SPUDASMATA 149
SPUDASMATA
Studien zur Klassischen Philologie und ihren Grenzgebieten
Begründet von Hildebrecht Hommel und Ernst Zinn
Herausgegeben von Gottfried Kiefner und Ulrich Köpf
Band 149
EDIPO CLASSICO E CONTEMPORANEO
2012
GEORG OLMS VERLAG HILDESHEIM · ZÜRICH · NEW YORK
EDIPO CLASSICO E CONTEMPORANEO
a cura di
Francesco Citti, Alessandro Iannucci
2012
GEORG OLMS VERLAG HILDESHEIM · ZÜRICH · NEW YORK
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INDICE
Francesco Citti – Alessandro Iannucci, Edipo classico
e contemporaneo: i piedi, la Singe e i dubbi del re ....................... vii
Frederick Ahl, Coping with the canonical Oedipus .............................. 1
Guido Avezzù, Commiato da Edipo e da Sofocle .................................. 31
Federico Condello, Edipo senza incesto o come le riscritture inluenzano la critica .................................................................. 47
Lowell Edmunds, he edict of Oedipus (Soph. OT 216-275) ............... 63
Rita Degl’innocenti Pierini, Scenari romani per un mito
greco: l’Oedipus di Seneca .................................................................. 89
Paolo Mantovanelli, L’Edipo di Seneca, una tragedia
‘moderna’ ............................................................................................ 115
Gianni Guastella, «Come cangia fortuna ordine et stile»:
Edipo re nel teatro italiano del Cinquecento ................................. 137
Antonio Ziosi, he Senecan curse and the «discontents» of
the English Oedipus ........................................................................... 165
Maria Paola Funaioli, Edipo nel teatro francese del Setecento ...................................................................................................... 179
Giorgio Ieranò, Tra erotismo e misticismo: Œdipe et le
Sphinx di Joséphin Péladan .............................................................. 195
Martina Treu, Tragicomic Oedipus ...................................................... 219
Gian Luca Tusini, Metamorfosi di Edipo nell’arte igurativa
tra Oto e Novecento .......................................................................... 235
Sebastiana Nobili, Pirandello e Gide: variazioni su Edipo .............. 263
vi
Indice
Andrés Pociña, Visiones de Edipo en el teatro español de
Posguerra .............................................................................................
Marco Antonio Bazzocchi, Pasolini, Edipo e la parte nascosta del mito .....................................................................................
Roberto Mario Danese, Edipo al Funerale delle rose: l’Edipo
re di Sofocle nel cinema di Toshio Matsumoto ..............................
Giacomo Manzoli, Celluloide e vegetali: appunti sulla rappresentazione cinematograica di Edipo e il suo complesso .........
Andrea Rodighiero, La promessa del sangue: motivi edipici
in Incendies di Wajdi Mouawad .......................................................
Edoardo Sanguineti, Due interventi su: «Riscrivere, rappresentare Edipo» ...............................................................................
Abbreviazioni bibliograihe ....................................................................
Indice analitico ............................................................................................
281
301
309
343
359
385
393
427
Antonio Ziosi
THE SENECAN CURSE
AND THE «DISCONTENTS» OF THE ENGLISH OEDIPUS
Who stains my Bed with Incest? Oedipus:
For whom then are you curst, but Oedipus!1
he history of the English reception of Oedipus is perhaps more the
story of an oten mysteriously empty stage. Unlike the many Frenh Oedipuses2, or their Italian counterparts – rarer but fundamental for the history of modern Tragedy3 – the English Oedipus, both in translations and
in new plays, fails to take part in the great Renaissance of European drama as a leading haracter and, at least for long periods of time, remains
hidden behind the curtains. Of course English Literature, and the British
stage, have had a conspicuous share of the postFreudian «Oedipemic»4
spree; three outstanding names will suice5: William Butler Yeats (Sophocles’ King Oedipus)6, Ted Hughes (he Oedipus of Seneca)7 and Steven
Dryden — Lee, Oedipus III, sc. 1, ll. 369370, quoted here and henceforth from Novak 1984.
Edmunds 2006, 96 counts seventeen Frenh tragedies of Oedipus in the 18th Century; cf.
also Hall — Macintosh 2005, 215242, Boyle 2011, xcvi and Funaioli, infra, 180 f.
3
E.g. Orsato Giustiniani’s translation of Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus whih opened
Palladio’s newly built Teatro Olimpico in Vicenza in 1585, with music by Andrea Gabrie
li; see Guastella, supra, 159 and n. 73, Dawe 1996, 131.
4
Edmunds 2006, 116117, who alludes in his turn to Gide’s «une veritable Œdipémie»,
cited by Cocteau: see also Boyle 2011, cx.
5
For a rather complete list of 20th century works on Oedipus (plays, translations, operas,
ilms and art) see Boyle 2011, cix-cxvi and Edmunds 1991; for a valuable analysis of selected Oedipuses (from Sophocles to the 20th century), see Paduano 1994.
6
Planned for about half a century and inally produced in 1928; cf. Paduano 1994, 12 n. 22.
7
Whih stands out as one of the most interesting English adaptations of Seneca’s texts
in the 20th century. Writen for Peter Brook’s 1968 production, it was irst staged at the
London National heatre and featured Sir John Gielgud as Oedipus, Irene Worth as Jocasta, Colin Blakeley as Creon; the hoice of Seneca’s version was thus explained by
Hughes in his preface to the ‘adaptation’: «Our guiding idea from the start was to make
1
2
166
A. Ziosi
Berkof (Greek and Oedipus)8, with the addition of Francis Bacon, if one
considers the history of art9.
But what happens between the 16th and the 20th century is nevertheless rather singular; the more so if one considers how English tragedy
has contributed to the redeinition of the dramatic genre, at the beginning of suh a spell, and how the Classical Tradition has inluenced this
process. Of the two more plausible reasons one is certainly more simplistic: from, at least, the end of the 18th century, Oedipus yielded to a
bowdlerised judgement of taste, if not to a proper cultural censorship.
In 1808 Walter Scot, praising Dryden and Lee’s plot (over Sophocles’
Oedipus at Colonus) but de facto ratifying its damnation, lamented that
«distress, whih turns upon the involutions of unnatural or incestuous
passion, carries with it something too disgusting for the sympathy of a
reined age»10. he cultural prejudice even became law as Oedipus was
exiled from the British stage from the end of the century up to 1910: thus
the Lord Chamberlain (and his Examiner of Plays) banned a production of Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus as «it was impossible to put on the
stage in England a play dealing with incest»11.
he other reason is perhaps more complicated and, literarily, far
more interesting; prior in time, it is rooted in the founding statutes of
a text that would release whatever force this situation still has, with the minimum of interference from surface detail in word, plot or movement. Sophocles’ version would not
have served the special purposes of this production nearly so well as Seneca’s, whih is
less a play than a series of epic descriptions connected by artiicial and at times rudimentary dialogue. It is easier to see the form of the Seneca as that of the ritualised account of
a sacred event», Hughes 1968, 325. Hughes’ statement that «the text comes closely out
of the original, with muh deletion, litle addition» (ibid.) is, of course, a provocation,
as the play, inluenced by Artaud’s theatre, is highly original and the versiication intentionally alienating. See also Citi — Neri 2001, 84; 129131 with further bibliography;
Boyle 2011, cxiv and Talbot 2009.
8
Greek, whih premiered at the Half Moon heatre in London on 11 February 1980, in
a production directed by the author, is a clever rewriting (somewhere between Dikens
and Cocteau) of Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus set in London’s East End in the postmodern Wasteland of Margaret hather’s Britain; see Paduano 1994, 239242. he expressionistic Oedipus (still from Sophocles, but with some Senecan features) was published
in 2000 and irst performed in 2008; see Boyle 2001, cxii-cxiii.
9
With his Oedipus, 1979 and Oedipus and the Sphinx ater Ingres, 1983; see Treu, infra,
230 f., Tusini, infra, 249250 and Fig. 10 p. 260.
10
Scot 1808, 121, see also Hall — Macintosh 2005, 242.
11
Leter from Douglas Dawson to Sir Edward Carson, 11 November 1910, quoted in
Hall — Macintosh 2005, 6 and see also ibid. 528534.
he Senecan curse and the «discontents» of the English Oedipus
167
modern English drama. It is well known that Aristotle’s Poetics and,
above all, the theoretical debate on the tragic forms that sprung from
its reading crossed the Channel at least a century ater its Italian (and
Frenh) reception12. hat obviously implies a considerable delay in the
reception of Sophocles’ Oedipus too as a model for tragic structures. But
it is also well known how important Seneca’s tragedies were in the ‘renaissance’ of 16th century English tragedy13; and yet – and this might seem
a paradox at irst – in spite of the presence of an Oedipus tragedy in
the muh revered Senecan corpus, there are very few traces of ‘English
Oedipuses’ in the Renaissance. As if he were victim of one of the many
Senecan ghosts haunting the Elizabethan playhouses, Oedipus seems to
sufer from a curious curse: Seneca’s Oedipus is not what ‘it should be’
at irst glance; it is not a Senecan play. At least for what ‘Senecan’ meant
from Sakville and Norton, and Kyd, up to Marston. here is a ghost,
but there is no unrestrained overreahing avenging villain: Oedipus is a
tragedy of doubt and fear, not a revenge tragedy of fury. Or, as a paradox, Oedipus is not Atreus or Medea14; and his tragic guilt is imperfect
by Renaissance standards15. And this curse, in some respects, ehoes up
to Ted Hughes’ Oedipus. Subsequently, in spite of the «profundity and
complexity of the Senecan reception»16 and of the proven (or unproven)
‘inluences’ of Seneca’s Oedipus on contemporary playwrights17, the 16th
century only registers a couple of university productions of plays of
Oedipus (one at Trinity College, Cambridge in 15591561, the other, a
Latin playlet writen by William Gager, at Christ Churh, Oxford, in
1578)18, a play by George Gascoigne (Jocasta, 15661567 ca., actually a
See e.g. Tigerstedt 1968; and for the disproportion between the critical reception of Sophocles
(via Aristotle) and his theatrical Nahleben see Guastella supra, 154155, and Lurje 2004.
13
he relevant bibliography is, of course, huge and the debate on Seneca’s ‘real’ inluence has been heated at least since Cunlife 1893. See Jacquot 1964; an excellent account
on the mater is given in Guastella 2001, 155208.
14
Cf. infra and also Guastella, supra, 146 and 161. On Medea and Atreus as sheer examples
of Renaissance ‘Senecan Fury and Revenge’, cf. Guastella 2001, 29 and Braden, 1985, 57.
15
On that see Lurje 2004, 92127 and also 150160.
16
Boyle 2011, xcv.
17
Notably, Kyd (he Spanish Tragedy, 1587), Hughes (he Misfortunes of Arthur, 1588)
Shakespeare (3 Henry VI, 1591; A Midsummer Night’s Dream, 1596; Hamlet, 1601?; Macbeth, 1601), Marston (Antonio and Mellida, 15991600), Jonson (Sejanus, 1603); Chapman
(Conspiracy and Tragedy of Charles Duke of Byron, 1608); see Boyle 2011, cxvi.
18
Boas 1914, 389 and Hall — Macintosh 2005, 8.
12
168
A. Ziosi
translation from Lodovico Dolce’s Giocasta) and Alexander Neville’s
1560 translation of Seneca’s Oedipus, then collected by homas Newton in the famous Seneca, his Tenne Tragedies Translated into Englysh
(1581)19. It is also very revealing that Neville’s Oedipus is further deprived of his ‘Senecan’ traits and, with a new horus at the end of Act
3, he is brought nearer to the other main tradition that fertilises English
Renaissance tragedy: the exempla of Fall from Grace of medieval (and
Boethian) descent, epitomised in the complaints of the very inluential
Mirrour for Magistrates20.
An outstanding isolated exception in this long empty story is Oedipus by John Dryden – the great 17th century poet, literary critic and
dramatist, almost a byword for Restoration England, Poet Laureate from
1667, and, once ‘fallen from grace’, the great translator of Virgil (1697),
Ovid and other Latin classics – and Nathaniel Lee – a playwright, known
for his 1677 blank verse tragedy he Rival ueens, or the Death of Alexander the Great, who ended his days in Bedlam hospital21. his acclaimed and highly successful play, irst performed at the Dorset Garden
heatre in London by the Duke’s company22 in 1678, illed the theatres
for over a hundred years23 before it sank into oblivion: «as the [19th] century moved into the age of Garrik and sensibility, Oedipus, like most of
Dryden’s plays slipped out of repertory»24, a ‘sensibility’ that, as clearly
seen in Walter Scot’s words above, proved lethal for a play handling a
theme like incest. he rest is (almost) silence.
On the contemporary role of this collection and T.S. Eliot’s modern appraisal see
Guastella 2001, 176183.
20
Again, see Guastella 2001, 165192, in particular 177182; on the relationship between‘Seneca in Elizabethan translation’ and the Mirrour for Magistrates see Hunter 1974, 187190.
21
On the joint authorship see Novak 1984, 448: «Dryden appears to have been the dominant partner in the collaboration» and Sestito 2008, 17.
22
homas Beterton, «the greatest actor between Burbage and Garrik» (Novak 1984,
444), played Oedipus, his wife Mary Beterton was Jocasta and the subplot had the same
cast as the 1673 production of Macbeth: William Smith as Adrastus (Banquo), Mary Lee
as Eurydice and the actor specialised in Shakespearean ‘villains’ Samuel Sandford as
Creon (formerly Hecate). As known, Charles II’s Restoration had brought a revolution
in the English reopened theatres: women were allowed to take the stage as actresses and
the new plays tended to exploit the new feature.
23
For the date of the production and the history of the performances, see Novak 1984,
441448; Summers 1968, 346350; Hall — Macintosh 2005, 1 and 17.
24
Novak 1984, 447; see also Hall — Macintosh 2005, 6.
19
he Senecan curse and the «discontents» of the English Oedipus
169
But besides atoning for a delay of more than a century in bringing
Oedipus as a tragic hero bak to the fore, this play, whih has not received
muh critical atention, is notable for its surprising modernity and intertextual rihness. Aware of the contemporary continental debate on drama
and, at the same time, inextricably rooted in the English tradition (Elizabethan and Jacobean), it also forebodes – perhaps more than any other
preFreudian tragedy of Oedipus – many of the ‘discontents’ of its 20th (and
21st) century counterparts. And this can only happen because of a luky
circumstance: this play has to face and remove the spell that had banished
Oedipus from the English stage in the Renaissance. In a nutshell, it needs
Sophocles; but it also needs Seneca ‘more’. And certainly a more Elizabethan Seneca. But this was not a simple operation, nor was it expected in
the mid17th century. As if to say, paradoxically, that the Restoration (and
the return of the Court from France) inally allowed Sophocles (and ‘classical’ tragedy) to take the stage in England, with the subsequent lourishing
of «Heroic Drama», imbued by Frenh neoclassical theorisation. he contemporary debate on Aristotle’s Poetics (as interpreted in Italy and France)
and on Frenh contemporary drama versus the previous English tradition
is best exempliied by Dryden’s own Essay of Dramatik Poesie (1668). But
again, rather paradoxically, in order to write a ‘classical’ tragedy explicitly
based on ‘Aristotle’s’ Sophocles, Dryden (and Lee) must resort to what, in
the Essay, is condemned by Lisideius (the advocate of ‘modern’ Frenh
dramatic poetry): i.e. Shakespeare and the 16th and early 17th century English dramatic tradition. A pivotal point in Dryden’s dramatic evolution
that leads to Oedipus (and just a year before it) is represented, in fact, by
his ‘return to Shakespeare’ with All for Love; or he World Well Lost (1677):
an overt ‘imitation’ of Antony and Cleopatra that somehow conirms the
disavowal of heroic drama. he reconcilement is also stylistic (and paralleled, nay preceded by Lee’s he Rival ueens in the same year)25 as All
for Love abandons the rhymed heroic verse in favour of the Elizabethan
blank verse. In conclusion, to follow the previous Senecan metaphor, it is
only through Shakespeare that ‘Medea’ and ‘Atreus’ can enter Sophocles’
play, thus enabling the birth of an English Oedipus.
his is perhaps the tragic genius of this play; and, accordingly, it could
not be confessed. he allimportant authors’ Preface to the play (added to
25
See Sestito 2008, 19.
170
A. Ziosi
the published text in 1679) aknowledges, in the irst place, the debts to the
Frenh contemporary tradition, and in particular to Corneille’s œdipe for
the need of a romantic subplot – though Corneille’s «underplot» of heseus and Dirce is criticised for overshadowing the main plot: Dryden and
Lee’s great literary innovation in that respect is the fact that the «Adrastus,
Eurydice, and Creon» story mirrors the main tragic plot26. In the second
place, a profession of adherence to Sophocles’ text is made: «Sophocles
indeed is admirable everywhere and we therefore have followed him as
close as possibly we cou’d» – and the contemporary audience seemed
to be fully convinced of the almost total identiication with Sophocles’
Oedipus, of whih this was perceived as the true ‘English’ version27. And
thirdly, we ind a reticent confession regarding Seneca, condemned for his
rhetoric and, admitedly, exploited only for a very ‘Senecan’ reason28:
Seneca on the other side, as if there were suh thing as Nature to be
minded in a Play, is always running ater pompous expression, pointed
sentences, and Philosophical notions, more proper for the Study than
the Stage: he Frenh-man follow’d a wrong scent; and the Roman was
absolutely at cold Hunting. All we cou’d gather out of Corneille, was,
that an Episode must be, but not his way: and Seneca supply’d us with
no new hint, but only a Revelation whih he makes of his Tiresias raising
the Ghost of Lajus: whih is here perform’d in view of the Audience; the
Rites and Ceremonies so far his, as he agreed with Antiquity, and the
Religion of the Greeks.
But the Preface is guiltily silent on Shakespeare. What I seek to demonstrate, with the following cursory examples, is, as hinted above, precisely this process: what fertilises this allegedly Sophoclean Oedipus is a
muh more penetrating presence of Seneca than actually declared, both
via many more direct (but silenced) allusions to Seneca’s Oedipus29, and,
on the other hand, through the ‘Senecan devices’ that the Elizabethan
tradition could furnish30. And, furthermore, that this fundamental re
See Paduano 1994, 273.
Hall — Macintosh 2005, 5.
28
For the ‘mannerist’ use of these features in Renaissance drama see the classic Dahinten 1958.
29
For a rather detailed list of many ‘hidden’ Senecan aspects see Boyle 2011, ci-cii.
30
On the ‘secondhand’ Seneca, see the T.S. Eliot’s famous verdict: «by the time that he Spanish Tragedy and the old Hamlet had made their success, the English playwright was under the
inluence of Seneca by being under the inluence of his own predecessors», Eliot 1934, 7778.
26
27
he Senecan curse and the «discontents» of the English Oedipus
171
reading of Sophocles’Oedipus sheds light on the modernity (and on the
identity) of the «English Oedipus».
First, Atreus, or the villain in the subplot. Scene I, 1.104187 depicts
a deformed and hunhbaked Creon (who concocts a plan to oust Oedipus from hebes) seducing Eurydice, who resists him:
Cre. Why, doubt you I’m a man?
Eur. ’Tis well you tell me so; I should mistake you
For any other part o’th’ whole Creation,
Rather than think you man. Hence from my sight,
hou poyson to my eyes!
Cre. ’Twas you irst poison’d mine; and yet, methinks,
My face and person shou’d not make you sport.
Eur. You force me, by your importunities,
To shew you what you are.
Cre. A prince, who loves you;
And, since your pride provokes me, worth your love.
Ev’n at its highest value.
Eur. Love from thee!
Why love renounc’d thee ere thou saw’st the light;
Nature herself start bak when thou wert born,
And cryed, he work’s not mine―
he Midwife stood aghast; and when she saw
hy Mountain bak and thy distorted legs,
hy face it self;
Halfminted with the Royal stamp of man,
And half o’recome with beast, stood doubting long,
Whose right in thee were more;
And knew not, if to burn thee in the lames
Were not the holier work.
Cre. Am I to blame, if Nature threw my body
In so perverse a mould? yet when she cast
Her envious hand upon my supple joints,
Unable to resist, and rumpled ’em
On heaps in their dark lodging, to revenge
Her bungled work, she stampt my mind more fair;
And as from Chaos, huddled and deform’d,
he god struk ire, and lighted up the Lamps
hat beautify the sky, so he inform’d
his illshap’d body with a daring soul:
And, making less than man, he made me more.
Eur. No; thou art all one errour, soul and body;
he irst young tryal of some unskill’d Pow’r;
Rude in the making Art, and Ape of Jove.
hy crooked mind within hunh’d out thy bak,
And wander’d in thy limbs. To thy own kind
172
A. Ziosi
Make love, if thou canst ind it in the world:
And seek not from our Sex to raise an ofspring,
Whih, mingled with the rest, would tempt the Gods,
To cut of human Kind (I, sc. 1.126164).
As can be grasped from this excerpt, the whole of the scene is pa
tently modelled on Shakespeare’s memorable seduction scene in Rihard
III I, sc. 2, where Gloucester woos (here successfully) Lady Anne31. And
the criminal «discontent» of the sheming villain – possibly the cruellest, goriest and most metaliterary ‘Senecan’ hero in the whole of the
Elizabethan theatre32 – provides a powerful Senecan insertion (that ills
in a ‘Senecan lacuna’) in Oedipus’ plot. But the allusion to Rihard III
also reactivates a rather Oedipal situation (that Steven Berkof’s Greek
does not fail to stress)33: Gloucester marries Anne just ater killing her
husband. Furthermore, since the subplot ominously mirrors the main
one, Oedipus’ objection to Creon’s desire for his niece Eurydice is its
«incestuous» nature. Other similar mirroring efects involve, for example, Tiresias, who is always led by his daughter Manto (another Senecan
trait): yet the two of them form another parenthild couple that ‘symmetrically’ recalls the two protagonists34.
he description of the Plague in I, sc. 1 and in the initial stage direction («he Curtain rises to a plaintive Tune, representing the present
condition of hebes; Dead Bodies appear at a distance in the Streets;
Some faintly go over the Stage, others drop») is another powerful connection with Seneca: it owes muh to Oedipus’ prologue (152 and also
the horus at 111205) both for the textual parallels and the astronomical
(Titan dubius l. 1 and I, sc. 1.7 «the Sun’s sik too») and cosmological periphrases, and also for the general gory tone35. As in Seneca, the
plague also has a Ringkomposition efect on the play: there its Lucretian
polymorphic personiications (Violenta Fata et horridus Morbi tremor, /
Maciesque et atra Pestis et rabidus Dolor, / mecum ite, mecum. Ducibus
Novak 1984, 445: «the haracter of Creon is plainly derived from that of Rihard III,
and just as plainly was drawn with Sandford in mind»; see also ibid. commentary notes
to I, sc. 1.103177; 145155; 213216; III, sc. 1.107108.
32
See, e.g. Miola 1992, 6892; on Senecan metaliterary heroes: Shiesaro 2003.
33
See Paduano 1994, 240.
34
Sestito 2008, 22. For the political implication of this incest, see infra.
35
Cf. also Boyle 2011, ci-cii.
31
he Senecan curse and the «discontents» of the English Oedipus
173
his uti libet, 10591061) lead Oedipus into exile; in Dryden and Lee’s play,
Oedipus’ corpse on the ground at the end reenacts the opening scene:
«hunder. He lings himself from the Window: he hebans gather about
his body». he protagonists’ end, moreover, is also very Senecan: Oedipus blinds himself as in Seneca (and Corneille) with his own «impious
hands» V, sc. 1.69 and not as in Sophocles with Jocasta’s broohes (while
Jocasta claims innocence for both of them blaming a very Senecan Fate36:
V, sc. 1.21720). Oedipus then dies hurling himself from a tower (reminiscent of Astyanax in Troades) ater a dying speeh, Elizabethan and
Jacobean in tone: «By all my woes, / She has outdone me, in Revenge
and Murder» V, sc. 1.444445. He addresses his forefathers as «Tyrants»
(449) and closes in cosmological and astronomical terms, «wing’d by
horrid Fate» (459). And with Jocasta’s death – in one of the most striking
innovations in the play – Medea too enters the plot. In V, sc. 1.412 the
queen comes bak to the stage «furious mad» ater having buthered all
her hildren: «Scene draws, and discovers Jocasta held by her women,
and stabbed in many places of her Bosom, her Hair dishevelled, her Children slain upon the Bed» (S.D. to V, sc. 1.412), and in Haemon’s rhesis to
Oedipus: «the ueen her self, and all your wrethed Ofspring, / Are by
her Fury slain» V, sc. 1.441442. To seal her Senecan status, Jocasta kills
herself as in Seneca with Oedipus’ sword (and not by hanging, like in
Sophocles), thus reenacting a phallic incest37.
he Plague, however, has further political implications and rather
immediate connections with English contemporary history. In Seneca,
Oedipus’ initial monologue hinges on the relationship between disease
and power, a new power that should have dispelled the fear of incest:
35-36 sperare poteras sceleribus tantis dari / regnum salubre? Fecimus
caelum nocens38. As Dryden’s Creon presents his political sheme in I,
sc. 1.40102 the two dominant and intertwined elements of the play, the
plague and incest, acquire a new political meaning. Behind the allusion
to the real London plague of 1665 there lurk the dynastic plots and the
debate on legitimacy (that would eventually lead to the 1679 antiCatholic Exclusion Bill against James, Duke of York, heir to the throne, and to
the 1688 Glorious Revolution) that followed Charles I’s execution (1649)
36
37
38
On Seneca’s tragedy and fate, see Ahl 2008, 2230.
Cf. Segal 1983, 176177 and Hall — Macintosh 2005, 18.
On this passage, cf. Degl’Innocenti Pierini, supra, 89 f.
174
A. Ziosi
– metaphorically mirrored by Lajus’ death – and Oliver Cromwell’s
Commonwealth. Again, this has a Senecan parallel: «the play’s presentation of monarhic and dynastic issues and the threat of civil insurrection
relects as sharply on postRestoration England as Seneca’s Oedipus does
on late JulioClaudian Rome»39. And, yet again, this debate on power
and royalty is represented by Dryden and Lee in Shakespearean terms:
Creon’s address to the crowd I, sc. 1.213337, opening with «I thank ye,
Countrymen», openly alludes to Julius Caesar.
Another Senecan feature whih is extremely important for this play
is that the «focus is on incest rather than on parricide»40: the very word
«incest» torments Oedipus (in a Senecan rather than Sophoclean manner) from the beginning. And never before in the history of the Oedipal
theme have desire and Eros so prominently come to the fore41: one has
to wait for postFreudian Oedipuses (by Gide or Pasolini, for instance) to
come across suh an erotic description of the OedipusJocasta relationship. And, in the usual fashion, this desire that shakes the foundations
of life and eventually destroys all the bases of power has a structural
Shakespearian model, this time in the play of Othello42.
Finally, the whole ‘third act’ of Seneca’s Oedipus (ll. 509658)43, Creon’s rhesis and the invocation of Lajus’ spirit, proves a very important
reference for Dryden and Lee. Here, one of the most obvious Shakespearian ilters for the elements of necromancy is Macbeth. «He talk’d
of Dreams, and Visions, and to morrow» (II, sc. 1.301) says Oedipus referring Tiresias’ words to Jocasta. he stage direction to II, sc. 1.348 («As
they go of, Oedipus enters, walking asleep in his shirt, with a dagger
in his righthand, and a taper in his let») reiterates this overt allusion to
Boyle 2011, civ; on the whole mater cf. Hall — Macintosh 2005, 2429.
Boyle 2011, ci and lxxxix. And for the central role of ‘passions’ in the poetic creation
in Seneca’s tragedy see Shiesaro 2003.
41
Cf. Paduano 1994, 295: «per la prima volta i rapporti tra Edipo e Giocasta si sotraggono al tabù autoriale he aveva governato tute le precedenti drammaturgie, e conquistano il ruolo decisivo per l’azione e centrale nella rappresentazione»; and again,
ibid. 299 «l’arditezza creativa del testo di Dryden e Lee non si limita infati a introdurre
in questa roccaforte del tabù il linguaggio amoroso, ma raggiunge il suo vertice nel
mantenerlo vivo e pertinente dopo la rivelazione: in questa persistenza c’è, più ancora
he l’afermazione del primato della pulsione su qualsiasi altra realtà, l’intuizione he
nell’incesto risiede insieme la massima deviazione e la massima autenticità dell’eros».
42
For an original analysis of this, cf. Paduano 1994, 295296.
43
On whih see Shiesaro 2003, 813.
39
40
he Senecan curse and the «discontents» of the English Oedipus
175
Macbeth and his daggerspeeh (whih, intertextually, follows another
metaphorical ‘parricide’ whih leads to kingship) and Lady Macbeth’s
furious and guiltridden somnambulism44. his ‘Macbethian’ night of
Oedipus, ater the visions and the nightmares, is inally framed by and
again anhored to its Senecan hypotext: «Night, Horrour, Death, Confusion, Hell, and Furies! / Where am I?, O, Jocasta, let me hold thee» exclaims Oedipus in the morning, alluding to the famous personiications
in Creon’s rhesis (Oed. 652 Letum Luesque, Mors Labor Tabes Dolor,
taken up again in 589594 and at the very end of the play).
It is the Senecan ghost of Lajus that breaks out of the earth, however, whih for certain evokes another and most signiicant dramatic
model. Let us take a step bakward:
Methink we stand on Ruines; Nature shakes
About us; and the Universal Frame
So loose, that it but wants another push
To leap from its Hindges.
No Sun to hear us; but a Bloody Globe
hat rowls above; a bald and Beamless Fire;
His face o’regrown with Scurf: the Sun’s sik too:
Shortly he’ll be an Earth (I, sc. 1.18).
From its very opening, Dryden and Lee’s play, while depicting the Senecan plague, also seems to gesture towards a play where, just before and
ater the apparition of a ghost, «something is roten in the state of Denmark» (Hamlet I, sc. 5.90)45 and «the time is out of joint» (ibid. I, sc.
5.196); where the word incest is ubiquitous and where a ghost of a dead
pater inultus keeps tormenting his son, asking for revenge. here is no
doubt that Dryden and Lee’s ghost of Lajus is ‘directly’ Senecan:
Why hast thou drawn me from my pains below,
To sufer worse above? to see the day,
And hebes more hated? Hell is Heav’n to hebes.
For pity send me bak (III, sc. 1.345348).
hese lines (the ghost’s opening words) are actually a conlation of Tantali Umbra, whih opens Seneca’s hyestes, and of hyestis Umbra in
Agamemnon: a sphragis of sheer Elizabethan Senecanism (uis inferorum sede ab infausta extrahit / avido fugaces ore captantem cibos? [hy.
44
45
On this, see some sharp observations in Paduano 1994, 298.
Here and henceforth quoted from Ann homson — Neil Taylor’s 2006 Arden Edition.
176
A. Ziosi
12] and Opaca / linquens Ditis inferni loca, / adsum profundo Tartari
emissus specu, / incertus utras oderim sedes magis: / fugio hyestes inferos, superos fugo. [Ag. 14]). A Senecan seal conirmed by the ghost’s last
words: «Do you forbid him Earth, I’ll forbid him Heav’n» III, sc. 1.377,
whih directly translate the Senecan poignant sentence eripite terras,
auferam caelum pater (Oed. 658). But the whole of Lajus’ speeh is also
very muh reminiscent of King Hamlet’s ghost’s words46. For instance:
Let not the royal bed of Denmark be
A couh for luxury and damned incest.
But, howsoever thou pursuest this act,
Taint not thy mind, nor let thy soul contrive
Against thy mother aught: leave her to heaven
(Hamlet I, sc. 5.8286).
Other ‘quotations’ are Oedipus III, sc. 1.354 «I pity thee» (Tiresias
to the ghost) recalling Hamlet I, sc. 5.45: «Alas, poor ghost / Pity me
not», as well as Tiresias’ reiterated command to Oedipus: «Remember
Lajus» (III, sc. 1.466469) and above all Lajus’ apparition in the bedroom
to forbid the union of Oedipus and Jocasta47 in a replica of the famous
‘closet scene’ in Hamlet (III, sc. 4.7215). his Senecan and ‘Senecanvia
Shakespeare’ ghost48 who seeks revenge, along with the fact that, like
Hamlet, Dryden and Lee’s play ends with a carnage in a climactic inal
bloodbath (as seen, the hildren die, all the haracters in the subplot –
Eurydice, Creon, Adrastus – die before Jocasta and Oedipus commit suicide) help strengthen the already obvious literary (and not only literary)
deeper structural links between Hamlet and ‘this’ Oedipus.
If Dryden and Lee’s treatment of erotic passion seems to forebode
20th centuries versions of the theme, their Oedipal intertextual reading of
Hamlet is also somehow eerily modern. As if their Oedipus also shed light
on aspects of Hamlet that have puzzled readers for centuries and that,
ater the famous Freudian watershed of 1900 (or 1899), have acquired an
Novak 1984, 464 «this restless ghost, indeed, seems to come as muh from Hamlet as
from Seneca».
47
Almost an inversion of Freud’s ‘Primal Scene’, see Paduano 1994, 300.
48
On Seneca’s ‘Freudian’ guilt, doubt, selfdistrust and fear of potential desires of parricide and incest (Oed. 1936) see Paduano 1994, 256 and 1993; for the psyhoanalytical
interpretation of Seneca’s ghost («virtually a foreshadowing of the Freudian superego, a
harsh, demanding, guiltraising father igure, a projection of the son’s own conviction of
his inherently evil nature» Segal 1983, 177 and also 182), cf. Paduano 1994, 262264.
46
he Senecan curse and the «discontents» of the English Oedipus
177
unequivocal meaning. Or as if literature had anticipated Freud’s intuition in his leter to Wilhelm Fliess of 15th October 1897 about the discovery of the Oedipus Complex49, then famously expounded in Chapter ive
of the Traumdeutung50, whih demonstrates that the tragedy of Hamlet
was as important as Sophocles’ tragedy in Freud’s construction of his
‘Oedipus’51.
Or as if, in a inal paradox, literature had long known that the most
important, or the only truly ‘successful’ English Oedipus was no less
than the Prince of Denmark.
Cf. Freud 1985, 272: «Fleetingly, the thought passed through my head that the same
thing might be at the botom of Hamlet as well. I am not thinking of Shakespeare’s conscious intention, but believe, rather, that a real event stimulated the poet to his representation, in that his unconscious understood the unconscious of his hero».
50
«Another of the great poetic tragedies, Shakespeare’s Hamlet, is rooted in the same
soil as Oedipus Rex. But the whole diference in the psyhic life of the two widely separated periods of civilisation, and the progress, during the course of time, of repression in
the emotional life of humanity, is manifested in the difering treatment of the same material. In Oedipus Rex the basic wishfantasy of the hild is brought to light and realised
as it is in dreams; in Hamlet it remains repressed, and we learn of its existence – as we
discover the relevant facts in a neurosis – only through the inhibitory efects whih proceed from it», Freud 1997, 158.
51
On Freud and Hamlet (and Oedipus) see Jones 1910, 1949 and Starobinski 1989, 163:
«hus in all of Freud’s work from 1897 to 1938 Hamlet continues to igure as the second great dramatic igure, not simply as one literary haracter among others. he Hamlet haracter belongs to the category of prototypes, of exemplary themes. If Oedipus expresses through transgression and punishment the universal law that presides over the
genesis of moral being, a moment that must be experienced and transcended, Hamlet
exhibits through his speciic inhibition and nontranscendence the anxious, masked remnant of infantile tendencies».
49
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