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Eibartik Zuberoara euskalkietan barrena. Koldo Zuazori gorazarre
Jagin aditz laguntzailea aztergai2020 •
Lan honetan, Lazarragaren eskuizkribuan ageri diren jagin eta jagiten aditz laguntzaile jokatugabeak eta jagot ‘diot’ eta jago ‘dio’ laguntzaile ditrantsitibo jokatuak aditz berberaren bi gramatikalizazio direla defendatuko dugu, baita forma jokatu horiek egun Debagoieneko herri batzuetan erabiltzen direnen aurrekariak direla ere. Laguntzaile honen hedapena eta erabilera aztertzeko, Arabako lautadako eta Debagoieneko lekukotasun guztietako -i(n)-, *edutsi eta jagin laguntzaile ditrantsitiboen adibideak bilduko ditugu. Hedapenaren aldetik, jagin laguntzailea Arabako euskararen ezaugarri esklusiboa zela proposatuko dugu, Arabako lautadatik Debagoienera hedatua. Erabilerari dagokionez, hasieran, jagin datibo argumentua zilegiztatzen zuen laguntzaile jokatugabe bat zena, ondoren laguntzaile ditrantsitibo jokatu gramatikalizatu zen, baina jagin datiboa 3. pertsona duten orainaldiko adizkietara mugatu zela ikusiko dugu, *edutsi laguntzaile ditrantsitiboarekin batera banaketa osagarrian.
2016 •
In this article I will analyse how the verbal forms of the auxiliary verb *edin were described and classified in some ancient Basque grammars (17th-19th centuries): namely I will examine in which auxiliary verb the verbal forms of *edin were categorized by each grammarian, and what motivated that classification. The study will end with the proposals of Willem Jan van eys, who reconstructed the *edin participle.
R. Gómez, J. Gorrochategui, J.A. Lakarra & C. Mounole (arg./eds.), Koldo Mitxelena Katedraren III. Biltzarra - III Congreso de la Cátedra Luis Michelena - 3rd Conference of the Luis Michelena Chair. UPV/EHU, Vitoria-Gasteiz, 41-60.
Euskal aditz jokatuaren osaeraz eta jatorriaz zenbait ohar2013 •
Hegoaldeko Goinafarrera zaharra: aditz laguntzaileekiko ezaugarri zenbait ERABILITAKO TESTUAK – Promesa de matrimonio de Uterga (1547). – Promesa de matrimonio de Zufia (1552). – Promesa de matrimonio de Esparza (1557). – Fragmentos de un catecismo Alto-Navarro. – Octava de don Miguel de Suescun. – Poesías premiadas en Pamplona en 1609. – Credo de Zannetto (1614). – Juan de Beriain (1621): Tratado de cómo se ha de oyr missa.
Arabako euskararen dialektalizaziorantz: aditz morfologia aztergai (MAL)
Arabako euskararen dialektalizaziorantz: aditz morfologia aztergai (MAL)2020 •
Lan honetan, Arabako euskaraz jardungo dugu. Mendebaldeko Euskara Zaharraren (MEZ) berrikuntza fokua Gasteiz izan bide zen (Lakarra, 2014). MEZ hizkuntza-egoeratik arabera, bizkaiera eta gipuzkerak bakoitzak beren bidea egin zuten. Ikerketa honetan, gure asmoa arabera linguisitikoki definitzeko bidea hastea da. Horretarako, XVI-XIX. mende bitarteko Arabako eta Gipuzkoa hego-mendebaldeko lekukotasun (ia) guztiak izan ditugu aztergai, uste baitugu araberak Arabako lurraldearen mugak gainditzen zituela. Gure ikerketa aditz-morfologiara mugatu dugu eta bi ikergai nagusi izan ditugu: objektu plural komunztadura galera eta aditz laguntzaile ditrantsitiboak.
2019 •
In this article, we examine the development of tripersonal verbal forms for a plural direct object in the Basque of Gipuzkoa. The fact is that it is not always obvious whether a given form is based on the root of the reconstructed verb *eradun or on that of *nin. That being the case, our goal here is to try to determine whether some specific forms that are found in old texts from Gipuzkoa (a few of which still survive in some local dialects) are based on one or the other of these two roots. To begin with, we examine diozka ‘s/he Vs them to him/her’ (Standard Basque dizkio) and present arguments both for and against each of the two hypotheses: that this form historically belongs to *eradun and that it belongs to *nin. We argue that diozka and diezte ‘s/he Vs them to them’ (St Bq dizkie) are more likely to be based on *nin (dio + -zka- > diozka; die + -zte- > diezte). Then, we show that the same hypothesis can be extended to forms like dizko/dizka (St Bq dizkio) eta dizte/dizk(o)e (St Bq dizkie). Thus, we propose that, after a contraction diozka > dizka, the morphological structure of this form was reinterpreted and other forms of the same paradigm were created by analogy: diozka /d-i-o-zka-Ø/ > dizka /d-i-z-ka-Ø/ and, then, by analogy, dizko (St Bq dizkio), with the same meaning, and also dizku ‘s/he Vs them to us’ (St Bq dizkigu), ditzu ‘s/he Vs them to you’ (St Bq dizkizu) diztan ‘that s/he Vs them to me’ (St Bq dizkidan), etc. In addition, we consider the possible influence of literary Gipuzkoan. As a matter of fact, in Gipuzkoan texts of the 18th-19th centuries, seemingly old forms like diozka and diezte are still very frequent. In our opinion, some relatively recent authors may have preserved those forms because of the prestige of literary Gipuzkoan. Besides considering the root of these verbal forms, we also offer a hypothetical chronology of the different verbal roots and pluralizers that we find in the texts.
2013 •
Ofiatiko hizkera1 eta bertako aditz izenak hartu dira aztergai Ian honetan. Egungo erabileran hainbat era ezberdinez baliatzen gara aipatu adizkiok eratzeko orduan, hots, -itte-, -keta-, -teeta -tze-2 markez. Horixe izan da gure abiaburua gaiari heltzerakoan. Helburua, berriz, hizkera hau modu honetan itxuratzen duten aditz izenon jatorria eta antolaketa argitzeko saioan bidea urratzen hasi eta deskripzio lanari ekin. Horretarako, XVIII. mende bukaera eta XIX. mende hasiera bitartean idatzi eta oraintsu arte "Ofiatiko eskuizkribuak" edo "Arrazola etxeko eskuizkribuak" bezala ezaguru izan diren bi lekukotara jo dugu (Elortza 1977: 183): ErrectoreJaun baten instruccinuac ezconduric vizi dan bere Adisquide Necazari batentzat bere eta bere Familiaren gobiernu oneraco Jaungoicoaren Legue santubagaz conforme (478 orrialdetakoa) eta Osaba baten instruccinuac bere llloba Ezcondu eta Necazari batentzat bere eta bere Familiaren gobiernu oneraco Jaungoicoaren Legue santubag...
2017 •
This article deals with the morphological reflection of the interaction between argument relations and TAM exponents in Basque, as well as the diachronic, sociolinguistic, and diatopic variation observed in this area. The more an inflected auxiliary represents marked values, the higher its proneness to obsolescence. This explains why certain auxiliary forms are virtually non-existent in corpora. Moreover, morphemic obliteration and routinization lead to the reanalysis of once polymorphemic sequences to a single morpheme. If they are sufficiently frequent, such morphologically complex forms are then stored as ‘single processing units’. Less frequent forms in contrast never enter the morpheme inventory as fused morphemes. As a result, they are marginalized and pushed to the periphery of the linguistic system. The discrepancy between the combinatorial potential of verbal morphology on the one hand, and the frequency of forms in real-language corpora has important consequences for an ad...
1993 •
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