damian Goodburn pers. comm. 2011). he 10.5m oak trunk of Crevinish no. 49, with its diameter of some 1m would have weighed around 9 tonnes, a considerable mass which, when hollowed out, would have reduced to somewhere in the region of 1.8–2 tonnes. he number of man-hours required for such an undertaking is diicult to gauge with any degree of accuracy, although the work of experimental reconstruction work of the Carpow, Perth and Kinross (Goodburn 2010) and Hasholme, Yorkshire (Millett and McGrail 1987) boats shows that it would have been signiicant. Millet and McGrail (ibid. 131) ofered an approximation of 70–80 man days to produce the 12.78m Hasholme boat, while Goodburn (2010, 113) suggested that a team of 10 would have completed the main stages of forming the c. 11m Carpow boat in around 3 weeks, with a smaller team then doing the ine inishing. But Plate 42 Logboat found at Crevinish being lifted for felling a suitable tree, dressing it, and rolling the conservation in 1975. half-worked trunk weighing perhaps 3–4 tonnes once the main work on the underside was done, further manipulation to expose new working areas and, inally, transport to the water when the work was complete would have required upwards of 10–12 persons at any one time. We have no way of gauging the survival rates of such boats at any period, but if the estimate of a working life of 25–30 years is in any way accurate, we can glimpse from the Crevinish and Killynure Bridge boats, a continuity of communities making and using these crat in Co. Fermanagh throughout prehistory, including the whole of the Iron Age. Linear earthworks If logboats are evidence of group efort, then a wider community was surely involved in constructing the linear earthworks extending across Lislea and Mullynavannoge townlands in south-eastern Fermanagh (Invs 259 and 260). hese two genuinely impressive stretches, totalling well over 1km in length, are amongst a large group of broadly similar Irish earthworks, to many of which – including in Co. Fermanagh – locals have given the folk name ‘he Black Pig’s Dyke’. hese earthworks usually consist of massive linear banks or ditches, and oten a combination of the two. Although the extant stretches of the Co. Fermanagh earthworks are not conjoined, and may never have been, their form and co-axial north-south alignment suggests they almost certainly formed part of a single network of related earthworks, if not phase of construction. Exploiting a natural ridge feature in places, the earthwork can reach some 6m high and is over 50m across at its base. Although no excavation has yet been carried out on these monuments, there are good parallels 136 the prehistoric archaeology of county fermanagh Fig. 36 LiDAR image of the ‘The Black Pig’s Dyke’ (Invs 259 and 260) created in 2012. 137 the prehistoric period in those of Co. Armagh, particularly the Dorsy and Tullynavall sections, which have yielded radiocarbon and dendrochronological dates of c. 400 BC–AD 80 (Neill 2009, 153f, esp. 167–170), and Agharea West, near Scotshouse in Co. Monaghan, where a date-range of c. 520–40 BC was obtained (Walsh 1987). Excavations at the Dorsy, Co. Armagh, produced evidence of substantial work in the form of a major bank and ditch and of a palisade of oak, with both radiocarbon and dendrochronological dates pointing to construction in the period between c. 200 BC and AD 100 (Lynn 1992). Further palisades were uncovered by Hurl et al. (2004, 47), and material from these yielded dates from 400–10 BC. Similar evidence was unearthed from a section of the ‘Black Pig’s Dyke’ at Scotstown, Co. Monaghan (Walsh 1987). he earthwork in Lislea townland (Inv. 259) is made up of four sections with an overall length of some 700m, following roughly the course of the River Finn. he Lislea/Mullynavannoge section (Inv. 260) has been constructed around the base of a drumlin, and totals some 350m in length. he construction of the earthwork varies along its length. In stretches, it consists of a massive ditch cut into the base of a drumlin, with the material dug from the ditch used to create a formidable bank immediately downslope from the ditch and running parallel to it. In other places it appears only as a bank with no apparent ditch while, for much of its course in the northern Lislea section (Inv. 259) it appears that a largely unmodiied natural ridge has been utilised to represent the line of the dyke, with relatively small artiicial additions of the characteristic linear ditch and bank arrangement being used to augment the ridge at its northern end. he basic morphology (see pp 298–301) indicates that the Co. Fermanagh examples are of the same general date and construction as the other great linear earthworks, suggesting that we have further evidence not only of a substantial efort on the part of the local inhabitants, but also of a hierarchical structure capable of ordaining and organising it in the Iron Age. 138 Bibliography All internet sources cited are correct as of 1 May, 2014. A. Clon. = Murphy, D. ed. 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