PUBLIC BATHS AND BATHING HABITS IN LATE ANTIQUITY
LATE ANTIQUE
ARCHAEOLOGY
(SUPPLEMENTARY SERIES)
MANAGING EDITOR
LUKE LAVAN
volume 6
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/laax
PUBLIC BATHS AND BATHING
HABITS IN LATE ANTIQUITY
A STUDY OF THE EVIDENCE FROM ITALY, NORTH AFRICA
AND PALESTINE A.D. 285–700
BY
SADI MARÉCHAL
LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover illustration: The Schola Baths in Leptis Magna (Libya). ©Photo by Sadi Maréchal, June 2012.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Maréchal, Sadi, author.
Title: Public baths and bathing habits in late antiquity : a study of the
evidence from Italy, North Africa and Palestine A.D. 285–700 / by Sadi
Maréchal.
Other titles: study of the evidence from Italy, North Africa and Palestine
A.D. 285–700
Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Late antique
archaeology (supplementary series), 2352–5177 ; vol.6 | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019048147 | ISBN 9789004418721 (paperback) |
ISBN 9789004419421 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Baths, Roman—Italy. | Baths, Roman—Africa, North. |
Baths, Roman—Palestine. | Public baths—Italy. | Public baths—Africa,
North. | Public baths—Palestine. | Bathing customs—History. |
Rome—Antiquities.
Classification: LCC DG97 .M165 2020 | DDC 613/.410937—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019048147
Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.
ISSN 2352-5177
ISBN 978-90-04-41872-1 (paperback)
ISBN 978-90-04-41942-1 (e-book)
Copyright 2020 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi,
Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag.
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This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.
In loving memory of my grandfather, Prof. Dr. Raymond Bogaert,
who was even more passionate about Antiquity than I am
…
To Nathalie
∵
Contents
Foreword xi
List of Illustrations xiii
Abbreviations xx
Key to the General Plans xxii
Introduction 1
Why Baths Again? 1
General Aims and Outline of the Research 1
Geographical Framework 2
Chronological Framework 3
Methodology and Sources 4
Baths and Bathing Approached from Different Angles
Evidence of Baths and Bathing 4
The Structure of the Book 6
Notes on Terminology 6
Geographical Terminology and Place Names 6
Chronological Terminology 8
Cultural and Religious Terminology 8
Personal Names 8
Bath-Related Terminology 8
Notes on Abbreviations 9
4
1 General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Bathing Habits 10
Pre-Roman Origins of Public Bathing 10
Italic Bathing Habits 11
Early Roman Bathhouse 12
Imperial Period Bathhouse 13
The Bathing Itinerary 19
Modern Typologies of the Plans 20
Technology of the Baths 20
Hypocaust 21
Wall Heating 23
The Functioning of the Heating System 24
Water Management of Baths 26
Water Supply 26
Waste Water Disposal 27
Decoration 27
Popularity of Bathhouses 28
Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths 30
Late Antique Baths in General Works on Roman Baths and Bathing 30
Late Antique Baths in Regional Studies 31
Specific Studies on Late Antique Baths 32
2 Written Evidence of Baths 34
Late Antique Literature 34
Methodology and Approach 34
4th c. Latin Authors 34
4th c. Greek Authors 42
5th c. Latin Authors 49
5th c. Greek Authors 54
5th c. Syriac Literature 57
10
viii
Contents
6th c. Latin Authors 58
6th c. Greek Authors 61
6th c. Syriac Authors 66
7th c. Authors 67
Summarizing the Literary Attestations of Baths and Bathing Habits 68
Hammams in Early Medieval Arabic Literature 70
Legal Documents 71
Codex Theodosianus 71
Corpus Iuris Civilis 73
Ecumenical Councils and Synods 75
Summarizing the Legal Documents 75
Epigraphic Evidence 76
Methodological Problems and Approaches 76
Inscriptions of the Italian Peninsula 77
Inscriptions of North Africa 80
Inscriptions of Cyrenaica 85
Inscriptions of Palestina 85
Summarizing the Epigraphic Evidence 85
Papyrological Evidence 86
Introduction 86
Papyri 87
Summarizing the Papyrological Evidence 89
3 Archaeological Evidence 91
Introduction 91
Rome 91
Concise History of the Urban Fabric 91
Newly Built Late Antique Baths 95
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths 95
Private Baths 101
Baths on the Forma Urbis Roma 102
The Evidence for Baths in the Written Sources 103
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context 105
Ostia 110
Concise History of the Urban Fabric 110
Newly Built Late Antique Baths 112
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths 113
Private Baths 128
Baths on the Isola Sacra 129
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context 129
Cuicul 138
Concise History of the Urban Fabric 138
Newly Built Late Antique Baths 140
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths 140
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context 142
Thamugadi 143
Concise History of the Urban Fabric 143
Newly Built Late Antique Baths 145
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths 145
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context 148
Carthage 150
Concise History of the Urban Fabric 150
Newly Built Late Antique Baths 152
ix
Contents
Continued Use or Abandonment of Existing Baths 152
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context 155
Sufetula 157
Concise History of the Urban Fabric 157
Newly Built Late Antique Baths 158
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths 160
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context 160
Ptolemais 163
Concise History of the Urban Fabric 163
Newly Built Late Antique Baths 165
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths 167
Private Baths 167
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context 167
Scythopolis 168
Concise History of the Urban Fabric 168
Newly Built Late Antique Baths 170
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths 171
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context 171
Archaeological Evidence of Early Hammams 175
North Africa and Cyrenaica 175
Egypt 175
Palestina 175
The Larger Middle Eastern Context 177
Summarizing the Archaeological Evidence of Early Hammams 180
4 Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits 183
Architecture 183
Plans of the Baths 183
Size of the Baths 185
Rooms of the Baths 186
Construction Techniques and Building Materials 195
Decoration 196
Bath Technology 198
Hypocaust 198
Wall Heating 199
Furnaces 199
Water Supply 200
Waste Water Disposal 201
Public Baths and Their Contexts 202
Urban Contexts 202
Non-Urban Contexts 204
Secondary Use of Baths 204
Privatisation of the Bathing Habit? 206
The Church and the Baths 208
Decay or Continuity of Baths and Bathing Habits 210
Continuity in the 4th c. 210
Strong Regional Trends in the 5th c. 216
Difficulties in the 6th c. 218
Towards Medieval and Islamic Baths in the 7th c. 219
A Habit in Decline? 221
Epilogue—The Transition to the Hammams
223
General Concluding Remarks and Prospects for Future Research
225
x
Contents
Appendix 1: Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths 227
Inscriptions from the Italian Peninsula 227
Inscriptions from North Africa 234
Inscriptions from Palestina 243
Appendix 2: Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths 244
Appendix 3: Lists of Late Antique Baths, Possible Baths and Continued Use of Baths
250
Gazetteer
Introduction 261
Baths in the Italian Peninsula, Sicily and Sardinia 263
New Construction 263
Possible Late Antique Baths 296
Villa Baths with a Possible Public Use 299
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period Baths during Late Antiquity
Baths in Roman North Africa 310
New Construction 310
Possible Late Antique Baths 345
Villa Baths with a Possible Public Use 345
Other Private Baths with Possible Public Access 348
Ecclesiastical Baths 349
Fortress Baths 354
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period Baths during Late Antiquity
Baths in Cyrenaica 382
New Construction 382
Possible Late Antique Baths 392
Fortress Baths 392
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period Baths during Late Antiquity
Baths in Egypt 394
New Construction 394
Possible Late Antique Baths 420
Other Private Baths with a Possible Public Use 421
Ecclesiastical Baths 422
Fortress Baths 422
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period Baths during Late Antiquity
Baths in Palestina 428
New Construction 428
Possible Late Antique Baths 446
Private Baths 449
Ecclesiastical Baths 450
Fortress Baths 451
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period Baths during Late Antiquity
Glossary 456
Bibliography 461
Primary Sources 461
Modern Sources 464
Indices 498
Ancient Sources 498
Themes 499
People 500
Places 501
301
356
393
426
452
Foreword
This book is the result of the research conducted for my doctoral thesis between 2012
and 2016, supervised by Prof. Dr. Frank Vermeulen at Ghent University (Belgium) and
funded by the Special Research Fund of Ghent University (BOF). Additional funding for
research stays and field trips was provided by scholarships from the Academia Belgica in
Rome (2011 and 2012), and the Belgian Historical Institute in Rome (2013). Throughout
my academic career, several people have contributed to the successful completion of this
book. First, I would like to thank my mentor Prof. Dr. Frank Vermeulen, who guided me
through my archaeological studies, permitted me to attend the excavations of Ammaia
(Portugal), and encouraged me to pursue an academic career. My profound gratitude
also goes to Dr. Nathalie de Haan (Radboud University, Nijmegen), who, despite her own
busy schedule, helped shape this project, answer questions and discuss Roman baths.
Her devotion to baths, archaeology and ancient history has inspired me to find my own
path in academia. Several other colleagues at Ghent University have been of tremendous help, such as my colleagues in the ‘Roman Mediterranean Archaeology’ unit in the
Department of Archaeology. A particular word of thanks to Dr. Devi Taelman, Dr. Dimitri
Van Limbergen, Dr. Jan Trachet, Prof. Dr. Wim De Clercq, Sophie Dralans, Debby Van
den Bergh, Tim Clerbaut, Dr. Patrick Monsieur, Dr. Lieven Verdonck and Dr. Francesca
Carboni.
Also at Ghent, the meetings with colleagues of the Institute for Classical Studies have
been most stimulating. From the History Department, I thank Prof. Dr. Koen Verboven,
Prof. Dr. Arjan Zuiderhoek, Dr. Lindsey Vandevoorde and Prof. Dr. Peter Van Nuffelen.
At the Department of Classical Languages, my thanks go to Prof. Dr. Wim Verbaal,
who kindly helped me with several Latin to English translations. My research also led
me to other Belgian universities, where I was always welcomed with enthusiasm and
helpfulness. I wish to thank the Department of Archaeology and the library staff at
KU-Leuven, the Université Libre de Bruxelles, the Université de Liège and the Université
Catholique de Louvain-la-Neuve. A special word goes to Dr. Jonas Danckers (KU-Leuven)
and Dr. Delphine Tonglet (ULB). Last, but not least, I thank the many colleagues at the
Université de Liège, in particular Dr. Stéphanie Derwael (Department of History of Art
and Archaeology) and the study unit of papyrology (CEDOPAL), including Prof. Dr.
Marie-Hélène Marganne, Dr. Antonio Ricciardetto and Dr. Nathan Carlig, for introducing
me to and helping me with the papyrological databases. Their help with several translations has been much appreciated.
No research about the Mediterranean can be complete without several field trips to
the area in question. I dare say that Rome and the Academia Belgica have become my
‘homes-away-from-home’. I thank the two directors of the Academia, Prof. Dr. Walter
Geerts and his successor Prof. Dr. Wouter Bracke, as well as the entire staff. A special word
of thanks for Charles Bossu and Pamela Anastasio for these years of collaboration and
friendship. In Rome, I also had the privilege of working in some of the finest libraries of
Roman archaeology that Europe has to offer. I wish to thank the library staff of the British
School at Rome, the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, the École française de Rome
and the Koninklijk Nederlands Instituut in Rome. I extend my gratitude to the Parco
Archeologico di Ostia Antica for permitting access to the site and use of the library, the
Archivio disegni and the Archivio fotografico. A word of gratitude is also due to the French
archaeological mission in Libya, for introducing me to Roman baths and giving me the
opportunity to work on the wonderful site at Leptis Magna. I am indebted to Prof. André
Laronde (†), Prof. Dr. Vincent Michel, Prof. Dr. Michel Bonifay, Prof. Michel Paulin and
Guillaume Dagnas. May we find ourselves together again in a peaceful Libya.
xii
Foreword
This monograph has benefitted from the useful insights and revisions of my PhD jury. I
thank Prof. Dr. Neil Christie, Dr. Nathalie de Haan, Dr. Francesca Carboni, Dr. Luke Lavan
and Prof. Dr. Roald Docter for their much appreciated remarks. I am also indebted to two
anonymous peer-reviewers, whose stimulating remarks and corrections made this into
a better book. Furthermore, I had the pleasure of meeting several scholars, who, in one
way or another, contributed to my research. In no specific order, I would like to thank Dr.
Paul Johnson, Dr. Béatrice Meyer, Dr. Hubertus Manderscheid, Dr. Michel Blonski, Prof.
Dr. Lynne Lancaster, Prof. Dr. Patrizio Pensabene, Dr. Duncan Keenan-Jones, Prof. Dr. Eric
Moormann, Dr. Vicky Manolopoulou, Dr. Stefanie Hoss and Dr. Thibaud Fournet. Also
sincere thanks to all the authors who permitted the reproduction of illustrations and
figures. To conclude, I owe gratitude to Dr. Michael Mulryan and his successor Dr. Peter
Crawford for a fantastic editing job. All remaining errors are my own.
Last, but not least, I thank my family, family-in-law and friends. No words can express
my gratitude towards my parents and grandparents for their eternal love and support.
A special word of thanks also to the family Baeyens-De Beule, who welcomed me into
their home as one of their own. I certainly cannot forget my friends, especially those with
(faint) moustaches, for dragging me out of the academic world from time to time. Grazie
Jan, Arne, Thomas and Dimi! To the countless friends I met in the Academia Belgica in
Rome: know that these moments spent in the Eternal City are priceless and unforgettable. To conclude, I thank my life-partner Nathalie, who had to endure my bathing frenzy,
but nevertheless always remained my foremost supporter.
Sadi Maréchal
Ghent, January 2020
Illustrations
Figures
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Reconstruction of a tholos in a Greek-style bathhouse 11
Plan of the baths of Fregellae (Italy) with its early hypocaust 14
Plan of the Stabian Baths in Pompeii (Italy), with the alleged Greek hipbaths to
the north 15
Plan of the Baths of Nero in Rome (Italy) 16
Plan of the Baths of Trajan in Rome (Italy) with the standing remains highlighted
in black 17
Plan of the Small Baths in Hadrian’s Villa at Tibur (Italy) 18
Plan of the Baths of Caracalla in Rome (Italy) 19
Flow of the hot gasses inside the tubuli according to the experiment by
H.-C. Grassmann 21
Reconstruction of a hypocaust system with testudo above the furnace, in
connection to the alveus 22
Schematic representation of the location of chimney flues in connection to the
hypocaust 23
Different types of wall heating 24
Plan of the baths under the Piazza dei Cinquecento in Rome (Italy), and the
excavation during the construction of modern Termini train station 98
Drawing of the caldarium of the baths under the Piazza dei Cinquecento in
Rome 99
Plan of the Baths under the Lateran Baptistery in Rome and plan of the Lateran
Baptistery, with small pool to its north 100
Plan of the Baths of the Invidious in Ostia (Italy) 114
Baths of the Invidious in Ostia (Italy), small pool in the frigidarium seen from the
west 114
Plan of the Baths of the Swimmer in Ostia (Italy) 115
Baths of the Swimmer in Ostia, small pool of the frigidarium seen from the
east 116
Plan of the Baths of the Six Columns in Ostia (Italy) with the small heat lock 116
Baths of the Six Columns in Ostia (Italy), heat lock seen from the north 117
Plan of the Baths of Porta Marina in Ostia (Italy) 118
Plan of the Baths of the Coachmen in Ostia (Italy) 119
Baths of the Coachmen in Ostia (Italy), small basin in the caldarium seen from the
south 120
Plan of the Baths of Neptune in Ostia (Italy), with the 4th c. walls highlighted in
red 121
Drawings of the late antique mosaics in the Baths of Neptune in Ostia (Italy) 122
Plan of the Baths of Mithras in Ostia (Italy) 123
Baths of Mithras in Ostia (Italy), alleged church in the northern part of the baths
seen from the south. Stele with ChiRho sign on foreground 124
Baths of the Trinacria in Ostia (Italy), small pool in the frigidarium seen from the
north. Opus listatum blocking a pre-existing niche or door 124
Plan of the Forum Baths in Ostia (Italy) 125
Forum Baths in Ostia (Italy), late antique Corinthian columns from the fourth
heated room seen from the south 126
Forum Baths in Ostia (Italy), recess with tubuli in the south wall of the exittepidarium 126
xiv
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Illustrations
Plan of the Baths of the Lighthouse in Ostia (Italy) 127
Plan of the Baths of the Philosopher in Ostia (Italy) 127
Baths of the Philosopher in Ostia (Italy), small pool at the beginning of the heated
section seen from the east 128
Plan of the baths on the Isola Sacra (‘Terme di Matidia’) near Ostia 129
Plan of the Baths of the Capitolium in Cuicul (Algeria) 142
Plan of the Baths of the Filadelfes in Thamugadi (Algeria) 146
Plan of the Small East Baths in Thamugadi (Algeria) 147
Plan of the Baths of the Capitolium in Thamugadi (Algeria) 147
Plan of the Baths of the Donatist Cathedral in Thamugadi (Algeria) 150
Plan of the Baths of the Byzantine Fortress in Thamugadi (Algeria) 152
Plan of the Antonine Baths in Carthage (Tunisia) 153
Plan of the Large Baths in Sufetula (Tunisia) 161
Plan of Baths nr. 15 in Sufetula (Tunisia) 162
Plan of the Baths of House T in Ptolemais (Libya) 167
Plan of the Extra-muros Baths in Volubilis (Morocco) 175
Plan of the palace at Khirbet al-Mafjar (Palestine) with location of the baths 177
Baths of Khirbet al-Mafjar (Palestine), plan of the hypocaust system, furnace with
reservoir 177
Plan of the Baths of al-Bara (Syria) in the Roman period 178
Plan of the Baths of al-Bara (Syria) in the Islamic period 178
Baths of al-Bara (Syria), cross-section of the furnace with superimposed boiler
during the Islamic phase 179
Plan of the Baths of Halabiyya-Zenobia (Syria) 179
Plan of the Baths of Qasr al-Hayr East (Syria) 180
Plan of the Umayyad baths of Qusair Amra (Jordan) 181
Plan of the Umayyad baths attached to the Palace of the Caliph in Amman
(Jordan) 181
Plan of the baths in Brad (Syria) 187
Plan of the baths in Serdjilla (Syria) 188
Plan of the North Baths in Volubilis (Morocco) 191
Plan of the thermal baths at Jebel Oust (Tunisia) with pools of different
temperatures 193
Central Baths in Pompeii (Italy), detail of the small basin in the caldarium seen
from the northwest 194
Baths along the Via Marciana in Ostia (Italy), seen from the west 270
Satellite imagery of Ostia (Italy), showing a street heading towards the Baths of
Perseus. Also depicted are the Baths of Musiciolus, the Baths of Edificio b, the
Baths of Porta Marina, the Small Baths along the Via Severiana and the Baths
along the Via Marciana 271
Byzantine Baths in Ostia (Italy), detail of the mosaic of the courtyard 273
Baths on the via della Foce in Ostia (Italy), oval alveus of the caldarium seen from
the southeast 274
Baths on the via della Foce, Ostia (Italy), detail of large tubulus found in the
caldarium 276
Archaeological site of the Villa del Casale at Piazza Armerina (Sicily), with the
Villa Baths and the Small South Baths 277
Small pool in a heated room of the Baths of the Lantern in Portus (Italy) 278
Reconstruction drawing in perspective view from the northeast of the Baths of
Diocletian in Rome (Italy) 284
Frigidarium of the Baths of Diocletian in Rome (Italy), now turned into the
Church of Santa Maria degli Angelli 285
Illustrations
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Baths of Elagabalus in Rome (Italy), small east alveus of the caldarium seen from
the west 288
Theatre of Volaterrae (Italy) with the late antique Vallebuona Baths in the
peristyle square 295
Plan of the so-called ‘Temple of Minerva Medica’ in Rome (Italy), perhaps a
bathhouse or, more likely, a heated reception hall 298
Plan of the alleged Baths of San Tommaso in Ticinum (Italy) 299
Archaeological site of the Villa of Theodoric in Galeata (Italy) 300
Plan of the Baths of Theodoric in Galeata (Italy) 300
Plan of the Villa Baths in Piazza Armerina (Sicily) 302
Plan of the Baths of Curinga (Italy) 304
Plan of the Baths of Herdonia (Italy) 305
Plan of the Baths of Misterbianco (Sicily) 306
Plan of the Baths of San Gaetano di Vada (Italy) 308
Plan of the House of the Coiedii in Suasa (Italy) 308
Plan of the Baths at Castel Porziano (Italy) 309
Plan of the House of Europe in Cuicul (Algeria) with semi-public bathhouse 317
Plan of the House of the Donkey in Cuicul (Algeria) with semi-public
bathhouse 319
Plan of the House of Castorius in Cuicul (Algeria), with adjacent semi-public
baths and private baths 320
Plan of phase 1 of the balnea privata in Carthage (Tunisia) 321
Sanctuary of Asclepius in Lambaesis (Algeria). The Small South Baths and the
Sanctuary Baths can be identified 328
Plan of the Baths of Pompeianus in Oued Athmenia (Algeria) depicting the
mosaic floors 330
Plan of the House North of the Capitolium in Thamugadi (Algeria) with adjacent
bathhouse 338
Baths of the Laberii in Uthina (Tunisia), drawing of the mosaic of the frigidarium
depicting Orpheus enchanting wild animals 344
Plan of the Baths of Sidi Ghrib (Tunisia) 346
Baths of Sidi Ghrib (Tunisia), different phases of use 347
Plan of the Baths of Baptistery in Cuicul (Algeria) 350
Plan of the ‘Church site’ in Tebessa Khalia (Algeria) with small baths
(in box) 351
Plan of the Baths of Tebessa Khalia (Algeria) 352
Plan of the Basilica of Tipasa (Algeria) with adjacent baptistery and baths 353
Plan of the Baths of the Basilica in Tipasa (Algeria) 354
Plan of the Byzantine fortress in Thamugadi (Algeria) with location of the
baths 355
Plan of the North Baths in Banasa (Morocco) 357
Plan of the Small West Baths in Banasa (Morocco) 357
Plan of the Baths of the Frescos in Banasa (Morocco) 358
Plan of Hadrian’s Baths in Leptis Magna (Libya) 361
Plan of the Hunting Baths in Leptis Magna (Libya) 362
Plan of the so-called ‘Unfinished Baths’ in Leptis Magna (Libya) with hypothetical
reconstruction of the intended layout by Yvon Thébert 363
Plan of the Baths of the Schola in Leptis Magna (Libya) 364
Baths of the Schola in Leptis Magna (Libya), southern small apsidal pool in the
frigidarium seen from the southwest 364
Plan of the church in the frigidarium of the West Baths in Mactaris (Tunisia) 365
Plan of the Large Baths in Madauros (Algeria) 366
xv
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Illustrations
109 Plan of the church in the frigidarium of the Small Baths of Madauros
(Algeria) 367
110 Plan of the Baths of En-Nagazza (Libya) 368
111 Plan of the Baths of the Theatre in Sabratha (Libya) 371
112 Plan of the Large Baths in Thenae (Tunisia) 372
113 Plan of the Summer Baths in Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia) with late antique
reorganisation 374
114 Plan of the Winter Baths in Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia) 375
115 Plan of the Baths of the Labyrinth in Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia) 376
116 Plan of the Baths of the Capitolium in Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia), with its late
antique reorganisation 376
117 Plan of the baths in the House of Venus in Volubilis (Morocco) 379
118 Plan of the Baths of the House of the Works of Hercules in Volubilis
(Morocco) 379
119 Plan of the Baths of the Western Quarter in Volubilis (Morocco) 380
120 Plan of the Baths of the House of the Sundial in Volubilis (Morocco) 380
121 Plan of the Late Antique and Byzantine Baths in Apollonia (Libya) 382
122 Plan of the Baths of Trajan in Cyrene (Libya), with the insertion of the Byzantine
Baths 384
123 Plan of the Fortress Baths in Taucheira (Libya) 393
124 Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria (Egypt), cross-section and plan of the
‘pit-hypocaust’ 399
125 Plan of the Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria (Egypt), with pools of different
temperatures 400
126 Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria (Egypt), cross-section of a possible type of
testudo in the caldarium 401
127 North Baths of Karanis (Egypt), cross-section (west-east) of the caldarium and
praefurnium 408
128 Drawing of the wall heating in the North Baths of Karanis (Egypt) 408
129 Byzantine Baths of Marea (Egypt), drawings of the fragments of claustra found
inside the baths 413
130 Plan of the chapel and baths in the monastery of Bawit (Egypt) 423
131 Plan of the late antique fortress of Abu Sha’ar (Egypt) with a bathhouse outside its
walls 424
132 Plan of the Fortress Baths of Abu Sha’ar (Egypt) 425
133 Plan of the late antique fortress at Nag el-Hagar (Egypt) 425
134 Plan of the Fortress Baths of Nag el-Hagar (Egypt) 426
135 Plan of the Baths and cistern (right) at Mampsis (Israel) 438
136 Baths in Rehovot (Israel), drawing of the roof of the baths with the system of a
cistern, gullies, windows and orifices 442
137 Plan of the possible baths in Nahf (Israel) 448
138 Plan of the possible baths in Qalandia (Palestine) 449
139 Plan of the Mount Scopus monastery in Jerusalem (Israel / Palestine) with the
location of the bathhouse 450
140 Plan of the Fortress Bath of Yotvata (Israel) 453
Maps
1
2
3
Late Antique inscriptions mentioning baths and bathing in the Italian
Peninsula 7
4th c. inscriptions mentioning baths or bathing found in North Africa 81
5th and 6th c. inscriptions mentioning baths or bathing found in North Africa
84
Illustrations
4
5
6
7
8
9
10a
10b
11a
11b
12a
12b
13a
13b
14a
14b
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
Location of the most important buildings and public areas in Rome (Imperial
Period and Late Antiquity) 93
Location of the public baths in Rome 96
The number of balnea and thermae in each region of Rome according to the
Curiosum / Notitia 105
General plan of Ostia with the location of baths and main roads 111
Public baths in Ostia in relation to the main aqueducts, public spaces and new
Christian buildings at the end of the 4th c. 130
Public baths in Ostia in relation to the main aqueducts, public spaces and
Christian buildings at the end of the 5th c. 131
Regio I in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 132
Regio I in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 133
Regio II in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 133
Regio II in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 134
Regio III in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 134
Regio III in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 135
Regio IV in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 136
Regio IV in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 137
Regio V in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 138
Regio V in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that
were newly built or still in use 139
Cuicul (Algeria) in the 4th c., with the location of public baths and the most
important buildings 141
Cuicul (Algeria) in the 5th c., with the location of public baths and the most
important buildings 144
Thamugadi (Algeria) at the end of the 4th c., with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 149
Thamugadi (Algeria) at the end of the 6th c., with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 151
Carthage (Tunisia) at the end of the 4th c., with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings and public areas 153
Carthage (Tunisia) at the end of the 5th c., with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings and public areas 156
Carthage (Tunisia) at the end of the 6th c., with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings and public areas 157
Sufetula (Tunisia) at the end of the 4th c., with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 159
Sufetula (Tunisia) at the end of the 5th c., with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 163
Sufetula (Tunisia) at the end of the 6th c., with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 164
Ptolemais (Libya), plan of the 4th c. city with the location of public baths and the
most important buildings 166
xvii
xviii
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
Illustrations
Ptolemais (Libya), plan of the 6th c. city with the location of public baths and the
most important buildings 169
Scythopolis (Israel), plan of the 4th c. city with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 172
Scythopolis (Israel), plan of the 5th c. city with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 173
Scythopolis (Israel), plan of the 6th c. city with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 174
Umayyad baths in the Middle and Near East 176
Public baths in late antique Italy 211
Public baths in late antique North Africa 212
Late antique public baths in Cyrenaica and Egypt 214
Late antique public baths in Palestina 215
Ravenna in the 6th c., with location of baths and the most important public areas
and buildings 281
Bulla Regia (Tunisia), location of public baths and the most important
buildings 313
Sabratha (Libya), plan of the city with the location of public baths and the most
important buildings 370
Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia), plan of the city with the location of public baths and
the most important buildings 373
Volubilis (Morocco), plan of the city with location of public baths 378
Alexandria (Egypt), hypothetical reconstruction of the late antique city grid with
the location of public baths 397
Graphs
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
Inscriptions mentioning baths or bathing from Italy and North Africa between the
4th and 7th c. AD 80
Late antique papyri and ostraca mentioning baths and bathing found in
Egypt 87
Public baths in the different regions during the 4th c., based on the data from
Appendix 3 (possible baths not included) 210
Public baths still in use in late antique Italy, based on the data from Appendix
3A 212
Public baths still in use in late antique North Africa, based on the data from
Appendix 3B 213
Public baths in late antique Cyrenaica, based on the data from Appendix 3C 213
Public baths in late antique Egypt, based on the data from Appendix 3D 214
Public baths still in use in late antique Palestina, based on the data from
Appendix 3E 216
Public baths in the different regions during the 5th c., based on the data from
Appendix 3 (possible baths not included) 218
Public baths in the different regions during the 6th c., based on the data from
Appendix 3 (possible baths not included) 219
Public baths in the different regions during the 7th c., based on the data from
Appendix 3 (possible baths not included) 220
Total number of all late antique baths in use (new and continued use) per region
and per century (possible baths and baths with an unknown construction date not
included) 221
Illustrations
13
Newly built public baths in Egypt during the Greek-Hellenistic period, High
Empire and Late Antiquity. The numbers derive from the most recent catalogue of
public baths in Egypt (Redon (2017a)) 222
Table
1 Buildings in each of the regiones of Rome as presented by the Curiosum and the
Notitia Regionum 102
xix
Abbreviations
Abbreviations are those used by the American Journal of Archaeology for periodicals,
and the Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd edn. 1999), Jones A. H. M. Later Roman Empire
(Oxford 1964), Lampe G. W. H. A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford 1961) for ancient
sources. Other abbreviations used are listed below:
AE
AL
BGU
BL
BSR
C. Pap. Jud.
CIIP
CIL
CLE
CPG
CPR
EchrAfr
IATrebula
ICUR
IG
IGUR
ILAfr
ILAlg
ILCV
ILS
ILTun
InscrIt
IRT
O. Douch
O. Mich.
P. Amh.
P. Apoll.
P. Bagnall
P. Brem.
P. Cair. Masp.
P. Coll. Youtie
P. Flor
P. Genova
P. Giss.
P. Iand.
P. Jena
P. Köln
P. Lond.
L’année épigraphique: revue des publications épigraphiques relatives à
l’antiquité romaine
Anthologia Latina
Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Königlichen (later Staatlichen) Museen
zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden
Berichtigungsliste der Griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus Ägypten
British School at Rome
Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum
Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae / Palaestinae
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
Carmina Latina Epigraphica
Clavis Patrum Graecorum, ed. M. Geerard et al. (Turnhout 1939-1988)
Corpus Papyrorum Raineri
Enquète sur l’épigraphie chrétienne d’Afrique
Solin, H. (ed.) 1993. Le iscrizioni antiche di Trebula, Caiatia e Cubulteria
(Caserta 1993)
Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae
Inscriptiones Graecae
Inscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae
Inscriptions latines d’Afrique
Inscriptions latines d’Algérie
Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae veteres
Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae
Inscriptions Latines de la Tunisie
Inscriptiones Italiae
Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania
Les ostraca grecs de Douch
Greek Ostraca in the University of Michigan Collection
The Amherst Papyri, Being an Account of the Greek Papyri in the
Collection of the Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney, F.S.A. at
Didlington Hall, Norfolk
Papyrus grecs d’Apollônos Anô
Papyrological Texts in Honor of Roger S. Bagnall
Die Bremer Papyri
Papyrus grecs d’époque byzantine, Catalogue général des antiquités
égyptiennes du Musée du Caire
Collectanea Papyrologica: Texts Published in Honor of H. C. Youtie
Papiri greco-egizii, Papiri Fiorentini
Papiri dell’Università di Genova
Briefe des Apollonios-Archives aus der Sammlung Papyri Gissenses
Papyri Iandanae
I, Jenäer Papyrus-Urkunden; II. late antique Greek Papyri in the
Collection of the Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
Kölner Papyri
Greek Papyri in the British Museum
xxi
Abbreviations
P. Münch.
P. Oslo
P. Oxy.
P. Ross. Georg.
P. Ryl.
P. Wisc.
P. Würzb.
Pap. Agon.
PG
PL
PLRE
PSI
SB
SEG
Sel. Pap.
Stud. Pal.
SupIt
W. Chr.
ZPE
Die Papyri der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München
Papyri Osloenses
Oxyrhynchus Papyri
Papyri russischer und georgischer Sammlungen
Catalogue of the Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library
Wisconsin Papyri
Mitteilungen aus der Würzburger Papyrussammlung
Zehn agonistische Papyri
Patrologia Graeca, Cursus Completus, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris 1857–1866)
Patrologia Latina, ed. J. P. Migne (Paris 1844–1855)
Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire
Papiri greci e latini
Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten
Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
Select Papyri (The Loeb Classical Library)
Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde
Supplementa Italica
Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde
Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik
Key to the General Plans
Location of Inscriptions
Regional capital
4th c. inscriptions
5th c. inscriptions
6th c. inscriptions
Location of Cities / Sites
Regional capital
6th c. bath (new)
4th c. bath (new)
Existing bath still in use in the 6th c.
Existing bath still in use in the 4th c.
Roman site with abandoned bath(s)
5th c. bath (new)
Monastery baths
Existing bath still in use in the 5th c.
Possible late antique baths
Plans of Cities
Public baths
Private / imperial building (Rome)
Public building
Private bath
Reservoir / cistern / latrine
Abandoned building
Temple / sanctuary
Forum
Church
Possibly abandoned building
Area of economic activity
Evidence of late antique occupation
Houses / streets
Well
City walls
Christian burials
Aqueduct
Key to the General Plans
Catalogue
Wall
Hypothetical wall
Door blocked at a later date
Pre-existing wall
Wall added at a later date
Water supply (piping)
Water disposal (sewage channel)
Hypocaust with wall heating
Hypocaust with possible wall heating
Possible hypocaust with possible wall heating
Hypocaust without wall heating
Possible hypocaust without wall heating
Main entrance
Furnace
Possible furnace
Water boiler
Possible water boiler
Stairs
Pool
Natural rock
Well
Reservoir
Bench
xxiii
Introduction
Kein Volk des Altertums oder der Neuzeit badete mit solcher Leidenschaft wie die Römer;
kein Volk hat so Grosses geschaffen und gebaut, um diese Leidenschaft zu befriedigen.
No other people, ancient or modern, bathed
with such passion as the Romans; no other
people has invented and built to that extent
to satisfy this passion.1
∵
Why Baths Again?
By the start of the 20th c., scholars had already labelled
the public bathhouse as one of the most distinctive
markers of Roman culture. The countless references
to baths and bathing in ancient literature as well as
archaeological remains of sumptuous bathhouses in
the 4 corners of the empire were the undeniable proof
of a Roman ‘culture of the body’. The romantic picture of Roman ancestors with a neat appearance and
impeccable hygiene, that would not fail contemporary
standards, was promoted in art and reconstructions.2 In
the eyes of the Renaissance and Early Modern educated
elite, Roman culture was indeed the worthy predecessor of modern Western European culture. In this line of
thought, the fall of the Western Roman empire and the
decline of Roman culture into the so-called Dark Ages
necessarily entailed the decline of Roman bathing habits and the disappearance of the public bathhouse.3 The
period after the High Empire was only a footnote in the
history of Roman baths and bathing habits.4
However, archaeological excavations and a renewed
interest in ‘late antique’ literature in the last three
decades have transformed our knowledge and appreciation of the ‘later’ Roman world. On an archaeological
level, the number of ‘late’ sites not only increased, but a
better knowledge of the material culture also enabled a
re-assigning of some buildings and features to this ‘late’
period. The topic of water management has also come
to renewed attention. In the 21st c. with an ever-growing
1
2
3
4
Marcuse (1903) 19; translation by the author.
Di Capua (1941); Pazzini (1941) 11.
Already criticised by Thorndike (1928).
For a detailed overview of earlier research into Roman baths and
the attention that was paid to late antique baths, see chapter 1.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���0 | doi:��.��63/97890044�94��_00�
global population and concerns about climate change,
water is, more than ever, the planet’s most valuable
resource. Issues of water supply, waste water disposal
and water treatment for reuse are high on the agenda of
governing bodies. Engineers are turning to history and
archaeology to understand how past civilizations coped
with crises in water management.5 A study of Roman
public baths and bathing habits in Late Antiquity could
provide us with an example of how an empire and its
baths, “the most conspicuous expression of Roman
hydraulic engineering,”6 responded to a period of major
change. Furthermore, questions of public hygiene are
also of current interest in a rapidly ‘urbanizing’ world.7
Even if the Romans, despite their bathing habits, did
not have the same conception of public hygiene as we
have today (see below, chapter 1), the continued use of
public bathhouses in a period hit by severe plagues (the
Antonine and Justinianic plague) may have prevented
even worse catastrophes. It is remarkable that a structure that has been considered as ‘the most Roman’ of all
public buildings has not been re-examined in the light
of all these current developments.
General Aims and Outline of the Research
The general aim of this book is to get a better understanding of Roman-style public baths and bathing habits
during the period that saw the transformation of classical Roman society into that of the Early Medieval period.
However, this book does not aim to give an exhaustive
overview of all late antique baths so far discovered. The
main aim is rather to assemble a representative sample
of the literary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence
of late antique baths, in order to write a cultural history of bathing habits between AD 285 and AD 700.
Furthermore, this study not only targets an audience
that is specialized in public baths; it also aims to reach
out to students, scholars and field archaeologists who
have an interest in late antique baths and bathing habits.
To detect possible changes, it is clear that we should
approach the baths and bathing habits of Late Antiquity
in the longue durée of Mediterranean bathing habits.
This ‘long-term approach’ has also been the hallmark
of the Balnéorient project, focusing on the development
of baths and bathing habits in the Near and Middle
5 Most recently Sedlak (2014).
6 Aryamontri (2009) 330–31.
7 Boëtsch and Tamarozzi (2014).
2
Introduction
East from the earliest settlements to modern times.8
Furthermore, the subject of public baths and bathing
in Late Antiquity is so vast that some restriction concerning the dataset, geographical and chronological
framework had to be imposed. A study that does not
only aim to investigate the architectural and technological evolution of the bathhouse as a building, but also
possible changes in bathing habits, should include all
possible sources—literature, inscriptions and archaeology (see below ‘Methodology and sources’).
The focus of this study lies on public baths, i.e.
baths that were accessible to everyone, whether they
were owned by the city / state or by a private individual.9 Private baths on the other hand, which were only
accessible to the owner of a house or villa,10 will only
be touched upon when they provide us with important
parallels or relevant information about public bathing.
Thermal baths—which relied on natural hot water and
gasses and were mainly used for curative purposes11—
will similarly be involved if relevant for the discussion
about public bathing. As their location depended on
the presence of natural hot springs and their design,
architecture and technology were adapted to enable the
best possible use of the natural spring,12 thermal baths
were very different from ‘regular’ bathhouses. Several
in-depth studies of this special category of baths have
already shown the continued popularity of spas in Late
Antiquity.13 Baths in fortresses and ecclesiastical structures will be discussed if there is reason to believe that
they were publicly accessible.
The choice to study several Roman regions instead of
concentrating upon a single province might seem overconfident. However, by studying different regions, each
with its own history and relations with Rome, we can
obtain a better picture of the ‘connectivity’ that existed
in the Mediterranean during this period, rather than
resorting to ‘cultural-container thinking’ as so eloquently
phrased by Versluys,14 even if this means that such an
overview might not be as exhaustive as region-specific
studies. Each region studied in this book represents a
certain ‘tradition’ within the Roman empire: the Italian
Peninsula as the Roman ‘heartland’, North Africa as
prosperous provinces in the western Mediterranean
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
Charpentier and Denoix (2011).
Following Nielsen (1993a) 119.
Following de Haan (2010) 5.
Köhler (2006); Dvorjetski (2007) 120; Broise (2015).
Dvorjetski (2007) 120–23; Broise (2015).
Jouffroy (1992); Pettenò (1996); Dvorjetski (2007); Kreiner and
Letzner (2012); Guérin-Beauvois (2015).
Versluys (2014) 11.
tradition, and Cyrenaica, Egypt and Palestine as rich
provinces in the eastern Mediterranean tradition.
The choice for Late Antiquity has been inspired by
the recent mass of new (archaeological) data that has
come to light in recent years, as well as the possibilities
for reinterpreting old data (for the specific chronological framework, see below). If we consider that buildings
indeed form a sort of non-verbal language,15 we can
try to discern if the changes in the buildings can tell
us something about late antique society in general,
especially as Roman-style bathhouses are identified as
‘markers’ for a Mediterranean connectivity. Without
returning to the debate about Romanisation,16 we could
indeed ask ourselves if the changes in baths and bathing
habits, so deeply rooted in and connected to the antique
world,17 can inform us on the transition to a new, different Mediterranean world.
Geographical Framework
This study will focus on the Roman-style public baths in
the Italian Peninsula, North Africa in the modern geographical sense and the Palestine regions. As explained
above, the choice for these three regions is inspired by
the general aim of this book, namely to compare the evolution of Mediterranean bathing habits in the heartland,
western and eastern provinces. The exact delimitation
of each region and the choice for these specific regions
merit some explanation.
Italy, which includes the mainland peninsula and the
islands of Sicily and Sardinia, was chosen for its central
role within the western Mediterranean, even after the
imperial administration was moved to Constantinople
under Constantine. Rome still exerted an important cultural influence and enjoyed a somewhat mythical status
among the cities of the empire. It is therefore interesting to investigate how Rome and the Roman ‘heartland’
evolved under the new socio-political realities of Late
Antiquity. With Mediolanum (Milan) and Ravenna, the
peninsula also hosted three administrative capitals of
Late Antiquity. In contrast to the northern provinces
and the Iberian Peninsula, Italy remained one administrative unit under imperial control until the late 5th c.
The impact of the subsequent Gothic, ‘Byzantine’ and
Lombard reigns in different parts of the peninsula allows
15
16
17
See among others Rapoport (1974); Rapoport (1976); Gieryn
(2002); Smith and Bugni (2006).
For the most recent debate, see Archaeological dialogues
21.1, esp. Versluys (2014) and Woolf (2014) with anterior
bibliography.
Blonski (2014a).
3
Introduction
us to assess how the new rulers dealt with baths and
bathing habits. Furthermore, Italy was also a core region
for the development of Christian doctrine, enabling an
assessment of bathing habits in a new Christian context.
The large cities are also well represented in the literary evidence about baths and bathing. As Anette Haug
concluded about the Italian heartland: “Diese neue politische, aber auch wirtschaftliche, geistliche und geistige
“Zentralität” in der Spätantike prädestiniert die Region
für eine urbanistiche Analyse.” (“This new political, but
also economic, religious and intellectual “centrality” in
Late Antiquity predestines this region for an urbanistic
analysis.”)18
North Africa was a region of unusual interest for Rome.
The area comprises the northern part of modern-day
Morocco (until the imaginary line Rabat-Meknes-Fez),
the coastline of Algeria and its immediate hinterland,
Tunisia and the coastline of modern Tripolitania and
its immediate hinterland. The agrarian production of
Africa fed the people of the Italian Peninsula and made
the land-based elite extremely wealthy. During the 4th c.,
North Africa also enjoyed a continuous period of prosperity, with investment in public buildings just as in the
Italian Peninsula. The superb state of preservation of
its Roman remains gives archaeologists an exceptional
insight into its built heritage and of its evolution over a
long period of time. The impact of a ‘barbarian’ invasion
on the built heritage, such as the Vandals in the early
5th c., can hence be investigated through the archaeological record instead of relying only on literature.
Furthermore, the ‘restoration’ of this heritage under
Byzantine rule can also be assessed. The history of the
bathing habits in North Africa faced a third hurdle in the
Islamic conquest. As the Islamic conquerors later settled
on different lands, the archaeological remains of bathhouses in North Africa offer us a unique look onto the
last phase of the building and possible transformations
under Early Islamic rule.
Even if Cyrenaica and Egypt have always been
treated somewhat apart in the archaeology of the
Roman empire, these regions form an important link
between the western and eastern part of the (southern)
Mediterranean. Cyrenaica consisted of the coastline of
modern Cyrenaica and the Gebel-Ahkdar mountains
around Cyrene, while Roman Aegyptus corresponded
more or less to modern day Egypt, until the first cataract
of the Nile at Aswan. Both regions offer us some exceptionally well preserved sites, which had their roots in
the Greek-Hellenistic building tradition. Their historical
trajectory further diverged after they were spared ‘barbarian’ incursion. Cyrenaica was not conquered by the
18
Haug (2003) 1; translation by the author.
Vandals and remained under imperial control in the
5th c., while Egypt was heavily protected from eastern
threats because of its crucial role in the food supply of
first Rome and later Constantinople. In Egypt, papyrological evidence also gives us an exceptional look at
ordinary problems and daily concerns regarding baths
and bathing that would never have made it to books or
inscriptions. Its long bathing tradition (Hellenistic public baths) and the strong Christian presence in Egypt,
not least in the form of ascetism and pilgrimage sites,
gives the evolution of baths and bathing habits in this
region additional dimensions. The Islamic conquest
started slightly earlier than in Roman Africa and was
of a more permanent character, offering an interesting
comparison between the baths and bathing traditions in
both the western and eastern part of North Africa under
Early Islamic rule.
The Palestine regions form the definite transition
to the eastern part of the empire. In this book, the
area under investigation corresponds to late antique
Palestina Prima, Palestina Secunda and Palestina Tertia.
This roughly falls within the borders of the modern
states of Israel, Palestine and the western part of Jordan.
The Palestine region prospered between the early 4th
and late 6th c., benefitting from trade with Egypt and
the other eastern provinces. The region’s transitional
role between the Mediterranean world and the East,
as well as the extraordinary quantity and quality of the
archaeological information, make Palestina an appealing comparison for other regions. Furthermore, it is
interesting to assess the evolution of baths and bathing
in a region that is known as the cradle of Judaism and
Christianity.
The preservation of Roman sites in the Italian, North
African and Palestine regions, combined with their more
or less stable political and economic context between
the 4th and late 6th c., enable an interesting comparison
of baths and bathing habits between the Italian heartland, western and eastern parts of the Mediterranean.
Chronological Framework
The period that will be covered in this study lies between
AD 285 and AD 700. The choice of the start date seems
straightforward. It is the year in which the so-called ‘crisis of the 3rd c.’ ended and Diocletian became the new
emperor of the Roman empire. The introduction of the
Tetrarchy (the ‘rule of four’) and the subsequent reorganisation of imperial administration and the economy
had an empire-wide impact. By including the reign
of Diocletian and the Tetrarchy, rather than starting
with ‘the first Christian emperor Constantine’, we thus
4
Introduction
include the first baths that were constructed under
these changed socio-political and economic circumstances.19 The end date seems more random, as AD 700
does not mark a specific historical event. The date was
chosen with the Islamic conquest of North Africa in
mind. In AD 698, Carthage fell into Muslim hands and by
AD 708, Tangier had been taken. With the end of Roman
rule, a new historical chapter commenced. By including
the second half of the 7th c., we could (theoretically)
observe how the Roman-style baths in North Africa and
the Middle East ‘survived’ the first decades of Muslim
rule. The further development of bathing habits under
Early Islam will only be presented as an ‘epilogue’, as an
exhaustive study of transition to the hammams would
merit a separate publication. In the Italian Peninsula,
the Roman societal model had already disappeared by
the late 6th c. The end of Theoderic’s rule, the last of
some sort of administrative unity, is often chosen as end
date of late antique Italy. By pushing back the chronological limit to the end of the 7th c., we can include
the tumultuous period of the Gothic-Byzantine Wars,
Lombard-Byzantine Wars and their effects on public
baths and bathing habits. In this way, we can include
an outline for baths and bathing in the Early Medieval
period.
The geographic and chronological framework of
this study enables us to investigate the evolution of
the baths and bathing habits in response to political
changes (administrative reforms under Diocletian and
Constantine, Vandal, Gothic, Byzantine, Lombard and
Islamic rule), economic changes (decline of certain
cities, administrative abandonment of certain regions,
shifting trade routes) and cultural changes (rise of
Christianity, Christian doctrinal disputes, dwindling
classical cults, Jewish conservatism, rise of the Islam).
Methodology and Sources
Baths and Bathing Approached from Different Angles
As the title of this book implies, this research will not
only focus on the bathhouse as a building, but also on
bathing habits. Evidently, the actual architectural structure will be a very important part of the evidence. Just
as in most of the seminal works on Roman baths, the
architecture, technology and decoration of the baths
will be investigated.20 The use of different rooms in the
bathhouse, which is closely linked to the three aspects of
baths mentioned above, has also been discussed in most
of the general works on Roman baths.21 The perception
of baths and bathing by the people that built and used
them is more difficult to investigate. For this aspect, the
written evidence by users of these baths takes a suitably
prominent position.22
If we want to understand the evolution of baths and
bathing habits in Late Antiquity, it is not sufficient to
restrict the research to newly built baths. Several establishments of the High Empire were still in use during
Late Antiquity, sometimes with important changes to
their original plan. This study will therefore try to detect
which pre-existing baths were still in use, if these baths
were restored and if so, if these restorations brought
about changes to the original design. The restorations
and possible transformations can then be compared
with the newly constructed baths in order to detect
similar trends in the 5 aspects of a bathhouse discussed
above.
As the public bathhouses are often described as social
hubs within Roman communities, this research will
also focus on the position of the bath within its larger
environment. For public baths in an urban context, the
location of the baths within the city fabric is important.23
The relation of the baths to the city’s water supply network and sewer system, other social hubs (e.g. fora,
basilicae, theatres, amphitheatres, nymphaea, public
latrines, churches) and road networks will be examined
where possible. For the baths in a non-urban context,
the relation to water sources, possible traffic arteries and
surrounding structures (villas or even small settlements)
can turn out to be important factors for the location of
the baths.
Evidence of Baths and Bathing
For the best possible insight into these three different
aspects of the research into baths and bathing—the
bathhouse itself, its use and perception, and its position
within the larger environment—all types of evidence
should be included. It is important to stress that this
book does not present an exhaustive list of all available texts, inscriptions and archaeological sites of late
antique baths, but only provides a representative sample
20
19
Several baths are indeed dated ‘at the turn of the 3rd and
4th centuries. By including the period between AD 285 and
AD 305, we can include these baths. However, for the inscriptions and the papyri, the year AD 300 has been chosen as a
start date to simplify search queries in the databases.
21
22
23
Krencker et al. (1929); Brödner (1983); Heinz (1983); Yegül
(1992); Nielsen (1993a).
See above n20, to which should be added Fagan (1999a) and
Blonski (2014a).
Fagan (1999a).
Wilkes (1999) 23.
5
Introduction
that permits study of the evolution of baths and bathing
habits between AD 285 and AD 700.
The abundant literary output of late antique writers
informs us on different aspects of baths and bathing. The
writings of early Christian authors are especially important to understand the position of the Church towards
the Romans’ favourite pastime. Furthermore, the works
of Greek-speaking and Syriac-speaking writers will be
included in this study, as these authors often travelled
and wrote about the different parts of the empire (see
‘Introduction’ of chapter 2). Besides the passages by the
‘usual suspects’ such as Jerome, Eusebius and Augustine,
other bath-related texts by less well-known authors
such as Vegetius, Commodianus, John Cassian and
John of Nikiu prove to be very informative and will be
included. There will also be special attention for medical authors such as Theodorus Priscianus, Cassius Felix
and Alexander of Tralles, who frequently mention the
use of baths in their prescriptions and cures. The second
category of written sources, the juridical texts, is often
quoted parsimoniously in modern research. A thorough
examination of these laws, however, informs us about
a wide variety of aspects of baths and bathing habits,
especially about practical issues such as water supply,
building permits and inheritance of privately owned
baths. Canonical laws and Church rules give a more
general counterbalance to the personal opinions of the
Early Church fathers.
Inscriptions regarding late antique baths and bathing
merit an independent study. The corpus of inscriptions
that was assembled for this work relies on earlier studies, supplemented by bath-specific queries on online
databases and going through the last volumes of the
most important epigraphic journals (for more detail,
see ‘Introduction’ of chapter 2). The inscriptions that
were included all refer directly to bathhouses or bathing. Inscriptions that were found inside baths but do not
have a bath-related content were excluded. When the
text of the inscription is entirely preserved, it can give
us important information on construction or restoration
dates, the patron(s) paying for the work and the type of
work that was carried out. In addition, the epigraphic
data can give us the name of the baths, the costs and
duration of the work and other information. The number
of inscriptions pertaining to public buildings has often
been used to chart the evolution of building activities in
the Roman empire. Even if the link between inscription
and building activity is not as straightforward as statistics would have us believe, it is nevertheless interesting
to compare the archaeological and literary data about
late antique baths to the epigraphic corpus, especially
on a region-by-region basis.
The papyrological evidence is a special type of
data. The papyri that were relevant for this study have
been collected through bath-related queries in online
databases and through earlier publications. The geographical spread of this corpus is limited to modern-day
Egypt and pertains almost exclusively to the baths and
bathing habits in this same region. As Roman Egypt
has often been treated as a somewhat separate case in
modern research, use of papyri for research on Roman
baths was frequently marginal.24 However, the papyri
are an invaluable source of information on the baths
of Egypt, in addition to the archaeological and literary evidence. As the papyri contained personal or
administrative messages, not intended for widespread
publication or immortalization in stone, the information we gained from these excerpts shows us a different
side of the baths: from the payment of 50 panes of glass
for restoration work to the complaint of citizens over
high entrance fees. It is also worth investigating if the
more general information on baths and bathing habits
provided by the papyri corresponds with the evidence
from the other regions that are discussed in this study.
Egypt might not have been such an exception as usually
assumed.
The present study is the result of a bibliographical
survey, complemented with some on-site observations
in a limited number of cases.25 No new archaeological
fieldwork was conducted. The description of the bathhouses in this book is the result of a critical reading
of primary excavation reports (if available) and of the
detailed analysis of the plan provided by this primary
publication. The secondary literature is only included if
it adds new elements to the primary source.
After the discussion, a gazetteer of late antique
Roman-style baths is presented. For each region, not
only the newly built late antique baths, but also the
High Imperial baths with a late antique phase have
been included. The newly built late antique bathhouses
are ‘valued’ according to the type of evidence that was
used by the excavators for dating. The baths with an
A-rating have been dated by scientific analyses (radiocarbon dating, dendrochronology, etc.), contextual finds
or inscriptions. These baths can be attributed with certainty to Late Antiquity. Baths with a B-rating only have
a terminus post or ante quem, but can still be dated fairly
securely to Late Antiquity. Baths with a C-rating could
only be dated on the basis of general construction tech24
25
Yet see Nielsen (1993a) 207–208.
If additional observations were made on site by the author, these are indicated in the relevant parts of the texts as
footnotes.
6
niques, decorative schemes, use of spolia or architectural
styles. The D-rated baths can only be attributed to Late
Antiquity on the basis of regional trends or site-specific
elements. These last two categories most likely belong to
the late antique period, although we often lack the hard
archaeological evidence to confirm this. It is sometimes
difficult to discern restorations and new construction,
and often the construction date can only be narrowed
down to a century. For a building to be interpreted as
a bathhouse, the archaeological remains should at least
reveal a hypocaust and a pool (with steps for access), or
point incontestably to a bathing function (e.g. a mosaic
with a text welcoming bathers). The archaeological
remains that have been firmly dated to Late Antiquity,
but that display only certain features of baths, such as
basins (without steps for access) or a hypocaust, or for
which only the presence of specific building materials
such as tubuli, hydraulic mortar or pillar tiles can be
ascertained, are categorized under ‘possible late antique
baths’. Only future research may determine whether
these buildings were actually baths or not.
Besides the description of late antique public baths
in the gazetteer, a number of urban case-studies will be
discussed. These have been selected on the basis of the
number of newly constructed late antique public baths,
the state of preservation of the archaeological remains
(both of the baths and the urban fabric) and of the available published archaeological data. This resulted in a list
of 8 cities, spread across the different regions, which will
be discussed in more detail:
– Rome and Ostia for the Italian Peninsula
– Cuicul, Thamugadi, Carthage and Sufetula for North
Africa
– Ptolemais for Cyrenaica
– Scythopolis for Palestina
For each city, the construction of late antique baths
and the restoration of pre-existing baths will be framed
in the historical and urban framework. Hence the relationship to the historical events and of the evolution
of the urban fabric can be assessed, especially in relation to water management and other public buildings
and spaces.
The Structure of the Book
The general structure of this book has been shaped by
a logical deconstruction of the main research question,
also allowing the reader to consult the body of evidence
by source (written or archaeological) as well as by region.
The detailed structure and research methodology of
each part is explained at the start of each individual
Introduction
section. First, a short introduction to Roman baths and
bathing habits will be presented, with a special focus on
modern research into late antique baths (chapter 1). In
the following two chapters, the evidence for late antique
baths is discussed. The written evidence (chapter 2)
includes ancient literary texts, the juridical corpora,
inscriptions and papyri that can inform us not only
about the actual buildings, but also about the people
involved in their construction and use. A brief overview
of the earliest literary attestations of hammams will also
be presented. The archaeological evidence (chapter 3)
from excavations and the standing remains of the bathhouses can inform us about the architecture, technology
and decoration of the bath building and will form the
main body of evidence of this study. The different sites,
both new construction and continued use, are discussed
in the Gazetteer. For 8 case studies, the baths will be
discussed in their urban framework. To conclude, there
is a concise overview of the archaeological evidence of
early hammams. Finally, the evidence from the previous two chapters will be combined to answer general
research questions about the evolution of late antique
baths (chapter 4). In order to frame late antique baths in
the longue durée of Mediterranean bathing habits, this
evidence will also be compared to the evolution during
High Empire and, for North Africa and the Levant, compared to early Islamic period.
Notes on Terminology
Geographical Terminology and Place Names
In this study, the Latin terminology and delimitation of
the different regions are preferred to modern delimitations. Hence North Africa corresponds to the coastal
regions and the hinterland of modern Morocco, Algeria,
Tunisia and Tripolitania in Libya, while Cyrenaica and
Egypt are discussed separately. The term Palestina is
preferred to modern Israel / Palestine because it encompasses also the western border region of Jordan. The
collective term ‘the Middle East’ points to the regions
now made up by Israel and the Palestine regions, Jordan,
Lebanon, the Turkish region around Antakya and western Syria. The Near East, by contrast, points to eastern
Turkey, eastern Syria, Iraq and Iran. For the smaller
subdivision of each region, the antique provinces are
followed. For the Italian Peninsula, this means a division according to the Augustan regiones (regio I to XI,
see map 1). For North Africa, the provinces as shaped by
the late antique reorganisation by Diocletian are used.
The place names are referred to in their Latin spelling,
always followed by the equivalent modern city and the
Introduction
map 1
Late Antique inscriptions mentioning baths and bathing in the Italian Peninsula. The numbers refer to the
EI-numbers of Appendix 1, not shown: EI-24, Cornus on Sardinia.
plan by the author
7
8
modern country (in brackets). As such, the reader will
find Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria). The transcription of modern Arabic place names into western script follows Brill’s
New Pauly when possible, or the transcription by the
author of the primary source in other cases, e.g. Oued
Athmenia. If the ancient name is unknown, only the
modern place name will be mentioned, followed by the
modern country, e.g. Ouled Hafouz (Tunisia). However,
some well-known ancient cities have Anglicized versions
of the Latin or Greek name, such as Rome, Carthage,
Jerusalem, Constantinople or Antioch, which will be
preferred. The same goes for modern cities for which the
name is the same as the Roman version, such as Ostia,
Ravenna or Alexandria.
Chronological Terminology
The term ‘late antique’ is preferred over ‘Late Roman’
or ‘Later Roman’ as it expresses a certain independence
from the previous periods, yet also stresses the unmistakably ‘classical’ character of the period. Furthermore,
‘late antique’ shifts the attention from the cultural
(‘Roman’) sphere to a more neutral ‘chronological’
(‘antique’) indication, embracing all the new sociocultural developments of this period, such as the rise
of the non-Roman ‘successor kingdoms’ in Europe or
the Muslim expansion in North Africa. For the Middle
East, the term ‘late antique’ is maintained, even if modern scholars specializing in this region often tend to use
the term ‘Byzantine’, stressing the cultural bond with
Constantinople. For the sake of continuity in this study
and because the collective term ‘late antique’ is perfectly
capable of encompassing different cultural influences,
the term ‘Byzantine’ will only be used in a political
sense, i.e. as the rule of Constantinople extending to
North Africa and the Italian Peninsula from the reign
of Justinian onwards. It should be stressed that ‘late
antique’, especially concerning baths and even architecture in general, is a mere chronological indication,
i.e. pertaining to the period AD 285–700, and does not
imply the presence of specific characteristics. Similarly,
the term ‘Islamic’ is only a chronological marker to designate the start of Muslim rule. It does not imply special
characteristics.
Cultural and Religious Terminology
The words ‘Romanisation’ and ‘Christianisation’ are
avoided throughout this book, as these are somewhat
loaded teleological terms, which can exclude notions
of interaction and dialogue. The terms ‘Roman’ and
‘Christian’ are used as general collective terms including
a heterogeneous mix of contrasting elements. The terms
‘Jewish’ and ‘Muslim’ should similarly be interpreted as
collective terms that leave room for different internal
Introduction
fractions. As it is difficult to label the heterogeneous
amalgam of polytheist beliefs of the classical world as
‘religion’ due to the lack of dogmatic framework and holy
scripture, the definition ‘classical or traditional cults’ or
the ‘classical pantheon’ is used throughout the book. The
term ‘pagan’ is avoided as much as possible, as the word
implies a belief system in opposition to Christianity
and is hence defined ‘in relation to’ Christian faith.26
The term ‘Berber’, which finds its origin in the Greek
βάρβαρος (barbaros) denoting all non-Greek speaking
people, and which was later adopted by both Romans
and Muslims, shall not be used in this study, as it still
carries the pejorative connotation of ‘wild’ or ‘uneducated’. Instead, the word ‘Amazigh’—a term chosen by
the modern descendants—will be used to denote the
indigenous communities of North Africa.
Personal Names
The personal names of well-known ancient authors
and emperors are given in their standard English form
following OCD, such as Augustine instead of Augustinus
or Justinian instead of Justinianus. Note that for
some authors, the name has no Anglicized version, e.g.
Ammianus Marcellinus. For Greek authors and rulers, the Latinized versions are used, such as Procopius
instead of Προκόπιος or Prokopios. The names of average
Romans mentioned in texts and inscriptions are given
in their original Latin form, or for Greek, Syriac, Hebrew
and Arab names in their standard Latinized forms
(following OCD, The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium and
The Oxford Dictionary of Islam).
Bath-Related Terminology
Throughout this book, the English terms baths, bath,
and bathhouse are used as synonyms. The Latin terms
balnea and thermae are avoided, except when quoting
an ancient text or inscription. The specification ‘private
bath’ is used in the modern conception of the word,
i.e. the bath of a private house, which was used only
by the proprietor or his family. Regarding ownership,
the specification ‘privately owned bath’ will avoid any
confusion. For the separate parts of the bathhouse—
for rooms as well as for architectural elements and
building materials—a standardised Latin terminology
will be used. There is a glossary of these terms at the end
of this book.
26
Due to a lack of alternatives, the word ‘pagan’ in this study
is only used in opposition to a Christian counterpart, e.g.
Christian versus ‘pagan’ burial ground.
Introduction
Notes on Abbreviations
Throughout this study, some late antique baths will be
followed by a catalogue number (e.g. C23), referring to
the plan in the Gazetteer. The late antique inscriptions
pertaining to bathhouses will be followed by a code referring to the list of inscriptions found in Appendix 1. The
inscriptions are grouped according to the region in which
they have been found, namely Italy (EI-numbers), North
Africa (EA-numbers) and Palestina (EP-numbers). The
late antique papyri pertaining to baths are followed by
code referring to Appendix 2 (e.g. P-1). The late antique
ostraca (pottery sherds) with inscriptions concerning
baths have a code referring to the same Appendix 2
(e.g. O-3). The abbreviations for the different epigraphic corpora can be found above p. xx. The names
and titles of the works of late antique authors follow
9
the abbreviations found in OCD (3rd ed., (1996)). The
names and works of early Christian authors which are
not included in the dictionary, follow A. H. M. Jones The
Later Roman Empire (Oxford 1964) vol. 2, 1462–76, then
G. W. H. Lampe A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford 1961).
Years pertaining to antiquity and to the Early Medieval
or Islamic periods are given in the standard western BC
and AD format. For measurements, the following abbreviations are used: km for kilometre(s), m for metre(s),
cm for centimetre(s), and m2 for square metre(s). The
abbreviations of the following geometric terms occur in
the book: ‘diam.’ for diameter, ‘r’ for radius and ‘s’ for side.
The dimensions of surfaces are given in the following
format: ‘length’ x ‘width’, with the number of decimals
after the decimal point an indication of the precision of
the measurement.
chapter 1
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research
on Late Antique Baths
General Introduction to Roman Baths and
Bathing Habits
Pre-Roman Origins of Public Bathing
The relationship between man and water has always
been somewhat particular. Water is the essential prerequisite for life itself and so control of water is of
primordial importance for any society.1 The life-giving
power of water and its ability to remove dirt gave special
meaning to this element of nature, especially in combination with the other elements, earth and fire.2 It should
not come as a surprise that the act of washing was intimately linked with a society’s world views and what
Georges Vigarello called “l’imaginaire du corps.”3
The Romans were not the first to develop a (communal) bathing habit. Already in the Bronze Age Central
Asia, nomadic groups called ‘Scythes’ by Herodotus
practiced a form of bodily hygiene in sweat chambers.4
In ancient Mesopotamian cultures, no actual bathhouses have been discovered, but sewer systems,
canalizations—sometimes with terracotta pipes—and
cisterns do survive.5 In pharaonic Egypt, basic bath
rooms with drainage systems were found in the private
residences of high dignitaries from the Middle Dynasty
onwards (1938–ca. 1630 BC). There is no evidence of
public baths in Egypt until Greek-style bathhouses were
introduced under the Ptolemies.6 The Aegean region
seems to have played an important role in introducing eastern water technology with what we would now
call ‘personal hygiene’. This was especially evident in
the Minoan civilization on Crete (first half of the 2nd
millennium BC), where we find some of the earliest
examples of both terracotta piping and bath tubs in the
Mediterranean. Similar tubs were found in Mycenaean
palaces on the Greek mainland, for example at Mycenae
and Pylos.7
1
2
3
4
Sedlak (2014).
Munn (2009).
Vigarello (1985) 11.
Hdt. 4.73–75; Brödner (1977) 45. Interestingly, a similar sweat bath
on the Russian steppes is still described by the 10th c. Persian explorer Ibn Rustah (Kitab al-ala’iq an-nafisah).
5 Tamburino (2010); Muller et al. (2014).
6 Gräzer (2009) 37; For the Greek-style baths, see Gallo (2009).
7 Brödner (1978) 48–50; Ginouvès (1962) 32; see also Shaw (2012) for
Mycenaean bathing habits.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���0 | doi:��.��63/97890044�94��_003
The Greeks were the first to introduce a form of communal bathing, besides the most basic form of washing
in a river or public fountain—the latter represented on
some Greek vases.8 From around 500 BC, public facilities
start to emerge.9 The Greek-style public baths were composed of rectangular or round rooms (θόλοι, tholoi) with a
series of individual hip-baths against their walls.10 These
bath tubs were usually in terracotta, cut out of stone or
occasionally constructed with stones and hydraulic mortar. Sitting up straight, the bather was not fully immersed
but probably poured hot water over himself, or had this
done by a servant (fig. 1).11 These bathing facilities, called
a βαλανεῖον / balaneion (also used for Greek private
baths), were built during the 4th c. BC and mainly during the Hellenistic period (3rd to 1st c. BC) in most parts
of the Mediterranean, including southern France, southern Italy, Sicily, the Middle East and North Africa.12 The
innovative character of the bathhouses in ‘Hieronian’
Sicily (3rd c. BC) is particularly stressed in recent
research.13 These baths had a bottle-shaped furnace
channel heating a water boiler for the nearby hip-baths
of the tholos, while a subterranean heating duct placed
under a full immersion bathtub created what Monica
Trümper called the first “relaxing bathing forms.”14 A
second type of bathing facility in Greece was linked to
an even more popular building, namely the gymnasium.
Especially in the late Classical and Hellenistic periods,
this large public building reserved for men combined
physical exercises with intellectual education within its
walls.15 Besides the actual exercise yard, this building
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Ginouvès (1962) 21–28.
For a catalogue of all known Greek-style public bathhouses,
see Fournet et al. (2013).
Ginouvès (1962) 187; Hoffmann (1999) 58–71.
Villard (1994) 43–45. Evidence for bathing personnel pouring warm water over bathers is found in Egyptian papyri, see
Fournet and Redon (2013) 241.
See the map by Fournet (2013) 264.
Especially the Greek baths of Gela (4th–3rd c. BC), Syracuse
(3rd c. BC), Morgantina (3rd c. BC) and Megara Hyblaea
(3rd c. BC.) are good examples of Greek style public baths in
Sicily. For further reading, see also Broise (1994) 19–25; Lucore
(2013).
Trümper (2009) 142.
Delorme (1960) 462–69; Hoffmann (1999) 58–61; Scholz (2004).
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
11
figure 1
Reconstruction of a tholos in a Greek-style
bathhouse
in Fournet and Redon (2009) 134, fig. 10;
with permission
comprised dressing rooms, a bathroom (λουτρόν)16 with
cold water basins and sometimes an open air swimming
pool, a massage room (ἀλειπτήριον) and from the 2nd c.
BC onwards a round sweat chamber (πυριατήριον).17 One
can remark, however, that the act of washing was only
a secondary activity, to remove the oil, sweat and sand.
One visited the gymnasium to exercise, not to bathe.18
The combination of sports and bathing persisted into
Roman times, especially in the Hellenized east. A third
widespread form of bathing in the Greek-Hellenistic
period took place in private houses. This form probably
originated from free-standing tubs in the palaces of the
east and found its way to Greece through Minoan and
Mycenaean culture.19 In most of the cases, a private
bathroom consisted only of a small room with waterproof flooring. In some cases, however, the private baths
had street entrances, enabling non-residents to make
16
17
18
19
The term loutron was also used to describe independent structures (Trümper (2013) 35–36), see glossary.
Ginouvès (1962) 125–50; Yegül (1992) 17–21; Nielsen (1993a)
9–11; Trümper (2014) 218.
Blonski (2014a) 179.
Ginouvès (1962) 29–30.
use of the baths. The water was brought in from a reservoir or cistern by means of portable basins and jugs.20
Greek-style bathing habits in public or private contexts thus established themselves in most parts of the
Mediterranean world between the 5th and 1st c. BC. Yet,
bathhouses never seem to have been an indispensable
part of a town’s fabric and thus were never considered
by the local authorities to be an indispensable amenity
which had to be offered to its citizens.21
Italic Bathing Habits
Little is known about the bathing habits of the Etruscans.
They were familiar with piped water and sewers, but conclusive evidence for bathing practices is lacking. It is also
very difficult to distinguish original Etruscan elements
from adopted Greek practices, as cultural exchange was
common in the Hellenistic period.22 Southern Etruria is
nevertheless an area with lots of natural hot springs, so
there is the possibility that the Etruscans knew and used
20
21
22
de Haan (2010) 12; Trümper (2014) 210.
Trümper (2013) 62; Trümper (2014) 219–25.
Broise and Jolivet (1991) 81.
chapter 1
12
these thermal sites. However, they did not build bathhouses around them.23
Before Rome ‘unified’ large parts of the Italian
Peninsula, some of the Italic people had already developed bathing habits in specialized facilities.24 A small
bathroom (lavatrina) with some kind of waterproof
flooring and portable water basins was usually built
next to the kitchen, making use of the oven to heat
the water.25 Although similar facilities existed in the
Hellenistic world, there is no reason to doubt an independent evolution of this simple type of bathroom. The
same goes for the larger bathrooms comprising two or
even three rooms, usually having a separate dressing
room (apodyterium) with niches to store clothes, a cold
room ( frigidarium) with a wash basin (labrum) and a
hot room (caldarium) heated by a brazier and with a
pool.26 These basic bathrooms exhibit an interesting
combination of Hellenistic, Punic and local influences,
including the Greek type of rectangular immersion bath
tub, Punic geometrical black and white mosaic patterns
imbedded in opus signinum and a simple drainage system of the bathing water directly spilling on the floor
and being evacuated through drain holes in the walls.
Early Roman Bathhouse
As (public) bathhouses are seen as a typically Roman
building, the origins of the technique behind these
facilities have been the focus of fierce debates.27 Mid20th c. Italian scholars were convinced that the principles of Roman baths were invented in southern Italy,
and more specifically in Campania, where the seismically active area of the Flegrean Fields with its numerous
natural hot springs and steam vents was the perfect
breeding ground for conceiving artificially heated bathing facilities.28 In Latin literature, these scholars found
a valuable ally in a certain C. Sergius Orata.29 Several
Roman authors, including Cicero and Pliny the Elder
mention this businessman in relation to the first ‘pensiles
balineas’ or ‘suspended baths’, although none of these
authors actually speak of him as the ‘inventor’.30 Garrett
Fagan even doubted if the term ‘pensiles balineas’ really
meant ‘suspended baths’, suggesting that it could be better interpreted as some sort of fish ponds.31 Even if Orata
was somehow linked to the spread or the introduction of
the new heating system, the archaeological evidence of
the first hypocaust systems (see below p. 13) clearly precedes Orata’s suggested business activities between 110
and 91 BC.32 The most important significance of Orata
in the story of Roman bathing habits thus lies in the fact
that the Romans may have felt the need to attribute the
invention of one of their most successful institutions to
a Roman citizen.33
The flow of people and ideas through trade, migration
and slavery across the Mediterranean must have played
an important part in the spread of a public bathing
culture.34 The Roman bathing habit could thus be seen
as a fusion of different influences, including Hellenistic
and local elements.35 The definition that describes
the Roman bathing practise as “communal bathing in
heated pools deployed in a sequential arrangement of
heated rooms”36 covers only part of the specificity. The
Romans did indeed expand the water management and
heating system, the two core elements of the actual
bathing aspect. In contrast to Greek-style baths, these
technical aspects were not visible to the bathers.37 But
even if there are similarities between Greek and Roman
baths on a basic technological level, the most important
difference between the two traditions is the role of the
building within the society. A Roman bathhouse is a
building for the most popular pastime in Roman society, offering facilities for relaxation, bodily hygiene and
social contact within a structure centred on the sequential arrangement of heated rooms, set in an interior that
reflected the cultural preferences of its users and that
reinforced the Roman sense of dominance over other
cultures and over nature.
The first examples of ‘typically Roman’ baths in the
Italian Peninsula do not antedate the 2nd c. BC. As bath30
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
Gasperini (1988); Chellini (2002) 232; Dvorjetski (2007) 95. For
sites with hot springs, see Chellini (2002) 17–187.
According to most recent knowledge, the evidence is restricted to Lazio and Campania. For pre-Roman water cults
and possible bathing practices in the Romagna, Marche and
Abruzzo, see the contributions in Pacciarelli (1997).
Fabbricotti (1976) 32; Yegül (1992) 50; de Haan (2010) 19–22.
Fabbricotti (1976) 33.
DeLaine (1999a) 7; DeLaine (1999b); Maréchal (2012) 147–50.
Sgobbo (1929); Di Capua (1940) 93–96; De Angelis d’Ossat
(1943) 39–40; Crova (1956).
Wikander (1996).
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
Cic., Hortensius 68–71; Plin. HN 9.168. See de Haan (2010)
25–28.
Fagan (1996a) 59–63.
de Haan (2010) 29; Yegül (2013) 87 n. 55.
Similarly, modern Arabs consider the hammam as an invention of Islamic culture (Carlier (2000) 1303), even if the earliest
Arab literature acknowledges the Roman origin of the baths
(Benkheira (2007) 321). It is interesting to notice how the bathing habits are necessarily ‘a fruit of one’s own culture’.
Fagan (1999a) 82–83; Yegül (2013) 81.
Nielsen (1985); DeLaine (1989) 112–13; Yegül (1992) 49–54; Gros
(1996) 390–94; Thébert (2003) 73–83.
Fagan (2001) 404.
Manderscheid (2000a) 534.
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
13
ing was one of the most popular activities in Roman
society, the frequent restorations of these popular buildings make it very difficult to find archaeological evidence
for these oldest phases. The bathhouse of Fregellae
(phase II) is one of these extraordinary examples.
Dating from the beginning of the 2nd c. BC, this facility of approximately 1,100 m2 was internally divided in a
male and female section, each with a dressing room and
a room with a collective pool heated by a subterranean
channel (fig. 2).38 This type of pool, with its back wall
curved for a more comfortable bathing position, is also
found in the Hellenistic baths in Sicily. The men’s section had also a small sweat chamber heated by a fully
functional hypocaust system, including terracotta tubes
for wall heating. By the end of the 2nd c. BC, the Stabian
Baths in Pompeii were also equipped with all the basic
components of the ‘standard’ Roman-style bathhouse
(fig. 3). In both the men’s and women’s sector, the succession of dressing room, cold room, tepid room and hot
room (apodyterium-frigidarium-tepidarium-caldarium)
ensured the gradation of heat in a fixed route. The
caldarium is of the so-called ‘Vitruvian’ type: a rectangular room with a rounded apse (schola labri) on one of
the small ends and a rectangular hot pool (alveus) on
the opposite end. The extension of a sporting ground
(palaestra) and the addition of an open-air swimming
pool (natatio) were completed in the middle of the
1st c. BC.39 The round sweat chamber (laconicum) was
probably added in 80 BC, but changed function at the
end of the same century to become a cold pool. This
round room with semicircular apses was clearly connected to the Hellenistic tholoi and has been labelled a
characteristic element of early Roman baths. The other
public bathhouses in Pompeii and Herculaneum followed more or less this same linear succession of rooms
with a flanking exercise yard.40
For the Republican period, there is quite a large number of private baths found in Latium and Campania.41
These facilities have long been treated separately of
public baths. However, recent research has shown that
relations between private and public baths, especially
during the initial development of Roman bathing habits, are more complex than previously thought. It is
not yet clear if the popularity of private baths boosted
the building of public baths, or vice versa. But the evi-
dence points to a pioneering role of private baths: “In
der Entwicklungsphase der römischen Badekultur und
der Bädertechnik spielten sie eine sehr wichtige Rolle und
waren sogar regelrechte Wegbereiter bei der Verbreitung
neuer Technologien.” (“In the development phase of
Roman bathing culture and bathing technology these
played a very important role and were even downright
pioneers in spreading new technologies.”)42 The public
baths at Fregellae also display an architectural resemblance to the city’s houses, “perhaps revealing distant
roots in the broadly conceived family of kitchen-bath
combinations of Italic farmhouses and rustic villas.”43
38
39
40
46
41
Tsiolis (2001) 91; Tsiolis (2006); Tsiolis (2013) 94–95.
Nielsen (1993a) 33.
Pompeii: Suburban Baths (1st c. AD), Republican Baths (end
2nd c. BC.), Central Baths (AD 62–79), Forum Baths (1st c. BC.),
baths of Iulia Felix (AD 62–79), Sarno Baths (1st c. AD). Herculaneum: Suburban Baths (1st c. AD), Forum baths (1st c. BC.).
Papi (1999a); de Haan (1997); de Haan (2010) 41–42.
Imperial Period Bathhouse
After the political turmoil that characterized the transition from the Republic to the Principate, the emperor
Augustus started a comprehensive propaganda campaign to firmly establish the new form of power within
the Roman society.44 A grand building programme in
the city of Rome was a major boost for both the economy and his popularity with the people. The availability
of large groups of unskilled labour forces and the efficient opus caementicium building technique enabled
large structures to be built in a relatively short period
of time. It is precisely in this period that Rome became
the leading player in bathing architecture. The Baths of
Agrippa, named after Augustus’ general and right-hand
man, were the first of the so-called ‘imperial baths’ to
be built (dedicated in 25 BC). The term ‘imperial’, one
should note, has more to do with size, luxury and axial
symmetrical layout of the building than with the involvement of an actual emperor.45 Although little is known
about Agrippa’s Baths from archaeological evidence, the
plan came down to us through a fragment of the Forma
Urbis Roma (FUR), a plan of Rome carved out in marble slabs from the 2nd c. AD.46 It is unclear if the plan
actually shows the layout of the 1st c. BC, or if it represents a later reorganisation.47 Cassius Dio wrote that the
baths were damaged by fire in AD 80.48 Afterwards they
were restored and enlarged under Hadrian (first half of
42
43
44
45
47
48
de Haan (2010) 37–38; translation by the author.
Yegül (2013) 80.
Zanker (1990).
Brundrett and Simpson (1997) argue that the real innovation
of Agrippa’s Baths lay in their size and luxurious decoration,
rather than in their innovative plan.
Yegül (2010) 105–106. Today, only the Arco della Ciambella, in
the similarly named street between the Pantheon and Largo
Argentina, are a visual reminder of the monumentality of this
Early Imperial bathhouse. The visible remains might well relate to a later restoration phase.
Brödner (1983) 51.
Cass. Dio 66.24.
chapter 1
14
figure 2
Plan of the baths of Fregellae (Italy) with its early hypocaust (nr. 15)
in Tsiolis (2013) 96, fig. 13; with permission
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
figure 3
Plan of the Stabian Baths in Pompeii (Italy), with the alleged Greek hipbaths to the north (hatched)
after Nielsen (1993b) 98, fig. 75
the 2nd c. AD) and under Constantius and Constans (if
EI-54 pertains to these baths).49 In any case, the Baths
of Agrippa prove that the imperial family—to which
Agrippa certainly belonged—saw the construction of
large bath complexes as an act of munificence towards
the people and as an ever-lasting reminder of the imperial house. It is also the first time that a large space in the
centre of Rome was allocated to public baths.50
The Baths of Nero, built 100 m north of the Baths of
Agrippa, are known from the 16th c. drawings of Palladio.
Extensive rebuilding under Alexander Severus in AD 226
may have altered the original design. Archaeological
investigations in the cellars of the buildings surrounding
the modern piazza Sant’Eustachio confirmed the location and the general layout of the baths.51 For the first
time, the plan showed the axial symmetry that would
49
50
51
15
Richardson (1992) 386–87.
Brundrett and Simpson (1997) 222; Fagan (1999a) 119–20; Gros
(1996) 395.
The restoration is recorded in SHA. Alex. Sev. 25.3–7. For the
excavations, see Ghini (1985); Ghini (1999).
characterize imperial baths throughout the empire
(fig. 4). The two-colonnade palaestra seen on Palladio’s
drawing probably belonged to the original plan and was
incorporated into the building. They flanked a large
swimming pool (natatio). The frigidarium had 4 cold
pools and was probably cross-vaulted. The caldarium
protruded out of the main bloc. The element of space,
visible in the lofty halls, became ever more important.52
Under Trajan, the empire reached new heights. The
boundaries were pushed further to the east, while tax
revenues from the numerous provinces, especially North
Africa and Egypt, resulted in unprecedented concentrations of wealth. The emperor and the elite often invested
in public infrastructure in their home towns or towns
of residence to boost their popularity for upcoming
political careers and to immortalize their family name.53
The use of Roman concrete (opus caementicium) and
bricks (opus testaceum) enabled the construction of
large buildings in a relatively short amount of time.
52
53
Nielsen (1993a) 46–48; Yegül (2010) 107.
Fagan (1999a) 143–44; Saliou (2014) 671–72.
chapter 1
16
figure 4
Plan of the Baths of Nero in Rome (Italy)
in Nielsen (1993b) 84, fig. 51 after a drawing by Palladio; with permission
The prosperity of the Roman empire also resulted in
a population growth, which in its turn increased the
demand for all sorts of public facilities, not in the least
for public baths. It was during the 2nd c. AD that a construction boom of both small and large public baths
took place.54 The Baths of Trajan in Rome, inaugurated
in AD 109, set a new standard for imperial baths and
to some extent baths in general, “qui (…) ne connaîtra
guère de fantaisie” (“leaving little room for imagination
afterwards”).55 Known from the marble FUR plan, 16th
and 17th c. drawings and some small-scale excavations
in recent years (fig. 5), this Trajanic bath took only 5
years to build.56 The main bath block was now a separate building, detached from the surrounding city by a
surrounding wall. This enclosure, with a preference for
large exedrae—a feature visible in the forum and market of Trajan—also created spacious gardens around the
54
55
56
Fagan (1999a) 79–84.
Adam (1984) 296; translation by the author. See also DeLaine
(1992).
De Fine Licht (1974) 5.
main bath building, housing libraries and nymphaea.
The orientation of the baths likewise changed, with
the caldarium now orientated to the south to maximise
the heating effect of the afternoon sun. The frigidarium
became the centre of a strong axial composition, while
the proportion of space dedicated to non-bathing activities increased. Other new features included the heated
rooms with apsidal endings and the exercise yards
(basilica thermarum) flanking the frigidarium instead of
the natatio.57
Although there were no imperial baths built in Rome
under Hadrian, the bathhouses constructed on the
emperor’s private estate at Tibur (Tivoli) exemplify an
evolution in bathing architecture that had been evolving since the late 1st c. As space and lighting became
ever more important, new oval or polygonal room forms
and bold new types of domes expressed a sense of dynamism from both inside and outside the building. “The
emperor’s villa near Tivoli was a veritable laboratory for
57
Brödner (1983) 72–74; DeLaine (1992) 259; Gros (1996) 400–401;
Weber (1996) 80–81; Yegül (2010) 109.
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
figure 5
17
Plan of the Baths of Trajan in Rome (Italy) with the standing remains highlighted in black
after Nielsen (1993b) fig. 53
researching how geometry could be exploited to create
new spatial forms and effects of light and shade, of curve
and counter-curve”.58 This architectural dynamism is
illustrated in the Small Baths of the Villa Hadriana (fig. 6).
The basic components, i.e. the succession of palaestra—
frigidarium—tepidarium—caldarium are presented in
dynamic spatial units, with several additional rooms,
including two heated rooms with pools, a calida piscina,
and a round solarium, all facing south-west, to benefit
from the afternoon sun. There is an obvious preference
for rounded shapes, as seen in the numerous niches
and apses.59
The grand imperial baths may have been trendsetters in the architectural development of Roman public
baths, but the vast majority of public bathhouses were
of the small neighbourhood type such as existed in the
1st c. BC. Pliny the Elder mentions 170 balnea in early
Augustan Rome.60 This may not have been the actual
figure, but it nevertheless shows that this type of bathing facility was the most common type found in the
58
59
60
Jones (2000) 91.
Nielsen (1993a) 59; Gros (1996) 402.
Plin. HN 36.121.
chapter 1
18
figure 6
Plan of the Small Baths in Hadrian’s Villa at Tibur (Italy)
after Nielsen (1993b) 13, fig. 84
capital.61 The layout of these baths is more difficult to
categorize, as their planning was above all influenced
by the available building space and practical concerns
such as water supply and waste water disposal. There
are few excavated examples for Rome itself (see below,
chapter 3), but the archaeological evidence from the
empire is abundant. This type of smaller facility will
remain the most important form of the Roman bathhouse during the entire antique period. This has less
to do with an actual preference than with a pragmatic
choice: the simple succession of rectangular cold, tepid
and hot rooms ensured that all the necessary bathing
facilities fitted in the allotted building space. “Unlike
imperial thermae, whose planning is characterized by
a readily recognizable axiality and strong bilateral symmetry, the multitude of these privately owned, small
baths (balnea) exhibit diverse planning tendencies and
resist an easy classification.”62 Depending on the size of
the building space, additional facilities could be added.
By contrast, what was considered essential in the bathing process changed over time. In the Early Imperial
period, the palaestra and a round sweat chamber often
seem to have been an essential part of the bathing experience. By the High Imperial period, the neighbourhood
61
62
Staccioli (1958); Fagan (1993) 334.
Yegül (1979) 110.
baths often lacked a palaestra, but had several heated
rooms with or without heated pools. The evolution to
more complexity in plan resulting in the different kinds
of heated rooms and a heighted importance of rooms
without pools is also attested for these standard neighbourhood baths in the 2nd c. AD.63
Continuing on the plan of the Baths of Trajan, the
Baths of Caracalla in Rome (fig. 7) added some new
features. The main bath block was now completely
detached from the perimeter wall, while the cisterns
were now attached to the complex and fed by a separate
branch of the Aqua Marcia aqueduct, the so-called Aqua
Antoniniana.64 The large open air natatio looked onto
an impressive marble-veneered wall with several tiers of
colonnades, vaulted recesses and niches, housing marble statues, as water gushed out into the pool, giving it a
nymphaeum-like appearance.65 The architectural legacy
of the Hadrianic period is clearly visible in the handling
of space and light and the rounded and oval forms. The
round caldarium, however, was an addition of the time
of Constantine.66 The neighbourhood baths from the
63
64
65
66
DeLaine (1992) 266–67.
DeLaine (1997) 16; Nielsen (1993a) 53; Weber (1996) 83–87.
Yegül (2010) 114.
Gros (1996) 403. For the caldarium, see DeLaine (1987).
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
figure 7
Plan of the Baths of Caracalla in Rome (Italy)
after Nielsen (1993b) 87, fig. 56
3rd c. display the same preference for round and curvilinear forms as expressed in the Hadrianic period.
The Bathing Itinerary
We are informed by several ancient texts, including
Lucian, Pliny the Younger and schoolbooks such as the
Colloquia Monacensia, about the order of bathing and
about some specific habits of the bathers.67 The entire
bathing routine was thoroughly influenced by classical
medicine, acknowledging the positive effect of sweating
and relaxing in warm water before ending with a cold
dip. A visit to the baths started with undressing in the
apodyterium, stowing away clothes in niches or cupboards to be guarded against thieves by slaves. If there
was a palaestra, one could start off with some exercises,
including ball games and lifting dumb-bells. After scraping of the combination of sweat, dirt and olive oil with a
strigilis, the bather could cut across the frigidarium and
go straight to the tepidarium. After acclimatizing to the
heat, the bather took a sweat bath in the sudatorium or
laconicum, purifying the body by sweating out the bad
fluids. However, most bathers probably spent their time
67
19
Lucian, Hippias; Plin. Ep. 5.11; Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum
III, 651–52. See also Fagan (1999a) 12; Dionisotti (1982) 102–103,
116.
chatting or getting a corporal treatment in one of the
heated rooms, which were amply illuminated by large
windows.68 The importance of these rooms is stressed
by Lucian, ‘in which one can sit or stand in comfort, linger without danger and stroll about with profit.’69 The
highlight of the experience was a relaxing dip in the hot
pools (alvei, solia) of the caldarium, preceded or followed by a quick wash at a water basin on a pedestal
(labrum) or in a small pool.70 Before or after entering the
alveus, a type of soap made with sodium phosphate or
sodium bicarbonate, called nitrum by the Romans, was
applied to the skin to induce sweating. The mixture of
sweat and nitrum was then removed with a strigilis and
with towels.71 One could leave the caldarium by passing
through the same tepidarium (in baths with a retrograde
layout) or a separate ‘exit-tepidarium’ (in baths with circular layout). One should then finish with a refreshing
plunge in the cold pool (piscina) of the frigidarium. This
68
69
70
71
Krencker indicates these rooms with the Roman numerals I, II
and III (Krencker et al. (1929) 184–85).
Lucian, Hippias 6; as translated by Yegül (2010) 77.
For the use of the word solium, see Maiuri (1950). For the habit
of washing at the labrum or in a small pool, see Maréchal
(2015).
Blonski (2014a) 273–76, 315. On soap, see also Blonski (2014b).
chapter 1
20
allowed for the softened and weakened body to regain
its strength. At last, the bathers completed their visit
with a massage and / or a final perfuming and anointing,
to appease the skin from the scraping and rubbing. This
could take place in a separate unctorium.
Depending on the bathhouse and its facilities, other
activities such as a stroll in the gardens or a swim in the
large natatio were possible. This general outline could
be altered according to personal preferences and habits:
“Anywhere along the recommended course, deviations,
omissions or repetitions were possible. One bathed as
one wished.”72 Regional tastes and habits could also
lead to preferences in the architecture, e.g. the importance of sports in the Greek parts of the empire and the
bath-gymnasium in Asia Minor. Yet, even with personal
or regional habits, the Romans and non-Roman people
using Roman baths seem to have had a certain idea of
what one could find / do in a bathhouse.
Modern Typologies of the Plans
The need to identify Latin bathing terminology in the
archaeological record has led to the categorization of
bathhouses according to the articulation of their separate rooms. Ernst Pfretzschner was the first to categorize
Roman bath buildings, but it was the typology of Daniel
Krencker that has been followed, adjusted and updated.73 The plan of the baths was analysed by interpreting
the disposition of frigidarium—tepidarium—caldarium
with the circuit of the visitors in mind. The main types
were the row type, the ring type, the double type and the
imperial type, each with its own variations.74 Sometimes
a fourth type, the ‘block type’, is added. Here, the rooms
are arranged in two or more rows next to each other.75
French scholars such as René Rebuffat, Yvon Thébert
and Alain Bouet prefer to categorize the baths according to the bathing route.76 The three main possibilities
are a retrograde, circular or symmetrical circuit, and
their ‘semi’-variants. Although there is great merit in
approaching the plans according to the actual use of the
rooms, this categorization also forces the variable articulation of the rooms in rigid configurations. Thébert often
struggles to assign each room with a unique function,
hypothesizing doorways between rooms and their being
blocked off to ensure one of the above-mentioned types
72
73
74
75
76
Yegül (2010) 18; also Weeber (2007) 14–15.
Pfretzschner (1909); Krencker et al. (1929). For an overview, see
de Haan (2007) 42–45.
Krencker et al. (1929) 177–81; Nielsen (1993a) 4.
Pfretzschner (1909) 25–29; Weber (1996) 69.
Rebuffat (1991); Thébert (1991); Bouet (2003) 163.
can be discerned without two rooms having the same
function.77
It is striking that scholars, who are the first to admit
that ‘no two bathhouses are alike’, fiercely try to fit every
plan into modern typologies. With the diversity of plans
in mind, it is much more likely that Roman architects
designed new bathhouses by allocating the room types
that fitted with the expectations of the bathers into a
plan that followed contemporary bathing trends. The
classification systems have nevertheless proven their
worth, especially by providing scholars a set of standardised models to present a basic description.78 The
problems arise when the description of a bathhouse is
limited to its typology: “The very nature of the process
of classification tends to emphasize the formal architectural similarities of shape and distribution at the
expense of geographical or chronological differences.”79
Aspects such as the relation between the heated and
non-heated parts, the connection to the water network,
the size and location of the building plot or the potential / envisaged number of users are often forgotten in
this case.80
Technology of the Baths
The core elements for the functioning of a Roman
bathhouse were water and fire. Therefore, it is surprising that the technical aspects of Roman baths were
neglected for so long in the historical and archaeological research. Hubertus Manderscheid pointed out
this important gap in our knowledge: “Im Vordergrund
der Thermenforschung haben lange Zeit architektonische Probleme gestanden. Ausgrabungen und daran
ansclieβende Untersuchungen konzentrierten sich
demgemäβ auf baugeschichtliche Fragestellungen. Die
Technik, die ein wesentlicher Bestandteil des römischen
Badewesens, ist—wenn überhaupt—häufig nur am
Rande behandelt worden.” (“For a long time architectural problems have held a prominent place in research
on baths. Excavations and subsequent studies thus
focussed on research questions pertaining to building
history. Technology, an essential part of Roman baths,
has been—if at all—only considered in the margins of
research.”)81
77
78
79
80
81
Thébert (2003).
de Haan (2007) 39.
DeLaine (1988) 17.
de Haan (2007) 42–45.
Manderscheid (1988a) 112.
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
figure 8
Flow of the hot gasses inside the tubuli according to the experiment by H.-C. Grassmann
plan: N. Baeyens, after Grassmann (2011) 32, fig. 72
Hypocaust
The link between Greek and Roman forms of floor
heating has been interpreted in a wide variety of ways,
ranging from a predecessor-link to a mere inspirational
neighbour (see above p. 10–12). The fact remains that
even if the Greeks came up with the idea of floor heating, the Roman system for heating a bathhouse was far
more elaborate. We still do not fully understand the difficult interplay of floor and wall heating, the spread of
the heat within the wall or the interplay between tubuli
and chimneys.
A fundamental difference between Greek and Roman
baths was the way in which the heating system was used
within the baths. Janet DeLaine remarked that Greek
baths never combined the heated communal pool with
the heated round sweat room, a feature that only developed in Roman times and changed the bathing habit
significantly.82 Garrett Fagan similarly stated that these
Greek systems never led to a standardized sequence of
rooms, but instead enabled a “variable itinerary.”83 It
is indeed essential to remember that the ‘technical
aspects’ of a bath were inextricably linked with its use
and perception, and even its architecture and decorative
schemes. The Roman heating system consisted of three
important interacting components: a furnace, a raised
82
83
21
DeLaine (1988) 16.
Fagan (2001) 406.
floor resting on pillars (suspensura) and a system of wall
heating (fig. 8). The term ‘hypocaust’ is a predominantly
modern name to indicate the combination of furnace,
pillars and suspended floor.84
Vitruvius described how to construct a hypocaust.85
First, one needed to level the building area with mortar
and sesquipedales tiles, a square tile of ca. 44.4 cm.86 On
top of this levelled floor, pillars (pilae) consisting of layers of bessales tiles (square tiles of ca. 19.7 cm) bonded
with mortar were placed some 60 cm apart.87 These pillars were often larger or reinforced near the walls and
under pools. They had an average height between 40 and
80 cm, but examples of up to 1 m have also been found.88
Most of the time, the individual tiles of the pillars were
square or round, but pillars made of hollow terracotta
pipes or small monoliths of a local stone (sandstone,
basalt, limestone) also existed.89 Large bipedales tiles
(square tiles of ca. 60 cm) were placed on top of the pillars and thus created a surface on top of which several
layers of hydraulic mortar (ca. 15–20 cm thick) were
poured to make the floor waterproof. In the uppermost
84
85
86
87
88
89
Nielsen (1993a) 161.
Vitr. De arch. 5.10.
Degbomont (1984) 159–64.
Nielsen (1993a) 14.
Adam (1984) 290.
Degbomont (1984) 99–106; Schiebold (2010) 14–17.
chapter 1
22
figure 9
Reconstruction of a hypocaust system with testudo above the furnace, in connection to the alveus
after Yegül (1992) 375, fig. 472
layer of very fine mortar, the eventual floor decoration was set. Large marble slabs, smaller fragments of
marble in geometric / figurative patterns (opus sectile)
or mosaics were very popular.90 This ‘suspended floor’,
consisting of bipedales tiles, several layers of mortar and
a decorative walking level (mosaics or marble), is called
the suspensura.
The furnace itself was constructed in one of the sides
of the heated room and was connected to the hollow space under the suspended floor (fig. 9). The fire
was lit directly on the brick floor, which was sometimes reinforced with blocks of heat resistant stone
such as basalt. To reduce the pressure on the overlying
wall, the larger furnaces were often covered by a barrel vault.91 Two short walls sometimes ‘guided’ the heat
from the furnace under the suspensura. The flow of
air that fed the fire was regulated by metal doors or a
metal hatch.92 Large cylindrical boilers made of bronze
and lead were often placed just above the fire to heat
the water for the hot pools. They rested on supporting
brick walls and metal bars and were encased in brickwork to reduce heat loss (fig. 9). To clean and refill
these boilers, adjacent small stairs enabled one to reach
its top.93 Vitruvius described a system with three connected water tanks: one for cold, one for tepid and one
90
91
92
93
Adam (1984) 291; Yegül (1992) 357; Nielsen (1993a) 14;
Manderscheid (1994).
Yegül (1992) 368–69; Lehar (2012) 37, 45–46.
Degbomont (1984) 73, 118–31; Nielsen (1993a) 16.
Nielsen (1993a) 16; Lehar (2012) 42–43.
for hot water.94 Alternatively tepid water was obtained
by combining water from the cold and hot tanks. The
archaeological remains of bath furnaces nevertheless
show that this (perhaps ideal) system was overlooked in
favour of a system with just one or at most two boilers.95
An additional device to keep the water of the pools
warm was popularized in the 1st c. AD. The so-called testudo alvei was a half-cylindrical container in bronze or
copper placed directly above the heat duct of the furnace and open to the bottom of the pool on one side
(fig. 9). In this manner, the cold water sinking to the
bottom of the pool, was heated inside the testudo and
again rose upwards.96 For smaller pools, a type of semitestudo, consisting of a metal plate inserted into the
bottom of the pool, just above the furnace, might have
been used.97 As both boilers and (semi-)testudines were
made of metal, these elements were often salvaged once
that baths had fallen out of use. Only few examples have
come down to us. Their use can sometimes be deduced
94
95
96
97
Vitr. De arch. 5.10.1. Similarly, Faventinus (De Diversis fabricis
archietctonae 16.3) and Palladius (opus agriculturae 1.39.3)
describe the water boilers of private baths with two and one
tank respectively. A rare example of three boilers is found in
Fregellae (see fig. 2 nr. 17).
Manderscheid (2000a) 495.
Literally meaning the ‘tortoise of the hot plunge’ in Latin, due
to its form. An early example was found in the Greek-style
North Baths at Morgantina. For more examples, see Ginouvès
et al. (1998) 107.
Maréchal (2017).
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
23
figure 10 Schematic representation of the location of chimney flues in connection to the hypocaust
in Lehar (2012) 206, fig. 209; with permission
by examining traces left in the surviving walls above
the furnace.
Wall Heating
The invention of wall heating by leading the draught of
hot air from the hypocaust into hollow walls was nothing
short of a revolution for heating techniques and subsequently the bathing experience. Larger rooms could be
heated and the hot section of the baths could increase in
size. “One could well claim that the creation of the great
thermae was made possible mainly by the development
of sophisticated wall-heating systems.”98 To ensure that
the hot air was drawn from the furnace into the hollow
space under the suspensura and then into the hollow
walls, chimneys leading up to the roof were placed at the
corners of the room (fig. 10).99 This system of draught
was possibly borrowed from pottery kilns and other similar uses, as illustrated in a combination of a bread oven
and a bath furnace in Pompeii.100
Before the spread of box tiles, normal tiles with
protruding knobs on their corners were fixed to the
walls with T-shaped nails, thus creating a hollow space
(fig. 11). These so-called tegulae mammatae or ‘nippletiles’ are found in the Forum Baths and the Stabian Baths
in Pompeii.101 This system was probably not that efficient in heating the walls, as the narrow space between
tile and wall (around 7–8 cm) did not ensure good cir98
99
100
101
Yegül (2010) 86. See also Rook (1979) 306; Thébert (2003) 75.
Degbomont (1984) 146; Rook (1994) 10; Lehar (2012) 83–112.
de Haan (2005). For the oven/furnace in Pompeii, see Miselli
(2001) 232–35.
Degbomont (1984) 136–39; Yegül (2010) 86.
culation, “provoquant au contraire ce que l’on nomme en
fumisterie « l’effet de lame », c’est à dire la formation de
turbulences freinant la montée de l’air chaud, provoquant
meme parfois son retour” (“resulting, on the contrary, in
what has been called ‘the blade effect’ in heating engineering, i.e. the creation of turbulences that restrict hot
air from rising, sometimes even resulting in its return.”)102
In the 1st c. AD, a different type of wall heating
appeared. Several rows of box tiles (tubuli), placed side
by side, covered the entire surface of the wall, ending
in a horizontal pipe at the start of the vault that led the
hot gasses outside through chimneys.103 The tubuli were
fixed on the walls with mortar and occasionally with
T-shaped clamps (fig. 11). Other sorts of wall-heating are
found sporadically in the form of tiles with two opposing raised edges (tegula hammatae) or the combination
of tiles and terracotta studs or iron nails with terracotta
spacers (fig. 11).104 These alternatives seem to have been
local solutions. The system with tiles and spacers is, for
example, found mainly but not exclusively in the region
of Lycia (Turkey).105
Once the tiles or tubuli were fixed to the walls, the
entire surface was covered with successive layers of
mortar and plaster. The plaster could then be painted.
Often, the lowest part of the walls received a marble
102
103
104
105
Adam (1984) 292.
Degbomont (1984) 140–46.
Nielsen (1993a) 15; Yegül (1992) 363.
Farrington (1995) 102–104.
chapter 1
24
figure 11
Different types of wall heating
after Yegül (1992) 364, fig. 455
veneer, probably to protect the walls from water. With
the introduction of the tubuli, heavier materials such as
marble slabs could adorn the higher parts of the walls as
well, as tubuli were more robust than tegulae and could
carry more weight.106
The Functioning of the Heating System
Although the different components of the heating system are known and their separate function is quite clear,
scholars have struggled to understand the precise functioning of the system.107 That said, it is likely that the
majority of Romans did not know how their baths functioned any more than we do. The best Roman source we
106
107
de Haan (2010) 36.
For an overview of the scholars that investigated the Roman
hypocaust system before the experiments by Kretzschmer in
the 1950s, see Degbomont (1984) 201–204.
have is Vitruvius, who gives us a general description of
the hypocaust, but does not mention any form of wall
heating.108 Some early interpretations of the hypocaust
system, such as that of Otto Krell, even considered it a
mechanism to dry and consolidate the mortar after the
building was erected.109 It was not until the experiments
by the engineer Fritz Kretzschmer that the system was
scientifically analysed. His pioneering experiments
with a recreated hypocaust system in Saalburg tried to
explain the relations between the furnace, hollow floor,
hollow walls and chimneys. He concluded that the hollow walls did not actively participate in the heating of
108
109
Vitr. De arch. 5.10. Vitruvius does mention tegulae amatae (De
arch. 7.4.2) to describe the insulation of walls in order to keep
wall paintings safe from moist conditions.
Krell (1901).
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
the room, and only had an “insulating character.”110 The
inadequate measuring equipment used in Kretzschmer’s
experiment, however, meant that similar experiments
were conducted by Heribert Hüser and Dietwulf Baatz.111
Furthermore, Kretzschmer had used charcoal as fuel,
which achieves lower operating temperatures during
combustion than dry wood.112 Hüser’s measurements
concerned not only the temperature of the floor, but
also of the flow and the temperature of the hot gasses
themselves, their spread pattern across the floor and
the amount of fuel that was needed. New experiments
in the 1970s in the recreated Roman baths at Xanten
(Germany) added new insights into hypocaust construction and heating. Tony Rook emphasised that the hot
gasses under the suspensura were stratified, meaning
the hot air remained at the top and the cold sank to the
bottom. This explains why the pillars of the hypocaust
were rather high, so that the heat was transferred to the
overlying walking level and not to the ground below.113
The research of Hans-Christian Grassmann in the
Xanten baths focused on the interaction between tubuli
and floor heating.114 His measurements demonstrated
that the hot gasses rise inside the box tiles, cool down
near the top, and drop down in neighbouring tubuli
thanks to the lateral holes that interconnect the several rows (fig. 8).115 It can clearly be deduced from this
experiment that the walls could contribute to the actual
heating of the room, and were not necessarily isolating
elements. Other important conclusions of his research
concern the influence of the dimensions of the box tiles
and the thickness of the suspensura. It seems that tubuli,
with a larger cross-section and with larger lateral openings, ensure a smoother flow of hot air, as there is less
friction resistance on the wall surface. This in turn results
in a higher average temperature, which spreads more
evenly over the entire heated surface. The height of a box
tile has less influence, as long as the cross-section of the
separate tubuli is wide enough.116 A very interesting consequence from this heating capacity of the walls is that
the inside temperature of the room can be controlled by
changing the thickness of the suspensura. As the concrete of the floor has a ‘Speicherverhalten’, a heat storage
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
Kretzschmer (1953) 33–35. However, in analysing the heating
system of the Aula Palatina in Trier (Germany), Kretzschmer
had to admit that the building could not be heated without
the contribution of the tubuli (Kretzschmer (1955)). He saw
this case as an exception.
Hüser (1979); Baatz (1979).
McParland et al. (2009) 181–82.
Rook (1978) 279.
Grassmann (1994); Grassmann (2011).
Grassmann (2011) 32.
Grassmann (2011) 32–39.
25
capacity, a thicker floor means that more heat from the
hot air below is absorbed and thus less heat is given to
the room.117 By synchronizing the measurements of the
box tiles, with the thickness of the floor, room temperature could be more or less controlled.118 It is difficult to
find out exactly to what degree the Romans themselves
made use of this complex interaction between wall and
floor heating, as there are no literary testimonies and the
archaeological remains are sometimes too damaged or
too poorly investigated to make any conclusions.
An experiment in Sardis (Sart, Turkey), where a
Roman-style bathhouse was constructed for a television
documentary, reconstructed several possible scenarios
for the transition between the tubuli and the chimneys.119
When the tubuli were open at the top, collecting in one
large horizontal flue, the hot gasses would rise through
the tubuli closest to the furnace, without heating those
at a greater distance. A system in which some of the
tubuli were closed at the top and only occasionally connected to the horizontal ‘header’ seems to have been
the best option for evenly spread heat. If the tubuli were
all closed at the top, acting as a system independent of
the flues, the gasses formed convection currents that
both insulated and actively heated the interior rooms.
In this “passive heating system”, to quote the authors of
the Sardis experiment, the hot gasses would rise, while
the cold gasses would fall back down into the hypocaust
through the neighbouring row of tubuli.120 Hence a circulation pattern was created within the wall in which
two rows of ‘hot gas—tubuli’ alternated with two rows
of ‘cold gas—tubuli’ (fig. 8).
As the Romans did not have any equipment to measure temperatures, there are no indications of what
was perceived as ‘the right temperature’ inside the different rooms of a bathhouse. The comparison with
Turkish vapour baths made by Erika Brödner can be
misleading,121 as the heating techniques and the bathing habits themselves differ from Roman predecessors.
It is quite likely that in Roman times, room temperatures
differed from region to region and even from bathhouse
to bathhouse. It is also difficult to compare the temperature inside the different heated rooms.122 The volume to
be heated, the presence of pools and the number and
117
118
119
120
121
122
Bansal (1999) 306.
Grassmann (2011) 39–40.
Yegül and Couch (2003). Similar results can be found in Lehar
(2012) 196, 202–203, 207.
Yegül and Couch (2003) 207. See also the theory by Grassmann
(2011).
Brödner (1983) 108.
Recent research into the temperatures inside modern hammams confirmed that a certain ‘micro-climate’ exists within
the baths, influenced by the location of the rooms and the
chapter 1
26
placement of windows and doors all influenced the
temperature.123 Recent studies even suggest that the difference between the rooms may have been less clear-cut
than previously assumed.124 A certain ‘thermal blending’ could have occurred between the different heated
rooms, especially if the doorways that interlinked them
were not closed off.
From the experiments mentioned above, scholars
learned that there was a significant heat loss around
the doors and the windows.125 In contrast to the small
and dark Republican baths described by Seneca,126 the
baths of the Principate, especially the large imperial
ones, had bright lofty halls with large windows. This
was only made possible thanks to the invention of wall
heating. But windows also meant a higher rate of heat
loss. Apparently, these large windows openings were
glazed—sometimes double-glazed—and often also
equipped with awnings.127 However, windows also provided light and enabled solar heat to enter. In fact, the
use of large but securely insulated windows can be seen
as a way to reduce the heated surface of the wall, reducing the fuel consumption at the same time.128 With the
conclusions of Grassmann in mind (see above), the use
of large windows could also have been used to balance
the modest heat emitted by a thin suspensura.
The door openings posed a similar problem, but often
opened onto other rooms of the baths.129 So the doors
from the heated rooms to the cold ones were intentionally kept small, while those between heated rooms
could be of normal size, to stimulate heat transfer from
hot to tepid rooms. The tepidarium, often indirectly
heated without a furnace of its own, largely depended
on heat transfer through doors and thin walls it shared
with directly heated rooms.130 It is difficult to determine
which doorways had closing systems. Sometimes, sockets in a threshold can inform the archaeologists about
the presence of doors. The use of cloth curtains is more
difficult to discern, as such systems have never been
preserved. The impact of a simple curtain on heat retention can be significant, as computational models have
confirmed.131
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
outside temperatures (Bouillot (2008); Mahdavi and
Orehounig (2008)).
Thatcher (1956).
Oetelaar et al. (2014) 398.
Kretzschmer (1953); Hüser (1979); Grassmann (2011); Oetelaar
et al. (2013); Oetelaar et al. (2014).
Sen. Ep. 86.8.
Broise (1991) 62–64; Weber (1996) 52–53.
Ring (1996) 722.
Oetelaar et al. (2014) 396.
Oetelaar et al. (2013) 63.
Oetelaar et al. (2014) 398–400.
A third vulnerable point for heat loss is the ceiling.
The computational fluid dynamics (CFD) technique,
used to chart temperature distribution within rooms,
confirmed that the highest temperatures could be found
in the upper parts of the room.132 Vitruvius describes a
complex system of suspended vaulting to ensure that
the wooden beams of the roof are not damaged by
moisture.133 In the archaeological remains, most of the
heated rooms were covered with simple concrete vaults.
It appears that in most of the cases, especially in doomed
rooms, the tubuli did not continue onto the ceiling but
stopped at the start of the vaulting. Only in a few examples, such as the special system of a bathhouse in Sussex
(England), ‘insulated’ vaulting has been found.134 For
barrel vaults, terracotta vaulting tubes (tubi fittili) were
sometimes used, mainly in North Africa. Their insulation properties made them especially popular in bath
buildings.135
Water Management of Baths
Hubertus Manderscheid, author of the article ‘Ohne
Wasser kein Bad’ (‘Without water, no bath’),136 has long
advocated more research into the water management
of Roman baths. As odd as it may seem, the water in
Roman baths was neglected until some 30 years ago.137
Nowadays, studies and excavation reports pay more
attention to this vital element. The water management
of a Roman bath can be subdivided into three important
elements: the water supply, the actual use and the water
disposal.138
Water Supply
It is wrong to assume that all Roman baths were supplied by aqueducts, or that all Roman baths needed vast
quantities of water for that matter. Before an aqueduct
was constructed for a certain city, bathhouses had to
rely on groundwater and rainwater to fill their pools.
Even when aqueducts were built, some baths continued to use these supply methods.139 A combination
of supply by aqueduct and groundwater and / or rainwater was also frequent, especially in dry regions such
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
Oetelaar et al. (2013) 62, fig. 3.
Vitr. De arch. 5.10.
Lancaster (2012).
Wilson (1992) 108; Storz (1994) 72–89.
Manderscheid (2000b).
Maréchal (2012) 154–56.
Garbrecht and Manderscheid (1994) 11.
Nielsen (1993a) 23; Hodge (1991) 267.
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
as Africa.140 The disadvantages of rainwater collection are obvious: the supply depends on the weather,
there is a need for large and often expensive storage
facilities (cisterns, reservoirs) and the water has to be
used rather sparingly.141 The collection of rainwater in
tanks on the rooftops allowed for a simple distribution
by gravity. With groundwater, a well or a noria system
(type of waterwheel) had to be constructed and operated. Sometimes bronze or wood pumps had to be used.142
The quality of the groundwater was variable, depending
on the soil type. The groundwater in Pompeii, for example, was of a rather bad quality due to the volcanic soil of
the region. Rainwater was often muddy and would have
carried along small organic particles (leaves etc.) when
being led from rooftops into the cisterns. Hence it sometimes had to be stored, allowing the particles to settle
before being used. This raises the question of whether
different types of water were used in different parts of
the bathhouse, e.g. ‘unfiltered’ water for the open-air
pools, or if the quality of the water added to the prestige
and the reputation of certain bathhouses.143
The appearance of aqueducts meant that water was
now directly taken at source, with less chance of pollution by sands, leaves, insects, etc.144 Furthermore,
perennial sources ensured a continuous supply of
water all year round. Due to this ‘unlimited’ supply,
bathhouses could be equipped with larger pools. The
rise of the frigidarium and the natatio could well have
been a result of the better water supply provided by the
aqueducts.145 According to Vitruvius, one third of the
water of an aqueduct that arrived in the city’s distribution tank (castellum aquae) was distributed to the public
baths.146 From the castellum, an underground pipe led
the water to the different baths, where it was stored in
cisterns. A thread wheel—often served by slaves—or a
bucket-chain wheel could be used to raise the water to
elevated tanks.147 Sometimes a separate branch of the
aqueduct was conducted directly towards the reservoirs
of the baths, without passing through a castellum. This
was the case for the large imperial baths in Rome, such
as the Aqua Antoniniana, a branch of the Aqua Marcia
that fed Baths of Caracalla.148 Inside the cisterns and res140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
Wilson (2001).
Manderscheid (2000a) 484.
Bouet (1997) 136.
Hodge (1991) 267.
Different sources, however, were also of a different quality.
Large cistern systems not only allowed the water to be stored,
but also enabled the ‘impurities’ to settle.
Manderscheid (2000a) 488.
Vitr. De arch. 8.6.2.
Oleson (1984) resp. 336–47 and 361–64; Nielsen (1993a) 23.
Nardelli (2012) 120.
27
ervoirs, the sediment and dirt in the water was allowed
to sink. Once the water was stored in the reservoirs, it
could be piped to boilers in the furnace rooms, where it
was heated for the alvei, or it could be led directly to the
large cold-water pools (natatio and piscinae).
Waste Water Disposal
We have no idea how often the water of the pools was
changed. Furthermore, cold water pools could be
refilled with water coming directly from the reservoir
or aqueduct, while the water of the warm pools had to
be heated in boilers first. It is likely that the water was
changed at least once a day, as the absence of chemicals such as chlorine derivatives must have left the water
unclean.149 With all the water splashing over the edges
when someone entered or exited, the pools must have
emptied rather quickly and hence refills had to be frequent. Since the earliest public baths, the easiest system
to empty the plunges was through a drain at the bottom
of the pool that gave out straight onto the floor of the
room.150 The gentle slope in this floor meant that water
could be directed towards the street side of the building, where it would exit through the wall and into the
street.151 Once larger pools were built, the drainage system was also enlarged. A network of drainage channels
ran underneath the floors and collected the water of the
alvei, piscinae and the natatio. These drainage pipes were
made of terracotta, lead or sometimes even wood and
started at the bottom of the pools. They were closed off
with metal stoppers or a system of hinges and moveable
lids.152 The drainage network was often connected to the
sewers of a city. Before dumping the waste water into the
sewers, the drainage channels diverted the water of the
large pools, such as the natatio and the piscina, through
nearby latrines to flush out the excrement that had collected at the bottom.153 The waste water could also be
used to clean out the ashes that had collected under the
suspensura.154
Decoration
The differences in decoration and luxurious appointment of the buildings must have been significant from
149
150
151
152
153
154
Blyth (1995) 3; Manderscheid (2000a) 510; Maréchal (2017)
181–82 .
For early examples, see the baths of Megara and Syracuse
(both 3rd c. BC.; Broise (1994) 19–22).
Manderscheid (2000a) 503.
Manderscheid (2000a) 502.
Nielsen (1993a) 24; Van Vaerenberg (2011) 78–79.
Maréchal (2017).
chapter 1
28
bathhouse to bathhouse, depending on the wealth and
the wishes of the benefactors. Ancient texts and archaeological remains make clear that the first bathhouses
were rather small and dark (see above p. 13). It was no
coincidence that the full development and embellishment of the public bathhouses happened during the
High Empire. The prosperity of the pax Romana meant
that the elite invested in large building programs, which
entailed an unprecedented evolution of technology
and architecture, adorned with imported construction
materials from long-distance trade. The evolution of
decorative schemes in general was obviously intertwined
with the technical and architectural development.155
The large thermae in Rome and elsewhere in the
empire were always lavishly decorated. Built as a gift to
the people, how could they not be? The floors could be
paved with marble slabs or mosaics. Especially from the
1st c. AD onwards, mosaics in the Italian Peninsula were
often in black and white, representing water-related
scenes and figures, such as Venus, Neptune or dolphins.156
In many cases, the topic of the mosaics has been used
to name the excavated baths. In the palaestra or auxiliary rooms, floor mosaics depicting athletes were also
common, e.g. in the Baths of Caracalla in Rome or the
Baths of Constantine in Aquileia (C1). The walls could be
adorned with paintings, mosaics, stucco mouldings or
marble slabs. The themes could directly or indirectly be
related to water, e.g. sea creatures or lush garden scenes
with streams and rivers, but also gladiatorial scenes and
venationes.157 In general, decorative themes on walls and
floors followed the popular decorative trends and styles
of that time. Other works of art, such as freestanding
sculptures and busts (of benefactors, the emperor, the
imperial family, mythological scenes), must have given
the thermae a ‘museum-like atmosphere’.158 It suffices to
look at the collection of marvellous statues named after
the Farnese family and found in the Baths of Caracalla
in Rome to understand to what extent care was taken
to impress the bathers. The frigidarium and other large
halls were the most popular locations to place these
statues. Sometimes the statues of benefactors, the
imperial family or of gods—especially statues of the
Muses—were placed in prominent locations such as the
exedrae in the gardens or around the palaestra.159 The
‘educative’ function of the garden and the peripheral
structures was thus emphasized. We could perhaps even
155
156
157
158
159
Colledge (2000).
Manderscheid (1994) 64; Dunbabin (1989) 21–32; Weber (1996)
139–40.
Dunbabin (1989) 29–30; Manderscheid (1994) 64–65.
MacDonald (1986) 211.
Weber (1996) 146; Manderscheid (1981) 34.
imagine a sort of ‘garden architecture’. Another decorative category that has already been mentioned, was the
luxurious water use found in nymphaea and fountains
(see above p. 18).
The smaller neighbourhood baths could also have
elaborate decorative schemes. The floors could be covered with mosaics or slabs of marble or limestone. The
wall paintings were often the work of local artisans.
Occasionally, a marble statue or bust of a divinity or
local benefactor may have been present. Some baths,
however, were hardly decorated, with those at military
forts a prime example. These were often strictly utilitarian facilities with only the standard cold-tepid-hot
rooms. Floors could be paved with simple opus spicatum
or large slabs of the local stone. The walls were covered
with a fine but undecorated plaster.
Some decorative elements have not survived in the
archaeological record, but must have been present in
both the large and small bathhouses.160 Wooden objects,
such as doors, benches or cupboards, could have been
sculpted, thereby surpassing a merely functional role.
Other functional objects that could have contributed to
the embellishment were suspended bronze oil lamps,
water spouts from the pools shaped as an animal’s head,
large braziers, textile curtains and cushions.161
Popularity of Bathhouses
One of the most popular benefits ascribed to bathing
was its therapeutic and preventive effect. Bathing was
good for the health.162 Besides the purifying power of
water itself,163 the alteration of cold and hot was good
for the body. Greek physicians in the Hippocratic text
160
161
162
163
Hoss (2018).
Water spouts and other ornamental objects are mentioned in
P-71 (see appendix 2). Curtains and benches are mentioned in
the Talmud Yerushalmi (Baba Batra 4.6/1.14c). For small finds
and furniture in Roman baths, and the related problems with
their interpretation, see Hoss (2018); Whitmore (2018).
It should not be forgotten that Roman baths were not the
clean environments we might associate with places of corporal hygiene according to modern standards (Fagan (2000)
281). There were no disinfectants to add to the water, which
could entail serious risks of bacterial infection (Gourevitch
(2011) 87–92). Especially in cold water the threat was real.
Temperatures above 50° C could kill most of the bacteria (Page
(1993) 2–3). Inactive water also increased the risk of infections.
As mentioned above, it is not known how frequently the water
in the pools was renewed. There are indications that the sick
bathed with the healthy (Scobie (1986) 426), so infectious
deceases may have spread in the communal pools (Fagan
(2000) 281).
Guérin-Beauvois (2007) 94–99.
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
corpus (5th c. BC) had already prescribed cures with hot
and cold water.164 During the Hellenistic period, more
sophisticated treatments involving bathing developed.165
It is probably not a coincidence that we see an increase
in both public and private Greek-style bathing facilities
in this period.166 Asclepiades of Bithynia, a famous Greek
physician working in late 2nd c. BC and said to be the
man who introduced Greek medicine to Rome,167 apparently prescribed a therapy with warm and cold water.168
Both Celsus and Pliny the Elder frequently mentioned
bathing in their medicinal treatises.169 Whereas Celsus
adhered more to Greek traditions, combining a healthy
diet, physical exercise and bathing, Pliny prescribed
bathing always in combination with medication.170 The
influence of these popular medicinal theories on the
masses is sometimes seen as a catalyst for the popularity of baths in the 1st c. AD.171 By the time of Galen
(2nd c. AD), the popularity of bathing was at its summit.
Critical voices doubt the impact of these doctors, as “the
less than assured social position of the ancient physicians would have limited their ability to affect popular
bathing habits.”172 Yet, it is clear that the prescriptions of
these doctors, even if they only followed the trend of an
existing bathing culture, must have reinforced the idea
of ‘bathing as beneficial for health’. The fact that statues
of Asclepius and Hygieia are frequently found at bathhouses also points to a strong link the Romans made
between health and bathing.173 The belief that bathing
was good for health was one of the driving forces that
ensured that the bathing habit persisted for so long, even
as other forms of public entertainment such as gladiatorial games had already disappeared.174 It is exactly these
ideas about health and hygiene—described by Georges
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
Villard (1994); Flemming (2013) 23–26.
Nutton (2004) 128–54.
Yegül (2013) 77. In the catalogue of the 70 known Greek public baths, 65 date from the Hellenistic period (Fournet et al.
(2013)). We should nevertheless keep in mind that the fragmentary nature of the written medical sources from this period limits the validity of any premature conclusions (Flemming
(2013) 27).
For traditional Roman medicinal practices, see Scarborough
(1969) 19–25, 52–60; Gourevitch (2011) 14–18.
Fagan (1999a) 96–103.
Jackson (1999) 108–110.
Fagan (2006) 195–98.
Heinz (1996) 2424–25; Yegül (1992) 345–55; Fagan (1999a)
97–103.
Flemming (2013) 30.
Dunbabin (1989) 30.
Guérin-Beauvois and Martin (2007) 1–11.
29
Vigarello as “l’imaginaire du corps”175—that even today
are the prime movers for changes in bathing culture.176
The Romans obviously considered their bathing habit
as very Roman and very sophisticated. Attributing the
invention of the hypocaust to a Roman citizen (Sergius
Orata) can be seen as an exponent of this mentality.
Bathing ‘the Roman way’ was an expression of being
culturally Roman, while taking care of one’s body was a
social obligation, an officium, for Roman citizens, especially those living in the city.177 The fact that Tacitus
described how the Britons were ‘Romanised’ by giving
them baths is telling.178 This brings us to another point,
namely that the bathing habit was used to distinguish
Romans from ‘barbarians’. Comments such as this one
by Tacitus are often cited by modern scholars in defining the Roman bath as a “key marker for Romanization.”179
In the introduction of her work on Roman and Jewish
baths in Palestine, Stefanie Hoss states that the main
subject of her research is examining the ‘Romanisation’
of Palestine through the introduction of Roman-style
bathhouses.180 Some authors go as far as claiming that
the absence of grand imperial thermae must be seen as
a failure of Romanisation and imperial propaganda.181
However, one needs to be cautious when interpreting
early provincial bathhouses as clear signs of acculturation. First of all, there is a problem of the definition and
validity of the term ‘Romanisation’. Too often, it has been
used to describe a one-way process of indigenous people
taking up Roman customs. Post-colonial thinking has
inspired more complex definitions, taking into account
the speed of transmission, the nature of the reception
and of the recipient and the social and economic levels
of this transmission.182 For baths, as with other public buildings, it is not clear if non-Romans made use
of these facilities immediately after these were introduced. It is questionable if the indigenous inhabitants
would have easily switched to Roman practises. And if
175
176
177
178
179
180
181
182
Vigarello (1985) 11.
The evolution of post-classical bathing habits in Western
Europe is described by Vigarello (1985) and de Bonneville
(1998). As an example, the recent popularity of showers at the
expense of bathtubs can be interpreted as a modern bathing
habit that prefers a quick but thorough wash that meets the
expectations of our ‘ideal germless society’. The first showers
were installed in prisons and army barracks in the second half
of the 19th c. to enable several people to have a quick wash
using only a small amount of water (Vigarello (1985) 236).
Blonski (2014a) 124–49.
Tac. Agr. 21. 2.
Nielsen (1999) 35.
Hoss (2005) 1.
Lenoir (1995) 69.
Lomas (1995) 109; more recently Versluys (2014).
chapter 1
30
not, would we consider them ‘less involved’ in the new
Roman cultural sphere? Greek-style bathing habits persisted in Greece and Egypt long after the introduction of
Roman baths. Should the people using these facilities be
considered ‘less Roman’ than their neighbours going to
the thermae?
Besides the importance for health, appearance and
‘Romanitas’, bathing was above all a pleasurable experience, just as it is today. Who does not enjoy a warm
bath? ‘Hic corpus reparans mentemque relaxans’ rhymes
an epigram about baths.183 What distinguished the
Roman bathing habit from previous bathing habits was
the social and cultural importance this phenomenon
acquired in society. One did not go to the baths only
to clean oneself. A visit to the baths meant meeting up
with friends, hearing the latest news and gossip, forging
social networks, relaxing and enjoying ‘state of the art’
technology while taking care of one’s health, all at the
same time. The entrance fees were kept low and free
visits were often offered by the wealthy elite as acts of
munificence.184 The popularity of public baths also had
its benefits for the surrounding social and economic
activities. That bathing was such a pleasurable experience was made possible by the services on offer and the
pleasant environment in which it took place. As mentioned above, the architecture and decoration of Roman
bathhouses ensured that even the most humble servant
could have a taste of luxury. Seneca complained that his
contemporaries could not bathe without getting a tan
by having the sun shining through the large windows.185
When Lucian described the imaginary baths of Hippias,
he emphasized the quality of the building materials and
the lighting.186 Similarly, Statius sings ‘of the baths that
shine with bright marbles.’187 Several inscriptions mention explicitly that the benefactors not only paid for the
construction of the baths, but also for their embellishment. The archaeological data confirms these luxurious
decorations, whether it is the fine mosaics adorning the
piscina of a modest neighbourhood bath or the large
granite columns of imperial thermae in Rome.
The bathhouse itself also had a strong symbolic connotation. In the eyes of the Romans, the baths were a
perfect symbiosis of the opposite elements fire and
183
184
185
186
187
AL 108.
Nielsen (1993a) 131–35. For the province of Egypt, it has been
calculated that merchants and public servants could visit the
public baths once every two days (Faucher and Redon (2014)
850). Even if these figures pertain to the 2nd and 1st c. BC.,
there is no reason to assume that this frequency would drop
during the High Empire, when the number of baths increased.
Sen. Ep. 86
Lucian, Hippias 6–8; Yegül (1979) 120–29.
Stat. Silv. 1.5.
water. Capturing, canalizing and storing water combined
with mastering the fire to heat it was a victory of the
Romans over nature.188 An inscription from Phazemon
(Pontus, Turkey) commemorating the restoration of a
bathhouse, mentions how the nymphs and Hephaistus
are awaiting the grand re-opening.189 The personification of the elements through gods (fire = Hephaistus),
and mythological creatures, e.g. nymphs with water, is a
recurring feature in inscriptions and epigrams. The fact
that water ‘gushed out of statues’ and floors and walls
radiated heat, without the bather ever seeing the technological achievements that were literally behind the
scenes, must have given the Romans a sense of pride,
even if in daily life few will have given it much thought.
Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
Late Antique Baths in General Works on Roman Baths
and Bathing
As mentioned in the introduction of this book, the
bathhouses of Late Antiquity have only enjoyed limited
interest in the archaeological research. The common
opinion, as voiced by Julian Marcuse at the start of the
20th c. was that the Roman bathing habit and the building type that went with it had disappeared together with
the High Empire. This view persisted in general works
on Roman baths. In Daniel Krencker’s seminal work Die
Trierer Kaiserthermen of 1929, the author refrained from
discussing late antique baths as a specific category. The
Imperial Baths at Trier, although late antique in date
(Constantinian), were compared to a wide range of bathhouses belonging to different periods and geographical
regions.190 As Krencker stood at the commencement of
research into Roman baths, we can forgive that he overlooked the chronological evolution of this building, a
fact that he himself admitted: “Ich bin mir bewusst, eine
rein historische Entwicklung der Thermenanlagen nicht
herausgeschält zu haben.” (“I am aware that I did not
present a full historical overview of the evolution of Roman
bathhouses.”)191 The importance Krencker’s work had for
Roman archaeology in the German-speaking world is
comparable to Angelis d’Ossat’s work for Italian archaeology. His book, however, focused on the well-preserved
baths in the Vesuvian cities and in Rome, without touching upon the ‘post-Roman’ period.192 The evolution of the
Roman-style bath was described by Krencker’s student
188
189
190
191
192
Zajac (1999) 101.
SEG IV.729.
Krencker et al. (1929) 174–304.
Krencker et al. (1929) 305; translation by the author.
Angellis d’Ossat (1943) 29–32.
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
Erika Brödner, although she saw the Baths of Trajan in
Rome as the apex of the building type, with subsequent
constructions only perfecting the basic design (e.g. the
Baths of Caracalla) or being inferior derivatives (e.g.
the baths built after the reign of Diocletian).193 Werner
Heinz considered that in Late Antiquity “keine gründsätzlich neuen Ideen mehr verwirklicht wurden” (“no
fundamentally new ideas were realised”)194 and therefore ended his research with the period of Constantine.
The publication of Inge Nielsen’s Thermae et Balnea
(1990, revised edition in 1993) exemplified the interest in the archaeology of Roman baths that existed at
the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s.195
However, even in Nielsen’s work, the detailed architectural analysis of the evolution of Roman baths stops
at the beginning of the 4th c.196 Only the survival
of ‘Byzantine baths’ in the eastern empire is briefly
touched upon.197 The baths of Late Antiquity, according
to Nielsen, are characterized by a reduction in size of the
entire building and of the heated parts in particular, as
well as a preference for small apsidal pools. This reduction in scale was “because the towns were depopulated,
because the water supply was cut, and finally because
there was no money for fuel.”198 Fikret Yegül on the
other hand, devoted more attention to baths in Late
Antiquity and the Byzantine world.199 For the Turkish
scholar, the causes of the gradual disappearance lay in
the “inability of the secular organization to maintain
the vast and complicated water-supply system during
this period of economic and political instability.”200 In
the archaeological component of his chapter, Yegül only
focuses on the eastern empire. The late antique baths
of Syria and eastern Turkey constitute the main core of
his body of evidence. The reduction of the size of the
entire building, the disappearance of the palaestra and
the preference for round and apsidal rooms and niches
are mentioned as the most important characteristics
of late antique baths.201 It is striking that in Hubertus
Manderscheid’s bibliography of bath-related research,
193
194
195
196
197
198
199
200
201
Brödner (1983) resp. 72–74 (Trajan), 232 (Caracalla), 264
(post-Diocletian).
Heinz (1983) 122.
See among others Pasquinucci (1987); Manderscheid (1988b);
DeLaine (1988); Manderscheid (2004) and the contributions
in Anonymous (1991).
Nielsen (1993a) 55–57 (for Italy), 92–93 (for North Africa).
Nielsen (1993a) 115–16.
Nielsen (1993a) 56–57.
Yegül (1992) 314–49.
Yegül (1992) 315.
Yegül (1992) 324–39.
31
covering the period between 1988 and 2001, no entries
on late antique baths in general can be found.202
Late Antique Baths in Regional Studies
After the wave of all-encompassing studies on Roman
baths, the 2000s saw an increase in the number of
regional studies. As the geographic context was now
delimited, more attention was paid to the chronological
evolution. If Andrew Farrington’s research on Roman
baths in Lycia still offered too little well-dated material
to make any conclusions about bathing habits after the
3rd c. AD,203 Alain Bouet encountered a revival in the
construction of bathhouses in Gallia Narbonnensis during the 4th c., after an apparent drop in the 3rd.204 The
newly-built baths are smaller and have a reduced heated
section in comparison to the cold rooms. During the 5th
and 6th c., no new public baths were built in this region,
with the only small and strictly utilitarian baths belonging to ecclesiastical property.205 Yvon Thébert remarks
for late antique North Africa: “on vit dans une large
mesure sur un héritage que l’on se contente d’enrichir
d’édififces mineurs” (“they continued to use the inherited baths and just added some smaller buildings.”)206
Besides the obvious reduction in size of the newly-built
bathhouses, Thébert also noticed how the basic components (cold, tepid and warm rooms) remained in place,
even if the heated section became smaller.207 Maria Pilar
Reis pointed to similar evolutions for the 4th c. baths in
Lusitania, stressing “la riqueza de formas” (“a richness
in forms.”)208 The majority of newly-built baths in this
province seems to have been attached to large rural villas. While studying the early hammams of Andalusia
(Spain), Caroline Fournier briefly summarizes the evolution of Roman baths, noting the increased importance
of the cold section and the resilience of baths related to
ecclesiastical complexes.209
For the ‘eastern’ part of the empire, studies into the
origins of the hammams often included a ‘prologue’
focusing on the Roman / Byzantine origins of public
baths. For Palestine, the work by Martin Dow includes
a chapter on ‘The Origins of Early Hammams’.210 The
author recognizes some of the fundamental differences
between Roman and Islamic baths (pools, windows),
202
203
204
205
206
207
208
209
210
Manderscheid (2004).
Farrington (1995) 80, 119.
Bouet (2003a) 339–41.
Bouet (2003a) 342.
Thébert (2003) 424; translation by the author.
Thébert (2003) 425–26.
Reis (2004) 43.
Fournier (2016) 26–59.
Dow (1996) 32–38.
chapter 1
32
but also mentions the evolution of the layout that had
already started in the Byzantine period.211 Stefanie
Hoss’ research into baths in Palestina showed that the
late antique buildings often had combined frigidariaapodyteria, round or apsidal pools and sometimes a
courtyard with a pool or fountain.212 For Syria and
the Near East, we are still lacking a general work on
Roman baths, although the research published by the
Balnéorient project has now provided us with an important framework. In their study about the historical
hammams of Damascus, Michel Écochard and Claude
Le Cœur linked the origins of Islamic baths to a specific
tradition of ‘Byzantine’ baths.213 The Roman-style baths
in Egypt were the subject of a Balnéorient conference,
the proceedings of which have been published recently.214
In previous articles, Redon had already remarked the
high number of late antique baths in Egypt.215 A new
summarizing article counts at least 45 late antique
(‘Byzantine’) baths.216 The authors identify some
regional trends in bath building, such as the small size
of the baths, special high-flame furnaces, subterranean
service corridors, and the phenomenon of double baths.
Moreover, they frame this Egyptian evolution in a wider
Mediterranean context, noting the increased importance of multipurpose cold rooms, the disappearance of
palaestra and the decrease in size of the hot rooms and
pools.217
Specific Studies on Late Antique Baths
Publications focusing specifically on late antique
baths are rather scarce. Some authors focused on
early Christian baths, especially in relation to the sacrament of baptism.218 However, these works mainly
assembled literary attestations of baths and bathing
in the works of the Early Church Fathers. One of the
earliest—and possibly still one of the most important—
contributions on the archaeological evidence was an
article by René Ginouvès on the late antique phases of
three Roman-style bathhouses in Greece.219 The French
scholar noted the appearance of small single person
baths tubs and tried to explain this new feature in the
light of changing bathing habits. In 1982, Albrecht Berger
published his doctoral thesis on the Byzantine baths of
211
212
213
214
215
216
217
218
219
Dow (1996) 34–35.
Hoss (2005) 57–65.
Écochard and Le Cœur (1943) 125–28.
Redon (2017a).
Redon (2012a); Redon (2012b).
Fournet and Redon (2017a).
Fournet and Redon (2017a) 301–309.
Dumaine (1910); Zellinger (1928); more recently Synek (1998);
Heinz (2012).
Ginouvès (1955).
the eastern empire, in which he relied mainly on literary
evidence. In the ‘material’ component of his work, however, he stressed the continuity of the Byzantine baths
with their Roman forerunners.220 Marked differences
with the ‘classical baths’, were the small size of the entire
building and the fact that the frigidarium changed into a
multi-purpose hall.221 More recently, the excavations of
several late antique baths houses in eastern Turkey and
the Middle East have resulted in a number of summarizing articles. For Cilicia and Syria, the disappearance
of the palaestra, the transformation of the frigidarium
in a multi-purpose lounge-area and the waning importance of pools are mentioned as characteristically late
antique.222 In an answer to Fikret Yegül’s chapter on
Byzantine baths and hammams in the Near East, Gerard
Charpentier subdivided the late antique baths of Syria in
two distinct groups, which he called the Apamaean and
the Antiochene models.223 The former seems to have
been a local model, partially used for bathing, partially
for other communal events, and developed in a specific
chronological and geographical framework. The latter
followed larger regional trends in the Near East and was
only used for bathing. More importantly, the author also
framed the evolution of public bathhouses during the
Byzantine period within the larger evolution of bathing habits that would later lead to the development of
the hammam.224 Recently, the work by Thibaud Fournet
convincingly demonstrated the resilience of bathing
habits and even of imperial type baths in the Near East.225
A colloquium entitled ‘Byzantine and Medieval
Islamic baths and their use 600–1200 AD’ organised by
the German Institute and the University of Freiburg in
Rome in 2014 also focused on the continuity of bathing habits from Late Antiquity into the Middle Ages.
For Palestina, a ‘southern type’ of bath is identified
during Late Antiquity. It was characterized by an open
courtyard with a cold pool, combining the function of
frigidarium and apodyterium in the hot summer days.
For colder days, there was, however, still a small dressing
room inside. The heated rooms were laid out on a single
axis parallel to the long side of the courtyard.226 The
late antique baths in Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Lebanon
220
221
222
223
224
225
226
Berger (1982) 85–102; also Berger (2011).
Berger (1982) 90.
Yegül (2003) 59–64; Charpentier and Denoix (2011) 88–90;
Fournet (2012) 332–34. However, such lounge areas already
existed in the large imperial type baths and in some smaller
luxurious baths, as mentioned by Lucian, Hippias 5.
Yegül (1992) 314–51 commented by Charpentier (1995).
Charpentier (1995) 228, 233; also Charpentier and Denoix
(2011).
Fournet (2012a); Fournet (2012b).
Hoss (2010) 173–74.
General Introduction to Roman Baths and Earlier Research on Late Antique Baths
and Jordan have been studied in the multi-disciplinary,
multi-period research project Balnéorient.227 Several
important conferences were organised, focusing on
public baths and bathing habits in Egypt (Alexandria
conference in 2006), Jordan (Amman conference in
2008) and Syria-Lebanon (Damascus conference in
2009). The conference proceedings are an invaluable
contribution to our understanding of evolving bathing
habits in the Middle East.228 Besides important articles
on individual late antique baths, some authors summarized the evolution of baths and bathing habits in Late
Antiquity. Denoix stressed the gradual transition from
Roman-style baths to hammams in Syria and Egypt.229
Ignacio Arce, while discussing the Umayyad baths of
Amman and Hammam as-Sarah, summarizes the evolution of the social role of baths in Syria and Palestine
from the Hellenistic to Early Islamic period, mentioning the growing importance of the cold section in social
interaction and the reducing size of the heated rooms.230
Berangère Redon and Thibaud Fournet provide us with
an interesting summary of late antique baths in Egypt,
stressing the longevity of the bathing habit, the peculiar
plans (double baths) and unique technological features
(high flame furnaces).231
227
228
229
230
231
See the introduction to the project in Fournet (2012a).
Boussac et al. (2009); Boussac et al. (2014); Redon (2017a); contributions on the baths in Jordan were published in the volume of Syria 92.
Denoix (2009).
Arce (2015) 160–68.
Redon and Founet (2017).
33
In Italy, the discovery of the villa baths in Piazza
Armerina (Sicily, see Gazetteer) and similar ‘private’
baths had led some scholars to believe that the bathing habit in Late Antiquity took place in the luxurious
extra-urban villas of the elite, rather than in the cities.232
When the 12th c. baths of the Crypta Balbi were found
in Rome in the 1980s, the excavation’s leading archaeologist Lucia Saguí investigated the link between Roman
and medieval baths, with her study relying mainly on
written sources.233 Similar studies, framing a specific
archaeological site within a wider geographical and
chronological context, investigated the late antique
bathhouses of a limited region within the Italian
Peninsula.234 The common denominator for late antique
baths is often their small size and mere ‘hygienic function’. For Italy, research by Francesca Stasolla gathered
together much of the (mainly written) evidence, with
the focus shifting towards the Early Middle Ages.235 On
an architectural level, Stasolla remarks on the continuity
of the basic plan of the cold, tepid and hot room.236 On
a city-level, only Ostia and the imperial baths of Rome
have been the subject of in-depth studies.237
232
233
234
235
236
237
Ward-Perkins (1984) 148; Baldini Lippolis (2001) 64.
Saguí (1990a); Saguí (1990b).
Haug (2003) 204–15; Volpe et al. (2007); Cera (2008).
Stasolla (2002a); Stasolla (2002b); Stasolla (2008).
Stasolla (2002a) 44–57; Stasolla (2008) 878.
Ostia: Poccardi (2006); DeLaine (2006); Rome: DeForest (2013).
chapter 2
Written Evidence of Baths
Late Antique Literature
Methodology and Approach
The sheer abundance of literary sources from Late
Antiquity makes it a daunting task to find references
to baths and bathing habits. The different backgrounds
of the authors, including divergent regional developments within the empire—not only on a political, but
also on a cultural and religious level—demand a certain
precaution when assembling these various testimonies.
Furthermore, several authors turned to writing about
events in a long-lost past—often entitled ‘Chronicles’
or ‘Histories’—meaning the veracity and plausibility of
certain events, and their citations must be approached
with a sound sense of perspective. The fact that some
lesser-known authors, especially in Greek, Hebrew and
Syriac, have not yet been translated makes the task even
more strenuous. Coming to an exhaustive overview of all
references is therefore an impossible endeavour. In the
following chapter, an attempt is made to present informative references from the most authoritative writers of
the period between AD 300 and AD 700 in the whole of
the Mediterranean world.1 Contrary to the historical and
archaeological evidence, there will be no limitation to a
predefined geographical context. This is due to the nature
of the evidence, which is often less context-bound than
archaeological and epigraphic finds. An author such as
Procopius, for example, wrote about several regions of
the empire, making it impossible to confine his work to
one specific area. For obvious reasons of comparison,
the authors will be chronologically grouped according
to their own lifespan, even though their narrative might
refer to different periods. The logic behind this is that
they wrote for contemporary audiences, thus reflecting and anticipating contemporary ideas. The Ancient
Hebrew and Syriac sources will only be explored on
the margins of the Latin and Greek texts.2 The earliest
1 Latin sources from north-western Europe, such as the 6th c. writings of Caradoc of Llanczarvan will not be included in this research. For the references to baths in the writings produced in
these regions, see Dumaine (1910) 93–97. The late antique pas
siones will not be included either, as these are often restricted to
the toponym referring to a bath. The appropriate references can
be found in the Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae (ed. Steinby,
1999).
2 For an overview of the most important Hebrew texts about baths
and bathing, see Hoss (2005) 67–80.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���0 | doi:��.��63/97890044�94��_004
attestations of hammams in Arabic literature are discussed separately at the end of this subchapter.
4th c. Latin Authors
Ammianus Marcellinus
There is no better author to start with than the man who
largely shaped our historical knowledge of the 4th c.
Ammianus Marcellinus (AD 330–395) has been called
“the last great Latin historian of the Roman empire.”3 A
native from Antioch-ad-Orontes (Roman Syria, modern
Antakya in Turkey), he was originally educated in Greek,
but wrote his Res Gestae in Latin. As a military officer, he
served in Northern Italy, Gaul, Germania, Illyricum and
Mesopotamia, where he survived the fall of Amida and
the failed Persian campaign of Julian. After his military
career, he visited Egypt, southern Greece and the Black
Sea coast, before settling in Rome (AD 380), where he
eventually completed his magnum opus. The Res Gestae
consists of 31 books, covering the reign of Nerva up
until the death of Valens, thus picking up where Tacitus’
Historiae had stopped. The first 13 books have been lost,
meaning the narrative starts in AD 353 and ends with
the battle of Adrianople (AD 378). His personal involvement in some of the events compromises the objectivity
of his work, although large sequences are mainly based
on written sources. Adhering to the traditional religion,
he does not openly attack Christianity, but rather fulminates against the debaucheries of the elite in Rome,
especially concerning sexuality and sensual pleasures. It
is in this context that we find the baths as a setting for
displaying such decadence.
Tales ubi comitantibus singulos quinquaginta ministris tholos introierint balnearum, ubi sunt nostri?
minaciter clamant.4
When such men, each attended by 50 servants,
have entered the vaulted rooms of a bath, they
shout in threatening tones: “Where on earth are
our attendants?”5
The same impious men parade at thermal baths, where
they have difficulty in choosing the best garment out of
3 Matthews (1996a) 73. This entry in the OCD acts as key source for
the following synopsis of Ammianus’ life.
4 Amm. Marc. 28.4.9.
5 Translation by Rolfe (1952) 140.
Written Evidence of Baths
the huge quantity they brought with them, enough to
clothe 11 men.6 However, the baths are not the instigator of such conduct, but merely a setting that enabled
it. On other occasions, the baths are cited as an essential
element of any great city. When describing Constantius’
visit to Rome in AD 356, the baths are named as one of
the wonders that inspired the princeps:
Deinde intra septem montium culmina per adclivitates planitiemque posita urbis membra conlustrans et suburbana, quicquid viderat primum, id
eminere inter alia cuncta sperabat: Iovis Tarpei
delubra, quantum terrenis divina praecellunt: lavacra in modum provinciarum exstructa: amphitheatri molem solidatam lapidis Tiburtini compage, ad
cuius summitatem aegre visio humana conscendit:
Pantheum velut regionem teretem speciosa celsitudine fornicatam: elatosque vertices scansili suggestu
consulum et priorum principum imitamenta portantes, et Vrbis templum forumque Pacis et Pompei
theatrum et Odeum et Stadium aliaque inter haec
decora urbis aeternae.7
Then, as he surveyed the sections of the city and
its suburbs, lying within the summits of the 7 hills,
along their slopes, or on level ground, he thought
that whatever first met his gaze towered above all
the rest: the sanctuaries of Tarpeian Jove so far
surpassing as things divine excel those of earth;
the baths built up to the measure of provinces;
the huge bulk of the amphitheatre, strengthened
by its framework of Tiburtine stone, to whose top
human eyesight barely ascends; the Pantheon
like a rounded city-district, vaulted over in lofty
beauty; and the exalted heights which rise with
platforms to which one may mount, and bear the
likenesses of former emperors; the Temple of the
City, the Forum of Peace, the Theatre of Pompey,
the Odeum, the Stadium, and amongst these the
other adornments of the Eternal City.8
There can be no doubt that the baths still had an important function within a city such as Rome and still defined
the urban topography. In two passages, the imperial baths
(of Anastasia in Constantinople and of Constantine in
Rome) are used to locate other structures within the
city.9 Furthermore, when Valens punished Chalcedon
(Kadiköy, Turkey) for allegedly plotting against him, he
6
7
8
9
Amm. Marc. 28.4.19.
Amm. Marc. 16.10.14.
Translation by Rolfe (1950) 249.
Amm. Marc. 26.6.14; 27.3.8.
35
ordered the walls of the city to be torn down in order
to build a bathhouse in Constantinople.10 An important
defining building in the city of Chalcedon was destroyed
in order to erect a different one in the capital. According
to the legend, a stone was discovered amidst the rubble
that foretold these events.
Such links with magical events are not exceptional.
The death of Valentinian I (AD 375) was announced by
an owl on top of the roof of the imperial baths in Savaria
(Szombathely, Hungary).11 A good example of the link
between baths and ‘the occult’ takes place in Asia Minor.
Visus adulescens in balneis admovere marmori
manus utriusque digitos alternatim et pectori, septemque vocales litteras numerasse, ad stomachi remedium prodesse id arbitratus: in iudicium tractus,
percussus est gladio post tormenta.12
In the bath a young man was seen to touch alternately with the fingers of either hand first the marble and then his breast, and to count the 7 vowels,
thinking it a helpful remedy for a stomach trouble.
He was hauled into court, tortured and beheaded.13
The fact that the poor boy tried to cure his stomach
ache in the baths is of course very normal. The baths
were indeed seen as places to cure diseases (see above,
chapter 1), but also to prevent them from spreading.
And so, we read that the aristocracy in Rome demanded
that their slaves be bathed when they returned from
inquiring about the health of some ill friend.14
A last remark about the attestations of baths within
the work of Ammianus concerns the recurrent stress
on the strong link between thermae and the emperors.
Besides the passages about the portentous owl and the
baths built with Chalcedonian spolia, the emperor-bath
relation is best exemplified by the story of an angry mob
in Antioch, targeting the unpopular Valens.
(..) et Antiochiae per rixas tumultusque vulgares id
in consuetudinem venerat, ut quisquis vim se pati
existimaret “vivus ardeat Valens” licentius clamitaret, vocesque praeconum audiebantur adsidue
mandantium congeri ligna ad Valentini lavacri succensionem, studio ipsius principis conditi.15
10
11
12
13
14
15
Amm. Marc. 31.1.4.
Amm. Marc. 30.5.16.
Amm. Marc. 29.2.28.
Translation by Rolfe (1952) 233.
Amm. Marc. 14.6.23.
Amm. Marc. 31.1.2
chapter 2
36
(..) at Antioch, in quarrels and riots of the common
people, it became usual that whoever thought that
he was suffering wrongs shouted without restraint:
“Let Valens be burned alive!” and the words of
public criers were continually heard, directing the
people to gather firewood, to set fire to the baths of
Valens, in the building of which the emperor himself had taken such interest.16
On a linguistic level, it is interesting to note how
Ammianus frequently uses the word lavacrum next to
the traditional terms balneum and thermae to denote
baths.17 Already in the 2nd c., Aulus Gellius had used the
term to denote a private bathhouse or more probably
the pools of a private bathhouse.18 His contemporary
fellow writer Apuleius had used the term as a synonym
for the act of washing. In the latter meaning, Tertullian
(AD 160–240) also used it as a term for the Christian holy
washing, i.e. baptism. It is in these 4 meanings—a pool,
a bathhouse, the act of washing and baptism—that the
word became current in the Latin vocabulary.19
Scriptores Historia Augusta
There has been much debate about the authorship, date
and veracity of this collection of imperial lives. Written
in the style of Suetonius’ De vita Caesarum, these texts
recount the lives and deeds of the emperors and usurpers
from Hadrian (AD 117–138) to Numerian (AD 282–284).
Formerly ascribed to 6 authors in the first half of the
4th c.—the so-called Scriptores Historiae Augustae—
the authorship has also been attributed to a single
author writing at the end of the same century.20 The
aims of the books are not entirely clear, and neither is
the religious preference of the author(s). There is, however, a clear objection against hereditary monarchy and
decadence.21 The attestations of baths and bathing in
the Historia Augusta have been thoroughly studied
by Elke Merten, even if her study focuses on bathing
practices in general.22 When assessing the work as a
document of the 4th c., interesting observations in comparison to other contemporary documents can be made.
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
Translation by Rolfe (1952) 379.
Unlike balneum and thermae, the term lavacrum did not have
a Greek etymology. It stemmed from the Latin verb lavare
(to wash), and was hence closely linked to the terms labrum
(wash basin on a pedestal), lavatio (privy) or lavatrina (privy /
bathroom).
Aul. Gell. Noct. Att. 1.2.2. See Maréchal (2015) 143–44.
Apul. Met. 2.19; Tert. Ad ux. 1.6.2. For a more detailed analysis
of the evolution of lavacrum, see Maréchal (2015).
For the debate, see Johne (2006).
Matthews (1996b) 713.
Merten (1983).
As in the work of Ammianus, the stress on the link
between emperor and thermae is omnipresent. The
‘gift’ of large baths to a city is always praised, even if it
concerns otherwise wicked leaders, such as Caracalla
(reigned AD 198–217).
vixit denique in odio populi diu Antoninus, nomenque illud sanctum diu minus amatum est, quamvis
et vestimenta populo dederit, unde Caracallus est
dictus, et thermas magnificentissimas fecerit.23
For a long time, finally, the people hated Antoninus,
and that venerable name was long less beloved,
even though he gave the people clothing (whence
he got his name Caracallus) and built the most
splendid baths.24
Other emperors that erected or restored public baths
include Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Septimius Severus,
Elagabalus, Alexander Severus, Gordian III, Aurelian,
and Tacitus.25 Alexander Severus (reigned AD 193–211)
raised taxes for certain tradesmen such as linen weavers, glass-makers or goldsmiths in order to maintain
the baths, both the newly built and the old.26 Tacitus
(reigned AD 275–276) even had one of his houses torn
down to build baths on that land.27 Although these
acts of euergetism allude to events outside our period,
it is nevertheless meaningful that the author praises
the building and maintenance of public baths as a gift
towards the people and as a sign of good government.28
Another imperial action that was considered praiseworthy was opening up a private bathhouse to the
general public by Antoninus Pius (reigned AD 138–161).29
It is telling that the exact same action by the ‘wicked’
Elagabalus (reigned AD 218–222) is explained as a
ruse, ‘that by this means he might get a supply of men
with unusually large organs.’30 Using bathing habits or
bath-related actions to distinguish the ‘good’ (pious)
emperors from the ‘bad’ is a recurring feature in the
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
SHA Sev. 21.11.
Translation by Magie (1921) 423.
Hadrian: SHA Hadr. 19.10; Antoninus Pius: SHA Ant. Pius 8.3;
Septimius Severus: SHA Sev. 19.5; Elagabalus: SHA Heliogab.
17.8–9 and 30.7; Alexander Severus: SHA Alex. Sev. 25.3–6 and
39.3; Gordian III: SHA Gord. 32.5; Aurelian: SHA Tyr. Trig. 45.2;
Tacitus: SHA Tac. 10.4.
SHA Alex. Sev. 24.5–6.
SHA Tac. 10.4.
There is some doubt whether some of the construction recorded in the SHA actually took place or if this was more a
literary topos, as a sign of good government (Merten (1983) 24).
SHA Ant. Pius 7.6.
SHA Heliogab. 8.6; translation by Magie (1924) 123.
Written Evidence of Baths
Historia Augusta. The most cited example concerns
the ‘good’ Hadrian, who took his bath with the common people and even presented a slave to an old, poor
veteran to assist him in bathing.31 Even if the episode
probably never happened, it is important that in the eyes
of the author and the readers, it unmistakably pointed
to Hadrian’s humble and righteous nature.32 Similarly,
measures against mixed bathing for men and women
(balnea mixta) are attributed to the virtuous emperors
such as Marcus Aurelius and Alexander Severus,33 while
‘bad’ emperors such as Elagabalus reinstated the practice. Whether these measures were actually introduced
by these emperors or not is unclear, but the passage
shows that by the time the Historia was written, mixed
bathing was frowned upon to the point that it could be
forbidden by law.
Other bath behaviour that was considered improper
and thus representative for impious emperors was bathing too long and too often, especially in combination
with abundant eating and drinking. Of Commodus
(reigned AD 177–192), it is said that he spent his time
bathing with 300 concubines, that he took up to 8 baths
a day and had the habit of eating while bathing.34 These
bathing excesses are also mentioned for Gordianus
Junior (reigned in AD 238) and the tyrant Celsus.35
Hadrian, however, denied furlough to one of his staff
members because he had heard of the man’s addiction
to bathing.36 The shameful bathing habits hit new lows
with Elagabalus.
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
37
using the razor with his own hand—with which he
would then shave his beard.38
The ‘decadence of bathing’ as a sign of corruptness of
body and mind was nothing new. Suetonius had already
derided the extravagant bathing habits of ‘wicked’
emperors such as Caligula.39 The idea that hot baths in
particular could be harmful if not used with moderation
already existed in earlier times.40 Alexander Severus is
said to have preferred swimming in a cold piscina to lingering in the caldarium.41 In a speech, he also called his
troops to order.
Milites Romani, vestri socii, mei contubernales et
commilitones, amant, potant, lavant, et Graecorum
more quidem se instituunt. Hoc ego diutius feram?
Et non eos capitali dedam supplicio?42
Soldiers of Rome, your companions, my comrades
and fellow-soldiers, are whoring and drinking
and bathing and, indeed, conducting themselves
in the manner of the Greeks. Shall I tolerate this
longer? Shall I not deliver them over to capital
punishment?43
Tacitus was rarely seen in a bathhouse, but was all the
stronger in his old age.44 The private baths of Carinus
(reigned AD 283–285) were as cold as the basement
rooms.
in balneis semper cum mulieribus fuit, ita ut eas ipse
psilothro curaret, ipse quoque barbam psilothro accurans, quodque pudendum dictu sit, eodem quo
mulieres accurabantur et eadem hora. rasit et virilia
subactoribus suis ad novaculam manu sua, qua postea barbam fecit.37
balneis ita frigidis usus est, ut solent esse cellae suppositoriae, frigidariis semper nivalibus. cum hiemis
tempore ad quendam locum venisset, in quo fontana
esset pertepida, ut adsolet per hiemem naturaliter,
eaque in piscina usus esset, dixisse balneatoribus
fertur, ‘Aquam mihi muliebrem praeparastis.’45
In the public baths he always bathed with the
women, and he even treated them himself with a
depilatory ointment, which he applied also to his
own beard, and shameful though it be to say it, in
the same place where the women were treated and
at the same hour. He shaved his minions’ groins,
The baths which he used were as cold as the air of
rooms that are under the ground, and his plungebaths were always cooled by means of snow. Once,
when he came in the winter to a certain place in
which the spring-water was very tepid—its wonted natural temperature during the winter—and
SHA Hadr. 17.5. Bathing with the people was already considered a sign of good character by Suetonius (Tit. 8.2).
Merten (1983) 131.
Marcus Aurelius: SHA Marc. 23.8; Alexander Severus: SHA
Alex. Sev. 24.2.
Respectively SHA Comm. 5.4 and SHA Comm. 11.5.
Gordianus Junior: SHA Gord. 19.5; Celsus: SHA Tyr. Trig. 29.1.
SHA Hadr. 11.6–7.
SHA Heliogab. 31.7.
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
Translation by Magie (1924) 169.
SHA Calig. 37.1–2.
See the remarks by Seneca about Scipio Africanus and hot
baths (Sen., Ep. 86).
SHA Alex. Sev. 30.4–5.
SHA Alex. Sev. 53.7.
Translation by Magie (1924) 287.
SHA Tac. 11.3.
SHA Car. 17.4–5.
chapter 2
38
he had bathed in it in the pool, he shouted to
the bath-attendants, it is said, “This is water for a
woman that you have given me”.46
Clearly, the opinion that hot baths were for women, the
weak, and the Greek, while ‘true’ Roman men bathed in
cold water, still existed in the late 4th c.47 The negative
connotation of baths was not restricted to the softening
effect of the heat.
There are also several passages in which bathhouses
are the setting for murders and executions. Commodus,
aged 12, supposedly ordered the balneator (responsible
for the baths) to be thrown into the furnace because
the water was too cold.48 Both Caracalla and Elagabalus
ordered the execution of political adversaries in the
bathhouses, while Pertinax (reigned AD 193) was murdered in the bathhouse by men loyal to his predecessor
Commodus.49 The baths as a location for execution
seemed logical, as people were at their most vulnerable here.50 Such despicable crimes had already been
mentioned in the ancient Greek literature and are
found throughout the Roman period, e.g. Suetonius
(AD 69–122) or Plutarch (AD 46–119).51
Besides the passages in which baths were a catalyst
to describe the character of the emperor, the Historia
Augusta also teaches us some interesting facts about
bathhouses and bathing in general. We learn about the
prostitutes that solicited in circuses, the theatres and
baths, that eunuchs were employed in the women’s
baths of the imperial palace, that slaves served as bath-
46
47
48
49
50
51
Translation by Magie (1932) 443.
The idea that cold water was more beneficial for the body due
to its reinforcing nature was commonly accepted. It is found in
many medical treatises, especially in the work of Galen (going
back to ancient Greek medicine). Writers such as Seneca had
already pointed out the weakening effect of hot baths (Blonski
(2014a) 217). See also the work of Oribasius (below p. 44).
SHA Comm. 1.9.
Caracalla: SHA M. Ant. 4.4; Elagabalus: SHA Heliogab. 13.8;
Pertinax: SHA Pert. 12.8.
Alexandre Dumas, travelling in the Sinai in the 19th c., experienced the same feeling when visiting a hammam: ‘je voulus me
débattre, mais ma résistance avait été prévue; je n’étais d’ailleurs
ni en costume, ni en situation favorable pour soutenir la lutte,
aussi m’avouai-je vaincu.’ (‘I wanted to struggle, but my resistance had been anticipated; besides, I had nor the clothes,
nor a favourable situation to strengthen me in my battle, and
thus I declared defeated.’) (Dumas (1855) 14; translation by the
author).
Suet. Galb. 10.5; Suet. Dom. 17.1; Plut. Vit. Sull. 31.5; Plut. Vit.
Crass. 9.4. For passages in the ancient Greek literature, see
Blonski (2014a) 182.
attendants and that bathers used a bathing costume.52
Furthermore, the balnea for the plebs were poorly
equipped and some thermae remained open even after
dark, causing a nuisance during the night.53 In contrast
to the information about the building and restoration
of several baths in Rome (see above), only two passages
mention the decline of baths. The Thermae of Nero were
apparently out of use at the time of writing, while the
Baths of Septimius Severus (reigned AD 193–211) only
functioned for a short time, as the aqueduct that supplied it fell into ruins shortly after its dedication.54
The opposing ideas about public baths that are
expressed in the Historia Augusta already existed in
the preceding centuries. On the one hand, public baths
were a necessary facility for every city as they fulfilled
the basic hygienic needs and played an important role in
medical treatment. On the other hand, the baths formed
the perfect setting to indulge in excesses. It is this corruption of body and mind that is central to the writings
of the authoritative Christian author St. Jerome.
Jerome (Eusebius Hieronymus)
Born to a Christian family in Dalmatia (Croatia), Jerome
(lived AD 347–420) studied rhetoric in Rome and stayed
in Augusta Treverorum (Trier, Germany), before heading
east to Antioch. After a short spell living as an anchorite monk in the desert, he returned to Rome to become
a trustee of the archbishop Damasus (around AD 382).
Here, he dedicated himself to translating the Bible into
colloquial Latin (the so-called ‘Vulgate’), but was forced
to leave the Eternal City after his relations with the widowed Paula came under suspicion. He eventually settled
with Paula in Palestine, where they founded a monastery and a convent.55
Jerome is one of the authors cited on numerous occasions to demonstrate the Christian ‘resistance’ to the
Roman bathing habit, especially his letter to an anchorite monk.
Scabra sine balneis adtrahitur cutis? sed qui in
Christo semel lotus est, non illi necesse est iterum
lavare.56
52
53
54
55
56
Prostitutes: SHA Heliogab. 26.3; eunuchs: SHA Alex. Sev. 23.5;
slaves: Alex. Sev. 42.2; bathing costumes: SHA Alex. Sev. 42.1.
Plebs balnea: SHA Gord. 32.5; night nuisance: SHA Tac. 10.2.
Thermae of Nero: SHA Alex. Sev. 25.3; Baths of Septimius
Severus: SHA Sev. 19.5.
Scourfield (1996).
Jer. Ep. 14.10.
Written Evidence of Baths
Is your skin rough and scurfy without baths?
He who has once washed in Christ needs not to
wash again.57
This statement about bathing comes from the New
Testament (Joh. 13, 10). Yet, the fact that this letter is
addressed to a monk is often overlooked. Rather than an
‘official Christian stance’, these words should be interpreted as a reminder to a very select group on how to
overcome ‘the burden of the flesh’. Similarly, Jerome’s
disapproval of the bathing habits of widows and virgins fitted within his view of these special categories of
Christians. He explains his vision on the bathing habits
of virgins in a letter to Laeta, daughter of Paula (dated
around AD 403).
Scio praecepisse quosdam, ne virgo Christi cum eunuchis lavet, ne cum maritis feminis, quia alii non
deponant animos virorum, aliae tumentibus uteris
praeferant foeditatem. Mihi omnino in adulta virgine lavacra displicent, quae se ipsam debet erubescere et nudam videre non posse. Si enim vigiliis et
ieiuniis macerat corpus suum et in servitutem redigit, si flammam libidinis et incentiva ferventis aetatis extinguere cupit continentiae frigore, si adpetitis
sordibus turpare festinat naturalem pulchritudinem, cur e contrario balnearum fomentis sopitos
ignes suscitat?58
I know that some people have laid down the rule
that a Christian virgin should not bathe along with
eunuchs or with married women, inasmuch as eunuchs are still men at heart, and women big with
child are a revolting sight. For myself I disapprove
altogether of baths in the case of a full-grown virgin. She ought to blush at herself and be unable to
look at her own nakedness. If she mortifies and enslaves her body by vigils and fasting, if she desires
to quench the flame of lust and to check the hot
desires of youth by a cold chastity, if she hastens
to spoil her natural beauty by a deliberate squalor,
why should she rouse a sleeping fire by the incentive of baths?59
The fact that some Christians believed a virgin could
bathe—be it with eunuchs or married women—implies
that the other Christian women had no specific bathing restrictions. Jerome’s own ultra-puritan views on
virgins clearly contrast with common Christian beliefs.
57
58
59
Translation by Wright (1933) 51.
Jer. Ep. 107.11.
Translation by Wright (1933) 363–65.
39
In the same letter, Jerome agrees that little girls should
take baths before the start of their marriage to God, thus
acknowledging the ‘hygienic’ role of bathing.60 The dangers of bathing clearly lie in the sensual pleasures. There
is a strong link between the heat of the baths and the
internal heat that arouses passion. The threat of sexual
temptation must be avoided at all cost.
Balnearum fomenta non quaeras, qui calorem corporis ieiuniorum cupis frigore extinguere.61
Avoid hot baths: your aim is to quench the heat of
the body by the help of chilling fasts.62
The difficulty of controlling desire was not an exclusively
Christian problem. In the classical cults, sex was thought
to exhaust the male body, draining away vital life spirit
through every ejaculation.63 Self-imposed abstinence
in order not to waste important energy was a recurring
phenomenon among the aristocracy, especially the politically active classes.64 However, the anti-sexual attitude
of the Christian ascetics and in particular the choice of
girls to remain a virgin was something new. This is not
to say that the traditional cults were unfamiliar with the
idea—the Vestal Virgins being a good example—but the
‘popularity’ (among young Christian women) and ardour
(e.g. the self-mortification of the ascetics) was different.
Even if this ‘problem of sexuality’—the impossibility to
control basic, animal-like sexual desire—was central in
Christian doctrine, this did not mean that Christianity in
general strove to abolish all man-woman relationships.
The family unit remained the core of ancient society and
if Christianity wanted to gain any acceptance among the
population, it could not afford too severe a rupture with
the traditional way of life. The innumerable Christian
movements all had their own responses to the ‘problem
of sex’ and within most movements, moderation was the
rule and abstinence was reserved for a ‘selected few’.65 It
is in such a context that the writings of ‘fundamentalists’
like Jerome should be read. He himself is fully aware that
he is writing for these ‘chosen few’ and—probably even
with a sense of superiority—despises the looseness of
the average ‘faithful’.
60
61
62
63
64
65
Jer. Ep. 107.8
Jer. Ep. 125.7.
Translation by Wright (1933) 407.
Rousselle (1988) 14–15.
Brown (1988) 18.
Brown (1988) 54–55 (importance of the family unit), 60–67
(selected few).
chapter 2
40
In ipso quoque convivio, ut vescaris carnibus, quasi
invita cogeris, ut vinum bibas, Dei laudabitur creatura, ut laves balneis, sordibus detrahetur; et omnes
te, cum aliquid eorum, quae suadent, retractans feceris, puram, simplicem, dominam et vere ingenuam
conclamabunt.66
At the dinner itself they will pretend you are unwilling and will force you to partake of the meat;
to get you to drink wine, they will praise it as the
gift of the Creator. To induce you to visit the baths,
they will speak of dirt with disgust. And when you
reluctantly do something of what they would have
you do, they will cry out in chorus: “What a frank,
innocent girl she is! What a genuine lady!”67
Even if Jerome considers the baths to be among the
recurring temptations (including wine, meat, and luxury items)68 that try to prevent widows and virgins of
keeping on the right path to God, he still feels obliged to
mention the dedication of the large imperial thermae in
Rome and selected cities in his Chronicle.69 Apparently,
his personal disgust with public baths could not justify
omitting these important buildings from a chronicle for
a larger public.
Ausonius
The importance of baths in both the public and private
spheres, is stressed in the work of Ausonius (AD 310–
395). This statesman and teacher of Burdigala (modern Bordeaux, France) reached the upper echelons of
Roman society as a tutor of Gratian at Trier and later
consul in AD 379. Even if his Christian allegiance filters
through some of his work, he displayed a lively interest
in the traditional pantheon and succeeded in combining Christian values with the classical heritage.70
In his Ordo urbium nobilium, a catalogue of famous
cities, Ausonius describes the cityscape of contemporary Milan.
Et Mediolani mira omnia, copia rerum, innumerae
cultaeque domus, facunda virorum ingenia et mores
laeti; turn duplice muro amplificata loci species po
pulique. voluptas circus et inclusi moles cuneata
theatri; templa Palatinaeque arces opulensque mo
neta et regio Herculei Celebris sub honore lavacri.71
At Milan also are all things wonderful, abundant
wealth, countless stately houses, men able, eloquent, and cheerfully disposed; besides, there is
the grandeur of the site enlarged by a double wall,
the Circus, her people’s joy, the massy enclosed
Theatre with wedge-like blocks of seats, the temples, the imperial citadels, the wealthy Mint, and
the quarter renowned under the title of the Baths
of Herculeus.72
The Herculean baths clearly had an important role in
the organization of the city, as it gave its name to a whole
quarter. The same regard to baths is found in a famous
poem about a villa near the river Mosel (Germany).73
Although here the description is of a private bath, it nevertheless emphasizes how indispensable a bathhouse
was to a pleasant lifestyle: ‘Such comfort and splendour
is attractive, yet its delight breeds no excess’.74 The poem
shows strong resemblances to a poem of Statius of the
1st c. AD, meaning the text could be a style exercise in
classic Latin hexameters.75 However, the description
of the heating system (l. 339: ‘per cava flammas’),76 the
elaboration on the different pools (lavacri, lacus, pisci
narum) and the praise of the bath’s refinement all point
to an obvious familiarity with baths and bathing habits.
The references to the thermal baths of Baiae near Naples
(l. 346) meant the reputation of this health resort was
also still very much alive.
Theodorus Priscianus and the Pseudo-Theodorus
The medical author Theodorus Priscianus lived in
the late 4th / early 5th c. and was a pupil of Helvius
Vindicianus, a 4th c. physician in North Africa.77 His
medical compendium, the Euporista (written around AD
400), comprised three books (Phaenomena, Logicus and
Gynaecia) and was originally written in Greek, according to Theodorus himself. The therapies described by
Theodorus are inspired by Greek medicine—especially
by Hippocratic texts—the Roman physician Galen and
the so-called ‘methodist’ physicians.78
72
73
74
75
76
66
67
68
69
70
71
Jer. Ep. 117.6.
Translation by Wright (1933) 385.
See also Jer. Ep. 128.3.
Jer. Ab Abr. 2079, 2109, 2204, 2218, 2235, 2245, 2317.
Green (1996) 223.
Auson. Ordo nob. urb.7, Mediolanum.
77
78
Translation by Evelyn-White (1919) 273.
Auson. Mos. 335–348.
Lines 347–348, translation by Evelyn-White (1919) 253. Note
again the concern over possible excesses (luxus).
Stat. Silv. 1.3.43–57. See Busch (1999) 60–61.
‘flames (..) through the channelled walls’ (translation by
Evelyn-White (1919) 251).
The medical works written by Vindicianus are now lost, except
for some small fragments and quotations.
Nutton (2004) 299. The ‘methodists’ believed in a constant
process of observation and adapted treatments, without considering the patient’s natural condition (Nutton (2004) 193).
Written Evidence of Baths
Several treatments for small disorders and serious
diseases included the use of baths. Special ointments
in the bathhouse are recommended for infection to the
scalp and against head lice.79 Frequent washing was
also necessary when having scabies.80 When dark or
white spots appear on the skin, one should rub ointments, natron and alum onto the skin during a visit to
the bathhouse.81 The heat of the hot pools was beneficial
in cases of hydrophobia and epilepsy, while swimming
in the pools of the bathhouse could help overcome
atrophy.82 The combination of bathing and drinking
medical beverages was one of the key elements in the
treatment of jaundice.83 Drinking certain mixtures just
after bathing could also help with abortions.84
Another medical treatise, written in the style of
Theodorus and possibly dating from the same period, has
come down to us under the name of Pseudo-Theodorus.
The baths play a pre-eminent role in several treatments,
often in a combination of hot water, specific oils and
special beverages. In the so-called Additamenta (‘the
Accessions’), the treatments for gout, scabies, spasms,
jaundice and kidney failure include visits to the baths.
For abortion, the combination of ‘softening’ hot baths
and drinking special mixtures is recommended.85
Itinerarium Burdigalense
The so-called Itinerarium Burdigalense (or Itinerarium
Hierosolymitanum, around AD 333), the travel account
of a pilgrim from Burdigala to Jerusalem, mentioned
the baths of a certain centurion Cornelius, ‘who gave
many alms’, in the city of Caesarea Maritima (Sdot Yam,
Israel).86 A miraculous power was ascribed to a spring
near Mount Syna ‘where there is a fountain, in which, if
a woman bathes, she becomes pregnant.’87 Throughout
the Itinerarium, the mysterious power of water is omnipresent. In the valley at the foot of Mount Sion, a spring
ran into two pools (one had 4 porticoes) 6 days a week,
but on the 7th day (Sabbath), it did not run at all. At
the ‘fountain of Elisha’ near Jericho (Israel), there used
to be a spring that made women infertile. The prophet
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
Scalp: Theod. Prisc. Phaen. 2; head lice: Theod. Prisc. Phaen. 5.
Theod. Prisc. Phaen. 35.
Theod. Prisc. Phaen. 36.
Hydrophobia: Theod. Prisc. Log. 8; epilepsy: Theod. Prisc. Log.
15; atrophy: Theod. Prisc. Log. 23.
Theod. Prisc. Log. 27
Theod. Prisc. Gyn. 6.
Gout: Pseudo-Theodorus, Ad. 1.34; scabies: Pseudo-Theodorus,
Ad. 1.35; spasms: Pseudo-Theodorus, Ad. 2.10; jaundice:
Pseudo-Theodorus, Ad. 2.27; kidney failure: Pseudo-Theodorus,
Ad. 2.35; abortion: Pseudo-Theodorus, Ad. 3.6.
Itin. Burd. (PL 8, col. 790).
Itin. Burd. (PL 8, col. 790).
41
Elisha himself is said to have ‘purified’ the source. The
healing aspect of water is represented in natural hot
baths. A healing facility is found in the city of Jerusalem
itself: two twin pools (piscinae gemelares) with 5 porticoes cure people who have been sick for many years.88
It is clear that the author refers to baths fed by natural
springs: ‘Aquam autem habent hae piscinae in modum
coccini turbatam.’ (‘the pools contain water which turns
scarlet when it is disturbed.’). The mysterious powers of this location were reinforced by the remark that
there was a crypt there where Solomon used to torture
demons. The palace of Solomon is also said to have had
large subterranean reservoirs and ‘pools constructed
with great care’.89 There were also two large pools on
each side of the temple, both made by Solomon. To conclude the visit of Jerusalem, it is interesting to notice
how the author described the baptistery adjacent to
the basilica of Constantine as a ‘balneum a tergo, ubi
infantes lauantur.’ (‘a bath behind it, where children
are washed’).90
Other 4th c. Latin Authors
There are several other authors of the 4th c. who refer
to baths or bathing in their texts, but none really elaborate beyond short mentions.91 In the works of Hilary
of Poitiers (lived ca. AD 315–367) and Sulpicius Severus
(lived ca. AD 363–420/25), no references to baths or bathing have been found. In his Breviarium ab urbe condita,
the historian Eutropius (writing around AD 360) mentioned the dedication of the Baths of Nero, which were
called the Thermae Alexandrinae in his day, and of the
Baths of Caracalla, called the Thermae Antoninianae. He
also talks about the lavacrum built by Decius.92 Similarly,
Aurelius Victor, an African native who became governor
of Pannonia Secunda (parts of modern Croatia, Serbia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina) in AD 361 and praefectus urbi
in AD 389, wrote a biographical work (De Caesaribus) in
which he ridiculed Commodus’ baths in Rome (‘hardly
worthy of Roman power’), but mentioned the wonderful
baths of Caracalla and of Constantine.93 In the anonymous Epitome de Caesaribus—sometimes attributed to
Aurelius Victor—the dedication of thermae by Nero and
88
89
90
91
92
93
Itin. Burd. (PL 8, col. 790).
Itin. Burd. (PL 8, col. 791).
Itin. Burd. (PL 8, col. 791).
We should remember that it was not always opportune to talk
about baths.
Baths of Nero: Eutr. 7.15; baths of Caracalla: Eutr. 8.20; baths of
Decius: Eutr. 9.4.
Baths of Commodus: Aur. Vict. Caes. 8.3; baths of Caracalla:
Aur. Vict. Caes. 21.4; baths of Constantine: Aur. Vict. Caes.
40.27.
42
chapter 2
Trajan94 are mentioned. Just as in the Historia Augusta,
the idea of baths as a setting for murder and execution
was present. Commodus is said to have been poisoned
when he got out of his bath, Julian was beheaded ‘in
abditas palatii balneas’ and Constantine killed his wife
Fausta by throwing her in the hot baths.95 Vegetius,
probably a member of the imperial administration,
wrote an account of Roman military practices (Epitoma
rei militaris). When talking about recruitment, he considered peasants to be the best possible soldiers, as they
were used to the scorching heat of the sun and were not
acquainted with the use of baths, nor to the other luxuries of life.96 Just as Alexander Severus’ speech to his
soldiers in the SHA, a good soldier should not weaken
himself by bathing.
In the works of Ambrose, bishop of Milan (AD 340–
397), we find few negative references to public baths.
For one of the most influential figures of a religion that
is said to be against bathing, this is rather surprising.
Ambrose himself did clearly not oppose bathing, as he
found it acceptable for Christians to bathe during daytime, but warned for bathing at night.97 In a famous
letter to Valentinian II (reigned AD 375–392) against the
restoration of the Altar of Victory to the Roman Senate
house, he lamented that Christians were constantly
confronted with ‘pagan’ images in baths, colonnades
and streets.98 Statues, mosaics and wall paintings with
depictions of the traditional gods in the baths bothered
him, or better, could bother pious Christians.
Commodianus (probably 4th c. AD), a poet of strong
Christian conviction who attacked the traditional
cults as well as Judaism, allegedly wrote the Carmen
Apologeticum or Carmen de duobus populis. In the verses
670–674, the Jews are accused of infatuating the common people with baths:
Adhuc infatuant profanos balneis ire, Quos faciunt
mundos ipsi Deo summo placere. Aqua lauat sordes,
non intima cordis iniqua, Nec sacra sacrilega poterunt lauare curata.
94
95
96
97
98
Nero: Epit. de Caes. 5.3; Trajan: Epit. de Caes. 8.6.
Commodus: Epit. de Caes. 17.5; Julian: Epit. de Caes. 19.3;
Constantine: Epit. de Caes. 41.12. See also Sidonius Apollinaris
(Ep. 5.8.2). Philostorgius, writing in the first half of the 5th c.,
gives a different version. He claims it was his son Crispus who
was suffocated in the hot baths after he had an affair with his
stepmother Fausta (Hist. Eccl. 2.4). The text is preserved as an
epitome by Photius (9th c.).
Veg. Mil. 1.3.
Amb. In Luc. 7.158 (PL 15.1741).
Amb. Ep. 18.31.
As long as they [the Jews] infatuate the common
people with baths, they themselves think these
worlds please the Almighty Lord. Water washes
away the filth, but not the innermost vices of the
heart, and the observance of the rites cannot
cleanse sacrileges.99
Commodianus clearly dismissed the idea that a simple wash in a public bathhouse could cleanse the
spiritual filth. Even if the Jews did seem to have bathed in
Roman-style bathhouses,100 Commodianus’ reproaches
seem unjustified, as the Jews performed their ritual wash
in special bath tubs (miqveh) with pure and unpolluted
water.101 An epigram found in the Anthologia Latina is
sometimes attributed to Commodianus.102 It incites a
certain Florens to bathe in the balnea Pontica, which
was fed by the well-odorous waters. It is interesting to
note that bathers could bathe in a pool or could simply
‘rigat in pluviam’ (‘douse at the shower’).103
4th c. Greek Authors
Eusebius of Caesarea
When discussing public baths in the works of Greekspeaking Christian authors in Late Antiquity, the oeuvre
of Eusebius (lived ca. AD 260–339) seems a good place
to start. As bishop of Caesarea (Palestina), he played an
important role in the contemporary ecclesiastical politics of the east. His works can be described as apologetic,
defending Christian doctrines against philosophy, with
an important influence from Origen (lived AD 185–254).
His Chronicle, on which Jerome based his version (see
above p. 40), has not survived, but in his Ecclesiastical
History there are several references to baths and bathing.
A passage about the martyr James claims that he ate no
meat, drank no wine, never shaved, nor anointed himself
and that he did not use the bath.104 The refusal to bathe
is considered unusual, but at the same time a remarkable
achievement, only reserved for truly pious men. That
Eusebius believed other Christians should not shun the
baths is illustrated by the following fragment. Quoting a
work of Polycarp, himself repeating Irenaeus (2nd c. AD),
the apostle John is said to have entered a bathhouse, but
learning that the heretic Cerinthus was inside, he fled
99
100
101
102
103
104
Translation by the author.
Hoss (2005) 67–80.
Only water that had been collected without human interference (e.g. not water carried in buckets) and had not been used
for other purposes could be used in the miqveh (Hoss (2005)
109).
AL 744R.
Busch (1999) 344.
Euseb. Hist. eccl. 1.23.5.
43
Written Evidence of Baths
from the building, urging his fellow bathers to do the
same: ‘Let us flee, lest the bath fall; for Cerinthus, the
enemy of the truth, is within’.105 In a passage about the
persecutions under Lucius Verus (reigned jointly with
Marcus Aurelius in AD 161–169), Christians were said
to have been banned from houses, markets and baths.106
During persecutions under Maximinus (reigned AD 310–
313), soldiers were stationed before the bath entrance ‘in
order to defile with the abominable sacrifices those who
went to wash in them.’107 The measure presumes that
Christians were among those who frequently entered the
baths and they may have been troubled when requested
to offer to the imperial cult, as statues of emperors were
present in most baths.108 Furthermore, in the Life of
Constantine, the ‘first Christian emperor’ is credited for
building the Church of the Apostles in Constantinople,
which was adjoined by a portico, many apartments,
baths and promenades.109 The pious emperor also visited hot baths when he was feeling ill.110 When the news
of Constantine’s death reached Rome, the baths and
markets were closed for a period of mourning.111
Libanius and Julian
The rhetorician Libanius (lived ca. AD 314–393) spent
most of his life in Antioch (Syria), where he committed
himself to education and literature. His admiration for
Julian was closely connected to his passion for classical literature and philosophy. In his oeuvre—consisting
of speeches, declamations, rhetorical exercises and
letters—the references to baths mainly concerned the
thermae in Antioch. According to Libanius, the magnificence of the city was the result of its oratory schools, its
multitude of temples and its fabulous baths.112 Again,
the possible danger lay in excess. The severity of a certain Alexander at the head of the Antioch government
is praised, as he exhorted the idle citizens to work rather
than spend their days bathing and sleeping.113 The vulnerability while bathing (see above, SHA) is illustrated
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
Euseb. Hist. eccl. 1.28.6. The passage is repeated at 4.14.6 where
we learn that the events took place at Ephesus (Turkey). The
same story is told by Epiphanius but with a certain Ebion instead of Cerinthus (see below).
Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5.1.5.
Euseb. Hist. eccl. Mart. Pal. 9.2.
For imperial statues at baths, see Brödner (1983) 132–35.
Euseb. Vit. Const. 4.59.
Euseb. Vit. Const. 4.61. The link of baths and healing treatments is also apparent in Eusebius’ Onomasticon, in which
several thermal baths in Palestine are mentioned, including
well-known Gadara.
Euseb. Vit. Const. 4.69.
Lib. Or. 1.11.
Lib. Ep. 622.
by a passage about soldiers being slaughtered while
bathing in a river.114 Libanius also complained about the
poor state of the cities’ councils. The lack of personnel
was made clear with the example of the person who was
responsible for supervising taxes was also responsible
for starting up the baths and even had to attend to the
bathers’ individual wishes.115 If a person asked for hot
water and someone else for cold, he could not help both
at the same time and therefore had to bare the insults
of at least one of them. It is interesting to notice that in
at least some bathhouses bathers could chose the temperature of the water according to their preferences.
Julian (reigned AD 361–363), called the Apostate by
later Christian writers because of his adherence to the
traditional cults, was a correspondent of Libanius. His
writings include several letters, some theological works
and satires. In a letter dated to AD 358–359, Julian spoke
of ‘his first bath’ after a severe sickness,116 while in a letter
of AD 361, he recalled his childhood in Bithynia (Turkey)
where he enjoyed ‘πηγὰς οὐ φαύλας καὶ λουτρὸν οὐκ
ἀναφρόδιτον καὶ κῆπον καὶ δένδρα’, ‘excellent springs and a
charming bath and garden and trees’.117
Epiphanius
Epiphanius (ca. AD 315–403) was born in Palestina and
became an ascetic at a young age and in around AD 366,
he was elected bishop of Constantia on Cyprus. During
his episcopate, he focused his intellectual energy on
combating Greek philosophies and Christian heresies,
especially against Origenist factions. This ideological
battle is reflected in his works, the Ancoratus and the
Panarion (Adversus haereses).
Epiphanius was clearly not an advocate of bathing. In his Panarion, he criticized the Gnostics for their
‘culture of the body’ involving anointing, bathing, feasting, whoring and drinking. At the thermal baths of
Gadara (Umm-Queis, Jordan), men and women even
bathed together!118 Epiphanius saw this as the work of
the devil: ‘For where wonders have been given by God
the adversary has already spread his deadly nets—the
bathing there is mixed!’119 A naive Christian girl was
dismayed at the manners of the men, making the cross
114
115
116
117
118
119
Lib. Or 1.17.
Lib. Or. 2.34.
Julian, Ep. 44.
Julian, Ep. 46; translation by Wright (1923) 79. Sozomen, writing in the 5th c. (see below p. 55), recounts that Julian was not
executed like his father, but confined to a magnificent residence with baths, gardens and fountains when he was just a
child (Soz. 5.2).
Epiph. Adv. haeres. 26.5.8. For more literary reference on the
thermal baths of Gadara, see Dvorjetski (2007) 355–59.
Epiph. Adv. haeres. 30.7.5.; translation by Williams (2009) 136.
chapter 2
44
gesture to ward off unsavoury characters. She should
not have bathed with men.120 The critique on these
bathing habits fits within Epiphanius’ attacks on the
Jewish bathing rituals. The ‘hemerobaptists’ did not
recognize the power of baptism, as they bathed daily
to get rid of their sins. Similarly, the Ebionites washed
after each possible contamination.121 The heretic Ebion
featured in a passage about St. John, who was called to
the public baths by the Holy Spirit to find Ebion there.122
The story is the same as the one told by Eusebius and
seems to have been a popular way of discrediting clerics.
The alousia—as found with such holy men as Joseph,
James or monks—was considered a wonderful virtue.123
Furthermore, Joseph found the shell of an unfinished
temple at Tiberias (Israel) and, instead of making it into
a bath, as the inhabitants had wished, made it into a
church.124 Incidentally, Epiphanius mentioned that the
Manichaeans prohibited bathing, but does not seem to
find it praiseworthy.125
Oribasius
Oribasius (lived ca. AD 320–400) was a physician
of Pergamum (Turkey) who studied medicine in
Alexandria. He was the personal physician of Julian and
followed him in his campaigns to Gaul and Mesopotamia.
An adherent of the classic cult, Oribasius was exiled
after Julian’s death, only to be reinstated by Valens. His
writings included a collection of excerpts from Galen—
now lost—and the encyclopaedic Ἰατρικαί συναγωγαί
(Collectiones Medicae), a collection of the writings of
earlier medical authors dedicated to Julian (about one
third survived). Contrary to the North African physicians writing at the end of the 4th and beginning of the
5th c., Oribasius limited his work to assembling these
texts, without adding his own opinion. The work nevertheless reveals the medical practices and theories of the
mid-4th c.
Baths and bathing are included in many therapies
mentioned in the Collectiones, from curing simple
cramps to combating elephantiasis.126 Often bathing is
prescribed in combination with a specific diet and phys120
121
122
123
124
125
126
Epiph. Adv. haeres. 30.7.6.
Hemerobaptists: Epiph. Adv. haeres 17.2.2; Ebionites: Epiph.
Adv. haeres. 30.2.5.
Epiph. Adv. haeres. 30.24.2–5.
Resp. Epiph. Adv. haeres. 78.13.2; Adv. haeres. 78.14. 2 and
De fide 23.6.
Epiph. Adv. haeres. 30.12.2.
Epiph. Adv. haeres. 66.28.5; also McDonough (2009). On the interdiction of bathing in the Manichean cult, see also the works
of Augustine (below p. 49).
Cramps: Or. Coll. Med. 8.6.32–33; elephantiasis: Or. Coll. Med.
45.29.42–44.
ical exercise such as walking or swimming.127 This is also
underlined in the book ‘About a salubrious lifestyle’.128
Our most important source about the medical use of
baths, however, comes from the book entirely devoted
to baths. It is subdivided into several chapters regarding
bathing in ‘normal water’ (book 10.1 after Galen), bathing in ‘artificial water’ (book 10.2 after Antyllus), bathing
in ‘mineral water’ (book 10.3 after Antyllus and 10.5 after
Herodotus), steam baths (book 10.4 after Herodotus),
cold baths (book 10.6 after Galen) and the difference
between hot and cold baths (book 10.7 after Agathinus).129
At the beginning of these chapters, it is explained what
a complete visit to the bathhouse should be like.130 First
one should stay in the heated rooms, which harmonizes the body and enables bad fluids to exit the body.
Secondly, one should submerge oneself in the heated
water of the pools, which introduces beneficial warmth
into the whole body. Thirdly, the bather should dive into
the cold-water pool in order to contract the skin and close
all the pores. Fourthly and lastly, he should rub himself
dry with linen and anoint with oil, removing the bad fluids from the skin and making the body soft and tender.131
This succession was based on the primary properties of
hot and cold water. Hot water has the power to humidify
and soften, while cold water has a contracting and reinforcing power.132 Hence it is of great importance that a
person knows which type of bath he should take and
for how long. The task of the physician is to prescribe
the appropriate bath therapy according to the affliction,
the nature of the patient, his habits, his age, the season,
country of residence and the air of the region.133 Such
considerations were already made by Greek physicians,
in particular in the Hippocratic tradition.134
Besides the temperature, the type of water is also considered important. We find 7 categories, all with their
specific properties: natural mineral water, alkaline water
(against heartburn, tumours, dropsy), aluminous water
(against haemorrhages, vomiting, irregular menstrual
periods, haemorrhoids), sulphurous water (against all
sorts of pain), bituminous water (heating effect), vitriolic water (for rinsing mouth and eyes) and ferruginous
water (against stomach aches).135 It is crucial not to
disturb these types of water, as sprays and vapours may
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
Or. Coll. Med. 7.2.19; 7.6.5–6; 8.1.39; 8.6.5.
Or. Coll. Med. 54.22.19–23.
All these physicians were of Greek origin, living between the
1st and 3rd c. AD.
Or. Coll. Med. 10.1.4.
See also Bourdy (1992) 31.
Or. Coll. Med. 10.1.14–15.
Or. Coll. Med. 10.1.16.
Villard (1994) 50–51; Flemming (2013) 24.
Or. Coll. Med. 10.3.3–8.
45
Written Evidence of Baths
cause nausea. It is therefore advised to simply submerge
oneself in these waters without making movements.136
Taking the properties of the temperature and the type
of water into account, the physicians should prescribe
different therapies for different age groups and health
categories (pregnant women, person with a weak health,
etc.). Small children are too often bathed in warm water,
as wet nurses find it easy to calm toddlers in this way.
Such a habit makes the children soft and vulnerable.
Young men should prefer the cold baths, starting with
physical exercises and limiting the stay in the heated
rooms to a minimum. Old and feeble men, on the contrary, should resort to hot baths and should pay special
attention to massages and rubbing the body with linen.
Apparently, these men had a separate bathhouse, quite
possibly one without an exercise yard. Pregnant women
should also refrain from baths in the first weeks after
impregnation.137
The beneficial effect of bathing could be enhanced
by adding certain decoctions or additives to the water.
Bathing in a mixture of water and olive oil was often
prescribed. Other ‘ingredients’ include sunflowers, fenugreek, chard, Egyptian acorn and sodium carbonate. The
so-called aphronitrum, a sort of nitre, was used as soap.
Apparently, the dirt of the palaestra was recycled as a
medicine that induced transpiration.138 We can imagine
that the combination of dust, dirt, oil, medical powders
and ointments must have made the water inside the
pools quite dirty, reminding us of the quote of Marcus
Aurelius:
Ὁποῖόν σοι φαίνεται τὸ λούεσθαι· ἔλαιον, ἱδρώς, ῥύπος,
ὕδωρ γλοιῶδες, πάντα σικχαντά
What is bathing when you think about it: oil, sweat,
filth, muddy water, everything repugnant.139
In fact, it is quite clear that the medicines should be
applied in the public baths: bloodletting should preferably be carried out ‘ἐν βαλανείῳ’ (‘inside the bathhouse’),140
as should the application of several decoctions.141 A
136
137
138
139
140
141
Or. Coll. Med. 10.3.9.
Children: Or. Coll. Med. Libr. Incert. 54.20.1.; young men: Or.
Coll. Med. Libr. Incert. 54.18.4–7; old and feeble men: Or. Coll.
Med. Libr. Incert. 54.22.12; pregnant women: Or. Coll. Med. Libr.
Incert. 54.6.10.
Oil: Or. Coll. Med. 10.37.35; 10.37.16–17; 10.38; sunflowers: Or.
Coll. Med. Libr. Incert. 54.24.17; fenugreek and other: Or. Coll.
Med. 54.29.59; nitre: Or. Coll. Med. 14.27.6; palaestra dirt: Or.
Coll. Med. 14.62.1. See also Blonski (2014b).
M. Aur. Med. 8.24.
Or. Coll. Med. 7.9.10–11.
Or. Coll. Med. 45.29.59,71–72.
mustard plaster should also be administered in the sun,
or in a heated room, preferably in a bathhouse.142 Severe
cases of itchy skin should be treated by a mixture of
honey and liquid alum, first applied in the sun and then
in the baths or the vestibule of the bathhouse.143 The
resulting sludge on the floors and in the pools must have
necessitated a frequent changing of bathing water or
maybe a limited volume of water per bather.
Basil of Caesarea
Basil of Caesarea (ca. AD 330–379) studied in Athens, but
spent his episcopal career in Caesarea (Cappadocia). His
ascetic lifestyle and writings had a mayor influence on
the development of monasticism in the Greek Church.
As a churchman, he pleaded unity, but nevertheless
attacked Arianism.144 His writings include letters, homilies and his famous sermons called the Hexaemeron
(‘The six days’).
In his ‘Homily against the rich’, Basil deplores the
greed of some of his fellow Christians, who only cared
about accumulating wealth and acquiring every possible commodity, from baths in the city to baths in the
country.145 In his ‘Homily On the Forty Soldier Martyrs
of Sebaste’, the officers of Licinius (ca. AD 320) refused
to offer to the traditional pantheon and were punished
by being plunged into a frozen pond while looking out
onto the hot baths. When one of the condemned got
out of the cold water and ran into the baths to dive into
the hot water, he died on the spot.146 In homily III (‘On
the firmament’) of the Hexaemeron, Basil compares the
external outlook of the vaults of a bathhouse with the
celestial spheres: the domed form of the interior does
not prevent the roof from having a flat surface on the
outside.147 It is clear that the architecture of bathhouses
provided Basil with a recognizable comparison to
describe the structure of the heavens to his reader. Yet,
one cannot rule out a possible symbolic connotation of
the bathhouse, where the life-giving water was domed
by a steady construction, just as the earth and its waters
were domed by the firmament. It is not a coincidence
that Basil starts this passage with ‘And God said, let
there be a firmament in the midst of the waters, and let
it divide the waters from the waters. And God made the
firmament, and divided the waters which were under
142
143
144
145
146
147
Or. Coll. Med. 10.13.16.
Or. Libr. Incert. 116; as quoted in Bussemaker and Daremberg
(1854) 649.
Rousseau (1996a) 234.
Basil, Hom. 7 in PG 31, col. 285.
Basil, Hom. 19 in PG 31, col. 520.
Basil, Hex. 3.4 in PG 29, col. 60.
46
chapter 2
the firmament from the waters which were above the
firmament.’148
tion grievous; nor a frequenter of Zeuxippos, that
new Jerusalem?153
Gregory of Nazianzus
Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. AD 329–389) studied in
Athens alongside Basil of Caesarea, but never shared the
latter’s enthusiasm for ascetism. His ecclesiastical career
evolved in the shadows, yet he had an important role in
fighting Arianism after the Councils of Nicaea (AD 325)
and Constantinople (AD 381) by further promoting the
doctrine of the Trinity. His work consists of several letters, orations and poetry.
In a gripping funeral oration for his friend Basil,
Gregory recalled how he managed to relieve his friend
from the usual initiation rites for students in Athens.149
Normally, a procession took the freshman to the bathhouse, where initially the elders teasingly denied access,
shouting loudly and knocking on the doors. Eventually,
the ‘victim’ could enter and bathe, after which he was
accepted as a student. The passage reminds us that water
and in extension bathing also had a ‘cleansing’ connotation in a less spiritual way, such as in a ‘rite of passage’ for
(Christian) students. We also find attestations of baths
in their curative capabilities. The springs that bring forth
hot water are a gift from God, ‘supplying our need for
hot baths in many parts of the earth, and in conjunction with the cold, give us a healing which is without
cost and spontaneous.’150 In his letters to Olympius,151
we learn that Gregory himself visited the baths of
Xanxaris (unknown location in Cappadocia, Turkey) on
the advice of his ‘medical men’. Gregory obviously lived
in a society in which baths were an active part of daily
life, especially in large cities like Constantinople. In his
oration Against the Arians, Gregory defends his ‘villageattitude’ against the virulent attacks of the citizens of
the capital who boast of their racecourses, stadiums,
high walls and marvellous baths.152 Gregory reproached
the Arian cosmopolites their lust for luxury and gossip:
Gregory of Nyssa
Gregory of Nyssa (lived ca. AD 330–395) was the
brother of Basil of Caesarea. Like his sibling, he was a
devout opponent of Arianism, though his writings also
contain an important influence from Neo-Platonist philosophy and of the work of Origen. He became bishop
of Nyssa (in Cappadocia, Turkey), but was deposed
by the provincial governor during the Arian offensive
under Valens. In AD 381, he took part in the Second
Ecumenical Council in Constantinople, becoming one
of the leading theologians of the ‘orthodox’ faith. His
works are an important step in the ‘Christianisation’ of
almost every literary genre, combining both ‘classic’ and
Christian traditions.154
The testimonies on baths and bathing in the works of
Gregory do not point to a rejection of the practice, with
only excess seen as injurious to a person’s health. In a
comparison to explain why one should follow the right
doctrinal path in life, Gregory speaks of the baths as part
of an imprudent lifestyle.
And where will you put the fact that I am not full
of small talk, nor a jester popular with company,
nor great hunter of the marketplace, nor given to
chatter and gossip with any chance people upon
all sorts of subjects, so as to make even conversa-
Let us suppose two persons suffering from an affection of the eyes; and that the one surrenders himself most diligently to the process of being cured,
and undergoes all that medicine can apply to him,
however painful it may be; and that the other
indulges without restraint in baths and winedrinking, and listens to no advice whatever of his
doctor as to the healing of his eyes. Well, when we
look to the end of each of these, we say that each
duly receives in requital the fruits of his choice,
the one in deprivation of the light, the other in its
enjoyment.155
In the same text, the baths are counted among the most
favourite pastimes of men, next to hunting, going to the
theatre and to banquets.156 However, it seems that bathing was still part of a daily routine, even among Christians.
Gregory describes how a certain priest called Helladius
received him in a rude manner. This Helladius had a
bath prepared in the evening and organized a banquet,
153
148
149
150
151
152
Translation by Jackson (1895) 67.
Greg. Naz., Or. 43. 16.
Greg. Naz. Or. 28. 26; translation by Browne (1893) 298.
Greg. Naz. Ep. 125 and 126.
Greg. Naz. Or. 28. 7–8.
154
155
156
Translation by Browne (1893) 331. Zeuxippos refers to the
Zeuxippos-baths in Constantinople, often praised as the city’s
most glamorous and sumptuous thermae. See also below,
John Malalas.
Rousseau (1996b) 657.
Greg. Nyss. infant. in PG 46, col. 177; translation by Moore and
Wilson (1892) 376.
Greg. Nyss. infant. in PG 46, col. 180.
47
Written Evidence of Baths
all on a Sabbath day and on a martyr’s commemoration.157
Gregory also acknowledges the spiritual connotations of
water. In his ‘Answer to Eunomius’ Second Book’ the name
of the prophet Moses is explained as being the Egyptian
term for ‘water’. The princess who found the baby in the
river while taking a bath, called the child Moses, as he
was a gift from the water ‘a name by which God Himself
did not disdain to address His servant, nor did He deem
it beneath Him to allow the name given by the foreign
woman to remain the Prophet’s proper appellation.’158
In the same text, it becomes clear that Gregory was well
informed about the different activities that took place
within a bathhouse, as he makes a comparison with
bath-attendants, listing some of their specialties like
depilation, giving foot baths and distributing towels.159
John Chrysostom
Educated at Antioch by Libanius, John Chrysostom
(lived ca. AD 354–407)—meaning literally ‘John with
the golden mouth’—briefly lived as a monk and later as
a priest before becoming the bishop of Constantinople
in AD 398. Doctrinal disputes with the empress Eudoxia
and the archbishop of Constantinople ultimately led to
his exile to Armenia, where he died in AD 407. The references to baths and bathing in the extant work of John
Chrysostom are numerous and would merit an independent study. Besides John’s personal opinions about
bathing, we can also find a mass of information about
Christian opinions and general details concerning daily
bathing habits at the end of the 4th c.
Chrysostom does not hide the fact that he himself
occasionally enjoys the benefits of a bath. He does not
share the opinion of some extremist Christian about the
required lifestyle for priests.
If he cannot raise the dead, he is of no worth, they
say: such a one is pious, but this man is not. If he
eats a moderate meal, for this he is accused, he
ought to be strangled, they say. If he is seen at the
bath, he is much censured. In short, he ought not
to look upon the sun! If he does the same things
that I do, if he bathes, eats and drinks, and wears
the same clothing, and has the care of a house and
servants, on what account is he set over me?160
157
158
159
160
Greg. Nyss. Ep. 18 (to Flavian) in Moore and Wilson (1892) 542.
Translation by Moore and Wilson (1892) 279.
Greg. Nyss. Answer to Eunomius’ Second Book in Moore and
Wilson (1892) 291.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Tit. 1.4; translation by Schaff (s.d.) 523.
Baths form a part of daily life, just as the evening meal.161
According to John, it is perfectly permitted for Christians
and priests to enjoy baths.
Ἀλλὰ λούεσθαι, φησὶν, οὐ χρή. Διὰ τί, εἰπέ μοι; ποῦ
τοῦτο κεκώλυται; οὐδὲ γὰρ ὁ ῥύπος καλόν.162
He ought not to frequent the bath, you say. And
where is this forbidden? There is nothing honourable in being unclean.163
While travelling to exile in Cappadocia, John complains
about the miserable conditions, especially the fact that
he could not bathe.164 A revolt against Theodosius in
Antioch in AD 387 was followed by a closure of the public baths, much to the despair of the local citizens.165
The public baths nevertheless only provide a superficial cleaning, removing sweat and dust. Washing in the
baths can do nothing about the sins one has committed.
But there are some who after committing numberless sins during the day, wash themselves in the
evening and enter the churches, holding up their
hands with much confidence, as if by the washing
of the bath they had put off all their guilt. And if
this were the case, it would be a vast advantage to
use the bath daily! I would not myself cease to frequent the baths, if it made us pure, and cleansed
us from our sins!166
In an interesting comparison, Roman bathing habits
are weighed against Jewish ritual washing and Christian
baptism.167 Only the holy washing (baptism) of the
Church can cleanse a man’s sins.
Βαλανεῖον γάρ ἐστιν ἡ Ἐκκλησία πνευματικὸν, οὐ
ῥύπον σώματος, ἀλλὰ ψυχῆς ἀποσμῆχον κηλῖδα τοῖς
πολλοῖς τῆς μετανοίας τρόποις.168
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
Joh. Chrys. Hom. ad pop. Ant. 14–18; Hom. in Joh. 18.4; Hom. in
Ep. ad Rom. 31.5.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Tit. 1.4
Translation by Schaff (s.d.) 523.
Joh. Chrys. Ep. ad Olymp. 17.4.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. ad pop. Ant. 14.6; 17.2; 18.4.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Ep. II ad Tim. 6.4; translation by Schaff
(s.d.) 499. See also Hom. in Ep. I ad Cor. 18.2 and De mutat. Nom.
Hom. 4.1. For Christian literature on bathing after sins, see
Dumaine (1910) 85–86.
Joh. Chrys. Ad Ill. Cat 1.2. See already Commodianus (above
p. 42) for attestations of Jewish attitudes towards bathing.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Ep. II ad Cor. 15.5.
48
chapter 2
For the Church is a spiritual bath, which wipeth
away not filth of body, but stains of soul, by its
many methods of repentance.169
The baths are necessary to maintain personal hygiene,
without exaggerating.170
Enjoy thy baths, take care of thy body, and throw
thyself freely into the world, and keep a household,
have thy servants to wait on thee, and make free
use of thy meats and drinks! But everywhere drive
out excess, for that it is which causes sin, and the
same thing, whatever it be, if it becomes excessive,
becomes a sin.171
Just as in the Historia Augusta or the works of Ausonius,
the danger of excess is stressed. Bathing with women
was out of the question.172 Indeed, a person was at his
weakest in the baths.173 Some persons like peasants, soldiers or wrestlers should avoid baths altogether.174 The
prolonged bathing of women also explains why they
are so much weaker than men.175 Besides spending too
much time in baths, it is also malicious to display wealth
(jewellery, fine linen) and status (a group of slaves)
while bathing.176 Spending money to build a bathhouse
can also be seen as an act of vanity.
And Christ indeed hath not where to lodge, but
goes about a stranger, and naked, and hungry, and
you set up houses out of town, and baths, and terraces, and chambers without number, in thoughtless vanity; and to Christ you give not even a share
of a little hut, while for daws and vultures you deck
out upper chambers. What can be worse than such
insanity as this?177
There also numerous other references which inform us
about many bathing habits and the perceptions of baths.
We learn that sometimes highly pregnant women went
into labour in the baths and that some poor homeless
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
Translation by Chambers (1889) 355.
Joh. Chrys. Hom in Joh. 18.4; 61.3; ad Ill. Cat. 1.2.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Eph. 13.3; translation by Schaff (s.d.) 115.
Joh. Chrys. De inani gloria et de educandis libris 60.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Act. 31.3.
Resp. Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Act. 18.5; Hom. in Ep. I ad Tim. 13.4 and
Hom. in Hebr. 5.4.
Joh. Chrys. Hom in Hebr. 29.5.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Joh. 80.2; Hom. in Hebr. 28.13; Hom. in Ep. I
ad Cor. 23.6; Hom. in Eph. 23.6; Hom. in Ep. ad Col. 10.4; Hom. in
Ep. I ad Tim. 2.2.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Ep. ad Rom. 14.11; translation by Morris and
Simcox (s.d.) 452.
people huddled in the service rooms of public baths,
even covering themselves with the ashes of the furnace to stay warm. Other passages give a glimpse of the
bustling activity inside a bathhouse: women chattering aloud (as they did in church!), doctors helping their
patients, the unbearable temperature in over-heated
baths (even compared to the flames of hell!) and rich
people with their throngs of slaves. Lepers were forbidden to enter public baths.178 The link between baths and
superstition is also mentioned, as many Christians made
a cross-gesture when entering a bathhouse179 and mothers or wet-nurses entering the baths smeared a mark
with mud on the foreheads of children to avert ‘the evil
eye, witchcraft and envy’.180 In a text sometimes attributed to Chrysostom, Christians are encouraged to pray
anywhere they can, even in the baths.181 There are some
allusions to (partial) nudity inside the baths,182 notably
when a slave-girl had been beaten and the bruises on
her nude back could be seen by all.183 In a rather surprising comparison, Chrysostom mentions how martyrs are
afraid to be the first to face the stake, just as each individual in a group of bathers is reluctant to be the first to
dip in the hot water.184
Eunapius
The historian and sophist Eunapius (lived ca. AD 340–
420) was a fervent opponent of Christianity. His opinions are clearly reflected in his surviving works, of which
Lives of the Sophists is the only one surviving in full. In
this idealized picture of prominent 4th c. Neoplatonist
philosophers, the baths are a recurrent setting to illustrate their miraculous powers. Of Porphyry, it is said that
he expelled a demon from a bathhouse. Iamblichus on
the other hand conjured up two boys as the personification of two hot springs in the thermal baths of Gadara
(Palestine) to convince his pupils of his powers. The
philosopher Chrysantius always seemed fresh from the
178
179
180
181
182
183
184
Pregnant women: Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Joh. 34.3; poor people:
Joh. Chrys. diab. 3.5; Consolatio ad Stagyram 3.13; chattering:
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Ep. I ad Cor. 36.6; Hom. in Ep. I ad Tim. 9.1;
doctors: Joh. Chrys. De Diab. Tent. 1.5; temperature: Joh. Chrys.
Thdr. 1.10; lepers: Joh. Chrys. Stag. 3.13.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Act. 10.5. See also Tertullian, De Corona, 3
(PL II, col. 99) stating the newly baptized Christian made a
cross-sign before their every act between Easter and Pentecost:
‘ad lavacra…frontem crucis signaculo terimus.’ There is also
evidence that Christians believed demons housed in classical
buildings and statues (Saradi-Mendelovici (1990) 55–56).
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Ep. I ad Cor. 12.7.
Joh. Chrys. De Chananaea 11.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Matth. 81.4; Hom. in Ep. I ad Tim. 2.4.
Joh. Chrys. Hom. in Eph. 15.3.
Joh. Chrys. De Sanctis Martyribus Sermo 2.
49
Written Evidence of Baths
bath, although he seldom took one. To conclude, in a
story about Prohaeresius, family members arriving in
Athens are welcomed by taking them to the baths and
new disciples of Prohaeresius’ teachings are initiated in
public baths.185
Other 4th c. Greek Authors
In the treatise Against the Donatists, Optatus (writing
ca. AD 360) bishop of Milevis (Numidia, Africa), stressed
that the only true washing of a person was an ‘orthodox’
baptism.186 In a passage about Donatists who stripped
orthodox virgins of their veils—the sign that befitted
their status—Optatus recounts with indignation that
their heads were then sprinkled with unclean ashes
and they were ordered to wash with salt water.187 There
is no indication that this washing took place inside a
bathhouse—the sea seems the logical option—but this
nevertheless shows that salt water could have purifying
properties ascribed to it.188
Asterius (lived ca. AD 350–410), bishop of Amasia
(Bithynia, Turkey) and a contemporary of John
Chrysostom, lashed out at the greed and thirst for luxury. In his sermon ‘Against Covetousness’, he sketches a
gripping picture of the difference between the rich and
the poor by using the baths as a medium.
Some lie down under gilded roofs and live in houses
that are like small cities, adorned with sumptuous
baths and chambers, and most extensive porches,
and every kind of extravagance, while others have
not the shelter of two boards. When they cannot
live in open air, they either take refuge beside the
furnaces of the baths, or, finding the attendants of
the baths inhospitable, they dig into the dung like
swine, and so contrive to get for themselves the
needful warmth.189
185
186
187
188
189
Porphyry: Eunap. 358–59; Iamblichus: Eunap. 368–69;
Chrysantius: Eunap 550–51; Prohaeresius: Eunap. 482–83.
Opt. 5 (several passages).
Opt. 6.4.
There are examples of public baths making use of salt water,
for example the inscription advertising for a bathhouse in
Pompeii that had both aqua marina and aqua dulci (‘seawater
and fresh water’; CIL 10.1063). See also SHA, Heliogab. 23, 7 for
swimming pools with seawater. For a discussion about seawater in baths, see Fagan (1999a) 62, esp. n. 75. For an attestation
of salt being used at the baths, see also the papyrological evidence (P-44).
Asterius Amas. Hom. (Against Covetousness Serm. 3; translation by Anderson and Goodspeed (1904) 101).
The possession of a private bath was clearly seen as sign
of immense wealth.190 The antithesis of the rich who
enjoyed their private baths and the poor who could
not even afford to enter public baths is already encountered throughout the work of Chrysostom, and stands
in glaring contrast to the ode on private baths by the
upper-class Ausonius.
5th c. Latin Authors
Augustine
Arguably the most important Latin author of Late
Antiquity, Augustine (lived ca. AD 354–430) was born
to a ‘non-Christian’ father and Christian mother in
Thagaste (Souk Ahras, Algeria). After an education in
rhetoric, he taught at Carthage, Rome and Milan. His
quest for spiritual salvation led him from Manichaeism
to a Christianized Neoplatonism (fostered by Ambrose
at Milan). He was ordained priest and later bishop of
Hippo Regius (Annaba, Tunisia), where he developed
his personal Christian beliefs in his ‘battle’ against the
Donatist movement. His impressive oeuvre comprises
the autobiographical Confessiones, a teleological explanation of the sack of Rome (AD 410) in De Civitate Dei
and several doctrinal expositions in the form of letters
and sermons.
Throughout Augustine’s work, bathing is presented as
normal for human beings, necessary for a good health,
but often only appreciated as a pleasurable pastime.
When mourning over the death of his mother, Augustine
let himself be enticed to have a bath only to take his
mind off his grief.
visum etiam mihi est, ut irem lavatum, quod audieram inde balneis nomen inditum, quia Graeci balaneion dixerint, quod anxietatem pellat ex animo.
ecce et hoc confiteor misericordiae tuae, pater or
phanorum, quoniam lavi et talis eram, qualis prius
quam lavissem.191
It appeared also good to me to go and bathe, having
heard that the bath had its name (balneum) from
the Greek Balaneion for that it drives troubles from
the mind. And this also I confess unto Thy mercy,
Father of the fatherless, that I bathed, and was the
same as before I bathed.192
Even if the bath did not have the effect Augustine had
hoped for, it shows us that his new found Christian
beliefs did not prevent him from visiting public baths. In
190
191
192
See also de Haan (2010) 130–34.
August. Conf. 9.12.
Translation after Pilkington (1943) 213.
50
chapter 2
an earlier passage, he remembered how he once bathed
with his father when he was just 16.193 It had delighted
his father to see that his boy was finally becoming a
man, a thought that had horrified his pious mother.
Besides forging a link between baths and (awakening)
sexuality, this episode also alludes to nude bathing. In
discussing the Fall and the subsequent shame of nakedness, Augustine recounts about some ‘barbarians’ even
bathed with all their clothes on.194 That nudity in baths
was not a sin is repeated on several occasions.195
In a letter to Publicola (dated AD 398), Augustine
addressed the question if Christians could bathe in a
bathhouse that was the setting for ‘pagan’ sacrifices or
festivities.196 In his opinion, as long as Christians did not
actively contribute to the sacrifices, there was no harm
in going to these baths. This same concern about the
presence of ‘idols’ in baths has already been encountered with Ambrose, while the act of sacrificing at the
baths reminds us of the passage by Eusebius. There are
numerous other references to ‘Christian’ bathing habits.
We learn that Christians in some cities had to refrain
from baths during Lent, that it was exhausting to bathe
while fasting, and that a person who would receive
baptism should have bathed the day before.197 This last
point is especially interesting as it positions Christian
baptism in a long tradition of cleaning the body before
starting specific religious actions (see below p. 75). Even
if bathing is thus justifiable for Augustine, he shares
the common opinion about the dangers of excess.198 In
a letter to nuns, he advises them not to make bathing
part of a daily routine; once a month should suffice. If a
nun falls ill however, additional baths may be necessary
if the illness justifies it. Baths to boost morale, for pure
enjoyment, should be out of the question. The additional remark that at least three monks / nuns should
bathe at the same time is probably proposed as a kind of
‘social surveillance’ mechanism.199 The underlying ideas
are obvious: bathing should be restricted to the act of
193
194
195
196
197
198
199
August. Conf. 2.3. It was usual for children to go with their
mothers to the baths until they reached puberty (En. in Ps.,
psalm 34.19), as is still the case in the present day hammams
(Grotzfeld (1970) 99). According to Cicero, it was prohibited
for fathers to bathe with their adolescent sons (Cic., Off. 1.129).
Plutarch says fathers-in-law avoided bathing with their sonsin-law (Plut., Vit. Cat. Mai. 20.5).
August. De Civ. D. 14.17.
August. De Doct. Christ. 3.12; De Natura Boni Contra Manichaeos
23.
August. Ep. 45 with the answer in Ep. 47.
August. Ep. 54.
August. In Evang. Iohan. 15.4.16; En. in Ps., psalm 37.11.
August. Ep. 211.
washing, i.e. to maintain a good health.200 The sensual
pleasures of bathing were only superficial, just as the
joys of money, the spendthrift in taverns or the impurity
of intercourse.201
The passages about Christians at the baths stand in
contrast to the references about Manichaeans. As a former follower, Augustine wrote several treatises against
this religion. The so-called ‘Manichaean Elect’, who practised a strict ascetism, refrained from baths, although
‘many were caught with wine and animal food, many at
the baths’.202 Apparently, these Elect took offence at the
bathing habits of the ‘Hearers’, the common believers,
who held to simple moral rules.203 A trial against such
an Elect was—coincidence or not—held in the baths of
Sossius in Hippo.204 Trials were not the only occasion
when baths served as assembly locations. The ecclesiastical congress of AD 411 in Carthage was held in the
‘baths of Gargilius’.205 The bishops assembled ‘in tam
spatioso et lucido et refrigeranti loco’ (‘in such a spacious,
bright-lit and cold room’). The room in question was
not necessarily the frigidarium, but could have been the
basilica thermarum or the oblong halls preceding the
frigidaria which have often been recognized in North
African baths (see below, chapter 4).
Sidonius Apollinaris
The political career of Sidonius Apollinaris (lived ca. AD
430- after 480) exemplifies the tension between the traditional power of the Roman Senate and the expanding
role of the Germanic courts during the 5th c. AD. Born
at Lugdunum (Lyons, France), Sidonius worked his way
up to the imperial courts of Avitus (reigned AD 455–456)
and Majorian (reigned AD 456–461). After the latter’s
fall, he returned to his native Gaul, maintaining a difficult relationship with both the Senate in Rome and the
Gothic kingdom in Gaul. He eventually became bishop
of Clermont in around AD 470.
In his literary oeuvre, Sidonius praises the delights
of contemporary private villas, just as Ausonius had
done a century earlier (see above). In his letters, which
were actually conceived as a book, much like Pliny the
Younger’s Epistularum,206 Sidonius invites a friend to
200
201
202
203
204
205
206
August. Soliloquiorum 1.17. Augustine also mentions the beneficial effects of bathing in seawater (de moribus manichaeorum 8). See also above, n. 188 and Oribasius.
August. De catechizandis rudibus 16.
August. De moribus manichaeorum 19. See also Mc Donough
(2009) 264; Baker-Brian (2011) 122–28.
August. c. Faust. 20.23.
August. acta seu disputatio contra fortunatum manichaeum,
introduction.
August. ad Don. post Coll. 35.58.
Gibson and Morello (2012) 234–64.
51
Written Evidence of Baths
his villa in Avitacum (Aydat, France) and tries to convince him by describing his private baths—labelled
balneum or balineum—in full detail.207 He walks us
through the several rooms, beginning with the hot
room and its semicircular pool (solium), the adjoining
unguentarium (anointing room), the frigidarium with
its pyramid roof, and a piscina or—as the Greeks would
call it—baptisterium. Great care is taken to describe the
inner ambience, stressing the sound of gushing water,
the abundant sunlight entering through the windows
and the plain, yet stylish decoration. No disgraceful
paintings adorn the walls and no imported marbles
colour the floors. He is very clear which figures are not
to be found: no nude figures, no actors with masks and
coloured garments and no anointed wrestler with intertwined limbs. The link of baths to carnal pleasures and
indecency, often mirrored in the decorative themes,
and maybe even the depiction of traditional gods (the
nude figures?) are clearly disapproved off. It is the water
management, especially that of the piscina, that merits
praise.
in hanc ergo piscinam fluvium de supercilio montis
elicitum canalibusque circumactis per exteriora natatoriae latera curvatum sex fistulae prominentes
leonum simulatis capitibus effundunt, quae temere
ingressis veras dentium crates, meros oculorum fu
rores, certas cervicum iubas imaginabuntur.208
Into this piscina, then, a stream lured from the
brow of the hill is conducted in channels curving
round the outside of the swimming basin; it issues
through 6 pipes terminating in lions’ heads which,
to one entering rapidly, seem to present real fangs,
authentic fury of eyes, indubitable manes.209
The overwhelming sound of the water coursing through
lead pipes and gushing out of various spouts and taps
allowed one to have a private conversation in the middle
of a crowd.
ita sonitu pressus alieno ridiculum affectat publicus
sermo secretum.210
The interference of this alien sound forces conversations which are quite public to assume an amusing air of secrecy.211
207
208
209
210
211
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 2.2.4–9.
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 2.2.8.
Translation by Dalton (1915) 38–39.
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 2.2.9.
Translation by Dalton (1915) 39.
The entire description of the baths searches for a compromise between the minimalistic baths as applauded
by Seneca and the baths as a marvel of technique found
in Ausonius.212 The same baths are the subject of a
poem.213 Here, their delights are compared with those
at the thermal baths of Baiae, reminding us again of
Ausonius’ poem. A separate poem also describes the
piscina of the private baths,214 obviously a source of
great pride to the owner since it had also been described
separately in letter II.2. In the poem, the delights of a
cool dip after the scorching heat of the hot rooms are
brought to the fore.
Intrate algentes post balnea torrida fluctus
ut solidet calidam frigore lympha cutem
et licet hoc solo mergatis membra liquore,
per stagnum nostrum lumina vestra natant.
Enter the cool waves after the hot baths,
that the water by its coldness may strengthen your
heated skin;
and even if you plunge only your limbs in this
water,
your eyes swim through our pond.
The fact that Sidonius estimates the capacity of this
piscina at around 20,000 modii,215 equalling roughly
175 m3, means this pool must have been quite large.
The Latin term stagnum (lake, pond) that is used in the
poem further points to impressive dimensions.216
On other occasions, Sidonius also speaks of private baths as part of a delightful villa. In a letter to his
friend Consentius (dated AD 478), he describes the villa
of Octaviana with its fantastic location near the town,
the sea and the river, its perfect architectural symmetry,
its colonnade and its baths.217 Although the facilities
described above are not public, the formal description
of the architecture and of the perception on baths is
directly relevant for the study of public baths. Sidonius
even expresses the similarities himself, claiming his
frigidarium can stand the comparison with public
212
213
214
215
216
217
Sen. Ep. 86; Auson. Mos. 335–348.
Sid. Apoll. carm. 18. For a comparison between the letter and
the poem, see Busch (1999) 69–74.
Sid. Apoll. carm. 19.
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 2.2.8.
S. Busch (1999) calculates the surface of the pool at around
100 m2, considering the volume of 125 m3 and a depth of
around 1.75m. Even if Sidonius makes a literary exaggeration,
such large piscinae are archaeologically attested, for example
in the villa of Poppea in Oplontis (near Naples, destroyed in
the eruption of AD 79).
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 8.4.1.
chapter 2
52
facilities: ‘piscinas publicis operibus extructas non
impudenter aemularetur’ (‘it might without impertinence challenge comparison with baths built as public
undertakings.’).218 Deliberate bragging or not, these private baths were apparently conceived to host several
people at a time. The description of the large piscina,
where a master and his guests could have a private conversation even in a crowd, makes clear that bathing was
a social occasion in the villas too.219
Besides singing the praises of private baths, Sidonius
also refers to baths and bathing in other contexts. In
reply to a friend, Sidonius wards off criticisms of his
native province by slamming his friends’ home town
Caesena (Cesena, Italy) in return. In that swampy marsh
of his, everything is upside down: the towers float and
the ships stand still, business men turn soldiers while
soldiers turn business men and the baths are cold while
the houses are on fire.220 The passage reminds us that
baths were still seen as basic facilities of a town and
that balnea still implied heated forms of bathing.221 In
the poem to Consentius, Sidonius reminds his friend
of the good old days in Rome when they visited small
private baths together, instead of the large public baths
of Agrippa, Diocletian or Nero.222 In a different letter,
Sidonius recounts how he observed a ball game while
waiting for Mass to be celebrated.223 Challenged by a
somewhat older player to write a poem about a towel,
he composed some verses in which the sweat of a ferventia balnea (hot bath) is mentioned. The passage again
stresses the link between hot baths and the use of towels
within or after the baths. This fondness of steaming hot
baths is also encountered in Ep. 2.9.8–9. Sidonius, finding the private baths of two of his hosts not ready for use,
ordered his servants to dig a pit, cover it with branches
and goat skins and put glowing hot stones inside it to
create an improvised sweat hut. By pouring water over
the stones, a vapour-bath was created. The sweating
session was followed by a dip in hot water and finished
off with a shower of cold water (from the nearby fountain, well or river). It is difficult to assess whether the
passage reflects existing contemporary habits or a liter-
ary allusion to known ‘barbarian’ bathing habits such
as described already by Herodotus and Strabo.224
Caelius Aurelianus
A physician native of Sicca Veneria (Le Kef, Tunisia)
writing at the beginning of the 5th c. AD, Caelius
Aurelianus modelled his medical treatises on the work
of earlier writers, especially Soranus of Ephesus (lived
around AD 100). Among his most important works are
the Gynaecia and De morbis chronicis et acutis. His writings reveal a methodist approach of medicine.225
As Caelius was the heir of a long medical tradition,
we find Greek-Hellenistic theories about the effects
of bathing reflected in his works.226 Bathing in cold
water, called psychrolusia by Aurelius, had an astringent
effect, while bathing in hot water, called simply lavacrum (bathing), had a relaxing and softening effect.227
Showers, called cataclysmus or illisio, are prescribed for
the massaging effect the tumbling water could have on
specific body parts. They are included in the therapies
for epilepsy, insanity, inner ear problems, asthma, and
back problems.228 Therapies combining bathing with
a certain diet—for curing haemorrhages, arthritis and
gout—or bathing and physical exercises such as swimming (against dropsy) and walking were also popular.229
Often ointments and decoctions were prescribed to
use inside the baths.230 Bathing in olive oil or a mixture
of olive oil and water was thought to be beneficial, for
instance against constipation, bladder problems, paralysis, coeliac disease, and sexual urges.231 The quality of the
water also played an important role, as sometimes seawater (against dropsy and against chronic headaches)
or mineral waters (against arthritis and gout) were
preferred.232 That seawater was probably used in public
baths is implied by Aurelius’ critique of some physicians
224
225
226
227
228
218
219
220
221
222
223
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 2.2.5. Translation by Anderson (1936) 421.
See also de Haan (2010) 129–30.
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 1.8.2.
The strict correlation between ‘balneum’ and a heated environment had been present since the ‘Roman’-style of bathing
took shape in the 2nd–1st c. BC. (Blonski (2014a) 200–201). For
thermae as characteristic elements of a town, see also Carmina
22, 23 and 24.
Sid. Apoll. Carm. 23, 495–500.
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 5.17.
229
230
231
232
Hdt. 4.73–75; Strabo Geogr. 3.3.6–7.
Nutton (2006).
Garzya (1994) 114.
Psychrolusia: Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 1.47; lavacrum: Cael. Aur.
Morb. ac. 2.50; see already Oribasius (above p. 44).
Epilepsy: Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 1.99; insanity: Cael. Aur. Morb.
chr. 1.168; inner ear problems: Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 2.70; asthma: Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 3.10; back problems: Cael. Aur. Morb.
chr. 4.104.
Diet: Morb. chr. 2.182; Morb. chr. 5.37; swimming: Cael. Aur.
Morb. chr. 3.117; walking: Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 3.94.
Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 4.18.
Constipation: Cael. Aur. Morb. ac. 3.151; bladder problems:
Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 5.75; paralysis: Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 2.23;
coeliac disease: Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 4.45; sexual urges: Cael.
Aur. Morb. ac. 3.184.
Seawater: Morb. chr. 3.117 and Morb. chr. 1.42.; mineral water:
Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 5.37.
Written Evidence of Baths
who prescribed seawater vapour baths (‘aquae marinae vaporationem’) and swimming in pools of seawater
(‘implendum solium aqua marina ferventi’).233
There are few direct references to public baths,
as Caelius speaks of bathing with the general term
lavacrum.234 However, it is very plausible that therapies
necessitating full immersion in hot or cold water took
place within (public) bathhouses, as these were the only
facilities to have both such facilities. Furthermore, earlier medical writers such as Oribasius leave little doubt
that their therapies must take place in public baths (see
above p. 45). Caelius also insists that in some cases, the
body of the patient has to be kept warm during the
therapy, preferably in a room with a portable stove or
heated walls (‘ex carbonis vel parietibus ignitis’).235 This
reminds us of the heated rooms (resp. the laconicum and
the caldarium or sudatorium) in bathhouses.
Cassius Felix
Cassius Felix lived in the 5th c. AD and was a medical
writer who composed a handbook called De Medicina.
A native of North Africa, he continued a long tradition of
medical authors in the region, following in the footsteps
of Vindicianus (end of the 4th c.), Theodorus Priscianus
and Caelius Aurelianus (both beginning of the 5th c.).
Building on the principles of Greek medicine such
as Hippocrates, Cassius Felix obviously attributed an
important part of his work to water-related therapy.236
The public bathhouse was the logical place to undergo
these therapies, as water and bath tubs were not readily
available in every dwelling. So we learn that one should
shave off all his hair ‘in balneo’ (‘in the bathhouse’),
massage his head with a special ointment and rinse
it afterwards ‘in sole’ (‘in a hot tub’) to counter severe
headaches.237 Other treatments that include the use
of baths, especially the pools, include therapies against
dandruff, pimples, black spots on the skin and sunburn.238
However, the therapy against scabies does not involve
bathing.239 The effects of hot (dehydrating) or cold
(contracting) baths, was often compensated by drinking specific beverages or anointing with special oils just
after the dips. Pain in the kidneys could be alleviated
233
234
235
236
237
238
239
Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 3.117.
The use of the word lavacrum is rather complex, as it could
mean bathing, bathhouse and possibly also pool. See Maréchal
(2015).
Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 3.40.
Fraisse (2002) xxix.
Cas. Fel. De Med. 1.13–15.
Dandruff: Cas. Fel. De Med. 6.2; pimples: Cas. Fel. De Med. 7.2;
black spots and sunburn: Cas. Fel. De Med. 9.3.
Cas. Fel. De Med. 15.
53
with a beverage after a visit to the baths.240 To counteract jaundice, one should submerge in a warm bath,
wash with dill-oil and have a drink ‘in lavacro’ (‘in the
bath tub / bathhouse’).241 A warm bath with oil fights
dehydration after gastroenteritis.242 In several cases of
severe or recurring fever, bathing is prescribed, especially in combination with anointing with oils and
breathing healthy air.243
It is clear that bathing still played an important role in
the medicine of the age of Cassius Felix, with the hydrating or dehydrating effects were put to particular good
use. If the acts that accompanied these therapies, such
as shaving or bathing in special oils, all took place inside
the public baths, one can imagine that there must have
been adapted facilities that enabled such personal treatments. The thermal baths that have been excavated,
such as Hammat Gader in Israel or Aquae Flavianae in
Algeria, display a number of individual tubs to ensure
the personal treatment of the visitors.244
Other 5th c. Latin Authors
In the letters of Paulinus of Nola (lived AD 353–431),
the son of a wealthy aristocratic family of Burdigala
who chose an ascetic lifestyle after his political career,
no attestations of baths have been found.245 In his
Laterculus (dated AD 448), Polemius Silvius included a
list of famous sights in Rome. He probably based this
on the Notitia Regionum Urbis Romae and the Curiosum.
For the thermae, he mentioned the baths of Diocletian,
Caracalla (Antoninian baths), Alexandrina, Commodus,
Agrippa and Sura. The baths of Caracalla are listed
among the 7 marvels of the city. The poet Claudian (lived
AD 370–404) presents a roadside bathhouse in the form
of an inscription in which the pleasure and reinvigorating character of baths, especially on a long journey, is
something to be thankful for.
Fontibus in liquidis paulum requiesce, viator
atque tuum rursus carpe refectus iter
lympharum dominum nimium miraberis, hospes,
inter dura viae balnea qui posuit.246
240
241
242
243
244
245
246
Cas. Fel. De Med. 45.3.
Cas. Fel. De Med. 49.2–6.
Cas. Fel. De Med. 51.13.
Cas. Fel. De Med. 55, 57, 60 and 61.
Hammat Gader: Hirschfeld and Amitai-Preiss (1997); Aquae
Flavianae: Gsell and Graillot (1893).
The works of Paulinus are rather under-represented in the
translations of the early Christian writers. For the present
research, only the English translation of Paulinus’ letters
(Ancient Christian Writers vols. 35 & 36, transl. by P. G. Walsh)
were consulted.
Claudian, Carm. Min. 12.
54
chapter 2
Stay awhile and bathe in these waters, traveller
then set forth again upon thy journey refreshed.
And thou become its guest, warm will be thy
gratitude
towards him that built this bath and set it by the
side of this long dusty road.247
Similar praise for baths can also be found in the
Anthologia Latina. Some of the bath-related epigrams
have been identified as building inscriptions which
were probably visible inside the bathhouse (see below,
EA-52–55, 64, 65).248 Other epigrams seem to have
been part of a cycle by one or more authors in the style
of Commodianus.249 They have been tentatively dated
to the 5th c. There are references to Baiae, to the classical mythology and to the positive effects of water on
the body.250 Cold water is most beneficial: ‘Una salus
homini est gelidum captare lavacrum, / ne tepidus reddat morbida membra vapor.’ (‘The only salvage for man
is taking a cold bath, as not to let warm vapour make
the members sick’)251 The light inside the baths is also
worthy of praise: ‘Denique succedit nostris lux tanta
lavacris, / ut cernas nudos, erubuisse sibi.’ (‘Finally, so
much light enters our baths, that one can see the naked
bathers blushing about their own nakedness’)252
5th c. Greek Authors
Socrates Scholasticus
Little is known about the life of this lawyer living in
Constantinople at the end of the 4th and beginning of
the 5th c. (lived ca. AD 380–450). His magnum opus was
the continuation of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History, covering the period AD 305–439. Untroubled by doctrinal
disputes, Socrates aimed to couple ecclesiastical to secular, historical events.
Considering the aim of the work, it is not surprising to find most information on public baths is about
benefactions by important historical figures concerning specific buildings. So we learn that the famous
Zeuxippos Baths in Constantinople had a passageway
that connected it straight to the imperial palace.253 On
command of Constantius II, the praetorian prefect of
Constantinople ordered the bishop to meet him at the
aforementioned baths under the pretext of a public
gathering, but secretly intended to have him arrested.
When realizing an angry crowd had formed outside the
baths, the prefect escaped via the passage to the palace.
The baths feature here as a setting for discussing public affairs (see also the public hearing of a Manichaean
mentioned by Augustine). Such a hearing was not the
only public event that took place in a bathhouse: when
John Chrysostom was banned from the city, we learn
that his followers were celebrating Easter inside the
Thermae Constantianae.254 Offerings to the traditional
cults such as encountered in the texts of Eusebius and
Augustine were apparently not the only religious dealings that could be performed inside bathhouses.255 The
Zeuxippos Baths and the Thermae Constantianae are
not the only baths mentioned in the text: the Baths of
Achilles were destroyed in a fire that hit large parts of
Constantinople; the Baths of Anastasia were said to
have been built on the order of Valens, and Eusebius’
anecdote about the baths being built from the stones of
Chalcedon’s walls is repeated.256
The negative connotations such as excess and promiscuity also filter through in Socrates’ account. A certain
Justina, daughter of the governor of Picenum (Italy), was
able to join the entourage of Severa, wife of Valentinian II.
Justina’s subsequent intimacy with the empress reached
such an extent that they bathed together. Seeing Justina
nude at the baths, the empress was struck by her beauty
and talked about it with her husband, something she
would later regret, as the emperor ended up marrying
Justina.257 An anecdote about Sissinius, a bishop of the
Novatian Church,258 exemplified how strange an ascetic
this man was: his table was full of food, even though he
was on a diet, and when asked why he bathed twice a
day at the public baths, he said ‘because it is hard to
254
255
256
247
248
249
250
251
252
253
Translation by Platnauer (1922) 185–87.
However, AL 108 (EA-64) and AL 109 (EA-65) may also have
been part of this epigram cycle (Busch (1999) 332).
Busch (1999) 331–44.
Baiae: AL 110; classical mythology: AL 111 and AL 112; effects of
water: AL 110, 113 and 164.
AL 164. Translation by the author.
AL 111. Translation after Busch (1999) 335.
Socrates Hist. eccl. 2.16.
257
258
Socrates Hist. eccl. 6.18
See also the conference in the baths of Carthage in AD 411
mentioned by Augustine, p. 50. These religious gatherings in
bathhouses were not restricted to the Christian community.
In 3rd-c. Palestina, rabbi Haninah bar Hama had summoned
other rabbis and notables to discuss the halakhah (Jewish law)
in the thermal baths of Hammat Gader (Talmud Yerushalmi,
Eruvim 6, 23c).
Baths of Achilles: Socrates Hist. eccl. 7.39; baths of Anastasia:
Socrates Hist. eccl. 4.9; reuse of wall stones: Socrates Hist. eccl.
4.8.
Socrates Hist. eccl. 4.31.
Novatianism was a rigorist schism that developed after the
persecutions of Decius (AD 249–250), when the Roman presbyter Novatian was unpleased with the election of archbishop
Cornelius (AD 251). Novatian became a rival bishop of Rome,
refusing to collaborate with those who had made compromises during the persecutions (see Cross and Livingstone (2005)
1172).
Written Evidence of Baths
bathe three times’.259 Although the bystander in the
fragment thought it rather excessive to bathe twice a
day, Sissinius, and with him perhaps Socrates, did not
find it harmful at all.
Sozomen
The Ecclesiastical History by Sozomen (lived ca. AD
380–450), a lawyer of Gaza (Palestine) writing in
Constantinople, borrowed heavily from Socrates. It covered the same period, still continuing where Eusebius
had stopped, but is considered more stylish and more
detailed than Socrates’ version. It should not come as a
surprise that several passages pertaining to baths match
those in Socrates. So we hear the same anecdote on
Sissinius and are reminded of the arrest of bishop Paul in
the Zeuxippos Baths and the Easter celebrations in the
baths of Constantius in Constantinople by Chrysostom’s
followers.260 In addition, we get some new or more
detailed accounts of certain passages. When Chrysostom
was arrested for example, we learn that his followers
shunned public life, refraining to go to the markets or
public baths.261 The Baths of Anastasia, also mentioned
by Socrates, are referred to as the Baths of Anastasia and
Carosa.262 Instead of the great fire in Constantinople
that destroyed the Achillean Baths, it was an earthquake
that sparked a fire in the furnace room of the baths in
Nicomedia.263 In an additional chapter on monasticism,
the well-known image of the perfect ascetic is presented
as Antony, who ‘rejected the practice of anointing with
oil, and the use of baths and of similar luxuries likely
to relax the tension of the body by moisture; and it is
said that he never at any time saw himself naked.’264 The
self-imposed ban on baths was not restricted to ascetics,
as apparently abstaining from baths and several kinds
of meats was sometimes demanded by the bishop as an
act of penitence.265 All these passages clearly demonstrate that bathing was a pleasurable activity, only to be
missed in extraordinary circumstances (ascetism, grief,
penitence). The curative aspect of bathing also resurfaces in Sozomen. The anecdote about the ill emperor
Constantine going to the baths of Helenopolis is clearly
copied from Eusebius.266 A passage about Christ washing his feet in the fountain of Emmaus explains why this
259
260
261
262
263
264
265
266
Socrates Hist. eccl. 6.22.
Sissinius: Sozom. Hist. eccl. 8.1; bishop Paul: Sozom. Hist. eccl.
3.9; Easter celebrations: Sozom. Hist. eccl. 8.21.
Sozom. Hist. eccl. 8.23.
Sozom. Hist. eccl. 6.9.
Sozom. Hist. eccl. 4.16.
Sozom. Hist. eccl. 1.13; translation by Hartranft (1886) 249. The
passage refers to Athanasius V. Ant. 47.
Sozom. Hist. eccl. 7.16.
Sozom. Hist. eccl. 2.34 contra Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4.61.
55
water has been healing every disorder ever since.267 This
shows a readiness of Christians to reinterpret and reinstate the ‘magic’ powers of thermal springs.268
Theodoret
Theodoret (ca. AD 393–466) was the third important
chronicler who wrote a continuation of Eusebius.
His Ecclesiastical History was later edited with those
of Socrates and Sozomen to form the Latin Historia
Tripartita. As a monk and later bishop of Cyrrhus (Syria),
Theodoret himself was more involved in the Church’s
doctrinal disputes than his predecessors. He actively
supported his friend Nestorius against Cyril, bishop of
Alexandria.
We find references to baths in the context of these
religious quarrels. Thus Theodoret relates a story about
an Arian bishop of Constantinople who had wished
to bathe and therefore instructed his servants to close
the baths to the public.269 When a crowd had formed
before the closed doors, he quickly changed his mind
and invited all to enter. When he saw the people were
hesitating to share the hot pool with him, he rose and
left, thinking it was out of respect. Theodoret informs us
that the people did not want to enter the pool because it
had been polluted by the bishop’s heresy and asked the
servants afterwards to fill the tub with a fresh supply of
water. The passage is very informative on several aspects
of bathing habits in Theodoret’s community. Apparently,
it was not uncommon for a bishop to bathe—even to
share a pool—in public baths with his fellow men. The
fact that this particular Arian bishop closed the baths for
his own use is quoted as an example of his selfish ways.
That a person of a certain status could close the baths
for his private use was clearly not appreciated by fellow
citizens. The positive alternative for a wealthy person
was opening the baths for free for everyone to use, a
strategy adopted at a later stage by the Arian bishop to
regain some popularity. A second interesting fact is that
people believed that water could be ritually polluted by
a person. We should perhaps not see this as an entirely
‘spiritual’ contamination, as it could very well be that
people believed the bad humours (fluids) which were
expelled in the hot baths mingled with the water of the
pools. It also shows that bathers could request the water
be refreshed if they found it too dirty.
A further example of the relationship between bishops and baths is found in the letters from Theodoret to
someone at court and to a consul as a reaction against
certain accusations which entailed his eventual transfer
267
268
269
Sozom. Hist. eccl. 5.21.
See also DeLaine (2007); Dvorjetski (2007) 393–424.
Theod. Hist. eccl. 4.13.
chapter 2
56
to Cyrrhus. To the nobleman at court, he stressed all his
achievements as leader of his congregation:
It is on the contrary well known to your excellency that I have spent a considerable portion of my
ecclesiastical revenues in erecting porticoes and
baths, building bridges, and making further provision for public objects.270
By the time of Theodoret, it is clear that the Church
had acquired an important role in managing the city’s
public life and finances. In a different letter, Theodoret
mentions also the building of a water supply system in
addition to the baths and other amenities.271 The fact
that baths remained an important landmark in the
city is again stressed by a passage about the deportation of ‘orthodox’ Christians by ‘heretic’ Arians in 4th c.
Alexandria. Christians had stood trial ‘in the neighbourhood of the public baths’.272 In his Historia Religiosa, a
compilation of biographies of 30 famous monks, a certain Limnaios was cured from diarrhoea through prayer,
as bathing apparently did not help.273 We have again
confirmation that ascetics visited the baths when they
fell ill.
A last interesting passage in Theodoret’s oeuvre
brings us back to the association of baths with danger. The story takes place in the palace baths of Valens
(reigned AD 364–378) in Antioch.274 The servant who
was in charge of the baths had mistreated the monk
Aphraates. When the bully tried to heat up the furnace,
he suddenly felt dizzy and fell into the hot plunge. When
the emperor grew tired of waiting for his bath, he sent
some servants to investigate, only to find the brutal
servant dead in the boiling water. Although Theodoret
presents the anecdote as an example of divine justice,
it also informs us about the preparation of the baths,
as the boiling water in the passage obviously had to be
mixed with cold before being conducted to the pools.
Palladius of Helenopolis
The monk Palladius (lived ca. AD 364–431) was born
in Galatia, but having taken up an ascetic lifestyle, he
settled in Egypt and Palestine—first in Alexandria, later
in Nitria and Kelia—before returning north to Bithynia.
Around AD 400 he was appointed bishop in Helenopolis
270
271
272
273
274
Theod. Ep. 79, dated around AD 449. Translation by Jackson
(1892) 275.
Theod. Ep. 81.
Theod. Hist. eccl. 4.19.
Theod. Hist. Rel. 22.4.
Theod. Hist. eccl. 4.23.
(Turkey) and rallied with John Chrysostom. He was later
sent to the see of Aspona (unknown location in modern Turkey), where he wrote his Lausiac History (around
AD 420). The work reflects much of Palladius’ own ideas
about ascetism, drawing from his own experiences.
The references to baths in the Lausiac History are
limited to the ‘alousia’, the abstention of washing, of
the venerable monks. From Isidorus, it is said that he
never wore linen, never ate meat and never took a bath.275
Similarly, the hermit Evagrius Ponticus, with whom
Palladius lived for 9 years in Egypt, is quoted as saying
to his disciples:
From the time that I took to the desert, I have not
touched lettuce nor any other green vegetable, nor
any fruit, nor grapes, nor meat, nor a bath. (…) For
three years I have not been troubled by fleshly desire (…) after so long a life and toil and labour and
ceaseless prayer.276
In the Dialogue on the life of John Chrysostom, the opinions of Palladius are presented as a Plato-like dialogue
between Chrysostom and a priest. The ideas about
‘alousia’ for widows, virgins and ascetics are the same as
those encountered in Jerome, Eusebius, and Augustine.
Chrysostom supposedly reformed ‘the order of widows’
and recommended fasting, abstinence from baths and
plain clothing to fight the carnal desires.277 The pious
Olympias only bathed when she was ill, and even then
kept her robe on.278 Chrysostom himself did enjoy the
baths, as he was cruelly denied access to the road station baths by the soldiers as he was travelling to his exile
destination.279 His adversaries even planned to arrest
him at the public baths.280 His associated priests and
followers had no trouble in celebrating Easter in the
public baths.281 Even if bathing was permitted, Palladius,
speaking through the mouth of Chrysostom, nevertheless condemned the bishops ‘who waste the money of
the poor on hanging corridors, and water-cisterns raised
into the air three storeys high, and disreputable baths,
hidden from sight, for effeminate men.’282 The act of
building public facilities for the city is praiseworthy
275
276
277
278
279
280
281
282
Pall. Hist. Laus. 1.2.
Pall. Hist. Laus. 38.12–13; translation by Lowther Clarke (1918)
137.
Pall. Dial. 5.140–144.
Pall. Dial. 12.
Pall. Dial. 11. See also Chrysostom’s own writings, above p. 47.
Pall. Dial. 10.
Pall. Dial. 9; see also above p. 54–55, Socrates Scholasticus and
Sozomen.
Pall. Dial. 13; translation by Lowther Clarke (1918) 115.
Written Evidence of Baths
however (‘I do not include in my condemnation those
who build reasonably, and of necessity, or beautify
Church property’).283 The ‘disreputable baths, hidden
from sight, for effeminate men’ are probably what most
critics of baths, Christian or not, had in mind. A good
example of such a despicable man in search for vain
glory is further given in the same passage, with a certain
bishop of Ephesus (Turkey) carrying away the marble
from the baptistery to adorn his own private bath.284
Other 5th c. Greek Authors
The monk John Cassian (lived ca. AD 360–425) was
probably of Roman birth, but was born and raised in
the Middle East. He became a monk in Egypt and later
a deacon under John Chrysostom in Constantinople.
In around AD 415, he founded the abbey of St. Victor at
Massilia (Marseille). It is probably during his time as a
monk that he wrote several important works on ascetic
life. These texts, reflecting the teachings of the Egyptian
Desert Fathers, proved to be very influential in the development of western monasticism.285 His only attestation
of baths refers to the idle vanity of some men who only
care about their looks and their good name, in comparison to the monks who live by the grace of God amidst
filth and dirt.286
Bishop Nilus of Ancyra (died in AD 430), a friend and
ally of John Chrysostom, warned his Christian fellow
men of bathing together with women.287 Those who did
should be expelled from the community. The historian
Olympiodorus wrote about the period between AD 407
and 425. His Histories are cited by the 9th c. bishop
Photius, where we find a reference to the baths of Rome.
According to Olympiodorus, the Baths of Caracalla
(called Antoninianae) were made out of marble and
could accommodate 1,600 persons, while the Baths
of Diocletian could welcome twice as many.288 In the
Apophthegmata Patrum, a collection of sayings about
the Desert Fathers in Egypt, a passage recounts how
the admirable Abba Macarius found himself staying the
night in an ancient tomb. When he used one of the
mummies as a pillow, some demons tried to scare him
and called out in a woman’s voice ‘Come with us to the
baths’.289 The brave man, however, ignored the demons.
283
284
285
286
287
288
289
Translation by Lowther Clarke (1918) 115.
Pall. Dial. 13.
Frank (2006).
Cassian, Conference 4 (Abbot Daniel), 11.
Nil. epp. 2.211 in PG 79, col. 12.
Phot., Bibl. 80.
Apophth. Patr. 7.15.
57
5th c. Syriac Literature
Zacharias of Mytilene
The Ecclesiastical History by Zacharias of Mytilene
(lived ca. AD 465-after 536) was originally composed in
Greek, but has only survived in a Syriac revision. As a
rhetorician of Gaza (Palestine), he attended the famous
school of rhetoric in Berytus (Beirut), before moving to
Constantinople. He was appointed bishop of Mytilene
on Lesbos in AD 551. He addressed public baths in a context of war. The city of Dara (Oguz, Turkey), built as a
frontier town by Anastasius, raised its walls when learning that the Persian king Kawad approached, providing
also wonderful cisterns, spacious storehouses and large
baths to withstand a siege.290 When the Persians had
conquered the city of Amida (Diyarbakir, Turkey), their
king passed his time ‘in the baths of Paul Bar Zainab
(steward of the governor)’.291 The Roman baths did
not only charm the Persians, as the usurper Vitalian, a
Goth by birth, even received envoys while in the baths
of Constantinople.292 The involvement of the Church in
public baths is also apparent in a passage about a presbyter in Amida who was overseeing the construction of
a bathhouse.293 Of a monastery connected to the heretic
Macedonius, it is said that the monks enjoyed luxuries
such as baths. The emperor reacted against these heretics by shutting off their water supply.294
Philoxenos of Hierapolis
Philoxenos was a Syrian bishop and theologian who
preached monophysite teachings. Expelled from Edessa,
perhaps along with the ‘School of the Persians’ in 489,
he became bishop of Hierapolis (near modern Aleppo,
Syria) with the support of the monophysite patriarch
of Antioch, Peter the Fuller. He wrote a Syriac version
of the New Testament. In Constantinople, he was supported by Anastasius, before being exiled by the latter’s
successor, the orthodox Justin.
In a discourse on gluttony, Philoxenos represents
bathing as a vain attempt to clean the body when the
spirit has been befouled by sin.
All these things happen unto gluttons, even though
others may bring nigh helps for their bodies continually, purgatives, and cleansing draughts, and
other means for relieving the body, and bloodletting, and medicines which open the bowels, and
290
291
292
293
294
Zach. Myt. Hist. eccl. 7.6.
Zach. Myt. Hist. eccl. 7.4.
Zach. Myt. Hist. eccl. 8.2.
Zach. Myt. Hist. eccl. 7.6.
Zach. Myt. Hist. eccl. 7.7–8.
chapter 2
58
violent washing with water at all hours; but overeating overcometh all these beneficial means, and
createth for them in their bodies severe pains, and
sore sicknesses, which it is difficult even for wise
physicians to heal.295
Bathing had clearly no effect on cleaning the soul. It
could even be the impulse for impious thoughts and
deeds. It was precisely at the moment that king David
saw Bathsheba bathe that he succumbed to desire.
He went up to the roof of his royal house, and saw
a woman washing, and he lusted after her, and
he sent and brought her, and committed adultery
with her. If he had looked simply, he would not
have lusted; and if he had not lusted, he would not
have committed adultery.296
These attestations to the dangers of bathing are not
the only link between Philoxenos and baths. In an old
liturgical text (14th c.) discovered in the monastery of
Haboanas in Turkey’s Tur’ Abdin region, we learn that
Philoxenos was exiled to the town of Gangra (Çankiri,
Turkey), where he was imprisoned in a small room above
the furnace room of a bathhouse. With all the windows
and doors closed off, he was eventually asphyxiated.297
Joshua Stylites
The monk Joshua the Stylite presumably composed a
chronicle in Syriac about the period AD 495–506, focusing on a conflict between Constantinople and Persia.
We learn that the brother of the deceased Persian king
was hated by his own people, as he had no money to
support the army. The priests also despised him because
he tried to abolish sacred laws and wanted to build a
bathhouse.298 The Zoroastrian religion firmly disapproved of communal bathhouses. Yet, there is a second
reference to a Persian king enjoying the pleasures of a
good bath. It is said that Kawad, when he conquered
Amida (in AD 504), discovered the benefits of bathing in
a public bath (see also above, Zacharias), consequently
ordering baths built in all the towns throughout the
Persian empire.299 The baths obviously carry strong
symbolism in these passages, as ‘markers’ of Roman culture. It is not a coincidence that the Persian kings who
‘succumbed’ to the baths were considered traitors by the
Persian people.
295
296
297
298
299
Philox. Discourse 10; translation by Wallis Budge (1894) 361.
Philox. Discourse 13, translation by Wallis Budge (1894) 575.
Mingana (1920) 155.
Josh. Styl. 19.
Josh. Styl. 70.
In other passages, the erection and dedication of
bathhouses is considered a praiseworthy undertaking.
When applauding the activities of the new governor
of Edessa, Joshua mentions the construction of public
baths next to the granary, which had been planned for
years.300 He also refers to summer and winter baths in
Edessa.301 When a powerful earthquake hit the city in
AD 500, two colonnades and the tepidarium of these
summer baths fell down, while two people died at the
door of the frigidarium, presumably by falling blocks.
The governor Eulogius later restored the baths to their
former glory.302 From the winter baths, we hear that the
colonnade was blocked up in an effort to create lodgings for the sick and the homeless after the earthquake.
We also hear of a bathhouse beside the Great Gate and
the Church of the Apostles that served as an improvised
hospital to accommodate the sick.303 All these references clearly indicate that the baths still were important
public facilities in a city, even to the point that their
reconstruction after a disaster was considered a priority.
6th c. Latin Authors
Cassiodorus
Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus (lived ca. AD 490–585)
served as a politician in Italy and then Constantinople,
before retiring back to his family estates in southern Italy.
He served in the royal administrations under the reigns
of Theoderic the Amal, Athalaric and Amalasuntha,
being consul in AD 514 and prefect of Italy in AD 533.
He retained this position under Theodahad and Witigis,
but moved east during the Gothic Wars. From early on,
he was closely involved in religious matters, planning a
school of Christian higher education with archbishop
Agapitus. His estate in southern Italy hosted the monastery of Vivarium, for which he wrote a rule.304 Important
literary works include a Chronicle of Rome and the World,
a now lost History of the Goths—extensively used by
Jordanes for his Getica (see below)—panegyrics on the
Gothic kings, exegetical works and the Variae, a collection of state papers.
As the Variae mainly consist of imperial letters sent
to state officials, the baths are often mentioned in a legal
context. In a letter to the praetorian prefect Fustus, the
citizens of Spoletium (Spoleto, Italy) were to be offered
free admission to the baths as ‘the Kingdom and the
300
301
302
303
304
Josh. Styl. 29.
Resp. Josh. Styl. 30 and 43. See glossary for winter and summer
baths.
Josh. Styl. 87.
Josh. Styl. 43.
Barnish (1996a) 298–99.
Written Evidence of Baths
revenues prosper’.305 It is interesting to notice the reason for this generosity.
cupimus enim libenter impendere quae ad salubritatem novimus civium pertinere, quia laudes sunt nostrorum temporum celebrata gaudia populorum.306
We wish to pay freely for anything that tends to the
health of our citizens, because the praise of our
times is the celebration of the joys of the people.307
The same preoccupation for maintaining public health
facilities is found in a letter from Theoderic to an architect, in which the emperor sings the praises of the
thermal baths at Aponum (Abano Terme, Italy) and
urges the architect to restore these important structures with the funds provided.308 In what seems to be
an attempt to justify these expenses, the extraordinary
‘pious’ character of these baths is stressed.
59
The ‘salubriousness’ of a city depended on the baths
and the aqueducts that provided the water. The farmers near Ravenna were urged to maintain the aqueduct
by cutting down shrubs and vegetation contaminating
water for drinking and the public baths.313 For Rome,
the water flowing from the Aqua Claudia to the different baths and private houses was presented as a more
wondrous sight than the flooding of the Nile.314 How
different would the city look if it were not for the large
public thermae and their glimmering pools of crystal
clear water?315 In an interesting remark, the size and
splendour of the empire and its cities in long lost days of
glory are deduced by the impressive size of its thermae.
Apparet, quantus in Romana civitate fuerit populus,
ut eum etiam de longinquis regionibus copia provisa
satiaret, quatenus circumiectae provinciae peregrinorum victui sufficerent, cum illi se ubertas advecta
servaret. nam quam brevi numero esse poterat, qui
mundi regimina possidebat! Testantur enim turbas
civium amplissima spatia murorum, spectaculorum
distensus amplexus, mirabilis magnitudo therma
rum et illa numerositas molarum, quam specialiter
contributam constat ad victum.316
sed ut ipsum quoque lavacrum mundius redderetur,
stupenda quadam continentiae disciplina in undam,
qua viri recreantur, si mulier descendat, incenditur,
propterea quia et ipsis altera exhibitio decora collata
est: scilicet ne ardentium aquarum fecundissimum
locum non crederent habuisse, unde plurima largiretur, si uterque sexus uno munere communiter
uteretur.309
It is evident how great was the population of the
city of Rome, seeing that it was fed by supplies
furnished even from far off regions, and that this
imported abundance was reserved for it, while
the surrounding provinces sufficed to feed only
the resident strangers. Never could a people that
ruled the world be small in number. For the vast
extent of the walls bears witness to the throngs of
citizens, as do the swollen capacity of the buildings
of entertainment, the wonderful size of the baths,
and that great number of water-mills which was
clearly provided especially for the food supply.317
Yet more wonderful is the moral purity of this
fountain. Should a woman descend into the bath
when men are using it, it suddenly grows hotter, as
if with indignation that out of its abundant supply
of waters separate bathing-places should not be
constructed for the two sexes, if they wish to enjoy
its bounty.310
The continuous popularity of these thermal baths is
encountered in two different letters in which the king
grants a furlough to visit such baths.311 However, the
healing capacity of these waters is only made possible
by the benevolence of God Himself.312
305
306
307
308
309
310
311
312
It could be that these thermae in Spoleto were the Turasi thermas (the Baths of Turasius) mentioned in a different letter
(Cassiod. Var. 4.24.2).
Cassiod. Var. 2.37.
Translation by Hodgkin (1886) 191.
Cassiod. Var. 2.39.
Cassiod. Var. 2.39.6.
Translation by Hodgkin (1886) 192.
Baiae in the case of Var. 9.6 and the baths of Bormio in
Var. 10.29.
Cassiod. Var. 10.29.4.
It is clear that the size of the public baths in Cassiodorus’
time could not match the large imperial thermae. Yet,
going to the baths with one’s acquaintances remained
one of the pleasures of city life, just as strolling through
the forum or attending a banquet.318 Even the monastery on Cassiodorus’ estate had a bathhouse to ensure
313
314
315
316
317
318
Cassiod. Var. 5.38.2.
Cassiod. Var. 7.6.4.
Cassiod. Var. 7.6.3.
Cassiod. Var. 11.39.1–2.
Translation by Barnish (1992) 161.
Cassiod. Var. 8.31.8.
60
chapter 2
a proper hygiene and some worldly pleasure among the
monks.319
Gregory the Great
Gregory (lived ca. AD 540–604) earned the epithet
Magnus for his valiant administration of the city of
Rome as archbishop between AD 590 and 604. Already
prefect of Rome in AD 573 and later adviser to archbishop
Pelagius II, his experience in state matters enabled him
to navigate Rome through turbulent years of war, flood,
famine and pestilence. He ensured Rome’s food supply
through papal estates and negotiated with Lombard
leaders to maintain peace. In ecclesiastical matters,
he tried to convert the Lombards (who had adopted a
form of Arianism) and sent missionaries to Britain. His
writings include moralizing and mystic homilies and
Dialogues, while his prose reveals a rhetorical training.320
In the works of Gregory, bathing appears as a manner of maintaining personal hygiene. Just as in other
Christian authors, taking a bath was, however, not
enough to clean away sin. A passage tells the story of a
man who molested his god-daughter and went to the
baths the following morning ‘si acqua balnei lavaret
macuiam peccati,’ (‘as though the water of the baths
could have washed away the stains of his sin’).321 The
‘superficial cleaning’ by bathing is also reflected in a
letter to a bishop named Augustine: ‘the usage of the
Romans from ancient times has always been for a man
after intercourse with his own wife both to seek the purification of the bath and to refrain reverently for a while
from entering the church.’322 It is obvious that the bath
did not ensure to be ‘spiritual clean’ as one still had to
wait before entering a sanctuary. The baths, as Gregory
put it, were for maintaining the body, not for the mind
or for the senses.323
In a different work, a bishop of Padua is said to have
visited the public baths on advice of his physician.324
Besides the confirmation that bishops did indeed visit
the baths for health-related purposes, the rest of the
story is even more interesting. When the bishop arrived
at the bathhouse, he found the ghost of Paschachius, an
opponent of archbishop Symmachus, standing in one of
the pools. This former deacon had been condemned to
haunt the baths as punishment for his sins. The idea of
a wandering ghost inside a bathhouse is a literary topos
also found in a passage about a priest that washed frequently at a thermal bath and one day visited the public
baths.325 He was welcomed by a man who subsequently
provided the services of a capsarius. The next time the
priest visited the baths, he wanted to reward the good
man with some loaves of bread, but was surprised to
find out that the capsarius was in fact the ghost of the
deceased owner of the bathhouse who had been condemned to wander around his establishment.326
A last bath-related fait divers worth mentioning concerns the use of baths by different ethnic groups. In a
letter to Domitian, bishop of Mytilene during the reign
of Maurice, Gregory hints at the fact that black people
were admitted to certain public baths. The passage goes
as follows:
Moreover, though I grieve that the Emperor of
the Persians has not been converted, yet I altogether rejoice for that you have preached to him
the Christian faith; since, though he has not been
counted worthy to come to the light, yet your
Holiness will have the reward of your preaching.
For the Ethiopian, too, goes black into the bath,
and comes out black; but still the keeper of the
bath receives his pay.327
We cannot be sure if the Ethiopian was a slave or not,
nor if he could bathe at the same time or the same bathhouse as Roman citizens.328 Gregory probably used the
statement just as a figure of speech to point out ‘an obvious fact’, i.e. black people remained black, even when
they washed themselves. Nevertheless, the image of a
black person at the baths, who had paid to enter and
thus was not part of the personnel, was a mental picture
that could be summoned by Gregory’s audience.
Gregory of Tours
With Gregory of Tours (lived ca. AD 538–594?), we find
ourselves in the Frankish kingdom in northern Gaul.
Born into a prominent religious and political family,
325
326
319
320
321
322
323
324
Cassiod. Inst. 1.29.1. Cassiodorus was fully aware of the relaxing, even weakening effect of bathing. He uses the metaphor
of ‘softening pools’ to describe a gentle approach in state matters (Var. 12.3.1).
Barnish (1996b) 657.
Greg. Dial. 4.32. Translation after Gardner (1911) 216.
Greg. Ep. 11.64; translation by Barmby (1898) 79.
Greg. Ep. 1.13.
Greg. Dial. 4.40.
327
328
Greg. Dial. 4.55.
The idea that public baths were haunted by ghosts or demons
is a topos that was quite widespread in Late Antiquity and
after, see for example the Acta Iohannis 24, 40 and 44 (Yegül
(2010) 202–203). A 17th c. drawing of Luca Ciamberlano still
shows St. Philip Exorcising the Thermae of Diocletian in Rome
(now at the British Museum). For demons in the Medieval
hammams, see Benkheira (2003), 423–28.
Greg. Ep. 3.67; translation by Barmby (1895) 142.
For the difficulties of identifying slaves at the baths, see Fagan
(1999b).
61
Written Evidence of Baths
young Gregory soon became deacon of Lyons and later
bishop of Tours by the appointment of king Sigebert in
AD 573. He was able to maintain his position as bishop
despite the rapid usurpations and successions of kings.
His most important work is the Libri Historiarum
(Histories). Concerning baths, Gregory repeats the anecdote that Constantine ordered the execution of his wife
Fausta by throwing her in a hot bath.329 Similarly, king
Theodahad is said to have condemned his cousin and
co-ruler Amalasuntha to death in a hot bath:
Quae nec mora inter arduos vapores ingressa, in
pavimento conruens, mortua atque consumpta
est.330
And when she entered the hot vapours she fell
at once on the pavement, and died, and was
consumed.331
Furthermore, the baths are presented as markers for
a decadent lifestyle, especially for monks, nuns and
the clergy in general. The sinful bishops Salunius
and Sagittarius bathed and dined until dawn, while
the nuns in the monastery of lady Radegunda were
accused of bathing with men in the monastery’s
bathhouse.332 Radegunda defended her case by claiming that the baths had been opened to the servants until
the local limestone—with which the building had been
erected—no longer emanated a bad smell.
Other 6th c. Latin Authors
Jordanes, an historian writing around AD 550, wrote a history of the Goths, the Getica, which, so the author claims,
borrowed heavily from the History of Cassiodorus. When
discussing the Gothic victories in Thrace at the beginning of the 4th c., a passage recounts how the Gothic
troops halted for several days at the thermal baths close
to Anchiali (Pomorie, Bulgaria).333 The anecdote seems
to stress how the Goths, even before settling on Roman
territory, already enjoyed ‘civilized’ pastimes such as
bathing. The popularity of Roman-style bathhouses is
later reflected in an episode in which king Theodahad
orders Amalasuntha to be strangled in his private baths.334
In the 6th c. texts known as the Anonymous
Valesianus, king Theoderic is attributed the erection of public thermae in Verona and Ticinum (Pavia,
Italy).335 The continued popularity of large thermae
in Constantinople is made clear by the chronicler
Marcellinus Comes, who mentioned the dedication of
the Thermae of Arcadius in AD 394, of Theodosius II
in AD 427 and of the so-called Thermae Achillae in
AD 443.336 The Christian poet Venantius Fortunatus
(lived ca. AD 540–600), an acquaintance of Gregory of
Tours and of the aforementioned Radegunda, praised
the baths of two villas near Bordeaux.337 In the anonymous Antidotarium Bruxellense, a medical treatise,
bathhouses are mentioned as still the preferred locations for drinking special mixtures to cure certain
disorders.338 The prescription is based on Hippocratic
ideas about the relaxing virtues of hot water, repeated
by Theodorus Priscianus and Cassius Felix.
6th c. Greek Authors
John Malalas
Little is known about the life and work of John Malalas,
a Christian chronicler who probably lived and worked
in Antioch and later Constantinople (lived ca. AD 490–
570).339 His Chronicle covered the history of civilization
from Adam to Justinian.340 The emphasis, however, lies
on the emperors Zeno, Anastasius, Justin and especially
Justinian, all of whom John devoted an entire book. His
sympathies lay with Justinian and the ‘orthodox’ faith.
As Malalas wrote his chronicle for an Antiochene
audience, it is not surprising that most of the references
to baths in his work concern the numerous bathhouses
in Antioch itself. Malalas consistently mentioned the
great baths that had been built through the ages on the
command of the various emperors. Starting with Julius
Caesar, the imperial baths were presented as examples
of imperial largesse towards citizens. Hence, according to Malalas, Augustus, Tiberius, Domitian, Trajan,
Hadrian, Commodus, Septimius Severus, Diocletian,
Valens and Justinian all ordered public bathhouses to
be built in Antioch. In some cases, these emperors also
335
336
337
329
330
331
332
333
334
Greg. Tur. Hist. 1.36. See already Sidonius Apollinaris, the
Epitome De Caesaribus and Philostorgius.
Greg. Tur. Hist. 3.31.
Translation by Brehaut (1965) 69.
Salunius and Sagittarius: Greg. Tur. Hist. 5.20; nuns: Greg. Tur.
Hist. 10.16.
Jord. Get. 20.109.
Jord. Get. 59.306. See also Greg. Tur. Hist. 3.31.
338
339
340
Anon. Vales. 12.71.
Marcell. com. Chronicon, in PL 51, resp. col. 920; col. 925 and
col. 927.
Venantius Fortunatus Carm. 1.18.15–16 and Carm. 1.20.21–22.
For Radegunda and the critique on her monastery, see above
Gregory of Tours.
Rose (1894) 366.
Jeffreys et al. (1986) xxi–xxiii.
The references to the texts of Malalas (e.g. 9.14) follow the
subdivision of the Chronicle by Jeffreys et al. (1986), while the
numbers in italic (e.g. 222) refer to the pages of Dindorf’s edition in the Bonn Corpus of 1831.
chapter 2
62
urged wealthy senators to finance the construction
of public baths.341 Imperial munificence is also mentioned for other cities of the empire, such as Laodicea
(near modern Denizli, Turkey), Caesarea Maritima (Sdot
Yam, Israel), Ephesus (Efes, Turkey) Nicomedia (Izmit,
Turkey), Dara (a frontier town in south-west Syria), and
especially Constantinople.342 In the capital, the famous
Zeuxippos Baths are often referred to. Built by Septimius
Severus on the location of an ancient Greek temple dedicated to Apollo Zeuxippos (‘the horse-yoking Apollo’),
it was called the Zeuxippos Baths in reference to the
bronze statue of the god, rather than with its official
name of Severianum.343 These baths were finished by
Constantine, who added columns, different marbles and
bronze statues.344 Furthermore, Constantine decreed
that admission should be free on the ‘birthday’ of the
city. A part of these baths was later damaged by fire during the infamous Nika Riots in AD 532.345
Some interesting information can be deduced from
Malalas’ attestations about baths. Apparently, the name
of bathhouses was often dedicated to the ‘patron’ who
financed its construction. In many cases, this was the
emperor, so that we find names as the Commodium,
the Severianum or the Diocletianum.346 The names
could also refer to private citizens, as was the case for
the baths of Thermos in Alexandria or the Livianum in
Antioch.347 A second important element for naming a
bath seems to have been the presence of a specific feature, such as a well-known statue.348 The case of the
Zeuxippos Baths—as a popular name, rather than the
official one—has already been mentioned.349 Malalas
also referred to a ‘private bath’ of a certain Paris, dancer
and lover of Domitian, which was called ‘Paradise’. The
same emperor also built a bath in Antioch that was
nicknamed ‘Medeiea’, after a statue of Jason’s unfortunate lover found inside this building. Similarly, the baths
of Icarus in Tripolis (modern Tripoli, Lebanon) were
341
342
343
344
345
346
347
348
349
Malalas Chron. 10.19; 244 and 11.14–15; 279.
Laodicea: Malalas Chron. 12.21; 294; Caesarea Maritima,
Ephesus and Nicomedia: Malalas Chron. 14.20; 363; Dara:
Malalas Chron. 16.10; 399.
Malalas Chron. 12.20; 291–292.
Malalas Chron. 13.8; 321.
Malalas Chron. 18.71; 474.
Commodium: Malalas Chron. 12.2; 283.; Severianum: Malalas
Chron. 12.21; 294; Diocletianum: Malalas Chron. 12.38; 307.
Baths of Thermos: Malalas Chron. 12.21; 293; Livianum: Malalas
Chron. 12.21; 295.
See also Dunbabin (1989) 16.
The coexistence of an official and a popular name is still a
well-attested fact for modern sport stadia. A good example is
the mythical Estádio Jornalista Mário Filho in Rio de Janeiro
(Brazil), better known as the Maracaña.
named after a statue of Icarus and his father Daedalus
on display in the baths. A last interesting remark about
names concerns the fact that baths could change names
over time. Malalas mentioned the baths of Ampelion
in Antioch, which initially were named the Agrippaion,
after Augustus’ general.350
For newly built baths, Malalas speaks about prefects
that were sent from the capital to oversee the works and
had to make sure that the money was well spent.351 In
some cases, senators were appointed to carry out this
supervision.352 The construction site was sometimes
chosen following the discovery of a new spring, or often
near existing public buildings, such as a hippodrome or
basilica.353 Not surprisingly, the construction of baths
was often linked to the construction of an aqueduct.354
The fundamental interaction of the two structures is
stressed in a passage about a general water shortage in
AD 563, prompting the closing of the public baths.355
Besides the erection of new bathhouses, Malalas also
stresses the important restoration works carried out on
the orders of emperors and wealthy patrons. Damage
caused by earthquakes, consistently called the ‘wrath of
God’, were indicated as the prime origin of such needed
repair.356 New constructions and restoration works on
baths were sometimes part of a more general urban
program. Under Septimius Severus, officials in Antioch
bought the property of rich lady called Livia so they
could build a large bathhouse on this newly acquired
land.357 We learn that Marcus Aurelius demanded the
restoration of the baths of Centenarium in Antioch, damaged by an earthquake during the reign of Trajan, while
ordering at the same time the erection of a nymphaeum
and a mouseion.358 Commodus built his Commodianum
while starting work on a temple of Athena just across
the street.359 After an earthquake, Theodosius II seized
the opportunity to start an urban renewal program in
Antioch by building and restoring baths, colonnades,
350
351
352
353
354
355
356
357
358
359
Paradise: Malalas Chron. 10.49; 263; Medeiea: Malalas Chron.
10.49–50; 263; baths of Icarus: Malalas Chron. 14.29; 367; baths
of Ampelion: Malalas Chron. 9.14; 222.
Malalas Chron. 10.18; 243.
Malalas Chron. 10.19; 244.
Spring: Malalas Chron. 9.14; 222 (Antioch); 10.10; 243; 12.21; 293–
295.; hippodrome: Malalas Chron. 12.38; 307–308 (Antioch);
basilica, such the baths of Olbia in Antioch: 16.6; 397.
Malalas Chron. 9.5; 216; 10.18; 243; 11.9; 276; 11.14–15; 278–279;
16.20; 409; 18.17; 435
Malalas Chron. 18.147; 496.
In Antioch 10.18; 243; 11.30; 282; 17.19; 423; on Crete 14.12; 360; in
Tripolis (Palestina) 14.29; 367; in Constantinople 18.118; 487.
Malalas Chron. 12.21; 295.
Malalas Chron. 11.30; 282.
Malalas Chron. 12.2; 283.
Written Evidence of Baths
churches, public spaces and the harbour.360 Anastasius
likewise provided the city of Dara with baths, cisterns,
warehouses, etc.361
In some rare passages, Malalas even informs us about
the secondary use of baths. Constantine is said to have
built a large church on the site where a bathhouse used
to stand. The bathhouse was, however, not destroyed
without reason: ‘the bath was old and ruined by time
and unfit for bathing,’362 although it is difficult to assess
whether the baths were already closed to the public
or not. We also learn that the baths of Commodus, the
Commodianum, in Antioch were later transformed into
the praetorium of the consular governor in Syria.363 One
could imagine that the lofty walls of the frigidarium
would make great audience halls, while the luxurious
decoration also must have fitted its new purpose.
The positive attitude with which Malalas approaches
the ‘pagan’ emperors, some of whom had persecuted
Christians, may come as a surprise, yet the respect shown
towards rulers of a long-lost past is not uncommon. For
Byzantine chroniclers, the ‘Roman’ roots of their empire
were something worth remembering and repeating.
Besides, praising the munificence of these emperors did
not prevent Malalas from criticizing their anti-Christian
measures. When Trajan ordered the execution of some
Christian women, he also commanded that their ashes
be mingled with the brass that was to be used in the
boilers of his new baths.364 But the vapours that arose
in the heated parts intoxicated the bathers, prompting
the emperor to remove the boilers from the baths, melt
them down and create 5 brazen pillars, which he had set
up in the baths. Trajan sneered that it was he, not the
Christian God, that had ensured the eternal life for these
women. The spiritual aspect of water in a Christian
context is also found in a different passage. A mimeactor had to play the part of a Christian in a parody of
baptism.365 He was submerged ‘in a large bathhouse
tub full of warm water’ to mimic the baptismal font, but
when he re-emerged, the mime-actor claimed he really
had been converted to Christianity and refused to play
out his part. He was eventually stoned to death by the
furious spectators, hence becoming a true Christian
martyr.
360
361
362
363
364
365
Malalas Chron. 14.20; 363; see also Justinian: 17.19; 423.
Malalas Chron. 16.20; 409.
Malalas Chron. 13.3; 318. Translation by Jeffreys et al. (1986) 172.
Malalas Chron. 13.30; 338.
Malalas Chron. 11.10; 277.
Malalas Chron. 12.50; 314–315.
63
Alexander of Tralles
Alexander (writing around AD 565) was a travelling physician who eventually settled in Rome. His Therapeutics
has a clear Galenic approach of medicine, without falling back into a dogmatic stance.366 It included popular
remedies, spells, chants, amulets and different religioussuperstitious elements. Just as in other medical writings,
Alexander stresses the heating and humidifying properties of baths as well as their cooling and contracting
properties.367 The temperature of the water has an
impact on the different fluids in the body and these fluids appear in different ratios in different people.368 Hot
water makes these more liquid, augmenting the volume.
In these cases, hot baths can be dangerous, especially to
patients with a ‘moist nature’ that are suffering from high
fever.369 Tepid baths are presented as the best option in
most cases,370 yet we do not know what temperature
was considered tepid. A cold bath—recommended for
a severe 4-day fever—is called a ‘soldiers’ bath,’ reminding us of the passages in the SHA and Vegetius.371 The
emphasis in Alexander’s therapies often rely on a
healthy diet, physical exercise and an adapted bathing
routine.372 However, bathing should never take place
just after eating.373 After the baths, a light snack and
some wine is considered beneficial.374
Even if Alexander was not a supporter of surgery, he
does prescribe decoctions and ointments that should be
administered before, during, or after bathing. Different
types of oil are recommended, sometimes in combination with natrium or with the foam that develops on top
of the water boiler.375 The oils are often applied in the
tepid rooms, but are washed away before entering the
pools.376 The bathing routine often ends with anointing the whole body with oil and wrapping it in linen.
Honey-based mixtures and soap are also mentioned.377
It is interesting to remark that Alexander recommends
that some therapies take place in portable tubs in private
366
367
368
369
370
371
372
373
374
375
376
377
The text was edited and translated by T. Puschmann (1878 and
1879). The relevant passages mentioned in this book refer to
the Greek text found in this edition.
Puschmann (1878) 363.
Puschmann (1878) 375–77.
Puschmann (1878) 293–95.
Puschmann (1878) 363; 603.
Soldiers’ baths: Puschmann (1878) 439; SHA Alex. Sev. 30.4–5
and 53.7; Veg. Mil. 1.3.
Puschmann (1878) 309; 411; 597.
Puschmann (1878) 326; 541.
Puschmann (1878) 553; 603; 615.
Oil: Puschmann (1878) 375; natrium/foam: Puschmann (1878)
405.
Puschmann (1878) 363; 375.
Puschmann (1878) 308; 427.
64
chapter 2
houses, rather than at the public baths.378 In the case
of narcolepsy, the patient should first bathe in a tub at
home, because the temperature in public baths is too
intense.379 The tub should preferably be made of wood
and should have a seat. Some of his therapies should
be carried out in public bathhouses, particularly those
requiring steam baths.380
Evagrius Scholasticus
Evagrius (lived ca. AD 535–600) was a scholar and
aid to Gregory, ‘Chalcedonian’ patriarch of Antioch
(AD 571–593). He wrote a Church History covering the
period between AD 431 and 594, focusing mainly on the
east. Evagrius obviously borrowed from John Malalas.381
The public baths are presented as standard facilities of a
town throughout the work. We learn that Theodosius II
and his wife Eudocia spent 200 pounds of gold for the
restoration of the Baths of Valens in Constantinople,
which had been damaged by fire.382 The same concern
for repairing the baths of Trajan, Severus and Hadrian
is found in a passage about an earthquake at Antioch
in AD 474.383 It is interesting to notice that a bathhouse
that had been out of use for a while was restored now
that all the others baths of the city lay in ruins. In AD 589,
Antioch was again hit by an earthquake, and again, the
public baths—the ones that had separate divisions
according to the seasons—suffered hard.384 Numerous
fires also started in structures with hearths and ovens,
such as kitchens and baths.385 In newly founded cities such as Anastasius’ Dara (Syria), bathhouses were
still part of the essential infrastructure, which also
included town walls and churches.386 Important members of the local elite still adorned the public baths with
statues.387 The continued popularity of public baths can
also be deduced from a punitive measure in Alexandria
after riots following the Council of Chalcedon. The distribution of provisions was limited, all spectacles were
suspended and all public baths were closed.388 Even if
bathhouses were thus regarded as normal parts of the
378
379
380
381
382
383
384
385
386
387
388
Puschmann (1878) 327.
Puschmann (1878) 533.
Puschmann (1878) 296.
Markschies (2006).
Evagr. 1.20.
Evagr. 2.12.
Evagrius makes a reference to the city’s summer and winter
baths (see glossary, thermae aestivae and thermae hiemales).
Evagr. 6.8.
Evagr. 3.37.
Evagr. 3.28.
Evagr. 2.5.
townscape, the restrictions for monks and clergy are still
present.389
Procopius
The historian Procopius (ca. AD 490/507- after 555) studied law and rhetoric before obtaining a post on the staff
of Justinian’s general Belisarius. He loyally accompanied
his superior during the campaigns in Persia (AD 527–531),
Africa (AD 533–536) and Italy (AD 536–540), returning
to Constantinople in AD 542. His most important work
is entitled History of the Wars of Justinian (De Bellis,
published in AD 551),390 an account of the military campaigns described above. The Secret History (Anecdota), a
harsh critique on Justinian’s policy, must have circulated
clandestinely, as “a kind of sub-text to the History of the
Wars.”391 It provides a counterbalance to the panegyric
tone of On the buildings of Justinian (De Aedificiis, ca. AD
553–555), which praises the emperor’s building activity
and was composed at Justinian’s request.
There are numerous attestations to baths and bathing
in the different works of Procopius. It should come as
no surprise that the majority are found in On Buildings.
In total, Procopius speaks of 12 newly built baths and 4
restorations of existing baths.392 It is very characteristic that the baths are mentioned in combination with
markets, stoas and theatres ‘καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο πόλεως μεγάλης
ἐς κόσμον διήκει.’ (‘and whatever else contributes to the
embellishment of a great city’)393 To build and restore
these baths, special ‘master-builders’ were put into service, as is mentioned for the baths in the military camp
of Zenobia in Mesopotamia.394 That baths still were an
essential part of a town’s fabric is illustrated by a passage recounting how the Persian king Khusro I ordered
a city to be built for the captured Antiochenes. It was
equipped with baths and a hippodrome for their enjoyment.395 The inability to bathe was nothing short of a
catastrophe. In the Secret History, the scandalous behaviour of the elite is exemplified by stressing how they
refused to repair aqueducts and hence deprived the
outraged citizens of their baths.396 A well-tried siege
tactic that cut off a city’s water supply by destroying or
diverting the main aqueduct not only led to a shortage
389
390
391
392
393
394
395
396
Evagr. 1.21.
Although written in Greek, the texts are referred to by their
Latin title (following the OCD).
Browning (1996) 1251.
For newly built baths, see Aed. 1.10.3; 1.11.20; 2.8.24–25; 3.4.18;
4.1.23; 4.10.21; 5.2.4; 5.3.19; 5.4.17; 6.1.13; 6.2.6; 6.4.11; 6.5.10. For
restorations, see Aed. 2.6.10–11; 5.3.3; 5.3.7; 5.9.34.
Procop. Aed. 3.4.18. Translation by Dewing (1940) 201.
Procop. Aed. 2.8.24–25.
Procop. Bell. 2.14.
Procop. HA 26.23.
Written Evidence of Baths
of drinking water, but also deprived the despairing citizens of their baths. This was the case when the Goths
laid siege to the army of Belisarius in Rome.397
The public baths built in military camps and frontier
cities seem to have embodied ‘the Roman city’. On two
occasions, Procopius recounts how the Persians sent a
message to the Roman command, asking them ‘to prepare the baths’.398 This declaration of war meant as
much as ‘we are going to take your city and then enjoy
your typical Roman luxuries’. The Persians were not the
only non-Romans that acquired a taste for Roman-style
bathing, as Procopius proclaims that the Vandals in
Africa ‘used to indulge in baths, all of them, every day’.399
The wife of a Gothic general even incited her husband
against his rival in command, as the latter’s wife had
humiliated her in the bathhouse by showing off her jewellery and her throng of attendants.400
Besides the importance of baths for the appearance
of a city and the popularity of bathing among both
Romans and non-Romans, Procopius also outlined
the hygienic and curative aspect of bathing. When discussing the Justinianic plague of AD 542, Procopius
remembered how some people were bathing to cure the
disease and recovered, while others did just the same
but died anyway.401 Furthermore, the thermal baths of
Anchiali are used as a geographical reference point in
the description of Thrace, hinting at the fame of this
curative centre.402 Justinian also ordered a bathhouse
to be built at the natural spring of Pythia in Bithynia
(possibly modern Termal, Turkey) so that the hot waters
were put to good use. An aqueduct provided sweet water
to this facility, so that bathers could also enjoy the pleasures of normal baths.403 Yet, the disapproval of excess
is also reiterated, for example when commenting on
397
398
399
400
401
402
403
Procop. Bell. 5.19–20.
Procop. Bell. 1.13 and 1.14. Some of these Roman commanders
were accompanied by their personal bathing assistant while
on campaign (Bell. 1.13). Such a declaration of war could also
be formulated as ‘make your palace ready for me’, cf. John
Malalas quoting Atilla’s ambassador to Valentinian (Chron.
14.10).
Procop. Bell. 4.6.6. The popularity of baths in Vandal circles is
also attested in the epigrams of the Anthologia Latina (Busch
(1999) 240–65). See also Isidorus of Seville, mentioning a
Vandal king that died in the baths when he mocked the Holy
Trinity (Chron. Mai. 392).
Procop. Bell. 7.34–40.
Procop. Bell. 4.6. However, Procopius does not specify where
they bathed. For curative bathing in public bathhouses,
see above the passages in Theodorus Priscianus, Oribasius,
Cassius Felix and Alexander of Tralles.
See also the attestations of Anchiali in Jordanes (above) and
John of Ephesus (below p. 66).
Procop. Aed. 5.3.16–20.
65
the empress Theodora, who ‘used to enter the bath very
early and quit it very late’.404
The Epigrams in the Anthologia Palatina
The Anthologia Palatina is a compilation of some 3,700
Greek epigrams covering no less than 16 centuries. The
collection of 15 books was arranged according to subject. In book IX, the so-called epideictic epigrams treat a
wide variety of subjects, including baths.405 Of these
bath-related epigrams, some can be attributed to specific poets, mainly of the Justinianic era. Book II is
entirely devoted to the statues found at the Zeuxippos
Baths in Constantinople, described by Christodorus
of Coptus.
Leontius Scholasticus wrote three epigrams involving
baths. Two epigrams praised small yet luxurious baths,
one next to the Zeuxippos Baths and another next to
the gates of the public baths, built ‘for excellence, not
competition’.406 The third epigram concerns ‘royal hot
baths’, where ‘the spring is born hot of its own accord’.407
Agathias Scholasticus (lived AD 532–580), an historian that continued the work of Procopius, wrote an
epigram about a bathhouse in Constantinople involving
the judgement of Paris. Just as Leontius, he also praised
a thermal bath near Smyrna (near Izmir, Turkey).408
Paulus Silentiarius, a court official and poet in
Constantinople who wrote the Ekphrasis—the detailed
literary description—of the restored Hagia Sophia
(AD 562), composed several erotically tinted epigrams.
One recounts how men yearned for the women in
the women’s baths, lying next to the men’s bath, only
separated by a little door.409 Marianus Scholasticus
wrote similar epigrams involving the classical personification of ‘Love’ and the nymphs.410 Such allusions to
classical divinities are also apparent in the epigrams
of Damacharis Grammaticus. A bathhouse is brought
up in connection to the judgement of Paris, as the
three goddesses prepared themselves to convince the
young judge.411
Macedonius the Consul, a court official and occasional poet, praised the service of the doorman of a
bathhouse in the Lycian quarter (Constantinople?), noting the time when each bather entered and preventing
voyeurs from peeping. Besides alluding to the Naiads
404
405
406
407
408
409
410
411
Procop. HA 15.6–7; translation by Dewing (1935) 177.
Ant. Pal. 9.606–640.
Resp. Ant. Pal. 9.614 and Ant. Pal. 9.624.
Ant. Pal. 9.630.
Constantinople: Ant. Pal. 9.619; Smyrna: Ant. Pal. 9.631.
Ant. Pal. 9.620.
Ant. Pal. 9.626–627.
Ant. Pal. 9.633.
chapter 2
66
and the Graces, he ends the epigram with a reference
to Homer.412 The classical heritage was indeed still very
much alive in the higher circles of society.
Only one epigram, by Johannes Grammaticus, praised
the restoration of a bathhouse. In this case, the Baths of
the Horse in Alexandria enjoyed a facelift thanks to the
benevolence of the emperor.413
An entire book of epigrams (II) was dedicated to the
statues that adorned the Zeuxippos Baths, called ‘τὸ
δημόσιον γυμνάσιον τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου Ζευξίππου’ (‘the
public gymnasium called Zeuxippos’). The composer,
Christodorus of Coptus, did not actually describe the
statues themselves, but rather the accomplishments of
the represented characters. These include mainly wellknown Greek philosophers (Plato, Aristotle, etc.), writers
(with special attention to Homer), statesmen (Pericles,
Demosthenes, Sarpedon), and gods (Apollo, Aphrodite,
Hermes, Artemis). Only two Roman statesmen, Caesar
and Pompey, were mentioned, while only Virgil and
Apuleius represented the Roman literary scene.414
Other 6th c. Greek Authors
The historian Zosimus, an adherent of the classical
cults, wrote a New History of the Roman empire, starting with the first emperor and ending with the sack of
Rome by Alaric in AD 410. He repeated the anecdote
of Constantine commanding the assassination of his
wife Fausta in the baths.415 The act of murdering someone who is bathing has already been encountered with
numerous other authors and is repeated in a passage
about one of Valens’ generals, who killed the indigenous
people of Thrace while they bathed in the river.416
The Alexandrian merchant Cosmas Indicopleustes
wrote a self-illustrated Christian Topography around AD
540, in which he combined geography, astronomy and
Nestorian theology. He referred to baths on two occasions. In an exposé ‘against those who, while wishing to
profess Christianity, think and imagine like the pagans
412
413
414
415
416
Ant. Pal. 9.625.
Ant. Pal. 9.628.
For two statue bases found in excavations in the vicinity of the
Zeuxippos Baths in modern Istanbul, see Basset (1996). The
inscriptions on the bases read Αἰσχήνης and Ἑκάβη (dated AD
330). Both of these statues were mentioned by Christodorus.
Zos. II. Such an attack on Constantine infuriated Evagrius,
who called Zosimus a liar who still held on to the accursed
and foul religion of the Greeks (Evagr. 3.40). Zosimus was not
the first to mention this fact, see above Sidonius Apollinaris,
Epitome de Caesaribus, Philostorgius and even Gregory of
Tours.
Zos. IV.
that the heaven is spherical’,417 the baths are mentioned
as an example of how vapour (water) could not be
‘drawn up’ from the air by heat, as baths are heated from
below. The water is thus rather likely to be ‘pushed up’.418
In a description of Heaven as a vaulted chamber, the
comparison with the spacious roof over a bath is made.419
The use of baths in comparisons points to the fact that
Cosmas and his readers were still familiar with the architecture and the functioning of these structures.
John Moschos (AD 550–619) recounts how a pious
virgin was haunted by a demon, which incited her to
go to the baths and seduce men.420 In a different passage, the son of a rabbi is punished for his conversion to
Christianity by throwing him in the furnace room of a
bathhouse. Instead of burning alive, the new Christian
aura of the child put out the flames and hence the bath
water stayed cold.421
6th c. Syriac Authors
John of Ephesus
John of Ephesus (ca. AD 507–588), also called John of
Asia, was a Syrian monk. With the support of empress
Theodora and hence also her husband Justinian, John
was sent to the region of Ephesus as a missionary. He was
later ordained bishop of the same city. Under Justinian’s
orthodox successor Justin II, John was imprisoned and
later banished. His writings include an Ecclesiastical
History and Lives of Saints. John mentions baths in a
context of healing and medicine. A passage recounts
how an opponent of the bishop of Constantinople was
incarcerated, but was nevertheless permitted to visit the
hot baths when he fell ill.422 On several other occasions,
the emperor Justin himself is said to have visited thermal baths.423 The destruction of the city of Anchiali, also
mentioned by Jordanes and Procopius is accompanied
by a description of its thermal baths.424 The fondness
for baths at the imperial court is also reflected by a passage in which Tiberius II (reigned AD 578–582) ordered
a new wing to be added to the palace in Constantinople,
including spacious stables and a top-end bathhouse.425
417
418
419
420
421
422
423
424
425
As translated by J. Crindle (1897) 7, from the Greek title of
chapter one.
Cosm. Ind. Book 1 as found in PG 88, col. 63.
Cosm. Ind Book 4 as found in PG 88, col. 185. The comparison of the celestial sphere with the vaults of a bathhouse are
already found in the writings of Basil of Caesarea (see above
p. 45).
Joh. Moschus Prat. 244.
Joh. Moschus Prat. 227.
Joh. Eph. Hist. eccl. 1.15.
Joh. Eph. Hist. eccl. 1.26–27 and 1.40.
Joh. Eph. Hist. eccl. 6.49.
Joh. Eph. Hist. eccl. 3.23.
Written Evidence of Baths
67
The erection of such baths clearly demanded a certain
expertise and John mentioned that the Avar khagan
sent an envoy to Justin II to ask for skilled artificers and
masons to build him baths.426
ies of water, he also mentions the hot springs that were
often used in bathhouses, referring to thermal baths.432
In discussing the use of ceramic dishes, the hydria is
mentioned as a vessel used in the baths.433
Other 6th c. Syriac Authors
In the anonymous Chronicle of Edessa, dated after
AD 540, the fact that the so-called ‘warm bath of the
Iberians’ failed to function for three days was important
enough to include it in the chronicle of the city.427
John of Nikiu
John, a Coptic monk and then bishop of Nikiu in Egypt,
lived during the Islamic conquests of the second half
of the 7th c. He wrote a Chronicle starting with Adam
and Eve and ending with the Islamic conquest of Egypt.
The work has been badly preserved, with the only two
surviving 17th and 18th c. copies being ancient Ethiopic
(Ge’ez) translations of an Arabic translation of the original Greek text. According to John, King Solomon (son of
David) was the first to build baths and places for study
and education.434 It is interesting to notice how baths
are linked to both the greatest king of Israel and to places
of knowledge and culture. This link is also found in a
passage about Antoninus Pius, who built many baths
and academies in the east.435 The baths also serve as
the setting for a miraculous event: the same story of the
ashes of 5 executed Christian women being mixed with
the bronze of the water boilers in the baths and causing nausea among the bathers, which has already been
mentioned in the Chronicle of Malalas.436 This is not the
only link between Christians and bathhouses in John’s
work. During the reign of Justinian, the sinful bishop of
Alexandria was deposed from office, as he was accused
of sodomy with a deacon in the baths.437 In a more pious
context, the father of the Persian king Khusro is said to
have been converted to Christianity and was apparently
baptised in a pool of the public baths.438 In other passages, the importance of the bathhouses in a city’s fabric
is also stressed. The Tainadonhus Baths and the Baths
of the Syrian Nation are mentioned to demonstrate the
extent of the damage done to Antioch by an earthquake
during the reign of Justin.439 When some corrupt governors in Egypt burnt down the city of Busir, John specified
that they even destroyed the public baths.440 Even for
7th c. Authors
Isidorus of Seville
Isidorus of Seville, also called Isidorus Hispalensis
(lived ca. AD 560–636), was bishop of Seville during the
Visigoth reign in the Iberian Peninsula. He wrote several
historical and theological works, but his most influential
was the incomplete Etymologiae, an encyclopaedic text
on language, arts, law, religion and other topics.428 In the
chapter about public buildings, Isidorus used three different words for baths.
Thermas appellatas quod caleant; Graeci enim
THERMON calorem vocant. Balneis vero nomen inditum a levatione maeroris; nam Graeci BALANEION
dixerunt, quod anxietatem animi tollat. Haec et
gymnasia dicuntur, quia ibi athletae uncto corpore et
perfricato manibus exercitantur; nam GUMNASION
Graece, Latine exercitium dicitur.429
Hot baths (thermae) are so called because they are
warm, for the Greeks call heat θέρμον. Baths (balneum) are assigned their name from the idea of
the lifting of sorrow, because the Greeks called it
βαλανεῖον since it takes away one’s anxiety of spirit.
Gymnasiums (gymnasium) are so called because
there athletes are trained, with their bodies anointed and massaged, for γυμνάσιον in Greek means
‘training’ in Latin.430
He also mentioned the etymology of the word apodyterium, after the Greek verb ἀποδύειν (to undress),
and the word popina (a food stall) in connection with
bathhouses.431 In a passage about the different variet426
427
428
429
430
431
Joh. Eph. Hist. eccl. 6.24.
Cowper (1865) 36.
Of Isidorus’s extant oeuvre, only the Etymologies has been
considered for this study.
Isid. Etym. 15.2.39–40. The use of gymnasium to denote a bathhouse is also explained in Etym. 15.2.30.
Translation by Barney et al. (2006) 307–308.
Isid. Etym. 15.2.41–42.
432
433
434
435
436
437
438
439
440
Isid. Etym. 13.13.11.
Isid. Etym. 20.4.3.
Jo. Nic. 38.1.
Jo. Nic. 74.8.
Jo. Nic. 72.6–9. For baths as a background for miraculous
events, see already above p. 66, John Moschos.
Jo. Nic. 92.7.
Jo. Nic. 95.23–25. Similarly, in a passage found in the treatise
On Christmas by the Armenian author Ananias of Shirak (beginning of the 7th c.), Bishop Cyril of Alexandria is said to have
ordered the public baths to be purified in order that a large
group of ‘pagans’ could be baptised.
Jo. Nic. 90.24.
Jo. Nic. 97.5.
chapter 2
68
an Egyptian monk writing at the end of the 7th c., public baths were still an integral part of society and hence
made a recognizable setting for different anecdotes.
Sophronius of Jerusalem
The monk Sophronius, who later became patriarch
of Jerusalem (AD 634), wrote about the miracles of
St. Cyrus and St. Johannes. These saints appeared to
the faithful in a bathhouse near their sanctuary at
Alexandria and their cult replaced that of Isis at the
same thermal spring.441 One of the miracles recounted
how a certain Theodora had slipped in the baths, possibly because of a mush of ointments, and suffered severe
trauma to her neck and back. The saints intervened and
cured the poor woman, thus triumphing over the evil
demon that had been responsible for the accident.442
The passages not only remind us of the dangers lurking inside the baths—whether real (slippery floors) or
symbolic (demons)—but also illustrates how Christian
authors still tried to justify the use of thermal baths. It
is interesting to note that all the sick had first consulted
‘conventional physicians’ before turning to the holy
sources of Menouthis.443
Summarizing the Literary Attestations of Baths and
Bathing Habits
To summarize the late antique literary attestations of
baths is a difficult task. The time span covers 4 turbulent centuries in which changing social and religious
contexts gave rise to divergent text traditions. Regional
circumstances, also evolving at a fast pace, further complicate the picture. However, some ideas seem to have
been shared in different regions and over large periods
of time.
A first obvious observation is that these buildings
were still important enough to write about. More than
that, it has become clear that bathhouses still retained
their place at the centre of towns and social life. From
Ammianus Marcellinus, through Socrates Scholasticus
and Joshua Stylites to John Malalas and Procopius, baths
are mentioned as key locations within a town, giving
their names to whole neighbourhoods and acting as rendezvous points for various official and trivial occasions.
Even religious and juridical matters could be settled in the
halls of bathhouses (Augustine, Socrates Scholasticus).
In the work of chroniclers such as Ammianus
Marcellinus, the Scriptores Historiae Augustae or John
Malalas, the large imperial complexes—still denoted
with the term thermae in Latin—are frequently linked
441
442
443
Montserrat (2005) 230.
Sophron. Narr. de mir. Cyr. et Joh. 9.8–11.
Montserrat (2005) 233.
to imperial patronage, even if the emperors in question
were Christian. This is not only the case for the capitals
Rome and Constantinople (Ammianus Marcellinus,
SHA), but also for other important centres like Antioch
(esp. Malalas) and Carthage (Procopius). Providing a city
with bathing facilities was still presented as an important act of imperial benevolence, even if these baths
may only have been mere shadows of the large thermae
of the days of yore.
It is also interesting to note that the ‘social aspect’ of
the baths also had a more gloomy side in ancient literature. Chroniclers like Plutarch or Suetonius had already
mentioned bathhouses as the setting for conspiracy
and murder. The topos of baths as crime scene continued to be used in Late Antiquity, especially concerning
the assassinations of emperors or high dignitaries (see
amongst others SHA, Basil of Caesarea, Theodoret,
Gregory of Tours or Jordanes). Besides historical accuracy, the popularity of this topos may have been inspired
by the obvious vulnerability (nakedness) inside bathhouses, the large choice of ‘lethal possibilities’ (water,
fire, slippery floors, suffocating steam) the buildings
offered, or even a literary desire to stress the paradoxical
duality of baths, bringing both joy and death, hence also
being a reflection of the patrons who built them.
Besides the social and monumental aspects of baths
that benefitted the cities (and the good name of the
patrons), the idea that bathing was good for the health
also had its roots in earlier times. Medical writers such
as Celsus (1st c. AD) and Galen (2nd c. AD), who themselves integrated Hippocratic principles, were quoted
and commented upon. North Africa and Egypt in particular brought forth several medical writers, with
Alexandria, traditionally the ‘capital of medicine’, likely
still playing a major role. The integration of bathing into
several therapies is based on the idea that hot water
had a relaxing and humidifying effect, while cold water
had a contracting and reinforcing effect. The succession
of hot and cold pools served to restore an imbalanced
harmony of bodily fluids, which was a prerequisite for a
healthy body. This basic idea is found from the work of
Theodorus Priscianus down to the writings of Alexander
of Tralles. Cold baths in particular seem to have been
prescribed for young men. Often, bathing was part of a
therapy comprising a special diet and physical exercises
(esp. Oribasius and Caelius Aurelianus). These therapies, especially the water-related parts, seem to have
taken place inside public baths (esp. Cassius Felix). The
popularity of using oils and decoctions, as well as the use
of special types of water (seawater, alkaline water, sulphurous water, etc.) may even have encouraged a more
individual form of bathing (see below, chapter 4). The
continued popularity of natural thermal sources such as
Written Evidence of Baths
Baiae (Ausonius and Cassiodorus), Anchiali (Jordanes,
Procopius or John of Ephesus) or near Alexandria
(Sophronius of Jerusalem) is in line with this belief in
the healing properties of water.444
Following this ‘medical appreciation’ of baths, we can
remark that the idea of ‘decadence’ also persisted into
Late Antiquity. First of all, one should not overdo bathing, as hot water had a weakening effect on body and
mind. The examples of the ‘wicked emperors’ in the SHA
spending all day inside the baths are a case in point. It
should be noted that this critique did not come exclusively from a Christian perspective and had already been
vented in earlier times (for example Libanius and earlier
Seneca). The Christian writers may have attacked a lifestyle of decadence and luxury more virulently, because
Christian doctrine paid so much attention to the poor
and a sober way of life. As seen in the texts, bathing is
often condemned when mentioned together with feasting and drinking. Displaying wealth by showing off
jewellery and throngs of slaves also fitted this image
of decadence (amongst others Ammianus Marcellinus,
Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom, Palladius and
Procopius). However, some writers, especially wealthy
members of the senatorial elite (Ausonius, Julian,
Sidonius Apollinaris), did not neglect the opportunity
to praise the delights of bathing in sumptuous private
baths, often as a part of a comfortable estate. The epigrams of the Anthologia Palatina, mainly composed
in the east under Justinian, submerge us in a world of
watery pleasure by describing baths in eloquent verses
interspersed with references to the classical pantheon.
This contrast between the warnings (of excess) and (at
least poetical) praise is a long-lasting, yet hardly surprising debate for a phenomenon as important as bathing.
The Christian attitude towards bathing has been the
subject of much debate. Initially, modern scholars were
eager to expand the harsh puritan thoughts of writers
like Jerome to the whole Christian community. The evidence of pious Christians taking their baths alongside
other Roman citizens, as found in the works of Eusebius,
Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Augustine, or
Theodoret, seems to have been overlooked. There are
also clear references to clergy being directly involved
in the building of bathhouses (Theodoret, Palladius,
Zacharias). Criticism of baths was nevertheless voiced
by some Christian authors such as Jerome, Philoxenos,
Cassiodorus and John of Nikiu. However, it mainly
concerned the practice of men bathing together with
women (balnea mixta) and the sexual temptations that
lurked in the steamy corners of the baths. This last point
of critique was especially aimed at virgins and ascet444
For the east, see Dvorjetski (2007) 393–424.
69
ics. The strong condemnation of baths in the writings
of authors like Jerome, Eusebius, Sozomen, Palladius,
Zacharias or Gregory of Tours must be understood as
warnings towards these special categories of Christians,
rather than as interdictions for all Christians. It is not
surprising that such critique was voiced most virulently
in the east, where the ascetic movement had found most
support. Decadent bathing—for hours on end, assisted
by slaves and followed by banquets—must have represented the sort of lifestyle that the ascetics renounced.
An opinion that was widely promoted by the Church
and its intellectual protagonists stressed that baths only
provided a ‘superficial’ cleaning of the body, but could
not wash away sins. The passages in Commodianus, John
Chrysostom, Optatus, Philoxenos or Gregory the Great
all stress this important limitation of bathing. This did
not mean that Christianity did not attribute a purifying
power to water: their own purification act, baptism, was
in itself nothing more than a ritual bath. There is even
some evidence that baptism was sometimes performed
in the pools of a public bathhouse (John of Nikiu,
Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomen, Palladius, and John
Malalas). Furthermore, the terminology used to denote
baptismal fonts is derived from bath-related vocabulary (see below p. 79). There are no indications that the
Church formally prohibited the use of (public) baths.
In fact, the aforementioned attestations of bishops and
other members of the clergy inside baths, the involvement of clergy in the erection of bathhouses, and the
fact that some monasteries had bathhouses (Zacharias)
confirm that bathing was an accepted part of daily life in
most Christian circles.
To conclude, there are some aspects of bathing
that surfaced more frequently in the literature of Late
Antiquity. Thus, several authors mention some kind of
magic or divine phenomenon taking place in or around
bathhouses. In a non-Christian context, this mainly
involves omens or divine interventions (Ammianus
Marcellinus, Eunapius), while in Christian narratives,
these pertain to miraculous events, or, on the contrary,
demons and ghosts lingering in the pools (Itinerarium
Burdigalense, Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysostom,
Theodoret, Sozomen, Gregory the Great, John Malalas,
John of Nikiu). Natural hot springs in particular were
attributed to some divine force, even by Christians
(Cassiodorus). The curative powers of thermal sources,
which had been ascribed to nymphs and local deities
in the imperial period, were often reinterpreted in a
Christian sense. Martyrs and saints were now responsible for the healing and protection of the bathers
(Itinerarium Burdigalense, Cassiodorus). For man-made
baths, the presence of the elemental fire and water justified the links with nymphs and demons. This mystical
70
chapter 2
aspect of baths was also reflected in the role that baths
could play in cults (Eunapius), rites of passages (Gregory
of Nazianzus) and Christian celebrations (Augustine,
Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomen, Palladius, Gregory
the Great).
The changes in religion were not the only challenges Roman society had to cope with during Late
Antiquity. Changes in the ethnic composition of society
also meant new ways of defining what it meant to be
‘Roman’. Just as it had for Tacitus,445 bathing was seen as
marker of Romanitas (Joshua Stylites, Procopius). From
the Goths (Jordanes), through the Vandals (Procopius)
to the Persians (Zacharias, Augustine, Joshua Stylites,
Procopius) and Avars (John of Ephesus), non-Roman
groups enjoyed the bathhouses and even tried to build
them themselves (requiring the help of specialized
Roman architects, see John of Ephesus).
We can end the summary of the late antique literature by mentioning the few attestations to the secondary
use and destructions of bathhouses. The work of John
Malalas in particular is very informative, as it teaches
us that in some cases baths were transformed into
churches or administrative buildings when they had
ceased to function. Malalas, Evagrius Scholasticus and
John of Nikiu point to the devastating effects of earthquakes on bathhouses. While such natural disasters
were not confined to Late Antiquity, this period and
especially the Middle East seems to have been one of
on-going seismic activity.
Hammams in Early Medieval Arabic Literature
As there are no contemporary accounts of the 7th and
8th c. cities in Arab literature, the written evidence
concerning hammams dates from the Medieval period.
Even if the study of these sources would lead too far
within the framework of this book, it is nevertheless
interesting to have a quick glance at some of the most
important research that has been carried out in the last
two decades.
The earliest text that mention hammams is from the
9th c. The word seems to derive from the Aramaic root
h-m-m, meaning ‘heat’,446 just as the word thermae had
done in the Roman period (see above, chapter 1). Other
words such as ballān or ballānāt are borrowed from
the Greek terminology, namely balaneion.447 Scholars
often emphasized the religious character of the hammam, enabling Muslims to perform quick ablutions
before praying (wudû) or a more thorough wash (gusl)
445
446
447
Tac. Agr. 21.
Pagani and D’Amora (2011) 7.
Pagani and D’Amora (2011) 7, n. 2.
after certain events (sex, menstruation, birth) or before
special occasions (Friday prayer, holidays, pilgrimage,
marriage).448 Furthermore, the epilation of the body and
pubic areas—a habit that was linked to the natural state
of the body as intended by Allah (fitra)—probably contributed to the acceptance and continued importance of
bathing.449 These bath-visits, however, did not purify the
body (just as in the Christian context, see above p. 69),
but merely got rid of the dirt and made the body clean.
The first texts mentioning hammams were of a religious nature, underlining the importance of a strict
separation of the sexes in the baths.450 Some passages
claim to go back to the Umayyad caliphs of the 8th c.,
imposing bans on mixed bathing and obliging the bathers to wear loin cloths. Some juridical texts even went as
far as banning women from the baths. Issues of sex and
desire and the fear of unacceptable behaviour, including adultery and same-sex relations, would continue to
dominate juridical and religious texts in the Medieval
period.451 Even if the baths—as places of nudity and
bodily pleasure—had to be neatly framed in a religiousjuridical code, there has never been a negative or
extremist text in the canonical hadith against bathing.452
But the warnings of exaggeration and of possible dangers lurking in the baths were never far away. Just as had
been the case for Roman baths (see above), evil spirits
(djinns) were thought to have inhabited the hammams.453
It is clear that the link between hammams and religion was strong. But the hammams were also praised
for their hygienic, relaxing and therapeutic effects.
Several medical treatises from the 9th and 10th c. prescribe bathing to maintain good health.454 The same
basic principles on the functioning of baths in relation
to Hippocratic medicine were still present: the opposite
effects of relaxing / strengthening and dehydrating /
humidifying for hot and cold environments of the baths
respectively (see above, chapter 1).455 The Arab medical
authors did not simply content themselves with copying
the classical texts, however. They expanded the medical framework to other domains of medicine, including
new treatments in the field of ophthalmology. Later
448
449
450
451
452
453
454
455
Grotzfeld (1970) 8–9; Denoix (2009) 17–20; De Miranda
(2010) 9.
Benkheira (2007) 369–70.
The hammam-related content of these early texts has been
studied by Benkheira (2007).
Benkheira (2007); Cuffel (2009).
Grotzfeld (1970) 21–22; Benkheira (2007) 355.
Benkheira (2003) 423–28.
Bessard (2008) 111–12.
For a comparison of both medical traditions, see Koetschet
(2014).
71
Written Evidence of Baths
medical authors such as al-Magusi (10th c.) or Avicenna
(AD 980–1037) emphasized the effects of sweating,
with little attention to submersion in water. These passages remind us of the evolution in the architecture of
the hammams, with pools gradually disappearing from
the 8th c. onwards (see below, chapter 3). While these
hygienic and medical prescriptions affected the body in
first instance, they also had an important effect on the
soul: “En domptant la chair, le bain apaise l’âme et libère
l’esprit. La douce griserie du corps qui « lévite » conduit
le croyant à l’abandon de soi au Seigneur: « starfillah »
(pardon, mon Dieu), ne cesse de murmurer le baigneur à
la sortie de l’étuve.” (“By subjugating the flesh, the bath
soothes the soul and frees the mind. The soft euphoria
of the body which ‘levitates’, leads the faithful to deliver
himself to the Lord: ‘starfillah’ (forgive me, my Lord),
the bather repeatedly murmurs while leaving the steam
room.”)456 The nudity and the particular state of mind of
a bather made the hammam an unsuited place to pray
or even pronounce the name of God.457
Recent studies have argued that the religious gusl
was not the only reason to visit the baths; a more profane visit to the baths may also have been common.458
However, the textual evidence for such ‘bathing for pleasure’ is lacking for the 8th and 9th c. The archaeological
evidence for baths in Umayyad ‘hunting lodges’ (see
below chapter 3), in combination with the textual evidence from the Mamluk or Ayyubid era,459 point to the
existence of a more ‘recreational’ bathing habit. By the
12th c., Damascus had no less than 40 hammams intra
muros and another 17 extra muros, according to the historian Ibn Asakir (AD 1105–1175).460 This same author
also claimed that some companions of the Prophet
who settled in Damascus in the late 7th c. had a residence with a private bath.461 These were probably the
luxurious mansions with private baths, perhaps with
a semi-public function, that had been taken from the
Roman upper class.462 The alleged rupture with the
Roman period was obviously less dramatic than previously assumed.
456
457
458
459
460
461
462
Carlier (2000) 1305; translation by the author.
Benkheira (2003) 417–18. A similar ban forbade Jews to recite
passages of the Torah in Roman-style bathhouses (Mishnah
Avodah Zarah 3, 4; see Sartre (2006) 417–25).
Benkheira (2003) 405; Koetschet (2014) 1022–24.
Piraud-Fournet (2014) 699–700; Koetschet (2014) 1022–24.
Quoted in Grotzfeld (1970) 14.
As quoted in Piraud-Fournet (2014) 700.
Piraud-Fournet (2014) 701.
Legal Documents
To consider the legal texts of Late Antiquity, we must
turn to the two collections of laws that were commissioned by Theodosius II and Justinian.463 Both corpora
brought together pre-existing laws in an effort to harmonize the legal system of a disunited empire. There is still
debate over the actual impact of these laws and to what
extent these codices were put into practise. The fact
that several laws were repeated in subsequent decades
is sometimes seen as evidence for their ineffectiveness.
Yet, one could also argue that these reiterations show
how the issues involved in these laws were very much
alive, notwithstanding an official stance of the imperial administration. The laws concerning Roman baths
should also be approached in this respect. They reveal
how the government in Constantinople reacted to existing and even recurring problems.
Codex Theodosianus
The Codex Theodosianus contained some 2,500 imperial laws, collected and edited between AD 429 and 438.
Theodosius II ordered this new collection of laws to
update and supplement the existing Codex Gregorianus
and Codex Hermogenianus that had been published
a century earlier. The idea was to create a harmonious
law collection by which forgeries could be eliminated
and conflicting laws could be resolved.464 The most
frequent attestations of bathhouses concern issues
of management and operation. In a law issued under
Honorius, Arcadius and Theodosius II (AD 406), the
curia and the municipalities were not obliged to heat
private baths if tribunes and minor counts demand it.
Only the noble comes and the magister militum have
this privilege.465 In the following law, we learn that
the dukes of the Euphrates frontier regions exacted
a specific sum of money per day for wood and baths.466
They were therefore sentenced to repay double the
sum they had collected. Such laws teach us that some
officials took advantage of their status by demanding
that baths were at their disposal. A law dated AD 400
mentions that the taxes to be paid for one year in all
civitates, municipia, vici and castella should come from
the income of storehouses, baths, workshops, taverns,
463
464
465
466
No attestations of baths or bathing were found in the socalled Sirmondian Constitutions and the Novels of Theodosius,
Valentinian, Majorian, Marcian, Severus and Anthemius, also
translated and discussed by Pharr (2001).
Honoré (1996a).
Cod. Theod. 7.11.1
Cod. Theod. 7.11.2.
chapter 2
72
etc.467 Running a bathhouse could indeed be a lucrative
business.468 An interesting addition follows: ‘salinis (..)
quae populi romani lavacris inserviunt (..) nullius excepta
persona unius anni’ (‘No person shall be exempted, but
the saltworks shall be excepted (..) which serve the baths
of the Roman people’).469 This link between baths and
salt extraction is repeated in a law of Valentinian and
Valens (dated AD 368 or 370). The supervisors who were
responsible for the thermae in Rome ‘should share in the
operation of the salt works and the profits therefrom’.470
There were some restrictions for taxing the working
class: ‘sed sollicita inspectione prospiciatur, ne a quoquam
amplius postuletur quam necessitas exegit lavacrorum vel
instituta iam dudum forma praescripsit.’ (‘But provision
must be made with solicitous inspection that no more
be demanded from any one person than is required by
the needs of the baths or is prescribed by the general
rule formerly instituted.’).471 In some cases, the operation of the baths could be financed by assigning a third
of the income of farms belonging to the municipality to
the heating of baths and repair of public buildings.472 In
the case of the Zeuxippos Baths in Constantinople, the
shops and adjoining houses that had filled its portico
were to be taxed on their income to provide lightning
(oil lamps), repairs and new roofing for these baths.473
The cost of operating baths did not always affect the cities. In a response to the praetorian prefect Olybrius, the
emperors Theodosius, Arcadius and Honorius reassured
him that they are pleased to continue paying for heating
the thermae in Antioch.474
Other laws did not concern the management of baths,
but responded to more specific problems. A law of AD 415
addressed to the city of Carthage ordered the removal
of all objects that consecrated by sacrifice (e.g. statues)
from the baths.475 On a totally different matter, prisoners should be able to wash and could be accompanied
by guards to the bathhouse.476 A law of Theodosius II
and Valentinian III (dated AD 432) prohibits arms inside
public buildings such as baths, gardens and churches.477
If we remember the numerous attestations of violent
murders at the baths, this law was not a mere precaution. An interesting law concerns the relation between
467
468
469
470
471
472
473
474
475
476
477
Cod. Theod. 11.20.3.
Nielsen (1993a) 124–25.
Translation by Pharr (2001) 311.
Cod. Theod. 14.5.1; translation by Pharr (2001) 412.
Cod. Theod. 13.5.13: Translation by Pharr (2001) 395.
Cod. Theod. 15.1.32 (dated AD 395).
Cod. Theod. 15.1.52 (dated AD 424).
Cod. Theod. 12.1.131.
Cod. Theod. 16.10.20.3.
Cod. Theod. 9.3.7.
Cod. Theod. 9.45.4.
private baths and the urban water supply. The whole
text is given below.
Imppp. gratianus, valentinianus et theodosius aaa.
clearcho praefecto urbi. summas quidem domus,
si lavacris lautioribus praesententur, binas non
amplius aquae uncias aut, si hoc amplius exegerit
ratio dignitatis, supra ternas neutiquam possidere,
mediocres vero et inferioris meriti domus singulis et
semis contentas esse decernimus, si tamen huiuscemodi balneas easdem habere claruerit. ceteros vero,
qui mansionem spatio angustiore sustentant, ad
mediae unciae usum tantum gaudere praecipimus
neque obreptionem cuiquam patere, ita ut quod tibi
paret officium sex librarum auri multa feriatur, nisi
prodiderit usurpantes et is qui fefellit careat impe
trato. dat. x kal. iul. constantinopoli antonio et sya
grio conss.478
Emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius
Augusti to Clearchus, Prefect of the City. If the
greatest houses are furnished with very elegant
baths, We decree that they can have no more than
two inches of water, or if by reason of high rank,
more than this amount is required, by no means
shall they possess more than three inches each.
We also decree that houses of mediocre or inferior
merit shall be content with an inch and a half, provided that it appears that they have such baths. We
order that all other persons who maintain houses
of smaller dimensions shall enjoy the use of only
one half of an inch. No opportunity for any surreptitious undertaking shall be open to anyone. Unless
the office staff who obey your orders should betray
the unlawful users, they shall be stricken by a penalty of 6 pounds of gold, and the obtainer of a grant
by deception shall forfeit the use of what he was
granted. Given on the tenth day before the Kalends
of July at Constantinople in the year of the consulship of Antonius and Syagrius—June 22, 382.479
The fact that the volume of water for private baths was
limited probably reflects excessive use and the illegal tapping of aqueducts by private individuals. These
problems were already known during the empire, as is
testified by Livy.480 Private individuals normally had to
478
479
480
Cod. Theod. 15.2.3.
Translation by Pharr (2001) 430.
Livy 39.44.4. The same concern is encountered in the work of
Frontinus, see Vladu (2017).
Written Evidence of Baths
pay for a license (tributum or vectigal) to use a certain
amount of public water.481
Corpus Iuris Civilis
The Corpus comprises three collections of laws (Codex,
Digesta or Pandectae and Institutiones), collected on the
authority of Justinian, and a book of later laws (Novellae).
Just as Theodosius II had done before, Justinian aimed
to assemble and harmonize pre-existing laws. He
ordered a commission of 10 holders of public office to
prepare an updated and concise edition of Roman law,
omitting repetitions and avoiding conflicts. A first edition, now lost, was presented in AD 529, comprising
laws from the codices Gregorianus, Hermogenianus and
Theodosianus and other laws promulgated since AD 300.
Besides the codices, a compilation was made of some
1,500 old law books in an effort to compose a revised
syllabus (Digesta) for the most important law schools,
for example in Berytus or Constantinople. Henceforth
the opinions of earlier respected lawyers could be cited
in court. For the same purpose, Justinian also ordered
an updated edition of the lectures by the famous law
teacher Gaius (2nd c. AD), called the Institutiones.
After the publication of both Digesta and Institutiones
in AD 533, a second edition of the Codex appeared in
AD 534. These three collections were all written in
Latin and were consequently more easily introduced
in Italy and North Africa.482 The legislation enforced
by Justinian after the codification was completed, were
edited later, mainly in Greek (Novellae).
As the Codex Iustinianus incorporated some of the
laws already promulgated in the Codex Theodosianus,
several laws concerning baths were repeated: the laws
about prisoners being allowed to visit baths, the law
prohibiting minor officials to demand baths of a private citizen and the law about repairing the Zeuxippos
Baths in Constantinople with taxes levied on its portico
stalls.483 The law that no minor officials could demand
the use of private bathhouses from their hosts is also
extended to the African territories.484 The other laws
mainly concern building regulations. One can only
build on top of a bathhouse if the baths as well as the
superstructures are built upon arches.485 Furthermore,
it is forbidden to build baths on commonly owned
ground without the approval of the co-owner. It shall
481
482
483
484
485
de Haan (2010) 95–113, esp. 108–109.
Honoré (1996b) 803–804.
Prisoners: Cod. Iust. 1.4.9pr = Cod. Theod. 9.3.7.; minor officials:
Cod. Iust. 1.47.1 = Cod. Theod. 7.11.1.; repair of the Zeuxippos
Baths: Cod. Iust. 8.11.19 = Cod. Theod. 15.1.52.
Cod. Iust. 12.40.6.
Cod. Iust. 8.10.1.
73
be considered an attempt to illegally acquire the entire
property.486 It is also illegal to plant trees near the water
conduits of public baths, as the roots could damage the
pipes.487 Specially appointed officials have the permission to search out illegal use of public waters or the
illegal planting of trees.488 A specific law on the water
conduits of Hadrian in Constantinople specifies that the
water should only serve the baths adjacent to the palace
and the nymphaea.489 The sanction against the illegal
use of public water is confiscation of property (public
gardens, baths, houses, etc.). However, a law going back
to the reign of Constantine prohibits curators from
confiscating bathhouses in order to settle the debts of
individuals.490 Baths are also mentioned in a law of Zeno
against monopolies, preventing bath proprietors from
making agreements with possible competition.491 In a
different context, the fact that a man’s wife has bathed
with other men is a legitimate motive for divorce.492
The attestations of baths in the Digesta are numerous. Most of the juridical cases involving bathhouses
concern inheritance and servitude. A case-study about
the will of a rich citizen of Tibur (Tivoli, Italy) is very
informative.493 We learn that the deceased put it in his
will that his fellow citizens would be able to bathe for
free during 10 months of the year in the bathhouse built
against his house. In the legal issue that followed this
case, we learn that the heirs contested the fact that they
had to pay for the yearly cleaning and maintenance on
top of the fuel costs and entrance fees. That the costs
of operating a bathhouse were a heavy burden is confirmed by a case in which the deceased left a stretch
of forest that would supply firewood, for example to
use as fuel for the baths.494 There are more examples
of wealthy members of the elite hiring a bathhouse so
citizens could bathe for free.495 If the bath operator, for
any reason (e.g. damage by fire), was unable to open the
bathhouse, he had to make a financial contribution for
each day that the baths were closed. An additional cost
for maintenance of the furnace and the conduits could
also be demanded from the person that wanted to hire
the baths.496 A slave of the renter could also be taken in
486
487
488
489
490
491
492
493
494
495
496
Cod. Iust. 8.10.5.
Cod. Iust. 11.43.6.2.
Cod. Iust. 11.43.6.3.
Cod. Iust. 11.43.6.
Cod. Iust.5.37.22.1.
Cod. Iust.4.59.2.1.
Cod. Iust.5.17.11.2.
Dig. 32.35.3.
Dig. 32.55.3; see also Blyth (1999).
Dig. 19.2.30.1.
Dig. 19.2.58.2.
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chapter 2
pledge.497 Sometimes, a bathhouse was bequeathed to
the heirs. These baths could be considered as a part of
the house under certain circumstances:
Balneas legatae domus esse portionem constabat:
quod si eas publice praebuit, ita domus esse portionem balneas, si per domum quoque intrinsecus
adirentur et in usu patris familiae vel uxoris nonnumquam fuerunt et mercedes eius inter ceteras
meritoriorum domus rationibus accepto ferebantur
et uno pretio comparatae vel instructae communi
coniunctu fuissent.498
It was determined that a bathhouse was part of a
bequeathed house: if the testator never opened the
baths to the public, it is only part of the house if
there was an internal passage through the house,
if it was frequently used by the testator or his wife,
if the earnings from the baths were taken up as
accepted among the other earnings of the house
and if the house and the baths were bought for the
same price or if these were inserted into one communal expense.499
It is interesting to note that a private bath could be
(partly) open to the public, even if it was built as a part
of the house and a passage connected the house with
these baths. Apparently, the proprietor of the house
could choose if he opened the baths to outsiders. Legally
speaking, these were then no longer considered to be
part of the house.
If a house with a private bath was inherited, it was
prohibited to make these baths publicly accessible.
Furthermore, if a person inherited a house, he could not
divide it into several apartments or make it into a public
bathhouse.500 It was also stated that the balneator, the
person in charge of the daily functioning of the baths,
was part the bequeathed bathhouse, as baths could not
function without balneatores.501 Other bath-related
items could also be bequeathed, such as firewood or
bathing apparel. This bathing apparel must have consisted of flasks, sandals, towels, robes and other objects
for personal grooming (see below, the papyrological
497
498
499
500
501
Dig. 20.4.9pr.
Dig. 32.91.4.
Translation by the author after Spruit (1997).
Dig. 7.1.13.8.
Dig 33.7.13.1 and 33.7.17.2. In a different law case, it is said
that the balneator could not be used for other purposes, as
this would be considered an improper use of property (Dig.
7.1.15.1). For more attestations of the term balneator, see
Wissemann (1984) 81–83.
evidence). Silver bathing apparel, possibly situlae,
were often the subject of much discussion among the
heirs. Such legal disputes concerning luxurious bathing apparel also reminds us of the social segregation
between the rich and the poor that existed inside the
baths.502
Another important type of legal cases in which baths
played a prominent role is connected to building activities. A person who built tubuli or water conduits against
a communal partition wall could be summonsed, as the
walls could suffer from the heat.503 The construction of
bathing rooms against a common wall was not illegal as
such, but the works could be put to a stop if moisture
started to cause nuisance to the neighbour. The smoke
or vapour from a bath could also cause problems, yet
one could not be forbidden to start a fire on one’s own
property, even if this was for heating a bath.504 If a bathhouse was turned into a house by an heir, the usufruct
of this bathhouse naturally came to an end.505 When
a person destroyed a house on someone else’s land in
order to build a bathhouse, the building belonged to the
owner of this land and the builder was suable for damages done.506
As already mentioned above, the operating costs of
a bathhouse could weigh heavily on private proprietors.
The same goes for the cost of city-owned baths, to the
extent that money intended to buy corn was spent on
the maintenance of baths. The costs of heating the baths
fell under municipal obligations. Sometimes, a curator
oversaw these heating costs, provided that he received
the money from the municipal treasury.507
Some miscellaneous attestations of baths inform us
in what manner baths and bathing could make local
headlines. The capsarius, the cloakroom attendant,
was sometimes accused of stealing or negligence in
guarding personal belongings.508 Such cases against
502
503
504
505
506
507
508
Dig. 34.2.32.7 and 34.2.40.1. For archaeological evidence of
such late antique situlae as part of bathing apparel, see Arce
(2005). For social segregation at the baths, see Zajac (1999) 104;
Yegül (2010) 37.
Dig. 8. 2.13.pr. Another legal case mentions the existence of a
special interdict for repairing the conduits that allow steam
to circulate ‘in balnearis vaporibus’ (‘in steam baths’) (Dig. 43.
21.3.6).
Moisture: Dig. 8. 2.19.pr; smoke: Dig. 8.5.8.6–7.
Dig. 7.4.12.pr.
Dig. 9.2.50.
Maintenance: Dig. 50.8.2.4; heating costs: Dig. 50.4.1.2; curator:
Dig. 50.4.18.5.
Dig. 16.3.1.8. The same legal case mentions the fact that these
attendants were paid for their services. In some cases, the
cloakroom attendants were women who doubled as prostitutes (Dig. 3.2.4.2).
Written Evidence of Baths
75
the capsarii fell under the jurisdiction of the praefectus vigilum. Thieves that were active inside bathhouses
were tried in exceptional court procedures, the same
as for ‘nocturnal thieves’. It seems that the penalties for
stealing when someone was vulnerable (asleep or in the
baths) were more severe. Soldiers that were caught stealing inside the baths were dishonourably discharged.509
A less ‘object-related’ but maybe even more scandalous
crime was to provide baths as a location for adultery.510
If a person were to build on public space, thus preventing others from going to public baths or attending
games, he could also be summonsed.511 The ‘right to
bathe’ was obviously important enough to find its way
into legal cases. Bathing, buying, trading, and attending
games and festivals was what made a person a member
of the city.512
There are few attestations of baths in the Novellae.
We learn that a part of the provincial taxes should
serve for the maintenance of public buildings such as
baths.513 In the case of a city named Aphrodisium, the
public treasury was controlled by the members of the
elite, on the condition that they each paid regular sums
to the city. When they failed to do so, the maintenance of
the city and of its baths suffered greatly.514 A legal case
also mentions the will of a wealthy person who left his
grandson a suburban estate that included baths.515 The
Latin epitome of the Novellae mentions the existence
of praetorian warrants that could demand the restoration of bridges, baths and public washing facilities.516
The Greek text, however, only mentions the restoration of aqueducts. The only attestation of baths in the
Institutiones, is found in a passage about the manumission of slaves, who could be freed almost everywhere,
even while accompanying their masters to the baths.517
of church officials, were more concerned with daily
matters and administration. However, few formal statements concerning baths were formulated. In the 4th c.
Synod of Laodicea, canon 30 prohibited priests, clerics, ascetics, Christians and laymen to bathe together
with women.518 The canon, the actual impact of which
is unknown, is clearly aimed at men and women bathing together, not at bathing itself. This canon is repeated
as canon 76 of the Council in Trullo (Constantinople,
AD 692), adding that the cleric who was caught should
be deposed. The fact that this canon was repeated, may
indicate that it was often ignored. Canon 11 of the same
council advises Christians not to eat the unleavened
bread of the Jews, nor have intercourse with them, nor
bathe together with them. The penalty for doing so is
again deposition for clerics and the casting out of layman. The 4th c. Constitutiones Apostolorum, probably
written as guidance for the clergy in Antioch, orders
men and women to use their respective baths. We
should nevertheless remember that mixed bathing was
also problematic in the non-Christian society.519
Some canons or rulings were never discussed during
a synod or a council, yet were approved later. In a somewhat odd phrasing, the question whether a Christian
could partake of the communion after accidentally
swallowing a drop of water while bathing or washing is
answered in the affirmative.520 The question probably
related to a certain fear of ‘pollution’ or contamination
by impure water.521 The concept of ritual purity before
attending cult acts and the fear of pollution is an ancient
concept that was already present in ancient Greek societies (the so-called μίασμα) and in the Jewish religion,
which obviously had an important influence on early
Christian ideas.
Ecumenical Councils and Synods
Although Ecumenical councils and synods may not have
had the same legal status as the codices, they did have an
important role in delimiting the boundaries of accepted
social behaviour within the Christian community. As the
Ecumenical councils concentrated on important doctrinal issues, no guidelines concerning baths and bathing
were issued. The synods, local or provincial assemblies
Summarizing the Legal Documents
The attestations of bathhouses in legal documents of
Late Antiquity can be divided into three large categories:
509
510
511
512
513
514
515
516
517
Praefectus vigilum: Dig. 1.15.3.5; thieves: Dig. 47.17.1; soldiers:
Dig. 47.17.3.
Dig. 48.5.10.1.
Dig. 43.8.2.9. and 47.10.13.7.
Dig. 50.1.27.1.
Nov. 149.2.
Nov. 160.
Nov. 159.
Nov. 25.4.2.
Inst. Iust. 1, Tit. 5.2.
518
519
520
521
The early Church Fathers such as Clemens of Alexandria (end
of the 2nd c. AD; Clem. Al., Paid. 3.5) or Cyprian of Carthage
(middle of the 3rd c. AD; Cypr., De habitu virginum, 19–21) had
already complained about Christian men and women bathing
together in shame.
Const. Apost. 1.6.13. See already Pliny the Elder (Plin. HN 29.26)
or Quintilian (Quint. Inst 5.9.14); Ward (1992) 134; Schöllgen
(1995) 188–91.
‘The Canonical Answers of Timothy the Most Holy Bishop of
Alexandria, Who was One of the Fathers Gathered Together at
Constantinople, to the Questions Proposed to Him concerning
Bishops and Clerics, Question 16’ in Schaff and Wace (s.d.) 613.
See also August., Ep. 46 in CCSL 34.2, 123–29 in which Publicola
wrote to Augustine about his fear that he might drink water
from a fountain used for ‘pagan sacrifices’.
chapter 2
76
financial aspects, building activities and social aspects.
Not surprisingly, most attestations belong to the first
category. Operating a bathhouse could be both a costly
and lucrative operation. It required a heavy investment,
especially in fuel, but could be profitable if run correctly.
In the two most important codices of Late Antiquity,
we find several allusions to how baths were financed.
Money for balnea publica could come from taxes on the
income of farms (Cod. Theod., Nov.) or from the stalls
that were erected on space belonging to the baths (Cod.
Theod.). In more important cities, emperors sometimes
contributed from their own pocket (Cod. Theod.). The
fact that municipal money for buying corn was known
to be diverted to the baths could reveal that even cities
had trouble paying bath-bills. For the balnea meritoria,
the cost of the fuel must have been important, with
some citizens bequeathing firewood to their heirs (Dig.).
The laws that prohibited officials from demanding free
access to privately owned baths were probably a result
of complaints over the costs made by bath-owning citizens (Cod. Theod. and Cod. Iust.). The costs of operating
bathhouses are also stressed by legal cases involving the
donation of free baths through testament. The sum left
by the deceased should cover fuel costs, staff, entrance
fees, repairs, maintenance of furnaces and conduits
and yearly cleaning (Dig.). On the other hand, running
a bath could also be a lucrative business. The income
of the baths could even be taxed to contribute to the
city’s treasury (Cod. Theod.). Private investors seem to
have established illegal agreements in order to acquire
a monopoly of baths in certain neighbourhoods (Cod.
Iust.). In an effort to gain more money, heirs converted
houses into baths or opened up an inherited private
bath to the public (Dig.).
The second important category of bath-related attestations in legal documents revolves around regulations
of building activities. The stability of a bathhouse was
a primary concern, especially when houses were built
on top (Cod. Iust.). Furthermore, the erection of a bathhouse should not be a nuisance (smoke, heat, moisture)
to the surrounding residents (Dig.). However, building
a bathhouse against a communal wall was not illegal
as such. Another important issue, was the water supply. There was a restriction on the volume of water for
private baths (Cod. Theod.) and the water conduits for
public baths had to be protected (against vegetation and
illegal tapping) at all times (Cod. Iust.).
The third category embraced the attestations of baths
in their social context. Bathing was important enough
to grant even prisoners the right to bathe (Cod. Theod.,
repeated in the Cod. Iust.). Obstructing a fellow citizen to
visit public buildings, such as baths, was a suable action
(Dig.). Visiting the baths was an essential part of the
city life (Dig.), even if their use could entail some small
risks, such as being robbed (Dig.). The fact that thieves
at the baths and the responsibility of the capsarius were
mentioned in separate case-studies of the Digesta suggests that this was a recurrent problem. The importance
of the balneator for the proper functioning of the baths
is stressed on several occasions (Dig.). With so many
polemical literary passages about mixed bathing, it is
also somewhat surprising to find no formal laws banning
the phenomenon. The law that enabled men to divorce
their wife if she had bathed with other men (Cod. Iust.) is
the only measure found in both codices. The liability for
offering baths as a location for adultery is a more general
measure that also applied for houses or taverns (Dig.). In
the synods (Laodicea, repeated in Trullo), mixed bathing was indeed forbidden for Christians. However, no
general interdictions of bathing were ever formulated
by the Church.
Epigraphic Evidence
Methodological Problems and Approaches
The research into the epigraphic evidence of Roman
baths and bathing encounters many problems. Firstly,
there are some methodological issues. The first step
of the research—finding specific inscriptions in such
a vast amount of data—is already a daunting task.
Furthermore, the period under consideration here,
between the 4th and 7th c. AD, is problematic within
the longue durée of the epigraphic habit. Inscriptions,
as Ramsey MacMullen stressed, are a cultural phenomenon which has its own evolution.522 The choice whether
or not to commemorate an event on an inscription is
in itself a process that was prone to external circumstances. In Late Antiquity, these external circumstances
(politics, religion, social values) changed drastically.
There are also text-internal problems—a lack of datable
elements, confusing terminology—that further complicate interpretation.523 Finally, the post-depositional
processes cloud our understanding of the primary context of the inscription and may have partly destroyed the
text. Keeping these problems in mind, we must accept
the fact that the overview of the bath-related inscriptions for the geographical and chronological areas under
consideration, cannot be exhaustive. As mentioned in
the introduction of this book, this study will not attempt
to collect all possible epigraphic data concerning baths
in Late Antiquity. Rather, it combines and reassesses
522
523
MacMullen (1982).
Rebuffat (1991); Fagan (1999a) 130.
Written Evidence of Baths
the data collected previously by other scholars, such as
Berger, Nielsen, Fagan, or Thébert.524
Inscriptions of the Italian Peninsula
The first remark that can be made while browsing
through the corpus of late antique inscriptions from the
Italian Peninsula (appendix 1, EI-1 to EI-54) is the progressive decrease in numbers from the 4th to the 7th c.
(graph 1). This evolution fits within the larger framework
of the epigraphic habit, which saw a general decrease
from the 4th c. onwards.525 Most Christian inscriptions
are either funerary or upper class. The ‘middle class’
gradually disappeared from the record, while members
of the elite—be it secular or ecclesiastical—continued
to immortalize their deeds in stone.526
4th c.
More than half of the total number of inscriptions date to
the 4th c. (EI-1 to EI-40) and the majority of those again
date to the second half of the century, mentioning the
subsequent reigns of Valentinian / Valens (AD 364–378)
and of Gratian / Valentinian II / Theodosius (AD 378–
395). In the first half of the century, the inscriptions
referring to the reigns of Diocletian, Constantine and
Constantius II are mainly found in Rome.
It is difficult to examine the geographical spread of the
inscriptions within the Italian Peninsula (map 1). Some
regions have enjoyed more archaeological research than
others. So it is normal that the Roman Regio I (Latium
et Campania) has yielded more epigraphic finds than
for example Regio V (Picenum). Latium and Campania
form the traditional core of Roman Italy, with the area
between the capital and Neapolis (Naples) being highly
urbanized. The Urbs aeterna also had a strong symbolic power as the cradle and cultural centre of the
empire. When looking at the dataset of Appendix 1,
we can observe that Regio I is best represented, both in
the first and the second half of the 4th c. The weight of
epigraphic evidence from cities such as Rome or Ostia
plays an important role in this. In other cities, the limited epigraphic and archaeological information is due
to the continuous urban activity from Roman to the
modern times, making it difficult for the archaeologists to reach the Roman layers (e.g. in Verona, Brescia,
Milan). In the case of Ravenna, subsidence—the lowering of the terrain by tectonic activity and the weight of
sediments—saw the pre-medieval layers slip under the
water table. These circumstances hamper any assump524
525
526
Berger (1982); Nielsen (1993a) 203–208; Fagan (1999a) 233–347;
Thébert (2003) 486–521.
Cardin (2008) 388.
Cardin (2008) 27.
77
tions to be made about the number of inscriptions in
relation to geographical areas.
Instead of focusing on the absence of inscriptions in
certain regions, we shall focus on the inscriptions that
we do have. There is a high number of inscriptions commemorating the restoration of bathhouses in contrast
to the commemoration of newly built baths.527 Often,
the restoration took place after a period of decay, or
after damages caused by a fire or an earthquake.528 A
long exposure to heat and moisture would have been
damaging to building materials, especially in the hypocausts. One can easily imagine how the hypocaust
pillars would crumble during an earthquake or how fires
could start in the furnace rooms. The extent of damage
and the subsequent repairs mentioned in inscriptions
is, however, difficult to assess, as the clients ordering
the inscriptions must have been keen to emphasize
the importance of their interventions. A good example
is the formula ‘restituit a fundamentis’ (‘restored from
the ground up’).529 There was certainly a level of exaggeration involved. Similarly, the word conlapsus may
have meant ‘dilapidated’ rather than ‘utterly collapsed’.530
However, we cannot assume that all these restorations
were insignificant, as the bathers would certainly evaluate these repairs in relation to the damage. The client
could not afford to ridicule himself in public by praising
the replacement of a broken window as a thorough restoration of the entire baths.531 Besides restoring baths,
adding to the decoration also seems to have been worth
commemorating, whether it be repairing marble or
mosaic floors or donating or relocating statues.532
If we look at the clients who ordered the inscriptions,
we can observe that in the majority of the cases, the
local city council or one of its members was involved.
Most of the benefactors are presented with the title v(ir)
c(larissimus), meaning ‘a man of most noble rank’ and
de facto a member of the senatorial class. Sometimes,
the title was vir perfectissimus, which was often awarded
to prefects and men of the municipal administration.533
527
528
529
530
531
532
533
Restorations: EI-1–4; 6; 9; 11–12; 18; 20–26; 28–30; 35; 37; New
baths: EI-7; 14.
Decay: EI-3; 6; 9; 12; 17?; 19–20; 23–24; 26–28; 37; fire: EI-4; 15;
21?; earthquake: EI-11; 19; 28.
See EI-11; 24.
Fagan (1996b) 84–85. For the term conlapsus, see EI-6; 12; 19;
20?; 24; 37. See also deformatas, EI-3.
Fagan (1996b) 89–90 contra Thomas and Witschel (1992).
Decoration: EI-10; 16; 37; 38? For restoration of paintings and
statues, see EI-37. See also EI-16, where statues are brought
‘ex abditis / locis ad celebritatem / thermarum Severianarum’
(‘from concealed places to the famous Baths of Severus’).
Vir clarissimus: EI-8; 10–14; 16; 21; 23; vir perfectissimus: EI-16;
28; 37.
chapter 2
78
For some of these men, their careers have been reconstructed on the basis of other inscriptions and sometimes
by references in ancient authors.534 These citizens still
felt the need to invest in their home town or city of
residence and were eager to record and announce their
munificence in stone. Often, these men acted on behalf
of the local council, i.e. with money of the communal
treasury.535 The specific title of the benefactor could
be further clarified as a consul, a curator (responsible
for local taxation), or rector (provincial governor).536 In
Ostia, the praefectus annonae—the man responsible for
the food supply of Rome—seems to have contributed to
the maintenance of public baths.537 In other cases, these
wealthy benefactors acted on their own behalf, stressing this fact with the line ‘de sua pecunia fecit’ (‘made
it with their own money’).538 There are few examples
that mention the emperors as benefactors,539 although
several inscriptions start with the imperial titulature to
announce that the activities mentioned in the inscription were made possible by the prosperous reign of the
princeps.540 This does not mean that the emperor did
not finance the restoration or building of bathhouses.
The literary attestations and the inscriptions from other
provinces (see below) make clear that the emperors
were still very much interested in baths as a vehicle for
imperial propaganda.
Bath-related inscriptions come from both large and
smaller towns. It is not surprising that cities such as
Rome, Ostia, Spoletium, Aquileia and Regium Iulium saw
continued building activity in the 4th c.541 The smaller
towns that have produced inscriptions were frequently
located near important man-made or natural strategic
points (roads, rivers, bays, mountain passes). From the
moment of foundation, these locations had ensured the
success of the town or city and continued to do so during
Late Antiquity. Tarracina on the Via Appia, Cures Sabini
on the Via Salaria, or Allifae on the Via Latina all lay on
important roads.542 Rusellae, Ocriculum and Tellesia
benefitted from river traffic, while Antium, Tarentum
534
535
536
537
538
539
540
541
542
See the notes accompanying the inscriptions in Appendix 1.
On the thin line between acting as a representative of the
local council and its members acting as individuals, see Fagan
(1999a) 143–44.
Consul: EI-21; 23; curator: EI-26; 27; rector: EI-11–13; 17.
EI-9; 18; 38.
EI-7; 12; 28–29; 32–34.
EI-3; 9; 15; 18–19.
EI-1–2; 5; 8–9; 20; 22–24; 32; 37. Often, a vir clarissimus saw to
the work, see EI-3; 9; 18–19.
Rome: EI-1; 2; 4; 14; 35–37; Ostia: EI-9; 18; 25; Spoletium: EI-15;
Aquileia: EI-6; 8; Regium Iulium: EI-19; 20.
Tarracina: EI-21; Cures Sabini: EI-29; Allifae: EI-11.
and Fanum were coastal towns.543 Some of these towns,
such as Cures Sabini or Rusellae, even became the seat
of a bishop.
When looking at the terminology used in the inscriptions, it is remarkable that the word thermae is more
frequently found than bal(i)neum. Of the inscriptions
mentioning a balneum, one refers to the dedication of
a newly built bath, one to what seems to be the name of
a bathhouse and one to a profession related to baths.544
The fact that there are, up to now, no inscriptions mentioning the restoration of a balneum may reveal that
only restorations of the more luxurious thermae were
worth commemorating. Assuming that the only baths
being restored were thermae would be dangerous. The
literary and juridical evidence from the 4th c. in any case
illustrated that the word balneum did not disappear. On
the contrary, it seems that the word was the most prevalent term to denote bathhouses. A difference between
a literary and an epigraphic ‘vocabulary’ may explain
this disparity. However, the restorations of balnea may
not have been ‘worth’ commemorating. Minor or rudimentary interventions, without using luxurious building
materials, may have simply passed unnoticed. This fits
in with the thesis that balnea were ‘basic’ neighbourhood baths in contrast to the more luxurious thermae
(see above, chapter 1). One could then argue that the
members of the elite preferred to connect their names
to the superior baths, deeming only these restorations
worthy of an inscription. A closer look at the attestations of thermae teaches us that their names were often
connected to an emperor, meaning a certain standard
could be expected.545 A more likely explanation is that
the term balneum designated a privately owned bath, for
which it was not usual to commemorate restorations,
as this could not be considered an act of munificence
towards the city’s built public heritage.
Other interesting uses of terminology concern the
terms thermae aestivae (summer baths) and thermae
iemales (winter baths). It reminds us of the difference
existing between different types of baths according to
the seasons. The difference between these two types of
bath has been difficult to discern in the archaeological
record.546 As the winter baths are often a smaller set of
rooms attached to the larger summer baths, it is easy
543
544
545
546
Rusellae: EI-17; Ocriculum: EI-31–34; Tellesia: EI-13; Antium:
EI-23; Tarentum: EI-28; Fanum: EI-30.
Resp. EI-7, 36; 14.
EI-2; 8; 16; 22; 26; 35. See also the literary attestations of
thermae.
Thermae aestivae: EI-24; thermae iemales: EI-31–34. See
Nielsen (1993a) 138–40.
Written Evidence of Baths
to misinterpret them as ‘the women’s section’.547 Some
uncommon terms for separate parts of baths can also be
identified. The word baptisterium comes from the Greek
verb βαπτίζειν (to dip, to drown) and was used in Greek
to denote a pool (βαπτιστήριον).548 The word is also
used by Pliny the Younger and Sidonius Apollinaris.549
Similarly, the term colymbus is a Latinisation of the
Greek κολυμβήθηρα for pool. The term was also used in
this sense by Galen.550 Finally, the word lavacrum also
seems to have had the meaning of pool, as the Thermae
Pentascinenses were equipped with a better water supply, because the baths “had ceased to be visited in their
lavacra due to the interruption of the water supply by an
earthquake.”551
5th c.
During the 5th c., the number of inscriptions further
decreased. The political turmoil in the Italian Peninsula
had a serious impact on central authority. The sack of
Rome in AD 410 (and again in AD 455) shattered the capital’s untouchable status. The loss of North Africa to the
Vandals was a hard blow to the economy and the incursions of the Huns plundered cities such as Mediolanum,
Aquileia and Ticinum (Pavia). After the reign of
Honorius, the imperial presence in the west withered.
In the second half of the century, a succession of puppet rulers sent by the east or installed by the western
magister was finally halted by Odoacer. Building activity
suffered in these periods of crisis.
From the small sample in Appendix 1 (EI-41 to EI-50),
more or less the same pattern as in the 4th c. arises. It
mainly concerns inscriptions of the central regions (see
graph 1) commemorating the restoration of thermae
carried out on the order of a vir clarissimus.552 In Rome,
the praefectus urbi was under the direct command of the
emperor and had been given more power. They saw to
the restoration of the Baths of Trajan and the Baths of
Constantine.553 However, there are no more inscriptions
commissioned by the emperor, nor are the inscriptions
by local councils or officials dedicated to the emperors.
The offices involved are consuls, corrector, curator and
praefectus urbi. In one case, the specification ‘comite
divinor[um]’ (‘companion of the divine rulers’) is found.554
547
548
549
550
551
552
553
554
A case in point are the Large Baths in Sbeitla, see Gazetteer.
EI-29. Nielsen (1993a) 155.
Plin. Ep. 2.17.11 and 5.6.25; Sid. Apoll. Epist. 2.2.8; see above p. 51.
EI-37; Gal. De meth. med. 7.6 and 11.10.
EI-28; Fagan (1999a) 312; Maréchal (2015) 153.
Thermae: EI-39; 41; 46–47; 49; 50; vir clarissimus: EI-39–40;
45–46; 49. For decoration of baths, see EI-40; 41; 44.
Resp. EI-45 and 46.
Consul: EI-39; 49; corrector: EI-40; curator: EI-50; praefectus
urbi: EI-43; 45–46; comite divinorum: EI-49.
79
As a result, most of the inscriptions are difficult to date.
Only a broad period of ‘the end of the 4th and beginning
of the 5th c.’ can be proposed on the basis of palaeography. Some private initiative was still taken, as a vir
laudabilis in the town of Interamna Lirenas restored and
decorated the t[h]ermas <aes=ex>tivas (summer baths)
‘ex proprio’ (‘out of his own pocket’).555 An inscription
from Beneventum explicitly refers to war damages, as a
wealthy benefactor restored the thermae Commodianae
after the ‘enemy had burnt the entire city’.556
For such a small sample, it is difficult to discuss the
geographical spread. Rome is evidently still an important city where construction must have continued, even
if this was on a reduced scale. The other locations still
lay on traffic arteries, be it roads or rivers. Liternum
was connected to the Via Domitiana, Volsinii to the
Via Clodia, Interamna Lirenas to the Via Latina and
Beneventum lay on the crossroad of the Via Traiana
and the Via Appia.557 Good accessibility was crucial
to the survival of a town in such turbulent times. The
decay of a road could spell the decline of a town. This is
what scholars have suggested for Ocriculum on the Via
Flaminia during the Gotho-Roman wars, when the city
lay on key military routes.558
Regarding the terminology, we can remark that the
word thermae is still the most frequent. In one inscription, the restoration of a balneum is mentioned.559 The
work was commissioned by a vir clarissimus, the consul
of Campania, and dedicated by the curator of Capua,
Liternum and Cumae. These ‘Baths of Venus’, as they
are called, must have been popular baths worth repairing and connecting one’s name to. Alternatively, this
privately owned balneum may have come into the
hands of the city council at some point in time.560 We
also find a reference to summer baths, spelled termas extivas.561 The same building was presumably the
subject of a 3rd c. inscription commemorating the restoration and adornment of summer baths by a certain
M. Sentius Crispinus, probably a member of the same
family as the 5th c. benefactor. The family may have had
a special connection to this bathhouse.562 With this
connection, it is worth remembering the laws and legal
case-studies about families bequeathing bathhouses
555
556
557
558
559
560
561
562
EI-41.
EI-47.
Liternum: EI-49; Volsinii: EI-50; Interamna Lirenas: EI-41;
Beneventum: EI-47.
Pietrangeli (1943) 33; although Millet (2013) 11 has reservations.
EI-49.
See Foulché (2013) for such transfers in Rome.
EI-41.
CIL 10.5348. See Fagan (1999a) 272.
80
chapter 2
Bath-related Inscriptions
90
Number of Inscriptions
80
70
60
50
40
Africa
30
Italy
20
10
0
4th c.
5th c.
6th c.
7th c.
Africa
40
11
6
0
Italy
39
10
2
1
graph 1
Inscriptions mentioning baths or bathing from Italy and North Africa between the 4th and 7th c. AD. The
numbers are based on the inscriptions included in Appendix 1. The number of inscriptions from Italy is 52
and from Africa 57, giving a total of 109. The undatable inscriptions (2 in Italia; 8 in Africa) were not included
in this graph. For insecure dates (e.g. 4th or 5th c.), the oldest date was preferred, except for EA-52 to EA-56, as
the time-span of the reign between AD 496 and AD 523 favoured a date in the 6th c.
to heirs (see above, Digesta). An interesting line on the
epitaph of the ‘[r]estauratori thermarum Tusciani’ (‘the
renovator of the Baths of Tuscianus’) in Volsinii reveals
the Christian background of the deceased: ‘pax tibi cum
sanctis’ (‘Peace to you with the Saints’).563
6th and 7th c.
The number of bath-related inscriptions after the 6th c.
further decreased. The reign of Theoderic the Amal saw
a limited renewal of building activities in specific cities
(especially in Ravenna and to a lesser degree in Rome
and Ostia). This did not translate into a strong revival of
the epigraphic habit. War in the Italian Peninsula made
the political situation volatile and left the cities in vulnerable positions. The Lombard expansion in the north
further shifted power at the end of the 6th and during the 7th c. Under these changed socio-political and
economic circumstances, the epigraphic habit slowly
disappeared. Only some rare inscriptions in an ecclesiastical and funerary context persevered.
An inscription of Tarquinii, dated AD 504, mentions
a curator restoring a balneum with his own money after
a long period of decay.564 Two other inscriptions were
found in Rome: one commemorated the restoration of
a balineum by a member of the clergy, while the other
praised the virtues of a bath for the body, yet warned for
563
564
EI-50.
EI-51.
the possible danger of awakening sexual desire.565 This
inscription, not securely dated, recalls the passages of
Jerome and Augustine in which they discourage monks
and virgins to bathe. Just as these authors’ advice did not
condemn bathing as such, the inscription ends with the
remark that it is a slippery lifestyle that brings problems,
not the baths themselves.
Inscriptions of North Africa
4th c.
The 4th c. produced the lion’s share of bath-related
inscriptions (graph 1), especially in the second half
of the century, under the reign of Valentinian and
Valens (appendix 1, EA1–65). The socio-economic situation changed little in North Africa during the 4th c.
Mauretania Tingitana had become more isolated from
the other provinces and Roman influence here had
further decreased. The traditional magistracies and
priesthoods, however, continued to exist in the other
African provinces. The Donatist schism and periodic
raids from discontented tribes, especially in Tripolitania,
caused some upheaval, but did not drastically change
the situation from the preceding century.
When studying the geographic spread of the inscriptions in North Africa (map 2), we encounter the same
problems that have occurred for the Italian Peninsula.
Archaeological research has traditionally paid most
565
Resp. EI-52 and EI-53.
81
Written Evidence of Baths
map 2
4th c. inscriptions mentioning baths or bathing found in North Africa. The numbers refer to the EA-numbers in Appendix 1.
The Roman numerals refer to Roman provinces.
plan by the author
attention to the large coastal sites. Furthermore, the
early clearing works of these important sites destroyed
much of the stratigraphic information. In the absence
of chronological clues within the text, this could have
provided crucial information in dating the inscription. The different historic trajectories of the North
African provinces, especially the turmoil in Mauretania
Tingitana and Tripolitania, could also have influenced
the epigraphic habit of each individual region. The epigraphic evidence as presented in Appendix 1 (EA-1 till
EA-65) shows a clear concentration in Proconsularis /
Zeugitana, Numidia and Mauretania Sitifensis /
Caesariensis (map 2). The absence of inscriptions in
Mauretania Tingitana is not surprising. Even during the
first three centuries of our calendar, little bath-related
epigraphy has been found there.566 The scarce evidence
from Tripolitania seems more puzzling. Certainly, the
raids by desert tribes such as the Austoriani affected the
stability of the province; hence building efforts were
probably focused on defensive measures. However,
even if the large coastal cities Sabratha, Oea and Leptis
Magna were thriving settlements, the hinterland of
Tripolitania was not urbanized. In other words, the
number of potential sites is more limited than in highly
urbanized regions such as Proconsularis. Indeed, the
only cities in which archaeological remains of public
baths have been found are Gigthis (Boughrara, Tunisia),
Sabratha, Khoms, Leptis Magna and the military camp
of Gholaia (Bu Njem).567 If we look at the total corpus of
4th c. inscriptions, we can see that the epigraphic habit
in Tripolitania did not disappear.568 Maybe it was just
bad luck that we have not identified bath-inscriptions
from this century. But other important cities in North
Africa such as Thamugadi or Bulla Regia, still flourishing
during the 4th c., have not yielded datable bath-related
inscriptions either.569
Just as in the Italian Peninsula, the inscriptions record
primarily the restoration of bathhouses.570 The main
reasons for these interventions seem to be the decay of
the building after a long period of use, an occasional fire
or problems with the water supply.571 The restoration of
aqueducts, pipes and pools (see below) is a recurrent
feature. The problems of water shortage in North Africa
must have made such repairs an especially ‘commemorative’ act, as was the case with other water related
interventions.572 There are no recorded restorations after
earthquakes, even though several are known to have hit
566
572
See Thébert (2003) 521.
567
568
569
570
571
For the Roman baths in modern Tripolitania, see Maréchal
(2013) 206–13.
Around 160 inscriptions dating from the 4th c. are included in
the IRT. Most of these are honorary inscriptions for emperors
or local officials.
For Thamugadi, we should note that few evergetic inscriptions
have come to light (Corbier (2009) 196–97).
EA-6; 7?; 9?; 15; 17–28; 30; 32–34; 36; 38; 62?
Long use: EA-6; 20; 25; 30; fire: EA-18; water supply: EA-23;
32; 36.
Shaw (1984) 167; Wilson (2001) 93.
chapter 2
82
the region, e.g. in AD 306 or 310, 362–363 and 365.573 The
fragmentary nature of many inscriptions may account
for this apparent absence. This also makes it difficult
to understand some inscriptions, as the line describing the main action has disappeared.574 It is interesting
to note that on several occasions, the precise nature of
the restoration is mentioned. It concerns mainly the
restorations or addition of pools or how a special room,
such as the cella soliaris (room with heated pool), was
added.575 The combination of restoration and decoration
was also popular: wonderful ornaments, marbles and
mosaics, statues, and paintings and floors.576 A special
type of inscription concerns the texts that were laid out
in mosaics. Such text often speaks directly to the bather,
praising the baths (or its waters) he is about to enter.
The comparison to Baiae, the famous thermal baths
in the bay of Naples, highlights the beneficial powers of
the water.577
In contrast to the Italian Peninsula, there are no
inscriptions in North Africa attributing benefactions to
the emperor.578 However, a standard formula to begin
inscriptions is to praise the reign of the emperors (e.g.
Beatissimo saeculo or Saeculo felicissimo, ‘During the
blessed / prosperous reign of’).579 Most of the works
were commissioned by local officials belonging to
the senatorial rank (vires clarissimi). They were often
a curator rei publicae or a flamen perpetuus (priest for
life).580 Besides the titles of the emperor, the proconsuls,
who often had the legal and administrative powers of a
legatus, are sometimes mentioned.581 In only a few
cases, it is emphasized that the works were carried
out with pecunia publica (public money); while some
wealthy benefactors stressed the fact that they alone
covered the charges.582
573
574
575
576
577
578
579
580
581
582
Suleiman et al. (2004) 547, table 1.
EA-1, 5, 7–9, 16, 31, 33, 39.
Pools: EA-15, 17?, 23, 24, 25?, 32, 36, 38; special rooms: EA-6, 15,
24, 36 .In EA-36 the bronze and lead elements were also recast.
For other rooms, see EA-10 (absida), 26 (atrium).
Ornaments: EA-20, 28; marbles and mosaics: EA-24; statues:
EA-25; paintings and floors: EA-37.
Praise: EA-2, 12, 13, 35, 37; Baiae: EA-2, 35; Allen (2009) 169–171;
for the popularity of Baiae and other thermal baths in late
antique literature, see above p. 69. For the popularity of thermal baths in Africa, even in Late Antiquity, see Jouffroy (1992);
Pettenò (1996); in general also DeLaine (2007).
During the High Empire, imperial benefections are for example recorded for Volubilis (ILAfr 614 = IAM 404) and Cyrene
(AE (1960) 198 and AE (1928) 2).
EA-1, 6–9, 11, 12, 15, 17, 19, 20–25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 38, 39, 61.
Curator rei publicae: EA-10, 15, 17, 20, 23–26, 36, 40; flamen perpetuus: EA-17, 20, 23, 26, 32, 36, 40.
EA-15–17, 23–26, 28, 31, 34, 40.
Pecunia publica: EA-20, 32, 40; only private funds: EA-5, 10.
When looking at the cities where the inscriptions
were found, we can remark that little evidence comes
from sites in Tripolitania (v on map 2). The same goes
for cities in Mauretania Tingitana (I) and large parts
of Mauretania Caesariensis (II) and Sitifensis (III).
The absence of evidence from large towns such as
Thamugadi, Cuicul or Lambaesis is striking; especially
since these sites were equipped with several important
bathhouses (see Gazetteer). However, this image is put
into perspective when we look at the epigraphy of the
preceding centuries in these cities. In Cuicul only one of
the three large public baths yielded any inscriptions at
all. These 4 inscriptions are all datable between AD 183
and AD 200.583 Only two inscriptions,584 mere copies of
each other, commemorate a dedication, while the other
two are inscriptions on statue bases, found in baths
but not referring to them. In Thamugadi, a city with
over 10 large public baths, only three inscriptions refer
to the dedication of baths.585 The other bath-related
inscriptions were found on statue bases, mainly dating
between AD 250 and AD 300 and coming from the Large
South baths.586 In Lambaesis, three inscriptions commemorate the restorations of unknown balnea.587 From
the Camp Baths (‘Thermes du Camp’) one inscription
dates from the period between AD 161 and AD 200, while
from the Large Baths (‘Palais du Légat’) two undatable
inscriptions bear little information about the action
that was commemorated.588 The situation described for
these three cities make clear how difficult it is to assess
the presence or absence of bath-related inscriptions and
how low the survival rate of such inscriptions is, even in
well-preserved sites.
The cities that did produce bath inscriptions were
on the one hand large regional centre with important
economic roles, such as Carthage, Thuburbo Maius,
Thysdrus, Sufetula, Cirta or Iol Caesarea,589 and on
the other hand smaller towns that nevertheless lay on
important roads, such as Auzia, Ammaedara, Calama,
Musti or Capsa.590 The fact that in smaller settlements
like Limisa or Hippo Diarrhytus the bathhouses were
583
584
585
586
587
588
589
590
Thébert (2003) 505–506, nr. 102–106.
AE (1920), 16 and AE (1935), 45.
Thébert (2003) 516, nr. 169 dated AD 167 found in the Large
East Baths; AE (1894) 44 dated AD 198 found in the Large
South Baths; CIL 8.2369 dated AD 213 of unknown provenance.
Thébert (2003) 517–19, nr. 172–188.
CIL 8.2692; CIL 8.2706; AE (1971) 508.
Camp baths: Thébert (2003) 508, nr. 121; Large baths: AE (1912)
19; AE (1913) 12.
Carthage: EA-5, 16, 31; Thuburbo Maius: EA-17, 34, 36; Thysdrus:
EA-7; Sufetula: EA-1; Cirta: EA-14, 22; IOL Caesarea: EA-39.
Auzia: EA-3; Ammaedara: EA-10; Calama: EA-23; Musti: EA27; Capsa: EA-33.
Written Evidence of Baths
still restored once more underlines how widespread and
important bathhouses were.591 We also know of Cirta
being sacked in AD 310 and Iol Caesarea in AD 370, with
both cities sporting inscriptions to commemorate restorations that took place after these events.592
On terminology, we can remark the same trend as in
the Italian Peninsula: bathhouses are mainly denoted as
thermae, while balneum is only rarely mentioned.593 In
one case, balnea is used to speak about baths in general. In the other case, the restoration of a balnea (sic)
is commemorated.594 The word oceanum seems to be a
rather exceptional and poetic alternative to designate a
pool.595 Abbir Maius, the site where the inscription was
found, lay some 60 km from the sea, making it unlikely
that these baths made use of seawater. Alternatively, the
term may refer to a room with a mosaic of Neptune /
Oceanus, most probably the frigidarium.596 In the use of
thermae, there is sometimes the specification of thermae
hiemales and thermae aestivae. In a mild climate with
hot summers, it would be normal to find more ‘summer variants’ of baths, which possibly had more and /
or larger pools.597 Remaining in the ‘pool section’, it has
already been mentioned that several inscriptions specify the restorations of pools (see above). The restoration
of the piscina, solium or both was worth mentioning in
an inscription. In one case, the new piscina was given
the name Cochlea (Snail) and the cisterns (exceptoria)
were restored. The use of cochlea can perhaps be linked
to the word concha (shell), in some exceptional cases
used to denote pools.598 The term lavacrum is used in
water related contexts, probably denoting the pools
rather than the whole bathhouse.599 The mention of
an atrium of the baths is also attested in the east. It
was probably a type of lounge—dressing room, more
591
592
593
594
595
596
597
598
599
Limisa: EA-30; Hippo Diarrhytus: EA-35.
Resp. Aur. Vict. Caes. 40.28 and Amm. Marc. 29.5.18 and EA-14,
22 and EA-39.
Two more attestations of balneum may date from the 4th c.
(EA-59, 61).
Resp. EA-3 and EA-27. Interestingly, inscriptions dated to
the late 2nd and early 3rd c. found in the same city mention
the gymnasium in connection to the sportulas populo (‘public feast for the people’) (CIL 8.1574; CIL 8.1577; CIL 8.1587). In
the East, the term gymnasium was often used to denote baths
(Yegül (1992) 307–13).
EA-25.
See AE (1975) 873.
Thermae hiemales: EA-10, 34; thermae aestivae: EA- 17, 20, 21,
28, 38. Nielsen (1993a) 139. There is some debate about these
terms. Thébert links the distinction between summer and
winter baths to the presence of a palaestra (Thébert (2003)
461–63), and not to the size and number of pools.
EA-36. See Leclerq (1910) 387.
EA-13, 17, 32.
83
commonly referred to as vestibulum.600 The inscription
from Madauros also speaks of a porticus and a pronaum
(porch).601 The patina (large shallow dish) mentioned in
the same text was probably a part of the boilers.602
5th c.
The 5th c. in North Africa was marked by the invasion
of the Vandals, crossing the Straits of Gibraltar in AD
429 and seizing Carthage in AD 439. It is obvious that
from the Vandal reign onwards, we find no more inscriptions dedicated to Roman emperors. In fact, there
are very few written sources about the Vandal rule.603
Epigraphic evidence of building or restoration activity
is scarce, but could be explained by the Vandals being
unfamiliar with commemorative inscriptions.604 The
number of inscriptions is too low to make conclusions
about the geographical spread of the evidence (map 3).
We can only remark that an inscription was found in
modern Aïn Temouchent (Algeria), a rare example
of a bath-related inscription in western Mauretania
Caesariensis.605
The inscriptions that commemorated building activities concern repairs after a long period of use, decoration
and maybe even the dedication of new buildings.606 The
inscriptions found in mosaics, impossible to date precisely if there are no references to historical events or
persons, are more poetic in nature and often carry a message for the bathers.607 In one case, a reference to Baiae
is made.608 The mosaic found in Sidi Ghrib is especially
interesting.609 The clever phrase ‘si placet commune est,
si displicet nostrum est’ (‘if it pleases, it is communal. If it
displeases, it is ours.’) could refer to a general wisdom, or
it could hint more specifically at the baths built by the
dedicator: if it is a good bath, everybody wants access,
but if it is no good, it can remain private. Incidentally, we
can doubt the excavator’s interpretation of these baths
as an exclusively private bath.610
The commissioners of the restorations and decorations are still the vires clarissimi and curatores acting as
600
601
602
603
604
605
606
607
608
609
610
Atrium: EA-20; 26. For an example in the East: Ephesus, AE
(1898) 1121. For vestibulum: Nielsen (1993a) 163.
EA-20.
Fagan (1999a) 278, nr. 129.
Liebeschuetz (2003a) 58.
Courtois (1955) 365–90; Leone (2013) 91–99.
EA-51.
Long use: EA-42, 47; decoration: EA-45; new building: EA-46;
48; 50.
EA-48–50.
EA-49; but possibly also EA-60.
EA-50.
Enabli (1986) 50; see also Gazetteer.
84
map 3
chapter 2
5th and 6th c. inscriptions mentioning baths or bathing found in North Africa. The numbers refer to the EA-numbers in
Appendix 1, the Roman numerals refer to Roman provinces
plan by the author
local officials of the emperors and proconsuls / legates.611
The mosaic inscriptions do not refer to the benefactors
directly, although there are allusions to construction
activity.612 These smaller baths were often built on private initiative.
The building inscriptions come from larger towns
such as Carthage or Madauros, while the mosaic inscriptions come from small settlements of which the Roman
names are not known.613 The structures in which the
mosaics have been found, are often interpreted as private baths, the only argument being their small size.
However, there are no villas found in the vicinity.
The terminology fits with the pattern of the 4th c.
inscriptions. The building inscriptions mainly mention
thermae and only rarely balnea.614 In the inscription of
Madaurus, the repairs are specified as restorations of
the ‘cameram cum suspensuris’ (rooms with suspended
floors, or the heated rooms) and the ‘lavacra’ (here probably pools).615 In the inscription of Membressa, the
statues of the piscina were arranged.616
611
612
613
614
615
616
Vir clarissimus: EA-42, 45; curatores: EA-42, 45, 47. References
to emperors: EA-42, 43, 45, 46.
EA-50, 51.
Carthage: EA-48; Madaurus: EA-42–44; smaller settlements:
EA-49–51.
Thermae: EA-43, 46, 47; balnea: EA-42.
EA-42.
EA-45.
6th and 7th c.
The 6th c. was a period of turmoil in North Africa. The
internal disputes among Vandal rulers ended when
Justinian sent Belisarius and his army to conquer the
region (AD 533). Despite the numerous attestations of
Justinianic building activity in the works of Procopius
(see above, p. 64–65), there are few inscriptions concerning baths dating from this period. After the Arab
conquest in the 7th c., there are no more bath-related
inscriptions found in North Africa.
The number of inscriptions dating from the 6th c. is
somewhat misleading, as 5 inscriptions are actually epigrams by a poet named Felix, who praised the ‘Thermae
Allianae’ built by King Thrasamund (AD 496–523).617 The
location of these baths—if these actually existed, rather
than being literary inventions—is unknown, although
they must have been situated in Carthage.618 An inscription dated to the reign of Gelimer describes the baths
of Gebamund, also of unknown location in Carthage.619
These 6 texts commemorate how the Vandal king—or
a member of the royal family620—ordered the erection
of a new and luxurious bathhouse for the benefit of the
people. One inscription specifies that the baths were
built in just one year.621 It is also remarkable how the
617
618
619
620
621
EA-52–56.
Busch (1999) 244.
EA-57.
EA-57.
EA-53.
Written Evidence of Baths
inscriptions often make references to classical mythology, even though the Vandals were Christian. The gods
Vulcan and Neptune are used as metonyms to describe
the natural elements fire and water.622 Such references
stress once more how important classical heritage, especially in literature and poetry, still was. The references
could point to the intention of the Vandal kings to present themselves as legitimate heirs of Rome.623 Building
Roman bathhouses for themselves and their subjects
can also be seen in this respect. The Thrasamund texts
are characterized by the focus on the salubrious aspect
of the baths and the perfect temperature of the water.
The comparison with Baiae is again made.624 The baths
are seen as a perfect symbiosis between the contrasting natural elements of water and fire. Furthermore,
the luxury—often stressing the marble decorations
and the effects of light625—is elaborately praised. The
only inscription dating to the Byzantine phase of the
6th c. comes, not surprisingly, from a fortress.626 A person named Solomon can be identified as the magister
militum of Africa. The t(h)ermas seems to have been
enclosed by the walls of the fortress. The absence of
restoration inscriptions seems remarkable, but the low
number of 6th c. inscriptions does not permit further
conclusions.
The terminology used in the texts does not vary from
preceding centuries. The place-name Baiae is used as a
synonym for bathhouse.627 Otherwise, the term thermae
is used. The word lavacrum seems to have been used
both for pools and bathhouse. The sentence ‘Hic fessos artus viva lavacra fovent’ (‘here the lavacra keep the
exhausted limbs warm’ with the adverb hic referring to
the bathhouse) reminds one of the mosaic inscription
found in Castellum Tingitanum. In the other case, the
‘praecelsa lavacra’ (‘towering lavacra’) clearly refer to an
entire building.628
Inscriptions of Cyrenaica
In Cyrenaica, the only inscriptions that can be related
to bathhouses do not mention the actual building. Two
statue bases, one of Heracles and the other unknown,
were found in the frigidarium of the City Baths in
Ptolemais.629 In the Byzantine Baths of Taucheira,
622
623
624
625
626
627
628
629
EA-52, 54, 57.
Busch (1999) 243.
EA-53, 57.
EA-52, 55.
EA-58.
EA-57.
Resp. EA-53, EA-13 and EA-56.
Kraeling (1962) 214, n. 36 and 37.
85
an Arabic inscription praising Allah was found in the
threshold of the entrance.630
Inscriptions of Palestina
The inscriptions of ancient Judaea and Palestina are in
the process of being assembled in the volumes of the
Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae / Palaestinae (CIIP). Its
first three volumes, focusing on Jerusalem, the region
around Caesarea and the southern coast were published in 2010, 2012 and 2014 respectively. The majority of
inscriptions found in the region, especially those recovered during the numerous excavations of the last 40
years, have been published in separate articles, making
them difficult to trace. The CIIP and efforts to digitize
some inscriptions (Inscriptions of Israel / Palestine project of Brown University) will undoubtedly improve the
accessibility of the inscriptions in the years to come.
The bath-related inscriptions that have been traced
concern texts laid out in mosaics—or in an exceptional
case painted—mentioning good health or referring
to the figures depicted in the mosaics.631 The style of
figurative mosaic often permits a broad dating of the
inscription, but if only text is laid out in tesserae, dating the inscription is an impossible task. An inscription
found in Scythopolis commemorates the restoration of
the ‘Baths of the Lepers’, giving us a rare example of a
bathhouse specifically conceived for the sick.632 In the
thermal baths of Hammat Gader, several Arabic inscriptions of the Medieval period point to the prolonged use
of the complex.633
Summarizing the Epigraphic Evidence
After this brief overview of the epigraphic evidence of
late antique baths, we can attempt to draw some basic
conclusions. Obviously, the inscriptions followed larger
regional trends in urban evolution and euergetism. The
continued economic and building activity that has been
identified by archaeological research for 4th c. Italy and
North Africa is mirrored by a continued production of
inscriptions (graph 1). The reigns of Valentinian and
Valens seem to have been a period of renewed activity. The abandonment of several cities in the Italian
Peninsula during the 5th c. (see below, chapter 4) is also
recognizable in a drop in the number of inscriptions.
In North Africa, the ill-documented Vandal rule also
left few inscriptions, although archaeological evidence
suggests that trade and building continued on some
scale. The inscriptions mentioning Roman emperors
630
631
632
633
Jones (1984) 111.
Painted text: EP-6; good health: EP-3, 5; figures: EP-4.
EP-1.
Amitai-Preiss (1997); Dvorjetski (2007) 145–58.
chapter 2
86
disappeared altogether. The Byzantine reconquest of
first North Africa and then the Italian Peninsula did little
to reverse the trend. Few bath-related (re)construction
activities were commemorated in inscriptions.
The form of inscriptions did not change. A commemorative text basically mentioned the name of the
benefactor, often including his honorary titles, and what
exactly had been done. Other information included
how the project was paid for and when it was carried
out (name of the emperor or consul). The people who
paid for the building activities were still the same as
in the preceding periods, i.e. to a limited extent the
emperor, the city councils and their officials, and rich
benefactors acting on their own behalf. As was the case
for the High Empire, the interventions of the emperor
were rather scarce and mainly concerned restoration
works.634 For our period, these interventions only concerned the Italian Peninsula. In some cases, we can
imagine that these imperial benefactions probably
came about when a city sent envoys seeking financial
support. In other cases, the emperor himself might have
decided to help with the reconstruction of a bath, out
of political considerations (propaganda) or even out of
genuine altruism. The majority of benefactions, however, were carried out by local city councils or by private
citizens. There are few attestations of ecclesiastical
authorities acting as benefactors for the construction of
a bathhouse (EI-52), even if several ‘church baths’ have
been discovered in the regions under investigation (see
below, chapter 4) and literary attestations point to bishops being involved in bath building (see above).
The inscriptions mainly concern restoration works,
embellishment or enlargement. New construction is
rather exceptional. Most of the repairs were carried out
after a long period of use or after a (natural) catastrophe, such as a fire or an earthquake. Pools, heated rooms
and water supply systems (pipes, aqueducts) were most
often restored. Embellishment often involved the use of
marble or the addition of statues, sometimes brought
over from other public buildings in decline. Enlargement
could concern almost every part of the building, but
new pools or lounges areas seem to have been named
in particular. Besides construction activities, other content found its way into the epigraphic record. In North
Africa and Palestina, mosaic inscriptions, often evoking
a world of leisure and watery pleasure, were popular. In
contrast the Vandal kings and the clergy in Rome evoked
the pleasures and possible dangers of the bathing habit
respectively in eloquent epigrams.
On a terminological level, we can remark the
continued popularity of the word thermae (and its vari634
Fagan (1999a) 118.
ants) and surprisingly little attestations of balneum.
However, it must be stressed that balneum is mainly
found in inscriptions pre-dating the imperial thermae
in Rome—more particularly pre-dating the Baths of
Nero635—when this seems to be the only word for a
bathhouse. With the introduction of the new term thermae, the word balneum seems to be restricted to small
neighbourhood baths or to privately owned baths. The
thermae, whether one interprets these as the more luxurious baths or the city-owned baths, seem to have been
the only ‘category’ of baths worth making an inscription for. This would mean that a drop in the number
of inscriptions—naming almost exclusively thermae—
would correspond to a drop in this specific ‘category’
of baths, rather than a drop of the number of baths
in general. The word lavacrum also appears to denote
bathhouses, just as it did in Latin literature. However,
the term seems to have been used for both ‘bathhouse’
and a specific part of the bathhouse, in some cases a
pool. Other terms are rather uncommon (colymbus,
cochlea, patina) and remind us how diverse and local the
bath-related vocabulary could be.
Papyrological Evidence
Introduction
The papyri come from a limited number of sites. The
vast majority was found in Oxyrhynchus, although
Hermopolis Magna, Karanis, Kysis and Arsinoe have
yielded important finds. We should remember that
the papyri were not always written in the same city as
they were found. A letter found in Hermopolis Magna
may well talk about a bathhouse in a different city (e.g.
P-5; P-13). In spite of the limited geographic spread of
the papyrological evidence—especially the absence of
papyri from the Nile Delta—the information found in
these texts gives us a good insight into some otherwise
lesser-known aspects of late antique bathing habits.
The papyri were collected by consulting online
papyrological databases such as the Heidelberger
Gesamtverzeichnis der Griechischen Papyrusurkunden
Ägyptens (http://www.rzuser.uni-heidelberg.de/~gv0/)
and Papyri.info (http://papyri.info/), as well as the
database of the CEDOPAL at the University of Liège.
The research of scholars such as Béatrice Meyer and
Berangère Redon, as well as the general list by Inge
Nielsen has also proven to be very useful.636 Just as
with the inscriptions, the post-depositional problems
635
636
Fagan (1999a) 17.
Meyer (1994); Redon (2009); Redon (2012a); Redon (2012b);
Nielsen (1993a) 207–208.
Written Evidence of Baths
87
Bath-related Papyri and Ostraca
Number of Texts
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Ostraca
Papyri
4th c.
5th c.
6th c.
7th c.
Ostraca
7
1
1
0
Papyri
36
10
15
10
graph 2
Late antique papyri and ostraca mentioning baths and bathing found in Egypt. The number of papyri is 71 (3
papyri are undatable), the number of ostraca 9, giving a total number of 80. Undatable data was not included
in this graph. For insecure dates (e.g. 4th or 5th c.), the oldest date was preferred.
also cloud our understanding of the contents of
certain papyri (e.g. P-34; 35), making it sometimes difficult to date the papyrus. As a rule, it is impossible to
link the bathhouses mentioned in the papyrus to surviving remains.
Papyri
4th c.
The majority of the papyri and ostraca mentioning
baths or bath-related subjects date to the 4th c. (see
Appendix 2, graph 2). The papyri were mainly found in
Oxyrhynchus and Hermopolis Magna, while the ostraca
come from Karanis and Kysis. The papyri are mainly
official notes, receipts and private letters. The ostraca
are mainly administrative notes. The business letters
and notes, often addressed to the λογιστής,637 mention construction or repair works carried out on public
baths, with subsequent expenses.638 The works include
the restoration of wall paintings, wooden elements, lead
pipes for the pools and (window?) glass.639 Another
responsibility of the local council was fuel supply.640 In
one papyrus, this was charcoal and flax; in an ostracon
it was chaff, reminding us of the scarcity of firewood in
Egypt.641 The ostraca of Kysis mention rent and a license
for the baths paid for in wheat.642 The running of a
public bathhouse, built with money out of the public
treasury, was probably outsourced to a private individual
who paid an operating tax to the city. The exact nature
of the ‘license’ is unclear. The papyri and ostraca also
inform us about the staff working at the baths: the
furnace-operator (ὑποκαυστής), cloakroom attendants
(καψάριοι), a general bath-attendant (παραχυτής), a bathoperator (βαλανεύς) and guards (φυλακαί).643
In addition to this administrative information, the
personal letters mainly inform us about bath-related
items, sometimes specified as wooden clogs (σόλγεια),
a bucket or bath towels (βαλανάρια).644 In the archive
of Theophanes, we get a rare glimpse of the monthly
expenses that a person would spend visiting the baths,
although it is difficult to interpret the entrance fee of
the baths compared to, for example, the average daily
wage.645 When a bathhouse is mentioned, it is often
used as a reference point within the city.646 In some
641
642
643
637
638
639
640
P-8; 10–12; 19; 21.
P-1; 8; 24; O-7.
Wall painting: P-10; wooden elements: P-11, 21, 58; lead pipes:
P-12; glass: P-19.
P-1; 16; 20.
644
645
646
Charcoal and flax: P-16; chaff: O-2. Also Meyer (1989) for earlier
periods.
Rent: O-4; License: O-6.
Furnace-operator: P-6; cloakroom attendants: P-7, 25; general
bath-attendants: P-9; bath-operator: P-18; guards: P-33, O-1.
Bath-items: P-17, 30; clogs: P-4; bucket: P-31; towels: P-32.
P-5, 13–15. For entrance fees, see Faucher and Redon (2014)
848–49.
P-2, 3, 12, 23, 35?
chapter 2
88
cases, the baths are named after an emperor or the
benefactor, sometimes they are just referred to as ‘the
hot baths’.647 The magic bulla that had to be thrown into
the furnace of a bathhouse are a good reminder of the
popularity of magic and superstition that still existed in
Late Antiquity. The bath furnace, however, only seems
to act as an appropriate location as fire was the essential
element to make the spell work.648
On a terminological level, the standard word for a
public bathhouse seems to have been το βαλανεῖον. The
Latin term thermae is found under θέρμαι. The use of
γυμνάσιον for bathhouse, a common practise in papyri,
is only encountered once on an ostracon.649 However,
in one papyrus, the baths and the gymnasium are mentioned as two different buildings, casting doubt on the
interpretation of bathhouse on the ostracon.650 The
title of gymnasiarch mentioned in a papyrus was most
probably related to the gymnasium in its ‘sporting
ground’ meaning, as baths seems to have fallen under
the jurisdiction of a λογιστής.651 In a papyrus mentioning restoration works, several rooms of the bathhouse
are mentioned, including θόλος (a round room, probably
heated) and ξυστός (a walking courtyard, perhaps even
a palaestra).652
5th c.
The number of bath-related papyri dating from the 5th
c. is small (graph 2), fitting within a larger pattern of
scarce 5th c. papyri.653 Just as in the preceding century,
the evidence comes from Oxyrhynchus and Hermopolis
Magna. The topics of the bath-related text differ little
from the 4th c. examples. A receipt mentions nails and
other unspecified building material for construction
works inside a public bath; a document mentions the
fuel supply (chaff) and there is an example of a lease contract for a bathhouse covering a period of 10 years and
3 months.654 It apparently had a special room for
women (ματρώνικον). Concerning the staff, only a bathattendant (περιχύτης) is mentioned.655 Personal letters
647
648
649
650
651
652
653
654
655
Emperor/benefactor: P-2, 3, 10, 18; hot baths: P-2, 12, 23.
P-28, 29. Meyer (2001) 940.
Thermae: P-10; gymnasium: O-2. For the use of gymnasium in
papyri, see Meyer (1997) 691.
P-19. Nevertheless, we should remember the fact that gymnasia often had a bath suite (see above, chapter 1). The fuel supply for the gymnasium mentioned in P-19 may well have been
intended for this part of the building.
P-26.
P-10. For xystus, see Nielsen (1993a) 164.
Hickey (2008) 122–23.
Building material: P-37; fuel: P-40; lease contract: P-39.
P-38.
talk about bath towels and clogs.656 The term λουτρόν is
found next to βαλανεῖον to denote a public bathhouse,
whereas θέρμαι is not attested.657 The low number of
papyri, however, excludes any type of conclusion about
terminological preferences.658 The matronikon is an
otherwise unknown room in bathhouses and may have
denoted a room restricted to women, in analogy to the
matronika in ecclesiastical architecture.659
6th c.
The number of bath-related papyri dating from the 6th c.
rose in comparison to the 5th c. (graph 2). Oxyrhynchus
and Hermopolis Magna are best represented in the
sample, even if some other sites such as Antinopolis
and Aphroditopolis yielded a text. The texts pertaining
to construction work, whether restorations or not, are
mainly receipts for building material, including lead
and tin, glass and nails.660 A tax still existed to ensure
the fuel supply of the baths, specified on one ostracon as brushwood.661 The staff mentioned in these
texts include the bath-attendants and a water carrier
(ὑδροπάροχος).662 In a papyrus found in the area around
Hermopolis Magna, there is an attestation of an architect of baths.663 There are other miscellaneous facts
about baths. A bathhouse in Oxyrhynchus was located
in the suburbs.664 The entrance fee is deemed too
high in a bathhouse in Antinopolis.665 In a papyrus of
unknown provenance, the salt sellers talk about salt for
the baths, perhaps a type of soap or ‘salt for the baths’
indirectly refers to the taxing of salt sellers to partially
cover the expenses of the baths.666 On a totally different matter, the monks of a monastery in Oxyrhynchus
bought a rope for the baths, possibly in connection to a
well supplying the water.667
Besides βαλανεῖον, there are several attestations of
λουτρόν. Just as with the apparition of the term lavacrum
656
657
658
659
660
661
662
663
664
665
666
667
Towels: P-36, 41; clogs: P-42.
Loutron: P-37.
Contra Denizeau and Redon (2009) 401.
P-39. See Meyer (1992) 56.
Building material: P-57, 60; lead and tin: P-49, 50; glass: P-51;
nails: P-62.
Fuel: P-47, 55; Brushwood: O-9.
Bath-attendant: P-53; βαλανεὺς: P-43, 52 and possibly P-54;
water carrier: P-45.
P-56.
P-49.
P-48.
P-44. For salt used as soap, see above Oribasius, p. 45; also
Blonski (2014a) 267–84; Blonski (2014b). For salt to cover expenses, see above, Cod. Theod. 11.20.3 and 14.5.1.
P-46.
Written Evidence of Baths
to denote bathhouses in late antique Latin terminology,
λουτρόν seems to have been introduced in late antique
Greek terminology.668 The stables of the baths (στάβλου
τοῦ / δημοσίου λουτροῦ) mentioned in a papyrus from
Arsinoe may refer to the stables of a private house,
attached to private baths.669 Alternatively, one could
think of a stable for the pack animals that brought in the
fuel (mentioned in P. Lond 3, 1166R of the 1st c. AD) or
turned the saqiyah.
7th c.
Bath-related papyri from the 7th c. are few in number
again (graph 2). Besides papyri from Oxyrhynchus, the
evidence from Arsinoe is well represented in this century. Glass panes for the construction works are intended
for a private bathhouse.670 Public baths were, however,
still operational, as there are accounts of the expenses
of visiting the baths.671 Some texts mention the bath
personnel, including a bath-operator (βαλανεὺς), a bathattendant (περιχύτης) and a σύμμαχος (clerk?).672 On
an administrative level, there is evidence for the payment of rent for baths and for the expenses of the water
supply.673 The word λουτρόν was often used to denote
a bathhouse, even though βαλανεῖον is also found.674
In an early 7th c. letter, a person apparently has the
proper name Βαλανέος (Balaneos), possibly referring to
some affiliation with the baths.675 In a list of furniture
addressed to a σύμμαχος, several items of the bathhouse
were listed, including bronze waterspouts in the form of
a lion’s head.676
Summarizing the Papyrological Evidence
Even if the papyrological evidence of baths and bathing is rather restricted in geographical space, it covers
a wide spread in time. Unlike the epigraphic evidence
(see above), there are still papyri informing us about the
6th and especially the 7th c. Nevertheless, it is risky to
come to any conclusions about the popularity of baths
and bathing based on the number of attestations in the
668
669
670
671
672
673
674
675
676
P-52, 54, 59; O-9. Also Denizeau and Redon (2009) 401;
Maréchal (2015).
P-62. For more attestations of στάβλον, see Husson (1983)
254–56.
P-65.
P-69, 74.
Bath-operator: P-70; bath-attendant: P-67; clerk?: P-66, 71.
Rent: P-64; Water expenses: P-72.
Loutron: P-64–66, 68, 71; balaneion: P-67, 69, 72–74.
P-63.
P-71. See also above, the description of such water spouts by
Sidonius Apollinaris (Ep. 2.2.8).
89
papyri, as changed depositional and post-depositional
processes heavily influence the survival chances of
papyrus.
It is sometimes difficult to distinguish new construction from restoration, as the notes and receipts often only
pertain to the building materials used during the works.
They do, however, inform us about the several types of
specialized labour that were employed, such as glass
workers, painters, carpenters and lead workers. The fact
that there are only a small number of sites that yielded
papyri and that no late antique baths have been found
in these sites, makes it impossible to link the baths mentioned in these papyri to archaeological remains. We can
nevertheless state that the baths are often mentioned as
topographical reference points within the city fabric.
There is some interesting information about the
actual operation of a bathhouse. It seems that in
Oxyrhynchus and Kysis, private individuals could rent a
bathhouse, presumably from the city, sometimes for a
period of up to 10 years. This rent could be paid in kind,
that is in volumes of wheat.677 The operation of the public baths, including fuel supply and maintenance was
the responsibility of a λογιστής (the Greek equivalent of
the Latin curator), at least in the 4th c. His main task
was collecting taxes to cover the expenses of fuel supply and repair works. The actual procurement of the fuel
and the building materials was delegated to specialized
guilds and craftsmen, who later formulated the letters
to the λογισταί asking for remuneration of expenses.
There are few attestations on the expenses of the water
supply, which can most probably be explained by the
fact that the water supply system was a one-time cost
during the construction of the baths (e.g. as a cistern,
a saqiyah, a well or a connection to an aqueduct). The
maintenance and operation (in the case of a saqiyah) of
the water system fell on the operator of the bath. The
type of fuel, obviously an important cost, is often identified as chaff, flax or brushwood instead of firewood. The
personnel that worked in the baths are often indicated
in rather general terms such as bath-operator (βαλανεὺς)
or attendant (περιχύτης), who fulfilled a variety of tasks
(massages, epilation, washing, scrubbing). More specialized occupations include cloakroom attendants, guards,
furnace operators and water-suppliers. At least in some
cases, the personnel were paid by the local council out
of the public treasury.
The personal letters mainly inform us about bath
utensils such as towels and clogs. They confirm a logical assumption that at least some people owned these
677
See also Dig. 50.8.2.4.
90
items, rather than renting or borrowing them at the
baths. The lists with daily expenses found in some
personal archives cannot give us a definite answer on
the entrance fee of publicly accessible baths, but they do
show us that a certain amount of monthly expenses was
chapter 2
spent on bathing. These may not have been restricted to
entrance fees, but could also include oil, soap and other
utensils. The entrance fee does not seem to have been
too high, because exorbitant prices met with the fierce
resistance of the townspeople.
chapter 3
Archaeological Evidence
Introduction
Archaeological evidence of Roman-style bathhouses is
ubiquitous across the entire Mediterranean. Not only
the larger Roman cities, but also the smaller settlements were equipped with public baths. As bathhouses
often had sturdy walls and foundations—especially
in the heated parts where insulation was of utmost
importance—their chance of survival is quite high.
Furthermore, hypocausts lay underneath Roman walking level, which increased the survival chance of this
very characteristic element. Hence the bathhouses were
often identified among the mass of buildings, in contrast
to others with less ‘recognizable’ features.
The most important problem about the remains of
baths is the lack of reliable excavation data and secure
dating evidence. Roman sites were often discovered long
before the standardization of archaeological field methods and typo-chronological studies of material culture.
Late antique levels were also considered of lesser importance, hardly worth mentioning in concise excavation
reports. The latter only offer very basic descriptions of
the standing remains and the extraordinary finds. In
the absence of inscriptions, the date of buildings was
determined on the basis of design, construction technique or decorative schemes (mosaics, wall paintings).
An additional problem for Roman sites is the continued
occupation of many Roman cities until this day, meaning that Roman remains lie buried underneath several
metres of occupied ground. This is especially problematic in the Italian Peninsula, where important late antique cities such as Mediolanum (Milan), Ravenna
and Rome, remain concealed under the modern cities.
In contrast, the archaeological remains of Roman cities
in North Africa are among the best-preserved examples in
the Mediterranean. The so-called ‘ghost towns’ offer
unique opportunities to study urban transformation
from foundation to eventual decline. This rich archaeological heritage caught the interest of the colonial powers, who set out to unearth treasures for the various
national museums in their home countries. It was these
early ‘excavations’ at the end of the 19th and beginning
of the 20th c. that revealed most of the large monuments
that are central in importance to these archaeological
sites today. In Egypt and Cyrenaica, the late antique and
Early Islamic layers were often brushed aside in search of
Greek or pharaonic phases of a site. Several small bathhouses have been identified and subsequently hastily
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���0 | doi:��.��63/97890044�94��_005
attributed to the ‘Roman or Byzantine’ period, solely
on the basis of construction technique. More recently,
surveys and small excavation campaigns in Egypt have
provided much-needed reliable archaeological data,
mainly based on ceramic studies. In Palestina, the urban
(re)development of the region began only after the creation of the state of Israel, meaning important building activity mainly took place in the second half of the
20th c. and still continues today. The recent decades
saw an increase in salvage archaeology, generating a
wealth of archaeological data, especially for the late antique period.
Each separate bathhouse is discussed at length in
the Gazetteer. Besides the baths that were built in Late
Antiquity, a concise overview is given of the existing
baths that remained in use. When possible, late antique
changes to the original layout are highlighted. For a select number of sites, the corpus of newly built baths and
baths with a continued use is studied within its larger
urban context. The focus is hence shifted from the architectural, technological and decorative programme to
the functioning of the baths within a complex fabric of
streets, public and private space, water supply and disposal, etc. In the following chapter, the baths in Rome,
Ostia, Cuicul, Thamugadi, Carthage, Sufetula, Ptolemais
and Scythopolis will be presented. At the end of this
chapter, there is an overview of the archaeological evidence of early hammams.
Rome
Concise History of the Urban Fabric
The history of Rome cannot be summarized in just a
few pages. The 3,000 years of history that started with
Bronze Age settlements perched on the mythic hills and
continue to this day have been told and retold in an incredible amount of scholarly literature. Simply enumerating the most important works would be a daunting
task.1 For the present research, a concise overview of
the most important urban developments up until Late
Antiquity will suffice.
As capital of the Roman empire, Rome had always
benefitted from the munificence of its rulers. From the
1 For a select bibliography on the classical history of Rome, see the
entry ‘Rome (history)’ in Oxford Classical Dictionnary (4th ed.,
2012). See also Storia di Roma (Giardina and Schiavone (1991)).
92
chapter 3
time of the first kings, the city was continuously changing, with new buildings being erected while others
were restored or demolished (map 4). The urban fabric of Rome looked—and admittedly still looks—like
a big building wharf, permanently under construction.
The forum Romanum, more so than any other area in
Ancient Rome, has seen continued building activity and
remodelling. It embraces the Augustan regiones VIII
and part of IV. The valley between the Campidoglio and
Palatine hill was first ‘urbanized’ in the 6th c. BC, when
the swampy area of the Velabrum river was drained by
the Cloaca Maxima. From this oldest phase, the Temple
of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitolium was the
most important monument. The forum was hence divided into two distinctive parts: a religious-political area
at the foot of the Campidoglio and a commercial zone
further east.2 All of the buildings on the forum were frequently restored and remodelled during their long period of use.
At the end of the Republic, the forum Romanum had
become too small to cope with the political, religious and
commercial needs of the city. Julius Caesar was the first
to plan a new forum, just north of the forum Romanum.3
Several other emperors would expand the economic and
political heart of Rome by adding their own forum: the
Forum of Augustus, the forum transitorium or the Forum
of Nerva and the large Forum of Trajan with an adjacent
commercial complex (‘Trajan’s market’).
To the south of the forum Romanum, the Palatine hill
seems to have been the preferred location for the residences of the elite.4 Especially in the 2nd and 1st c. BC,
the large domus of consuls, such as Cicero, were located
here. Octavian was even born here and decided to stay
and live there even when he became emperor.5 Under
Tiberius, the Flavians (especially Domitian) and the
Severans, large domus were built and expanded until
most of south-eastern part of the hill belonged to the
imperial palace.6 Elagabalus ordered the construction
of a large temple dedicated to the sun god Elagabalus.
On the southern and eastern slopes, towards the forum
boarium, several horrea were built.
The valley between the Caelian, Palatine and Esquiline
hills was used as the site of Nero’s ‘golden house’, but was
returned to the people of Rome by the Flavian dynasty.
The artificial lake of the imperial complex was filled
up and a gigantic amphitheatre, the amphitheatrum
2
3
4
5
6
Purcell (1995a); (1995b); Coarelli (2008) 47.
Morselli (1995) 299–306.
Tagliamonte (1999) 14–22.
Papi (1999b) 22–28.
Papi (1999c) 28–33.
Flavium (or Colosseum) was built.7 To the north, the
Baths of Titus (see below, p. 97) may have replaced the
private bath complex of Nero.8 Under Domitian, three
gladiatorial schools (ludi) were constructed east of the
Colosseum. The Baths of Trajan were a milestone in the
architecture of the imperial type bathhouse (see above,
chapter 1), built on the filled-in remains of Nero’s Domus
Aurea. Some 80 m to the east, the large water reservoir
now called ‘Sette Sale’ received water from the Aqua
Iulia to feed the baths. To the north, the porticus Livia is
only known through the marble Forma Urbis.9 South of
the Palatine, the Circus Maximus was restored and expanded several times during the 1st c. AD. North-west of
the Circus, the forum Boarium (cattle market) was surrounded by several temples. A small arch, dedicated to
the argentarii (bankers), dates from the early 3rd c.10
Regio I evolved around two important traffic arteries: the Via Appia and the Via Latina. Along both roads,
the funerary monuments of important Romans and columbaria were erected. Regio II was dominated by the
temple of Divus Claudius on the Caelian hill, dedicated
to the deified Claudius after his death in AD 54 and finished under Vespasian. In the vicinity must have been
situated the macellum magnum, built under Nero, although its exact location remains unknown.11 The area
between the Caelian and the Lateran was dotted with
residential buildings and crossed by the Aqua Claudia.12
Towards the porta Asinaria stood a residential neighbourhood developed in the 2nd and 3rd c. with two
bathhouses: the Lateran Baths and the Baths under the
Lateran baptistery (see below, p. 101). At the end of the
2nd c., the imperial cavalry was housed in the Castra
nova equitum singularium.13
Between the Lateran and the porta Praenestina, the
Castra priora equitum singularium stood in a largely residential neighbourhood. Around the porta Maggiore, the
Castrum amphitheatre (Severan era) may be identified
with the Vivarium, a park-like area for games.14 The Baths
of Helena (see below, p. 97) date from the Severan period. By going north towards the Esquiline, one crossed
residential neighbourhoods with several parks (horti),
which were incorporated in the imperial estates from
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
Rea (1993).
Coarelli (2008) 204.
Slab VIII-3, 10o-r in Rodríguez Almeida (1981) plate 18.
Coarelli (1995a) 295–97.
Coarelli (2008) 278.
Besides the Aqua Claudia, three other aqueducts crossed the
Celio, be it underground: the Aqua Appia, the Aqua Marcia
and the Aqua Iulia.
Buzzetti (1993) 246–48.
Richardson (1992) 431–32.
Archaeological Evidence
map 4
Location of the most important buildings and public areas in Rome
Imperial Period and Late Antiquity; plan by the author
18: Tiber Island
1: Castra Praetoria
19: Theatre of Marcellus
2: Porticus Liviae
20: Forum of Trajan
3: Basilica S. Croce in Ger.
21: Crypta Balbi
4: Castra prioria eq. sing.
22: Saepta Iulia
5: Basilica Salvatoris
23: Theatre of Pompey
6: Colosseum
24: Stadium of Domitian
7: Temple of Divus Claudius
25: Villa of Agrippina
8: Church SS. Nereus et Achilleus
26: Circus of Caligula / S. Peter
9: Circus Maximus
27: Mausoleum of Hadrian
10: Palatine palaces
28: Naumachia vaticana?
11: Basilica nova
29: Mausoleum of Augustus
12: Forum Romanum
30: Horti Luculliani
13: Imperial fora
31: Horti Sallustiani
14: Forum Boarium
32: Temple of Serapis
15: Church S. Sabina
33: Church S. Agatha dei Goti
16: Navalia and horrea
17: Naumachia of Augustus
93
94
chapter 3
the Julio-Claudian period onwards.15 Near the porta
Esquilina, the macellum Liviae was probably constructed
(1st c. AD).16 More to the south, the Aqua Iulia ended in
an impressive nymphaeum from the time of Alexander
Severus. On the Cispius, along the clivus Suburanus, large
domus from the imperial age were discovered,17 while on
the summit of the clivus, there was a large fountain of
Orpheus.
On the north-eastern edge of regio VI, the castra
pretoria was built under Tiberius to house the praetorian guard.18 In the area of the modern Termini station,
underneath the Piazza dei Cinquecento, a neighbourhood with houses, shops and public baths dating from
the 2nd c. was discovered (see below, p.98–99). To the
north of the Viminal, the villa estate of the historian
Sallust (horti Sallustiani) originally belonged to Caesar
and was later acquired and extended by Tiberius.19 On
the eastern slope of the Viminal, the living quarters continued, while the Baths of Novatianus were also found
(see below, p. 99–101).
Regio VII centred around the Via Lata (modern via del
Corso), where large apartment blocks were constructed
during the reign of Hadrian. Shops and warehouses
have also been found.20 In this commercial-residential
neighbourhood, a bathhouse has been found during recent construction works for a new Rinascente mall (see
below, p. 101).21 On the location of the modern Galleria
Sciarra, the Porticus Vipsania may have been located
(Augustan period), and has been proposed as the office
of the cursus publicus, the imperial postal system.22
Regio IX is the area of the Campus Martius, originally the plain where soldiers and young men exercised. It was also the area that was used for electoral
purposes during the Republic. The temples of Apollo
and Bellona and the sacred area of Largo Argentina—
albeit with later restorations—are the only remains
from the mid Republic. At the end of the Republic, the
theatre of Pompey was built. Under Augustus, an important building program was carried out, resulting in
the dedication of the theatre of Marcellus, the theatre
of Balbus and its square, the porticus Octavia with two
temples and libraries, the Baths of Agrippa (see below,
p. 95–97), the Pantheon, the saepta Iulia and the Ara
Pacis.23 After Augustus’ death, a round mausoleum was
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
Coarelli (2008) 255–57.
Pisani Sartorio (1996) 203–204.
Coarelli (2008) 244.
Lissi Caronna (1993) 251–54.
Richardson (1992) 202–203.
Coarelli (2008) 333.
It is unclear if the baths belonged to regio VI or VII.
Coarelli (2008) 336.
Coarelli (2008) 346–49.
constructed on a parcel of land between the Tiber and
the Via Lata.24 Nero added large thermae (see below,
p.97) near the Pantheon, while Domitian added a stadium (modern Piazza Navona), an odeum, the porticus
Minucia Frumentaria and the porticus Divorum sanctuary.25 The temple of the Divus Hadrianus was added in
the late 2nd c. To the south of the theatre of Marcellus,
the forum holitorium (oil market) was equipped with
three small temples in the Republican age.26 To the east,
the temples of Fortuna and Mater Matuta were 3rd c. BC
reconstructions of older republican temples. Along the
Tiber, towards the forum boarium (cattle market), large
horrea date from the reign of Trajan.27
The name of regio XII, Piscina Publica, probably referred to a lake that was used for bathing and public use
in pre-Augustan times.28 It was only under Caracalla
that a large public bathhouse was built there (see below,
p. 97). Besides this enormous structure, the area seems
to have been made up of living quarters and some larger
domus.29 Nearby regio XIII, the Aventine hill, was a mercantile area in Republican times.30 It was only included
in the pomerium of the city under Claudius. Since the
3rd c. BC, a temple dedicated to Minerva stood on the
hill top, while in the 1st c. AD, a temple of Diana was
constructed nearby. From the Forma Urbis, a bathhouse
by the name of balneum Surae is known to have stood
to the south-east of the temple of Minerva.31 In AD 252,
the thermae of Decius were inaugurated (see below,
p. 98). Two small baths, possibly private, were discovered
on the western flank of the Aventine.32 Little is known
about their chronology. To the south of the Aventine,
the city port (emporium) developed from the 2nd c. BC
onwards. Along the Tiber, a 487 m long structure should
possibly be identified as the navalia, used to harbour the
military fleet in the Republican period and later transformed into warehouses. Several horrea have also been
identified in this area.33 The mercantile character of this
regio is also represented by the Testaccio hill, made up
entirely out of amphora sherds.34
The important building on Tiber Island was a temple
dedicated to Asclepius (3rd c. BC).35 On the other side
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
Richardson (1992) 247–49.
Coarelli (2008) 348.
Coarelli (1995b) 299.
Coarelli (2008) 405.
Coarelli (1999) 93–94.
Coarelli (2008) 406.
Andreussi (1993) 147–50.
Slab VII-14, 21a-d in Rodríguez Almeida (1981) plate 15; see also
below p. 102.
Coarelli (2008) 461.
Coarelli (2008) 464–65.
Maischberger (1999a) 28–30.
Degrassi (1996) 99–101.
95
Archaeological Evidence
of the Tiber, the modern Trastevere neighbourhood had
become the most densely populated part of the capital at the end of the High Empire.36 Our knowledge of
the archaeological remains, however, is quite limited.
The largest public structure was probably Augustus’
Naumachia, an artificial lake used to re-enact epic naval
battles.37 No remains of this large structure have been
found. Several smaller sanctuaries, some of which were
dedicated to ‘eastern’ deities, were dispersed throughout the residential quarters.38 Outside of the porta
Septimiana, the large villa estate of Agrippina (1st c. BC)
was discovered.39 The circus of Nero (or Gaianum) was
the most important public building in the ager vaticanus. To its north-west, a burial ground has yielded several 2nd and 3rd c. sepulchres. Following the Tiber to the
east, one could not miss the mausoleum of Hadrian.40
North of it, some 2nd c. remains have been interpreted
as the Naumachia Vaticana, built by Trajan to replace
one of Augustus.41
Newly Built Late Antique Baths
At the beginning of the 4th c., the emperors Diocletian
and Constantine still deemed it important to construct
large public baths (C21, C22) to gain popularity with
the people of the Eternal City, even though they themselves resided elsewhere. The Baths of Diocletian were
even the largest public baths ever built in the Roman
empire. Other late antique baths were rather small, not
exceeding 500 m2. The continued use of the imperial
thermae, as well as dozens of others smaller neighbourhood baths (see below, p. 102–105), may have fulfilled all
bathing needs, especially after the 4th c., when population numbers were dropping. With the relocation of
court to Constantinople, imperial investment in Rome
dwindled and no new imperial baths were erected. The
small Baths of Elagabalus (C24) and on the Palatine
were possibly private investments, perhaps even linked
to specific associations. The growing grip of associations
on the fabric of the city during Late Antiquity has also
been seen in the construction of fountain houses, which
may have been used as assembly halls.42
To construct the new imperial thermae, existing
buildings and insulae were levelled. For the smaller
baths, pre-existing buildings were often partially destroyed or partially transformed (C23, C24, C25, C26).
Putting existing buildings to new use had the advantage
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
Maischberger (1999b) 77–83.
Richardson (1992) 265.
Coarelli (2008) 452.
Coarelli (2008) 479–80.
Richardson (1992) 249–51.
Coarelli (2008) 489.
Schmölder-Veit (2010).
of recycling building materials or even entire walls, but
constrained the available building space to a predefined
lot. However, this did not prevent the architects from
adhering to classical building schemes and contemporaneous taste for round and semicircular forms, especially
for pools, apses and exedrae. Furthermore, the limited
building space did not result in a reduction of heated
rooms, as even the smaller baths had several hot rooms
(C23, C24). The small size of pools in the neighbourhood
baths are in line with the overall small size of the bathhouses themselves. We can note that a somewhat larger
bath (C25) could still have large communal pools, with
several small single-person pools in addition. The plans
of the imperial baths fit within the general evolution of
this type in Rome. The importance of the garden area,
with a large semicircular exedra, seems to stress the
growing importance of the non-bath related activities
that took place within the enclosure wall. The cavea-like
exedrae in the imperial baths may well have hosted certain types of performance in an area of the city otherwise without of theatres or odea.
The decoration in the imperial thermae was luxurious, just as it had been in the older imperially funded
baths. Pools, floors and walls were embellished with
marble slabs and decorative elements, while vaults were
supported by granite and marble columns. Some of the
smaller baths also boasted marble-lined pools (C24, C26,
Porta San Lorenzo Baths), while floors could be covered
in mosaics depicting geometric motifs or marine scenes
(C23, Porta San Lorenzo Baths).
The heating system still relied on the traditional hypocaust with pillars made of square or round tiles. The
preferred type of wall heating was by means of tubuli.
In at least one bathhouse, the use of a testudo can be
deduced from the ‘Beckenausbruch’ (C23), but it can
be imagined that the large alvei in the imperial thermae also had such devices. The water for the imperial
baths was presumably supplied by aqueducts. For the
small neighbourhood baths, the catchment of rainwater,
supply by an aqueduct (C24?) or wells (C26?) or a combination of the above probably sufficed. Waste water
disposal was mainly ensured through (pre-existing)
sewers in the streets surrounding the baths (C21?, C22?,
C23, C24).
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths
The Baths of Agrippa
The Baths of Agrippa (map 5, nr. 1) were the first large
public baths of the imperial type built in Rome. The
plan, mainly known through Renaissance drawings,43
underwent several structural changes. Due to a lack of
43
Reproduced in Hülsen (1910) 10–14.
96
map 5
chapter 3
Location of the public baths in Rome
C-numbers refer to the gazetteer, plan by the author
1: Baths of Agrippa
2: Baths of Nero
3: Baths of Titus
4: Baths of Trajan
5: Baths of Helena
6: Baths of Caracalla
7: Baths of Decius
8: Baths of P. dei Cinquecento
9: Baths of Novatianus
10: Baths of the Lateran Bapt.
11: Lateran Baths
12: Baths of the New Rin. Mall
13: Baths near the navalia
14: Balneum Surae
15: Minerva Medica
16: Baths near Porta S. Lor.
17: Baths near S. Croce in G.
18: Baths on Palatine
97
Archaeological Evidence
archaeological remains, the chronology of the building
cannot be fully ascertained. According to the Notitia regionum urbis Romae (see below, p. 103–104) and Sidonius
Apollinaris (see above, chapter 2), the baths were still in
use in the 4th and the late 5th c.
The Baths of Nero
The Baths of Nero, sometimes called the thermae
Alexandrinae, set the standard for imperial thermae
in Rome (fig. 4; map 5, nr. 2). The inauguration of the
baths is still included in the Chronicle of Jerome (see
above, chapter 2) and Cassiodorus’ Chronica (ad a. 227).
Apparently, the baths were still in use during the lifetime of Sidonius Apollinaris (Carm. 23, 495; see also the
Notitia regionum, regio IX). The archaeological investigations in the area of the baths could not supply any
conclusive evidence about their last phase.44 Several architectural elements, such as columns, were reused in
various churches in the vicinity of the ruins.45
The Baths of Titus
The Baths of Titus (map 5, nr. 3), located on the grounds
of Nero’s Domus Aurea, were mentioned by the 4th c.
Notitia Regionum (Regio III). However, the excavations
in the 1980s revealed that the baths were out of use in
the 5th or 6th c., when occupation layers were found inside the building.46 The site was probably reused to construct the palace of the praefectus urbi.47
The Baths of Helena
The remains of a large public bathhouse near the porta
Maggiore and Santa Croce in Gerusalemme could still
be seen in the 16th c. (map 5, nr. 5). The plan was drawn
by Palladio, but the structural remains were destroyed
when the neighbourhood was reorganized in the early
20th c.48 The baths were named after Helena, the mother of Constantine, who restored the baths in the early
4th c. (EI-4). The construction probably dated to the 3rd
c., when the entire quarter was reorganized.49 The only
remains still existent are the large reservoirs that provided the baths with water and were themselves fed by the
Aqua Alexandrina. Studies of construction techniques
and the type of mortar point to an early 4th c. date for
this reservoir.50
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
Ghini (1985) 399.
Ghini (1999) 62.
Caruso et al. (1990) 63; Caruso (1993).
Caruso et al. (1990) 67.
Palladino (1996) 857.
Palladino (1996) 869–70.
Palladino (1996) 867.
The Baths of Trajan
The Baths of Trajan had an important impact on the
layout of imperial baths (fig. 5; map 5, nr. 4). An inscription mentioning the curia A(th)letarum, dated to AD
367–375, may have refered to the athletic facilities in the
Baths of Trajan.51 In AD 465, the praefectus urbi still invested in the baths (EI-45) and they are also mentioned
in the Notitia Regionum (Reg. III). Archaeological investigations of their water supply, especially of the large
reservoirs known as the Sette Sale, confirmed that the
baths were restored in the 4th c. and fell out of use only
in the 5th c.,52 possibly in the third quarter if we combine stratigraphic evidence from the water supply and
the inscription of AD 465–467.53 However, as there are
only a few remains of the baths preserved, it is not possible to reconstruct any late antique additions or changes
made to the original plan.
The Baths of Caracalla
The famous Baths of Caracalla (fig. 7; map 5, nr. 6)
were in use until at least the reign of Theoderic. Tiles
with stamps of the Gothic king were used to carry out
restorations.54 Attestations by Polemius Silvius and
Olympiodorus (see above, chapter 2), both writing in
the 5th c., confirm this late phase of use. Diocletian (see
EI-2) and Constantine55 had ordered restorations at the
beginning of the 4th c. However, it is difficult to identify
these interventions in the archaeological record, especially since the excavations of the 19th and early 20th c.
were poorly documented. The supporting walls in the
service corridors and behind the reservoirs of piscinae
possibly date to the Constantinian era.56 Some statue
bases in the frigidarium mention the reign of Valentinian
and Valens.57 The polychrome geometric mosaics with
large tesserae may also date from the late 3rd or 4th c.58
The cold water pools in the southern side-rooms of the
palaestra and possibly the semicircular pools in heated
rooms on the south-eastern and south-western corner
of the bath block were also added at a later date, perhaps when the aqueduct was temporarily out of use.59
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
CIL 6.10154; see Volpe (2007a) 431–34.
Carboni (2003) 76.
F. Carboni, oral communication.
CIL 15.1665; Lanciani (1879) 15; Lanciani (1881) 90. A headless statue of the goddess Artemis was reused as a paving
stone in the underground galleries at this time (Piranomonte
(2012) 26).
Piranomonte (2012) 18–20.
DeLaine (1997) 38.
CIL 6.794; 117–1173.
DeLaine (1997) 28, esp. n. 59.
DeLaine (1997) 39–40. Janet DeLaine even suggests that
the new pools may have replaced the larger cold pools of the
frigidarium in times of disrupted water supply, or, alternatively,
98
chapter 3
figure 12 Plan of the baths under the Piazza dei Cinquecento in Rome (Italy), (left), and the excavation during the construction of
modern Termini train station (right)
in Santagnelli Valenziani and Meneghini (1996) 176, figs. 5–6; with permission
The baths are thought to have been abandoned in the
6th c., when the Gothic king Vitiges cut the aqueducts
during his siege of the city in AD 537 (see above, chapter
2, Procopius). Excavations in the gardens revealed burials dating from the 6th to 8th c.60 These may have been
connected to a nearby xenodochium.61 Some of the peripheral halls in the gardens may also have been used as
granaries after the 6th c.62
The Baths of Decius
According to the written sources,63 these imperial baths
were dedicated in AD 252 on the Aventine hill (map 5,
nr. 7). The remains were sketched by Palladio and show
a compact plan (ca. 70 × 35 m) with a cruciform frigidarium and several round rooms, confirmed by a survey in
60
61
62
63
became the new cold sections of the baths when parts of the
large heated section could not be heated any more due to fuel
shortage (DeLaine (1997) 40).
Cecchini (1985) 588–94.
Now the church of SS Nereus and Achileus, see Mulryan (2014)
35–38.
Cecchini (1985) 593.
Cassiod., Chron. ad a. 252.
the 1980s.64 Inscriptions found on site recall restoration
works carried out by the praefectus urbi in AD 353–354.65
They may have been restored under Honorius in AD 414.66
The Baths under the Piazza dei Cinquecento
The bathhouse under the Piazza dei Cinquecento (fig. 12;
map 5, nr. 8) was discovered during the construction of
the first Termini train station in the 1860s. The remains
were subsequently reburied until the new Termini train
station was built in 1947–1948, which offered another
opportunity to investigate the building. However, the
observations by the archaeologist Pietrogrande were not
published until the 1990s.67
The bathhouse was inserted into an insula, next to
a rich domus with peristylium. The complex was dated
to the 2nd c. on the basis of wall paintings and mosaic floors.68 At the turn of the 3rd and 4th c., the baths
underwent important changes.69 As the study of the
64
65
66
67
68
69
La Folette (1985); La Folette (1994).
CIL 6.1159; 1160.
Nielsen (1993a) 55, n. 128.
Barbera and Paris (1996) 117–71.
Barbera and Paris (1996) 125.
Meneghini (1999) 172.
99
Archaeological Evidence
figure 13 Drawing of the caldarium of the baths under the Piazza dei Cinquecento in Rome
in Barbera and Paris (1996) 132, fig. 3; with permission
remains was done on the basis of photographs and excavation diaries, it was difficult to detect late antique
restorations. It is possible that the small semicircular
pool, lodged in one of the niches of the frigidarium,
belonged to this phase. It is an element that seems out
of place in the otherwise strict symmetrical layout. The
fact that only one of the niches was equipped with a
pool, and that the pool itself was larger than the niche
(F on fig. 12), suggests that it may have been a later addition. Similarly, the small heated pool in the caldarium
could also be a later addition (fig. 13). The walls of this
round single-person pool were made in a different wall
technique, which were obviously of a later date, according to Pietrogrande.70 The niche in which the pool was
lodged, however, was certainly contemporaneous with
the construction phase of the building. Perhaps it used
to be a doorway to yet another heated room, which was
abandoned in a later stage and turned into a praefurnium. Alternatively, the niche was originally a schola
labri, which was then transformed into a small pool.
Unfortunately, the limited data does not permit a verification of this hypothesis. The basic restorations of the
70
As quoted by Barbera and Paris (1996) 148, n. 4.
mosaics should also be attributed to this later phase of
the baths. Simple marble slabs were inserted where the
tesserae had disappeared.71 In the second half of the 5th
c. or in the early 6th c., the baths were abandoned, as
was the domus north of it.72 Several statues were found
on the frigidarium floor. These were possibly stored here
after the baths fell out of use and did not necessarily
come from the bath itself. The presence of poorly-built
walls, typical for the 6th and 7th c., reveals that the baths
were reused for housing or industrial purposes at this
time.73
The Baths of Novatianus under Santa Pudenziana
During excavations in the 1930s, the remains of a bathhouse were identified underneath the Church of Santa
Pudenziana (map 5, nr. 9). On the basis of brick stamps,
the remains have been dated to the reign of Hadrian.74
71
72
73
74
Barbera and Paris (1996) 132, fig. 3 and 140, fig. 1.
Santagnelli Valenzani and Meneghini (1996) 173.
Santagnelli Valenzani and Meneghini (1996) 173; Meneghini
(1999) 172.
Krautheimer and Corbett (1967) 277–79 with anterior bibliography; for doubts about the interpretation as a bathhouse, see
Mulryan (2014) 29–30.
100
chapter 3
figure 14 Plan of the Baths under the Lateran Baptistery in Rome (top) and plan of the Lateran Baptistery (bottom), with a small pool
to its north
after Pelliccioni (1973) 60, fig. 93 and 94, fig. 136
101
Archaeological Evidence
A large basilical hall (9 × 27.5 m) was equipped with oval
cold pools, and should consequently be interpreted as
the frigidarium. The baths were probably remodelled
into a church at the turn of the 4th and 5th c., but it
cannot be ruled out that the baths ceased functioning in an earlier period and were reused as a Christian
meeting place without any significant modifications.75
According to the Liber Pontificalis, a church was already
built in the Novatian baths under Pius I (AD 142–155).76
Even if the archaeological evidence cannot confirm this
claim, the Baths of Novatianus are still the only known
example of a secular public building being reused as an
early Christian church in Rome.
The Baths under the Lateran Baptistery
Excavations underneath the Lateran baptistery (1960s or
1970s?) revealed the remains of a substantial bathhouse
(ca. 1500 m2, fig. 14 top), dated to the reign of Trajan on
the basis of brick stamps (map 5, nr. 10).77 Later renovations took place under Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and at
the end of the 3rd c. Under Constantine, the baths were
razed to the ground and a baptistery was constructed on
top of the remains (fig. 14 bottom). The sewers and the
water supply of the baths made an interesting argument
in the choice of the site. The southern piscina was also
reused to create the actual font. During the 4th c., the
chapel of San Giovanni Evangelista was created using
tubi fittili as a building material. A small room heated by
a hypocaust and tubuli was added north of the octagonal baptistery. The small pool, decorated with marble,
was interpreted by the excavators as a ‘winter baptismal
font’ or a reservoir of tepid water.78 It would be strange,
however, if a small pool, lodged in an angle of a room
and hence not fit for the rite of baptism, was preferred
above the sumptuous font. The lush marble decoration
and the internal steps make it highly unlikely that this
was a simple reservoir. They seem to indicate that this
small pool served as a heated bathing tub in which the
catechumen could wash before receiving the sacrament
of baptism.79 The combination of a baptistery with bath
rooms or even a bathhouse was not uncommon (see
below C27, Cuicul, Thamugadi, Tipasa).
The Lateran Baths
The bathhouse was discovered during construction
works on the Lateran hill, near the modern episcopal
complex (map 5, nr. 11). The structure partially reused
75
76
77
78
79
Krautheimer and Corbett (1967) 299–300.
Lib. Pont. I, 132.
The single most important source on the excavations is
Pelliccioni (1973).
Pellicioni (1973) 73–75 (later restorations), 86–87 (piscina as
font), 104–105 (tubi fittili), 106–17 (winter font).
See Augustine about bathing prior to baptism, Ep. 54.
some older walls that were dated by brick stamps to
the 2nd c. and the Severan period. The bathhouse itself
probably dates to the 3rd c.80 An inscription was dated
to the 4th c., which could point to a continued use of the
baths.81 The plan does not reveal any important alterations that can be linked to this later phase of use.
The Baths of the New Rinascente Mall
During the construction of a new shopping mall in the
centre of Rome on the junction between the via del
Tritone and the via Due Macelli in 2011, the remains of
a bathhouse were discovered (map 5, nr. 12). What appears to be a frigidarium had two semicircular piscinae
and a heated trilobate room, possibly the caldarium. The
trilobate design could point to a late antique phase of
the building.82
Private Baths
Although this research does not focus on private bathhouses and the difference between private and public
baths is often difficult to discern, it can be interesting
to give a brief overview of the private bath installations that have been attributed to Late Antiquity. The
‘privatization’ of the bathing habit has sometimes been
mentioned as a characteristic development of Late
Antiquity.83 Therefore, it is surprising that only a limited
number of private baths has come to light during excavations in a city such as Rome.
The Baths of the House of the Sette Sale are a clear
example of a private bath.84 The domus, built on top of
the large reservoirs of the Baths of Trajan, had a small
suite of bathing rooms that could only be accessed from
the interior of the house. The remains are dated to the
late 4th c.85 On the Caelian hill, a room with a hypocaust, tubuli and two semicircular alvei was interpreted
as part of a small private bath of a domus. The private
character was, however, only deduced from its size
and its location within a residential neighbourhood.
The bathing rooms were added to an existing domus
during the 4th c. and remained in use until at least the
5th c.86 The Baths under Palazzo Valentini, just north of
Trajan’s forum, were attached to a 3rd c. domus.87 At the
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
Colini (1944) 335 (construction date), 339 (brick stamps).
CIL 6.31394. Colini (1944) 338.
Unfortunately, the site was still under investigation at the time
of writing and no publication was available. For a comparison,
see the via della Foce baths in Ostia (C14).
Ward-Perkins (1984) 148; Sagui (1990b) 100.
Volpe (2000a) 161–62.
Cozza (1975) 92.
Carignani (1993) 502–505. These baths should not be confused
with the heated rooms mentioned by Pavolini ((1993) 447–48),
which should probably be interpreted as the heated rooms of
a private villa.
Gatti and De Spagnolis (1981).
102
chapter 3
table 1
Buildings in each of the regiones of Rome as presented by the Curiosum and the Notitia Regionum
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
thermae
2
0
2
0
0
2
0
balnea
86
85
80
65/75
75
75
75
lacus
81/87
65
65
71/78
74
73
76
insulae
3250
3600
2757
2757
3750
3403
3805
domus
120
127
60/160
88
180
146
120
streets
10
7
12
8
15
17
15
shrines
10
7
12
8
15
17
15
horrea
16
27
17
18
22
18
25
bakeries/mills
Circumference
20
12211/12219
15
16
15
15
16
15
12200
12350
13000
15600
15700
13300
turn of the 3rd and 4th c., the baths were enlarged.88 As
the total extent of the baths could not be determined, it
cannot be ruled out that these baths had street access
and were hence semi-public in use. Besides these confirmed examples, the baths on the via Ariosto, the forum
Romanum, near Santa Croce in Gerusalemme and near
Porta San Lorenzo may or may not have been part of a
private residence.
The archaeological evidence is supplemented by
written sources. Here, the Liber Pontificalis is especially informative.89 The archbishops of Rome sometimes donated a house with baths to a certain church.
The Titulus Equitii, located near Santa Maria Maggiore,
was given a ‘domum in urbe cum balneum’ (‘a house in
the city, with baths’) by Silvester (archbishop between
AD 314–335). Innocent I (AD 401–417) gave a similar
house to the Church of San Vitale and Sixtus III (AD 432–
440) gave a ‘domus cum balneum’ to the basilica of Santa
Maria Maggiore.90 Even if these baths were clearly a part
of the house, integrated into the general layout or as a
separate building that was connected to it (compare the
evidence from the Digesta in chapter 2), it is not certain
that these baths were for the private use of the owners
of the house. On the contrary, it seems likely that these
baths were open to the public.91 The baths could attract worshippers and pilgrims, while the generated income was probably a welcome financial support for the
titulus.92
Baths on the Forma Urbis Roma
Several bathhouses can be identified on the fragments
of the Severan marble plan. Four are marked with the
word balneum or balineum, while other buildings can
be recognized on the basis of their plan.93 The example
best known is the balneum Surae in regio XIII (map 4,
nr. 14). Besides the plan on the Forma Urbis, it is also
known through various literary sources.94 However, no
archaeological remains have been found. The balneum
Caesaris (FUR frag. 43ab), the balneum Ampelidis (FUR
frag. 47) and the balneum Cotidis (FUR frag. 48) are
known from Renaissance drawings of the now lost fragments of the FUR. The first has been identified as the
Domitianic bath of the imperial palace on the Palatine,
while the other two have not been located.95 Some fragments without an accompanying text have been identified as baths by the presence of apsidal rooms (FUR
frag. 377ab) or by a ‘Pompeian-type plan’ consisting of
a palaestra flanked by a suite of rooms (FUR frag. 330,
647). Only one of these baths could be located, in an insula south of the horrea Lolliana near the Testaccio hill.96
It has been proposed that these baths belonged to the
headquarters of a collegium or should be identified with
the balneum Tigillini mentioned by Martial.97
88
89
90
94
95
91
92
Baldassari (2008) 368.
Stasolla (2002a) 23–31; Hubert (2007) 128–32.
Silvester: Lib. Pont. 1.170–171; Innocent I: Lib. Pont. 1.221; Sixtus
III: Lib. Pont. 1.233.
Stasolla (2002a) 28.
Sagui (1990b) 100.
93
96
97
Staccioli (1961) 97–98. The numbers of the fragments used
throughout this book refer to the numbers of fragments as
found in Rodríguez Almeida (1981) and the revised version
of Stanford’s Digital FUR project (http://formaurbis.stanford
.edu/index.html).
Staccioli (1961) 94, n. 2.
The balneum Ampelidis was located in regio XIV according to
the Notitia regionum (see below).
Staccioli (1961) 98.
Mart. 3.20; see Rodríguez-Almeida (1995–1996). For the interpretation as collegium, see Staccioli (1968).
103
Archaeological Evidence
VIII
IX
X
XI
XII
XIII
XIV
0
2
0
0
1
2
0
86/85
63
60
15
63
44/60
86
120
120
3480
2777
2742/2642
89/90
20
80/81
89
180
2600
2487
2487
4405
130
140
89
88/89
113
130
150
34
35
20
21
17
18
78
34
35
20
21
17
18/17
78
18
25
48
16
27
35
22
20
20
20
16
25
20
24
14067
32500
11510
11500
12000
18000
33388
The Evidence for Baths in the Written Sources
The Notitia Regionum, also called the Notitia Romae, is a
late antique catalogue listing the most important buildings in the 14 regiones of the capital (table 1). There is
much debate about the meaning and date of this work.
A plausible theory connects the Notitia to the reforms
of Diocletian, with later additions under Constantine
and his sons.99 The main argument is that no Christian
monuments are listed and that there are still references to the barracks of the praetorian guard, which were
destroyed by Constantine. However, the inclusion of
Constantinian monuments means that a revised version
must certainly have been made.100 The list also existed in
a later version, called the Curiosum urbis Romae regionum XIV, which differed on some points from the Notitia.
It included the obelisk added to the Circus Maximus by
Constantius II (AD 357). The Breviarium is a short list
simply enumerating the different building types in the
capital (13 thermae and 856 balnea). The numbers do
not correspond to the sum of the buildings mentioned
in the Notitia or the Curiosum. This is probably because
some of the numbers in both of these works have been
altered during medieval copying.101 Later authors such
as Polemius Silvius (see above, chapter 2, p.53) or the
anonymous Syriac chronicler of AD 596 seem to have
used the Notitia and the Breviarium. The Syriac chronicler does not mention the thermae, but records 924 balnea in Rome.
The division of the city in 14 regiones was the work of
Augustus in AD 7.102 In the Notitia, we find a catalogue
of the most important buildings for each regio, followed
by the number of streets, shrines, vicomagistri (streetwardens), curators, insulae, domus, horrea, balnea, reservoirs and bakeries / mills (table 1). For each regio, the
circumference in Roman feet is also given. Although the
Notitia informs us in surprisingly great detail about the
urban fabric of late antique Rome, we should proceed
with caution when using it as a tool to reconstruct the
urban fabric. Firstly, the exact delineation of each regio
is unknown. The division was based on the Augustan
regiones, but through time each regio had grown and
its form was often irregular.103 A comparison between
regiones is also difficult, as the numbers given for the
different types of buildings does not give any indication
about their size. For example, the 65 reservoirs of regio
III could have contained the same volume as the 76 of
regio VII, depending on the size of the individual reservoirs. As mentioned above, the Breviarium also reveals
that some of the numbers in the Curiosum and Notitia
may have been altered.
For baths, both the Notitia and the Curiosum mention several buildings by name. In the plethora of balnea, we can assume that those mentioned by name were
98
99
100
101
102
103
In some cases, continued use can be ascertained by
consulting the 4th c. Notitia Regionum.98 The balneum
Ampelidis and the balneum Surae are mentioned for
regiones XIII and XIV respectively. If the identification
of the balneum Caesaris with the palace baths of the
Palatine is correct, we can propose that the baths in their
‘FUR-shape’ ceased to exist when they were transformed
under Maxentius. For the fragments without accompanying text and without known location, it is impossible
to find out if they had a late antique phase of use.
Foulché (2011); see below.
Nordh (1949) 60.
Nordh (1949) 60, 64.
Foulché (2011) 602.
Robinson (1992) 9–13.
Platner and Ashby (1929) 444–47.
104
chapter 3
somewhat exceptional.104 Perhaps they were the most
popular, the most luxurious or the most famous of a
regio. Alternatively, they could have had a specific topographical importance (centrally located, on crossroads,
on boundaries between regiones) or may have been
privately owned baths that came into imperial hands,
perhaps as a result of confiscation.105 Unfortunately,
the balnea mentioned in the Notitia are not known archaeologically or from the FUR.106 As the size of the different baths and the total surface of each regio cannot
be known, it is difficult to compare the regiones based
on the number of baths alone. The number of baths in
regio VIII (the imperial fora and the Campidoglio) seems
rather high (85) for a largely commercial and ceremonial
area.107 However, we do not know the size of the baths,
perhaps all very modest, nor do we know the 4th c. extension of this regio. A similar problem arises for the baths
in regiones IV to VII, all numbered at 75 balnea. Besides
the remarkable coincidence of this repeated number,
one could conclude that regio IV, which was smaller in
size according to the Augustan division, had proportionally more baths than the other regiones (ratio baths / size
of regio). However, regio VII had two large imperial thermae that could accommodate several thousand bathers
at a time, while the baths in regio V could, for example,
be larger than those in a densely populated regio VII.
If we consider the Notitia as a very schematized representation of the city, rather than as a reflection of an actual count of 4th c. baths, and as an internally coherent
document, we can attempt a very careful comparison
between the regiones.108 By calculating the percentage
of baths for each regio and by plotting these on a map
of the city with the regional divisions, we can get a schematized view of the spread of balnea as envisaged by the
composer (map 6). A comparison of the percentage of
baths with the percentages of other buildings and then
comparing the different regiones with each other can
lead to interesting results.
If we compare the share of baths with the share of
insulae for each regio, we can notice how a low number
104
105
106
107
108
Foulché (2011) 600–601.
Foulché (2013).
The only exception is the balneum Ampelidis, known from a
Renaissance drawing of the FUR (see above, p. 102). The fragment is too small to make any conclusions about size or topographical importance.
Foulché (2011) 604.
Already Fagan (1999a) 358, map A3. Some numerical values
such as the 75 balnea in the regiones IV to VII or the rounded
numbers of insulae or domus could underpin such a schematic intent (Fagan (1999a) 357). Alternatively, they could point to
adjustments made by the copyists of the text, for example to
complete lost or illegible parts of the text (Foulché (2011) 604).
of insulae did not necessarily mean that the regio had
a low number of baths. For example, regiones XII and
XIII only had 5.6% of the total number of insulae, but
had an average number of balnea (resp. 6.5% and 6.2%).
Regiones with slightly more insulae, such as X (6.3%)
or XI (5.9%), had a lower of share of balnea (resp. 4.6%
and 1.6%). If we compare the number of baths for
each regio with the number of domus, we can notice
how the regiones with the lowest number of baths (X
and XI) also had the lowest number of domus. Perhaps
a considerable number of these private houses had
private bath suites, making public baths less popular.
Nevertheless, such a hypothesis cannot be applied for
other regiones, for which a high number of baths (e.g.
IV) existed for a low number of domus. The fact that the
Notitia does not differentiate between publicly and privately accessible balnea blocks any further exploration
of this hypothesis.109 The number of reservoirs for each
regio is proportional to the number of balnea. The only
important differences are seen in regiones VIII to X and
XII to XIV, which can perhaps be explained by a higher
demand for water in the city centre in order to supply
the large public buildings, fountains and nymphaea. We
should again stress the odd number of exactly 120 reservoirs in the regiones VIII and IX, which could point to
interference by the copyist.
Baths Known from Ancient Authors and Inscriptions
Several baths in Rome are only known through passages in ancient texts. In the SHA (see above, chapter 2),
the thermae Septimianae and the thermae Severianae are
mentioned, but their actual location within the city remains problematic.110 The thermae Falerianae are known
from an inscription on a statue base, yet the name cannot be linked to archaeological remains.111 The thermae
Olympiadis and the thermae Salusti or Salustianae are
known from Early Medieval Passiones and itineraries.112
The smaller balnea known by text are numerous and
none have been linked to archaeological remains (see
the entry ‘balneum’ in the LTUR 1 for an overview). It is interesting to notice that the names of most of these baths
seem to refer to the proprietor (or the initial patron), e.g.
109
110
111
112
Even if we assume that all the balnea of the notitia and the
curiosum were open to the public (Foulché (2011) 609–610),
there is no way of telling if these privately owned baths were
stand-alone buildings or incorporated into the house. For this
kind of semi-private, semi-public baths, see below, chapter 4,
p. 207.
Tortorici (1994).
CIL 6.29806. See Di Stefano Manzella (1999) 58–59.
De Spirito (1999a) 62–63; De Spirito (1999b) 63–64; De Spirito
(1999c) 63–64.
105
Archaeological Evidence
map 6
The number of balnea (B) and thermae (T) in each region of Rome according to the Curiosum /
Notitia
plan by the author after Fagan (1999a) 358, Map A3
the balneum Claudianum, the balneum Claudii Etrusci
or the balneum L. Domiti Primig(eni), known from an inscription on a lead entrance-tessera.113
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context
The Forum Romanum and the Lower North Slope
of the Palatine
At the start of the 4th c., the monumental centre of
the city was still restored and expanded. After a fire in
AD 283, Diocletian undertook a large-scale renovation
113
Balneum Claudianum: CIL 6.29767; balneum Claudii Etrusci:
Mart. 6.42; Stat. Silv. 1.5; balneum M. Domiti Primigeni:
Rostovtseff (1903–1905) 895.
program. On the forum Romanum, the basilica Iulia and
the curia were restored to their former glory. A column
was also erected in honour of the emperor.114 The portico south of the temple of Vespasian was restored in AD
367 by the praetorian prefect. East of the well of Iuturna,
which was still in use, the statio aquarum (‘office of the
aqueducts’) was embellished with statues, one dating
from the reign of Constantine and one of AD 328.115 One
of the largest buildings near the forum, the basilica nova,
was constructed on the command of Maxentius, but finished under Constantine. The former also restored the
114
115
Giuliani and Verduchi (1995) 342.
CIL 6.37121; 36951.
106
chapter 3
temple of Venus and Rome and dedicated a small round
temple to his prematurely deceased son Romulus.116
His successor and rival Constantine transformed it
into a temple of Iupiter Stator.117 The house of the
Vestal Virgins was in use until at least AD 380, the date
of the last dedicatory inscription by the virgo vestalis
maxima.118 After the ban on ‘pagan’ sacrifices by
Theodosius (AD 394), the building was probably reused
as offices for the imperial administration. The temple of
Saturn was still repaired in the late 4th c.119
By the 5th c., we should assume that the classical
temples had lost their original religious function. In
fact, no attestations of restoration have been found.
Nevertheless, they still very much shaped the visual
landscape of the forum. The roof of the basilica Aemilia
collapsed after a fire in the early 5th c., perhaps to be
linked to the sack of AD 410, but there is no secure evidence that the building was restored afterwards.120 An
inscription by an urban prefect records the restoration
to the rostra after a battle against the Vandals in AD 470.
At the eastern end of the Via Sacra, the so-called Baths
of Elagabalus (C24) were constructed in the first half
of the 5th c. The small baths (C26) located between
the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina and the Temple
of Romulus may also date from this period. These baths
do not seem to have belonged to private houses. Both
had street entrances, pointing to at least a partial public
use. They may have belonged to a certain (mercantile)
association that was active on the forum. The construction of a bathhouse near the forum had had a long tradition in the Roman empire.121 In the case of late antique
Rome, these small baths seem to have been built on private initiative.
During the 6th c., some Christian structures had
found their way to the forum. The Church of Santa
Maria Antiqua was built behind the Temple of Castor
and Pollux.122 The rectangular structure behind the
Temple of Romulus, actually belonging to the Temple of
Peace, was transformed into the Church of San Cosmas
e Damiano and incorporated the round temple as an
entrance.123 At the end of the century, the ‘Baths of
Elagabalus’ fell out of use. The House of the Vestals was
still in use during the 6th c., although its specific function cannot be determined.124
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
123
124
Coarelli (1995c) 170–73; Ziemssen (2010).
Coarelli (2008) 107.
Coarelli (2008) 104.
Coarelli (1999) 235.
Lipps (2013) 115–16.
See the number of ‘Forum baths’ in Nielsen (1993b).
Zanotti (1996) 214–16.
Episcopo (1993) 324.
Johnson (2012) 110.
The last monument to be erected on the forum was
a statue of Phocas (AD 608) placed upon on older column. The curia was transformed into the Church of
Sant’Adriano.125 Similarly, part of the basilica Iulia
was reused to construct the Church of Santa Maria in
Cannapara. The Church of Santa Martina was commissioned by the archbishop Honorius I in AD 625.
The Imperial Fora and the Temple of Peace
Even if no bathhouses were found in this part of the city,
the economic and political heart was still very much
alive until at least the 5th c. The Forum of Caesar was
restored by Diocletian and its tabernae again in the
5th c.126 The Forum of Trajan was still in pristine condition when Constantius II visited Rome and was still
admired by Cassiodorus in the 6th c.127 The bibliotheca
Ulpia was still used for recitals in the early 7th.128 The
promulgation of laws continued until at least AD 451
and several statue bases dating from the first half
of the 5th c. were also found.129 At the end of the 5th
and certainly during the 6th c., the fora lost their original function, but still remained important symbolical
centres.130 The Temple of Peace was out of use by the
time of Procopius.131
The Palatine
The Palatine remained the seat of power, even
though Constantine moved the imperial court to
Constantinople.132 His predecessor Maxentius had
equipped the palace with a bathhouse overlooking the
valley of the Circus Maximus.133 The small baths (C23)
built inside a cryptoporticus along the Scala Caci reveal
the continued activity in this area in the 4th c. From the
5th c. onwards, there are signs of abandonment.134 At a
time when Rome was under threat, it is no surprise that
an area which had mainly been used for the old classical
religion and for the now absent imperial court was not a
focus of restoration and reinvestment. The large sanctuaries fell out of use. The Temple of the Magna Mater and
the Temple of Elagabalus were abandoned and reused
as burial ground, while parts of the domus Tiberiana fell
into decay.135 Theoderic, however, still restored parts
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
Coarelli (2008) 62.
CIL 6.1718; Morselli (1995) 301.
Cassiod. Var. 7.6.1. On the visit of Constantius II: Amm. Marc.
16.15.10.
Packer (1995) 349.
Coarelli (2008) 147.
Delogu (2000) 88; Coates-Stephens (2006) 300.
Procop. Bell. 6.21.
Papi (1999c) 35.
Manderscheid (2012).
Papi (1999c) 35.
Augenti (2000) 46.
107
Archaeological Evidence
of the imperial palace, while the Church claimed more
control over the Palatine during the 6th and 7th c.136 An
ecclesiastical complex from this period was probably
equipped with a (private) bath as John VII took up residence on the Palatine and housed a part of the papal
administration here during the 8th c.
The Valley of the Colosseum and the Esquiline
The Arch of Constantine near the Colosseum was
erected by the Senate of Rome to commemorate the
emperor’s victory over Maxentius at Milvian Bridge
and his decennalia. It demonstrates the continued importance of the area, especially as a location to communicate imperial propaganda to the people.137 The
Colosseum itself was restored in the 4th and 5th c.
and venationes continued to be showed until at least
AD 520.138 It is not surprising that the Baths of Titus and
the Baths of Trajan were also kept in good order during the 4th and 5th c. During the 6th c. however, both
bath complexes and the Colosseum fell out of use. At
the end of the century, warehouses belonging to the
Church had been constructed inside the amphitheatre.139
To the north of the Baths of Trajan, the rich domus on
the Sette Sale reservoir had been equipped with a private bathhouse in the 4th c. From the time of Silvester
(AD 314–335), the titulus Equiti (modern San Martino
ai Monti) was located ‘iuxta termas Domitianas’ (sic).140
In the 5th c., the titulus Eudoxiae (modern San Pietro
in Vincoli) was built west of the Baths of Trajan. East
of the Colosseum, the titulus Sancti Clementi (modern
San Clemente) is recorded in the literary sources from
the late 4th c. onwards.141 It was built on top of a 3rd c.
mithraeum. The titulus of Santi Marcellino e Pietro, towards the Lateran, is known from the reign of Siricius
(AD 384–399). Under Symmachus (AD 498–514), the
Church of Santa Lucia was built on the ruins of the
porticus of Livia.142
The Valley of the Circus Maximus and the Forum
Boarium
No bathhouses were found in regio XI, although the
Notitia Regionum mentions 15 balnea.143 The area was
still very popular in the 4th c., as a quadrifons was erected
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
Augenti (1999) 39–40.
Coarelli (2008) 200–203.
E.g. CIL 6.1763; 32094; Cass. Var., 5.42. See Rea (1993) 31–32.
Rea (1993) 32.
Lib. Pont. 1.170.
Guidobaldi (1993) 278–79.
Panella (1999) 128.
This is the lowest number of bathhouses recorded for any of
the 14 regiones in Rome. Note that we do not know the exact
delimitations of the regiones described in the Notitia.
on the forum Boarium under Constantine.144 The titulus
Anastasiae already existed in the 4th c. and was restored
in the 5th. The Ara Maxima, erroneously called the statio annonae, was restored in the 4th and 5th c., before
being incorporated into the Church of Santa Maria in
Cosmedin (6th c.). The spina of the Circus Maximus was
equipped with a second obelisk under Constantius II
(AD 357).145 In the 7th c., the Church of San Giorgio in
Velabro was built under Leo II (AD 682–683).146
Regio I
None of the 86 balnea or the two thermae mentioned
in the Notitia Regionum have been found so far.147 For a
regio with allegedly the highest number of baths, this is
rather surprising. The fact that in the regio with the second highest number, Trastevere (XIV), there is the same
discrepancy between archaeology and written sources
could point to the modest size of these balnea and their
limited chances of survival in the archaeological record.
Just as Trastevere, regio I was an area of modest housing.
The Baths of Caracalla, built on the fringes of this regio,
were meant to fill in a thermae-void in a densely occupied quarter of the city. The titulus Crescentianae (modern San Sisto Vecchio) already existed by the end of the
4th c.148 The Church of San Giovanni near porta Latina
was presumably built at the end of the 5th c.149
Regio II
The temple of Divus Claudius was still mentioned in the
Notitia and probably continued to shape the summit of
the Caelian hill for the centuries to come.150 The large
domus in the neighbourhood continued to be inhabited
in the 4th c.151 Some were even expanded and equipped
with private baths (see above, p. 101–102). The titulus
Pammachi (modern Santi Giovanni e Paolo) was built in
the 4th c. upon a 2nd c. house with private baths. Under
Constantine, the Castrum novum equitum singularium,
housing the mounted guard of the emperor, was destroyed and replaced by the first ecclesiastical complex
within the city of Rome. The location on the Lateran
was not without symbolic significance, as the Basilica
Salvatoris was built upon the barracks of the equites singulares who had sided with Maxentius. Other Christian
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
Coarelli (2008) 419.
According to Amm. Marc.17.4.12–16.
Coarelli (2008) 419.
The thermae mentioned in the Notitia must have been of a
modest size. We should repeat that the term did not necessarily imply a large structure (see above, chapter 1).
Johnson (2012) 128–29 (with anterior bibliography).
Hansen (2015) 224–25.
A 13th c. papal bull still speaks of the clausuram Clodei (see
Platner and Ashby (1929) 120–21).
Pavolini (2000) 147–48.
108
chapter 3
buildings such as martyria were built on the periphery, as the emperor probably did not want to upset the
‘pagan’ elite and plebs.152 During the construction works
of the Basilica Salvatoris, a separate baptistery was constructed on top of an old bathhouse, reusing parts of
the pools and building materials. Across the street, the
Lateran baths may have been used throughout the 4th
c. The titulus Aemilianae (now Quattro Santo Coronati)
was created at the turn of the 4th and 5th c. The Church
of Santo Stefano was erected in the second half of the
5th c.153
Regio V
Constantine was credited with the construction of
the basilica of Santa Croce, but the archaeological evidence seems to indicate a mid-4th c. date for the oldest
remains.154 It is possible that the Constantinian phase
only pertained to a small chapel that has not been
identified.155 The imperial palace that perhaps once
incorporated the amphitheatre was enlarged. Helena,
mother of Constantine, restored the baths near the
Porta Maggiore (hence the name Baths of Helena).
Along the Aurelian Wall, north towards Porta Tiburtina,
the so-called ‘Temple of Minerva Medica’ was possibly a palace built during the reign of Maxentius or
Constantine. Just outside the walls, a late antique bathhouse was discovered under the modern porta San
Lorenzo. A new bathhouse, perhaps belonging to a large
house, was also constructed during the 4th c. in the
area of the modern via Ariosto (C25). The baths under
the piazza dei Cinquecento may have been out of use
by the 4th c. Nevertheless, the Notitia still mentioned 75
balnea for regio V. The Christian influence in its urban
fabric also became apparent with the Church of Santa
Pudenziana (late 4th c.), built upon the remains of the
Baths of Novatianus, the titulus Eusebii (5th c., modern
Sant’Eusebio), Santa Bibiana (5th c.) and a church ‘iuxta
Macellum Liviae’ under Liberius (AD 352–366), which
would be enlarged to become the Basilica of Santa Maria
Maggiore in the middle of the 5th c.156
Regio VI
In AD 306, the largest thermae ever to be built in the empire, the Baths of Diocletian (C21), were inaugurated on
a site formerly occupied by private residences and a temple precinct. The regio was obviously densely populated
152
153
154
155
156
Reekmans (1989) 865–66.
Lib. Pont. 1.249; Brandenburg (1999) 373–77.
Lib. Pont. 1.179. See Coarelli (2008) 272.
Episcopo (1996a) 28.
Cecchelli (1996) 217–18; Hansen (2015) 223.
during the 4th c., as the thermae of Constantine (C22)
were built only some 750 m to the south of Diocletian’s
Baths. The Notitia mentions 75 balnea in addition to
these two thermae. The baths discovered along the modern via del Tritone may have been one of these, although
it is unclear if they belonged to regio VI or VII (see
above, p. 101). The Temple of Serapis was still mentioned
in the Notitia. Close to the Baths of Diocletian, the titulus Cai (now Santa Susanna) was instated somewhere in
the 4th c; the titulus Vestinae (modern San Vitale) also
dates from the 4th c., but was restructured at the beginning of the 5th.157 After Alaric took the city in AD 410,
his Gothic troops chose the Quirinal to set up camp
and erected a small church, modern Sant’Agata dei
Goti, the only Arian church foundation to have survived
in Rome.158
Regio VII
The Notitia mentions 75 balnea for this part of town,
although possibly only one has been identified. The
baths of the new Rinascente mall on the modern via
del Tritone may have been in use in Late Antiquity
(see above, p. 101). On the location of the modern Church
of San Marcello al Corso, a titulus may have existed in
the 5th c.159 The titulus Santi Apostolorum was inaugurated by Pelagius (AD 556–561) to commemorate the victory of Narses over the Goths.160
Regio IX
The Notitia still mentioned the most important public
buildings and temples. The Baths of Nero and the Baths
of Agrippa were still in use, the latter probably until
the late 5th c. (see above, p. 95–97). Excavations of the
Crypta Balbi revealed how the public function of certain
buildings gradually shifted towards a more industrial
sphere.161 Except some tituli along the Via Lata, there
seems to have been no important ecclesiastical buildings in the 4th and 5th c. The titulus Marci (modern
San Marco Evangelista al Campidoglio) was presumable built at the foot of the Campidoglio hill in the early
4th c. The titulus Damasi (modern San Lorenzo in
Damaso) was founded in the late 4th c. and expanded
during the 5th. It was built over a mithraeum. In AD 609,
Phocas gave the Pantheon to the Church.162
157
158
159
160
161
162
Milella (1996) 387–88; Zanotti (1995) 371.
Cartocci (1993) 24–25.
Episcopo (1996b) 211.
Lib. Pont. 1.303; Cecchelli (1999) 84–86.
Manacorda (1993) 328.
Titulus Marci: Reekmans (1989) 867; Titulus Damasi:
Richardson (1992) 285.
109
Archaeological Evidence
Regio XII
The mainly residential quarter was still known for its
large domus in the 4th c. (see Notitia). One of these was
transformed into a church during the second half of the
4th c. (modern Santa Balbina).163 The nearby Baths of
Caracalla continued to service the area until the 6th c.,
when the aqueduct supplying it fell out of use and the
building seems to have become ecclesiastical property
(see above, p. 97). The site became a burial ground for
a nearby xenodochium (modern Church of SS Nereus
and Achileus). There are no traces of the 63 balnea mentioned in the Notitia.
Regio XIII
According to the Notitia, the most important temples
on the Aventine still existed. The Baths of Decius were
probably in use until the early 5th c., while the balneum
Surae may have fallen out of use in the 4th c. The titulus of Aquila and Priscilla (modern Santa Prisca) dates
from the 5th c. and was constructed on a mithraeum.164
The Church of Santa Sabina was constructed in the 5th
c. over the ruins of a private house near the Temple of
Iuno Regina.165 The significant deposition of amphorae
on the Testaccio hill had ceased by the end of the 3rd c.166
Regio XIV and the Ager Vaticanus
Little is known about the residential units and the commercial infrastructure such as horrea in the Trastevere
regio during Late Antiquity. The titulus Callixtus (modern Santa Maria in Trastevere) was one of the oldest
locations in Rome where Christians could celebrate
Mass (4th c.).167 The titulus Caeciliae was built over private domus in the 5th c.168 The titulus Santi Chrysogoni
(modern San Crisogono) also dated back to the 4th c.169
In the valley of the Vatican, the first basilica of St. Peter
was constructed in the 4th c. on the location were the
apostle himself was presumed to be buried.170 From the
86 balnea mentioned in the Notitia, not one is known
through archaeological remains.
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
Episcopo (1993a) 155.
Zanotti (1999) 162–63.
Episcopo (1999) 221–23.
Rodríguez-Almeida (1984) 118.
Pronti (1996) 219–20.
Parmegiani and Pronti (1993) 206–207. The identification of
a hypocaust and wall heating near the baptistery of the titulus has often been used to corroborate the story of Caeciliae
who had supposedly died in her bathhouse (Mulryan (2014)
33). However, the absence of pools makes the interpretation
as a bathhouse problematic, as many late antique houses had
heated rooms.
Reekmans (1989) 871.
Coarelli (2008) 484–85.
Late Antique Baths and the Water Supply
The water distribution in ancient Rome was more abundant than it is today. Frontinus, 1st c. curator aquarum of
Rome (superintendent of aqueducts), mentions 9 large
aqueducts, several of which had separate branches with
separate names. The reconstruction of each aqueduct
and its branches within the city is problematic, as the
archaeological remains are dispersed and difficult to
attribute to the right name. Furthermore, according to
Frontinus, the water of different aqueducts often arrived
in large reservoirs and cisterns, from which the water
was distributed to various parts of the city.171
Most of the large aqueducts still seem to have been
in use in the 4th c.172 The Aqua Alexandrina, supplying water to the Baths of Nero and to the Field of Mars,
was restored in the 4th, 5th and even 6th c.173 The
Aqua Claudia, supplying large parts of the city, was restored under Maxentius, while its caption points were
reinforced under Arcadius and Honorius.174 The Aqua
Virgo, supplying the Baths of Agrippa among others,
was restored under Constantine and today still supplies
water to some of Rome’s landmarks, including the Trevi
fountain, the ‘Barcacia’ of the Spanish Steps and the
Fountain of the Four Rivers on piazza Navona.175 The
Aqua Alsietina (formerly the Aqua Augusta), supplying
mainly Trastevere, was in use in the 4th and 5th c., as can
be deduced from the passages in the Notitia Regionum
and Polemius Silvius. The latter author also mentions
several other aqueducts: the Aqua Anena (or Ania) and
the Aqua Damnata with an unknown distribution, the
Aqua Iulia with its wide distribution, the Aqua Marcia
and the Aqua Traiana (mainly Trastvere). Procopius
also recounts how the latter was cut by the Goths during the siege of AD 538, yet an inscription records the
subsequent restoration by Belisarius.176 The restorations of the aqueducts under Byzantine rule is, however,
problematic, as there are fewer literary sources and the
repairs are more difficult to discern.177 Yet, parts of the
Aqua Marcia were still restored under Adrian I (AD 772–
795). An Aqua Drusia, possibly part of the Anio Novus,
was also mentioned in the 8th c. De montibus et aquis
Urbis Romae.178
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
The Aqua Iulia supplied water to regiones II, III, V, VI, VIII, X
and XII. Some 17 castella distributed the waters to the different
regiones (Cattalini (1993) 67).
Coates-Stephens (2003a) 165.
Caruso (1993a) 60–61.
CIL 9.4051. See Mari (1993) 63–64; Aicher (1995) 42.
CIL 6.31564. La Pera (1993) 72–73.
Procop. Bell. 5.19; CIL 11.3298.
Coates-Stephens (2001a); Coates-Stephens (2003a) 172; CoatesStephens (2003b) 419.
Palombi (1993a) 66.
110
chapter 3
The water supply was a fundamental concern for the
rulers in Rome, whether it was the emperor, the Senate,
the military commander or later the pope. However, the
continued use of most aqueducts during Late Antiquity,
at least until the Gothic siege of the mid 6th c., does not
necessarily mean that all aqueducts functioned all the
time. As studies on the Aqua Antoniniana have shown,
there were periods during which the water supply was
interrupted. If such a scenario unfolded, the baths depending on these aqueducts may have fallen out of use
(as recorded for the Septimian Baths, see chapter 2,
SHA). Alternatively, they may have closed down certain
‘water-consuming’ parts such as the frigidarium with its
large piscinae and natatio, as argued by DeLaine for the
Baths of Caracalla (see above, p. 97n59). New branches
could also have been constructed to counter any water
shortage. This is what may have happened when the
Aqua Mercurii was built, possibly to supply a bath which
was still known in the 8th c. as the balneum Mercuri.179
Alternatively, the baths may have been temporarily out
of use, waiting for the aqueduct to be repaired (e.g. EI28). It is difficult to demonstrate the direct link between
the abandonment of a bathhouse and the decline of a
specific aqueduct. For the large (imperial) baths supplied by a separate branch (e.g. the Baths of Caracalla,
the Baths of Diocletian, the Septimian Baths), the destruction of this branch could definitely spell the end,
even if continued use on a much smaller scale cannot
be excluded. For the smaller baths, the abandonment
of a certain aqueduct may have been less dramatic, as
the water supply often depended on several aqueducts
supplying one large reservoir. The destruction of these
smaller branches and additional pipes, which are even
harder to trace in the archaeological record, was probably much more problematic for these baths.
Ostia
Concise History of the Urban Fabric
The foundation of Ostia is much debated, as the location of the earliest settlement is not known. The literary sources such as Livy attributed its foundation to
the fourth king of Rome, Ancus Marcius (642–617 BC).180
However, the oldest archaeological evidence dates back
to the 4th c. BC.181 Some small finds and some architectural elements from the 6th and 5th c. BC were not
related to any structures, but could point to an earlier
settlement. The first structural remains pertain to the
179
180
181
Palombi (1993b) 69.
Livy 1.33.9.
Pavolini (2006) 20.
so-called castrum, the old city centre that resembled
the layout of a Roman military camp. The oldest nucleus of the city was located at the location of its imperial
forum.182 In other words, the forum was the centre of
civic life from the earliest period onwards. Its construction date has been placed in the 5th or more probably
the 4th c. BC. Therefore, it seems that Ostia was founded
as a coastal colony to defend the mouth of the Tiber.
Between the 4th and the 2nd c. BC, Ostia had an important military role as a naval basis. With the diminishing threat of Carthage after the Second Punic War
(218–201 BC), the harbour transformed into a commercial hub, especially for stockpiling grain for Rome.183
Around 130–100 BC, Ostia had its own magistrates. In
the power struggle between Octavian and Marc Antony,
Ostia sided with the future emperor, probably because
he protected the city’s commercial ties with the west.184
During the Principate, Ostia enjoyed a time of peace and
prosperity. The theatre, with the adjacent ‘piazzale delle
corporazioni’ (square of the corporations), was built
during the reign of Augustus.185 Several horrea along
the eastern part of the decumanus maximus, such as the
horreum of Artemis (V, XI, 8) and the large horreum (II,
IX, 7), also date from the 1st c. AD. Under Tiberius, the
aqueduct bringing water from the Monti di Acilia was
constructed. The enormous cisterns under the later
Baths of Neptune date from the reign of the same emperor. They were partially fed by ground water and
mainly by the aqueduct.186 The oldest known public baths (terme delle provincie, see below, p. 113) were
constructed right next to it. Another bathhouse, in the
insula of the Invidious (see below, p. 113), was constructed somewhat later and confirms that the water supply of
the city was augmented. Furthermore, the urban expansion did not stop at the Sullan walls, with rich domus,
such as the domus fulminata (III, VII, 3) of the 1st c. AD,
found outside the Porta Marina.187
Several emperors undertook major building programs, the most important of which were carried out
under Domitian, Trajan, Hadrian and the Severans.
Under Domitian, large portions of the city were raised
by almost 1 m to enable the construction of large multistorey apartment blocks.188 From the reign of Claudius
onwards, a new harbour town called Portus was created
directly to the north of Ostia, taking over much of its
commercial and distributive functions. Ostia, however,
182
183
184
185
186
187
188
Calza (1953) 63–77 and fig. 19 (location castrum).
Meiggs (1960) 27.
Pavolini (2006) 24.
Calza (1953) 116.
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 248–49.
Calza (1953) 121.
Pavolini (2006) 32–34.
111
Archaeological Evidence
map 7
General plan of Ostia with the location of baths (blue) and main roads (red)
plan by the author after Pianta generale di Ostia, version 2014
remained an important trade centre and probably served
as a residential town for the citizens running Portus.189
The majority of the insulae along the via della Foce were
built under Trajan. Large horrea (I, XIX, 4) were also
constructed in this quarter close to the harbour.190 This
was linked to the important investments in the harbour
facilities of Ostia and Portus. The quarters outside Porta
Marina were also developed. In the city centre, the new
curia west of the forum was one of the most important
additions. The acqua traianea mentioned in an inscription was probably a new branch of the existing aqueduct,
reaching the newly built neighbourhoods.191 Several new
baths were also constructed, mainly privately-owned establishments (map 7). However, the thermae of Porta
Marina (see below, p. 117) are an example of imperial
benefaction. Under Hadrian, the city within the Sullan
walls witnessed its largest expansion. The forum was reorganized, with a new temple—the Capitolium—built at
its northern end with spacious porticoes along its sides.
North of the forum, along the cardo maximus heading
towards the Tiber, an entire new neighbourhood was
developed, including apartment blocks and horrea. The
south-west part of town was transformed into a residential area, the ‘case a Giardino’ (‘houses with gardens’; III,
IX) being an example of such a new housing project. In
all regiones, large multi-storey apartment blocks with
tabernae on the ground floor were erected.192 The different collegia built their own assembly halls (scholae) and
the rich elite invested in the construction of bathhouses
(see below, p. 130). The construction of the city’s second
imperial thermae, the Baths of Neptune (see below, p.
119), was also started.
Under Antoninus Pius, the urban programme was
brought to completion. Large apartment blocks, such
as the so-called ‘palazzo imperiale’, were expanded and
embellished and some new scholae were constructed.193
The most conspicuous addition to the city-centre’s public buildings were without doubt the Baths of the Forum,
Ostia’s third thermae (see below, p. 124–125). The diffusion of oriental cult sanctuaries, especially mithraea,
also started around AD 160.
At the end of the 2nd c., Commodus seems to have
paid special attention to Ostia. Large horrea were built
near the Porta Romana and the theatre was restored.
The city was even renamed Colonia Felix Commodiana
for a short period of time.194 Under the Severan dynasty, its commercial infrastructure was kept in good use
and even expanded. The piazzale delle corporazioni
was reorganized and new scholae were erected. Several
bathhouses, both publicly and privately owned, were
189
190
191
192
193
194
Meiggs (1960) 90.
Calza (1953) 123–24.
CIL 14.4326. Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 253.
Pavolini (2006) 34–35.
Pavolini (2006) 36.
Pavolini (2006) 36.
112
chapter 3
restored (see below). The newly laid out Via Severiana
points to the importance of the coastal zone and the
connection with other harbour towns north and south
of Ostia. During the 3rd c., building activities in the city
centre seem to have come to a halt. The so-called ‘round
temple’ was the last large public monument built within
the Sullan nucleus of the city.
During the second half of the 3rd c., some central
horrea and large insulae were abandoned. The Baths of
the Swimmer (see below, p. 115) and the caserma dei vigili (station of the city’s watch men) fell out of use and the
piazzale delle corporazioni probably lost its commercial
function.195 Even if these changes seem to point to an
‘urban crisis’ in the 3rd c., we must remember that large
parts of Ostia’s suburban quarters remain unexplored.
The decay of the old centre may have been the result of
a shift in focus towards the periphery. At the beginning
of the Tetrarchy, renewed building activity (or interest?)
in the city centre put dilapidated buildings to new use,
e.g. the Baths of the Philosopher (see below, p. 126–128).
Newly Built Late Antique Baths
Most of the newly built late antique baths seem to
date from the 4th c. (C7, C8?, C9, C10?, C11, C12?), a period of continued prosperity in Ostia, especially under
Constantine and his successors. With the exception of
the Byzantine Baths (C13), the new baths were rather
small, with a total surface not exceeding 500 m2. With
some of the larger baths in Ostia still in use until the
5th c. (see below) perhaps there was no real need for
large and expensive thermae. Alternatively, a new large
bathhouse may have been built in a new and as yet unexcavated part of town. It is also difficult to identify the
patron who commissioned the construction. In the absence of building inscriptions, the stamps on lead pipes
can sometimes name the patron. The water supply of the
small baths west of the ‘palazzo imperiale’ (C7) seems to
have been paid for by the praefectus urbi and his wife.
However, we cannot conclude that the pipes belonged
to the original construction phase, and thus if the bath
itself was commissioned by the same people. Decorative
elements such as mosaics can also hint at the ownership
of the bath. The Baths of Musiciolus (C9), with its mosaic depicting athletes and their trainer, may have belonged to some type of organisation or collegium.
Most of the new baths were constructed within a preexisting building, reusing the former walls in an obvious
effort to save on construction materials and man hours
(C8, C9, C10, C11, C12?, C13). The availability of water supply, e.g. the well near the Baths in the Horreum (C8) or in
the Baths of Musiciolus (C9), could have been an extra
advantage. The insertion of baths within older buildings
could point to a pressure on the intra-urban building
space, with some quarters being especially attractive
for commercial purposes, such as the tract along the Via
Severiana (see below, p. 135–137). The limited building
plot, defined by the pre-existing buildings, also limited
the layout of the late antique baths (C8, C9, C10, C11,
C12?, C13). All the basic bathing rooms had to fit within
a predefined space, often prompting the architects to
opt for simple linear or angular schemes with basic rectangular rooms. It should be noted, however, that there
was a persisting preference for semicircular and round
forms, such as apses and pools, even if this was not
the most suited form to fit within a limited (and often
rectangular) space (e.g. the east alveus of C8, the large
piscina of C9). The heated rooms with adjacent service
corridors would have been located near a street or alley
to facilitate fuel supply (C7, C8, C9, C10, C11). It is important to note that there are always several heated rooms,
even if the available building plot was limited.
Most of the decorative schemes in the new baths
made use of marble. Both in the cold and heated rooms,
the floors, the inside of the pools and the lower parts
of the walls were covered with marble slabs. Most of
this veneer was lost in later phases, making it difficult
to determine whether these slabs had already been reclaimed (spolia). Given the widespread practice of spoliation during antiquity, it is highly likely that a lot of the
marble slabs used to embellish the late antique baths
were spolia of older buildings. The mosaics were either
geometric in design (C13) or depicted marine fauna and
athletes (C9). For the former, large tesserae of precious
stone (serpentine, marble) were used to create colourful patterns imitating opus sectile (see Gazetteer, fig. 63).
The use of moulded stucco and paintings for the upper
parts of the wall cannot be verified, as none of the late
antique baths were preserved to a sufficient height and
none of the available excavation reports mentions these
forms of decoration.
The heating systems of the new baths still relied on the
traditional hypocaust system, consisting of square pillars made out of superimposed terracotta tiles, covered
with large bipedales and topped with layers of hydraulic
mortar. The walls were still heated by tubuli, although
the dimensions of these seem to change. Whereas the
tubuli of the High Empire measure (internally) 9–10 cm
(width) by 5–6 cm (depth) by 33–34 cm (height), a new
type of broader box tile was introduced somewhere in
the 4th c.196 The broader type measures 11–13 × 7–8 ×
37–38 cm and was used in baths dating to the 4th c. or
later, and in baths that have a 4th or 5th c. restoration.
195
196
Pavolini (2006) 62.
Maréchal (forthcoming).
113
Archaeological Evidence
The number of furnaces in the caldarium is often equal
to the number of alvei. Separate furnaces used only to
heat the room are rare, the only case being the caldarium
of the Baths at the Via Marciana-Via Severiana junction.
The restricted size of the heated rooms only necessitated a single furnace working on a limited fuel supply.
This observation brings us back to the hypothesis that
the heated rooms may have been reduced in size to keep
down fuel costs. As most of the newly built baths seem
to have been privately owned, a small heated section
with a low fuel cost may have been a deliberate choice
to keep a lid on the expenses. This does not mean, however, that keeping down the fuel costs was a deliberate
strategy to maximize profits. In contrast to our modern
economic perception, the primary purpose of running
a bathhouse was not to make profits, but acquiring the
esteem of fellow citizens. The low admission fees attested in literature and inscriptions support this idea.197
Keeping the baths breaking-even would have made a
bathhouse very ‘successful’ in the eyes of the proprietor.
Some of the small alvei seem to have been heated by a
type of testudo. The holes in their floors point to the phenomenon called ‘Beckenausbruch’ in modern research:
the metal semi-cylindrical containers were torn out to
be recuperated. However, for these small alvei, the small
brick-built parallel walls that lined the furnace and supported the testudo are absent. Perhaps a type of semitestudo might have been used, consisting of only a metal
plate in the bottom of the pool, lying directly above the
furnace.198
The water management followed the same strategies
as in previous centuries. Larger baths relied heavily on
the aqueduct, often in combination with stored rainwater or ground water. In late antique baths, water reservoirs were not part of the complex and lay some distance
away (e.g. C11, C13, C14).199 A decrease in the water supply does not seem to have been a problem for Ostia (see
below, p. 130), as frigidaria were often equipped with
large piscinae. The small single-person pools that are
often found in the frigidaria of late antique baths must
have had a special use, as they are constructed next to
the larger piscinae for communal use (see below, chapter
4). If we look at the baths of the High Empire, we notice
that such small piscinae were added from the 3rd or 4th
c. onwards (e.g. the Baths of Neptune, the Baths of the
Coachmen, the Baths of the Invidious, the Baths of the
Trinacria, the Baths of Mithras). The size of the alvei is
also restricted. This is in line with the general decrease in
size of heated rooms. Alvei are often found in pairs in the
197
198
199
Nielsen (1993a) 131–35.
Maréchal (2017) 182–84.
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 144.
caldarium, with at least one of them being semicircular.
Their narrow steps could not be used as a bench, suggesting they were used for quick dips rather than to linger in. Besides the decrease in the size of the hot rooms,
the preference for curves and semicircular forms has
often been mentioned as one of the most characteristic
elements of late antique baths. The waste water disposal
was ensured by the sewer network running underneath
Ostia’s main streets. In most of the baths, the sewage
channels of the baths seem to connect to these street
sewers (e.g. C10, C11, C13?, C14). For some of the small
pools in the heated rooms, no outlet could be identified
(e.g. C9, C10, C11, C13, C14). The fact that the bottom of
many of these pools were damaged when the testudo
or semi-testudo was torn out probably masks the type
of drain that once enabled the emptying of the pools.
Perhaps a tap in the (semi-)testudo would have acted as
an outlet, having the additional advantage that it could
clean away the remaining ashes.200
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths
The Baths of the Provinces
The oldest bathhouse found in Ostia to this day dates
to the reign of Claudius.201 The remains found under
the via dei Vigili only comprised parts of the cold room.
A splendid black and white mosaic with an emblema
of 4 dolphins and with representations of 8 provinces
gave the structure its name. The large reservoir (II, 4, 2)
under the palaestra of the Baths of Neptune was probably constructed to supply water to these baths and other
public and commercial facilities in the neighbourhood
of the harbour.202 The baths were abandoned during the
reorganisations of Domitian.203
The Baths of the Invidious (V, V, 2)
The Baths of the Invidious (fig. 15) have been dated
to the middle of the 1st c. on the basis of the opus
reticulatum used to construct the walls, while tile
stamps attest important restorations during the reign of
Antoninus Pius. The mosaics are typical for the first half
of the 3rd c.204 As no excavation report was ever published, it is impossible to discover when the baths fell
out of use. However, the small piscina in the form of a
quarter-circle cuts through the 3rd c. mosaic and hence
seems a later addition (fig. 16). The reorganisation of the
caldarium (3 on fig. 15), during which the eastern alveus
200
201
202
203
204
Maréchal (2017) 185.
Bloch (1953) 220.
Bukowiecki et al. (2008) 69.
Pavolini (2006) 61.
Pavolini (2006) 222.
114
chapter 3
figure 15
Plan of the Baths of the Invidious in Ostia (Italy)
after Calza et al. (1953) pl. I
figure 16 Baths of the Invidious in Ostia (Italy), small pool in the frigidarium seen from the west
photo: author, April 2014
115
Archaeological Evidence
figure 17
Plan of the Baths of the Swimmer in
Ostia (Italy)
after Medri (2013) 61, fig. 1.23
was sacrificed for an apsidal wall, may also belong to this
last phase.
The Baths of the Swimmer (‘Terme del Nuotatore’;
V, X, 3)
The Baths of the Swimmer (fig. 17) are the only baths
in Ostia that have been excavated systematically. The
majority of the work was carried out in the 1960s and
1970s and the results have been published in a number
of Ostia-volumes and several articles.205 The baths were
built in the late Flavian period (AD 80–90) and subsequently altered under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius.
However, the baths fell out use in AD 230–250 when the
entire neighbourhood seems to have been in decline.206
It is interesting to notice that during the second restructuration phase (AD 120–160), a small heated basin was
added to the tepidarium (fig. 17). During the third rebuilding phase (AD 160–170), a small pool was added to
the frigidarium (fig. 18).207
205
206
207
The final volume is Panella and Rizzo (2014), with anterior
bibliography.
Medri (2013) 42–63, 66–68.
Di Cola (2013) 160 (tepidarium pool), 166–67 (frigidarium
pool).
The Baths of Buticosus (I, XIV, 8)
On the basis of tile stamps, the construction of the baths
can be dated to the reign of Trajan, while a first restoration seems to have taken place in the middle of the
2nd c. Furthermore, the black and white mosaic representing a certain Epictetus Buticosus can be dated to
the beginning of the 2nd c. Wall paintings with garden
scenes are dated to the 3rd c., but no evidence of later
use was found. However, the neighbourhood was still
very much alive in the 4th c., as the famous domus of
Amor and Psyche (I, XIV, 5) was built in this century and
was still in use during the 5th.208
The Baths of the Six Columns (IV, V, 11)
The baths (fig. 19) can be dated to the reign of Trajan
by tile stamps and seem to have been built upon earlier
houses. Some restorations took place under Antoninus
Pius.209 The excavations of the 1930s and 1940s did not
result in any publication, although no decorative evidence points to a late antique use of the building. In
208
209
Following the chronology in Pavolini (2006) 123–24.
Bloch (1953) 226; Mar (1990) 62.
116
chapter 3
figure 18 Baths of the Swimmer in Ostia, small pool of the frigidarium seen from the east, scale is 50 cm
photo: author, March 2015
the hall with the 6 columns, a thin, poorly constructed
wall delimited an area between the tepidarium and the
western row of columns (fig. 20). In the north-west corner,
a recess was hewn out of the wall to lodge 8 rows of tubuli
belonging to the type (int. dim.: 7 × 12 × 38 cm) that can
only be found in baths with a late antique phase of use.210
These tubuli could point to a 4th c. phase. Furthermore,
the construction of the ‘heat lock’ in the hall is reminiscent of similar late antique additions in the Baths of
Neptune and the Baths of the Lighthouse (see below, p.119
and p.126). It seems that the doorway between the heat
lock and the tepidarium was also pierced at this time.
The Baths of the Christian Basilica (III, I, 3)
The baths are dated to the Trajanic period, when most
of the neighbourhood was built in a recognizable opus
testaceum. The building remained in use throughout
the 2nd c. and was embellished with mosaics in the 3rd.
At the end of the 4th c. or in the early 5th, the heated
section was destroyed when a Christian building of unknown function, wrongfully called a Christian basilica
in earlier research, was built.211 It is unlikely that the
baths remained fully operational after the construction
of the ‘basilica’, as the heated rooms were all destroyed.
figure 19 Plan of the Baths of the Six Columns in Ostia (Italy)
with the small heat lock in (1)
after Nielsen (1993b) 92, fig. 64
210
211
Maréchal (forthcoming).
Following the chronology in Heres (1980) 88, 94–95.
117
Archaeological Evidence
figure 20 Baths of the Six Columns in Ostia (Italy), heat lock seen from the north
photo: author, March 2015
However, the continued use of the cold section of the
baths cannot be ruled out.
The Baths of Porta Marina (‘Terme della Marciana’;
IV, X, 1)
The large bathhouse built near the ancient shore line
can easily be labelled as an imperial thermae (fig. 21).
It was probably built on the initiative of Trajan, but
was only finished under his successor Hadrian. The tile
stamps, found out of context, are all of Trajanic and
Hadrianic manufacture.212 An inscription recorded the
restoration of the thermas maritimas, the original Latin
name of the complex, in AD 375–378 (EI-18). The large
thermae were still in use during the 6th c., as tile stamps
dating from the reign of Theoderic were found.213 The
nature of these interventions is difficult to interpret, especially as a thorough investigation of the remains is still
a desideratum. The polychrome marble mosaic floor of
the frigidarium dates to Late Antiquity, most probably
to the renovations in the 4th c.214 It was made with large
212
213
214
Bloch (1953) 226. We should remember, however, that bricks
and tiles may have been used long after their manufacture
date, due to the large stocks that were sometimes acquired for
large-scale building projects.
Pavolini (2006) 180.
Olevano and Russo (2001) 566; Pensabene (2007) 228–32.
tesserae of precious stone (marble, serpentine), just as
in the Byzantine Baths (see C13). In the caldarium, the
westernmost alveus changed its form, from a rectangular to an apsidal shape, possibly during the 4th c. restorations (in 3 on fig. 21). During the last phase of use of
the caldarium, the tubuli were of the broad type. Several
marble statues, including examples of Trajan’s sister
Marciana and of Hadrian’s wife Sabina, were found in
and around the baths.215
The Baths of the Coachmen (‘Terme dei Cisiarii’;
II, II, 3)
The Baths of the Coachmen (fig. 22) were built during
the Hadrianic period on top of an abandoned commercial complex. Trenches made under the frigidarium confirmed the construction date that had been proposed on
the basis of the mosaics. Tile stamps reveal that the complex was restored in the second half of the 3rd c.216 Small
excavations in the 1970s revealed that there were at least
4 different phases of use, judging from the 4 floor levels in the frigidarium.217 In the last phase, the black and
white mosaic that can still be seen today was repaired
215
216
217
Pensabene (2007) 226.
Carinci (1974) 563. For the tile stamps: Bloch (1953) 219.
Archivio Fotografico di Ostia, Inv. 12008, R1429.
118
figure 21 Plan of the Baths of Porta Marina in Ostia (Italy)
after Nielsen (1993b) 67, fig. 94
chapter 3
119
Archaeological Evidence
figure 22
Plan of the Baths of the Coachmen in Ostia (Italy)
after Calza et al. (1953) pl. I
with marble slabs. The small room (1) with an apsidal
ending that connected the frigidarium (F) with the large
tepidarium (2) was a later addition and is reminiscent
of the similar room added to the hall of the columns in
the Baths of the Six Columns (see above, p. 115–116). The
small single-person pool in the north-east corner of the
caldarium (3) was an even later element, as its walls were
built in opus listatum (fig. 23). These baths were probably still in use during the 4th c. After the abandonment,
two lime kilns were constructed within the building.
The Baths of Neptune (II, IV, 2)
The large thermae (fig. 24) were commissioned by
Hadrian, but finished under his successor Antoninus
Pius (AD 139). Apparently, the new emperor had to cough
up an additional sum for the completion and the adornment (with marble) of the baths.218 Tile stamps confirm
the general chronology and reveal that the caldarium
was restored at the beginning of the 4th c.219 The excavations, carried out in the 1910s left no published records.
Small-scale excavations in the 1960s and 1970s revealed
218
219
CIL 14.98.
Bloch (1953) 220–21.
the original layout of the cold rooms.220 The late antique modifications are difficult to discern. The mosaics
of a large rest room north-east of the frigidarium depicted figures and symbols that may have had Christian
connotations (fig. 25), perhaps proposing a late 3rd or
early 4th c. date.221 Similarly, the abandonment of the
original cruciform caldarium probably occurred during
restoration works under Diocletian or Constantine. A
smaller caldarium, with two new rectangular alvei, was
constructed in the earlier sudatorium. The hypocaust
and the tubuli were also renewed.222 The addition of a
transit room between the frigidarium and the tepidarium is again reminiscent of similar rooms in the Baths
of the Coachmen and the Baths of the Six Columns (see
above, p. 117 and p. 115–116). A small oval basin lodged in
the western doorway between the frigidarium and the
hall with the mosaic of Neptune was also added at a late
date (4th c.?).
220
221
222
Archivio Fotografico di Ostia, Inv. 11561, R982; Inv. 11562, R992.
Pavolini (2006) 60.
Heres (1979) 35–37.
120
chapter 3
figure 23 Baths of the Coachmen in Ostia (Italy), small basin in the caldarium seen from the south
photo: author, March 2014
The Baths under the Forum of the Heroic Statue
(I, XII, 2)
The baths, of which little is known, were built in the
Hadrianic period and reorganized during the Severan
period.223 Recent excavations under the forum revealed
that the baths were probably destroyed by fire at the end
of the 3rd or the early 4th c.224 The bathhouse was then
razed to the ground and filled in with the destruction
debris. The layer was dated by ceramics and coins to the
early 4th c.225 A second bathhouse, probably independent of the one described above, may have existed north
of the Forum of the Heroic Statue. One of the rooms,
which can still be identified in the cassegatio della cisterna (I, XII, 4), was octagonal in plan with 4 semicircular
niches in its corners.
The Baths of Mithras (I, XVII, 2)
The baths (fig. 26), named after a statue of Mithras
in the mithraeum found in the service corridors west of
the complex, were built during the reign of Hadrian and
restored in Severan times using a specific type of wall
construction and Tuscan marble capitals.226 The plan
was altered and the original caldarium fell out of use in
the early 4th c.227 The original tepidarium was equipped
with a large semicircular pool and a small single-person
pool. The large piscina was probably filled in and replaced by a smaller square pool on the opposite side of
the room. In the late 4th c., the northern part of the baths
was transformed in a Christian building, the function of
which is still debated.228 The northernmost room was
equipped with a large apse in opus listatum and another
semicircular construction, perhaps a presbyterium, in
its centre. Christian monograms on the pillars have inspired researchers to interpret the building as a church
(fig. 27), with the small unheated basins of the former
baths used as baptisteries.229 However, the Christian
decorative elements do not necessarily point to an ecclesiastical building. Symbols such as the Chi-Rho were
often used as expressions of imperial power. The fact that
226
223
224
225
Lavan (2012) 668; quoting an oral communication by excavator A. Marinucci.
Gering (2014) §16.
Lavan (2012) 671.
227
228
229
Bloch (1953) 219 (on the basis of tile stamps); Nielsen and
Schiøler (1980) 151, esp. n. 17.
Heres (1982) 433.
Nielsen and Schiøler (1980) 152; Heres (1982) 433.
Nielsen and Schiøler (1980) 152; Mar (1990) 41; Pavolini (2006)
126.
121
Archaeological Evidence
figure 24 Plan of the Baths of Neptune in Ostia (Italy), with the 4th c. walls highlighted in red
after Calza et al. (1953) pl. I
the northern apse cut off a public street may also point
to an intervention (authorized) by civic authorities. The
blocking off of (minor) public streets could also point to
an insula in the hands of a rich owner and demarcated
his ‘property’.230 The ‘Christianisation’ of part of the
building does not imply a subsequent abandonment of
the baths, as the Church often possessed bathhouses.231
The literary evidence from the Liber Pontificalis in Rome
can be mentioned in this context (see above, p. 102).
The Baths of the Trinacria (III, XVI, 7)
The baths have been dated by tile stamps to the early
reign of Hadrian (AD 120), when the entire quarter of
the city was built. During the Antonine period, the hypocaust system was restored and the mosaics of the heated
part were laid.232 The neighbourhood was still inhabited
in the 4th c., as the nearby Serapeum and the House of
Bacchus and Arianna were reorganized at this time.233
Evidence for a 4th c. phase of the baths is difficult to
identify. Some doorways were blocked up by a type of
rubble concrete, while the mosaic floor was repaired
230
231
232
233
Gering (2010) 97.
DeLaine (2006) 340.
Bloch (1953) 225; Pavolini (2006) 136.
Pavolini (2006) 133.
122
chapter 3
figure 25 Drawings of the late antique mosaics in the Baths of Neptune in Ostia (Italy)
after Becatti (1961) fig. 17
with large tesserae of the type used in the Byzantine
Baths. The small square piscina in the frigidarium was
constructed by blocking off a doorway or a niche with
opus listatum (fig. 28). A niche above the western alveus
of the caldarium also made use of opus listatum. A kiln
was constructed at a late date in the southern water
reservoir.
The Baths of the Seven Sages (III, X, 2)
The structure in which the baths were lodged was constructed slightly later than the adjacent building of
Serapis during the reign of Hadrian.234 The original plan
of the baths in this period is unknown, except for the
234
Bloch (1953) 224; on the basis of tile stamps.
123
Archaeological Evidence
probably coincided with the transition to a new and
powerful owner.236 The mosaics and the wall paintings
of the bathing rooms confirm this chronology.237 Only
a small latrine in opus listatum to the north-east of the
round frigidarium seems to have been added at a late
date (3rd c.?).238 Even if these baths were constructed
within a commercial or residential building, the access
may not have been restricted to inhabitants as the baths
were accessible from public roads both to the north
and south.239
The Baths on the Via di Iside (IV, V, 6)
The complex was excavated in the first half of the 20th c.,
but the results still await publication. A re-examination
of the remains in 2007 by Alfredo Marinucci was unfortunately not followed by a publication. The type of
opus testaceum could point to an Antonine construction
phase. Without any excavation data, it is impossible to
discover when the baths fell out of use.
The Baths by the Sullan Wall (Former ‘Terme Maritime’;
III, VIII, 2)
Small-scale excavations between 1968 and 1971 revised
the Severan construction date proposed by the excavations at the beginning of the 20th c. The baths were
probably built in Hadrianic times and remained in use
until the 5th c. Tile stamps suggest that important restoration works took place around AD 210 in the western
section of the baths.240 The heated rooms were also reorganized.241 Wall paintings suggest new restorations
as late as the 4th c.242 Some opus listatum walls can be
seen in the cold section. After the abandonment of the
baths in the 5th or 6th c., two kilns were constructed inside the baths and several burials were also found in the
praefurnium.243
The Baths of the Palazzo Imperiale
The ‘palazzo imperiale’, a large apartment block that
was mistakenly identified as an imperial palace by the
excavators in the 1850s, dates from the Hadrianic period.
The bathhouse was added in AD 145–150 and can be
236
figure 26 Plan of the Baths of Mithras in Ostia (Italy)
after Heres (1982) 428, fig. 77
cruciform caldarium to the south. It was abandoned
during the Severan period, when a new suite of bathing
rooms was constructed.235 The expansion of the bathing complex into the commercial space of the building
235
Heres (1992) 99.
237
238
239
240
241
242
243
Heres (1992) 108. The circular room, which was equipped with
a pool in a later phase, may have been part of a commercial
complex such as a macellum (Heres (1992) 91).
Heres (1992) 85; Pavolini (2006) 140.
Heres (1992) 103.
Mar (1990) 45.
Bloch (1953) 222; Veloccia Rinaldi (1974) 563.
Pavolini (2006) 170.
Veloccia Rinaldi (1974) 654.
The kiln in a room east of the southern piscina is documented
in the Archivio Fotografico di Ostia, Inv. 11174, R 613–616. The
burials can be seen on Inv. 11505, R 926 and Inv. 1538, A 1538.
124
chapter 3
figure 27 Baths of Mithras in Ostia (Italy), alleged church in the northern part of the baths seen from the south. Stele with ChiRho sign
on foreground
photo: author, March 2015
compared to the Baths of the Seven Sages.244 The baths
are still under investigation, so questions of chronology
are still unresolved. It seems that some restorations were
carried out during the 3rd c. and perhaps later. There is
evidence for the blocking up of doors and the reuse of
marble slabs in the caldarium.245
The Forum Baths (Also ‘Terme di Gavio Massimo’;
I, XII, 6)
The Baths of the Forum are the largest and most luxurious thermae in Ostia (fig. 29). Their construction was
been dated to the reign of Antoninus Pius by an inscription, which also mentions repair works under Marcus
Aurelius.246 Tile stamps have further specified the construction date to AD 160 and also revealed that the baths
were restored in the Severan period and in the 4th c.
Several dedicatory inscriptions, some of which are still
displayed on site, confirm the 4th c. phase.247 An inscription on an architrave on the entrance mentioned
the praefectus annonae of Rome restoring the marble
decoration in AD 385–389.248 Late antique interventions
figure 28 Baths of the Trinacria in Ostia (Italy), small pool in
the frigidarium seen from the north. Opus listatum
blocking a pre-existing niche or door
photo: author, March 2014
244
245
246
247
248
Bloch (1953) 225–226.
Spurza (1999) 135–38.
CIL 14.376.
Bloch (1953) 217; Pensabene (2007) 273.
CIL 14.4718.
125
Archaeological Evidence
figure 29 Plan of the Forum Baths in Ostia (Italy)
after Nielsen (1993b) 95, fig. 69
concern both the cold and heated rooms. The large
northern piscina in the frigidarium was given an apsidal ending in the 4th c. (dated by tile stamps), while
the marble floors were renewed by making use of spoliated slabs.249 The principal entrance on the via della
forica was closed off.250 The bathers now accessed the
baths through a vestibule in the south-western corner.
The decoration of the caldarium and tepidarium 1 can
be dated to the early 4th c. The figurative capitals of the
tepidarium and the Corinthian capitals of the caldarium
are especially characteristic for this period (fig. 30).251
The walls of the caldarium, the sudatorium and exittepidarium were heated by the broad type of tubuli. In
the latter, recesses were cut out of the southern wall to
lodge these box tiles (fig. 31). The last evidence of activity
inside the bathhouse is dated by a dedicatory inscription
of the 5th c.252 A recent re-examination of the palaestra
has revealed continued building activity during the 4th
249
250
251
252
Bloch (1953) 218 (stamps); Pensabene (2007) 273 (spolia).
Marinucci and Cicerchia (1992) 138.
Pensabene (2007) 275.
CIL 14.5387.
and possibly the 5th c. During the first excavations, several statues were found, including the head of a 4th c.
prefect. The multitude of statues dating from different
periods was perhaps the result of collecting statues from
different locations in the baths. It seems that the palaestra square was put to new use, more as an annex of the
forum than as a sporting ground for the bathers.253
The Baths of Silenus (IV, IX, 1)
The bathhouse, located along the Via Severiana and facing the sea, is still under investigation by the University
of Bologna. The preliminary results point to a construction date in the second half of the 2nd c. The piscina
was filled in during Late Antiquity and covered with a
new opus sectile floor, which was in turn spoliated in the
7th or 8th c. The ceramics and coins found in the filling
of the pool date to the early 4th c.254 Perhaps the baths
were transformed into a private residence somewhere in
the second half of the 4th c.
253
254
Lavan (2012) 656–64, 687.
David (2013) 706–707; David et al. (2014) §13.
126
chapter 3
figure 30 Forum Baths in Ostia (Italy), late antique Corinthian columns from the fourth heated room seen from the south
photo: author, April 2014
The Baths of the Lighthouse (‘Terme del Faro’; IV, II, 1)
The baths were part of an insula and were probably privately owned (fig. 32). The first phases of the building,
according to tile stamps and inscriptions on lead fistulae,
seem to date from the reign of Marcus Aurelius.255 The
emperor’s daughter Cornificia may even have owned the
baths for a period of time. The mosaics and wall paintings, however, point to an early 3rd c. phase (reign of
Caracalla). The names of the members of the senatorial
aristocracy, such as Valerius Faltonius Adelfius or Anicia
Italica, incised on the plumbing, point to a continued
use of the baths in the early 5th c.256 The late antique
phases can be recognized in the blocking up of doors
with opus listatum and the use of a broad type of tubuli
in the sudatorium (3 on fig. 32). The rows of box tiles are
separated by vertical sherds, just as could be seen in
the late antique repairs of the tubuli in the Baths of
the Forum (fig. 31). A remarkable feature of the plan is the
small frigidarium (1) with its own small piscina and the
heat lock separating the tepidarium from the frigidarium
(F). The main entrance was flanked by a taberna.
The Baths of the Philosopher (V, II, 7)
The Baths of the Philosopher (fig. 33) lie in a neighbourhood that was particularly active in Late Antiquity. The
figure 31 Forum Baths in Ostia (Italy), recess with tubuli in the
south wall of the exit-tepidarium
photo: author, March 2014
255
256
Bloch (1953) 226; Pavolini (2006) 206.
AE (1954) 180; Pavolini (2006) 206.
Archaeological Evidence
figure 32 Plan of the Baths of the Lighthouse in Ostia (Italy)
after Nielsen (1993b) 94, fig. 68
figure 33 Plan of the Baths of the Philosopher in Ostia (Italy)
after Nielsen (1993b) 96, fig. 71
127
128
chapter 3
figure 34 Baths of the Philosopher in Ostia (Italy), small pool at the beginning of the heated section seen from the east, scale is 50 cm
photo: author, March 2015
pool, just as in the semicircular pool to the north of it,
are too narrow to be used as a bench (between 10 and
13 cm, measurements by the author). Even if the excavations of 1939 did not leave us any hard evidence for
a continued use in the 4th c., it is very probable that
the baths were still in use, at least at the beginning
of the century.
adjacent House of the Fortuna Anonaria (V, II, 8) to the
north was expanded and embellished in the 4th c., while
the House of Protirus (V, II, 4–5) to the south was enlarged in the late 3rd c. and continued to be inhabited
in the 5th.257 The baths were constructed inside Trajanic
warehouses and shops and a Severan temple.258 When
the latter was destroyed in the second half of the 3rd c.,
the bathhouse was constructed. The western part, however, opening onto the Semita dei Cippi street, retained
its commercial function. The baths may have served a
specific group, perhaps a collegium. The hypothesis that
the baths belonged to a philosophic school is based solely on the find of a Neo-Platonic portrait in the courtyard
of the baths.259 The plan has already some of the elements that will be characteristic for late antique baths:
a prominent frigidarium with two different piscinae,
a single-person pool at the start of the heated section
(fig. 34), a limited number of (small) heated rooms and
a preference for apsidal or semicircular pools. The oval
piscina shows resemblances to the circular pool of the
domus of the Dioscuri (see below). The steps to enter the
Private Baths
The Baths of the House of the Dioscuri
There has been much debate concerning the domus
of the Dioscuri in Ostia. Some scholars believe that
the complex is not a domus, but rather the seat of a
collegium.260 Others maintain that the complex is a large
residence, which paid exceptional attention to the reception of guests.261 The presence of a sizeable bathhouse
has been mentioned in favour of a non-residential interpretation. However, the fact that the baths were only
accessible from inside the building points to a restricted,
non-public use. Important reorganisations of the building are dated by the mosaics to the 4th c.262 According
257
258
259
260
261
262
Pavolini (2006) 215–19.
Boersma (1985) 120–26.
Boersma (1985) 137.
Subias Pascual (1991) 111–21.
Pavolini (2006) 166.
Subias Pascual (1991) 71.
129
Archaeological Evidence
figure 35
Plan of the baths on the Isola Sacra (‘Terme di
Matidia’) near Ostia
after Veloccia Rinaldi (1974) tav. III
to Thea Heres, the construction technique of the walls of
the baths point to an early 5th c. date.263
Even if a detailed description is not necessary in
the framework of this study, it is worth noting that the
frigidarium was equipped with both a large apsidal (4 ×
3.5 m; 1.2 m deep) and a small oval piscina (1.8 × 1.5 m;
1.2 m deep; measurements by Subias Pascual).264 The
latter could only accommodate one person at a time and
must have had a specific function (see below, chapter 4).
The internal steps were too narrow (averaging 10 cm) to
be used as a bench, so the pool could not have been ideal
for sitting and lingering.
not be confirmed that it still functioned as a bathhouse.
The quarter of the pons Matidiae was still occupied in
the 7th c.267
Baths on the Isola Sacra
The Isola Sacra is the stretch of land between Ostia and
Portus, enclosed by a branch of the Tiber (north), the
Tiber itself (east and south) and the sea (west). Excavations between 1972 and 1974 uncovered a commercial
zone around a Roman bridge crossing the Tiber.265
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context
At the beginning of the 4th c., the most important public
buildings and temples were still in use. The theatre was
restored, the large thermae and the smaller baths still
functioned and the city was embellished with several
new fountains, nymphaea, and exedrae. Some regiones
seem to have been more active in Late Antiquity than
others. The area north of the decumanus maximus, especially the multi-storey apartment blocks and the horrea, were abandoned by the early 4th c. In the area south
of the forum and towards the porta marina and porta
Laurentina, several large houses were built. Several (secondary) streets were blocked, perhaps pointing to some
sort of ‘ghetto-building’ in which important patrons
fenced off a specific quarter of the city from the public
streets and cargo transport.269 The decisive parameters
for these different patterns of continuity were most likely the presence of the important traffic arteries, social
hubs and economic activity centres.
Bathhouses were often built near important traffic
arteries, such as the decumanus or the cardo maximus,
as these roads ensured a good visibility for the throngs
The Baths of Matidia
A bathhouse was identified in one of the insula that was
aligned with the road leading up to the bridge (fig. 35). It
seems that the oldest phase of the building dates to the
2nd c. (opus mixtum), although it is unclear whether it
already functioned as a bathhouse at this time.266 Late
antique elements in the building can nevertheless be
discerned: the large tesserae mosaic of the side entrances of the main hall and the small pools added to the original plan in the heated section. The multi-coloured glass
tesserae, some of them gilded, probably belonged to wall
mosaics of this last phase. Small finds such as coins suggest the building was in use in the 6th c., although it can-
263
264
265
266
Heres (1982) 477–85, esp. 485.
See Subias Pascual (1991) 53–56; de Haan (2010) 150–52.
Veloccia Rinaldi (1975).
Pavolini (2006) 279; Pensabene (2007) 464, 540 contra Veloccia
Rinaldi (1975) 33.
The Baths under the Basilica of San Ippolito
Some 100 m south-east of the Baths of Matidia, a basilica
for the martyr Hippolytus was constructed at the end of
the 4th c. Excavations in the 1970s revealed the existence
of an older bathhouse on the location of the later basilica. However, the baths had already been abandoned
before construction work on the basilica started, as early
4th-c. graves were found within its walls.268
267
268
269
Veloccia Rinaldi (1975) 30–35.
Pani Ermini (1979) 245–46.
Gering (2010) 94.
130
map 8
chapter 3
Public baths in Ostia in relation to the main aqueducts (green), public spaces (red) and new Christian buildings (yellow) at the
end of the 4th c.
plan by the author after Pianta Generale di Ostia, version 2014
of people passing by (map 7). This strategy was adopted
in imperial times and was continued in Late Antiquity.
The decumanus maximus, connecting the porta Romana
with the forum, was still the centre of civic investment,
with new fountains and plazas built along its course.
Public monuments, such as the theatre and the Baths
of Neptune were restored in an effort to keep some of
Ostia’s prestige alive. The same goes for the forum and
the Forum Baths, which were at the core of Ostia’s public
life. A similar strategy can be discerned for the other important roads. The baths along the via della Foce (Baths
of Mithras, Baths of the Trinacria, Baths of the Seven
Sages) were possibly kept in good use and a new bathhouse (Baths on the via della Foce, C14) was built. This is
even clearer along the Via Severiana, where several small
(privately owned) baths were constructed (Baths on the
Via Severiana , C11, Baths on the Via Marciana C10, Baths
of edificio b, Baths of Musiciolus C9). In this case, the
late antique baths act as an indicator for the growing
importance of the road. Encroachment upon streets
(e.g. the Baths of Mithras, the Baths of the Forum) can
be interpreted as a reorganization of the road network,
as a sign of a weakened civic authority regulating public space, or as the result of wealthy citizens ‘buying up’
parts of the public space.
A second important element in the construction or
repair of a bathhouse, seems to be the water supply (map
8, 9). The presence of a branch of the aqueduct was important, which in its turn was linked to the importance
of the road. The baths along the decumanus maximus
(e.g. the Baths of Neptune) definitely benefitted from
the water supply channel running underneath it. The
fact that Ostia’s aqueduct survived into Late Antiquity
certainly accounts for the survival of the thermae and
the larger balnea. At the same time, large roads were also
equipped with sewers for disposing of the waste waters
of the baths.
The proximity of other social hubs, such as the forum
or the theatre, certainly played an important role in
restoring old or constructing new baths (map 8, 9). In
areas where large crowds of people could be expected, a bathhouse was always near (Baths of the Forum,
Baths of Neptune near the theatre). In Ostia, the old city
centre continued its central role into Late Antiquity. It
would be interesting to discover new late antique focal
points (churches, fora) and examine if new baths were
constructed in the immediate vicinity (e.g. the Baths of
Musciolus near the synagogue?).
Regio I
The area of the forum was still the centre of the political
and social life in the 4th c. (map 10a). The most important bath complex in the neighbourhood, the sumptuous Forum Baths (or of Gavius Maximus), were repaired
131
Archaeological Evidence
map 9
Public baths in Ostia in relation to the main aqueducts (green), public spaces (red) and Christian buildings (yellow) at the end
of the 5th c.
plan by the author after Pianta Generale di Ostia, version 2014
and decorated with new marble elements. North of these
imperial thermae and along the decumanus maximus,
the so-called Forum of the Heroic Statue—probably a
macellum—was created at end of the 3rd c.270 For its
construction, two different bathhouses, one to the south
and one to the north, were razed and filled up.271 To the
east of it, a large exedra closed off the Semita dei Cippi
road (see below, regio V). On the other side of the decumanus, a new semicircular nymphaeum was constructed.272
Some of the apartment blocks east of the forum were still
inhabited, although most were abandoned at this time.273
To the west of the forum, a large trapezoidal nymphaeum
was built at the start of the via della foce.274 The Baths of
Buticosus may already have fallen out of use by the 4th c.,
even if there was still some building activity in the
neighbourhood, with the sumptuous domus of Amor
and Psyche built just a few metres to the north-west. The
Republican temple of Hercules was even adorned with
a new statue by the praefectus annonae in AD 392–394.275
Restorations were undertaken in the Baths of Mithras,
adding a layer of Christian veneer to existing structures.
270
271
272
273
274
275
Gering (2014) §13.
Lavan (2012) 668.
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 194–95; Lavan (2012) 680–81.
Pavolini (2006) 90–91.
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 195–96; Lavan (2012) 681–85.
Pavolini (2006) 120.
It is not known whether the baths still functioned or
if the building was put to a new use. Some 70 m to the
west, the new baths on the via della foce (C14) were
built, perhaps to fill in the void left by the decay of one
of the other baths. The entire part of the via della foce
between the baths and the nymphaeum was closed off
for traffic at the beginning of the 4th c., and the street
was subsequently transformed into a promenade with
lavishly decorated shops and fountains.276 The baths of
the ‘palazzo imperiale’ may have been abandoned at the
end of the 3rd c. A small bathhouse discovered nearby
(C7), however, points to a continued occupation of
the area.
Until recently, the literature on Roman Ostia stopped
at the end of the 4th c.277 Subsequent phases were summarized as an agonizing death struggle of a city in decline. Even the ‘barbarian’ invaders, such as Alaric, did
not even bother to conquer the city, preferring nearby
Portus instead.278 Thanks to recent investigations of the
forum area by a British-German team (the Kent-Berlin
Late Antique Ostia project, 2008–2013), combining noninvasive techniques (georadar, laser scanning, aerial
276
277
278
Gering (2010) 104.
Calza (1953) 155–63; Meiggs (1960) 89–90; Pavolini (2006)
38–39.
Heather (1996) 148.
132
chapter 3
MAP 10A
Regio I in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that were newly built or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 14, general plan
1: Forum
2: Forum of the Heroic Statue
3: Exedra
4: Round Temple
5: Domus of Amor and Psyche
6: Forum Baths
7: Baths of Buticosus
8: Baths of Mithras
photography) with detailed stratigraphic excavations,
late antique Ostia’s city centre has been reinterpreted. Test trenches underneath the paving of the forum
revealed that it was kept in use until the end of the
5th c.279 The forum and the Forum of the Heroic Statue
were restored and embellished as late as the second
half of the 5th c. (map 10b). The economic and representational functions of the forum at this late date make
it likely that other public buildings in the area, such as
the Baths of the Forum, were also kept in use. The first
signs of spoliation on the forum and of the construction
of poorly built wooden structures date to the end of the
5th c.280
Regio II
The Baths of the Coachmen, just north of the nymphaeum near porta Romana, may still have been in use during
the 4th c. (map 11a). The Baths of Neptune were restored
at the beginning of the 4th c., while the shops in front
of them, lining the decumanus, were also reorganized.281
279
280
281
Lavan (2012); Gering (2014); both with anterior bibliography.
Lavan (2012) 688.
Heres (1992) 40.
A nymphaeum was built on the south-west corner of the
insula.282 The theatre was renovated in the 4th c., but
the adjacent piazzale delle corporazioni had probably
fallen out of use.283 At the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th c., a Christian oratorium was built on top
of the eastern semicircular nymphaeum of the theatre
(map 11a, 11b).284 It was dedicated to Ciriacus, a martyr
who died in the 3rd c. The shrine, which later became a
small church, remained a pilgrimage site for Christians
until the 12th c.285
Regio III
The area delimited by the via della foce to the north
and the decumanus maximus to the east was essentially
a residential quarter planned during the Trajanic and
Hadrianic period (see above p. 111; map 12a). During the
4th c., several houses and insulae reveal restorations (opus
listatum walls, mural paintings, decorative elements).
There is no evidence that the Baths of the Seven Sages
282
283
284
285
Ricciardi and Scinari (1996a) 199.
Pavolini (2006) 68–71.
Boin (2013) 229.
Pavolini (2006) 67.
Archaeological Evidence
MAP 10B
Regio I in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that were newly built or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 14, general plan
MAP 11A
Regio II in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that were newly built or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 57, general plan
1: Piazzale delle Corporazioni
2: Theatre
3: Christian oratory
4: Baths of the Coachmen
5: Baths of the Provinces
6: Baths of Neptune
133
134
MAP 11B
chapter 3
Regio II in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that were newly built or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 57, general plan
MAP 12A
Regio III in Ostia during the 4th c., with location
of baths and other buildings that were newly built
or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and
Scrinari (1996b) 57, general plan
1: ‘Christian Basilica’
2: House of the Serapeum
3: Baths of the ‘Christian Basilica’
4: Baths of the Seven Sages
5: Baths of the Trinacria
6: Baths near the Sullan Wall
7: House of the Dioscuri
135
Archaeological Evidence
map 12b
Regio III in Ostia during the 5th c., with location
of baths and other buildings that were newly
built or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and
Scrinari (1996b) 57, general plan
were still in use after the 3rd c. Similarly, no late antique
phase can be attested for the surrounding apartment
blocks.286 In the Baths of the Trinacria, some opus listatum walls point to a late antique phase. The houses just
west of the baths were restored during the 4th c.287 The
continued occupation of the insula, as well as the water
supply from a branch of the aqueduct, could explain
why a small bathhouse (C8) was constructed in a horreum in the 4th c.
Late antique building activity seems more prominent
along the decumanus maximus (see also below, regio IV).
The commercial potential of this important road and
the availability of water related infrastructure (branch
of the aqueduct, sewer) explain the continued popularity of this area. Several large domus were remodelled here
during the 4th and 5th c., e.g. the domus on the decumanus, the House of the Nymphaeum and the House of the
Dioscuri (map 12b).288 The Baths of the Basilica Cristiana
probably functioned until the second half of the 4th or
the beginning of the 5th c., only to make way for a new
Christian building. More or less contemporaneously, the
House of the Dioscuri was equipped with a private bathhouse. The baths near the Sullan Wall, provided with
water by the aqueduct running on top of the latter, were
kept in good use during the 4th and 5th c.289 The aqueduct not only supplied those last two bathhouses with
water, but also a 4th c. private nymphaeum.290
286
287
288
289
290
291
Pavolini (2006) 133–35.
Gering (2010) 101–102.
Pavolini (2006) resp. 150, 166 and 169.
Regio IV
Outside porta Marina, the neighbourhood along the Via
Severiana was very active in Late Antiquity (map 13a,
13b). The Baths of Porta Marina benefitted from imperial patronage until at least the reign of Theoderic (early
6th c.), while several other small baths (C9, C10, C11 and
the baths of edificio b), probably privately owned, were
constructed in the 4th or 5th c. It is not a coincidence
that several baths were built along this important road,
connecting Ostia’s seaside neighbourhood with other
harbour towns to the south.291 We could even imagine a
competition between the bath complexes. The location
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 169.
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 216–17.
Poccardi (2001) 169; DeLaine (2006) 342.
136
chapter 3
map 13a
Regio IV in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that were newly built or still
in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 131, general plan
1: Synagogue
2: House of the Columns
3: Tabernae of the Fish-sellers
4: Baths of the Lighthouse
5: Baths of the Via di Iside
6: Baths of the Six Columns
7: Baths of Porta Marina
8: Baths of Silenus
9: Baths of ‘Edificio b’
probably ensured a steady clientele and perhaps even
profits for the owners.292 Other buildings along this
road were restored in the 4th c., such as the synagogue.
From the latter, a road headed north-east towards porta
Laurentina, where the late antique Baths of Perseus
(C12) were found. Returning to the porta Marina and
the decumanus maximus, several residential and commercial structures were kept in good use throughout the
4th c. A part of the Baths of the Six Columns may have
292
See also DeLaine (2006) 342: “the string of small baths on the
Via Severiana recalls the stazioni balneari of modern Lido di
Ostia and the amoenissima civitas of Minucius Felix.”
been in use. The Baths on the via di Iside were probably
abandoned by the 4th c.
The eastern part of regio IV, along the cardo maximus, saw the construction of an important bathhouse
(Byzantine Baths, C13), two nymphaea and the restoration of latrines. Luxurious houses, such as the domus
delle colonne or the domus di via della Caupona, were
still inhabited and even embellished in the 4th and
5th c.293 The senatorial elite of Rome still invested in
the Baths of the Lighthouse at the start of the 5th c.,
293
Heres (1982) resp. 488–493 and 501–504; Pavolini (2006) resp.
201 and 205.
137
Archaeological Evidence
map 13b
Regio IV in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that were newly built or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 131, general plan
which may have based its ‘successful survival’ into Late
Antiquity on its prime location along an important traffic artery near a city gate.294
Regio V
From the porta Laurentina, we can take the Semita dei
Cippi to re-join the decumanus. Along this important
commercial axis, several late antique houses were built
(see already regio I; map 14a, 14b). The domus of Protirus
was restored in the 5th c., while the House of the fortuna
annonaria was occupied until the 6th.295 The Baths of
294
295
Stöger (2011) 91–92. Stöger also concluded that the bath’s
spatial organisation—stressing a very functional organisation and offering high levels of privacy—was ‘instrumental
in sustaining the baths’ long period of use’ (Stöger (2011) 167).
However, we should remark that the internal organisation of
this bath was not in any way exceptional, but followed a standard design, lodging the alvei in recesses to create a sense of
privacy.
Heres (1982) 542–48; Boersma (1985); Pavolini (2006) resp. 215
and 219–20.
the Philosopher, lodged between the two aforementioned houses, were built at the end of the 3rd c. and
were probably still in use during the 4th. The Baths of
the Invidious were restored in the 3rd c., but probably
abandoned during the 4th. The Semita dei Cippi was
cut off from the decumanus by a late antique exedra
(see above, regio I). Further east along the decumanus,
several houses had a late antique occupation. The Baths
of the Swimmer, as well as the surrounding houses, fell
out of use during the 3rd c. The horreum of Hortensius,
one of the largest and oldest granaries in the city, was
still operational during the 4th c.296 From the 5th c. onwards, the building may have changed function, as was
the case for the other horrea along the decumanus. Some
285 m south of the decumanus maximus, along the via
del sabazeo, geophysical prospection with subsequent
test trenches discovered a Christian basilica, built on
top of earlier Hadrianic remains.297 It can probably
296
297
Heres (1982) 559–65.
Bauer and Heinzelmann (2001).
138
chapter 3
map 14a
Regio V in Ostia during the 4th c., with location of baths and other buildings that were newly built or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 166, general plan
1: Nymphaeum of Porta Romana
2: Basilica of Constantine
3: Horrea of Hortensius
4: House of the Fortuna Annonaria
5: House of Protirus
6: Baths of the Swimmer
7: Baths of the Invidious
8: Baths of the Philosopher
be identified with the first basilica of the city donated
by Constantine and recorded in the Liber Pontificalis.298
Near the porta Romana, a sumptuous nymphaeum was
built at the turn of the 3rd and 4th c.299 The castellum
aquae was still in use during the 4th c. and possibly later,
as a part of the aqueduct with 5th c. restorations was discovered near the Constantinian basilica.300
298
299
300
Lib. Pont. 1.183–184.
Heres (1982) 566–69; Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996) 235–36;
Lavan (2012) 685.
Bukowiecki et al. (2008) 187–88, 190.
Cuicul
Concise History of the Urban Fabric
The site of ancient Cuicul (Djemila) on the border of the
provinces Numidia and Mauretania Caesariensis is a perfect example of a well-preserved city that has been unearthed in period before scientific excavations. The late
antique phases of the city, considered less important by
these early archaeologists, are poorly understood. The
small city was probably founded as a military stronghold under Nerva, around AD 96–97, on the crossroads
of the Sitifis-Cirta with the Igilgili-Lambaesis highways.
As Cuicul was located on a small plateau (850 m a.s.l.)
139
Archaeological Evidence
map 14b
Regio V in Ostia during the 5th c., with location of baths and other buildings that were newly built or still in use
plan by the author after Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996b) 166, general plan
between two gorges, the shape of the city was necessarily triangular. The local economy was based primarily on
agriculture and its strategic location made Cuicul an important trade centre.301 The mountainous surroundings
supplied plenty of building material (limestone) and
water sources.
A first bloom of the city took place under the
Antonine dynasty (AD 138–192), with the development
of the northern part of the city. It was centred around
the so-called ‘old forum’, the large square in front of
the Capitolium, dedicated between AD 150 and AD 170.
Shortly afterwards the curia was constructed. Other important public buildings dating to this first golden era included the basilica and the market. The temple of Venus
Genetrix, just south of the basilica, must also have been
built in this period.302 The basic infrastructure of a city
301
302
Allais (1938) 9.
Following the urban evolution of Février (1964) 9.
was not completed without a decent bath complex. The
Baths of the Capitolium (‘Thermes du Capitole’) were
probably built before the Capitolium itself (see below,
p. 142), while the town’s largest baths, the Large South
Baths (‘Grands Thermes Sud’), are dated to AD 183–184.303
It is also in this period that the population was expanded with the local inhabitants of the region, as is deduced
from the names on numerous epitaphs.304
The second bloom came under Septimius Severus,
again accompanied by significant building activity. The
town was further expanded to the south, with the construction of a new forum.305 It was dominated by the
town’s most impressive temple, that of the gens Septimia
(dated AD 229). Several statues in honour of the imperial
family and leading citizens were dotted around the main
303
304
305
Thébert (2003) 194.
Février (1976) 249.
Leschi (1953) 12; Février (1976) 250.
140
chapter 3
streets and squares.306 To cope with the town’s growing
population, the city council invested in new grain storages (horrea) to the north-east of the new forum.
Cuicul in the 3rd c., traditionally labelled a period of
‘crisis’, is poorly understood due to the lack of building
inscriptions. However, restorations took place from the
Tetrarchy onwards. During the 4th c., several churches
were built in the southern part of town. Under Vandal
rule, a persecution of orthodox Christians was ordered
in AD 484, although after the Byzantine conquest of
North Africa, a bishop of Cuicul is mentioned in a synod
at Constantinople in AD 553.307 The area around the new
forum must have been occupied until the Arab phase.
Several wells were dug in the centre of town to ensure a
water supply.
Newly Built Late Antique Baths
During the 4th c., a period of prosperity and growth,
several new neighbourhood baths were built (C39, C40,
C41). The baths of the baptistery were constructed at the
end of this century, as part of a larger ecclesiastical complex. The small external baths of the House of Castorius
(C42) may date to the 5th c. or even later.
Most of the newly constructed baths were built inside
pre-existing buildings (C39, C40, C41), which explains
their modest size and simple linear lay out. The frigidarium is the most important room and is often as large
as the entire heated section combined.308 It also offered
the most possibilities to develop decorative schemes.
The size of the cold room may have been the result of
the wish to retain the function of the large vestibules
that preceded the frigidaria of the thermae (see esp. the
basilica thermarum of the large baths).309 Because of
the restricted building space, the functions of this vestibule and the frigidarium had to be combined, resulting in one large cold room. The presence of two separate
cold pools is also striking, even if the available space was
limited (C41, C42). This may be reminiscent of the (lateral) piscinae of the large thermae commonly found in
North Africa,310 or it could be that the pools had a different function. In fact, one pool is often smaller than the
other. This is most clear in the Baths of the Baptistery
(fig. 93), the Baths of the House of the Donkey (C41) and
the external Baths of the House of Castorius (C42). The
306
307
308
309
310
Février (1976) 250.
Allais (1938) 31.
The importance of the cold rooms seems to have been a typical feature of baths in North Africa, already during the High
Empire, see Nielsen (1993a) 91; Yegül (1992) 405.
Yegül (1992) 404.
Yegül (1992) 405; Nielsen (1993a) 89; Thébert (2003) 310 and
323.
pools—or rather tubs—were only large enough for one
person. We could imagine that they were used for medical purposes or for a personal wash. The niches above
the small cold pool in the House of the Donkey may have
been used to store ointments, oils or additives for a special bathing / washing experience. The small pool in the
first of the heated rooms in the Baths of the Baptistery
may have had a similar function, located at the beginning or the end of the bathing itinerary.
The high number of baths for a relatively small town
may point to the baths attracting customers from outside the city. It is well attested for the 19th and 20th c.
that the hammams in the cities of the Maghreb still attracted peasants and merchants from out of town.311 It is
possible that the public baths of Roman cities attracted
a similar crowd. The fact that the late antique semipublic baths were built along the main traffic arteries
could support such a thesis (see also above, C30, baths
in Herdonia; several baths along the Via Severiana in
Ostia).
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths
The Large Baths (‘Grands Thermes Sud’)
The Large Baths (map 15, nr. 10) were dedicated in
AD 183–184 by the legatus Augusti.312 The southern palaestra was probably abandoned at the end of the 3rd c.,
although it seems that the baths were (partially) in use
during the 4th c., when some pavements were restored.313
For a relatively small city such as Cuicul, these thermae
are exceptionally large, covering around 3,000 m2. Its
symmetrical layout and special attention to sport commodities (palaestra, natatio, basilica thermarum) are
reminiscent of the imperial baths in the largest cities of
the empire.314 The plan of several shifting axes centred
on a dominant axis down the middle “display a mature
and masterful handling of spatial relationships.”315 The
presence of two small pools in the tepidarium is an interesting feature, as they allowed the bathers to take an
additional dip after leaving the caldarium. One could
imagine a special use of these pools, as the normal cold
pools of the frigidarium lay just ahead. It may have provided a short cut, for those wanting to avoid the frigidarium. Alternatively, the small pools may have provided a
more personal experience or may have had a medicinal
use (see below, chapter 4).
311
312
313
314
315
Carlier (2000) 1311.
AE (1935) 45.
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 233–34; Thébert (2003) 194.
Thébert (2003) 195.
Yegül (1992) 202.
Archaeological Evidence
141
map 15
Cuicul (Algeria) in the 4th c., with the
location of public baths and the most
important buildings
after Leschi (1953) general plan
1: Macellum (market)
2: Old Forum
3: Capitolium
4: Basilica vestiaria
5: Severan Forum
6: Severan Temple
7: Theatre
8: Baths of the Capitolium
9: Baths of Terentius Donatus
10: Large Baths
142
chapter 3
figure 36
Plan of the Baths of the Capitolium in
Cuicul (Algeria)
in Thébert (2003) 626, pl.
LXXVI.4; with permission by the
publisher
The Baths of the Capitolium
The Baths of the Capitolium (fig. 36; map 15, nr. 8) were
probably the first large public baths built in Cuicul. Yvon
Thébert convincingly argued that the baths were built
before the Capitolium, probably shortly after the planning of the old forum (beginning of the 2nd c.).316 Little
is known about the lifespan of these baths. It seems that
at some date the west pool of the frigidarium was reduced in size.317 Judging from the plan, a small apsidal
pool in the north-east corner of the room north of the
frigidarium may have been added in a later phase, obstructing the original passage to the first of the heated
rooms.
The Baths of Terentius Donatus
These small baths (26.2 × 23.5 m) were implanted in an
insula opposite the curia (map 15, nr. 9).318 Excavated in
the 1910s, they have never been the subject of a detailed
study and were overlooked by Thébert (2003). A mosaic in the first room mentions how a certain Pumetius
Longinianus restored the baths of Terentius Donatus.319
The frigidarium had a semicircular pool to the north-east
and gave access to a larger rectangular pool preceded by
a sort of vestibule. This cold pool seems to have been inserted in an existing room, as the walls are double. There
were three rooms heated by a hypocaust in the southeast corner of the building. A long north-south oriented
316
317
318
319
Thébert (2003) 196–97.
Ballu (1917) 216.
Measurements from Ballu (1921) 226–27.
Ballu (1921) 228; Allais (1938) 44.
corridor gave access to 4 small rooms, while a door gave
onto a small alley where a well was discovered (diam.:
1.5 m). No construction date has been proposed for
these baths.
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context
At the beginning of the 4th c., the inhabitants of Cuicul
could still bathe in the large baths in the southern part
of town. The restoration of castellum aquae on the new
forum and the construction of a large public fountain
some 20 m north of the large baths may have been part
of a large ‘water program’ that also included restoration of the baths.320 A public latrine was also attached
to the basilica vestiaria (dated AD 367).321 There is little
information about the water supply network within the
city and how the baths were linked to it. In the northern part of town, the Baths of the Capitolium may still
have been in use. If the latter fell into decay, the newly
built baths in the House of Europe, just across the street,
may have compensated for this loss. Even if these were
implanted in a private house, the double street access
makes clear that they were at least accessible to a part
of the larger public.322 It is unclear when the Baths of
Terentius Donatus were built and if they were already
or still in use in the 4th c. The proximity to the Baths
of the Capitolium is remarkable. Maybe these small
semi-public baths targeted a specific group of people?
Too little is known about decoration and commodities
320
321
322
Lepelley (1981) 404.
ILS 5535.
Maréchal (2016) 128.
143
Archaeological Evidence
to understand the type of group this may have been (the
elite, the poor, an association?). Alternatively, the owner
of the house opened up private baths in an attempt to
tie more citizens to his own familia and hence expand
his base of political supporters.
Near the end of the 4th c. (map 15), a bathhouse was
inserted into the House of the Donkey, while a part of
an insula near the public granaries was transformed
into the East Baths. These (semi-) public neighbourhood baths were constructed in areas where there had
not been baths before. Important traffic arteries such as
the cardo maximus were prime locations to build such
baths, not only due to the busy traffic, but also due to the
presence of aqueducts and sewers running underneath
these streets. The Large Baths obviously still fulfilled the
‘bathing needs’ of the southern part of town, as no new
public baths seem to have been built there. The Baths
of the Baptistery were probably for a selected group of
(Christian) users. They were part of a large ecclesiastical complex comprising two churches and a chapel. It
would be interesting to know who had paid for their
construction and who was responsible for their exploitation. There is evidence from Rome and Ravenna that
churches received the profits of a bathhouse to increase
their revenues and attract more worshippers.323
The situation in the first half of the 5th c. may not
have changed significantly (map 16). Our information
about the 5th c. and later is too sketchy to reconstruct
a clear picture of the urban fabric and the articulation
of baths within it. The external baths of the House of
Castorius were probably built at a late date. The presence of a sewer network and water supply in connection
to the pre-existing ‘internal baths’ may have prompted
their construction. During the Vandal and Byzantine
period, few traces of building activity have been recognized. The Church of Cresconius, bishop in the early 5th
c., is a rare example of such late building activity. In the
6th c., the northern part of town was partially deserted.
A small church was constructed just within the southwestern corner of the old city walls at an unknown date,
but seems to have been in use until the 7th c.324 The last
occupation of the city seems to have been restricted to
the area between the new forum and the Large Baths,
perhaps not surprisingly on the highest parts of the
town. The wells dug into the abandoned streets probably date to this last phase, meaning the water supply by
aqueduct had disappeared. If a bathhouse did exist in
this period, it must have been a very basic facility.
323
324
Sagui (1990b) 100; Stasolla (2002) 21–28.
Following the urban chronology by Sears (2007) 56–58.
Thamugadi
Concise History of the Urban Fabric
The city of Thamugadi was founded in AD 100 as a colony for veterans.325 The city lay only some 25 km southeast of Lambaesis, the station of Legio III Augusta,
and on the road to Theveste (Tébessa). Furthermore,
Thamugadi was built on the crossroads with a northsouth road leading from Cirta (Constantine) to the
Aurès mountains in the south. The Colonia Marciana
Trajana Thamugadi was conceived as a military camp,
a large square (355 m on the side) crossed by a network
of orthogonal streets creating square insulae (s: 20 m).
Unfortunately, little is known about the history of the
city, as there are few mentions of Thamugadi in the
ancient literature and the epigraphic evidence mainly
highlights the city’s economic aspects.326
The first bishop is mentioned in AD 256, while under
Optatus (AD 388), Thamugadi became the most important centre of Donatism in North Africa. As an adviser to
the comes Africae Gildo, Optatus had a strong influence
on North African politics. The Vandal period is poorly
documented in Thamugadi, just as in the rest of North
Africa. By the turn of the 5th and 6th c., tribes from the
Aurès mountains had invaded the city.327 However, the
occupation of the site continued until at least the end of
the Byzantine period and possibly into the Early Islamic
period.
The original nucleus of the city is a classic example of
an orthogonal street grid with the forum and the most
important buildings (curia, basilica) placed at the intersection of the cardo and decumanus maximus.328 Twelve
rows of insula in the north-south axis and 11 rows in the
east-west axis gave a total of 132 insulae. Around 70% of
the city’s surface was made up of living space.329 From
the first years of its existence, very few acts of euergetism are recorded in the inscriptions of the city.330 Large
public infrastructure such as the theatre and the Large
East Baths were constructed during the reign of Marcus
Aurelius, when an aqueduct was also built.331 The walls
of the city, forming a square of 11.5 hectares, were gradually dismantled after the 2nd c., as the town expanded.
The expansion extra muros was most important to
the west of the city centre, along the road leading to
325
326
327
328
329
330
331
ILS 6841; see Corbier (2009) for a foundation at the end of
Trajan’s reign.
Sears (2007) 58–59; Corbier (2009).
Lassus (1976) 901.
Lassus (1976) 900.
Lohmann (1979) 167.
Corbier (2009) 184–85.
CIL 8.869; Courtois (1950) 38–44.
144
map 16
chapter 3
Cuicul (Algeria) in the 5th c., with the location of public baths and the most
important buildings
after Leschi (1953) general plan
1: Church IV
2: Church III
3: Church II
4: Church I
5: House of Bacchus
145
Archaeological Evidence
Lambaesis.332 The city’s largest temple, the Capitolium,
was built some 100 m south-west of the western gate,
possibly in the Severan era. The 3rd c. saw a further expansion west and south of the old city centre. Several
large baths, including the Large North Baths and the
Baths of the Filadelfes, were probably built in the late
2nd or 3rd c.333 The library along the cardo maximus
may post-date the Severan era.334 The market of Sertius
and an entirely new residential area developed around
the western road leading to Lambaesis.335 Some 380 m
south of the city, an important sanctuary with an enclosure wall dedicated to Dea Africa and Asclepius was
built during the reign of Caracalla. The urban evolution
after AD 250 is difficult to reconstruct due to the lack of
building inscriptions and because early excavations did
not see the importance of the late antique layers.336
Newly Built Late Antique Baths
The excavations in the early 20th c. left us little reliable evidence for dating most of the newly constructed
baths. It seems that only three new public baths were
constructed after the 3rd c. (C57, C58, C59). This should
not come as a surprise as Thamugadi was equipped with
many large imperial thermae and smaller neighbourhood baths. Several of these complexes were still in use
during Late Antiquity (see below).
If we look at the plans of the new baths, we can see
that little had changed. The baths still had a large cold
room and at least three heated rooms, to be identified
with tepidarium-sudatorium-caldarium (C57, C58, C59).
The frigidarium of the Baths North of the Capitolium
(C59) closely resembles the frigidarium of the Baths
North-West of the Theatre in Bulla Regia (C36), while the
shape of the northern piscina is also found in other late
antique North African baths (e.g. C34, Sidi Ghrib). The
North African preference for the ring type can be identified in the Small North Baths (C57) and the Baths North
of the Capitolium (C59).337 The possible doubling of the
bathing itinerary in the Small North-East Baths (C58)
may have been linked to an advanced diversification of
the bathing habit, with a separate wing for non-water
related bathing activities (epilation, massage), or to a
separation of sexes, with a separate wing for the female
bathers. Such a gender division can also be found in the
late antique baths of Egypt (e.g. C75B–C, C76, C87?, C89,
C90, C91, C92, C95) and Palestine (C99, C116?).
332
333
334
335
336
337
Lassus (1976) 900.
Thébert (2003) 235–36; Corbier (2009) 187.
Gros (1996) 372.
Courtois (1950) 79.
Corbier (2009) 190.
Already remarked by Nielsen (1993a) 90–91 and Thébert (2003)
355–57.
The decorative schemes are poorly understood due to
the bad state of preservation. It seems that most mosaics had geometric patterns, often in black and white, in
the 4th and 5th c. (C57, C59). In later bathhouses, the
use of basic building materials such as limestone or terracotta tesserae was more common (C58, Fort Baths). In
the baths of the so-called ‘Donatist Cathedral’, the use
of polychrome mosaics and marble revetment point
to the care that was taken to embellish ecclesiastical
complexes.
The technology of the Thamugadi baths was often
ignored in early excavation reports. It seems that the
standard hypocaust pillars and wall heating techniques
were used, even in Byzantine times (see the Fort baths).
We can remark how the tubuli in the Fortress Baths did
not cover the entire walls, but were lodged within recesses. Little is known about the water supply systems,
but we can presume that the larger baths were linked to
the aqueduct and / or had cisterns fed by rainwater. The
sewage channels of the Small North Baths (C57) and the
Small North-East Baths (C58) passed by the latrines before going into the street sewers.
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths
It is very difficult to reconstruct the number of bathhouses at the beginning of the 4th c. Few baths have
been accurately dated, while the moment of decay has
been pinpointed for even fewer. The large thermae were
probably all built during the 2nd or 3rd c., the period
of the most important expansion of the town. Several
smaller baths have not been dated, but could very well
belong to the late antique phases. We are certain that a
few bathhouses fell out of use before the 4th c., as they
were transformed into buildings with different functions. The high number of private baths in Thamugadi
(approximately 14, i.e. 50% of the total number of baths)
will not be discussed in detail here, as this falls beyond
the scope of this research and have been discussed by
Yvon Thébert.338
Imperial-Type Baths
The Large East Baths were built in the 2nd c. and enlarged in AD 167.339 Some of the mosaics were probably
added in the second half of the 3rd c., making it likely
that these thermae were still in use in the 4th. At some
point during the restoration works, the frigidarium was
extensively altered.340
338
339
340
Thébert (2003) 243–52.
Tourrenc (1968) 215.
Germain (1969) 35; Thébert (2003) 231.
146
chapter 3
The Large South Baths were also built in the 2nd c.
and enlarged in AD 198.341 Several statue bases dedicated
to members of the imperial family have been found and
one inscription even dates from the end of the 3rd c.342
A white mosaic in a small room near the frigidarium
may even date to the 5th or 6th c.343 No dramatic changes to the plan seem to have occurred. The most important addition was an apsidal pool in the north-west
heated room, blocking communication with another
heated room.344
The Large North Baths were probably built during the
Severan period, rather than in the first half of the 2nd c.345
The plan is of imperial type and does not reveal important structural changes. It is unknown when the baths
fell out of use.
The same is true for the Baths of the Filadelfes (fig. 37),
located only 25 m west of the Large North Baths. The mosaics are attributable to the Severan period, but information on subsequent restorations is lacking. The mosaics
in the portico of the courtyard are possibly late antique.346
The orientation of these baths is peculiar, as the heated
section is pointed towards the north. An interesting feature is the heated room (6.5 × 3.7 m) to the north of the
caldarium (1 on fig. 37).347 It was only moderately heated
by a single furnace and had two small pools.348 On the
threshold of this room is a mosaic inscription reading
‘SALVV LOTV’ (‘Have a nice bath’). The central panel
of the floor mosaic gave the name to the baths, as it depicts an erotic Dionysian scene accompanied by the text
‘FILA.D.ELFIS VITA’ (‘Long live the Filadelfes’).349 In
front of the western pool, the letters ‘B b’ were laid out
in mosaics.350 This abbreviation remains unexplained.
Judging from the mosaics, the room was obviously important. It has been interpreted as a gathering room for
an association called the Filadelfes, although the exact
nature of this group and the function of this room are
not further explained.351 The message at the entrance in
combination with the small one-person pools may point
to a room used for special treatments, such as therapeutic baths.
341
342
343
344
345
346
347
348
349
350
351
AE (1894) 44.
Statue bases: e.g. CIL 8.2381–2383; late 3rd-century inscription:
CIL 8.2393.
Germain (1969) 136.
Krencker et al. (1929) 230.
Thébert (2003) 235.
Germain (1969) 74, nr. 87, pl. Xxxi (portico), 77–79.
Measurements from Ballu (1905) 92–95.
Thébert (2003) 237.
Germain (1969) 77.
Thébert (2003) 516, nr. 170c.
Thébert (2003) 236.
figure 37 Plan of the Baths of the Filadelfes in Thamugadi
(Algeria)
in Thébert (2003) 654, pl. CIV.2; with
permission by the publisher
Neighbourhood Baths
Some baths that have not been accurately dated may
have had a late antique phase. The Small East Baths,
the Baths of the Capitolium and the Small South Baths
belong to the modest neighbourhood baths that were
popular in both the High Empire (e.g. the Small Central
Baths) and in Late Antiquity (e.g. C57). The plan, consisting of three heated rooms and a large frigidarium
with a single pool, was probably often repeated due to
its simplicity and adaptability to the restricted space of
an insula. The continued popularity of this type makes it
impossible to assign it to a specific period.
The Small East Baths protrude onto the streets, suggesting they were inserted in an existing insula (fig. 38).
The complex is built primarily in brick and rubble concrete, contrasting with the opus africanum of the 2nd
and 3rd-c. constructions. The terracotta mosaic found
in the entrance corridor is reminiscent of the terracotta
mosaic in the Baths of the House North of the Capitolium
(C59).352 The plan is similar to the Small North Baths
(C57): a frigidarium with a rather large pool and the
352
Germain (1969) 45.
147
Archaeological Evidence
figure 39 Plan of the Baths of the Capitolium in
Thamugadi (Algeria)
in Thébert (2003) 655, pl.
CV.4; with permission by the
publisher
figure 38 Plan of the Small East Baths in Thamugadi
(Algeria)
in Thébert 2003, 649, pl. XCIX.6
succession of three heated rooms, ending in a caldarium
(IV on fig. 38) with a rectangular and a semicircular
alveus. An additional room with a small heated pool
(exit-tepidarium, 6) ensured the bathers could follow a
circular itinerary, while a small latrine was also incorporated. Thébert considers this small room to be part
of a shortcut for athletes wishing to join the caldarium
immediately after the exercises.353 However, this would
imply that the oblong room (1) was used for exercises, a
hypothesis that cannot be confirmed.
The Baths of the Capitolium (fig. 39) were built in
an area that developed quite late, after the erection of
the Capitolium (first half of the 3rd c.). It flanks the road
leading to the nearby ‘Donatist complex’ (end of the
4th c.). The plan resembles the one of the Small North
Baths (C57): a large frigidarium with a large pool gave
access to a set of three heated rooms. The caldarium (IV on fig. 39) was also the only heated room
with pools, a rectangular one and a circular one.354
The frigidarium was in this case equipped with an
additional small pool, a feature returning in many late
antique baths.355 The entire surface covered by these
baths does not exceed 500 m2.356
353
354
355
356
Thébert (2003) 232.
Germain (1969) 120.
We should remember that the frigidarium of the Small North
Baths (C57) was badly damaged. There may well have been a
small cold pool in the southern part of the room.
Thébert (2003) 240.
The Small South Baths fit within this same pattern.
The modest building (ca. 350 m2) had a comparatively
large cold room with a single piscina and a succession
of three heated rooms.357 The caldarium had a rectangular and semicircular pool. The second heated room also
had a pool. The latrine was located outside the bathing
route proper and accessible from the outside. The mosaic floors were repaired with terracotta slabs, a late antique type of restoration.358 However, these repairs may
have been carried out after the building had changed
function.
The Small Central Baths are dated to the 2nd c. The
opus reticulatum panels would have been a late use of
this construction technique. However, the mosaics of
the frigidarium could be placed at the end of the 3rd c.359
The plan reveals the same type of rooms arranged in a
retrograde itinerary. Just as in the Small East Baths, the
pool in the first heated room could have been used at
the end of the bathing itinerary.
The North-West Baths (‘thermes de la porte de
Lambèse’) may have been built during the development
of the area in the second half of the 2nd c. (the nearby
gate of Lambaesis is dated AD 167). However, the building history of the baths is difficult to reconstruct due
357
358
359
Thébert (2003) 243.
Germain (1969) 137.
Germain (1969) nr. 61; Dunbabin (1978) 275; Thébert (2003)
233.
148
chapter 3
to numerous restorations and changes.360 The preference for a high number of small—often semicircular or
apsidal—single-person pools could point to a phase of
late antique use.
Only one bathhouse had certainly fallen out of use
during Late Antiquity. The baths of insula 17 were private
baths inserted in an existing domus. The frigidarium was
transformed into a church by raising the floor level and
adding an apse to the south (4th or 5th c.?). According
to Ballu, the piscina was reused as a baptistery in the
Byzantine period.361
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context
As so many baths (and other buildings) are difficult to
date, the urban evolution, as presented in this study,
necessarily shows an incomplete picture. It does seem,
however, that the 4th c. was the period of greatest
growth for Thamugadi (map 17). The quarter west of the
Capitolium seems to have expanded, for example with a
large new ecclesiastical complex (‘Donatist cathedral’)
that was erected at the end of this century.
The old city centre was certainly still bustling with activity. The Small North Baths lay near the northern gate
of the city, along the cardo maximus. Such an important
access road, leading towards the forum, ensured a steady
passage of potential bathers, while the aqueduct and the
most important sewer also ran underneath this traffic
artery. The vitality of the old centre can also be deduced
from the construction of the first and only intra muros
church. It was built in the House of Januarius somewhere during the 4th c.362 The Large East Baths may
still have been in use at this time. There is less certainty
about the fate of the Small East Baths and the Small
Central Baths. In the southern suburbs, the Large South
Baths were still functioning, while there is a good possibility that the Small South Baths were active as well. The
Temple of Mercurius was restored during the Tetrarchy,
while the large House of Sertius was inhabited until the
4th or even 5th c.363
To the west of the ancient city, building activity flourished. The Capitolium was restored under Valentinian
and Valens.364 A small church made out of spolia might
date from the Donatist heyday of Thamugadi, rather
than from the Byzantine period.365 The nearby Baths of
the Capitolium might still have been in use during the
4th c. The large ecclesiastical complex, often labelled
the ‘Donatist cathedral’, was built at the end of the
360
361
362
363
364
365
Ballu (1906) 204; Thébert (2003) 237.
Ballu (1905) 88.
Courtois (1950) 48.
Courtois (1950) 82; Lepelley (1981) 446.
Lepelley (1981) 447.
Sears (2007) 61 contra Lassus (1976) 901.
4th c. under the supervision of Optatus, perhaps to be
identified with the Optatus known from Augustine and
included a suite of bathrooms (fig. 40).366 Along a road
leading north and eventually connecting with the road
to Lambaesis, a large house with adjacent bathhouse
(C59) was built at the turn of the 4th c. Together with
the newly built ‘clothes market’ near the western gate
of the old city,367 the new baths stress the continued investment in this part of town. Along the Lambaesis road,
the North-West Baths may still have been in use. A small
church was built further along the same road in an area
used as burial ground. The Christian tombs found within
its courtyard predate the 5th c.368 This points to a continuity between the ‘pagan’ and Christian burial ground.
To the north-west and to the north of the old city centre,
the Large North Baths and the Baths of the Filadelfes
may still have been in use in the 4th c. A large basilica
was also constructed here during the 4th c.369
The evidence for 5th c. Thamugadi is problematic. It
seems that most of the public baths had already fallen
out of use (map 18). Only for the Large South Baths is
there evidence for a 5th and even 6th-c. phase. Other
large secular and public buildings, such as the theatre
and the Capitolium, were probably abandoned.370 The
continued investment in urban infrastructure must have
been primarily aimed at the churches and ecclesiastical
complexes, although it is difficult to assess which buildings were still functioning.
The Byzantine conquest of the city meant a limited
return of epigraphic evidence. The fortress built some
375 m south of the old city was constructed in AD 539–
540 according to an inscription.371 It was built partially on top of the old sanctuary of the Aqua Septimiana
(compare maps 17, 18) and equipped with a bathhouse
(fig. 41). Some 300 m south-west of the fortress, a
Christian graveyard was discovered.372 A small chapel
built in the vicinity was dated by a dedicatory inscription to AD 641–647, mentioning the name of the dux of
Tigisi.373 The larger church of the graveyard has not been
dated. South of the old city, the Large South Baths may
have been (partially) in use. In the old city centre, the
Small North-East Baths (C58) may date to the Byzantine
period, although this date only relies on a Byzantine
type of capital found there. Around the north-west gate
366
367
368
369
370
371
372
373
See however the critical re-examination by Gui et al. (1992)
275–76; also Sears (2007) 62 with anterior bibliography.
Courtois (1950) 81.
Sears (2007) 61.
Sears (2007) 62–63.
Courtois (1951) 38.
Lassus (1981) 13.
Courtois (1950) 83.
Courtois (1950) 66.
Archaeological Evidence
map 17
Thamugadi (Algeria) at the end of the 4th c., with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Thébert (2003) 667, pl. CXVII
12: Chapel of Ianuarius
1: Forum
13: Baths of the Filadelfes
2: Theatre
14: Large North Baths
3: Library
15: Large East Baths
4: Capitolium
16: Small East Baths
5: Market of Sertius
17: Small Central Baths
6: Basilica vestiaria
18: Large South Baths
7: Church V
19: Small South Baths
8: ‘Donatist cathedral’
20: Northwest Baths
9: ‘Catholic’ complex
21: Baths of the Market of Sertius
10: Church I
22: Baths of the Capitolium
11: Sanctuary of Aqua Septimiana Felix
149
150
chapter 3
that were still in use during the 4th c. seems to confirm
that the aqueduct system was still up and running.
Carthage
figure 40 Plan of the Baths of the Donatist Cathedral in
Thamugadi (Algeria)
after Thébert (2003) 664, pl. CXIV.2
of the road to Lambaesis, some olive oil presses and
Christian inscriptions were found, perhaps attesting a
Byzantine occupation of this part of town.374
It is unknown when the water supply system of the
city went out of use. Several branches of an aqueduct
were found underneath the main streets of the old city
(see map 17), probably originating from the Aïn-Morris
source some 3 km south of the city. However, it seems
that the north-easterly quarter was not served by the
aqueduct and had to rely on wells.375 The extra muros
expansions of the late 2nd and 3rd c. were probably supplied by new branches of the aqueduct, although only
few traces of it have been identified. Nevertheless, large
bath complexes such as the North-West Baths were probably supplied by an aqueduct. The high number of baths
374
375
Courtois (1950) 82.
Lohman (1979) 179.
Concise History of the Urban Fabric
It would go beyond the scope of this research to summarize the entire history of Carthage, from its foundation by Phoenician tradesmen in the late 9th c. BC to
the invasion of Arab armies in the 7th c. AD. A brief outline of the ‘Roman phase’ can be useful to contextualise
Carthage’s position in Late Antiquity.
After its defeat in the Third Punic War against Rome
(146 BC), the city of Carthage lay in ruins.376 It was only
in 40 BC, inspired by the late Julius Caesar, that the
Roman state saw some potential in reconstructing the
capital of its former enemy. Carthage was made the provincial capital of the new province of Africa Nova and
was populated with colonists.377 The old Punic houses
and public buildings were razed to the ground, “Après la
mort de la cité, l’enterrement de ses vestiges” (“After the
death of the city, the burial of its remains”)378 and from
its ashes a new Roman city arose. With the foundation of
‘Roman Carthage’, a new urban layout was planned. The
old citadel on the Byrsa hill was levelled to become the
forum. This was the centre for laying out a regular street
grid. Public monuments such as the theatre, odeum,
amphitheatre and circus also date from this period. The
so-called La Malga cisterns, a group of interconnected
reservoirs with an estimated capacity of 51,000 m3, probably antedated the large aqueduct and supplied the 1st-c.
city with water.379 In the Antonine period, the forum
was restored after a fire had caused significant damage.
The city’s largest bathhouse, the Antonine Baths, were
dedicated in the period AD 145–161.380 The Zaghouan
aqueduct, the longest in the Roman world (132 km in its
last phase), enabled rather than followed the construction of these thermae.381 Christianity probably started to
spread in Carthage in the 2nd c. The first martyrs, coming from a small town in Numidia called Scillium, were
condemned by the proconsul in Carthage in AD 180.382 It
is the oldest attestation of Christians in North Africa. In
the 3rd c., Carthage became the episcopal seat of North
Africa. The letters of bishop Cyprian (AD 200–258) give
a good insight into the Christian community at that
376
377
378
379
380
381
382
Lancel (1992) 570–74.
Le Glay (1985).
Lancel (1992) 578; translation by the author.
Wilson (1998) 76–77.
CIL 8.12513.
Wilson (1998) 92.
Passio Sanctorum Scillitanorum in Musurillo (1972) 86–89.
Archaeological Evidence
map 18
Thamugadi (Algeria) at the end of the 6th c., with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Thébert (2003) 667, pl. CXVII
151
152
chapter 3
figure 41 Plan of the Baths of the Byzantine Fortress in Thamugadi (Algeria)
after Lassus (1981) 124, fig. 87
time. Carthage was spared from the tribal incursions
that threatened other regions in North Africa during the
3rd c.383 The political turmoil in Rome and a setback in
trade during this century probably impeded important
building works and public expenditure.384
Newly Built Late Antique Baths
Unlike other cities discussed so far, the newly built baths
in Carthage were more evenly distributed throughout
the whole period of Late Antiquity, with baths being
built in the 4th (C44, C47?), 5th (C43?, C45) and the 6th
c. (C46, baths in the Baal Hammon Street). The average size of the baths is also atypical, due mainly to the
large Byzantine Baths (C46) and the Douar Chott Baths
(C47) having a surface easily exceeding 1000 m2. The
neighbourhood baths probably fluctuated around 500
m2 (e.g. C43), but unfortunately most of these smaller
baths are only partially known. The two large baths
may have been built with public money, especially if we
identify the so-called Thermae Theodorianae mentioned
by Procopius (see above, chapter 2) with the Byzantine
Baths. However, there is no direct evidence to support
the public or private ownership of any of the baths.
Several baths were constructed in or on top of preexisting buildings. For the Byzantine Baths (C46), the
advantages of building new large public baths on the
383
384
Lepelley (1979) 84.
Thébert (1983) 102; Leone (2007) 23.
remains of its predecessor seems clear, considering the
topographic continuity within the city and the availability of building materials, water supply and disposal
systems. Smaller baths were built in all sorts of buildings (e.g. C44), including baths that were formerly private (C43). The transformation of a private into a public
bathhouse was not uncommon in North Africa (see also
below, chapter 4).
The architecture of the new baths followed the trends
already seen in the Severan period, with a lot of round,
oval and semicircular shapes, especially for pools and
apses (C45, C46, C47). The types of plan are difficult to
reconstruct from the fragmentary archaeological data of
most of the smaller baths. The symmetrical plan of the
Byzantine Baths (C46) was reserved for large baths for
which building space was not an issue. The appearance
of small pools occasionally achieved by dividing larger
pools in smaller units (C43) was an evolution that was
also occurring in other regions in the Roman empire
(see below, chapter 4). Again, we should note that this
did not necessarily entail the disappearance of larger
pools (e.g. C47).
Continued Use or Abandonment of Existing Baths
The Antonine Baths
Before the Byzantine Baths were built on top of the
Antonine Baths (fig. 42; map 19, nr. 10), the latter had
been used throughout the 4th c. An inscription found on
an entablature in the baths commemorates a restoration
Archaeological Evidence
153
figure 42 Plan of the Antonine Baths in Carthage (Tunisia)
after Nielsen (1993b) 163, fig. 179
map 19
Carthage (Tunisia) at the end
of the 4th c., with the location
of public baths and the most
important buildings and public
areas
after Leone (2007) 156,
fig. 41
1: Amphitheatre
2: Forum (Byrsa Hill)
3: Amphitheatre
4: Theatre
5: Odeon
6: Circular harbour
7: Roman harbour
8: La Malga cisterns
9: Borj Djedid cistern
10: Antonine Baths
11: Baths on the Borj Djedid
12: Damous el-Karita Baths
13: Baths on the Juno Hill
14: Phenix Baths
15: Bir el Jebbana Baths
16: ‘Proconsular Baths’
154
chapter 3
of the building under Valentinian II, Theodosius and
Arcadius (AD 388–390; see EA-31). The floors of the octagonal rooms were also embellished with new mosaics
of horses and athletes. These can be dated to the late
4th c.385 The baths were in use even after the vault of the
frigidarium had collapsed. Due to the bad state of preservation, it is not possible to reconstruct the changed
plan of these reorganized baths.
The ‘Proconsular Baths’
This bathhouse was discovered and unearthed in the
1920s (unpublished; map 19, nr. 16). It was identified as
the ‘thermae proconsularis’ after an inscription mentioning baths with that name was found nearby (see EA-16).
The text seems to mention a restoration under the proconsul Flavius Dardanius, and is dated AD 340–350.
The Baths on the Juno Hill
Between 1918 and 1921, a small excavation on the Juno
Hill uncovered two large cisterns and some adjacent
substructures.386 The cisterns belonged to a house with
a peristyle, the ‘Maison de la chasse au Sanglier’, dated
to the 3rd c.387 The vaulted structures at the foot of the
cisterns seem to have been part of a large bathhouse,
that may still have been in use during the 4th and 5th
c. (map 19, nr. 13).388 The plan is uncertain. Two semicircular niches may have contained basins, but only one
of the rooms had a hypocaust.389 In a later (Byzantine?)
phase, a Christian chapel and accompanying cemetery
was built on the locations of the baths.390 On the north
slope of the hill, another bathhouse was unearthed in
the 1880s. Some of its features, such as a series of rectangular basins and a round room with black and white
mosaics,391 may point to a late antique phase.
Baths on the Borj Djedid
In 1908, part of a bathhouse was discovered on the Borj
Djedid hill (map 19, nr. 11). A service corridor, covered
by a vault made of tubi fittili, and a hypocaust with pillars made out of tufa were found. An inscription discovered on site commemorated the embellishment of the
thermae (see EA-5).392 It is dated to the beginning of
the 4th c.
385
386
387
388
389
390
391
392
Lézine et al. (1956) 426. For dating, see Dunbabin (1978) 252.
Lantier (1921).
Lantier (1931) 502; Dunbabin (1978) 252.
Leone (2007) 171.
Lantier (1921) 88.
Lantier (1921) 90–92.
Poinssot and Lantier (1922) LXI–LXII.
Delattre (1908) 593–94.
The Damous el-Karita Baths
The remains of a bathhouse were discovered in the area
of the Christian basilica at Damous el-Karita (map 19,
nr. 12). Of the two rooms that were discovered, one had
a rectangular pool. A brick stamp from the site has been
dated to AD 155. The inscription found on the same site
and dated to the Vandal period (see EA-48) may have belonged to a different bathhouse in the vicinity. In a late
(Byzantine) phase, the pool of the bathhouse was covered with reused Christian epitaphs and inscriptions.393
The Phoenix Baths
Although this bathhouse was described as ‘the Christian
baths’ by some scholars (map 19, nr. 14), the construction
date of this complex is unknown. The remains visible
today do not reveal any datable elements.394
The Bir el Jebbana Baths (‘Bains de la villa de
Scorpianus’)
The area of these baths, situated some 100 m northwest of the amphitheatre along an important road
(map 19, nr. 15), were first discovered and excavated in
the 1880s by Father Alfred Delattre.395 The baths were
interpreted as the private complex of a wealthy villa.
Between 1994 and 1997, a Canadian team reopened the
site and expanded the excavations. New research suggested that these baths were public, although no direct
street access was found. A construction date between
AD 115 and 144 was proposed on the basis of brick stamps
and pottery found in the small test pits under the floors.
At the turn of the 3rd and 4th c. a reorganization and
repair changed the layout of the baths. The hypocaust
of a heated room was replaced with a normal floor. The
building was abandoned at the latest at the beginning of
the 4th c., when tombs were dug in the northern rooms.
A cemetery east of the baths reused several ornamental
elements from the bathhouse, with burials dating between the 4th and 6th c.396
Private Baths on the Odeon Hill (‘Bains de la maison de
la volière’)
The bath of a large domus was discovered in 1903, but
has since been severely damaged. Several rooms with a
hypocaust and a cold section with pools were identified.
The mosaics show several building phases, the most recent of which dated to the late 3rd or early 4th c.397
393
394
395
396
397
Delattre (1886) 235–36.
For the ‘Christian’ interpretation: Vaultrin (1932) 206. For the
visible remains: Rossiter (2009) 186–187, fig. 4.
Delattre (1882); Delattre (1883).
Summarizing the results in Rossiter (1998) 110–13.
Carucci (2007) 129–31; de Haan (2010) 348.
155
Archaeological Evidence
Other Baths
Several other bathhouses that were discovered in
Carthage cannot be securely dated. Often a late antique
phase could not be proven on the basis of the available
evidence.398 The bathhouse mentioned by Augustine,
the Baths of Gargilius, where the ecclesiastical congress
of AD 411 was held (see above, chapter 2), has not yet been
identified with any archaeological remains. Augustine
mentions that the baths were located in the city centre399
and that its assembly hall (secretarium) could receive
500 bishops. With the present state of research, the
Antonine Baths are the only ones to fit this description.
It is possible that the Baths of Gargilius was just the late
antique name of the imperial thermae.400 However, it is
equally probable that the Baths of Gargilius simply have
not been found yet. The Falernian Baths, the object of
curse on a lead defixio (curse tablet, see EA-59), are also
unknown from the archaeological record. As the word
balneum is used to denote these baths, it probably indicated a modest neighbourhood bath.
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context
During the 4th c., the urban fabric of the imperial period was still more or less intact (map 19). The harbours
were still areas of important economic activity, while
most public buildings such as the circus, the theatre, the
odeum, the amphitheatre and the forum were still in use.
The Temple of Cybele and Attis, the proconsular palace,
the theatre, the odeum, the Antonine Baths and a fountain were restored.401 The Dermech region, located near
the coast around the Antonine Baths, saw important
building activity during the 4th c. The residential quarter
north of the baths was enlarged and a church, the oldest
known example in the city, was erected. In the area of the
theatre, enlargement and refurbishment of the dense
housing can be observed. A circular complex might have
been a memorial site for a martyr.402 Only some small
neighbourhood baths, such as the Bir el Jebbana baths,
had fallen out of use. In the insula between the Byrsa and
the Junon Hill, a small bathhouse—probably for private
use—was added to the existing neighbourhood baths.
The Zaghouan aqueduct still supplied water to the city
and the large reservoirs such as those of La Malga and
the Borj Djedid were still operational.403 According to
398
399
400
401
402
403
For an overview, see Rossiter (2009) 193–97.
August. Ad donatistos post conlationem 25.43.
Rossiter (2009) 178, n. 3.
Leone (2007) 124, table 8; Sears (2007) 38; both with anterior
bibliography.
Leone (2007) 115–16, table 7.
Wilson (1998) 93.
the written sources, the first churches were built during
this century.404
In the 5th c., large parts of the monumental town
centre gradually fell into decline (map 20). The Vandals
were, however, concerned with the preservation of the
urban fabric. Several restorations in private houses
can be dated to the second half of the 5th c.405 Some
Christian churches, such as Dermech I or Damous el
Karita, date from the end of the 4th or the beginning of
the 5th c.406 Yet, it is impossible to pinpoint their construction to before or after the Vandal conquest.407 The
city walls, which had been restored in AD 425, no longer
had a defensive function, as houses were built directly
against them.408 According to Victor of Vita, the Vandals
destroyed the odeum, the theatre, the aedes memoriae
(one of the oldest Christian martyria), and the basilica
maiora, where St. Perpetua, St. Felicita and the Scilitan
martyrs were buried.409 It is difficult to recognize these
damages in the archaeological record. Only the data
from the odeum confirm this literary evidence, as it was
used as a burial place.410 Poor quality housing, presumably from the late 5th c., covered the ruins of the theatre. The circus and perhaps the amphitheatre may have
been still in use, but more research is needed to confirm
this.411 Two churches, one at Bir el Knissia and one at
Bir Ftouha, seem to have been constructed after the
Vandal conquest. On the forum, the large basilica seems
to have been out of use, but the proconsular palace was
still functional as it was used by the Vandal King for his
court. Parts of the old circular harbour seem to have
been abandoned.412 Even if the Zaghouan aqueduct
was still functional, the La Malga and Borj Djedid reservoirs probably ceased functioning in the 5th c.413 The
Antonine Baths were closed after the vaults of the frigidarium had collapsed. The bathhouses that were in use
during this period lay on a north-south axis, corresponding to the cardo maximus. In the outskirts of town, burials were inserted in the residential quarters, pointing
to a transformation of these domestic areas. Industrial
quarters developed in the Sayda quarter.414
In the 6th c. (map 21), the remaining large public
structures, such as the circus and the amphitheatre,
fell out of use and were subsequently occupied by poor
404
405
406
407
408
409
410
411
412
413
414
Ennabli (1997) 15–44.
Leone (2007) 161–162 and table 12.
Ennabli (1997) 147–52; Bockmann (2013) 105–17.
Leone (2007) 157.
Sears (2007) 39.
Victor Vit. 1.8–9.
Leone (2002) 240.
Bockmann (2013) 62.
Leone (2007) 157–59; Bockmann (2013) 64–65.
Wilson (1998) 93–97.
Leone (2007) 164.
156
chapter 3
map 20
Carthage (Tunisia) at the end
of the 5th c., with the location
of public baths and the most
important buildings and public
areas
after Leone (2007) 169,
fig. 45
1: Damous el-Karita Church
2: Dermech I Church
3: Bir el Knissia Church
housing in the 7th c.415 Most building activity was focused on residential architecture and ecclesiastical
buildings. Procopius recounts that Justinian ordered
the walls to be restored and commanded the construction of several other buildings, such as a chapel for Mary
Theotokos inside the proconsular palace and a new
bathhouse. Furthermore, he built stoas on the Maritime
Forum and a monastery on the shore.416 The archaeological evidence proves that the Byrsa hill was fortified.
At least three churches were built in the Dermech area.
In the urban periphery, the cemetery churches were
enlarged. “Religious buildings played the principal role
and transformed the focal centres of the urban and suburban reorganisation, completing a process that had already started from the end of the 4th c.”417
The new buildings were fitted within the ancient
street grid of the city, although in some cases public and
private structures encroached on the street or the public space, foreshadowing the development that would
eventually lead to the creation of the medieval souk.418
Sewers and drainage channels were kept in use and restored. The south-east quarter, especially in the harbour
area, saw some revival with the construction of undefined public buildings and some modest housing. The
Borj Djedid and Dermech area were still the most bustling parts of town, as new houses and churches were
erected.419 The Byzantine Baths were constructed on
the remains of the Antonine predecessor. Most of the
other baths, such as the Odeon Hill baths or the Baths
in the Baal Hammon Street fell out of use in the course
of the 6th and 7th c. The aqueduct still functioned when
Belisarius besieged the city in AD 533.420 Several smallscale reservoirs were constructed along the course of the
Zaghouan aqueduct and in the Borj Djedid reservoirs.
415
416
417
418
419
420
Bockmann (2013) 62–63.
Procop. Aed. 6.5.8–11.
Leone (2007) 178.
Kennedy (1985).
Leone (2007) 172 (sewers, drains), 179 (houses, churches).
According to Procop. Bell. 4.1.2.
157
Archaeological Evidence
map 21
Carthage (Tunisia) at the end
of the 6th c., with the location
of public baths and the most
important buildings and public
areas
after Leone (2007) 180,
fig. 54
1: Baths in Rue Baal Hammon
2: Bir Messouda Church
3: Basilica of Carthagenna
However, the latter were never reconnected to the
Byzantine Baths. It was not until AD 698, when Arab
troops sacked the city, that the main aqueduct was destroyed.421 The distribution pattern of graves highlights
the most ‘active’ part of town i.e. the north-eastern
quarter.422
At the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th c.,
Carthage gradually shrank and monumental architectural heritage declined. The basilica of Cartagena fell
out of use and seems to have been occupied by poorly
built houses.423 Other churches survived as centres of
pilgrimage.424 After the Islamic conquest, archaeological evidence points to a continued occupation in the
Byzantine quarters, namely the north-east quarter and
421
422
423
424
Wilson (1998) 93–94, 98.
Sears (2007) 38.
Ennabli (1997) 68–69.
Leone (2007) 179.
the forum area.425 Production activities were centred on
the harbour area, with smaller shops and houses pointing to production on a smaller scale, probably aimed at
regional markets or local subsistence.426 Domestic and
industrial structures encroached on public spaces, creating a dense network of small houses and intertwining
alleys that can still be seen in today’s souks.
Sufetula
Concise History of the Urban Fabric
The history of Sufetula is difficult to reconstruct due to
the lack of literary sources. It seems that the first settlement was founded during the Flavian dynasty (second
half of the 1st c.) by veterans of Legio III Augusta.427
425
426
427
Vitelli (1981) 5–39.
Leone (2007) 181.
Duval and Baratte (1973) 8.
158
chapter 3
The city was strategically located on a plateau, controlling an important road that connected the interior of
Africa Proconsularis, especially the cities Ammaedra
and Thelepete, with the coast. The city, which now is
excavated over an area of around 20 hectares of a presumed total of 50 hectares, was delimited in the north
and east by the Wadi Sbeitla. The economy was primarily based on olive cultivation, while ceramic production
was also widespread in the region.428
The city followed the classic development of a Roman
town, becoming first a municipium and later a colony
(Severan period), although the exact dates of these
‘promotions’ is unknown. By the Severan era, Sufetula
was a prosperous town governed by a city council and a
curator.429 It further expanded throughout the 3rd and
4th c., benefitting from the trade in olive products.
The first bishop is attested as early as the 3rd c. With
Diocletian’s reforms, Sufetula became part of Byzacena.
The city fell under Vandal rule and saw persecution
campaigns against non-Arian Christians (AD 484).430
When the Byzantines conquered the city, it became an
important military stronghold in holding off the raids
of Amazigh tribes. The exarch Gregorius chose Sufetula
as his capital when he cut ties with Constantinople
(AD 647), but eventually the city was sacked by Muslim
troops. This did not mean the end of all occupation, as
evidence has been found of a continued urban activity.431
Although the site is relatively well preserved, the
chronology is poorly understood. Most of the monuments were unearthed in the period 1917–22 and 1942–
47 without any archaeological methodology.432 Sufetula
is a good example of a planned city (map 22), laid out
following an orthogonal grid with oblong insulae (ca. 100
× 45 m). This was probably the result of a single project, dating to the foundation of the city or to an important reform in the first half of the 2nd c.433 The paved
streets, all with sewers running underneath them, follow a north-east / south-west and north-west / southeast orientation. The hypothesis that Sufetula started as
a castellum before evolving into a city is unconvincing.434
Possible structures that predated the street grid have
been discovered under Basilica 1, yet there are no indications for a precise construction date. The Capitolium,
named after the three temples standing next to each
428
429
430
431
432
433
434
Béjaoui (2004) 12–13.
Lepelley (1981) 308; Kuhoff (2010) 279.
Duval and Baratte (1973) 9; Duval (1982) 603; Béjaoui (2004) 7.
Duval (1982) 620–26; Kennedy (2007) 207; Kuhoff (2010) 293.
For the reports on these earliest interventions, see the bibliography in Duval (1982) 626–31.
Duval (1982) 602.
Duval (1990) 505–508.
other, was preceded by a large square, possibly the
forum, and an arch dedicated to Antoninus Pius.435 The
aqueduct-bridge may also have dated to this period, as
an inscription of AD 145 was reused in a repair work.436
However, there is doubt whether this repair was carried
out in antiquity or in the 19th c.
The theatre and the amphitheatre have not been the
subject of archaeological research. They probably dated
from the great 2nd c. expansion, yet evidence is lacking.
The Christian monuments were constructed at the beginning of the 4th c. Three basilicas (1, 3 and 4) were inserted in the city centre in an effort to ‘Christianize’ the
public space and the most important social hubs.437 In
an unusual act of conversion, a classic ‘open-courtyard’
temple was reshaped into basilica 1.438 An arch was built
at the eastern end of town under the Tetrarchy.439 At the
end of the 5th or beginning or the 6th c., renewed building activity upgraded the more peripheral areas of town
(basilicas 2 and 5).440 By the 7th c., large parts of the
town had been abandoned, while some fortified farms
were built at the eastern edge of town. However, the city
was never walled.441
Newly Built Late Antique Baths
The dating of the new baths is again problematic due to
the absence of solid datable evidence. All three new late
antique baths (C55, C56, Bath of Basilica 5) seem to have
been built in the late 5th or early 6th c.
The plan of the baths follows the linear row type, with
a large frigidarium and at least two piscinae, often with
an apsidal end, and several heated rooms. In the first
heated room—or last while backtracking—a small pool
was present (C55, C56). The large frigidarium of the Bath
nr. 26 and the Bath of Basilica 2 were preceded by a large
multipurpose hall (C55, C56).
The decoration of the baths seems rather low-key,
with the absence of marble especially noteworthy. The
floors of the Bath of Basilica 2 and Bath nr. 26 were
paved with limestone slabs. The polychrome mosaics bordering the piscina in Bath nr. 26 depict marine
scenes, a common theme in the decoration of baths.442
As in several other late antique baths, the bottoms of
the pools were often finished with a plain white mosaic
(C55, Baths of Basilica 5).
435
436
437
438
439
440
441
442
Duval (1982) 602–606.
CIL 8.229.
Kuhoff (2010) 285–88.
Duval (1971a) 9–15.
Duval (1982) 612–13.
Duval (1971a) 153–62; Duval (1982) 625.
Kuhoff (2010) 292.
Dunbabin (1989) 29–30; Manderscheid (1994) 64.
Archaeological Evidence
map 22
Sufetula (Tunisia) at the end of the 4th c., with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Duval and Baratte (1973) fig. 2
1: Amphitheatre
2: Capitolium
3: Theatre
4: Large Reservoir
5: Nymphaeum
6: Basilica IV
7: Chapel with baptistery
8: Basilica III
9: Large Baths
10: Tabernae along the decumanus
11: Baths nr. 15
12: Possible baths (‘nr. 7’)
159
160
chapter 3
The technology of the late antique baths can only be
investigated in the Baths of Basilica 2, as the brief descriptions of Baths nr. 26 and the Baths near Basilica 5
do not permit even a basic reconstruction. The heating
system and water management of the Baths of Basilica 2
are standard, with pillars made of square tiles, tubuli for
wall heating and sewers connecting to the latrines. The
water for the pools was stored in two reservoirs, but it is
unknown how these were fed.
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths
The Large Baths
The largest bathhouse discovered so far in Sufetula is
located along the decumanus maximus connecting the
Capitolium to the theatre (fig. 43; map 22, nr. 9). It consisted of eastern and western wings, covering a total
surface of around 3,500 m2. The construction date is
problematic as the excavations of 1916, 1922, 1947 and the
1970s did not yield conclusive evidence. A statue base of
the 3rd c. is incorporated into the wall of the vestibulum,
but there is no evidence that this stone belonged to the
first building phase, nor that it remained in situ.443 Two
more inscriptions give a terminus post quem for restoration works. The first inscription, dated to AD 283, was
discovered in one of the walls of a piscina.444 The second
one is dated to the Tetrarchy on the basis of palaeography (see EA-1). There is no mention of the type of work
that was commemorated, but it could be linked to restoration works on the (cellam?) piscinalem thermarum
hiemalium, the ‘pool (room) of the winter baths’.445 If
these inscriptions did belong to the baths, the two sections could be interpreted as summer and winter baths
(resp. the eastern and western parts). The remains will
not be discussed here at length.446 However, it is interesting to look at some of the structural changes that
occurred during the lifespan of these baths. Even if it
is impossible to date the interventions, we can assume
that structural remains discovered during the excavations reflect the articulation of the rooms during their
last phase of use.
In the eastern frigidarium, an extra pool (ca. 5 × 6 m)
was added and the route for visiting the heated parts
was altered by the blocking up of doors. The western
part was changed significantly.447 The original frigidarium was abandoned and a new cold room was created in
what used to be a large vestibule next to the palaestra.448
Two pools were installed there: a square one (ca. 5 ×
5.5 m) and a small apsidal one (ca. 3 × 3.5 m). As a result of abandoning the original frigidarium, the original
entrance to the heated part was blocked up and a new
one was pierced through the east wall, reaching the
new frigidarium. Other doors inside the heated parts
were also blocked to create a different route. The northwestern pool of the caldarium was reduced in size and
changed to a semicircular shape.449 It is difficult to assess how many different phases these interventions
represented. It is also unclear if both the eastern and
western parts of the complex continued to be used simultaneously or if one part (the larger eastern baths?)
was abandoned earlier. The most important observation
about these interventions is the importance attributed
to the pools, especially by adding small semicircular
ones. The use of double-shafted and corner columns is
typical for local late antique architecture.450
Bath Nr. 15
Bath nr. 15 was located in the north-east quarter of town,
one insula north of the Large Baths and two insulae east
of the Baths of Basilica 2 (map 22, nr. 11). As the baths
were unearthed in 1956–58, the information about the
chronology of this building was destroyed.451 Looking
at the plan (fig. 44), we can recognize the same oblong
vestibule at the beginning of the bathing route and the
preference for apsidal pools as in the Large Baths. In a
later phase, some doorways of the heated rooms were
blocked.452
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context
At the beginning of the 4th c., the Large Baths were
still in use. On the decumanus connecting the Large
Baths with the Capitolium and the theatre, a nymphaeum was built in the first half of the same c., probably
under Valentinian and Valens (map 22).453 Two other
nymphaea were built, one on the cardo south of the
Capitolium and one on the decumanus leading to the
amphitheatre.454 It is unclear whether the amphitheatre
was still in use, but the theatre was restored.455 Test pits
in the area around the amphitheatre revealed considerable building activity, possibly several wealthy villas.
448
443
444
445
446
447
Thébert (2003) 153–54.
ILAfr 139.
ILAfr 141 = AE (1921) 30.
See Duval and Baratte (1973) 82–86. For concerns about attributing these inscriptions to the Large Baths, see Thébert (2003)
153–56.
Duval and Baratte (1973) 83, fig. 51. Compare Thébert (2003)
600, pl. L2 and L3.
449
450
451
452
453
454
455
This change might well have been commemorated in the inscription, see above.
Thébert (2003) 156.
Kuhoff (2010) 282.
Duval and Baratte (1973) 74.
Thébert (2003) 156.
AE (1958) 158/159; Duval and Baratte (1973) 30.
Duval (1982) 612.
ILAfr 116.
Archaeological Evidence
figure 43 Plan of the Large Baths in Sufetula (Tunisia)
after Nielsen (1993b) 170, fig. 189
161
162
chapter 3
figure 44
Plan of Baths nr. 15 in Sufetula (Tunisia)
after Thébert (2003) 602, pl. LII.1
A structure with what seems to be an apsidal pool may
point to a public bathhouse in this neighbourhood.456
The oldest Christian monuments are also attributed to
the first half of the 4th c., with Basilica 4, just north-west
of the Capitolium, dedicated at the end of the 4th or the
beginning of the 5th c. The same date can be proposed
for Basilica 1 and the adjacent baptistery. Basilica 3 replaced a public building.457
There seems to be a hiatus in the building activity
of baths in the excavated part of town. Only at the end
of the 5th c. was a new large bathhouse near Basilica 2
(C55) constructed (map 23). It is not surprising that a
bathhouse was built near such an important new social
hub. In the same period, the quarter around the eastern exit road seems to have developed, with two new
‘neighbourhood baths’—Bath nr. 26 (C56) and the Bath
near the new Basilica 5—newly erected there. Some 3
km south-east of the city, the remains of a 5th c. basilica
(Basilica 7) have been discovered.458 The occupation in
the north-west quarter continued throughout the 5th
and even 6th c. (maps 23, 24).
456
457
458
Duval (1982) 614–15 and pl. XII, 18.
Duval (1971a) 85, 131 (basilica 1), 379 (basilica 4); Duval (1982)
617 (basilica 3).
Duval and Baratte (1973) 110.
During the 6th c., there were no radical transformations in the town’s layout (map 24). The large public
buildings such as the theatre and the amphitheatre
were probably abandoned at this time. The Capitolium
had lost its original cult function, yet the open square
in front of it was still used, as a Byzantine wall around
it suggests.459 Basilicas 4 and 5 continued to serve the
Christian communities. Nothing is known about the
lifespan of the baths. However, the south-east quarter of town which had already been developed in the
5th c. saw some building activity after the Arab raid of
AD 642.460 Fortified houses were built along decumanus
entering the city in the east. This important traffic artery
was kept in use by raising the street level. Both Bath nr.
26 and the Bath near Basilica 5 may well have continued
to function. Other roads fell out of use, however, as olive
presses were installed on them. Some parts of the town
lay in ruins or were used as cemeteries, creating a picture of “scattered nuclei.”461
459
460
461
Béjaoui (2004) 44.
Duval (1982) 619–25.
Leone (2007) 184.
163
Archaeological Evidence
map 23
Sufetula (Tunisia) at the end of the 5th c., with the location of public baths and the most important
buildings
after Duval and Baratte (1973) fig. 2
1: Basilica II
2: Basilica I
3: Basilica V
4: Baths near Basilica V
Ptolemais
Concise History of the Urban Fabric
The city of Ptolemais was founded in the Hellenistic period, probably between 250 and 160 BC. It developed as a
classical Greek polis, governed by a boulè. Located in the
fertile plain between the coast and the northern escarpments of the Jebel Akhdar (‘the green mountains’), the
city prospered thanks to trade in agricultural products
(wheat, olives), timber and wood.462 The location of the
site was not a coincidence. Ptolemais was initially the
harbour of the inland settlement of Barca (modern alMarj) and was possibly chosen for “the sure footing for
building, the excellent opportunities for drainage, the
relative degree of protection against the torrid Ghibli
winds from the Sahara, and the tendency of the cooling
462
Kraeling (1962) 2–7.
164
chapter 3
map 24
Sufetula (Tunisia) at the end of the 6th c., with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Duval and Baratte (1973) fig. 2
inshore breezes to counteract the heat of the summer,
usually before midday”.463 In 96 BC, the Hellenistic king
Ptolemy Apion bequeathed Cyrenaica to the Romans.
However, it was not until the reign of Augustus that
the whole province benefitted from integration into
the Roman empire.464 During the Roman period, the
original communication line with Barca was abandoned
in favour of a coastal route connecting Ptolemais with
Apollonia to the east and Taucheira to the west.465
463
464
465
Kraeling (1962) 33.
Reynolds and Lloyd (1996) 619–21.
Kraeling (1962) 14.
The city of Ptolemais flourished in the first 150 years
of imperial rule. The city plan probably dates from the
Hellenistic period, with a defensive wall stretching from
the coast to the foot of the Jebel Akhdar. Inside these
walls, the two north-south axes connected the harbour
district to the city centre, while several smaller northsouth and east-west streets divided the remaining town
into equal insulae.466 The archaeological evidence from
this period is meagre: deep test pits in the ‘villa with a
view’, carried out by a Polish team in recent years, have
yielded 2nd c. BC remains, while the upper theatre and
466
Kraeling (1962) 37–39.
Archaeological Evidence
the stadium may also have a pre-Roman date.467 From
the first decades of the imperial period, several private
houses have been found underneath late antique remains, for example in ‘House G’, in the House of Paulus
(see below), in the ‘Palazzo delle Colonne’ and in the
Villa of the Four Seasons.468 The bridge over the eastern
wadi and the aqueduct also date from the early Roman
phase, but precise dates are lacking. The forum may have
been situated just north of the odeum, itself perhaps a
1st or 2nd c. construction.469 Other structures that date
from the High Empire include the ‘Byzantine theatre’
and the square of the cisterns. The latter consisted of
a large square, possibly a Greek-style gymnasium, built
upon a vast cistern of 17 interconnected vaulted chambers. Its presumed capacity exceeded 5 million litres.470
Recently, a geophysical survey by a Polish archaeological team discovered a structure that could be interpreted as a large cistern near the harbour.471 In contrast to
the North African regions to the west, the period of the
Severans does not seem to have been one of extraordinary expansion.472
Under Diocletian, however, the city became the
capital of the province of Libya Pentapolis, surpassing
Cyrene as most important city of the region (map 25).
The presence of an administrative bureaucracy meant
that Ptolemais became the focal point of trade and
communications.473 During the 5th c., local tribes revolted and besieged the city on numerous occasions.
Therefore, the imperial government decided to move
the administrative capital to the more defensible
Apollonia. City life still continued, albeit probably on
a smaller scale, and urban activity was still mentioned
by Procopius at the beginning of the 6th c.474 A renewal program under Justinian may have reorganized the
shrinking town. In AD 643, the city fell under Arab rule
and probably continued to serve as a harbour town until
at least 14th c.475
Newly Built Late Antique Baths
The examples of new baths in Ptolemais are fundamentally different from each other. The City Baths (C71) date
from the 4th c. and show us how a new large public bathing facility was constructed along the most conspicuous
street of the city. The bath of the House of Paulus (C72)
467
468
469
470
471
472
473
474
475
Kenrick (2013) 90.
Pesce (1950); Kraeling (1962) 119–39.
Arthur (1975); Goodchild and Kraeling (1962) 93.
Knudstad (1962) 62–67.
Misiewicz et al. (2010) 197.
Kraeling (1962) 18.
Kraeling (1962) 20.
Procop. Aed. 6.2.9–11.
Kraeling (1962) 29.
165
on the other hand show us how a former private bath
was transformed into a small public bath in the late 5th
or early 6th c. This difference can also be detected in the
type of plan and the decoration.
The City Baths had an impressive frigidarium centred on an octagonal pool, a tepid room and a cruciform
caldarium (in the first phase). The bath of the House of
Paulus had a very functional layout with the basic succession of rectangular cold, tepid and hot rooms. The
reorganisation of the heated section of the City Baths at
a later date shows some of the same characteristics that
can also be found in the ‘Byzantine’ baths in Taucheira
(C73) or Apollonia (C66), namely a caldarium in which
two alvei flanked a boiler room. A similar arrangement can be seen in the baths of the House of Paulus,
although in this case, there was only room for a single
alveus next to the boiler room. The addition of several
small single-person pools to the existing communal
pools, both in the cold and heated rooms, is a development that we can also see in the 5th and 6th c. baths of
Egypt (e.g. C75C, C78, C81, C87, C89, C95) and Palestine
(e.g. C98, C99, C100, C114).
The decoration of the City Baths was obviously supposed to impress. Reused slabs of marble, fluted columns
with new Corinthian capitals and old statues brought in
from other locations in town created an environment
of luxury and tradition. However, in the second phase,
these high standards could not be maintained and the
new small pools were only coated in waterproof mortar.
In the baths of the House of Paulus, the transformation
of the private into a public facility did not entail an upgrade of the decoration. The small pools were simple
tubs with a waterproof coating.
The hypocaust pillars of the second-phase City Baths
were constructed with standard square tiles, although
later restorations made use of round tiles. Such round
tiles were also used in the baths of the House of Paulus.
This could suggest that both baths were in use at the
same time, although only a close comparison of both
sets of tiles could confirm if these were made at the
same production site. The water supply of the City Baths
probably relied on a combination of supply systems. The
large reservoirs may have been fed by rainwater catchment from the rooftops or by an aqueduct, such as the
branch found coming from the street and running along
the niches of the frigidarium. The small well in the praefurnium of the original caldarium was also reused, possibly for cleaning rather than supplying the pools. The
drainage channel of the octagonal piscina did not pass
the latrines, which had a separate sewer heading west.
In the baths of the House of Paulus, the large reservoir
in the courtyard may also have been fed by rainwater
and / or a branch of an aqueduct. The waste waters of
166
map 25
chapter 3
Ptolemais (Libya), plan of the 4th c. city with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Blas de Roblès (1999) 103, unnumbered fig.
1: Arch of Constantine
2: West Central Church
3: Odeon
4: ‘Palazzo delle Colonne’
5: Temple
6: Large cisterns
7: Large cisterns
8: Fountain of the Maenads
9: Amphitheatre
10: ‘Byzantine theatre’
11: Stadium
12: Upper theatre
167
Archaeological Evidence
figure 45 Plan of the Baths of House T in Ptolemais (Libya)
after Ward-Perkins et al. (1986) 141, figs. 15 and 19
the pools were collected in a sewer which flushed the
latrines on its way to the street sewer.
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths
For an important city such as Ptolemais, it is remarkable that no bathhouse dating from the High Empire has
been found. It has been argued that the City Baths were
built over an imperial predecessor, although archaeological evidence to support this hypothesis is lacking.476
Two private baths dating from the imperial period have
been identified. The Baths of the House of Paulus were
transformed into a public bathhouse in Late Antiquity
(see above p. 165). The Baths of the ‘Colonnaded Palace’
were destroyed at the same time as the luxurious house.477
The violent collapse of heavy architectural elements
suggests that the house was abandoned after an earthquake, possibly the one of AD 365.478
Private Baths
The Baths of House T (Triapsidal Hall)
The excavations of this large domus were interrupted
when the excavator passed away and much of the excavation data was lost. Re-examination of the structures and the surviving records were only published
at a later date.479 The house was originally built in
the High Empire, but was reorganized profoundly in
476
477
478
479
Kraeling (1962) 175.
Pesce (1950) 49.
Kenrick (2013) 82.
Ward-Perkins et al. (1986).
Late Antiquity.480 A large triapsidal hall was the most
important element of the new layout. The peristyle was
equipped with a large fishpond and a small bath was
added in the south-west corner of the building, opposite
the original main entrance (fig. 45).
The bathhouse was constructed just opposite the
main entrance to the domus. This could point to a public
use of the baths. However, this door was blocked at a certain point, perhaps when the baths were constructed.481
If this was the case, the use of the baths was obviously restricted to the inhabitants of the house. The bath
consisted of a small vestibule, a cold room and a heated room. Both the cold and warm rooms had a pool. It
seems that the baths were never finished and that the
furnace was never fired. Several cisterns or possibly
large wells have been discovered in the house. When the
baths were constructed, a water supply pipe entered the
house near the north-western corner of the baths and
possibly fed the fish tank and the garden.482
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context
When Ptolemais became the provincial capital under
Diocletian, the city was embellished with monuments fit for its status (map 25). The so-called ‘Street
of Monuments’ was adorned with a triumphal arch
dedicated to Constantine and Licinius (AD 311–313).
Furthermore, it was equipped with a colonnade under
480
481
482
Ward-Perkins et al. (1986) 126.
Kenrick (2013) 78.
Ward-Perkins et al. (1986) 140–42.
168
chapter 3
Valentinian I (AD 367–375) and subsequently expanded
or restored under Arcadius and Honorius (AD 395–408).483
Statues—the bases of which can still be seen—were
erected alongside this street. Not surprisingly, the City
Baths were a part of the ‘monumentalisation’ of the city
centre. A Hellenistic puteal (decorated kerb-stone of a
well), carved out of Pentelic marble, was relocated to a
fountain on the same street. The fact that a new public
fountain was some 40 m east of the baths could point
to a restored or enhanced water distribution in this
part of town.484 Around the same time, a project for a
private bath was started in the House of the Triapsidal
Hall, while the odeum was used as a venue for swimming
displays.485 The large cisterns in the southern part of
town were still in use. The city’s water storage capacity
was even enhanced by the construction of two new large
reservoirs near the old cisterns.486 The largest of them
seems to have been an open square that was reused by
coating the walls with a waterproof mortar.487 Perhaps
the expansion of the city, boosted by its new status of a
provincial capital, encouraged the authorities to anticipate possible periods of drought, a recurring problem in
the region.
Few building activities can be dated to the 5th c. The
testimonies by Synesius of Cyrene, bishop of Ptolemais
from AD 410 onwards, mention a period of turmoil and
tribal raids.488 The Villa of Orpheus, named after a mosaic in the triclinium, has been attributed to the early
5th c.489 Most of the public buildings probably fell out of
use at the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th c.490
The aqueduct may have suffered the same fate, although
the City Baths were still functioning. One could imagine
that their water management was adapted to the new
circumstances, for example by relying more on rainwater storage.
The Byzantine period saw increased building activity (map 26). Several fortified ‘blockhouses’ were built
throughout the city; however, none of these has been
excavated.491 Their ‘Byzantine’ construction date has
only been deduced from the type of building (see above,
e.g. Sufetula) and by the fact that their position diverges
483
484
485
486
487
488
489
490
491
Resp. SEG IX 71, nr. 364 and SEG IX 71, nr. 365.
Kraeling (1962) 81.
Kenrick (2013) 92.
Kraeling (1962) 68–73.
The interpretation of this structure as an open-air reservoir
has rightfully been challenged in modern research. Some
scholars tend to identify it as a defensive structure (Misiewicz
et al. (2010) 202).
Synesius, Opera quae extant omnia.
Harrison (1962).
Kraeling (1962) 73.
Kraeling (1962) 100–107.
slightly from the city grid.492 The Street of Monuments
remained an important axis within the city, as its eastern end was adorned with a tetrapylon. The private baths
of the House of Paulus were turned into a public facility
(C72), perhaps because the City Baths had temporarily closed or could not function at full capacity. In one
of the later phases, probably near the end of the 6th c.,
the water management of these baths also changed.
At this point, the aqueduct and the large reservoirs in
the southern part of town had perhaps ceased to function. In the prolongation of the street, the ‘Fortress
of the Dux’ was constructed as a fortified stronghold.
An edict of Anastasius (AD 491–518) once stood in front
of it.493 It has been proposed, therefore, that the building was a residence of the military governor of the
province.494 Byzantine building phases have also been
discovered inside some of the earlier houses, such as in
‘House G’ or the House of the Triapsidal Hall. From the
three churches that have been identified in Ptolemais,
not one has been studied.495 It is believed that they were
built during the Byzantine (Justinianic) ‘revival’ of the
city, but an earlier date cannot be ruled out. The Central
West Church still awaits excavation. The West Church
has been labelled as a ‘fortress church’ due to its unusually solid construction.496 The building was reused in
the Early Islamic period, as some Arab graffiti reveal.
Other traces of early Arab occupation are found
throughout the city, often modifications of existing
houses.497 Even if the Arab conquest did not mean the
abandonment of Ptolemais, the last recorded evidence
of activity inside the City Baths and the Baths in the
House of Paulus date from the first half of the 7th c. No
baths from the Early Islamic period have been discovered yet.
Scythopolis
Concise History of the Urban Fabric
The city of Scythopolis (modern Baysan or Beth She’an)
was located in the fertile Jezreel valley, on the crossroads of a route connecting Syria and the Far East to
the Mediterranean. A settlement was already on this
location in the 2nd millennium BC. The city steadily
grew under the Hellenistic kingdoms, first under the
Ptolemies and then under the Seleucids.498 It was
492
493
494
495
496
497
498
Misiewicz et al. (2010) 202.
SEG IX 68–70, nr. 356.
Kraeling (1962) 101.
Kraeling (1962) 97–100.
Kraeling (1962) 97.
Kenrick (2013) 69.
Liwak (2006).
Archaeological Evidence
map 26
Ptolemais (Libya), plan of the 6th c. city with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Blas de Roblès (1999) 103, unnumbered fig.
1: Tetrapylon
2: ‘Palace of the Dux’
3: House T
169
170
chapter 3
Pompey (63 BC) who took the city and established
Roman control. Little is known about the further development of Scythopolis in the Roman period, although
according to Josephus the city was sacked during the
First Jewish Revolt (AD 66–70).499
The Roman city developed around the foot of the
acropolis (the tell), upon which the Temple of Zeus
Akraios was built. The residential area was established
on the slopes of the hill without following a regular
grid.500 Only a small part of the public infrastructure
has been dated to this first phase, including the basilica,
theatre, the temple with the round cella and a bathhouse. The city was monumentalized during the reigns
of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, adding other
temples, an odeum, a monumental nymphaeum and
a ‘reflecting pool’ to the city centre.501 To the south of
the city, a hippodrome was constructed in an area that
had been uninhabited at that time. No forum or macellum has been identified to this day. A large square surrounded by a portico that has sometimes been labelled
the forum should rather be interpreted as a large temple
complex. The street network of this High Imperial phase
is difficult to reconstruct, as the urban fabric was heavily altered during Late Antiquity. Several buildings were
also dismantled to make way for new structures (see
below).502
In Late Antiquity, the city reached its largest expansion after a period of relative peace (maps 27 to 29).
The first Christians in the city are attested by written
sources in the early 4th c., yet classical culture was still
very much present in the city until at least the early
6th c.503 In AD 363, an earthquake hit the entire
Palestinian region. Even if the catastrophe is documented by the sources, archaeological traces of this event are
hard to find. The impact on the city was gradually obliterated as the municipal authorities were able to restore
most of the damage. The city continued to grow until it
reached its zenith in the first half of the 6th c. A revolt
by the Samaritans (AD 529) and the Justinianic plague
(AD 542 and after) disrupted this period of prosperity.
It seems that the city council (curia or βουλή) had lost
much of its administrative power, leaving the initiative
with the local elite. These preferred to invest in ecclesiastical property rather than the public facilities. When
the Sasanians took the city in AD 614, the ruling class was
499
500
501
502
503
Josephus, BJ II.458.
Tsafrir and Förster (1994) 99.
Tsafrir and Förster (1997) 92. The ‘reflecting pool’ was a shallow pond that acted as a mirror to reflect the surrounding
architecture.
Tsafrir and Förster (1997) 89–97.
Christians: e.g. Eus. De Mart. Palest. 1.1–2.; Tsafrir and Förster
(1997) 127–32.
cut off from the main imperial administration and had
to rely solely on local resources to survive. The city fell
into a gradual decline, making it an easy target for the
Arabs in AD 635. Under Muslim rule, the city continued
to be inhabited by the Christian and Jewish communities that had lived there for centuries. According to later
Arab sources, the conquered cities had to hand over half
of the houses to the new rulers and had to pay an annual tribute. Scythopolis, now called Baysan, continued
to function as a bustling market town, be it on a smaller scale, until another earthquake in AD 749 destroyed
most of the remaining infrastructure.504
Newly Built Late Antique Baths
Both the Southern and Western Baths (C114, C115) seem
to date from the 4th-c. reorganisation of the city. The
large Western Baths were a real prestige project, offering a new large public facility on the most important
street of the city. The high number of pools, especially
the natatio and piscinae, could point to the large capacity of the baths, but also stresses the intended opulence
of the building. Similar large pools can be identified in
the smaller Southern Baths. Both baths also had several
heated rooms, which seems to rule out problems of fuel
supply. The apsidal room that was added to the peristyle in the Western Baths could have played a role in
the non-bathing activities that are known to have taken
place in baths, such as religious meetings and juridical
processes (see above, chapter 3, esp. Augustine, Socrates
Scholasticus and John Malalas).
The decoration is quite basic, with plain white mosaic
floors (for example in the pools) or black-and-white mosaics with geometric patterns. There is evidence for wall
mosaics with glass tesserae in the Western Baths. Local
limestone and shale was also used to pave floors. The
columns with their Corinthian capitals gave the Western
Baths a monumental outlook.
The hypocaust pillars of the Western Baths were
somewhat particular, as they consisted of a conical base
on which round tiles were piled. In the Southern Baths,
the hypocaust pillars were made with rectangular and
round pillars. The tubuli in both baths were rectangular
in section. The water supply of both complexes is difficult to reconstruct. In the Southern Baths, there must
have been a rainwater collection on the rooftops, as several gutters were identified.
504
Following the urban evolution as reconstrcuted by Tsafrir and
Förster (1994) and Tsafrir and Förster (1997).
Archaeological Evidence
Continued Use and Abandonment of Existing Baths
The Baths under Valley Street
The remains of a bathhouse, probably dating from the
1st c. AD, were discovered underneath Valley Street
(map 27, nr. 8). The baths were out of use by the time the
street was laid out in the 2nd c.505
The Eastern Baths
The 2nd c. baths underwent important changes
during the 4th c. and were used until the end of the late
antique period (map 27, nr. 9). In AD 515–516, the socalled Silvanus Hall was built partially on top of the now
abandoned baths. The late antique changes included
the addition of the so-called ‘pillared hall’, possibly with
a fountain in an apse, and the blocking up of several
doorways. In one of these doorways, a small basin for
ablutions was installed at a late date.506 The collection
of statues portraying gods of the classical pantheon was
probably assembled during this late phase. Several of
these statues seem to have been dumped in the ravaged
hypocaust once the baths had fallen out of use. The excavators interpreted the deposition as an intentional act
by the Christian inhabitants of the city, although it cannot be ruled out that the statues were damaged during
one of the numerous earthquakes that hit the city and
then subsequently dumped in the ruined hypocaust as
part of the levelling layer.507
Baths in the Late Antique Urban Context
The late antique phase of Scythopolis is well-documented
through the excavations.508 The single-most important
event for the urban fabric in the 4th c. (map 27), was
the earthquake that hit the Palestinian region in AD 363.
Even if it is risky to connect archaeological data to precise historical events, the way in which some buildings
were damaged, in addition to 4th-c. occupation layers,
point to an earthquake around this time. The basilica
was destroyed and never rebuilt. The theatre, the reflecting pool and the nearby colonnaded street, on the other
hand, were restored to former glory. The Eastern Baths
were not only restored, they were expanded. The most
important new construction involved the creation of the
monumental colonnaded Palladius Street connecting
the southern foot of the Tell with the theatre. Along its
western side, the erection of the Western Baths underlined the continued importance of buildings of leisure
505
506
507
508
Tsafrir and Förster (1997) 98.
Tsafrir and Förster (1997) 123; Mazor and Bar-Nathan (1998)
12–13.
Tsafrir and Förster (1997) 129.
The articles by Tsafrir and Förster (1994) and Tsafrir and
Förster (1997) will act as are key sources in summarizing the
late antique urban evolution hereunder.
171
and hygiene. At least 4 aqueducts have been identified
for late antique Scythopolis, although their route within
the city could not be traced. In the area between the theatre and the hippodrome, a new residential quarter was
developed, which would continue to expand in the 5th
c. It is around this time that the Southern Baths were
constructed to serve one of these new neighbourhoods.
During the second half of the 4th c., the hippodrome
was transformed into an amphitheatre.
At the start of the 5th c., the importance of the area
between the Tell and the theatre was confirmed by the
construction of the so-called Byzantine Forum (map 28).
North of it, the monumental nymphaeum was restored.
A new water supply channel ran through the temple
with the round cella, demonstrating that the latter had
been abandoned before this renovation. Similarly, the
Temple of Zeus on the Tell had been abandoned by the
late 5th c., as a church was built partially over it. The wall
surrounding the city and incorporating the Imperial era
gates was probably built in the 4th or 5th c.
In the first half of the 6th c., Palladius Street was restored and a semicircular plaza, the so-called Sigma
Plaza, was constructed partially on top of the newly ruined odeum. A new colonnaded street started from the
nymphaeum and ran east to a new large hall. Two small
churches were built north of the city, around Tell Iztaba,
and a monastery dedicated to Lady Mary and another
to Abba Justinus were constructed to the north-west. A
synagogue north of the Byzantine wall also belonged to
the period of the 5th to 7th c. (map 29). In the second
half of the 6th c., building activity slowed down. The
walls were renovated under Justinian and the Baths of
the Lepers, known by an inscription (EP-1), were restored in AD 558. However, several public buildings were
abandoned, probably as the result of poor maintenance
and the inability to carry out necessary restorations. The
Eastern Baths, the Southern Baths, the theatre and the
amphitheatre all fell out of use. At the end of the 6th
c., Palladius Street had been covered by a layer of colluvium. The Western Baths persisted until the arrival of
the Arabs.
At the turn of the 6th and 7th c., an earthquake heavily damaged the Silvanus Hall, the Byzantine Forum and
the Sigma Plaza. These buildings would never recover.
By the second half of the 7th c., most of the public monuments were transformed into industrial activity centres. Furnaces and workshops were discovered inside
the Western Baths and on the Byzantine Forum. A row of
shops was constructed before the nymphaeum and underneath the portico of Silvanus Street, giving the street
a souk-like appearance. Churches and the synagogue
were still in use when the earthquake of AD 749 put an
end to the remaining monumental infrastructure.
172
map 27
chapter 3
Scythopolis (Israel), plan of the 4th c. city with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Tsafrir and Förster (1997) fig. C
1: Temple of Zeus on the acropolis
2: Large temple complex
3: Odeon
4: Temple with round cella, nymphaeum
5: Reflecting pool
6: Theatre
7: Amphitheatre (ancient circus)
8: Baths under Valley Street
9: East Baths
Archaeological Evidence
map 28
Scythopolis (Israel), plan of the 5th c. city with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Tsafrir and Förster (1997) fig. C
1: Market
2: Palladius Street
3: ‘Byzantine’ Forum
4: Church
173
174
map 29
chapter 3
Scythopolis (Israel), plan of the 6th c. city with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Tsafrir and Förster (1997) fig. C
1: Sigma plaza
2: Church of the Martyr
3: Monastery of the Lady Mary
4: Andreas’ Church
175
Archaeological Evidence
Archaeological Evidence of Early Hammams
North Africa and Cyrenaica
The archaeological evidence for public baths in 7th c.
North Africa is rather flimsy (see Gazetteer). In Carthage,
the Byzantine Baths and the Baths in the Baal Hammon
Street may still have been in use until the late 7th c.
(see appendix 3B), but there is no evidence for any type
of architectural transformation. Similarly, the Baths
of the 5th Century in Sitifis were still standing in the
7th c., although the building may not have been used as
a bath at this time. In Cyrenaica, the Byzantine Baths at
Taucheira were still in use in the Early Islamic period.
Unfortunately, a large part of the excavation data has
been lost, making it difficult to discern possibly Early
Islamic alterations to the original design. Evidence for
the new construction of baths is even scarcer. In Thugga,
a small bathhouse at the foot of the forum may date to
the Early Islamic period.509 The only other confirmed
example of a hammam is found in Volubilis, renamed
Walila (Morocco). The so-called extra-muros baths
(fig. 46) were dated to the late 8th c. by coins and ceramics found underneath the pavement of the cold and
heated rooms. The plan was of an angular row type,
with a large cold room, two tepid rooms and a heated
room on hypocaust. The heated room of these baths
strongly resembled those of the Byzantine baths found
in Taucheira and Apollonia (Fortress baths, C66, C73).
The room had a hypocaust, but no wall heating and was
heated by a central furnace flanked by two single-person
pools.510 We could even assume that the architects of
the extra-muros baths were inspired by the last form of
Byzantine bath types in North Africa. It is also important
to note that both construction techniques and building
materials do not differ from Roman period materials.
In fact, the bricks are reused from Roman buildings.511
This continuity in construction techniques has also
been identified in other water-related structures, such
as aqueducts and cisterns, using the same type of hydraulic mortar as Roman predecessors.512 Without the
stratigraphic information from the trenches, these baths
would have been difficult to assign to the Early Islamic
period. There is no archaeological evidence for early
509
510
511
512
The baths, as yet unpublished, were presented by C. Touihri
during the conference ‘Byzantine and Medieval Islamic Baths
and their use 600–1200 AD’ in Rome (5–6 June 2014). They have
been preliminarily dated to the Early Islamic period, but could
also date from the Late Byzantine period. It is unclear whether
the baths described by C. Touihri are the same as the ‘private
baths’ described by de Haan (2010) 258–60 (K.35).
Khayari (1994) 302–305; Fentress and Limane (2010) 110–111.
Khayari (1994) 306–307.
Wilson (2003) 129; also Ugurlu and Böke (2009).
figure 46 Plan of the Extra-muros Baths in Volubilis (Morocco)
after El Khayari (1994) 303, fig. 2
hammams in the newly-founded cities of Kairouan and
Tunis. The written evidence for this period is limited to
the work of the 9th c. historian Ibn Abd-al Hakam.
Egypt
Both the archaeological (appendix 3D) and the papyrological evidence (appendix 2) reveal that several
Romano-Byzantine bathhouses were kept in use after
the Arab conquest. There is no evidence for radical transformations of the architecture of these existing baths,
which is understandable, as the same people as before
were using them.513 Indeed, the Arab colonists that
settled in Egypt mainly lived in Fustat and Alexandria.
The excavations at Fustat have not yielded remains of
early hammams, even if the water supply of the city was
an important element of the urban infrastructure from
its earliest phases.514 The 14th-c. historian Ibn Duqmaq
mentions a small hammam—hammam al-Far or Baths
of the Rat—being erected during the foundation of the
city.515 To this day, no remains of 7th or 8th-century
hammams have been discovered in Egypt.516
Palestina
Several public baths in Palestina survived the Arab conquest (appendix 3E). Some larger complexes such as in
Tiberias (until the 11th c.) or the thermal baths of Hamat
Gader (8th c.) were used and adapted until well after
513
514
515
516
Denoix (2009) 24.
Gayraud (1998); Sheehan (2010).
Ibn Duqmaq IV.104–105; Denoix (1992) 73–80.
Boussac et al. (2014) 18–20.
176
chapter 3
map 30
Umayyad baths in the Middle and Near East
plan by the author after Boussac et al. (2014) 38–39, maps 3–4
the period that is central to this study. Some smaller
baths may even have dated from the Early Islamic period, rather than to the late antique phase (Ha’on, Nahf,
the Ophel baths and the possible baths in Beit Hanina
in Jerusalem). The construction material and building
techniques certainly do not permit an identification of
these baths as hammams.
There is some evidence of newly constructed hammams in Palestina, although their construction date
lies in the 8th rather than the 7th c. (map 30). The baths
near the Umayyad palace of Khirbet al-Minya, now disappeared, could be one such example.517 A well-studied
example, is the (semi-public?) bath of Khirbet al-Mafjar
(fig. 47).518 The baths were attached to a large audience
hall, which has sometimes been interpreted as a banquet
hall used to entertain political allies.519 In this hall, there
was a large pool (19.5 × 3.4 m) made of local bituminous
517
518
519
Grabar (1993) 1051.
Hamilton (1959) 45–105.
Ettlinghausen (1972) 17–65; Tohme (2011) 72–73.
limestone and coated on the inside with a type of hydraulic mortar. To the north of the hall, a small bathing
suite with two unheated rooms ended in a heated rectangular room with a semicircular niche and an octagonal warm room with a horseshoe-shaped niche on each
side, presumably used as individual cells to relax. Both
rooms were heated by a hypocaust—the brick-built
pillars ending in arches—and tubuli. The rectangular
room was heated by a furnace to the east, surmounted
by boilers—possibly in metal—in the alcove, which
must have generated steam (fig. 48). A water reservoir
above the furnace of the octagonal room served a similar purpose, while simultaneously supplying hot water
for the basins lodged in the niches flanking the furnace.520
The architecture, the heating technology as well as the
decoration—figurative and geometric polychrome
mosaics—show clear influences of Romano-Byzantine
and Sasanian culture.521
520
521
Hamilton (1959) 49–57.
Arce (2007) 497–506.
177
Archaeological Evidence
figure 47
Plan of the palace
at Khirbet al-Mafjar
(Palestine) with location of
the baths
after Yegül (1992)
345, fig. 435 based on
a plan by Hamilton
(1959)
The Larger Middle Eastern Context
Although Lebanon, Syria and Jordan do not fall within
the geographic limits of this study, it is nevertheless important to have a quick look at some of the baths that
were still in use during the Umayyad period (map 30).
Archaeological research in Syria in particular over the
past decade has revealed priceless new information
about some of the mechanisms of transition between
Romano-Byzantine and Islamic baths.
In Lebanon, two early hammams have been found in
‘Anjar. In what was described as the first real Umayyad
city, a palace, a mosque, an administrative neighbourhood, commercial areas and private residences were laid
out along an orthogonal street grid with two main traffic
arteries that met at a tetrapylon in the centre of the city.522
A wall enclosed the entire settlement with 4 gates oriented towards the cardinal points and semi-cylindrical
defence towers. A small and a larger bathhouse were
found near the north gate. The largest bath had a significant hall, its vault supported by 4 columns. There were
three warm rooms, heated by a single furnace servicing
a hypocaust. The second room had a semicircular apse
to the east, while the third room had similar apses to the
east and to the west.523 The smaller baths—which were
never published—were built against the northern city
figure 48 Baths of Khirbet al-Mafjar (Palestine), plan of
the hypocaust system, furnace with reservoir
after Hamilton (1959) 58, fig. 21
522
523
Hillenbrand (1999) 59–61. There has been some discussion
about the Umayyad dating of the site, but recent scholars have
convincingly argued that Anjar was built at the start of the
8th c. (Hillenbrand (1999) 62; for the discussion about the
date, see esp. 59, n. 3).
Chehab (1963) 21–24.
178
chapter 3
figure 49 Plan of the Baths of al-Bara (Syria) in the Roman
period
after Charpentier (2014) 486, fig. 7
figure 50 Plan of the Baths of al-Bara (Syria) in the Islamic
period
after Charpentier (2014) 490, fig. 16
wall, near the mosque. It was similar in layout, with a
large hall preceding three heated rooms.
Several Romano-Byzantine baths in Syria were kept
in use after the Arab conquest. The evolution of a
Roman-style bathhouse to an Islamic one can be seen in
the baths of al-Bara. The first phase of the building (fig.
49) was dated to the 5th c.524 The plan follows a specific
type of layout found in the villages of the northern Syrian
plateau.525 A large rectangular hall—possibly used for
different types of social gatherings—had a small singleperson cold pool and was flanked on the southern long
side by 4 bath rooms, two of which were heated by a
hypocaust system. The last heated room probably had a
warm water pool.526 The baths then continued to function without any important transformations until the
end of the 8th c. (fig. 50), when the caldarium was transformed into a furnace room and a new hot room, without pool and wall heating but with three warm water
labra, was created in the second heated room.527 The
new hypocaust system was constructed using monolith
pillars. The furnace that heated it was surmounted by a
small water reservoir (fig. 51). In the bottom of this reservoir, a round opening was covered by a metal sheet
(diam.: 1.15 m), which stood in direct contact with the
furnace underneath, enabling the water of the reservoir
to turn into steam. This steam was then channelled from
the top of the reservoir into the new heated room by a
chimney opening.528 This transformation of the heating system shows an interesting mix of Roman elements
and the new heating by steam technique that became
characteristic for hammams.
A similar mixed heating system was found in the baths
of Halabiyya-Zenobia (fig. 52) and Qasr al-Hayr East (or
Qasr al-Hayr al-Shaqri, fig. 53).529 Gérard Charpentier
suspects that the introduction of the steam furnace
should be identified as an Umayyad transformation of
the original Roman heating system.530 The baths of Sura
also started out as a Romano-Byzantine style bath (5th
or 6th c.), but were equipped with a steam system during the Early Islamic period. The heated rooms, however,
524
525
526
527
Charpentier (2014) 469.
Tchalenko (1953) 25–28; Charpentier and Denoix (2011) 73–87.
Charpentier (2014) 470–75.
Charpentier (2014) 478–79. The cold-water pool received a
new internal coating, blocking up the outlet at the bottom.
Without any apparent form of drainage, this pool may have
been used as a shower or as ornamental basin. A cylindrical
basin, fed by a conduit coming out of the wall, was added next
528
529
530
to the pool to be used for simple ablutions (Charpentier (2014)
475–76).
Measurements and description by Charpentier (2014) 476–77.
Resp. Lauffray (1991) 113–30; Grabar (1978) 90–97.
Charpentier (2014) 480.
179
Archaeological Evidence
figure 51
Baths of al-Bara (Syria), cross-section of the
furnace with superimposed boiler during
the Islamic phase
after Charpentier (2014) 491, fig. 19
figure 52
Plan of the Baths of Halabiyya-Zenobia
(Syria)
after Charpentier and Denoix (2011)
90, fig. 10
still had wall heating (tubuli) and three single-person
pools.531
In Syria and Jordan, several original Umayyad hammams have been identified.532 The most famous example is the hammam of Qusair Amra (Jordan, early
8th c.), probably part of a larger rural estate of the
Umayyad rulers.533 The baths consisted of a large
three-aisled hall, with the side aisles ending in apsidal
chambers (fig. 54). In the northern end of the eastern
531
532
533
Othman (2014) 499–502.
Boussac et al. (2014) 20–22.
Musil (1907); Almagro et al. (1975); Fowden (2004).
aisle, a shallow basin may have served for quick ablutions or simply as decoration. From this hall, a doorway
led into a first room without any noticeable features
(dressing room?). The following room was heated by a
hypocaust and had a small rectangular cold pool. The
last room, also with a hypocaust, had two heated semicircular pools. Above the furnace, water was converted
into steam in a reservoir and then channelled into the
heated room through a vent. The water was supplied
by a saqiyah with adjacent reservoir to the north of the
baths. The concrete domes and vaults of the building
were decorated with polychrome wall paintings depicting hunting, bathing, athletics, dancing girls and figures
180
chapter 3
figure 53 Plan of the Baths of Qasr al-Hayr East (Syria)
after Yegül (1992) 341, fig. 427
of philosophy and poetry. The references to classical
themes, such as a woman bathing, wearing only a loin
cloth, is reminiscent of the many Venus depictions in
Roman baths.534 The complex, which stands in isolation
in the desert, has therefore been interpreted as a ‘hunting lodge’ for the prince and his entourage. However,
a recent survey of the immediate surroundings of the
baths identified some small dwellings and a mosque, so
“the bathhouse was originally less isolated than it now
appears”.535
The baths of Hammam as-Sarah (Jordan, early
8th c.) have a very similar plan and water and heating
technology.536 The bath of the Caliph’s Palace in Amman
(Jordan) was accessible from the street as well as from
the palace itself, meaning this hammam had a semipublic use.537 The plan (fig. 55)—with a large dressing
room flanked by the triad of cold, tepid and hot rooms—
showed obvious similarities to late antique baths such as
al-Bara (see above).
The baths of Qinnasrin (Syria) probably belonged to a
larger building, perhaps a palace. The excavations, which
have yielded successive phases from the turn of the 6th
and 7th c. to the 9th c., made clear that a Byzantine bath
534
535
536
537
Fowden (2004) 38–42, 229–30 (paintings).
Fowden (2004) 46. For the survey, see Genequand (2002).
Butler (1919) 77–80; Arce (2015) 142–59.
Arce (2015) 160.
was replaced by a new bathhouse in the Early Islamic
phase. The heated section was transformed into a cold
section with a single-person pool.538 In the Umayyad
fortress of Khirbet al-Maqsurah (Syria), a small bathhouse was found against the eastern defensive wall. The
excavations so far revealed at least three rooms heated
by a hypocaust, one of which had a rectangular and a
semicircular heated single-person pool. The hypocaust
pillars were made of tiles and ended in arches. The walls
of the second and third warm rooms were heated by tubuli. The furnace may have had an overlying reservoir to
generate steam, but the walls are too damaged at this location to allow for any such conclusions. To the south of
the heated rooms, a cold room and a larger hall were discovered, reminiscent of the baths of the Umayyad desert
castles.539 The baths at Gabal Says can be dated to the
reign of Caliph al-Walid (AD 705–715) and lay some 120
m east of a fortress.540 The plan was less monumental
than the baths at Qusair Amra or Hammam as-Sarah.
The bathers entered a hall with an apsidal ending to the
north and two side rooms to the south. Some limestone
basins and an underground sewage channel in this hall
point to the use of water. A first small room with a water
basin to the west was followed by two rooms with hypocaust heating. The second heated room possibly had two
rectangular heated basins. The furnace was surmounted
by the reservoir-steam system that has already been described for the baths at Qusair Amra. The water was supplied by a well some 170 m north of the baths, possibly
operated by a saqiyah.541
Summarizing the Archaeological Evidence of Early
Hammams
In the first phase of the Islamic conquest of former
Romano-Byzantine territory, Roman-style bathhouses
continued to be used, without any apparent transformations of the plan or the technology. Except for a single
inscription in Taucheira, there is little evidence that the
Arab rulers used or maintained these baths. The first
hammams that can be dated to Umayyad rule seem to
have been built under Caliph al-Walid (AD 705–715).
These hammams were very similar to late antique
baths, with a traditional pillar hypocaust and even small
pools for individual use, but without a space for physical exercises.542 The hammams of the Syrian ‘desert
castles’ or ‘hunting lodges’ had a large hall as their most
characteristic element. The decoration, clearly influ-
538
539
540
541
542
Rousset and Rochette (2014) 520–25.
Omeri (2014) 510–12.
Schmidt (2012).
Bloch (2014) 586–88.
Fontana (2011).
181
Archaeological Evidence
figure 54
Plan of the Umayyad baths of
Qusair Amra (Jordan)
after Almagro et al.
(1975) fig. 4
figure 55 Plan of the Umayyad baths attached to the Palace of the Caliph in Amman (Jordan)
in Piraud-Fournet (2014) 708, fig. 17 after the plan by I. Arce; with permission
enced by Byzantine and Sasanian art, point to a social
function of the baths, in a larger context of leisure and
pleasure.543 Some scholars have even suggested that
parts of the palaces and most likely the baths were accessible to the elite and entourage of the caliph residing
on the estates.544 The baths of the Palace of the Caliph
in Amman indeed point to a semi-public use of a private hammam. In the cities, existing Roman baths were
often kept in use. The newly built baths can be difficult
to attribute to Byzantine or Islamic rule simply because
it was still the same people building and using the baths.
The so-called ‘characteristic’ elements of early hammams, i.e. a large multipurpose cold room and a small
543
544
Dow (1996) 32–38; Tohme (2011) 72–73.
Genequand (2009) §28.
but steamy heated section, are in fact the continuation
of an architectural evolution that had already begun in
the small public baths of the Byzantine Near East.545
The transformation of Romano-Byzantine baths in
Syria during the later 8th c. mainly concern the disappearance of the pools in favour of simple washbasins
(ĝurn, pl. aĝrân), the disappearance of wall heating and
the introduction of a steam-boiler (qadr).546 The change
from pools to basins has been linked to the Islamic
prescriptions that one should wash in flowing water.547
The disappearance of the wall heating may have been
545
546
547
Fournet (2012b) 230.
However, immersion pools (hawd, pl. ahawad) were maintained in Egyptian hammams (De Miranda (2010) 70).
Benkheira (2003) 400; De Miranda (2010) 69.
182
chapter 3
linked to the disappearance of production centres of
ceramic building material or to the invention of different types of heating techniques.548 The introduction of
a steam-boiler may have been one of these. It has been
identified as an original Islamic invention, even if the
caldaria of the smaller Romano-Byzantine baths may
already have been a little ‘steamier’ than in the imperial period.549 In some Roman-style baths, there seem
to have been experiments with introducing steam directly into the caldarium. The baths in Karanis (Egypt,
see C85) or the small baths in the Cyrenaican hinterland
(see C68, C69, C74) are good examples. Not surprisingly, experiments with new heating techniques and new
architectural forms could be more easily achieved in
small neighbourhood baths than in large (pre-existing)
thermae.550 Several centuries before, technological and
architectural experiments in small private baths led to
the full development of the Roman-style bathhouse.551
The evolution from the Romano-Byzantine baths
to hammams is less clear in North Africa and Egypt.
However, it seems that there were no equivalents of the
luxurious baths of the caliphs as found in Palestina and
Syria. Indeed, in the following centuries, the hammams
of the Maghreb and those of the Mashreq followed different architectural traditions.552 It is interesting to notice that some of the Islamic baths found in Andalusia
(Spain) still follow the same architectural design found
in the Maghreb (Walila), which in turn had been influenced by the ‘Byzantine’ type of baths found in
Cyrenaica (Taucheira, Apollonia).553
552
553
548
549
550
551
Grotzfeld (1970) 57.
Charpentier (1995) 233, n. 61; Fournet (2012a) 332; Fournet
(2012b) 230; Charpentier (2014) 481.
Fournet (2012b) 230.
de Haan (2010) 37.
Dow (1996) 14–16; Denoix (2009) 25, 30; De Miranda (2010)
69–70; Lamei (2012).
For a recent overview of the Islamic baths in Andalusia, see
Espinar Moreno (2014) esp. 215–78 and Fournier (2016). Most
of the surviving remains were constructed after the 12th c., but
the basic scheme of rectangular rooms and hot room with one
or two hot pools flanking the furnace-cum-boiler still stands
in sharp contrast to contemporary hammams in Egypt and the
Mashreq.
chapter 4
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
Imperial Type
The so-called ‘imperial type’ bathhouse, not to be confused with imperially funded baths (which in theory
could have any type of layout), was only built in the largest cities of the empire. For the Italian Peninsula, their
construction was also restricted to the early decades
of the 4th c., when the emperors still resided there. It
is hardly surprising that cities of imperial residence
such as Rome (C21, C22), Aquileia (C1) and Milan (C5)
were equipped with new ‘palaces of the people’. One
can speculate if such baths were also constructed in
Ravenna once it became the new administrative capital
in the early 5th c., or if an existing bathhouse was restored or perhaps enlarged. The same question can be
asked for the reign of Theoderic in the first half of the
6th c. The construction of several modest bathhouses
(C18, C19, C20) demonstrates that the bathing habit was
far from extinguished at this time, yet it remains doubtful whether the construction of a new imperial bath
was financially possible or even advisable. Considering
the modest size of the population and the continued
existence of several earlier baths, a restoration and embellishment programme may have sufficed to gain the
favour of the people. Such a programme seems to have
been enacted in other large cities such as Rome and
Ostia. This is confirmed not only by the archaeological
remains, but also by the literary and epigraphic evidence
(chapter 2). Authors such as Ammianus Marcellinus,
the Scriptores Historia Augusta, Ausonius (all 4th c.) or
Olympiodorus (5th c.) mention the limited construction
in the Urbs at the beginning of 4th c. and the subsequent
restorations of existing buildings later that century. The
inscriptions pertaining to imperial type baths (e.g. EI-2;
45; 46) also commemorate restorations, and not a fundamentis building for that matter.
The situation is very similar for other regions. There
are no new imperial type baths built in North Africa.
The so-called Unfinished Baths at Leptis Magna may
have been an exceptional attempt, but as their name indicates, the project was never completed. In Carthage,
the Antonine Baths were kept in use (EA-31). The
Thermae Maximianae mentioned by Jerome,2 inaugurated in the same year as the Baths of Diocletian in
Rome (AD 302), might have pertained to restoration
works on the Antonine Baths. If this passage refers to a
new bathhouse, the fact that they were commissioned
by Maximianus, an Augustus during the Tetrarchy, does
not necessarily imply that the layout was of the imperial
type. The same can be said for the several attestations
of imperially funded baths found in the written sources
(literature, laws and inscriptions). The numerous baths
built by Justinian in the reconquered territories—as
recounted by Procopius (see chapter 2)—could hardly
have been of the imperial type. In none of the archaeological sites mentioned by Procopius have imperial type
baths of the 6th c. been found.
In Cyrenaica, there are no examples of imperial type
bathhouses, not even for the High Empire. Even in larger cities such as Cyrene and Ptolemais, the late antique
bloom did not result in the construction of imperial type
baths. In Palestina, the late antique ‘monumentalisation’
of Caesarea Maritima did not entail the construction of
imperial type baths. However, with the construction of
the Western Baths (C115) in Scythopolis, at least one new
imperial type bathhouse was built in this prosperous region. We should nevertheless note that with its 3,200 m2,
the Western Baths could not compete with the sumptuous double symmetrical thermae found in Rome or
Carthage. It is also good to remember that the imperial
type was the exception rather than the rule, even during
the High Empire. The historical trajectory of Cyrenaica,
Egypt and Palestina, in particular the impact of Roman
urban concepts, may partially explain the small number
1 See for example Brödner (1983), Nielsen (1993a) or Yegül (1992).
2 Jer. Ab Abr. 2317.
Architecture
Plans of the Baths
Even if there existed certain common characteristics in
the layout, architecture and technical aspects of Roman
bathhouses all over the empire (see chapter 1), modern
scholars have discerned certain regional characteristics
of baths.1 There is no reason to assume that for Late
Antiquity, with its divergent historical trajectories for
each region, these characteristic features disappeared in
favour of a standard type of ‘late antique bathhouse’. If
we want to study the architecture—and indeed all other
aspects—of late antique baths, it is first necessary to
look at the remains on a regional level, before attempting to distil any conclusions on an empire-wide level.
Furthermore, we should not forget the chronological
evolution within each regional dataset when comparing
the remains.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���0 | doi:��.��63/97890044�94��_006
184
of imperial type thermae in these rather prosperous
regions.3 The long urban history that preceded Roman
rule may have made it more difficult for Roman urban
concepts, and especially baths as a Roman flagship, to be
embraced.4 However, it is possible that an imperial type
bath may still lie buried underneath the streets of modern Jerusalem or Benghazi. The texts of John Malalas
(chapter 2, p. 61–63) remind us that emperors still saw
the upkeep and restoration of (large) baths as an important aspect of their benevolence, especially in the larger
cities such as Antioch and Alexandria.
In Egypt, the only imperial type bath built in Late
Antiquity was located in Alexandria (C77). This prosperous harbour town was the central hub for trade in
Egyptian grain. The Kom al-Dikka baths were possibly not the only imperial type baths in the city (C78?),
but so far the examples of the High Empire remain to
be found. Two more imperial type baths were found in
Egypt, one in Thebes (near the temple of Karnak) and
one in Antinopolis (now vanished). The baths in Thebes
were only abandoned in the late 4th c., when the entire
neighbourhood was in decline. Other cities in Egypt may
also have had imperial types, although, in the so-called
extinct cities where much of the city fabric has been
mapped, such as Hermopolis Magna, no large structures
that may be interpreted as imperial type thermae have
come to light. Papyrological evidence mentions several
baths named after an emperor in Oxyrhynchus (see P-2;
10) and possibly Panopolis (see P-18), yet there is no way
of knowing whether these had an imperial type layout.
Even if the construction of imperial type baths withered after the 4th c., it would be wrong to assume that inhabitants of the late antique city did not bathe in these
luxurious thermae any more. On the contrary, in important cities (administrative capitals, regional centres), the
imperial baths, often prestige projects financed by the
emperors themselves, had a better chance of being restored by the grace of the emperors than the more modest neighbourhood baths (see the epigraphic evidence).
Furthermore, large cities could also afford to send envoys to the emperor asking to repair or built baths. The
construction and subsequent restoration of the imperial type can be seen in Aquileia, Milan, Ostia, Rome,
several North African cities, Alexandria, Scythopolis
and even further east in Syria, Lebanon5 and of course
Constantinople (see the evidence of the Zeuxippos
Baths in chapter 2). In each of these cases, the eventual
3 Only three in Egypt (see below) and only two in Palestina
(Western and Eastern Baths in Scythopolis).
4 For Egypt see Redon (2017b); for Palestina see Hoss (2005) 92–99;
for the Middle East in general see Fournet (2012b).
5 See Fournet (2012b).
chapter 4
abandonment of the imperial baths followed a more
general decline of the urban fabric.
Row Type and Ring Type
The row type was the most common choice in each of
the discussed regions. The popularity for this linear succession of the main bathing rooms lay in its simplicity
and its adaptability to the spatial constraint imposed
by the surrounding urban fabric. The application of
this type goes back to the oldest Republican examples.6
Indeed, for many baths that were inserted in an existing
insula, the linear (or axial) layout of the rooms offered
an obvious solution for fitting all of the rooms into a predefined space (e.g. C3, C11, C23, C35, C57, C67). The parallel row type was especially suited for rectangular spaces
(e.g. C16, C41, C86). It had the advantage over the ring
type that it did not need an exit-tepidarium between the
caldarium and the frigidarium. In the eastern regions,
the linear arrangement of the rooms was combined with
a square or rectangular courtyard to form a specific ‘eastern’ layout (e.g. C65, C73, C89, C98, C109). The fact that
the row types could be heated by a single furnace, placed
in the axis of the rooms, was an additional advantage.
This was especially useful in regions with a limited fuel
supply and for small and fortress baths (e.g. C74, C100,
C101, C106, fortress baths in Taucheira and Yotvata).
The ring type became popular from the second half
of the 1st c. AD onwards, probably to improve the circulation within the baths, by adding an exit-tepidarium
between the caldarium and the frigidarium.7 It was
often used when there was a large building plot available. This type of layout was especially popular in
North Africa, where they were often constructed in new
neighbourhoods created during the Roman ‘monumentalisation’ of a city.8 The type was rather uncommon in
the rest of the Roman West.9 This trend continued in
Late Antiquity. The number of ring types in the Italian
Peninsula is very low (C32?), even if some baths from the
High Empire might still have been in use (e.g. Curinga,
Misterbianco). In North Africa, Cyrenaica and Egypt, the
type is more common (C36, C37, C49, C59). Sometimes
this layout was even chosen when the available building
space was rather restricted and a row type might have
been the more sensible choice (e.g. C61, C64). In Egypt,
several baths were transformed from a ring or row type
in a double (angular) row type (C75A to C75B–C, C91,
C92). Such double baths, which could be double from
the start (C76, C89, C90, C95), seems to be an original
6
7
8
9
Staccioli (1958) 273–74; Yegül (1981) 109–110.
Thébert (2003) 121.
Nielsen (1993a) 90–91; Thébert (2003) 355–57.
Thébert (2003) 358.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
Egyptian feature, possibly linked to a separation of sexes
in two separate (yet often identical) wings.10 The fact
that some of these baths lie en route to or near Christian
pilgrimage sites (e.g. Marea, Abu Mena) has been seen
as a possible reason why these baths in particular had
such an obvious and strict separation.11 In Palestina on
the other hand, the ring type was not popular.12 When
the necessary building space was available, the (parallel)
row type was preferred over a ring type (e.g. C111, C112).
As a general remark, we can say that the choice for
a specific type of plan was still mainly inspired by the
size of the baths. This, in turn, could depend on a variety
of factors, including available space, available funds for
construction or the number of potential bathers in any
given city or neighbourhood that was targeted. The most
obvious choice for smaller baths was the row type, be
it linear or angular depending on specific circumstances. For example, the double baths in Egypt often used
‘interlocking’ angular row types around a central furnace. However, the popularity of the ring type in North
Africa, which had developed during the High Empire,
was a regional preference that continued to influence
the choice of plans in Late Antiquity. From Cyrenaica
to Palestine—and further east to Syria and Cilicia—a
‘block type’ consisting of a courtyard attached to a row
type, became popular in Late Antiquity. This new typology fitted within a larger bath-related architectural evolution in the east, which saw an increased importance of
the cold section (see below, p. 187–188).
Size of the Baths
If we group late antique baths into three categories—
namely baths larger than 1,000 m2, baths between 500
and 1,000 m2 and baths smaller than 500 m2—we get similar patterns for the different regions (all periods mixed)
and a clear difference between the three categories.13
The number of baths with a surface larger than 1,000 m2
is limited for every region. In the Italian Peninsula, imperial type baths influence the slightly higher number.
Besides these imperial types, few bathhouses in these
regions exceeded 2,000 m2. In the High Empire, such
large baths were not uncommon, even in smaller cities.14
Especially in North Africa, baths with a surface of over
2,000 m2 were frequently constructed in the 2nd and
10
11
12
13
14
Fournet and Redon (2017a) 307–309.
Fournet and Redon (2017a) 309.
Hoss (2005) 64.
The graph is based on the surface of the catalogued baths
(under 6). If the size of the baths is unknown, it was not taken
into account. However, the size of the rooms may give an indication of the maximum size of the building (in brackets under
6 of the individual catalogued baths).
See Nielsen (1993b) 2–47.
185
3rd c.15 The new late antique examples were mainly built
in large towns with an important late antique phase
(Rome, Milan, Ostia, Carthage, Alexandria, Scythopolis).
Most were built in the 4th c., some perhaps at the beginning of the 5th and only one in the 6th (the Byzantine
baths of Carthage).16 Similar patterns can be identified
in other western regions of the empire. The only baths
exceeding 1,000 m2 were built in the (early) 4th c. in the
most important cities, e.g. the Kaiserthermen in Trier
(Germany)17 or Constantine’s Baths in Arles (France).18
In Hispania and Lusitania, no new large baths dating to
Late Antiquity have been discovered yet.19 In the eastern
provinces, Late Antiquity was a rather prosperous period, which was reflected in the investment in new urban
infrastructure. In Asia Minor and the Middle East, most
larger baths were built in the 4th c., e.g. the complete reconstruction of the Zeuxippos Baths in Constantinople
under Constantine, the Bath E in Antioch and possibly the Large Baths at Tyr (Lebanon).20 The construction of this category can be linked to the interest of the
Roman emperor in a specific city (Rome, Arles, Trier,
Constantinople), to the wealth of the local city council
(Volaterrae, Gadara, Scythopolis) or a private investor
(Piazza Armerina, Oued Athmenia).
The category of baths with a surface between 500
and 1,000 m2 seems to disappear in late Antiquity in
the Italian Peninsula. This was the type of modest
neighbourhood baths that was frequently found in
Ostia (Baths of the Trinacria, Baths of the Coachmen,
Maritime Baths, Baths of Buticosus), Rome (Baths under
the Piazza dei Cinquecento), Thamugadi (Small East
Baths, Baths of the Capitole) and other cities all over
the empire.21 In North Africa, baths of this size were still
built in important cities such as Thamugadi (C57, C58)
or Sufetula (C55, C56). The dataset of Cyrenaica, Egypt
and Palestina points to a similar evolution, with baths in
Cyrene (C67), Alexandria (C81) and Caesarea Maritima
(C100). However, these figures are biased by the inclusion of double baths (C58, C75, C76, C87, C89, C90, C91,
C92, C99, C116), which actually consist of two separate
baths with a surface under 500 m2. If we consider the
surface available to the bathers, these baths actually
fall within the category of small baths. If, however,
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Thébert (2003) 305–308, 321–22, 341–42.
We should keep in mind that several of the large imperial period baths were kept in use. The important point, however, is
that large baths were not built any more.
Krencker et al. (1929).
Bouet (2003b) 41–44 with anterior bibliography.
Reis (2004) 43–45; Peréx et al. (2014) 69–70.
Constantinople: Yegül (1992) 324; Antioch: Levi (1947) 260; Tyr:
Charpentier and Duvette (2014) 385.
See Nielsen (1993b) 2–47.
186
chapter 4
we consider the space allotted to a bathhouse within
the urban fabric and the resources and manpower
needed for their construction, they belong to the modest category.
The majority of baths built in Late Antiquity, in all of
the regions discussed above, belong to the category of
small baths, with a surface that did not exceed 500 m2.
The smallest examples, not larger than 100 m2, often date
to the later centuries (C27, C42?, C68, C69, C74, C85?,
C101, C104?, C110, C113?, Thamugadi Donatist Cathedral,
Tipasa, Taucheira Fortress baths, Jerusalem Third
Wall?). They often belong to a fort or an ecclesiastical
complex. In North Africa, several baths were part of a
larger domus, even if they had separate street entrances.
One of the most deeply rooted ideas about late antique
baths is the theory of the disappearance of public baths
in favour of private baths (see above chapter 1, p. 33).
The archaeological evidence that has come forward in
the present research shows a more nuanced picture. We
should also keep in mind that the small size of a bathhouse does not necessarily imply that it was just a basic
facility without any luxury. The decoration itself could
give some small baths a very ‘boutique-chic’-like atmosphere (see below, p. 196–198). Furthermore, studies on
contemporary hammams in the Maghreb and Mashreq
have shown that the service provided by the staff contributes to the quality of the bathhouse, even more than
the aesthetic and architectural features.22
Rooms of the Baths
Cold Rooms
In the imperial type baths, the cold section still consisted of a large rectangular frigidarium—the centrepiece
of the building—with cold pools for communal use in
its corners. The presence of a natatio seems guaranteed
in the imperial baths of Rome (inside the main bathing
block) and Aquileia (in the palaestra?). The cold section of the imperial baths in Milan (C5) and Alexandria
(C77) are too damaged to make any definitive conclusions about the presence or absence of a natatio. In the
Western Baths of Scythopolis (C115), there were several
cold pools surrounding the bathing block, although
none had the size of the natationes in Rome. In the frigidarium of the Kom al-Dikka baths in Alexandria (C77),
post-dating the ‘western’ examples by over half a century, we find small pools with heated water. The apodyteria
in Rome’s imperial baths, as far as can be deduced from
the incomplete plans and Renaissance drawings, stood
in connection to the palaestra or basilica thermarum.
22
Kolb and Dumreicher (2008) 23.
In the other types of baths, some architectural trends
that had developed during the 3rd c. continued during the entire late antique period (in all the different
regions). The frigidarium was the largest and most important room, often rectangular in shape, with one or
two piscinae. In North Africa, the plan of the frigidarium
could have an alternative shape, such as a hexagon with
semicircular apses on its sides (C36, C59). This form
was also found in the Villa Baths of Piazza Armerina
and a similar shape (decagonal) in the possible baths
of Minerva Medica in Rome. The use of curvilinear
forms in the North African architecture had been very
popular since the 2nd c., especially in bathhouses (e.g.
the Hunting Baths in Leptis Magna, the Large Baths in
Thenae). In Cyrenaica, Egypt and Palestina, an open
courtyard or large room with benches often combined
the function of cloak room, waiting room and frigidarium (see below p. 187). Some public gatherings such
as assemblies and law courts described in the literary
sources (see above, chapter 2, esp. Augustine, Socrates
Scholasticus, Malalas) may have taken place here. The
peristylium in the baths of Piazza Armerina (C15),
Volaterrae (C32) or the villa baths in Galeata (fig. 75)
may also have been used for such assemblies.
The piscina often had a semicircular shape or ended in
an apse (e.g. C13, C16, C24, C37, C54, C62, C99, C112). The
older rectangular shape also remained popular. Often,
these piscinae lay on opposite ends of the room (e.g. C13,
C14, C25, C29, C31, C32, C33, C36, C50, C54, C59, C88, C95,
C96, C114). In North Africa, the pools could take more unusual shapes, such as a trefoil (C36) or quatrefoil clover
(C45), an oval (C47), a hexagon (Sidi Ghrib), a U-shape
(C52) or a rectangle with an apse on each short end
(C34, C59, Sidi Ghrib). The villa bath of Piazza Armerina,
again, shows remarkable similarities with these North
African examples, which is not surprising considering
the strong commercial and cultural ties between Sicily
and North Africa. In the Italian Peninsula and Palestina,
a round cold pool made its appearance (C6, C12, C13, C14,
C26, C27, C98, C100, C115). The form in itself was certainly not new, as it is reminiscent of the earliest frigidaria
pools in the Vesuvian cities. The natationes were uncommon, as these were mainly restricted to imperial type
baths or very large neighbourhood baths (C1, C13, C15?,
C21, C22, C114, C115), both rare during Late Antiquity in
the regions investigated. A common feature of the frigidaria was the appearance of small single person pools
in addition to the large communal pool (see below, p.
190–194). These smaller pools were sometimes added to
the original layout of imperial period baths during Late
Antiquity (e.g. Ostia, Baths of Neptune; Sufetula, Large
Baths; Thuburbo Maius, Winter Baths, Volubilis, North
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
187
figure 56
Plan of the baths in Brad (Syria)
after Charpentier and Denoix
(2011) 88, fig. 9
Baths). In some exceptional cases, a pediluvium (foot
bath) was added to the frigidarium, often before the
doorway connecting to the heated rooms (C94, Fortress
Baths in Legio, baths of Nagazza?).
Multipurpose Cold Room
In Cyrenaica, Egypt and Palestina, a special type of cold
room developed (C65, C70, C71, C73, C75, C76, C80?, C86,
C89, C90, C95, C98, C109, C116).23 An open courtyard or
a large hall served as a multifunctional cold room. The
introduction of this lounge-type frigidarium, combining the functions of dressing room, cold room and hall
for social gatherings, can also be detected in the late
antique baths of Syria and Cilicia.24 A courtyard, such
as in Brad (Syria, 3rd c.; fig. 56) and Télanissos (Syria,
5th c.?), or a large rectangular hall, such as in Serdjilla
(Syria; fig. 57) was the main feature of the building and
probably served as a meeting place for different types
of social events.25 In Syria, in the village baths of the socalled Apamaean type, this large cold hall even became
23
24
25
See also Fournet and Redon (2017a) 283–90, who identify this
type in Egypt and link it to examples in the Near East, but
overlook the evidence in Cyrenaica and Cilicia.
Syria: Charpentier and Denoix (2011); Fournet (2012a) 332;
Cilicia: Yegül (2003) 59.
Biscop and Blanc (2014) 423, fig. 5.; Charpentier and Denoix
(2011) 93.
the main feature of the building, while the bathing block
was of secondary importance.26 In this context, it is interesting to recall the passages in the late antique literature about rites de passages (see Gregory of Nazianzus),
religious activities (see Eunapius), Christian celebrations (see Augustine, Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomen,
Palladius, Gregory the Great) and secular affairs such as
law courts (see Augustine) that took place inside bathhouses. The large halls may have been the ideal locations for such non-bathing activities. The platform in
the courtyard of the City Baths in Ptolemais (C71) and
the balcony in the hall of the baths in Serdjilla could be
evidence of the social function of such halls. The gradual
loss of the exercise yards (palaestra, basilica thermarum)
with its exedrae and colonnades, which also served as a
location for social encounters, may have been partially
made up for by these halls.27
The geographical spread of this cold hall, from
Cyrenaica to Cilicia, does not mean that there was a
single ‘type’ of baths that was adopted in the east during
Late Antiquity. Furthermore, the courtyard preceding
the bathing block also appeared in the Italian Peninsula
(C15, C32, Galeata), pointing to a general trend of increasing the cold section during Late Antiquity. However,
26
27
Charpentier (1995) 228.
Fournet and Redon (2017a) 302.
188
chapter 4
figure 57
Plan of the baths in Serdjilla (Syria)
after Charpentier (1994) 121,
fig. 7
some regional trends can be discerned. In Cyrenaica and
Egypt, a courtyard, often with colonnades on two, three
or four sides and possibly unroofed, preceded the actual
bathing block (C65, C71, C73, C75, C76, C84, C89, C90,
C91, C92, C94, C95). Sometimes the colonnade in front
of the main bathing block formed an oblong corridorlike space that acted as the actual frigidarium, with two
larger cold pools on the small ends (e.g. C73, C89, C92).
Small single-person pools (rectangular or semicircular)
flanked the doorway to the heated section. From here,
the bather entered a small room without a hypocaust
(tepidarium?), in which a small basin or labrum may be
found, followed by two or three small heated rooms laid
out in a linear or axial row. A similar plan can be found in
Syria and Jordan (Placcus Baths in Gerasa).28 However,
the heated section lies parallel to instead of in the axis
of the cold hall (baths of Brad, see fig. 56). The popularity of this layout is confirmed by its continuing into the
Umayyad period (see the Baths of Halabiyya-Zenobia
or Qasr al-Hayr East, figs. 52, 53). In northern Syria and
Cilicia, the bathing bloc is also parallel to the large hall,
but for these buildings, the hall actually becomes the
most important room and the bath suites are downgraded to a secondary function.
Palaestra
Few newly built baths had a palaestra. The absence of
these large exercise courts is most notable in the small
neighbourhood baths, although this was an evolution
that had already started in the High Empire (see for example the baths of the Piazza dei Cinquecento in Rome).
28
Lepaon (2015).
This did not mean that bathers were no longer familiar
with palaestra. The new 4th-c. imperial type baths in
the Italian Peninsula still had large palaestra (C1, C5,
C21, C25). The mosaics depicting athletes in these baths
also demonstrate that physical exercises were still part
of the bathing routine. In the 4th-c. villa baths of Piazza
Armerina, a mosaic also depicts women playing a ball
game. The Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria (C77) did
not seem to have a palaestra, although the cold section
of this building is difficult to reconstruct due to the bad
state of preservation. The Western Baths in Scythopolis
(C115) had an open courtyard with several pools. The fact
that this area was paved with flagstone seems to indicate
that it was not used as an exercise yard.
As we have seen in Rome, Ostia and other important
cities in the empire, the existing imperial type baths
were often still in use in Late Antiquity, meaning a palaestra was still available even if the smaller neighbourhood baths no longer offered a place to exercise. The
literature (see Augustine, Socrates Scholasticus, John
Malalas) and recent excavations—for instance in the
palaestra of the Forum Baths in Ostia—show a remarkable change in function. It seems as if existing palaestra
became multipurpose halls or squares where all sorts of
meetings could take place.29 We can recall the passages
in Augustine, Socrates Scholasticus or John Malalas, in
which the large halls of the baths were used for hearings,
29
These squares could be adorned with statues brought in from
other locations, as was the case in the Forum Baths in Ostia
(see also below p. 198). A similar evolution of frigidaria into
multipurpose halls can also be discerned in smaller baths, especially in the East (see above).
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
legal matters and public affairs (see chapter 2). We
should probably interpret the large halls that preceded
the cold rooms as such multi-purpose areas rather than
as exercise courts. A similar evolution of frigidaria evolving into multi-purpose halls can also be discerned in the
smaller baths, especially in the east (see above).
Late antique medical texts still mention exercises
in combination with bathing (see Oribasius, Caelius
Aurelianus), yet it is not clear if these should be performed inside the bathhouse in an adapted room
(palaestra). In the late antique literature mentioning
baths and bathing by both Christian and non-Christian
authors, exercise is not mentioned in combination with
bathing.30 Furthermore, there are no inscriptions commemorating the construction or restoration of rooms
for physical exercise in bathhouses. Consequently, the
archaeological remains, the literary passages and the
inscriptions seem to indicate that a specific room for
physical exercises (excluding swimming) disappeared
from the layout of bathhouses.
Number of Heated Rooms
Most of the late antique baths in the Italian Peninsula
and North Africa had a minimum of three heated rooms
(tepidarium, sudatorium and caldarium). In the imperial type baths, the heated rooms were still large and
equipped with several large alvei (C1, C5, C21, C22), resembling the layout of the imperial types of the High
Empire. Only in the small baths of the 5th and 6th c.
was the heated part sometimes restricted to one or two
heated rooms (C27, C33, C42, C43 C53, C54). For some
baths, the small heated part fitted within the modest
ambitions of the architect, providing only the essential bathing rooms (e.g. C27, C42, Thamugadi Donatist
Cathedral). In other cases, the small heated section may
have been related to the lack of fuel, as the cold section
was large and lavishly decorated (C53, C54). The growing
importance of the cold rooms could point to a changing bathing habit, in which sweating and relaxation in
warm water became less important. This evolution is
also visible in some earlier baths in which one of the
heated rooms was closed in a later phase (C23, C39, Sidi
Ghrib, Vicus Augustanus baths; Sufetula, Large Baths;
Thuburbo Maius, Capitolium Baths; Madauros¸ Large
Baths). Again, a lack of fuel may have been the reason
why some of these heated rooms were abandoned.
Alternatively, the owners were not capable or willing to
restore heated rooms that had fallen out of use, perhaps
due to a lack of funds to pay for the repairs or for the
fuel once the rooms had been restored. Or perhaps the
skilled labour and necessary building materials were not
available any more. This seems to have been the case
when the hypocaust pillars were repaired with stone
monoliths (e.g. C30, Mesange, Malvindi-Campofreddo
baths; Volubilis, baths of the House of the works of
Hercules; Thuburbo Maius, Winter Baths). We must remember that the heated section in North African baths
had always been quite small.31
In Cyrenaica, Egypt and Palestine, the imperial baths
followed the Roman standard, with several heated
rooms (C77, C115).32 Smaller late antique baths sometimes had only one or two rooms in their original layout.
In arid regions such as the Negev or the Libyan desert,
a lack of fuel may well have been the most important
reason (e.g. Mechili, C109, C111, C113, Abu Sha’ar Fortress
baths?). In other cases, the limited heated section may
have been the result of a small construction budget (e.g.
C68, C104, C108) or simply modest ambitions (C74, C85,
C96, C100, C101, C117), especially in fortresses (Taucheira,
Ayn Gharandal, Bir Madhkur, Yotvata) and monasteries (Jerusalem Mount Scopus, and Third Wall; Ma’ale
Adumin baths). For soldiers and monks, a basic facility
to maintain hygiene may have sufficed. In larger baths
that obviously had the space and the funds to construct
several heated rooms (e.g. C71, C89, C99), the choice for
a limited heated section may have been inspired by a
change in bathing habits, limiting the time spent in the
heated rooms in favour of the social gatherings in the
larger cold sections. When only one or two heated rooms
are present, it is likely that the function of caldarium and
sudatorium merged (i.e. there was no separate room for
sweating). In Egypt, some baths had two caldaria instead
of one caldarium and one sudatorium (e.g. C75B/C, C76,
C89). The Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria (C77) even
had different types of pools in almost all of the heated
rooms. The popularity of small pools can have several
explanations (see below, p. 190–194).
Whatever the number of heated rooms, it is important to point out that the late antique baths still had
at least one room with a hypocaust. In other words, a
visit to a public bathhouse still implied a moment of
sweating in a heated room. The idea behind the bathing habit still seems to have been inspired by the medical theories of the time. These still followed the same
basic Hippocratic ideas (see Chapter 2, e.g. Theodorus
Priscianus, Cassius Felix, Alexander of Tralles): the
31
30
See, however, the passage by Sidonius Apollinaris (Ep. 5.17) in
which the author watches a ball game before attending Mass.
This game was played outside and not in a bathhouse.
189
32
Lézine and Elouard (1961) 9; Yegül (1992) 409; Thébert (2003)
326.
This was also the case in Syria, Lebanon and Jordan, where
several imperial type baths were still in use and even attained
their largest expansion in Late Antiquity; see Fournet (2012b).
190
chapter 4
balance of bodily fluids could be maintained or—in
case of disease—restored by exposing the body to cold,
hot, moist or dry circumstances.33 The baths still offered
all these environments.
Form and Features of Heated Rooms
The caldarium often had a rectangular or cruciform
shape. Both forms were not new, but had already existed during the High Empire. The rectangular caldarium
often had two pools, which could be rectangular, semicircular or apsidal in shape. These pools stood opposite
or perpendicular to one another (e.g. C9, C24, C30, C53,
C55, C63, C67, C83, C98, C115). The cruciform caldaria
seem to have been particularly popular in Palestina
(C99, C105, C111, C114, C116, C117). In Egypt, a rectangular caldarium with pools on two or three sides (C75C,
C92, C95) or two small ‘twin’ pools on one side and a
larger round or semicircular pool on an adjoining side
(C81, C84, C86, C91), are common. In Cyrenaica, a rectangular caldarium with a furnace flanked on each side
by a single-person pool seems to have been popular in
the Byzantine period (esp. C66, C73, Taucheira Fortress
baths). This simple form may have been a quick solution
to construct a bathhouse in ashlar in a short amount of
time. Especially in a military context, such an uncomplicated scheme could have been welcome. However,
this type of caldarium was uncommon in other regions.34
The Baths of the Byzantine Fortress in Thamugadi
(fig. 41) did not have such a caldarium. The heated room
of the Islamic extra muros baths in Volubilis (8th c.,
fig. 46) had a very similar form. Perhaps the early Islamic
settlers modelled their baths after the ‘Byzantine types’
which they had encountered during their conquest, especially in their operating base in Cyrenaica.
In the Italian Peninsula, the other heated rooms
(tepidaria and sudatoria) were only rarely equipped
with pools (C4?, C12?, C14, C15, C16, C17?). In the Kom
al-Dikka baths in Alexandria (C77), all the heated rooms
were equipped with several small pools, sometimes in
addition to larger communal pools. In North Africa, a
small single-person pool was often found at the beginning of the heated section (see below). As most of the
plans had a reversing track, this pool could also be used
at the end of the bathing itinerary. The fact that some
pools in the caldarium were apparently also heated by a
testudo, while others were supplied by a boiler and still
others simply by an underlying furnace (e.g. C14, C29),
33
34
See also Duffy (1984).
The late antique baths in Dharih (Jordan) have a similar design
(C101), although the two rectangular pools of the caldarium
are adjoining instead of separated by a furnace-cum-boiler;
see Sartori (2015).
points to a difference in the temperature of each of
these pool (also below, furnaces). The small size of some
of the heated rooms could be the result of new expectations of a visit to the baths, rather than of a lack of
fuel or a lack of funding. In baths with large cold sections, but comparatively small heated sections (e.g. C9,
C13, C15, C32, C34, C39, C54, C56, C61, C71, C75, C82, C99,
C100), there obviously were enough funds, but a deliberate choice was made to invest in the cold rather than in
the heated section. Most of these baths also had several
heated rooms, which would be odd if fuel was really an
issue. Hence, there seems to be a preference for smaller rooms, with smaller pools, creating a more intimate
bathing experience.
In an exceptional case, the heated room may not have
had a pool. In the Baths of the Fifth Century in Sitifis
(C54), the heated section only consists of one small rectangular room with no apparent pool. The reasons for
this omission are unclear. The two large piscinae of the
frigidarium exclude a scarcity of water. The most likely
explanation according to Thébert is that the alveus has
simply not been recognized during the excavations.35 If
not, we should consider the possibility that the small
heated section (merely 21m2) was of secondary importance, used only as a sweating room. The prevalence of
the cold bath over the heated bath could not be clearer.
Small Pools
A recurring element of late antique baths that has
often been labelled ‘characteristic’ (see above, chapter
1) are the small single-person pools. These pools are
sometimes called ‘sitz-baths’ in excavation reports, making the link to the hip bathtubs found in Greek-style
bathhouses.36 However, there is no evidence that all
these small pools were used in the same way as their
Greek counterparts, i.e. scooping water over the sitting
bather. In contrast, the Roman type pools were often fed
by a water conduit. Several scholars have proposed different explanations for their introduction.
Before analysing these different explanations, we
should first point out that the pools seem to have been
introduced as early as the second half of the 2nd c.
The frigidarium and the small tepidarium in the Baths
of the Swimmer in Ostia, abandoned in AD 230–250,
were equipped with such small single person pools in
its last restoration phase (dated AD 160–170; figs. 17, 18).37
Similarly, in the North Baths of Volubilis, the small pools
in both the frigidarium and the caldarium were later additions to the original layout (fig. 58). Their construction
35
36
37
Thébert (2003) 224.
Ginouvès (1962) 187.
Medri (2013) 66–68.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
figure 58 Plan of the North Baths in Volubilis (Morocco)
after Nielsen (1993b) 128, fig. 132
was dated in the 3rd c. These baths had fallen out of use
by the end of this century, giving a terminus ante quem
of the late 3rd c. for the introduction of these small pools
in Volubilis.38
Even if the introduction of such small pools arrived
at an earlier date than previously assumed, their wide
distribution started a century later and reached its peak
during Late Antiquity. Not only were these pools incorporated into the original layouts of the newly built
baths, they were also added to the existing imperial period buildings. In the Italian Peninsula, this is especially
noticeable in the archaeological evidence from Ostia
(Baths of Neptune, Baths of the Coachmen, Baths of the
Invidious, Baths of the Philosopher, Baths of Mithras,
Baths of the Trinacria, Baths of the Swimmer), Rome
(Baths under the piazza dei Cinquecento; baths under
Palazzo Valentini), Fiesole (undated intervention),
Canusium (Terme Ferrara; undated intervention) and
38
On the dating of these baths, see Thouvenot (1945) 160–61;
Thébert (2003) 273.
191
Venusia.39 In North Africa, we can mention the examples
of Belalis Maior (Forum Baths), Madauros (Large Baths),
Thuburbo Maius (Winter Baths, Baths of the Labyrinth),
Sufetula (Large Baths) and Leptis Magna (Schola Baths).
Inge Nielsen considered the small pools to be the result of a break-down of the water supply systems.40 A
concern for water may have influenced the size and
number of pools in more arid regions such as Egypt or
Palestina. In small bathhouses, such as those in Cyrene’s
hinterland (C68, C69, C70) or the baths built during the
Byzantine military occupation (C73, fig. 41), the size of
the pools seems the result of a limited water supply,
which relied on the catchment of rainwater. Filling a
large natatio with rainwater in a region where the average rain fall is 500 mm per year does not seem the most
efficient use of water. Furthermore, these baths probably served small communities, which would make
large baths and accompanying pools unnecessary.41 All
in all, the modest size of these baths, and of their pools,
seems to be the result of local conditions. And yet, these
baths often had more than one small pool (C68, C69?,
C70 and possibly the baths in Siret Ain Relles). The bathconstructors, in other words, chose several small pools
above one communal pool. In contrast, the water supply for large cities such as Rome and Ostia was still in
use at the time these pools were built, so water shortage
was probably not the prime instigator for constructing
small pools. A number of small pools were added to the
total number of pools rather than replacing the larger
communal pools, especially in cases of renovation. This
shows us that the small pools actually added an extra
volume of water to the total pool capacity, necessitating a higher water supply. Hence the pools seem to have
been built for a specific use, rather than as a measure to
economise on water.
Another popular theory claims that the small pools
were the result of Christian morals, which frowned upon
close bodily contact and (partial) nudity.42 This view is
largely based on decontextualized excerpts of Early
Christian authors, such as Jerome (see chapter 2, p. 38–
40). Christian critique on baths was mainly pointed towards mixed bathing (male with female) and intended
for ascetics. Furthermore, the introduction of this type
of smaller pools predates the rise of Christianity (see
above) and did not occur alongside the removal of the
communal pools. What would be the point of taking
your heated bath in an individual pool out of piety, if
39
40
41
42
For the baths in Fiesole, see Bellini delle Stelle et al. (1984) 36.
Nielsen (1993a) 57, 116.
The absence of efficient fuel such as firewood also seems to
have limited the size of the heated sections of these baths.
Yegül (1992) 461, n. 88; but also Nielsen (1993b) 57.
192
chapter 4
you had to take the cold one in the communal piscina
afterwards, or vice versa? As the alternating between a
hot and cold pool formed the core of the bathing habit
(see chapter 1), it is difficult to believe that one of the
two would be skipped. Puritan Christian ideas about
baths may well have influenced the architecture of some
bathhouses, especially those near a church (C19, C27,
C75–77, Thamugadi Donatist Cathedral), in a monastery
(Jerusalem Third Wall, Ma’ale Adumin, Bawit) or near
a baptistery (Cuicul, Thamugadi, Tipasa), but they cannot be held responsible for a general reduction in size of
the pools.43
In the 1950s, the French scholar René Ginouvès proposed an alternative explanation, based on the late
antique transformation of three Roman-style bathhouses in Greece.44 According to Ginouvès, the small
pools were the result of an evolution in bathing habits.
Smaller baths facilitated the use of different types of
water or water of a different temperature.45 We know
from textual evidence that the Romans distinguished
different types of water and attributed different properties to them.46 These different types of water were
also used in Greco-Roman medicine.47 Several medical
authors prescribed different types of water for bathing
or drinking (see chapter 2).48 There is also evidence
that seawater was used in bathhouses (see chapter 2).
Ginouvès connected the use of the small pools in public
baths with those found in thermal baths.49 The water in
small pools would also have been easier to refresh after
each bather. As these small individual pools seem to
have been introduced in the 3rd c., we could speculate
that the impact of the ‘Antonine plague’, which hit North
Africa particularly hard, had anything to do with a more
personal bathing habit. The high number of medical
texts written in North Africa during Late Antiquity (see
chapter 2) may also point to the increased importance
of medicine in this region.50 Alexandria in particular became the most important centre for late antique medicinal theory.51 We must, however, admit that references to
such ‘medical prevention in bathing habits’ are difficult
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
From surviving monastery rules, we know that the monks living at the pilgrimage sites could bathe, even in public baths,
but not together, out of fear of sexual temptations (rule of
Shenoute, canon 3; Pachomius, Praecepta 92); see Crislip
(2005) 30.
Ginouvès (1955).
Ginouvès (1955) 151.
Already Plin. NH 31.2.2; see above, chapter 2, Oribasius.
Jackson (1999).
See also Garzya (1994) 109–110.
Ginouvès (1955) 150; more recently also Bouet (2003a) 292 for
the small pools in Gallia Narbonensis.
Benseddik (1989).
Nutton (1984) 5.
to find in ancient literature. We are reminded of the
passage in Ammianus Marcellinus in which members
of the elite demanded of their slaves that they bathed
after they had visited sick friends.52 Or of the bathers
in a passage by Theodoret who refused to submerge in
the ‘contaminated water’ of a heretic.53 There is little
proof of baths being used for containing a disease
outbreak.54 The ‘Baths of the Lepers’ in Scythopolis
(EP-1) is insufficient evidence for a category of baths
‘reserved for the sick’.
The medical texts also prescribe different temperatures of bathing water for different ailments (see
chapter 2).55 This theory playing out in baths has recently been supported by archaeological evidence. Chemical
analysis of the calcareous deposits found in the pools
of the thermal baths at Jebel Oust (Tunisia) confirmed
that the different pools were filled with water of different temperatures.56 By a system of cooling tanks and
direct pipes from the hot spring, or by combining the
waters of both, the water of the pools could be made
cold, tepid or hot (fig. 59). Such a diversification may
also explain the high number of pools in the ‘Asclepium’
baths in Lambaesis (C50 and fig. 84). This idea of offering different bathing experiences may well have been
repeated in public baths. In fact, the chemical analysis
of the scale that was scraped of the bottom of the pools
in the Kom al-Dikka baths in Alexandria confirmed that
different pools were fed with water of different temperatures.57 The fact that some baths offered a choice
in water temperature finds confirmation in a text by
Libanius (see above, chapter 2).58 The same passage in
Theodoret about bathers demanding the water of a pool
be refreshed after a heretic had bathed in them further
to points to such a service.59 Ginouvès explained the
tendency to offer different types of bath water in small
individual pools as the result of an increasing ‘individualisation’ of society.60 This fits within the context of a
changing world view, which also saw the rise of eschatological religions such as Christianity, Manichaeism and
the Mithras cult.
Besides temperature or the type of water, the different pools may also have offered different ‘acts’ of bathing. Looking at the location of the small pools within the
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
Amm. Marc. 14.6.23.
Theod. Hist. eccl. 4.13.
Morley (2005) 199.
See also Fontanille (1985) 15–16; Villard (1994) 52; Nutton
(2004) 202–203.
Broise and Curie (2014) 574; Broise (2015).
Koɫątaj (1992) 75.
Lib. Or. 2.34.
Theod. Hist. eccl. 4.13.
Ginouvès (1955) 135.
193
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
figure 59
Plan of the thermal baths at
Jebel Oust (Tunisia) with pools of
different temperatures
in Broise and Curie (2014) 581,
fig. 6; with permission
bathhouse, it can be observed that they are often found
in the caldarium (e.g. C39?, C52, C55, C71, C73, C86, C88,
C89, C94, C114), in the frigidarium (e.g. C9, C12, C13, C36,
C58, C60, C64, C71, C89, C114) or, particularly in North
Africa, at the beginning of the heated section (C14, C15,
C16, C25, C34, C37, C55, C56, C62, C64, C65, C75A–C,
C82, C94, C99, C100). The availability of such a wash
basin for personal ablutions (e.g. C82, C101) is reminiscent of the labra in Republican and Early Imperial bathhouses.61 The Baths of the Forum in Herculaneum had
a labrum in the apodyterium and in the caldarium in
the men’s section, and a labrum in the caldarium of the
women’s section.62 The Central Baths in Pompeii on the
other hand, still under construction when the Vesuvius
erupted in AD 79, did not have the characteristic apse for
the labrum (schola labri), but instead included a small
heated basin in the caldarium (fig. 60).63 This basin does
not seem to have had any internal steps, even if 19th-c.
restorations blur its original appearance. The heated
basin might have replaced the labrum as a feature for
personal ablutions. In a further evolution, such a basin
may have been replaced by a fully-fledged pool. Around
the time that the schola labri disappears from bathhouse
architecture (end of the 1st c. AD), the tepidaria were
61
62
63
Maréchal (2016) 135–36.
Pesando and Guidobaldi (2006) 360–62.
Pesando and Guidobaldi (2006) 85–87.
equipped with pools. According to Nielsen, these pools
took over the function of the labra in the caldarium.64 As
most of the late antique baths were of the row type with
a reversing route (see above, p.184), the small pool at the
beginning of the bathing route could also be used at the
end. If these pools were used after a visit to the caldarium, their function matched that of the exit-tepidarium
pools. It is interesting that in some North African examples, the pools at the beginning of the heated section or
even in the frigidarium were supplied with warm water
(C60, C62), just as some labra had been in early baths.
Some of the small pools did not have a drain, e.g. the
semicircular pool in the caldarium of the Karm Kandara
Baths (C86) or the small pool at the beginning of the
heated section in the Baths of the Philosopher in Ostia.
This suggests a different use of water inside this pool,
perhaps as a type of shower. The absence of a drainage
system inside a pool is indeed evidence for a continuous
flow of water.65 Such a different water use could perhaps
explain the presence of small pools in the frigidaria (C12,
C58, C71, C72, C87), as a difference in the temperature of
the water seems unlikely here (except for C60). A special
use of small pools may also be found in the small rooms
immediately following the open courtyards in the baths
in Cyrenaica, Egypt and Palestina (see above, p.188).
64
65
Nielsen (1993a), 158.
Manderscheid (2000 a) 508.
194
chapter 4
figure 60 Central Baths in Pompeii (Italy), detail of the small basin in the caldarium seen from the northwest
photo: N. de Haan and K. Wallat, April 2007, with permission
These small rooms may have functioned as winter
frigidaria. Alternatively, such pools are also reminiscent of the exit-tepidarium pools encountered
in North Africa (see above, p.184) and could have had a
similar function. It is striking that in some of these rooms,
there was no small pool, but only a basin in the wall
(C73, phase 3; C83, C101) or a labrum (C87?, C88?, C89,
C91?, C95).
From the options above, we can conclude that there
is not one single explanation for the small pools in late
antique baths. It was an architectural feature that could
be used for different purposes, in different parts of the
bathhouse. But whatever its function, we cannot deny
that the use of this pool must have been a more private
bathing experience, certainly in contrast to the communal pools.
New Rooms?
There do not seem to have been any new rooms added
to the basic design of Roman-style baths—at least on a
technical level. It is difficult to reconstruct what went on
inside the different rooms, especially if no special ‘fixed’
features are present. In some cases, we can observe a
combination of functions, such as the courtyard and
halls of the cold section of the baths from Cyrenaica to
Cilicia.
In some late antique baths or during late antique
restoration phases of earlier baths, a small heat lock
was built between the frigidarium and the first heated
room to reduce heat loss (Ostia: Baths of Neptune, Baths
of the Six Columns, Baths of the Lighthouse; Banasa,
Baths of the Fresco; Piazza Armerina Villa Baths, Sidi
Ghrib, C57, C64, C85, C95, C111). These rooms were not
large enough to permit any type of activity other than
waiting. Such rooms were not a late antique ‘invention’;
they already existed in earlier baths (e.g. Ostia, Baths of
the Swimmer; Sabratha, Baths of Regio VIII). In baths
with a circular track, the heat lock often took the form
of an exit-tepidarium with a small pool, e.g. in the Baths
of Caracalla in Rome (fig. 7), the Baths of Licinius in
Thugga or the Baths of the Hunters in Lambaesis (C49).
The terminology to describe the different rooms
in the written sources does not change radically with
the transition to Late Antiquity. The word lavacrum
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
is sometimes encountered to denote a bathhouse or
maybe a pool (EI-28, EA-13, EA-17, EA-32), but it does
not seem to point to a new specific feature.66 Other
terms such as oceanum (EA-25), stagnum or lacus seem
to point to a larger pool, but are more likely to be literary ‘Spielerei’ than common terms.67 The word colymbus
(EI-37) or baptisterium (EI-29, Sid. Apol) also denote
pools, but have already been used by respectively Pliny
the Younger and Galen.68 More interesting in connection to the archaeological evidence is the word atrium
(EA-20, EA-26), which could perhaps be linked to the
growing importance of the cold section. However, the
baths in these inscriptions were funded by the emperor
and therefore likely had a variety of unheated auxiliary
rooms, which sometimes may have been called atrium.
The xustos mentioned in a papyrus (P-10) could also
have been a standard palaestra, or could point to the
large multi-purpose halls (with colonnades) that became popular at this time in Egypt. And how should we
imagine the matronikon (P-39)? Did this term denote a
special room exclusively for women or rather the separate women’s wing of the double baths? A passage in
Gregory of Tours mentions a room with thick vapour.69
Although Gregory is most likely talking about a sudatorium or a caldarium, the explicit mention of the ‘arduos
vapores’ may be linked to the new, smaller yet steamier
rooms that were common in Late Antiquity.
Absence of Certain Rooms
The fact that it is very difficult to attribute a specific
function—not to mention a Latin term—to the archaeological remains, also makes it difficult to understand
if and why some rooms disappeared. The palaestra is
the most obvious feature that is absent in most late antique baths (see above, p. 188–189). Only the imperial
type bathhouses still had large exercise courts in Late
Antiquity, although these probably had a different function. Other rooms that could disappear were the sudatorium, which merged its function with the caldarium (see
above), or the apodyterium, which merged with the frigidarium (see above, p. 188). In the smaller baths, we see
an absence of ‘auxiliary’ rooms such as an unctorium or
districtarium, although we should restate that these did
not have a recognizable form or characteristic features.
Besides, these rooms were not part of the standard layout of baths and were mainly an optional feature of the
larger baths.
Construction Techniques and Building Materials
The construction techniques and building materials
that were common during the High Empire in the different regions were still being used during Late Antiquity.
In the Italian Peninsula, opus testaceum was used, especially for the large imperial type baths in Rome. Smaller
baths in and around Rome were often constructed in
opus listatum. Sometimes, bricks of older structures
were reused in the testaceum or listatum walls (e.g. C14).70
Architectural elements and statues from earlier periods
were also salvaged as building material, often in the
foundations (e.g. C4, Rome Minerva Medica, C101). The
practise of reusing material, especially the more expensive materials such as marble, was not new.71 However,
the contraction of the urban fabric and the subsequent
decay of (public) buildings put a large quantity of building materials on the market. This is not to say that the
production and import of new materials disappeared,
as most imperially funded construction still made use
of new materials.72
The opus caementicium technique was also very popular, especially in regions were brick production seems to
have been rare. In North Africa, a ‘framework’ of orthostats in local stone often provided additional stability.
The so-called opus africanum was a popular construction technique for all types of large buildings and had
been in use since the Punic period. In this part of the
empire, bricks were only used for the parts of baths that
stood in direct contact with the heat of the furnace (furnace mouth, pillars, wall heating, suspensura). The scarcity of bricks does not need to be interpreted as a lack
of clay or an inability to produce ceramic building materials. A type of bottle-like terracotta building element
called tubi fittili were produced on a large scale to be
used in vault construction, especially in North Africa.73
They were also found in Sicily, southern Italy and as far
north as Ravenna by the 6th c. No examples have been
found in Cyrenaica, Egypt and Palestina. The tubi had
existed since the 3rd c. BC, but became more popular
from the 2nd c. AD onwards.74
In Cyrenaica, Egypt and Palestina the influence of
the ancient Greek building tradition in ashlar continued into the Roman period (opus quadratum). The
late antique baths were also made out of locally quarried stone. In Cyrenaica, the tradition of hewing buildings out of the rock dates back to Hellenistic times, as
70
71
66
67
68
69
On lavacrum, see Maréchal (2015).
Stagnum: Sid. Apoll. Carm. 19; lacus: Auson. Mos. 335–348.
Plin. Ep. 2.17.11 and Ep. 5.6.25; Gal. De meth. med 7.6 and 11.10.
Greg. Tur. Hist. 3.31.
195
72
73
74
See also DeLaine (2001) 241.
Ward-Perkins (1984) 213; Christie (2006) 209; Russel (2013)
234–39.
Ward-Perkins (1984) 215.
Storz (1994).
Wilson (1992) 110.
196
chapter 4
demonstrated by the Greek baths of Cyrene.75 Only the
vaults were made of opus caementicium or—for flat
roofs—light building materials such as palm branches,
reed and mud (as found in the 4th c. phase of the baths
of Trimithis). In Egypt, the ancient tradition of mud
bricks was also continued, although bricks—especially
in the Nile Delta—were more common. Sometimes,
only the heated section of the baths was made with
fired bricks (C94, Trimithis) or even only the parts of the
building that stood in direct contact with the heat of the
furnace (C85). It is remarkable that the hypocaust pillars of late antique baths in Egypt were often built with
standard bricks, instead of special tiles, hence avoiding a
specialisation (or import) of ceramic building materials.
Water-related building material such as pipes for supply
and discharge were also made of ceramic.
Vaulting techniques, as far as can be deduced from
surviving walls, essentially stayed the same. Rooms
with a hexagonal, octagonal or other polygonal shape
must have been covered with domes, rather than vaults.
Such domes are described by Basil of Caesarea and later
Cosmas Indicopleustes (see chapter 2).
Decoration
Mosaics
Mosaics were still an important type of decoration, especially in the Italian Peninsula and North Africa, but far
less so in Egypt. They could be found in almost every type
of room, both on the floor and on the inside of vaults.76
The floor of the frigidarium, the largest room of a bathhouse, was often embellished with a large figurative
scene. Auxiliary rooms (apodyteria, unctoria, corridors)
could be decorated with geometric mosaics (meanders,
Salomon’s knot), both black and white and polychrome.
The topics of the figurative scenes included marine landscapes (e.g. C9, C52, C56, Sidi Ghrib, Tipasa), mythological characters such as Venus and Neptune, even until a
late date in North Africa (C1, C23, C53, C54, C60, C61, Sidi
Ghrib, baths in Ouled Hafouz) and otium-related scenes
such as hunting (C1, C52, Piazza Armerina Villa Baths).
All of these topics had been popular in the High Empire
as well.77 The depiction of athletes decreased in comparison to the High Empire (e.g. C1, C9, restorations of the
Antonine Baths in Carthage; Manderscheid (1994), 65).
Floral designs, birds and vineyards became increasingly
popular (e.g. C9, C16, C29, C33, C34, C39, C41, C61, C64,
75
76
77
Wright (1957) 307–309.
The evolution of the style of mosaics in Late Antiquity falls beyond the scope of this study and has been addressed in detail
elsewhere; see for example Dunbabin (1999).
Dunbabin (1989) 24–32; Manderscheid (1994) 64.
Sidi Ghrib, Tipasa, Jerusalem Mamilla baths). Obvious
Christian themes and symbols were rather exceptional
(C41, restoration of the Baths of Neptune in Ostia, fig.
25). The pools, both the piscinae and the alvei, frequently
had simple white mosaics (e.g. C30, C36, C45, C55, C99,
C112, C115), perhaps to imitate the costly marble slabs
found in other baths (see below). The idea of imitating
marble decoration can also be seen in the large tesserae
mosaics imitating opus sectile floors (e.g. C13, C54, the
restored frigidarium floor of the Porta Marina Baths in
Ostia). Already in the Baths of Caracalla in Rome, the
geometric mosaics in the basilicae thermarum seem to
imitate the opus sectile floors of the main bathing rooms.
Such mosaics, it has been suggested, were made with the
waste of the cutting of marble slabs.78 A special type of
mosaic decoration in North Africa and Palestina was a
text laid out in tesserae (e.g. EA-2; 12; 13; 35; 37; 48; 63; EP2–5; in Italy in C15). These were often addressed directly
to the bathers, wishing them a good bath (C33), praising the virtues of the baths, and of the water in particular. The comparison to Baiae, the thermal resort in the
Bay of Naples, was a popular theme in North Africa (e.g.
EA-2; 35; 49; 60).79 These mosaics were probably laid by
specialized teams, sometimes coming from out of town
(see EA-24).
The mosaics on the vaults and the intrados of arches
have rarely been preserved. Only the tesserae, often in
glass and with silver or gold leaf, have been found during the excavations (e.g. C1, C20, C21, C29, C30, C98, C99,
C115). Such decoration may have been a special luxury—
in contrast to a simple plaster coating, painted or not—
and became popular in the Byzantine cultural sphere
(e.g. the churches in Ravenna).
Marble Slabs and Other Stone Building Materials
Marble slabs were mainly used for the floors and the facing of walls and often the pools themselves. The effect
of sunlight hitting white marble through glittering water
was especially appreciated, as can be deduced from
inscriptions (EA-52; 55) and passages in Ausonius and
Venantius Fortunatus (chapter 2).80 The floors of the
large halls, such as the frigidarium or the basilica thermarum, could be paved with simple rectangular slabs
or with a polychrome opus sectile floor (e.g. C1, C18, C21,
C72, C81, C100, C110, C116). The prestige of marble elements in a bathhouse is also reflected in several passages
of ancient authors, specifically mentioning the marble
78
79
80
DeLaine (1997) 31.
See also Allen (2009).
Auson. Mos. 347; Venantius Fortunatus Carm. 1.21–22; see also
de Haan (2006) 351.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
decoration (see above, chapter 2: Ausonius, Sidonius
Apollinaris, Olympiodorus, Palladius, John Malalas).
When marble was either not available or not affordable, the rooms could be paved with locally quarried
stone. Sometimes, the main rooms such as the frigidarium were paved with marble slabs, while corridors and
auxiliary rooms had to make do with local flagstones
(e.g. Galeata, C86). For most cities that had a construction boom during the High Empire (e.g. Rome, Ostia,
Thamugadi, Alexandria), the availability of spolia from
abandoned public buildings ensured that the baths
could be embellished with different kinds of high-end
building materials, even when the trade in these materials had diminished or stopped (e.g. C13). Columns were
often salvaged from dilapidated buildings to enjoy a second life in a new or a restored building (e.g. C77, C116;
see also P-27). Construction teams in more remote areas
(e.g. San Giusto, Mechili, Karanis, Mampsis, Oboda,
Rehovot; maps 31–34) only had access to locally quarried building materials and did not import more luxurious stone. Fortress baths were not built to impress and
consequently were not embellished with luxurious materials (Thamugadi, Taucheira, Abu Sha’ar, Nag-el-Hagar,
Ayn Gharandal, Legio, Yotvata).
Wall Paintings and Stuccos
The poor state of any wall paintings or moulded stuccos surviving in the archaeological record makes it challenging to trace the evolution of these popular forms of
decoration. In the Italian Peninsula, the information is
scarce. The walls in the baths in Ostia and Rome were
mainly faced with marble, possibly until the start of the
vaults. We must nevertheless keep in mind that wall
paintings of previous periods could still be admired in
the imperial period baths that were kept in use, e.g. the
Severan paintings of the rape of Europa by Jupiter and
the birth of Venus above the small frigidarium pool in
the Baths of the Lighthouse in Ostia.81 The restoration
of a wall painting was an intervention worth commemorating with an inscription (EI-37; also in North Africa
EA-37).
In North Africa and Sicily, examples of painted
marble imitation were found on the lower parts of the
walls (Piazza Armerina Villa Baths, C54, C61). A piece of
stucco moulded in the form of a seashell is the only surviving example of this decorative form in the baths of
Tubactis Municipium (C63) in North Africa. Fragments
of painted geometric and vegetal patterns were found
in Cyrenaica and Egypt (C74, C76, C83, C85, C89, C95),
but most have been popular in other regions as well (unknown themes in C33 and C63). Figurative scenes must
81
Pavolini (2006) 207.
197
still have been painted (C60, C75C, C76, C95). The lower
part of the wall could also be painted in a uniform red
colour, while the top part was simply left white (C83,
C88). For regions with no access to luxurious building
materials such as marble, wall paintings were probably
the best alternative to embellish the walls (e.g. C85, see
P-10 for wall paintings in Oxyrhynchus). The evidence of
wall paintings in the baths in late antique Palestina is
scarce. Examples of 5th and 6th c. tombs point to the
popularity of geometric and vegetal patterns, e.g. the
Cave of the Birds on the slopes of the Mount of Olives
in Jerusalem (4th c.).82 The vegetal and animal motifs
found in bath mosaics suggest that these themes were
not restricted to funerary contexts.
The patterns and themes of the wall paintings seem
to match those of the mosaics. The absence of figurative
scenes and the preference of vegetal motifs could be a
mere coincidence, if we keep the poor state of preservation in mind. The number of published wall paintings
is indeed limited. However, we can cite the description
of a private bathhouse by Sidonius Apollinaris (see
chapter 2, p. 51), who was pleased that no naked figures,
actors and wrestlers were depicted on the walls.83 Of
course, we cannot generalize Sidonius’ personal taste to
an empire-wide, Christian-inspired aversion for certain
figurative art, but the passage does show that, in certain
circles, the traditional themes of athletes, deities and
otium were considered indecent and not fit for a bathhouse. The Christian critique on statues (e.g. Ambrose)
fits within this same line of thought. However, we should
not conclude from this that figurative art disappeared
completely from the walls of bathhouses, as the Early
Islamic baths of the Umayyad elite still displayed naked
figures on their walls, pointing to a direct influence by
contemporary Romano-Byzantine bath architecture.
Statues
Most of the statues that once adorned the baths have
vanished into medieval lime kilns, which were often
conveniently located inside the abandoned bathhouse
(e.g. the examples in Ostia, chapter 3).84 The imperial
baths in the Italian Peninsula were adorned with statues
of the emperor, members of the imperial family and deities, just as had been the case in the Baths of Caracalla.
The niches in the walls of both large and more modest
baths also point to the presence of statues (e.g. C11, C45,
C71, C112). Passages in literature (e.g. Ambrose, Evagrius
82
83
84
Kloner (2000).
Sid. Apoll. Ep. 2.2.4–9.
These lime kilns create an additional problem for modern archaeology, as the statues found in the vicinity may have been
transported from other locations to be burnt in the kiln.
198
chapter 4
Scholasticus, Malalas) and inscriptions (EI-37; EA-25;
45) also point to the continued importance of statues
as part of the decorative scheme. These could sometimes be brought over from other dilapidated buildings (e.g. EI-16).85 The statues were probably deities
and mythological figures or local benefactors, such as
the Amor riding a dolphin and draped figures (found
in the Laberii Baths in Uthina). As long as the statues
were no longer ‘polluted by pagan sacrifice’, there was
no harm in displaying these among a Christian crowd
of bathers.86 The epigrams of Christodorus of Coptus
(6th c., see chapter 2) describe the busts of important
statesmen, philosophers and classical gods displayed at
the Zeuxippos Baths in Constantinople.87 Statues and
busts of ‘pagan’ deities could be reused for their aesthetic value, even if some Christian bathers may still have
been offended.88
The names of certain bathhouses were probably inspired by a famous statue displayed there. The most famous example is the Zeuxippos Bath at Constantinople,
named after a bronze statue of Apollo Zeuxippos (‘the
horse-yoking Apollo’) according to John Malalas (see
chapter 2).89 Other baths also owed their popular (nick)
name to (bronze) statues, such as the Medeia Baths in
Antioch, the Icarus Baths in Tripolis (see Malalas) and the
Baths of Horse in Alexandria (Johannes Grammaticus in
the Ant. Pal, see chapter 2). We should mention, however, that these baths were built (and named) in the
High Empire. We cannot verify whether the statues in
question were still present in the bathhouses during the
lifetime of the late antique authors or if only the name
had survived. One can ask the same question for the
balneum Veneris (‘baths of Venus’) mentioned in a 5th c.
inscription (EI-49), if the bath was named after a statue
at all. The practise of moving imperial period statues to
baths has been attested in inscriptions (EI-16, 37; see
also the Large Baths in Iol Caesarea), as well as in the
archaeological record (see the palaestra of the Forum
baths in Ostia).
Other Decorative Elements
The capitals that have been discovered in late antique
baths in the different regions mainly belong to the
Corinthian order and sometimes to the Composite order.
It is remarkable that even in Italy (C1, restorations in the
Forum Baths in Ostia) and North Africa (C58) some of
these capitals seem to show an eastern workmanship.
85
86
87
88
89
See also Strong (1994) 20; Lepelley (1994). For the imperial
baths in Rome, see DeForest (2013) 60–63.
Lepelley (1994) 6–7.
Ant. Pal. 2.
Just as Ambrose had been in Amb. Ep. 18.31.
Malalas 12.20; 291–292.
Decorative friezes were only found in large thermae,
such as the Baths of Diocletian or of Constantine in
Rome, although few fragments have survived. Bronze
water spouts in the form of animal heads (as mentioned
in P-71; in bronze or stone in the private baths of Sidonius
Apollinaris, see chapter 2) were recuperated and melted
once the baths fell out of use. Similarly, precious materials such as gold and silver (see Evagrius Scholasticus,
chapter 2), possibly used in the wall mosaics, but perhaps also in taps or on doors, were reused after the abandonment of the baths. No examples have come out of
late antique baths so far. Architectural elements made
of wood (as mentioned in P-58?) have decayed, although
the extraordinary dry conditions in Egypt have given us
some negative imprints (e.g. Trimithis). The same can
be said for moveable wooden furniture, curtains and
cushions, which must have embellished the interior of
the baths (as mentioned in the Talmud Yerushalmi, Bata
Batra 4, 6). The stucco claustra of the late antique baths
in Marea (C89) and possibly Clysma (C82), pierced with
round and heart-shaped oculi and fitted with green glass
panes, are the predecessors of the characteristic oculi of
the Islamic baths.
Bath Technology
Hypocaust
In most baths of the regions discussed in this book,
square or—less frequently—round tiles were used to
construct the hypocaust pillars. Stone monoliths or other
alternative types of pillars, such as tubuli filled with concrete (e.g. C30), were used to carry out restorations, presumably when tiles were hard to come by.90 The use of
monoliths (e.g. C29) or other types of pillars was not new
and had been adopted since the earliest Roman-style
baths as a way of dealing with local conditions (lack of
ceramic building material, availability of fire resistant
stone such as basalt).91 Different types of hypocausts,
such as parallel walls instead of pillars, are exceptional.
They seem to have been used for small rooms (e.g. C2,
corridor in C61), probably to ensure additional stability.
This technique had already been adopted for the hypocausts underneath heated pools in earlier periods.92 In
some late antique baths in Egypt and Palestina, such
parallel walls—pierced by arcades—were used for all of
the heated rooms (e.g. C81, C83, C85, C89, C110, C111, Abu
90
91
92
In exceptional cases, the pillars were made of stone monoliths
from the start (Fortress Baths in Taucheira).
Adam (1984) 290; Degbomont (1984) 104–106; Lehar (2012)
57–60.
Adam (1984) 290; Lehar (2012) 62.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
Sha’ar). The reasons for building parallel walls instead
of simple pillars can only be speculated upon. Besides
the extra stability they provided for the suspensura, such
walls may also have lasted longer than individual pillars
(see EA-24, 42 for restorations of suspensurae). An alternative solution was building arches between the different pillars (C77, C88, C101, C106, C108, C109, Jerusalem
Mount Scopus). This system has been found throughout the Roman provinces, especially in the Iberian
Peninsula.93 However, the system does not seem to have
been popular in the Italian Peninsula and North Africa.
The regional preference for this type of pillar is difficult
to explain, as other systems were also found in the same
regions. For the baths in Egypt and Palestine, the lack
of bath-related building materials—such as the square
and round tiles for the pillars or tubuli—possibly necessitated alternative ways to construct the hypocausts.94
In the baths of Alexandria (C77, C81), Marea (C89) and
Karanis (C85), the only type of ceramic building material available for construction was a rectangular brick.
The architects had to improvise a stable support for the
suspensura, which also ensured the air flow underneath
the entire floor.
The different ways of supporting the suspensura have
to be linked to the availability of building materials in
a certain region. The geographical context, rather than
the chronological context (faltering construction techniques in Late Antiquity), seems to be a determining
factor here. However, the import of (special) building
materials to more remote locations may have stopped
during Late Antiquity, due to shifting trade networks.
One approach to this problem could be to study the
change in construction materials on a case-by-case
basis, linking the disappearance of certain building materials to the prosperity and connectivity of the city, also
in comparison to other sites in the region.
Wall Heating
In the Italian Peninsula, the walls were mainly heated by
box-like tubuli, even in small baths of a late date (C27).
Sites such as Ostia and Portus revealed that a specialized
production of tubuli started in the early 4th c. (C11, C13,
C14, C17), possibly initiated by renewed building activity
under Diocletian and Maxentius.95 In the warm regions
of North Africa, Cyrenaica, Egypt and Palestina, the wall
heating was sometimes reduced to a minimum or absent altogether (C36, C42, C43, C48, C54, C73, C106, C111,
Legio baths).96 The fact that tubuli actively contributed
to the heating of the room is not only supported by the
numerous modern experiments in recreated hypocaust
systems (see above, chapter 1), it is also confirmed by authors such as Ausonius and Caelius Aurelianus and the
legal sources.97 Reducing the number of walls that were
heated by tubuli could thus reduce the average temperature in a room. In Egypt, only parts of the walls were
heated by creating recesses that lodged a limited number of tubuli rows (e.g. C77, C85, C88, C89).98 In other
baths, the absence of a production centre for tubuli
might also explain the absence of a system of wall heating (e.g. C68, C69? and the fortress baths in Taucheira
and Legio). The use of portable brazier may have offered
a solution.99 In the absence of tubuli, the recesses were
sometimes only covered by tiles or bricks (e.g. C85). The
practice of controlling the temperature inside a room by
changing the wall heating can also be noted when the
caldarium—heated by its own furnaces—was deprived
of wall heating, while the indirectly heated tepidarium
did have such a system (e.g. C100, C102, C111). The examples of imperial period baths in Egypt and Palestine
point to similar problems and inventive solutions (see
above). Just as with the type of hypocaust, the type of
wall heating was connected to the geographical context.
Besides the presence of production centres of ceramic
building materials (itself linked to the presence of natural resources), a regional preference for small steamy
rooms may also have influenced the type of wall heating
(see below, p. 200).
Furnaces
The furnaces were still located underneath the warm
water pools to ensure a maximum use of the heat. In
some cases, the use of a testudo, or possibly a semitestudo, can be deduced from the circular opening at the
bottom of the pool and the arch above the furnace (e.g.
C10, C23).100 In the baths of the Italian Peninsula, almost
every room with a hypocaust had its own furnace (see C1
to C32). Only the room connecting the heated section
to the frigidarium was sometimes indirectly heated by
the furnace of another room (and hence often called
tepidarium in modern literature). The use of boilers
96
97
98
93
94
95
Nielsen (1993a) 14, esp. n. 9.
See also Fournet and Redon (2017a) 288.
Maréchal (forthcoming).
199
99
100
The number of baths could be even higher, as several older
excavation reports did not bother to describe the heating
techniques. The remains that can be seen today are often too
damaged to draw any conclusions (e.g. Thébert (2003) 200–201
about the heating system of C41).
Auson. Mos. 340; Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 3.40; Dig. 8.2.13.pr.
Some of these recesses lodged only a single row of flues, acting
more as chimney flues than as heating elements (e.g. C98).
See the remarks by Cael. Aur. Morb. chr. 3.40.
For the possibility of a semi-testudo, see Maréchal (2017)
182–84.
200
chapter 4
above the furnaces must have been common, even if the
vessels themselves have been broken out and melted for
reuse after the abandonment of the baths. A platform
above the furnace, often with a circular imprint still visible in the mortar (e.g. C29, C85), points to the use of
a boiler. In all of the regions discussed above and in all
centuries, such boilers were used.101 It is only in certain
arid regions in Palestina and in Cyrene’s hinterland, that
the evidence is scarcer, perhaps due to the lack of metal
ores to produce these boilers. The installation of large
boilers could indeed be the source of great pride (see
EA-20). In the absence of evidence for different types of
water heating devices, the water may have been heated
in the pool itself, with just the heat of the furnace tunnel under it (e.g. C2, C10, C24, C105, C113?). The absence
of a boiler may in some cases been counterbalanced by
the use of a testudo (e.g. C10).102 In some caldaria with
several alvei, the way in which the latter were heated
could point to a different water temperature. An alveus
with a direct warm water supply from a boiler, and often
also lying directly above a furnace, must have contained
warmer water than an alveus that was only heated by the
hot air from the furnace tunnel under it (e.g. C29).103
Smaller baths often had a single furnace. In combination with a linear row type, this furnace could heat
two rooms, hence ensuring the standard frigidariumtepidarium-caldarium sequence. The lack of fuel, especially in arid regions (the Negev desert, Egypt’s Eastern
Desert, the Sinai), may have inhibited the construction
of larger baths with several heated rooms (C85, C101,
C109, C113, baths in Mechili). Alternatively, the baths
were only meant to serve a small group of people and
therefore there was no need to build large complexes,
as for example in fortresses (Taucheira, Abu Sha’ar,
Yotvata). Similar sites dating from the High Empire had
equally small baths, e.g. the fortress baths in the eastern Egyptian desert, the 2nd c. fortress baths of Tamuda
or the baths in the pre-desert zone of Tripolitania (at
Gheriat al-Gharbia, 2nd c.).104
In Egypt, the furnaces were sometimes located in corridors running underneath the bathrooms (C76, C77,
C81, C84, C89, C93, C96). This was especially useful to
heat centrally located rooms (C76, C77, C93), which
101
102
103
104
See Gazetteer; also mentioned by Malalas 11.10 and repeated by
John of Nikiu, see chapter 2, p. 63 and p. 67.
See also Maréchal (2017).
We should note that an alveus could nevertheless be filled by
water from a boiler which did not lie directly above its furnace.
There are several examples of large boilers standing independently from the pools they supplied, feeding the alvei through
a network of metal supply pipes, e.g. C82.
Egypt: Reddé (2009); Tamuda: Campos Carrasco et al. (2012);
Tripolitania: Barker and Mattingly (1996) 104–105.
otherwise had to be heated from praefurnia inside the
baths (e.g. C21, C56). In double baths, such a central furnace often heated a boiler (or boilers) that supplied the
warm pools of both wings (C76, C84, C91, C92?). There
is scarce evidence for such underground service corridors in preceding periods, e.g. the Hellenistic baths in
Taposiris Magna.105
Also in Egypt, a special type of furnace was sometimes used. Instead of constructing the furnace just in
front of the hypocaust and then channelling the heat by
means of a furnace tunnel, the furnace was constructed as a pit in the hypocaust floor, which was supplied
through a stoke hole connected to the praefurnium (C77,
C87).106 This system might have been used because of
the high flames that were produced by the burning of
reed, straw and flax.107 The limited supply of firewood
in arid regions might have incited the bath-operators to
seek out new types of fuel, including agricultural waste
products such as chaff or olive pits, dried cow dung or
even animal bones.108
An interesting system for introducing steam directly
into the caldarium was discovered in Karanis (C85). The
steam of the boiling water in the boiler was channelled
directly into the caldarium. As the caldarium was rather
small in size, the steam created a sauna-like atmosphere,
which would also explain the limited use of wall heating
in this bath. This demonstrates a shift in bathing preferences that also became particularly popular in the Near
East and would eventually develop further in the Early
Islamic period.
Water Supply
The water supply of late antique baths did not differ
from the system that had already been used in previous
periods in each region. As we have seen above, the quantity of water that was needed did not diminish drastically because of fewer or smaller pools (see above).
Aqueducts were maintained as long as possible, and
replaced by cisterns and wells if necessary.109 Besides
the archaeological evidence for branches of an aqueduct running towards a late antique bath or late antique
restorations of aqueducts (e.g. Ostia, Rome, Carthage,
Caesarea Maritima), both literature (e.g. John Malalas,
Zacharias of Mytilene, Cassiodorus, Procopius; see chapter 2) and inscriptions (EI-18; EA-15, 17, 23, 32) point to
the continued link of aqueducts and baths. The mainte105
106
107
108
109
Fournet and Redon (2009).
Compare to the most common furnace, see Degbomont (1984)
118–31.
Koɫątaj (1992) 174.
Olive pits: Meyer (1989); Cow dung: Bouchaud (2014); Bone:
Fournet and Lepetz (2014).
Squatriti (1998) 11–26; Christie (2006) 246–47.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
nance of the aqueducts was one of the main concerns of
local administrations and was important enough to be
included in juridical sources.110 Alternatively, the water
for a bathhouse could be tapped directly from a nearby
stream or a local source (C18, C52, C112, C117; also mentioned by Sidonius Apollinaris and in EA-38).
The use of a well was attested in sites where the water
table was easily reached (C8, C12, C30, C35, C43, C84,
C87, C93, C97). This type of water supply does not necessarily point to the decay of an aqueduct system. It was
merely an alternative water supply system that could
co-exist with an aqueduct (e.g. in Ostia).111 In Egypt
and Palestine, the water from wells was brought to the
surface by a mechanical waterwheel (saqiyah) turned
by oxen, horses or asses (e.g. C75A–C, C76, C84?, C89,
C95?, C113, el-Burj and Horbat Tarbenet). The fact that
the saqiyah—a local invention of the region dating back
to the 3rd c. BC—was preferred over a Roman-style waterwheel (noria) is evidence that local architects held
on to local technologies, even when they were used in a
Roman type of building.
An important system of water supply that—due to the
bad preservation of the upper parts of the buildings—
has often been overlooked is the catchment of rainwater.
Especially in regions with few natural sources and water
tables lying deep beneath the surface, the collection
of rainwater was probably the most important type of
water supply (e.g. C63, C113). From some well-preserved
imperial period baths in North Africa, we know that
rainwater was also used as an additional form of water
supply, complementing a noria (e.g. the Eastern Baths in
Leptis Magna), a well (C43) or even a branch of the aqueduct (Hunting baths in Leptis Magna). In complexes
that aimed to be self-reliant, such as forts or monasteries, the rainwater may well have been the only water supply for the—necessarily modest—bathhouse (e.g. baths
at Ma’ale Adumin, Fortress Baths in Taucheira). For privately owned baths, tapping in to the ground water table
and relying on rainwater could also be cheaper than paying the vectigal for aqueduct water.112 For privately used
baths, it was also a way of bypassing possible limitations
when using aqueduct water.113
Whichever type of water supply system was used,
the water had to be collected in reservoirs before being
distributed to the different pools, basins, fountains and
taps. These reservoirs could be underground cisterns—
sometimes cut out in the bedrock (e.g. Nahf, Jerusalem
Third Wall)—or reservoirs (e.g. C13, C62, C71), often on
110
111
112
113
See Cassiod. Var. 5.38.2.; Cod. Iust. 11.43.6.2.
Manderscheid (2000a) 487.
Nielsen (1993a) 124; Vladu (2017).
See Cod. Theod. 15.2.3.
201
an elevated level as to make use of gravity for easy distribution within the building (e.g. C54, C73, C85; also
mentioned by Palladius, see chapter 2). A combination
of both types of water storage was also possible (C43).
The distribution of the water from the reservoirs or
the boilers to the pools was still ensured by terracotta or
lead piping (e.g. C7, C52, C93, restoration of the Baths of
the Lighthouse in Ostia, Elusa; for restoration works, see
EI-22, 24; EA-36; P-12, 49, 50, 58), the latter withstanding more pressure than the former. As the pipework was
often located at a certain height in the walls, their exact
distribution pattern has disappeared along with the top
parts of these walls.
Waste Water Disposal
Inside the baths, there were several manners of draining the water from the various pools. Most of the pools
were drained by an outlet at the bottom. This was often
a lead pipe that could be closed with some type of plug
(e.g. the bottom of an amphora found in C88). The different openings then led the waste water into a network
of sewage channels running underneath the baths (for
possible repairs, see EA-7). Separate sewage systems
for the warm and cold pools could exist, depending on
the topography of the site (C13, C31, C43, C88, C96).114 If
available, the sewage channels were made of brick and
coated with a waterproof mortar. In regions were brick
was less readily available, the sewers could be made
of opus caementicium with a waterproof coating. The
sewage network of the baths was connected to a larger
urban sewer network or directly into the sea (possibly
the Ostian baths along the Via Severiana) or a wadi (e.g.
C52). In some cases, the waste water of the baths was
used to flush an adjacent latrine (e.g. C30, C52, C56,
C75C, C78, C99, C100).
In a small minority of baths, a pool was drained by an
outlet directly onto the bathroom floor (C30, C85, C109,
Sidi Ghrib). This system, which had been used since the
Republican period, was an easy solution to empty pools
whose bottom lay on the same level as the room (e.g.
C85, C101, piscinae of C112), for example, when a pool
was added at a later date and simply placed on top of
an existing floor.115 Some heated pools with no apparent
drain (e.g. C10) might simply have been emptied by an
opening in the testudo, having the additional advantage
of flushing away the ashes of the underlying furnace.116
There were some small pools, however, without an
apparent outlet and without a testudo (e.g. C86, C88).
These pools must have been scooped out manually. In
114
115
116
See also Maréchal (2017).
Manderscheid (2000a) 502; Maréchal (2017).
Maréchal (2017) 185.
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the case of the pools of the alleged Qalandia baths, the
bottom slopped gently towards a hole in one of the corners, presumably to facilitate emptying it. This is reminiscent of the Greek hip baths with a similar hole in the
bottom, serving this exact purpose.117 Alternatively, the
overflow mechanisms found in some pools (C83, C88)
could point to a continuous flow renewing the bath water.118 These pools would have necessarily been filled
with cold water as the boilers could not supply such large
volumes of warm water. They might also have served as a
type of shower to fulfil a basic personal ablution, much
as the labra once did.119
Public Baths and Their Contexts
Urban Contexts
The wider context in which a bathhouse was erected, in
the centre of a Roman city or on an extra-urban estate
for instance, has often been difficult to reconstruct. This
is especially difficult for baths known through salvage
excavations—see the numerous cases in Palestina—
and excavations in modern cities—particularly in Italy
for both cases— as the area just outside the bathhouse
is often unknown. Consequently, it is often difficult to
make assumptions about the incorporation of a bath
into the urban fabric or the surrounding countryside
(e.g. the villa baths in Sicily and North Africa). However,
there are some patterns that can be deduced from the
few sites that offer us a larger context.
In all of the regions discussed in this book, the presence of a road was, unsurprisingly, an important factor
in the location of baths.120 Not only were urban baths
often built along one of the main traffic arteries (e.g.
Ostia, Cuicul, Sufetula, Thamugadi, Ptolemais, Caesarea
Maritima), baths in smaller settlements were also situated along an important road that ensured the link of this
small community with the wider region (e.g. Valesio, Ain
En-Ngila, Kerkouane?, Mechili, Tell Kanaïs, Mampsis). In
addition to the advantages of accessibility and the guarantee of passers-by, which must have been especially important in the many linear settlements along roads, the
main traffic arteries were often equipped with a branch
of the aqueduct and / or a sewer. A building plot close
to such a road could not only mean access to customers, but also access to water and waste water disposal.
Furthermore, the road also ensured easy accessibility for
117
118
119
120
Ginouvès (1962) 187–88.
Manderscheid (2000a) 508.
Maréchal (2015) 157.
Saliou (2014) 667–68 comes to similar conclusions for the
baths of Antioch.
carts delivering fuel from out of town. The baths along
the Via Severiana in Ostia even had their praefurnia and
service corridors partially protruding onto the public
street.121 We should note that this was not a late antique
development and that the baths of the High Empire
were constructed with the same pragmatic logistics in
mind. But this arrangement shows which traffic arteries were still used or were restored or upgraded. The Via
Severiana in Ostia was evidently still a very important
traffic artery and may have serviced one of the most important commercial districts, linking the Ostian shoreline with other coastal towns. Similarly, the late antique
restoration of the baths of Herdonia confirms that the
local Via Traiana was still important in the late antique
city. The long period of use of the Large and Small South
Baths in Thamugadi point to the importance of the
southern access road to the city, coming from the Aurès
Mountains. The construction of the Byzantine fortress
along this road in the Justinianic period confirms this.
The baths along the eastern access road to Sufetula
show a similar picture. The construction or restoration
of baths along a traffic artery can also point to continued
use of the branch of the aqueduct and the sewer.
Linked to the roads, the presence of public spaces and
buildings often seems an advantage for the erection or
restoration of a bathhouse. Fora were the bustling centres of the antique city and attracted bathhouses, especially along the roads leading up to them (e.g. in Ostia,
Rome, Cuicul, Leptis Magna, Taposiris Magna). Roman
cities were often conceived as a succession of impressive monuments, reflecting the wealth and power of
the local community. It should not be surprising that
bath buildings, flagships of Roman technology and essential in maintaining good health and appearance
amongst citizens, were part of this display. The Street of
Monuments in Ptolemais with its two baths is a case in
point. Baths were also found in combination with other
‘social hubs’ such as theatres (e.g. Volaterrae, Bulla Regia,
Sabratha, Sufetula, Cyrene, Alexandria), amphitheatres
(Rome), or churches (Ravenna, San Giusto, Cuicul,
Madauros, Sufetula, Tipasa). Some of these baths were
built to take advantage of the crowds that still frequented these social hubs, such as the small baths on or near
the Forum Romanum in Rome (C24, C26) or those north
of the Capitolium (C59) in Thamugadi. There is also evidence that a bathhouse itself attracted social and economic activity. The larger bathhouses, especially those
121
For most of the baths for which the urban context is known,
the service corridors had a direct entrance from the street. The
most obvious examples in the gazetteer are C8, C9, C10, C11,
C16, C24, C29, C34, C36, C39, C40, C41, C42, C44, C47, C55, C56,
C57, C58, C72, C73, C77, C81, C99.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
of the imperial type, were themselves social hubs and
could even attract the building of other baths, e.g. in
Thamugadi (map 17) or in Ostia, where the Baths of Porta
Marina (in use until the 6th c.) did not discourage the
construction of several—possibly privately owned—
small baths along the Via Severiana (in the 4th c.,
map 13a). Market stalls that hoped to cash in on the
bathing crowd can be seen around the Central Baths
in Turris Libisonis (C29), Marea (C89) or Abu Mena
(C75C), and are known through the written sources (see
the Codex Theodosianus about the Zeuxippos Baths in
Constantinople).
The Church also saw the opportunity to benefit from
the attraction of the baths. Building a church near an
existing bath meant locating it in a long-standing social
hotspot. In larger cities such as Rome, baths could also
function as known anchor-points within a crisscross of
streets (see the papyrological evidence in chapter 2). If
one knew how to get to the baths, one also knew how to
get to the church. The 4th-c. titulus just in front of the
Baths of Caracalla could be a case in point. On the other
hand, the Church could deliberately build a bathhouse
as part of an ecclesiastical complex (C55 in Sufetula, the
baths in Tebessa Khalia, possibly C19 in Ravenna and
C37 in Bulla Regia). Providing a public bath may have
boosted the popularity of the ecclesiastical authority,
but may also have been seen as a responsibility of the
Church, to provide this indispensable facility to its followers (see the passage in Theodoret). The same logic
probably applied to baths for pilgrims (see the evidence
from the Book of Pontiffs in Rome, the baths in Umm
el-Amr, Jerusalem—Mount Scopus, Jerusalem—Third
Wall, Ma’ale Adumin). The combination of bath and
baptistery could have been a practical choice, as catechumens could bathe before being baptized. It also
had a pragmatic reason: the baptistery could use the
bath’s water supply and sewers (the possible small bathroom in the Lateran baptistery in Rome, C27, baptistery
baths in Cuicul, Tipasa, Thamugadi). These water issues
in combination with the topographical importance of
baths as social hubs were probably the main reasons
why abandoned bathhouses were transformed into
churches (Lateran baptistery and Santa Pudenziana in
Rome, Baths of Mithras in Ostia?; ‘Terme della Rotonda’
in Catania, church in the Small Baths of Madauros,
church in the West Baths of Mactaris).122 When churches became the most important social hubs within a city
or pilgrimage centres, they in turn may have started to
attract bath buildings (C75–76 near the sanctuary of
Abu Menas; C116 near the sanctuary of St. Hilarion).
122
For similar evolutions in Spain, see Sánchez and Carbonell
(2004).
203
The absence of zoning within the antique city—such
as truly commercial zones or exclusively residential
areas—make it difficult to link the construction of bathhouses to a specific target group of bathers. The Baths
of Musiciolus in Ostia (C9) may well have been used by
inhabitants of the surrounding neighbourhood, Jews
visiting the nearby synagogue and merchants on their
way in or out of town. Some baths may have been used
by members of a collegium, yet it is difficult to assess
whether these baths were for an exclusive use, or if nonmembers, perhaps at different times, were allowed to
bathe here.123 Wealthy proprietors of a public bathhouse
possibly wanted to gain popular support from their fellow citizens and hence probably built baths where they
could acquire building space, even if this was ‘next’ to
the baths of a political rival (see below, p. 208). This
question of building plots and ownership brings us to
semi-public baths that were built inside a house, but also
had a street entrance (see below, p. 207). In this case, the
location of the bath within the urban fabric was subject
to the location of the house. Consequently, there were
streets in which several rich patrons had had the idea
of building a semi-public bathhouse, e.g. in Volubilis or
Cuicul (map 39 and 15). In both cities, the private baths
may have tried to fill a void left by the closure of the
large public baths. Alternatively, rich patrons financing
the construction of a bath may have tried to tie a neighbourhood closer to their house, thus ensuring political
support from fellow citizens. The location of some baths
must also have depended on some pragmatic issues,
such as the availability of building space within a city
and of building material. The site of a temple or public
building that was abandoned after an earthquake may
have offered readily available building space and large
quantities of (luxurious) building materials (e.g. C8 in
an ancient horreum, C4 near the dilapidated Capitolium,
C46 in the Antonine Baths, C67 in the Trajanic Baths,
C73 in the old gymnasium).
After having discussed the various elements that may
have influenced the location of a bathhouse, we can also
invert this logic and ask if, in some cases, the baths were
used to reinvigorate parts of the city. Inscriptions teach
us that such building programs were often initiated
after catastrophes—such as wars and earthquakes—
or after a period of abandonment. In the archaeological dataset, such planning is known from the imperial
baths in Rome, e.g. the Baths of Caracalla or the Baths of
Diocletian (C21), which were implanted in a region without imperial type thermae. The imperial type baths in
Aquileia (C1) and Mediolanum (C5) may well have been
similar projects. We can recall the passage by Ausonius,
123
Thébert (1991).
204
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who mentioned that an entire neighbourhood in
Mediolanum was named after the Baths of Herculeus.
In Alexandria, the Kom al-Dikka Baths (C77) seem to
have been part of a larger urban renewal program, also
including new houses and auditoria. In Ptolemais, the
newly embellished Street of Monuments included the
City Baths (C71) and the formerly private Baths of the
House of Paulus (C72), as well as a new nymphaeum.
The same can be seen in Palladius Street in Scythopolis,
which was created after an earthquake and included the
Sigma Plaza and the Western Baths. Such planning efforts could be ascribed to the local city councils—who
sometimes had some financial support from the emperor after an official plea for help (see John Malalas, chapter 2)—but perhaps also to private initiatives, in which
a rich patron might have tried to tighten the grip on a
certain part of town. Furthermore, we should not forget
that baths, especially of the large imperial type, helped
to define the public space and the outlook of a city.124
Investing in such eye-catching buildings was important
to maintain the self-esteem and heritage of a city.
Non-Urban Contexts
Some baths stood in apparent isolation in a suburban
or rural environment. Some bathhouses attached to
large villa estates (e.g. Galeata, Piazza Armerina, Oued
Athmenia?, Sidi Ghrib, Palazzolo near Ravenna) were
freestanding buildings or had at least an entrance from
outside the villa. This probably means that these baths
were accessible to non-residents. We can imagine that
the master of the house invited friends, family and colleagues to his suburban estate and boasted with his
luxurious baths. There is no literary evidence that these
villa baths were also accessible to the inhabitants of the
surrounding countryside. However, the discovery of a
small bathhouse (C15) in the pars fructuaria of the opulent Villa del Casale in Piazza Armerina suggests that
the master of the house did provide baths for the people working his land. The site of Tébessa Khelia might
have been the initiative of a local landlord, offering
churches, olive presses and a bathhouse to a small rural
community.
Other ‘isolated’ baths were often labelled ‘private
baths’, even if no residence was found in the vicinity (e.g.
C33, C51, C62, C100, Nahf). However, we can imagine
that several of these baths may have belonged to small
villages, linear settlements along roads or rural communities (as was the case for the baths in Curinga). In regions where perishable building materials such as mud
brick were used, the surrounding settlement may have
been overlooked, especially in the absence of surveys.
124
For Rome, see DeForest (2013).
The small bathhouses in Cyrene’s hinterland remind
us that baths (and churches) were sometimes the only
buildings that were erected in stone.
The baths of fortresses were either located outside
or inside of the fortress walls. The reasons for the location are not always clear. We might expect that ‘external’
baths were also accessible to non-military personnel
living in the surrounding countryside (e.g. Abu Sha’ar,
Pelusium, Yotvata, Be’er Sheva, Be’er Shema) or that
the baths were built at a later date, when there was no
more space inside the fortress. The ‘internal’ baths may
have been planned in the original design of the fortress, or were only for the use of the troops (Thamugadi,
Taucheira, Nag el-Hagar, Legio). Alternatively, the baths
were built inside the fortress for security reasons, in regions that were often under threat (Taucheira in the period of the Arab conquest, Thamugadi under threat from
tribal raids, Legio under Sasanian threat).
A last category of non-urban contexts is the monastic complex. Two types of baths can be discerned here.
The baths that were intended for the faithful and pilgrims were located in the ‘public’ part of the complex
(Umm el-Amr, Jerusalem Mount Scopus?). The baths for
the monks and the nuns, also known through literature
(e.g. Zacharias, Cassiodorus, Gregory of Tours), were
located in the inner parts of the monastery, near the
monks’ cells (Pelusium, Bawit, Suhag, Ma’ale Adumin,
Jerusalem-Third Wall, Thamugadi Donatist Cathedral).125
As these were baths to clean the body and nothing more
(see for example Augustine), these were small and very
basic.
Secondary Use of Baths
When the baths fell out of use, the solid shell of the
building was often reused for a new function. In a few
examples, one of the large halls of the baths, such as the
frigidarium, was modified and reused as a church (Rome,
baths of Novatian; Mactaris, West Baths; Madauros,
Small Baths and perhaps the Baths of Mithras in Ostia).126
Not only could the large halls of a bathhouse make a
perfect nave, the presence of luxurious building materials and of water supply systems for a possible baptistery
were additional advantages. If the structure of the baths
was not really suited for transformation into a Christian
place of worship, the church could simply be constructed in the vicinity or on top of the demolished baths, reusing both the water supply and the building material
(e.g. the Baths under the Lateran Baptistery in Rome,
125
126
In literature, e.g. Cassiod. Inst. 1.29.1.
We can also remember the frigidarium of the Baths of
Diocletian in Rome turning into Santa Maria Degli Angelli in
the 16th c.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
Baths of Erythron, Baths behind the Water Company
in Alexandria). The transformation of the baths into a
church could also have the advantage of a prime location within the urban fabric. Basically, one social hub
was transformed into another. Even if the sample is
very small, we can observe that aspects of ownership
might have decided whether a bath was transformed
or not. The Small Baths in Madauros, which must have
been the Winter Baths, were obviously the property of
the city. With the increasing influence of Christianity in
4th c. Africa, the (already dilapidated?) baths perhaps
came into the hands of the Church, which decided to
build a place of worship here. The Baths of Novatian
in Rome, on the other hand, might have been privately
owned. According to the Book of Pontiffs,127 the baths
came into Church hands in the 2nd c., and the owner
may have donated some real estate to the Church too.
The fact that the larger baths were often city property
restored as long as necessary (or possible) could have
impeded a widespread transformation of bathhouses
into other types of buildings.
Bathhouses were sometimes transformed into dwellings and / or small productive units for all sorts of arts
and crafts.128 Especially frequent are pottery workshops
(C46, C64, Galeata, Sidi Ghrib, Khirbet Lassan), while
bakeries are less common (Eastern Baths in Leptis
Magna) and, in later medieval and Early Islamic phases,
lime kilns (e.g. in Ostia; Volubilis, Palace of Gordian;
Leptis Magna, Eastern Baths; Ptolemais, City Baths;
Khirbet Lassan) were constructed inside abandoned
bathhouses. The sturdy shell of the baths, good accessibility and the presence of fire-resistant construction
materials must have been a welcome benefit for the
construction of ovens and kilns. In the larger cities, the
site of the bathhouse was sometimes used as a burial
ground (e.g. the imperial-type baths in Rome; Maritime
Baths in Ostia; Baths of Pollena Trocchia; Baths of
Venusia; C44; C47; C77; C115). In some rare cases, the
baths were even reused as shrine for a holy man (C110,
Sidi Ghrib and possibly in the West Baths of Mactaris).
Burying the dead inside the decaying urban fabric was
an empire-wide phenomenon, not restricted to the
Christian West, but also common in Early Islamic North
Africa and the Middle East. It should be stressed that
127
128
Lib. Pont. I.132.
Poor houses / squatter occupation: C1, C18, C22, C27, C36, C47,
C65, C71, C73, C77, C81, C87, C88, C94, C101, C102, C104, C105,
Sidi Ghrib, Legio. For arts and crafts: C66, C76, C88, Sidi Ghrib,
Schola Baths in Leptis Magna, Erythron. We can remark that
the production units were often linked to a domestic function,
as had also been the case in previous centuries.
205
bathhouses were not the only buildings that were reused
as burial grounds.129
It is difficult to find out if the secondary use of the
baths can be linked to ownership, for example if abandoned privately owned baths were more easily transformed into private dwellings or production units. The
evidence presented in this book does not enable us to
make definite conclusions. As it is often impossible to
pinpoint the exact date of abandonment, we cannot
know if the baths had been out of use for a long period before they were transformed. The Baths in the Via
D’Azeglio in Ravenna were probably privately owned
and may hence have been sold, or transformed by the
owner himself, to build a luxurious domus. However,
the houses in the imperial baths of Aquileia were possibly constructed long after the building’s abandonment,
when the ownership of the building was no longer relevant. We can also imagine that the burials inside the
gardens of Caracalla’s Baths in Rome were ‘authorized’
by the Church, which seem to have been the new proprietor of the building. For burials inside other baths,
such as the Maritime Baths in Ostia, it seems that this
was more haphazard, inside the ruins of a building that
had been abandoned for a long time and was possibly
nobody’s property anymore. Similarly, a bathhouse in
ruins, just as any other building, was ideal to dump all
sorts of waste. The same is probably true for the Islamic
burials in the baths of Carthage. The link between secondary use and ownership needs to be studied in a caseby-case manner, with special attention to the time lapse
between the date of abandonment and start of the reuse.
The transformation of a bathhouse into a different
type of building, or the abandonment and subsequent
use for squatter occupation or rubbish dump, can tell us
something about the economic and demographic trajectory of a region. The transformation of a bathhouse
into a church is a sign of continued urban development
and points to economic prosperity of a city or region.
Unsurprisingly, the ‘baths turned into churches’ were
found in prosperous late antique cities such as Rome,
Ostia, Mactar or Madauros. Similarly, it is no coincidence that a sumptuous house with mosaics was built
on top of the Via D’Azeglio baths in 5th c. Ravenna. As of
AD 402, Honorius had transferred the imperial capital to
Ravenna, starting a golden age for the city.130 However,
when baths were transformed into poorly built houses,
this was usually during a period of economic decline.
Civic authorities or wealthy patrons were no longer able
to maintain public infrastructure. The imperial baths in
129
130
See the contributions in Brogiolo and Cantino Wataghin
(1998), esp. Cantino Wataghin and Lamber (1998).
Gelichi (2000); Manzelli (2000); Cirelli (2008).
206
chapter 4
Aquileia (C1) were inhabited during the 6th c., when the
Lombard invasion had swept through northern Italy and
Aquileia had shrunk to a small settlement.
Burials inside dilapidated baths also point to the
abandonment of certain quarters. Several tombs dating
from the turn of the 5th and 6th c. were found in the
service corridors of the ‘Terme Maritime’ in Ostia. The
burials in the Odeon Hill baths in Carthage date from
the 6th or 7th c. In the Western Baths in Scythopolis, the
burials occurred in the Islamic period, after the baths
had fallen out of use and had been dismantled for building materials.
The construction of workshops points to some economic vitality, even if the city (or region) was not wealthy
enough to restore the public baths. In Leptis Magna, the
bakery in the Eastern Baths was installed during the
4th c., when Tripolitania suffered raids from Amazigh
tribes.131 In Uthina, the Baths of the Laberii (C64) were
transformed into a pottery workshop in the 5th or 6th
c. The city only survived on a small scale during Late
Antiquity and no evidence for new buildings such as
churches have been discovered yet. The Byzantine Baths
in Carthage had fallen out of use in the Islamic period,
but a pottery workshop was installed in the service
area. Carthage remained an important city, even under
Islamic rule. To conclude, the baths of Khirbet Lassan
(Palestina) illustrate how the fate of a bathhouse was
linked to fate of the larger regional context: the baths
were in use throughout the prosperous 4th and 5th c. By
the start of the 6th c., the baths had fallen out of use,
but were transformed into a pottery workshop. This coincides with a more ‘agrarian’ phase of the settlement,
also including wine presses and kilns. The life-cycle
ended when the building was used as a rubbish dump,
as the settlement only survived on a small scale during
the Early Islamic and Mamluk period.
Privatisation of the Bathing Habit?
The ‘privatisation’ theory is mainly based on two paradigms: the literary evidence of Early Christian authors,
reflecting a presumed Christian aversion to baths, and
a changed role of the city councils which discouraged
its members from investing in public infrastructure.
This may have seen more of the wealthy elite building their own small private baths rather than building
or maintaining public bathhouses. Evidence for this
theory was allegedly found in literature, epigraphy
and archaeology. Ausonius, Sidonius Apollinaris and
Venantius Fortunatus describe such rich private baths.
The dwindling number of bath-related inscriptions, especially those mentioning thermae, have also been used
131
Brett and Fentress (1996) 76.
to prove the downfall of public baths. Furthermore, the
villa baths of Sicily (Piazza Armerina), Italy (Galeata)
and North Africa (Oued Athmenia?, Sidi Ghrib) have
been recognized as the archaeological confirmation of
this theory. A closer look at these three categories of
evidence, however, raises issues with this ‘privatisation’
theory.
Literary Evidence
As has been remarked for the Christian literature in
chapter 2 and will be further elaborated below, the
Christian aversion to baths and bathing must be put into
perspective. Even if there was a plea by certain Christian
authors to bathe with moderation and avoid mixed bathing, there are no passages in which wealthy Christian are
advised to bathe in private baths rather than in public
facilities. Only in some monastic rules were monks advised not to bathe in groups but on their own. There
are authors such as Ausonius, Sidonius Apollinaris and
Venantius Fortunatus who describe luxurious private
baths, but such passages are certainly not restricted to
Late Antiquity, nor does their number seem to increase.132
In fact, Ausonius’ Mosella poem shows strong similarities to a poem by Statius, making the text perhaps more
of an exercise in style, consequently not even referring
to an existing bath. The numerous attestations of public
baths in the literary evidence as presented in chapter 2
clearly show that these facilities were still being built,
restored and used until a very late date.
Archaeological Evidence
A recent comparative study of Roman villas in Lazio and
Umbria revealed that the majority of private baths were
actually built in the 2nd and 3rd c.133 For Lazio, only one
private bath suite of the 384 studied villa sites was built
in Late Antiquity.134 In a survey of villa baths in Calabria,
Carmelo Malacrino came to similar results. Only one
of the 47 baths found in the region was added to the
villa after the 3rd c., but several were kept in use or enlarged during Late Antiquity.135 Furthermore, the baths
of exceptionally large villas in southern Italy, Sicily and
North Africa are now believed to have had a semi-public
132
133
134
135
de Haan (2010) 119–22.
Marzano (2007). De Haan (2010) 137–38 came to similar conclusion in her study on private baths in Italy and the western
provinces.
Marzano (2007) 435.
Malacrino (2014) 297–99. Only the baths of the villa in
Nicoterra, località San Teodoro seem to date from the 4th to
8th c. The baths of the villa di Casignana are a good example of
a 1st c. AD bath, which was subsequently enlarged in the 2nd
and especially the 3rd c. The 4th-c. changes concerned the addition of semicircular pools (Malacrino (2014) 294–96, fig. 4).
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
function for the surrounding settlements.136 Not only
the size, but also their independence from the villa itself seem to indicate that they were accessible to nonresidents. The literary sources tell us of wealthy patrons
inviting friends and colleagues to their country-estates to
enjoy a peaceful time dedicated to otium (see chapter 2,
esp. Ausonius). The decorative schemes seem to corroborate this idea: both the Baths at Oued Athmenia (C52)
and Sidi Ghrib had splendid mosaics depicting scenes
related to otium (visit to the baths, hunting, horse breeding) and classical mythology, referring to the elite paideia
(Neptune and the Nereids, Venus riding sea-creatures).
However, the baths may also have served the local population of the countryside who possibly worked on the
estate. This would match the type of patron-client relationship that existed in urban contexts.
The only argument used to identify ‘private’ baths in
an urban context as actually being private has often been
their size. This is the case even if only part of the plan
has been uncovered and no direct link to a house was
found (e.g. the baths on the Celio in Rome, C3, C63). In
North Africa, urban private baths with a separate street
entrance seem to have been popular in Late Antiquity.137
These baths were not part of the original layout, but
were added at a later date. In Cuicul and Althiburos,
the construction of such baths is dated to the end of the
3rd c. or during the 4th. Only the external baths of the
House of Castorius (C42) may have a later date. The examples in Volubilis date from an earlier period, possibly
the 3rd c.138 If we look at the plans of all of these baths,
two elements stand out. Firstly, the baths took up a considerable space within each house: about one third of
the ground floor. Secondly, the baths often had a rather
eye-catching street entrance, accentuated by a vestibule
or columns (C34, C40, C41; Volubilis, House of Venus;
Volubilis, House of Orpheus). These must have attracted
the attention of the potential bathers who were strolling
along the important traffic arteries on which these baths
were located (e.g. map 15).
Who could use these baths and why did the owners of
the house or villa made such an important investment?
It seems likely that access was restricted to a select target group of which the owner obviously was a member.
We could think of baths for collegia or simply for the
friends or the clientes of a patron.139 The existence of
specific baths for collegia has been proposed, but is still
debated.140 The custom of inviting clients, colleagues
and friends to one’s private bathhouse was a tradition
that existed since Republican times and is well attested.141
If the baths were also accessible to a larger public, probably on payment of a (small) entrance fee, the baths
could also have a direct financial benefit. Already in the
Late Republican and imperial period, operating a public
bathhouse had been a popular and sometimes lucrative
business for the elite.142 For example, it has been argued
that basically all of the 856 balnea mentioned in the
4th c. regional catalogue of Rome were privately owned
baths, accessible to the general public (see above). Even
if these baths could turn out to be financially rewarding
investments, we should remember that the operating
costs of baths, including water supply, fuel consumption and staff fees, must have been quite high.143 The
main reason for building and operating a bathhouse
was perhaps more about social prestige and charming
fellow citizens than making money. The baths could
hence be used to tie a certain neighbourhood to a patron. Such acts of benevolence towards the community
can be found in Justinian’s Digests, in which a wealthy
citizen of Tibur (Tivoli, Italy) granted his fellow citizens
by will free access to the baths adjoining his house (see
above, chapter 2).144 A different legal case study judged
that if the baths of a house had been opened to the public, there should be a direct access between the baths
and the houses in order for the baths to be recognized
as an integral part of that house.145 As was the case for
the large baths of villa estates, the private baths in urban
context also served a wider part of the population. This
type of semi-public baths therefore continued the tradition of the elite offering baths to the community. It also
confirms recent theories that balance between private
and public in houses of the elite did not necessarily shift
to the former in Late Antiquity.146
139
140
141
142
143
136
137
138
E.g. the Villa del Casale in Piazza Armerina, see Pensabene
(2010) 11.
Maréchal (2016).
We must remember that the end of the 3rd c. is often used as
terminus ante quem for all Roman construction in Volubilis, as
Diocletian withdrew the troops and the administration from
southern Mauretania Tingitana. However, recent research has
proved that Volubilis was inhabited until at least the Early
Islamic conquest, see Lenoir (1985); Es-Sadra (2012).
207
144
145
146
de Haan (2010) 130.
Thébert (1991).
E.g. Vitr. De arch. 6.5.1; de Haan (2010) 119–40; Trümper
(2014) 210.
Nielsen (1993a) 119–22; Fagan (1999a) 123–27, 142–54.
Nielsen (1993a) 122–24; Blyth (1999) 87–90. Even if the baths
were operated by unpaid slaves, these would represent an important financial investment, as these slaves could not be used
for other tasks while working at the baths. However, some
sources confirm that running a bathhouse was considered to
be a safe investment, see the Talmud Yerushalmi discussed in
Jacobs (1998).
Dig. 32.35.3.
Dig. 32.91.4; see above chapter 2.
See Bowes (2010) esp. 46.
208
chapter 4
Competing with the large imperial thermae in size,
facilities and luxury must have been an impossible undertaking. The smaller, privately owned baths had to rely
on providing a more intimate bathing experience, special amenities and the quality of the services provided.
One only has to remember some of the advertisements
and graffiti in private baths in cities like Pompeii to get
a glimpse of their strong points: the choice between sea
water and fresh water, the wide range of bathing facilities or the quality of the food and the prostitutes.147 If we
look at the location of the late antique semi-public baths
in the urban fabric, we can see how they were placed
along important traffic arteries, but also that they often
avoided the catchment area of the larger baths, which
were still in use (see map 15 or 17). The Codex Justinianus
specifically mentions that it is forbidden for balneatores, contractors and builders of houses to exercise a
monopoly.148 The law is obviously aimed at proprietors
of balnea meritoria and could again point to the financial gain of operating a bath.
important sums were used to visit the baths (P13 to P-15).
It is clear that Theophanes did not pay his host to make
use of his baths, but visited the local public baths. The
only direct evidence for private baths—or better, baths
attached to a house, which may even have been semipublic in use—dates from the late 6th and early 7th c.
(P-51; P-65). However, at this late date, there are still papyri mentioning public baths as well (P-59; 62; 66; 67).
It is remarkable that only two papyri mention ‘private’
baths (2.4% of the sample in appendix 2) as the papyrological evidence includes many ‘personal’ letters and
domestic archives. Private baths are highly likely to be
mentioned here.
Epigraphic and Papyrological Evidence
The alleged privatisation of the bathing habit has
sometimes been deduced from the fact that the new
construction of a bathhouse was hardly ever recorded
in the epigraphic evidence of Late Antiquity (see above,
chapter 2). As the construction or restoration of private
baths was not commemorated with inscriptions—the
goal of the inscription mainly stressing the benevolence
of the patron towards the people—it is impossible to
detect a ‘rise’ of ‘private bath’ inscriptions. On the other
hand, the drop in inscriptions concerning public baths
should be seen in the context of a general decline of
epigraphy from the late 4th c. onwards. The construction of a semi-public, semi-private bath attached to or
in late antique houses, mainly in North Africa, was probably not commemorated with inscriptions and neither
were the baths attached to ecclesiastical complexes, so
an argumentum ex silentio should be approached with
extreme caution.
Papyrological evidence mainly refers to public baths.
Even if the specification ‘public’ (δημόσιος) is not often
mentioned, it is clear that the receipts addressed to the
officials (logistès, stratègos) concern expenses of public baths, both of construction (e.g. P-21, P-37) and restoration (e.g. P-19, P58). The archives of Theophanes,
who kept a list of expenses from his travels, reveal that
The Church and the Baths
Most scholars now agree that the Church did not actively oppose baths and bathing.149 Indeed, bath-related
archaeological evidence from ecclesiastical complexes
(e.g. C27, C55, Cuicul, Thamugadi, Tipasa, Suhag, Ma’ale
Adumin) and Christian pilgrimage sites (Abu Mena,
Umm-el-Amr) all over the empire makes clear that the
Church not only allowed public bathing, but was involved in offering the possibility to bathe. Literary sources such as the Book of Pontiffs, Theodoret and Zacharias
confirm this. The staunch criticism on bathing by pious
‘church fathers’ such as Jerome or Augustine should be
framed in their context: these letters and texts were
meant for a special group of exemplary Christian—
ascetics and virgins—on how to follow an extraordinary
lifestyle in order to come closer to God. Several literary
attestations from all over the empire and from a timespan covering the 4th to 7th c. recount how the ‘average Christian’ and even members of the clergy bathed
in public. Literary attestations and inscriptions account
how pious emperors such as Valens, Theodosius and
Justinian sponsored the construction and restoration of
baths. There is even evidence that the sacrament of baptism, a founding pillar of Christian belief, was administered in public baths (John of Nikiu, Ananias of Shirak).
Indeed, the technique to build baptismal fonts was the
same as building bath pools.150 Several thermal sources,
which had been dedicated to nymphs or local deities,
were reinterpreted and attributed to Christian saints or
martyrs (Itinerarium Burdigalense, Sophronius).151
Nevertheless, there does seem to have been a shift in
the perception of baths, at least according to the writings of Early Church Fathers. The special relationship
147
149
148
Sea water and fresh water: Pompeii, CIL 10.1063; bathing facilities: Bononia, CIL 11.721; quality of food and prostitution:
Herculaneum, CIL 4.10677.
Cod. Iust. 4.59.2.1.
150
151
Already Dumaine (1910); Stommel (1959); more recently
Berger (2011) 49; Bady and Foschia (2014) 992–95.
Stommel (1959) 6; Contiero (1987).
See also Dvorjetski (2007) 393–423.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
between the Christians and water—the washing away
of the sins by baptism—had to be carefully redefined, so
that a simple visit to the bathhouse would not free the
believers of all sins. The baths, in other words, could only
provide a superficial cleansing of the body. Furthermore,
the criticism of baths that had been vented by conservative minds such as Seneca, concerning the weakening
effect of hot baths or the promiscuity and debauchery
that took place inside bathhouses, were repeated and
emphasised by Christians. A sober bathing habit fitted
the way of life by which early Christians tried to address
the lower classes.
There is, however, one pitfall which scholars should
avoid. If the Christian authors advocated a sober way
of bathing, this did not imply a purely hygienic form of
bathing.152 The modern concept of bodily hygiene did
not exist in antiquity. Bathing always implied the basic
elements of sweating out bad bodily fluids, washing and
scrubbing the skin, relaxing the body in hot water and
then reinvigorate it by plunging into a cold pool. This
concept remained unchanged, even for Christians, and
can be recognized in the architecture of ‘Christian’ baths
by the presence of several heated rooms, hot and cold
pools (e.g. C55, C75, C76, Cuicul, Tipasa, C116). Rather, a
sober way of bathing did not last hours on end (as heat
was the fuel for human passions), did not involve excessive eating and drinking or, even worse, mixed bathing,
and did not involve the display of wealth. The appearance of double baths in Egypt, possibly on settlements
linked to pilgrimage itineraries, does seem to indicate a
Christian influence on bath design: two (nearly) identical wings, one for male and one for female bathers, centred around a communal furnace with boilers.
The impact of this sober Christian way of bathing
has been recognized in the architecture of late antique
baths: small baths that could accommodate a smaller
number of bathers, with smaller heated sections and
single-person pools. The fact that the inner steps of the
small pools also acted as benches, positioning the bather with his back to the room, also points to a more individual bathing experience: one did not look at his fellow
bathers when sitting in the pool. Conversely, smaller
rooms and smaller pools have also been interpreted as
an evolution towards a more intimate form of bathing,
favouring close contact between bathers.153 Some pools
could indeed accommodate only two or three bathers
at a time, resulting in a reduction of personal space in
comparison to larger pools. And even if a reduction in
size was chosen to impede ‘social bathing’ in the baths
152
153
On the sober Christian baths, see already Zellinger (1928) 10.
Eger (2007) 149.
209
of ecclesiastical complexes, we cannot accept this influence as a general trend. As mentioned above, the reason
for building smaller heated section and especially smaller pools were diverse, sometimes linked to a scarcity of
fuel or water, sometimes out of a deliberate choice to
offer a different bathing experience. Large communal
pools were still built in several late antique baths.
The decoration of public baths seems to have evolved
towards a non-figurative scheme, preferring floral and
animal designs and abandoning the mythological themes
of the old pantheon. Even if we can detect such a preference in some regions (Egypt, Palestina), we should stress
that the classical decorative schemes of imperial period
baths still in use by late antiquity were not replaced by
a new Christian scheme. In North Africa, bath mosaics
still depicted scenes of classical mythology as late as the
5th and 6th c. (C53, C54, Ouled Hafouz).
As we have already mentioned (above, p. 203), local
ecclesiastical authorities acknowledged the role of baths
in the social fabric of the city. Indeed, popular baths
may well have attracted titular churches. The siting of
baths and churches certainly shared the same attraction to main traffic arteries (e.g. in Ravenna, Sufetula,
Thamugadi). There is no evidence of baths being deliberately destroyed by the Church, even if some churches
were built inside the shell of former public baths. This,
however, was more likely linked to pragmatic considerations, such as the reuse of sturdy buildings and the
connection to water supply and sewers (for the baptistery). On the contrary, there is ample evidence that the
Church also built baths, often in combination with a
baptistery (e.g. in Rome, Ravenna, Cuicul, Thamugadi,
Sufetula, Jerusalem), possibly assuming the responsibility once carried by the city council. It would have boosted the Church’s image as ‘new city patron’ as well. By
the end of Late Antiquity, the Church controlled most
of the public baths in the cities of the Italian Peninsula.
In Rome, the patriarch of the Church, later called the
Pope, exercised increasing control of the city and therefore responsibility for public facilities such as water
supply and bathhouses. In the other regions under investigation, this link between Church and baths is not
as straightforward. In North Africa and Cyrenaica, the
‘last’ baths were rather the result of Byzantine military
occupation. In Palestine, the baths related to ecclesiastical structures from the 5th c. still existed, but the last
new constructions do not show an obvious link to the
Church. In Egypt, the baths that survived well into the
7th and sometimes even 8th c. were located in sites that
can be linked to Christian pilgrimage itineraries. Even
if these baths were not financed by the Church (which
they might have been), the continuous flow of Christian
worshippers created a demand for baths.
210
chapter 4
In North Africa, a similar picture emerges. Archaeology
and epigraphy show that councils maintained and in
some cases expanded the bathing infrastructure of their
cities (e.g. Cuicul, Thamugadi; map 32, graphs 1 and 5).
We can note the high number of newly built baths in
comparison to the baths that were still in use (27 versus 29 on graph 3). Despite the alternative career paths
that bypassed curial duties, some members of the elite
continued to provide civic services such as opening and
operating bathhouses, all be it under a slightly changed
form. Indeed, a special type of semi-public, semi-private
bathhouse became popular in some cities in the 4th
c. It probably enabled the important families to make
the link between the familia and civic services more explicit. Fellow citizens were now invited into the domus
of the elite in a bid to gain their political support and
thus overshadow rivalling families. The fact that the city
councils in North Africa were still the main breeding
ground for the recruitment of the imperial bureaucracy,
meant that civic euergetism continued to play an important role for the North African up-and-coming families. And yet, not every region of North Africa enjoyed
a prosperous 4th c. The withdrawal of the imperial bureaucracy in Mauretania Tingitana under Diocletian left
important cities such as Volubilis and Banasa behind.
There is, however, reason to believe that some maintenance of the urban infrastructure continued. The raids
by nomadic tribes into Tripolitania in the second half of
the century may have redirected building efforts to more
defensible structures.
Decay or Continuity of Baths and Bathing Habits
Continuity in the 4th c.
If we consider the evidence of the written (chapter 2)
and archaeological (chapter 3) evidence for public baths
in Late Antiquity, we get a picture that evolves through
time and space. For the 4th c., archaeology (appendix 3,
graph 3), ancient literature and inscriptions (appendix 1,
graph 1) show a strong continuity of the bathing habit in
all of the regions. Especially in the first half of the century, both new construction and restoration works demonstrate a vivid interest in baths by both emperors and city
councils (see graph 4). With the high number of baths
built during the High Empire, it is unsurprising to find a
considerable proportion of them still in use in the 4th c.
(51 to 24 newly built baths, see graph 4). 4th-c. authors
confirm continued imperial involvement in bath construction and restoration (e.g. Ammianus Marcellinus,
Eusebius of Caesarea). On the Italian Peninsula, the
quantitative aspect of the data set is, however, heavily
influenced by the evidence from Rome and Ostia. Large
imperial constructions in Aquileia (C1) and Milan (C5)
confirm that the most conspicuous construction activity
took place in the most important cities (map 31, graph 4).
In smaller cities, more modest baths were constructed
or the larger imperial period baths were kept in use.
Traffic arteries were not only important for the survival
of the cities, they also played an important role in the
survival and in the new construction of bathhouses (C9,
C10, C11, C24, C30).
4th c. Baths
80
70
Number of Baths
60
50
40
Continued
30
New
20
10
0
Italy
N. Africa
Cyrenaica
Egypt
Palestina
Continued
51
29
1
4
12
New
24
27
3
8
15
graph 3
Public baths in the different regions during the 4th c., based on the data from Appendix 3 (possible baths
not included)
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
211
map 31
Public baths in Late Antique Italy
not shown: C28–29 on Sardinia,
Roman numerals refer to Augustan
regions
plan by the author
212
chapter 4
Public Baths in Italy
90
80
70
Number of Baths
60
50
40
Possible
30
Continued use
20
New
10
0
4th c.
5th c.
6th c.
7th c.
Possible
5
1
2
0
Continued use
51
40
16
4
New
24
8
1
0
Unknown
6
graph 4
Public baths still in use in late antique Italy, based on the data from Appendix 3A. It should be noted that some
baths were in use for several centuries, and were hence counted as ‘continued use’ for each century following
their construction.
map 32
Public baths in Late Antique North Africa the Roman numerals refer to the provinces:
I. Mauretania Tingitana, II. Mauretania Caesarensis, III. Mauretania Sitfensis; IV. Africa Proconsularis and
Byzacena, V. Tripolitana
plan by the author
213
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
Public Baths in North Africa
70
60
Number of Baths
50
40
30
Possible
20
Continued use
New
10
0
4th c.
5th c.
6th c.
7th c.
Possible
3
0
0
0
Continued use
29
17
7
2
New
27
5
2
0
graph 5
Unknown
4
Public baths still in use in late antique North Africa, based on the data from Appendix 3B. Possible baths are
only counted once, even if a continued use of the building could be identified.
Public Baths in Cyrenaica
12
10
Number of Baths
8
6
Continued use
4
New
2
0
4th c.
5th c.
6th c.
7th c.
Continued use
1
3
3
3
New
3
1
2
0
graph 6
Unknown
10
Public baths in late antique Cyrenaica, based on the data from Appendix 3C
In Cyrenaica, the mainly archaeological evidence shows
continued building activity in the 4th c. (e.g. C65,
C67, C71; map 33; graphs 3 and 6). The sample is small
(graph 6) and the majority of bathhouses could not be
dated due to the lack of good excavation data (10 unspecified versus 6 securely dated, see graph 6). We must
also take into account that far fewer archaeological (rescue) excavations are carried out in Cyrenaica than for
example in Israel.
In Egypt, archaeological evidence mainly comes
from fortresses (Abu Sha’ar, Nag el-Hagar, Pelusium)
and Alexandria (C77, C78, C79; map 33, graph 7). Papyrological evidence shows that construction and restoration continued (graph 2) mainly in provincial capitals
such as Oxyrhynchus and Hermopolis Magna. Again, we
should note that some baths could only be dated to Late
Antiquity, rather than a specific century (13 new baths,
not including 8 possible baths, see graph 7).
In Palestina, the 4th c. is a period of urban expansion, with several new baths constructed in both large
and small cities (map 34; graph 3 and 8). For such a
small strip of land, the number of newly built baths
214
chapter 4
map 33
Late antique public baths in Cyrenaica and Egypt, not shown: Siret Ain Relles, Zawiet el Argub, Gasr Bandis, Gasr
Sherbin
plan by the author
Public Baths in Egypt
25
Number of Baths
20
15
Possible
10
Continued use
New
5
0
4th c.
5th c.
Possible
1
1
Continued use
4
5
12
12
New
8
7
3
0
graph 7
6th c.
7th c.
Unknown
8
Public baths in late antique Egypt, based on the data from Appendix 3D
13
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
map 34
Late antique public baths in Palestina
plan by the author
215
216
chapter 4
Public Baths in Palestine
35
30
Number of Baths
25
20
15
Possible
10
Continued use
New
5
0
4th c.
5th c.
6th c.
7th c.
Unknown
Possible
2
2
7
2
15
Continued use
12
17
15
9
New
15
3
3
0
graph 8
Public baths still in use in late antique Palestina, based on the data from Appendix 3E
is remarkable (15, not including the 4 possible baths,
see graph 8), especially in comparison to Egypt or
Cyrenaica.154 Furthermore, for at least 8 and possibly another 17 baths, the century in which they were constructed could not be confirmed. The baths that were still in
use (at least 8) also point to a continued investment in
public infrastructure. The construction boom in 4th c.
Palestine was not restricted to bathhouses and has been
linked to an economic growth of the region.155 The construction and restoration (often enlargement) of public
baths in Syria shows the same trend.156
To conclude, the archaeological remains of baths
point to continuity in both architecture and technical
aspects during the 4th c. We can find the same type of
rooms, water management and heating systems. Some
regional characteristics, such as the modest heated sections in the North African baths, also persisted in Late
Antiquity. In the Italian Peninsula—especially in postConstantinian phases—and in North Africa, newly built
baths were of a modest size. In Egypt and Palestina,
where the ‘monumentalisation’ of cities had started later,
several towns were equipped with larger bath complexes (Alexandria, Caesarea Maritima, Scythopolis).157 The
decoration of the 4th c. baths was very important, even
154
155
156
157
8
We should note that in recent decades, the number of rescue
excavations in Israel has increased spectacularly, resulting in
the discovery of many small late antique baths that would otherwise have been demolished.
Tchalenko (1953); Tchalenko (1958); Shereshevski (1991); Tate
(1992); Foss (1995).
Fournet (2012b).
See Broise (2009); Hoss (2012).
when the reuse of building materials was widespread.
An urban bathhouse still offered the citizens a certain
luxury. As far as we can tell, the continuity in architectural forms—both in new and restored baths—points
to a continuity in bathing habits. The literary evidence,
in particular the medical texts (e.g. Oribasius), seem to
confirm this.
Strong Regional Trends in the 5th c.
In the Italian Peninsula and in North Africa, the turbulent 5th c. saw an important regression in the number
of newly built baths (graphs 4 and 5). On the Italian
Peninsula, only 8 baths were constructed during the 5th
c., versus 24 in the century before (graph 4). The new
constructions were restricted to Ostia, Brixia, Ravenna
and Rome and were very small (appendix 3A). The total
number of baths in use also decreased (from 75 to 48,
see graph 4). The loss of North Africa to the Vandals in
AD 430 was a severe blow to the food supply of Rome,
which entailed a sharp demographic decline, and was
a severe blow to the wealth of the Roman elite owning
large rural estates in Africa.158 In combination with invasions of the Goths (sack of Rome in AD 410) and later
the Vandals (second sack of Rome in AD 455), the unstable political situation and economic climate made
important civic investments less appealing. The impact
of invading ‘barbarians’ sacking towns and plundering the Italian countryside must have had serious local
consequences.159 Yet it is important to remember that
158
159
Wickham (2005) 34.
Wickham (1998) 290.
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
such raids also happened during the High Empire, especially in frontier regions.160 The long-term danger lay in
damage to state infrastructure such as roads and bridges
hindering the circulation of goods.161
In North Africa, the difference between the 4th and
5th c. is even more striking: from 27 to only 5 new baths
(graph 5). The drop in the number of baths still in use is
also significant. This would mean that more and more
cities shrunk and struggled to invest in public infrastructure. The new constructions in North Africa were
mainly restricted to ecclesiastical complexes and were
also small in size (appendix 3B). There are no remains
of bathhouses that can be ascribed with certainty to
Vandal North Africa. It is only the literary evidence that
is proof that the Vandals did indeed bathe in the Roman
style (EA-48; 52–56; Procopius). The references to thermal site at Baiae in the mosaic inscriptions and poems
of the Anthologia Latina (EA-49; 53; 57) evoke the healing power and opulence that was associated with this
resort, and prove that there was still some enthusiasm
for bathing. However, when the Vandals seized power,
there does not seem to be any regression in the economic activity.162 The large rural estates in Proconsularis and
Numidia were probably confiscated by the Vandal elite,
but the production changed little.163 Archaeological surveys of the rural landscapes in modern Tunisia seem to
confirm this continuity; even recording a peak of sites
during the 6th c.164 Furthermore, the system of municipal authorities continued.165 The reasons for this drop
in building activity should not be ascribed to a general
economic depression under Vandal rule. The difficulty
in identifying ‘Vandal’ construction and restoration in
archaeology and epigraphy could very well bias our view
of this period. For most North African baths, the date of
abandonment is unknown (see appendix 3B). Detailed
stratigraphic excavations in Sabratha have demonstrated that at least two baths which were thought to have
fallen out of use in Late Antiquity, were actually still use
in the 6th and even 7th c. (see appendix 3B).
For Cyrenaica, the archaeological evidence is problematic, as the small baths that have been identified in
a number of sites in Cyrene’s hinterland cannot be securely dated, even if a 5th c. construction is possible (see
chapter 3; graph 6). However, the difference with the
4th c., even if the sample is limited, is not as dramatic
as in the Italian Peninsula and North Africa. The apparent break in the archaeological and epigraphic evidence
160
161
162
163
164
165
Heather (2010) 18–111.
Wickham (1998) 284; Christie (2011) 194–95.
Courtois (1955) 157.
Merrills and Miles (2010) 156–59.
Leone and Mattingly (2004) 138–42.
Lepelley (1992); Leone (2007) 141.
217
for western North Africa, probably linked to the difficult
identification of the Vandal phases, is not apparent in
Cyrenaica, which escaped Vandal annexation.
In Egypt, there is a certain continuity in building activity compared to the previous century (appendix 3D,
graph 7). At least 5 baths were constructed during the
5th c. (C75, C80, C81, C89, C95), while another 7 could
be added (C77, C78, C84, C88, C90, C91, Xois). The total
number of baths in use in this century is also the highest.
This picture fits with a period of political and economic stability in the region. The newly constructed baths
of Abu Mena—South (C75) and Marea (C89)—can be
linked to pilgrimage sites or itineraries. The increase in
the number of baths at these pilgrimage sites may be
linked to the growing importance of the Church in civic
matters.166 The decrease in the number bath-related
papyri fits within a general decrease of papyri production in the 5th c. and—considering the archaeological
evidence—does not reflect a decrease of public baths.
The regression of building activity in Palestina is
remarkable, especially as the region was still quite
prosperous.167 The number of new baths drops from 15
to just 2 in the 5th c. (graph 8). The high number of baths
that were still in use seems a direct result of the building
boom of the previous century: many of the 4th c. baths
were still in use in the 5th, pointing to the continued
popularity of bathing in public baths (see appendix 3E).
This could also help explain the small number of new
constructions: most cities and settlements were already
equipped with baths.
In general, we can see a decrease of public baths
in all regions during the 5th c. (compare graph 3 and
graph 9). The drop in newly built baths is most remarkable, except in Egypt. Concerning the architecture of the
baths, we can note that some smaller baths (C53, C54),
especially those attached to ecclesiastical buildings
(C27, Thamugadi Donatist Cathedral, Ma’ale Adumin)
no longer had all the basic facilities of a Roman-style
bathhouse. In some cases, the heated section was restricted to a single room, with or without a single-person
pool. These bathing facilities could only have offered a
very basic version of the Roman bathing routine. The
decorative scheme of these modest baths was equally
sober. It seems as if the impact of the austere Christian
attitude towards the ‘sinful’ body was reflected in the
architecture and decoration of these baths. Baths that
were located near pilgrimage sites, but open to pilgrims
instead of the monks, did have a more complex plan
with often several heated rooms and large communal
pools (C75, C76, C89, C90, C116). In Egypt, the double
166
167
Wipszycka (2007) 332–39.
Walsmley (1996); Kennedy (2006) 602.
218
chapter 4
5th c. Baths
60
50
Number of Baths
40
30
Continued
20
New
10
0
Italy
N. Africa
Cyrenaica
Egypt
Palestina
Continued
40
17
3
5
17
New
8
5
1
7
3
graph 9
Public baths in the different regions during the 5th c., based on the data from Appendix 3 (possible baths
not included)
baths may have been an answer to the Christian critique
on mixed bathing. However, the ancient authors, and
again the medical writers in particular (Cassius Felix,
Caelius Aurelianus), inform us that the bathing routine
itself and the underlying theories about the human
body changed little.
Difficulties in the 6th c.
In the Italian Peninsula it seems that very few baths
were constructed ex novo (only one confirmed example), whereas several (larger) baths in important cities
remained in use (graph 4 and 10). The few inscriptions
record restorations of balinea (EI-51; 52) by civic authority or the clergy. Thanks to tile stamps mentioning
Theoderic, we know that some baths were still active
in Ravenna, Ostia and Rome, although the situation in
the latter must have deteriorated after the Ostrogothic
siege of AD 537–538 and the destruction of the aqueducts. Extensive building programs would not have been
sensible during the Gothic and Lombard wars of the 6th
c. Literary passages reveal that the new ‘foreign’ rulers
such as Goths and Lombards were enjoying Roman-style
baths (see chapter 2, esp. Cassiodorus, Jordanes, Gregory
of Tours, Anonymous Valesianus). The time of large-scale
(and archaeologically identifiable) restorations, constructions and commemorations of such works had passed.
Similarly, there is only limited evidence of new construction in North Africa (graph 5). The inscriptions are
actually epigrams by a poet named Felix, who praised
the baths built by Vandal kings (graph 1). As has already
been mentioned, the difficulty in identifying the late antique phases in the archaeological record may bias our
view. Detailed stratigraphic excavations in two baths in
Sabratha pushed the date of abandonment into the 6th
and even 7th c. After the Byzantine reconquest of North
Africa, cities often shrunk to small fortified settlements,
characterized by intermixed and interactive civilian and
military areas.168 Baths that fell outside the new nucleus may have been definitively abandoned. According
to Procopius, Byzantine authorities restored or constructed baths inside the fortified centres (see chapter 2,
p. 64–65). The remains of such ‘Byzantine’ baths have
been identified in Thamugadi and possibly Thugga (see
appendix 3B), and in one inscription (EA-58).
In Cyrenaica, there seems to have been limited building activity in some cities that fell under Byzantine control (Apollonia, Taucheira; see appendix 3C and graph
6). The basic components of a Roman-style bath were
still present, even if the layout was simple and the finishing of the interior rather basic. However, the large public
baths in Cyrene might still have been in use, while the
City Baths in Ptolemais were probably abandoned after
the aqueducts were cut. The number of baths in use in
6th c. Cyrenaica, however small the sample, shows no
decrease in comparison to the 4th and 5th c. (graph 6).
In Egypt, several baths were still in use in the 6th c.,
although only three were constructed ex novo (C76,
C83, C96; appendix 3D and graph 7). The impressive
168
Leone (2007) 188–89.
219
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
6th c. Baths
Number of Baths
20
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Continued
New
Italy
N. Africa
Cyrenaica
Egypt
Palestina
Continued
16
7
3
12
15
New
1
2
2
3
3
graph 10
Public baths in the different regions during the 6th c., based on the data from Appendix 3 (possible baths
not included)
expansion of pilgrimage sites during the 5th c. had left
most of them with large (double) baths, which now
could be enlarged (e.g. C75 and the construction of an
additional bath C76). This evolution is clearly visible in
graph 7: the high number of new baths of the 5th c. is followed by a high number of baths in continued use during
the 6th (graph 10). The continued popularity of baths can
also be seen in the high number of papyri (see graph 2).
In Palestina, several baths were still in use during
the 6th c. (graph 10) and some smaller buildings were
constructed (appendix 3D, 3E). The technology in these
regions also shows us how alternative solutions were invented to cope with the local scarcity of ceramic building materials, water and fuel. By the second half of the
6th c., several baths fell out of use. It seems that the
(partial) abandonment of public baths fitted within
a larger process of urban decay, also affecting other
types of public infrastructure such as fora, nymphaea
and even roads.169 Tension had been building up in the
east in the second half of the 6th c., with the Sasanians
sacking Antioch in AD 540 and Apamaea in AD 572.
Furthermore, plague swept through the area, wiping
out 30 to 50 percent of the local population according to
recent estimates.170 Failed crops and earthquakes added
to the misery, possibly resulting in decreased investment
in public infrastructure.
169
170
A similar process has been recorded for the baths in Syria, see
Fournet (2012b) 220.
Mitchell (2007) 373–74, esp. n. 10.
Towards Medieval and Islamic Baths in the 7th c.
The evidence for bathing in public baths in the Italian
Peninsula is restricted to ecclesiastical structures (appendix 3A). The Bagni del Clero in Ravenna, the continued use of the church baths of San Giusto, the baths
on the Palatine in Rome and the evidence of the Liber
Pontificalis reveals that the Church constructed bathhouses, often for the poor or pilgrims. The archaeological visibility of these baths or the restoration of existing
baths is poor (graph 11). The first medieval examples—
the Crypta Balbi baths in Rome and the baths of Ravello
and Amalfi—date only from the 12th c.171 The existence
of these baths and the written evidence for baths in the
7th to 10th c. stress that bathing itself did not disappear
and was still essential to maintaining a healthy body.172
However, the building in which this cleaning of the body
took place had changed over time. Only the hypocaust
system was a faint reminder of Roman-style baths.
Bathhouses also did not disappear overnight in
North Africa (appendix 3B). In Carthage and even in
some smaller settlements such as Sitifis, baths seem to
have survived the Arab conquest. The 8th c. extra muros
Baths in Volubilis (Morocco) are still built following
Roman principles (cold room, tepid room, hot room and
with hypocaust), which points to a continuity of bathdesign and technology. In Cyrenaica, the city baths of
Taucheira seem to have been used in the Islamic period.
171
172
Sagui (1990a); Caskey (1999).
Sagui (1990b) 104–106.
220
chapter 4
7th c. Baths
14
12
Number of Baths
10
8
6
Continued
4
New
2
0
Italy
N. Africa
Cyrenaica
Egypt
Palestina
Continued
4
2
3
12
11
New
0
0
0
0
0
graph 11
Public baths in the different regions during the 7th c., based on the data from Appendix 3 (possible baths
not included)
The Byzantine fortress bath that was constructed in the
early 7th c. reminds us that, even at this late date, small
basic bath facilities were built. The lack of information
about continued bathing activity may well be the result
of the poor archaeological visibility of repair works. The
7th c. and the succeeding Early Islamic rule is a blind
spot in our knowledge on baths and bathing habits in
North Africa and Cyrenaica. The lack of contemporary
written sources adds to the problem. It is, however,
doubtful that the new rulers introduced a radically new
type of bathhouse. If anything, the evidence (e.g. in
Volubilis), or the lack thereof, points to continued use of
the old Roman-type baths. The rulers may have changed,
but the people using and building baths stayed the same
in this early phase of Islamic conquest.
In Egypt, 12 baths remained in use in the 7th c. (see
graph 7 and 11 and appendix 3D), and 5 of these may
have functioned into the 8th c.173 Despite the Sasanian
occupation between AD 617 and AD 629 and the Muslim
conquest from AD 639 onwards, Egyptians seem to
have bathed as usual. The Muslim presence in Egypt
restricted itself mainly to the newly founded capital
Fustat.174 Papyri dating to this period show that daily life
in the rest of Egypt changed little in the first 50 years
173
174
However, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish the last ‘bath’
phase from the first phase of secondary use. The actual abandonment of the baths in Abu Mena is a case in point. See also
Lepaon (2015) 112–13 about the 8th c. secondary use of the
Placcus Baths in Gerasa (Jordan).
Sijpesteijn (2007) 442–43.
of Muslim rule. The same officials remained in power
and Greek remained the administrative language.175 As
long as wealthy people were prepared to invest money
in operating costs and maintenance, baths survived. Not
surprisingly, the South Baths in Abu Mena, the second
bathhouse in Pelusium, the Byzantine Baths in Marea
and possibly the baths of Tell el-Makzan, lay on profitable pilgrimage routes.
The 7th c. was a period of turmoil in Palestine. The
first Muslim raids into Syria began two years before
the Prophet’s death through the incorporation of the
Arabian Bedouin tribes from the fringes of the cultivated lands.176 The Arabs must have known the area well,
as they were renowned traders. Amr bin al-As, the commander who conquered Egypt, was himself a former
merchant. Between AD 634 and AD 644, the Middle East
fell into Muslim hands. Considering that Arab rule consisted mainly of a small military presence in conquered
cities, without the immediate settlement of Arab colonists, the absence of new urban infrastructure should
not come as a surprise.177 As was the case in Egypt and
North Africa, the Arab conquerors left the administration of the Middle Eastern cities to the traditional institutions (councils, Church). In most cases, only taxes
were imposed, collected by the same Christian officials,
but ultimately handed over to Arabic-speaking rulers.
175
176
177
Kennedy (2007) 159–61; Sijpesteijn (2007) 444–51.
Hillenbrand (2005) 334; Kennedy (2007) 71–72.
Kennedy (2007) 214–15.
221
Continuity and Change in Late Antique Public Baths and Bathing Habits
Late Antique Baths
Number of Baths in Use
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
4th c.
5th c.
6th c.
7th c.
Italy
75
48
17
4
North Africa
56
22
9
2
Cyrenaica
4
4
5
3
Egypt
12
12
15
12
Palestina
29
20
18
11
graph 12
Total number of all late antique baths in use (new and continued use) per region and per century (possible
baths and baths with an unknown construction date not included)
Greek or Syriac remained both the every-day and official language. When Arab settlers did decide to move in,
they often gathered according to their old tribal configuration in separate quarters of the town, sometimes even
in the suburbs.178 The competition that developed between these groups only strengthened the transformation of the Roman town that was already under way. The
colonnaded streets were taken in by shops and stalls,
while the forum was overbuilt by houses.179 Islamic laws
do not seem to have been strict on the encroachment
of former public space as long as neighbours or the
commercial life of the city were not disturbed.180 The
unfolding of this souk-like fabric was not necessarily
a sign of decline. Rather, it could be interpreted as a
renewed focus on trade and commercial activities.181
In Palestina, several bathhouses survived the Arab conquest (graph 11; appendix 3E). It seems that the baths
were only abandoned when their part of town fell into
decline (see the case of Scythopolis). It was only in the
8th c. that gradual change to bathing habits, which had
started in Late Antiquity, resulted in the widespread
adoption of ‘steam’ technology and the disappearance of
the pool, two elements labelled as main characteristics
of the hammam.
178
179
180
181
Carver (1996) 207–208.
Kennedy (1985) 12–13.
Galikowsky (1997) 343.
Kennedy (1985) 21–26; Galikowski (1997) 344–49.
A Habit in Decline?
In conclusion, if we look at the evolution of the number
of public baths in use from the 4th to the 7th c. in all
regions under consideration, we can remark on a general diminution (see graph 12). However, a closer look
at the data for each individual region shows a more
complex picture. For the Italian Peninsula, we see a
gradual decrease, which could be linked to the growing
socio-economic problems that challenged the region’s
prosperity, especially from the 5th c. onwards (loss of
North Africa, incursions by Goths, Huns and Lombards).
The drop in numbers is also quite clear in North Africa,
and again it is sharpest from the 4th to the 5th c. It is
less clear how the Vandal conquest affected the public
baths, but there is evidence of continuity. In fact, the
poor archaeological visibility of 5th c. phases may be the
main problem here. The situation is quite different for
the eastern regions. In Cyrenaica, spared of Vandal conquest, the sample is too small for making sweeping statements, but there is a continuity in the number of baths.
The same goes for Egypt, where the larger sample actually shows a status quo, and even a small rise during the
6th c. Moreover, if we compare the number of public baths from the Greek-Hellenistic period to Late
Antiquity in Egypt, we can note how most baths were
actually built during the Greek-Hellenistic period (see
graph 13). The slow penetration of Roman culture and
urban concepts in Egypt has been put forward as an
important reason for the low number during the High
Empire. However, political stability and prosperity,
222
chapter 4
Baths in Egypt
50
46
45
40
Number of Baths
35
31
30
25
20
17
15
10
5
0
Greek-Hellenistic (3rd - 1st c. High Empire (1st - 3rd c. A.D.)
B.C.)
graph 13
Late Antiquity (4th-7th c.)
Newly built public baths in Egypt during the Greek-Hellenistic period, High Empire and Late Antiquity.
The numbers derive from the most recent catalogue of public baths in Egypt (Redon (2017a)).
linked to strong agricultural production that few invaders dared to disrupt, resulted in a rise in numbers during
Late Antiquity. In Palestine, there is a gradual decrease,
but not nearly as marked as in the Italian Peninsula
or North Africa. The region’s prosperity during Late
Antiquity is well-attested. The sharpest drop in numbers is not coincidentally in the 7th c., when Sasanian
and Arab invasions temporarily disrupted Palestine’s
affluence. With a renewed stability under Arab rule, the
number of public baths rose again (see map 30). The
Egyptian and Palestinian examples demonstrate that
the equation ‘High Empire equals boom in bath construction’ is not regionally all-encompassing. It reminds
us how the longevity of a specific type of public building not only depends on a favourable economic context
(funds), but also needs cultural support (demand).182
182
Maréchal (2018).
Epilogue—The Transition to the Hammams
The adoption of the public bathhouse by Early Islamic
societies is difficult to reconstruct through the textual
evidence, as no contemporary sources have survived.
The archaeological evidence is concentrated on the
Middle East, especially Jordan and Syria, and dates mainly from the 8th c. There is no textual or archaeological
evidence for a type of public bathhouse in the Arabian
Peninsula before the start of the Islamic conquest. It
seems then, that the Arabs first came into contact with
bathhouses when they visited (as merchants) and later
conquered the Romano-Byzantine cities of the Middle
East. Existing Roman-style baths were kept in use during the Early Islamic period (see appendix 3A–3E), with
few transformations in the original plan (see chapter 3).
A change in ruler had not seen a change in the way people bathed. It is unknown to what degree the new Arab
rulers participated in the bathing habit or if they cared
about the fate of the bath buildings. In some cities at
least, the bathhouse was restored with an Islamic touch
(e.g. the inscription in Taucheira, the Byzantine Baths).
The Umayyad caliphs were charmed by Roman-style
baths. Several ‘hunting lodges’ with a luxurious suite of
bathing rooms were discovered in the Umayyad heartland (see chapter 3 and map 30). These baths were
built in the Romano-Byzantine style, including the
standard succession of cold, tepid and warm rooms,
the presence of pools and a hypocaust heating system.
Even the decoration showed important influences of
Romano-Byzantine, but also of Sasanian art. There was
no ban yet on representing the human figure. The most
important novelty of the Umayyad baths seems to have
been the steam boiler that helped in heating the caldarium. The full development of this technique took place
under the Umayyads, even if there are already early examples of such a system (e.g. Karanis) in Late Antiquity.
Furthermore, the small caldaria with several small pools
often found in late antique baths must have been quite
steamy and could hence be seen as a prelude to the development of steam rooms (dakhli, harâra, or maghtas
in Egypt). The main problem in pinpointing the introduction of the steam-boiler (qadr) is that the remains
are rarely preserved to a sufficient height to identify this
system. In the Middle East, where the preservation of
the buildings is often excellent, the steam-boiler seems
to have been introduced in the course of the 8th c., possibly contemporaneous with the disappearance of wall
heating. The disappearance of pools in favour of simple
washbasins (ĝurn, pl. aĝrân) is also characteristic for the
later hammams, although this development is regional,
as the hammams the Maghreb (Volubilis, extra muros
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baths) and in Egypt (hawd, pl. ahawad) kept the immersion pools. The disappearance of the pools in Syria
might be linked to stricter religious teachings that also
start to appear in the contemporary texts. The separation of the sexes and the obligatory loincloth are just
two of the measures that appear in legal texts.
From the 9th c. onwards, there is more Islamic textual
evidence to inform us about baths and bathing habits.
Religious teachings about bodily hygiene, especially ablutions preceding prayers and important events and the
habit of epilation, must have facilitated the acceptance
of bathhouses in Early Islamic society. Furthermore,
medical authors still followed the classical medical
ideas and included baths in their prescriptions. Secular
texts mention baths in various contexts, whether the
collection of rents for the operating of a bathhouse or
complaints by citizens about the smoke of the furnaces.
It seems as if the baths had become an integral part of
the Islamic city. Rich patrons and caliphs were building hammams to gain the support of the people. Public
bathhouses were indeed still important tools for the selfpromotion of the upper class. And the baths were still
important social hubs, especially for women. But in this
social aspect also lurked a possible danger, as the baths
were not only a “lieu de sociabilité” but also a “lieu social
du corps”.1 Just as in the Roman period, the aspects of
nudity and sexuality associated with these buildings ignited religious debates about acceptable and unacceptable habits and behaviour. These debates were often
written down in religious-legal texts, laws and codes,
which mainly had a local action-radius.
Archaeological evidence convincingly demonstrates
how Early Islamic society incorporated the existing
Romano-Byzantine style bathhouses and gradually
adapted both plan and technology according to its own
preferences and needs. The textual evidence of the later
periods reveals how public baths became important social hubs within the Islamic city and how building and
using these baths became an essential part of Islamic
society. In these aspects, the hammams are undoubtedly
the heirs of the Roman baths. With the transformation
of the bathing habit and of the bathhouse itself, a proper
Islamic-style bathhouse developed that can be regarded
as fundamentally different from the Roman baths, depending on what one considers to be the key element of
the Roman bathing habit. If we consider the communal
immersion pools as the most important characteristic—
especially in comparison to Greek-style baths—we can
1 Carlier (2000) 1305.
224
state that Islamic baths were completely different (but,
then again, so would most of the Byzantine type of baths
with their individual pools). If we narrow it down to relaxation in hot water—which could also be enjoyed in
single-person pools—the Islamic baths were content
with simple hot water ablutions. If we consider the gradation of heat in the different rooms as typically Roman,
we must conclude that the Islamic baths were actually
not that different, even in the manner of achieving this
Epilogue—The Transition to the Hammams
effect (hypocausts). And if we consider the idea behind
the Roman bathing habit—taking care of one’s body
while participating in a set of shared cultural values—
we can remark that the hammams provided a similar
environment for its bathers. Going to the hammam, as
the text confirm, was not only about cleaning one’s body,
it was about sharing a cultural experience, in a building
that reflected the shared values in both its functionality
and its decoration.
General Concluding Remarks and Prospects for Future Research
We can conclude this book with some general remarks
about the evolution of public baths and bathing habits
during Late Antiquity. The first and possibly most important conclusion is that public baths did not suddenly
disappear after the reign of Constantine, the builder of
the last large imperial type baths in Rome. In all of the
regions discussed in this study, public baths continued
to be built and restored, both by the emperor and by
local authorities—including the Church—as well as by
private benefactors. And what is equally important is
that these bathhouses were still built in the same manner as in previous centuries. If we follow the theories of
architectural sociology, the fundamental expectations of
the people using these buildings had changed little over
time. Baths still comprised a heated section with warm
water pools for immersion and a cold section with cold
water pools in order to counterbalance the weakening
effects of the heat. The fact that the earliest Islamic-style
baths still functioned in the same manner confirms that
the core of the bathing habit had remained unchanged.
Of course, there were several changes to the layout,
and sometimes even in the technology, changing the
‘look’ of the bathhouse, and undoubtedly also changing
the bathing experience. The best examples of this are
the disappearance of the area for physical exercises or the
smaller—and hence more intimate—bathing rooms
(and especially pools). Yet, whether one considers these
changes to be fundamental enough to speak of ‘a new
type of late antique—or Byzantine—bathhouse’ depends on one’s definition of a Roman bathhouse. If one
considers the technology (hypocausts, tubuli, testudines)
to be the key element, and hence also the gradation of
heat between the different rooms, one should admit
that little changed in Late Antiquity. If one considers
the collective immersion pools as the most characteristic element, especially in comparison to the Greek-style
baths (however, see the remarks by Monica Trümper
presented in chapter 1), one will conclude that late antique baths had turned towards a more ‘personal’ form
of bathing, in a collective space.
However, evidence presented in this book points to a
continuation of the existing bathing habit, itself closely
linked to medical theories and the classical world view.
From this approach, a classical ‘mental legacy’ still survived in Late Antiquity, despite the important impact of
Christianity. Lodged between the rise of public baths in
the Greek-Hellenistic period and the success story of the
hammam from the late 7th c. until this day, Roman-style
collective baths can be seen as a phase—yet a very
important and influential phase—of Mediterranean
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bathing habits. That what makes the Roman era stand
out from the other periods is the importance that was
given to the public bathhouse in the urban fabric. Not
only was it a social hub offered by those in power to the
people, it was also an architectural and technological
ambassador of Roman culture. Never before, and arguably never again, would public baths be constructed
on such a large scale, in such a homogenous form, and
spread over such a vast region. The popularity of the
building, and the underlying ideas about taking care of
the body and presenting oneself to the community, is reflected in its longevity. Long after other types of Roman
public buildings such as theatres or circuses had fallen
out of use, baths were still being built and restored. This
shows that public bathhouses remained a defining element in the urban layout of a city. Moreover, baths often
took over the civic functions of other types of building
that disappeared. So if we consider the role of public
baths within the urban fabric as the most important
characteristic of Roman-style baths, then there most
definitely is a continuity into Late Antiquity.
If we pass from this general observation of the late
antique bathing habit to a more detailed analysis of the
bathhouse, we should immediately state that the regional and even local contexts were the decisive force
for change and continuity. As has best been explained
for the small pools, there is no one-size-fits-all explanation for the general trends that have been identified for
late antique baths. The size and separate architectural
features of late antique baths were mainly the result
of regional or local circumstances and developments,
whether it was the availability of certain resources
(water, fuel, building materials) or the wealth of the
people in charge. These ‘external factors’ were often
already present in previous periods, only to become
increasingly prominent in Late Antiquity due to changing socio-political circumstances (e.g. a city being cut
off from a trade network). We can state that the Middle
East and Egypt, and to some extent North Africa, benefitted until a late date from favourable circumstances.
In these regions, Roman-style baths were still being constructed in a remarkably similar basic layout well into
very Late Antiquity.
No book can end without the obligatory plea for
more research. As this work has attempted to provide a
first general summary of the late antique public baths
and bathing habits, much work still needs to be done.
Archaeological evidence again and again proved the
importance of solid excavation reports. The chronology
of the bathhouse is indeed one of the most important
226
General Concluding Remarks and Prospects for Future Research
obstacles to presenting a reliable evolution of this important building. A re-examination of previously excavated sites through published literature and especially
through unpublished excavation reports—the so-called
grey literature—can undoubtedly improve our understanding of late antique baths, especially in times when
subsidies for archaeological field work are limited and
certain areas of the Mediterranean become inaccessible
due to turbulent political situations. The focus on the
baths of a specific city, which has been attempted herein, can also yield important information regarding the
evolution of the baths in a changing urban fabric and
can even provide pointers for an intra-site chronology
(see the tubuli of Ostia). In times when national authorities are reluctant to open yet another excavation site
that has to be maintained afterwards, small-scale test
pits in previously excavated sites can prove their worth,
as a meticulous stratigraphic sounding can provide invaluable chronologic information. The research projects
into the baths of Sabratha and the Forum Baths in Ostia
are good examples of how important results can be
obtained with only very limited intervention.
In this context, the potential of surveys and geophysical prospection should also be mentioned. Surface finds
in the surroundings of an excavated building or one
that has been identified on the results from geophysics
can at least give an idea of the general chronology of a
site. Small test trenches can then confirm or reject the
proposed chronology (or identification as bathhouse in
the case of geophysics). The baths west of the Palazzo
Imperiale in Ostia are a case in point. The presence of
(small) semicircular or apsidal forms (pools) and cruciform rooms (often caldaria) can act as ‘markers’ in identifying baths in the results of geophysical survey. The
geophysical survey of the area immediately surrounding a (presumed) bathhouse can also provide important
data about the (urban) context in which the building
was constructed (e.g. the extent of an insula, the presence of sewers, the presence of other buildings / structures, etc.). Such methods have successfully been tested
in Ammaia (Portugal, IAAP 2009 Radio-Past project) and
Ptolemais (Libya, Polish archaeological mission).
In the hope of having paved the way for future scholars on late antique baths, archaeologists and historians
alike, the challenge now is to further elaborate, confirm
or reject the results of this study. If anything, this research might act as a ‘lifeguard’ for starting researchers,
helping them to avoid drowning in the depths of bathrelated literature.
Salvom lavisse!
appendix 1
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
Late antique inscriptions pertaining to baths and bathing
habits have been catalogued by region. The epigraphic evidence found in Italy has been given the code EI, the data from
North Africa EA and from Palestina EP. Within each group,
the inscriptions are ordered chronologically. For each inscription, the following information is given:
Ref.
Reference to the epigraphic corpus, journal or monograph in which the inscription has been published.
The abbreviations of the corpora can be found at the
beginning this book (p. xxi–xxii).
Loc. The location where the inscription has been found.
The ancient find-spot is mentioned in italics, followed
in brackets by the ancient region / province and the
name of the (closest) modern city / village in the
vicinity.
Cont. The context in which the inscription was found.
Date Proposed date of the inscription with information
upon which this date has been based in brackets. The
inscriptions included all date between AD 300 and AD
700.
Text The text of the inscription, as interpreted by the publication under Ref. The transcription follows the Leiden
System of epigraphic conventions.
Transl. Translation of the text (only for a selected number of
inscriptions).
Note Additional information about the inscription (only for
a selected number of inscriptions).
Inscriptions from the Italian Peninsula
EI-1
Ref. CIL 6.1130 = CIL 6.31242 = ILS 646
Loc. Rome (Reg. I)
Cont. Large slab found in two parts in the neighbourhood
of the Baths of Diocletian.
Date AD 305–306 (imperial titles)
Text [Dd(omini) nn(ostri) D]iocletia[nus et ⟦Maximian]us⟧
Invicti / Seni[ores Augg(usti) patres Impp(eratorum)
et Ca]ess(arum) et / Dd(omini) nn(ostri) Cons[tantius
et Maximianus Invicti Augg(usti) et] / [Severus et]
Ṃax[iminus nobilissimi Caesares] / [ther]mas Feli[ces
Diocletianas quas] / [Maxi]mianus Aug(ustus) [rediens ex Africa sub] / [praesen]tia mai[estate disposuit
ac] / [fieri iussit e]ṭ [Diocletiani Aug(usti) fratris sui]
/ [nomine consecrav]ịṭ [coemptis aedific]ịịs / [pro]
ta[nti ope]ṛịs magnị[tudine omni c]ultu / perfec[tas]
Romanis sui[s] dedic̣[ave]ru[nt].
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���0 | doi:��.��63/97890044�94��_009
EI-2
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 6.1173b
Rome (Reg. I)
Found in the Baths of Caracalla.
AD 305–306 (imperial titles)
Maxim(o) Aug(usto) / n(ostro) Diocletiano II co(n)
s(ulis) / sub felice proc(urator) aug(ustus) n(ostrus) /
therm(ae) antoniniarum
EI-3
Ref. AE (1984) 151
Loc. Lavinium (Reg. I, Pomezia)
Cont. Marble architrave in several fragments, found in situ in
a bathhouse excavated in 1962.
Date AD 313–324 (imperial titles)
Text [Dd(omini) nn(ostri) Flavius Valerius Consta]ntinus
Maximus et Valerius Licinianus Licinius Pii Felices
Inv[i]cti semp[er Augusti] / [thermas ---]i temporis
deformatas Laurentibus suis addito cultu restituerunt
curante Camilio Aspro v(iro) c(larissimo) cu[ratore ---]
EI-4
Ref. CIL 6.1136 = CIL 6.31244
Loc. Rome (Reg. I)
Cont. Marble slab found in fragments at different locations
(in gardens near S. Croce in Gerusalemme).
Date AD 317–324 (imperial titles)
Text D(omina) n(ostra) He[lena venerabilis do]mini
[n(ostri) Constantini A]ug(usti) mater e[t] / avia
beatis[simor(um) et floren]tis[simor(um) Caesarum
nostr]oru[m] / therm[as incendio d]estru[ctas
restituit]
EI-5
Ref. AE (1937) 119/120 = SupIt-09 (1992), 85–90 (nr. 34)
Loc. Amiternum (Reg. IV, L’Aquila)
Cont. Bronze tabula ansata in honour of the citizen C. Salius
Pompeianus Sofronius.
Date AD 324 (imperial title; prosopography)
Text (..) thermas quas iam olim disperier{e}ant antiquitus inpendiis et sua pecunia cum porticis novis factis et omni ornamento at pulcridinem restauravit
/ statuisque decoravit et nomine d(omini) n(ostri)
Constantibeatiss(imi) Caes(aris) natalle idibus
Nob(embribus) dedicavit, quarum dedicatio{b}ne
biduum teatrum et dena iuve/naliorum spectaculis exsibuit sub {v} presentia Cl(audi) Urani, v(iro)
p(erfectissimo), corr(ectoris) n(ostri) (..)
Note For Claudius Uranius, see PLRE 1.982, s.v. “Uranius 4”.
228
appendix 1
EI-6
Ref. ZPE (2001) 272–273 nr. 3 = AE (2001)1009
Loc. Aquileia (Reg. X)
Cont. Marble base found during works on the Piazza
Capitolo.
Date AD 324–330 (imperial titles)
Text [Imp(eratori) Ca]es(ari) Flavi[o] / [Constant]ino
Maxim[o] / [Victori s]emper Au[g(usto)] / [---therm]
as indulgent[ia] / [eius vetusta]te conla[psas] / -----
EI-11
Ref. CIL 9.2338 = ILS 5732
Loc. Allifae (Reg. I, Alife)
Cont. Reused in the stairs of the altar in the church of Santa
Maria della Neve.
Date AD 352–357 (prosopography)
Text Fabius Maximus v(ir) c(larissimus) rect(or) prov
(inciae) / thermas herculis vi terrae mo/tus eversas
restituit a fundamentis
EI-7
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-12
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
AE (1972) 202
Asola (Reg. X)
Rectangular stone found reused in a wall.
AD 336 (prosopography)
Valentius B[ae]bianus Iunior / balneum a so/lo fecit
Nepoti/ano et Facu/ndo cons(ulibus).
EI-8
Ref.
AE (1996) 694 = ZPE (2001) 271–272 nr. 2 = AE (2001)
1008
Loc. Aquileia (Reg. X)
Cont. Large block in two fragments found during excavations of the baths.
Date AD 306–337 (imperial titles)
Text [Restitutori operum publi]/corum [D(omino)
n(ostro) Fl(avio) Constantino] Maximo [Pio Felici
Victori] / semper Augusto / Septimius Aelianus
v(ir) c(larissimus) et F[l(avius)] / Mucianus v(ir)
p(erfectissimus) p(rae)p(ositi) operis / [f]elicium
thermarum / [Co]stantiniarum pieta[ti] / [eius] semper dicatissi[mi].
EI-9
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 14.135
Ostia (Reg. I)
Unknown.
AD 337–350 (imperial titles)
[Cons]tantius et Const[ans] / [therm]as incuria longi
temporis destitua[s] / [---]orum ad pristinum statum refoman[das sumptibus] / [s]uis rediderunt /
[---]o v(ir) c(larissimo) praefecto annonae cum iure
gladii
EI-10
Ref. CIL 14.3594 = InscrIt-04–01, 00151
Loc. Tibur (Reg. I, Tivoli)
Cont. Marble statue base found during works in the basement of a modern house.
Date AD 350 (prosopography)
Text Furius Maecius / Gracchus v(ir) c(larissimus) / corrector Fla/miniae et Pice/ni ornatui / thermarum dedicavit // dedicata XI Kal(endas) Maia[s] / Gallo et Flacco
co(n)s(ulibus)
EI-13
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-14
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 9.2447
Saepinum (Reg. IV, Sepino)
Unknown.
AD 352–357 (prosopography)
Fabius Maximus v(ir) c(larissimus) / re[c]tor provinciae / thermas Silvani vetustat(e) / conla<p=B>sas
restituit / curante Neratio Const[ante] / patrono
sum(p)tu proprio [.
CIL 9.2212 = ILS 5690
Telesia (Reg. IV, Telese)
Unknown.
AD 352–357 (prosopography)
Fabius Maximus v(ir) c(larissimus) / rect(or)
prov(inciae) thermas / Sabinias restituit curante ordine splendidissimo Telesinorum.
CIL 6.31916c
Rome (Reg. I)
Marble base found near S. Maria Maggiore.
AD 358 (prosopography)
Naeratius / Cerealis / v(ir) c(larissimus) / cons( ) ord( )
/ conditor / balnearum / censuit
EI-15
Ref. CIL 11.4781
Loc. Spoletium (Reg. IV, Spoleto)
Cont. Marble slab found near the church of S. Salvator in
Piscina.
Date AD 355–361 (imperial titles)
Text Reparatores orbis adque urbium resti/tutores
dd(omini) nn(ostri) Fl(avius) Iul(ius) Constantius
P(ius) F(elix) semper Aug(ustus) / et Iulianus nobilissimus ac victoriosissimus Caes(ar) / ad aeternam divi
nominis propagationem / thermas Spoletinis in praeteritum igne consump/tas sua largitate restituerunt
EI-16
Ref. CIL 10.3714 = ILS 5478
Loc. Puteoli (Reg. I, Pozzuoli)
Cont. Unknown.
229
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
Date
Text
AD 364–378 (prosopography)
Signa translata ex abditis / locis ad celebritatem /
thermarum Severianarum Audentius Aemilanus, v(ir)
c(larissimus), cons(ularis) / Camp(aniae), constituit
dedicarique precepit, / curante Tannonio Crysantio,
v(iro) p(erfectissimo)
EI-17
Ref. AE (1998) 453
Loc. Rusellae (Reg. VII, Roselle)
Cont. Marble slab found in 9 fragments at the eastern end of
the decumanus (reused).
Date AD 367–369 (prosopography)
Text [Cond]itor antiquus taceat sit muta vetustas / [h]oc
quod cernis opus rudibus consurgere tectis / sedula
rectoris sollers instantia fecit / has rector thermas dedicat Arzygius
EI-18
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-19
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-20
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
CIL 14.137
Ostia (Reg. I)
Marble panel found in three fragments.
AD 367–375 (imperial titles)
Thermas maritimas intresecus refectione cellarum
fori[---] / [---]s soli adiectione DDD(omini) NNN(ostri)
Valens Gratianus et Valentinianus Victo[---] / [victo]
r(es) ac triumf(atores) semper au[g(usti) Fl(avvio)]
/ Proculo Gregorio v(ir) c(larissimo) praefecto
annon(ae) urbis Romae curante decorarunt
SupIt-05-RI, 00006 = AE (1913) 227
Regium Iulium (Reg. III, Reggio di Calabria)
Unknown.
AD 367–375 (imperial titles)
Imperator Caesar Flavius Valentinianus Pius Felix
Victor / ac triumfator semper Augustus et Flavius Valens
Pius Felix / Victor ac triumfator semper Augustus et
Flavius Gratianus / Pius Felix Victor ac triumfator
semper Augustus Reginis suis / [t]hermas vetustate et
terrae motu conla<p=B>sas in meliorem / cultum formamque auspiciis felicioribus reddiderunt / reddita
basilica marmorum quas numquam habuerat / pulchritudine decorata nova etiam porticu adiecta curante /
Pontio Attico v(iro) c(larissimo) correctore Lucaniae
et Brittiorum dedecatas(!) / quartum Kalendarum
Iuliarum die domino nostro Gratiano / Augusto tertio et Flavio Equitio v(iro) c(larissimo) consulibus
SupIt-05-RI, 00007
Regium Iulium (Reg. III, Reggio di Calabria)
Unknown.
AD 367–375 (imperial titles)
Text
EI-21
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-22
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-23
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Suffragan[tibus ddd(ominis) nnn(ostris) Valentiniano
Valente et Gratiano] / ppp(rincipibus) mmm(aximis)
ther[mae vetustate 3 et] / ruin[a conlapsae
CIL 10.6312
Tarracina (Reg. I, Terracina)
Unknown.
AD 378 (prosopography)
[Avianius] / Vindicianus / v(ir) c(larissimus)
cons(ularis) Camp(aniae) / [t]hermas vi / [ignis consumptas] / [restituit].
CIL 5.7250 = ILS5701 = AE (2007) 0890
Segusio (Alpes Cottiae, Susa)
Found in the Baths of Gratian.
AD 375–378 (imperial titles)
Salvis d(ominis) n(ostris) Valente Gratiano et
Valentiniano Imp(eratoribus) [perp(etuis) Aug(ustis)
bon(o) r(ei) p(ublicae) nat(is)?] / thermas Gratianas
dudum coeptas et omissas Mag(nus)(?) Aput[--- praeses] / Alp(ium) Cott(iarum) extruxit ornavit et usui
Segusinae reddidit civit[ati --- re]/formavit(?) fistulas
dedit aquam deduxit ne quid vel utilitati vel us[ibus
deesset].
CIL 10.6656
Antium (Reg. I, Anzio)
Found on a private estate.
AD 379–383 (imperial titles)
Florente imperio ddd(ominorum) aaa(u)ggg(ustorum)
q(ue) nnn(ostrorum) Grattiani / Valentiniani et
Theodosi principum maximorum / thermarum
speciem ruinae deformitate<m> sordentem / et periculosis ponderibus inminentem quae la<v=b>antem /
populum metu sollicitudinis deterrebat exclusa totius
/ scarie vetustatis ad firmam stabilitate usumq(ue) tectorum / Anicius Auchenius Bassus v(ir) c(larissimus)
pro consule campaniae / vice sacra iudicans r(e)paravi
in meliorem civitatis effigiem.
EI-24
Ref. AE (1979) 323
Loc. Cornus (Reg. I, Cuglieri)
Cont. White marble slab found in the basilica of Cuglieri;
later medieval inscription on reverse.
Date AD 379–383 (imperial titles)
Text Salvis d(ominis) n(ostris) Flaviis Gratiano V[alentiniano et] /[Th]ẹọḍosio Invictissimis princip[ibus
thermae] / Ạẹṣtivae quae olim squalorẹ [et magna]
/ ṛụina fuerant conlabsae a [fundamentis] /
coṇstitutạ[e] ṇunc de fonte du[ctae sunt ---]
230
EI-25
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-26
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-27
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-28
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
appendix 1
AE (1984) 10
Ostia (Reg. I)
Inscription on a marble architrave.
AD 331–400
Maximus has olim therm[as ---] / divinae mentis ductu
cum O[------ // λουτρὸν ἀλεξίπον[ον ---]ιξεν βίκτωρ ἀρχὸς
ἐὼν κύδιμος Αὐσονίης
CIL 10.4559 = IATrebula 00009
Trebulla Balliensis (Reg. I, Treglia)
Unknown.
AD 340–400 (prosopography)
L(ucio) Alfio Fannio Primo So[---] / quaest(ori) curatori frumento / du(u)mviro omnib(us) {h}onerib(us?)
et / honoribus functo sacerd(otali) / viro patrono
et curatori / [---] A(uli) Pisoni aurum atque / argentum obraetium se/rio il(l)ustravit thermas {a}e/tiam
Constantinianas [l]on[g]a / vetustate corrupta(s) ex
virib(us) suo / quam etiam e Sabinianeus ord/[---]
rem filio viaceni/re statuam bene merenti patrono /
[p]<r=P>a[estan]tissimo [---] / duoviro senatus populusque Trebu(lanorum) / me[---] statuam decreverunt
/ d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)
CIL 10.5200
Casinum (Reg. I, Cassino)
Unknown.
Second half of the 4th c. (paleography)
C. Pacci Felicis / C. Paccio Felici pat(ri) omnib(us)
honor(ibus et honeri/bus pe[r]functo filio C. Pacci
Felicis patron(i) / coloniae Casin(atium) cuius inmensis bene/ficiis patria cognoscitur cumulata cur(atore)
/ r(ei) p(ublicae) nost(rae) cuius provisione semper
feliciter / guvernati (sumus) cur(atori) et instauratori aedium / publicorum cuius opera et sollicitu/
dine{m} inpendiisque propriis post / seriem annorum therm<a>e Noviani / nobis in usu sunt restitutae
ob his / omnibus laboribus eius quos cir/ca patriam
civesque suos exibuit / digno patrono universus populus coloniae Casinati/um una cum liberis nostris /
statuam marmoream erigen/dam digne censuimus.
ILS 5700 = AE (1896) 112
Tarentum (Reg. II, Taranto)
Unknown.
2nd half of the 4th c. (prosopography)
Pentascinensibus thermis quae longo temporis /
tractu intercepto aquae meatu lavacris fre/[que]ntari
desierant undis largioribus afluen/[tibus ny]mphalem
aquam in meliores usus sua / [liberalitate C(aius)]
Furius C(ai) l(ibertus) Togius Quintilius / induxit / [---]
lio Petrio v(iro) p(erfectissimo)
Transl. ‘Furius Togius Quintillus, freedman of Gaius, brought
flowing nymphal water in more copious surges to the
Thermae Pentascinenses at his own expense and for
their better use. For a long time the baths had ceased
to be visited in their lavacra, owing to the interrution of the water supply by an earthquake. [Aure?]
lius Petrius, vir perfectissimus, saw to the work.’ (Fagan
(1999a) 312)
EI-29
Ref. CIL 11.4974 = ILS 5709
Loc. Cures Sabini (Reg. IV, Passo Corese)
Cont. Marble slab reused as building material in a modern
mansion.
Date 4th c.? (paleography)
Text Maria Anthusa et P(ublius) M[---] / baptisterium et
cella[m] / de sua pecunia ma[
EI-30
Ref. Picus (2007) 254 = AE (2007) 535
Loc. Fanum Fortunae (Reg. VI, Fano)
Cont. Limestone slab reused in a medieval and Renaissance
cemetery.
Date 4th c. or later (paleography and decoration of the slab)
Text Splendore civitatis ad mon[---]/mis hiemis et aestatis
lavac[rum --- patro]/nus civitatis Setorius Aux[---]/nis
subtraxisset fatale decret[um --- hu]/iusce civitatis
cum fatr[---] / summam manum pro[---].
EI-31
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-32
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 11.4094
Ocriculum (Reg. VI, Otricoli)
Marble cippus found in the Terme Iemali of Otricoli.
4th c. (prosopography)
C(aio) Volusio Victor/i qu(a)estori r(ei) p(ublicae)
Oc/riculanorum IIII / vir[o] aedil[i] III vir[o] iur/e
<e>d(i)c(undo) IIII (viro) quinq(uennali) cives <ei> /
plebei hocemerito stat/uam huic posuerunt q/ui t(h)
ermas iemalis ad pristi/nam dig(nitatem) restauravit et d(e)d(i)c(a)v(it) // P(o)s(i)t(a) di(e) III nonas
No(vembres).
CIL 11.4095
Ocriculum (Reg. VI, Otricoli)
Unknown.
4th c. (prosopography)
Provocati temporis beatitudinem dd(ominorum) /
impp(eratorum) Constani [et Constantis] augustorumque nn(ostrorum) / voluptatem thermarum hiemalium Sex(tus) Cluuius Mar/tinus et M(arcus) Caesolius
Saturninus omnibus honori/bus functi de sua pecunia
231
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
oridini sev(?) civibus ocri/colanis ad meliorem pulcritudinem pro civi(tate) ad/fectione cum augmento
operi novi exercientes / asicnaverunt et dedicaverunt
EI-33
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-34
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-35
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 11.4096
Ocriculum (Reg. VI, Otricoli)
Large marble statue base of unknown provenance.
4th c. (prosopography)
Bonae originis suboli et sin/ceritate praecipua prae/
dito Sex(to) Cluuio Martino / omnibus honoribus
functo / laudabili viro restauratori / thermarum hiemalium cum M(arco) / Caesolio Saturnino fratre suo
/ pro tantis meritis erga se / ordo et cives splendidis/
simae civitatis Ocricola/nae statuam marmore/am
patrono dignissimo / ad Perenne testimonium / publice censuerunt / feliciter // Dedicata XVI Kal(endas) /
Decembres / Marcellino et / Probino Conss(ulibus)
CIL 11.4097
Ocriculum (Reg. VI, Otricoli)
Large marble statue base of unknown provenance.
4th c. (prosopography)
Bonae originis suboli et / sinceritate praecipua praedi
/ to M(arco) Caesolio Saturnino om / nibus honoribus
functo lauda/bili viro restauratori therma/rum hiemalium cum Sex(to) Cluuio / Martino fratre suo pro
tantis / meritis erga se ordo et cives splen/didissimae
civitatis Ocricolanae / statuam marmoream patro/
no dignissimo ad Perenne tes/timonium publice /
censuerunt / feliciter // Dedicata XVI Kal(endas) /
Decembres / Marcelli / no et Probi / no Conss(ulibus)
CIL 6.1131
Rome (Reg. I)
Found in the Baths of Diocletian.
4th c. (event, paleography)
thermas Diocletianas a veteribus principib(us) institutas omn[es]
EI-36
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 6.29764
Rome (Reg. I)
Unknown.
4th c.? (paleography)
Balineum / Iuliorum / Akariorum
EI-37
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
CIL 6.1179 = ILS 5732
Rome (Reg. I)
Marble slab of unknown provenance.
4th c. (imperial titles)
Text
EI-38
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
[fortissimis] / invictissimisque princ(ipes) /
ddd(ominis) nnn(ostribus) Valentiniano / Valenti
et Gratiano Aug(ustis) / Fl(avius) Antigonus v(ir)
p(erfectissimus) p(rae)p(ositus) colymbum nemus
vetustate lap/sum testaccio picturis ac statuis / cum
omni cultu ador(navit)
CIL 14.5387
Ostia (Reg. I)
Tabula found in the vicinity of the Forum Baths.
4th c.? (paleography)
[Quod thermarum species ita h]abebatur ut lava[ri]
n[emo posset ---] / [--- s plen]dore excultam ad usum
popu[li ---] / [---] annonae praefec[to]
EI-39
Ref. CIL 10.1707 = ILS 5692
Loc. Puteoli (Reg. I, Pozzuoli)
Cont. Unknown provenance (possibly Pozzuoli, now in
Naples).
Date 4th or 5th c. (prosopography)
Text Septimio Rusti/co v(ir) c(larissimo) cons(ularis)
Camp(aniae) / provisori ordi/nis restaurato/ri thermarum / ob insignem amo/rem splendi/dissimus ordo
/ et honestissi/mus populus / patrono praes/tantissimo.
Note For Rusticus, see PLRE 1.787, s.v. “Rusticus 3”.
EI-40
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
EI-41
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 10.212
Grumentum (Reg. III, Grumento)
Unknown.
4th or 5th c.
Rullus Festus / v(ir) c(larisssimus) corr(ector)
Luc(aniae) et / Brit(tiorum) ad ornatum / thermarum
/ collocavit.
For Festus, see PLRE 1.337, s.v. “Festus 13”.
CIL 10.5349
Interamna Lirenas (Reg. I, Pignataro Interamna)
Base found during excavations (NSc 1879, 187).
AD 408 (prosopography)
Industriae ac sapientiae praeclaro / M(arco) Sentio
Redempto v(iro) l(audabili) primario civitatis / nostrae omnibus honoribus et honeribus cu/riae suae
perfuncto ex origine patronatus / veniente<m>
qu<i=e> populum suum pro sua be/nivolentia ab indictione auri argentiq(ue) pop(u)/lum suum liberum
reddidit termas (a)e<s=x>tivas / in sordentibus ac
ruina conlabsas ex prop(rio) / ad summam manum
operis revocavit cuiuc tantis / be(ne)ficiis ca. nos comulatis ad perpetuam fa/mam statuam eidem erigendam universus / populus interamnatium censuerunt
232
appendix 1
// D(edicata) prid Non(ius) Iulias / Basso et Filippo
vv(iris) c(larissimis) cons(ulis)
Transl. ‘To industry and wisdom. To the outstanding M.
Sentius Redemptus, vir laudabilis, the principal man
of our community, who held all the municipal magistracies of his curia, a man of patronal descent. He
freed his people from the impositio, of a tax on gold
and silver, when his people came to him on account of
his kindness; he restored at his own expense the summer baths down to their last detail, after they had fallen into ugliness and ruin. For such great benefactions
heaped up around us, the entire people of Interamna
voted that such a statue be erected to him for his everlasting fame. (On the side) On July 6 when Bassus and
Filippus, of senatorial rank, were consuls (i.e. 408).’
(Fagan (1999a) 292)
EI-42
Ref. CIL 6.1703 = ILS 5715
Loc. Rome (Reg. I)
Cont. Marble tabula found in the garden of a private mansion on the Aventine.
Date AD 414
Text Salvis ac Florentibus DD(ominibus) NN(ostribus)
Honorio et Theodos[io] / perpetuis semper augg(ustis)
Caecina Decius Acinatius / Albinus v(ir) c(larrissimus)
praef(ectus) urbi vice sacra iudicans / cellam tepidariam inclinator omni pariete labent[em] / de qua cellarum ruina pendebat erectorum a fu[n]/damentis
arcuum duplici munitione fulcivit / D N M Q eorum.
Note The restoration may possibly pertain to the Thermae
Decianae, just as the restoration of an unknown public building in CIL 6.1659 (La Folette (1999) 51). For the
urban prefect Caecina Decius Aginatius Albinus, see
PLRE II, Albinus (7).
EI-43
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EI-44
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
SEG 42–931
Rome (Reg. I)
Unknown.
AD 425
Εἰσοράᾳς με, φίλος, Φαῦ[στον, σοφὸς ὅσπερ ἔπαρχος]
Ῥώμης ξεινοδόκον θῆκ̣ [ε λοετρὸν ˘ - ·]
Εἰσέτι δ’ ἀγγελίης τε θρασυπτόλεμ[οι κλύον ἀοτοὶ]
χῶρος τ’ Εὐφροσύνης ἐρχομένο[υς δέχεται ·]
Ἑζομένους δ’ ἵπποισιν ἰδὼν ἑκάτερθ[εν Ἀνάκτας,]
Φαῦστον ἀνυμνήσεις καὶ πρὶν ἵ[κῃ πρόδομα]
CIL 10.4865
Venafrum (Reg. I, Venafro)
Found in a private garden.
AD 370–450
Text
[Quintil]iani / [pro eius me]ritis et obse/[quiis colle]gia
urbis Vena/[franae ---] Quintiliano / [rectori S]amnitico
pa/[trono optim]o et examina/[tori aequis]simo statuam / [loco publi]co positam ob / [--- atq]ue therm[as.
EI-45
Ref. CIL 6.1670 = CIL 6.31889 = ILS 5716 = IG 14.1062 = IGUR
I.36
Loc. Rome (Reg. I)
Cont. Base found in the Baths of Titus or the Baths of Trajan.
Date AD 465–467 (prosopography)
Text D(is) M(anibus) / Iulius Felix Campanianus / v(ir)
c(larissimus) praefectus urbis / ad augendam t(h)ermarum / Traianarum gratiam collocavit
EI-46
Ref. CIL 6.1750 = CIL 6. 31920 = ILS 5703
Loc. Rome (Reg. I)
Cont. Square stone found in the vicinity of the Baths of
Constantine.
Date AD 430–500 (443?)
Text Petronius Perpenna Magnus Quadratianus v(ir)
c(larissimus) et inl(ustris) praef(ectus) urb(i) /
Constantinianas thermas longa incuria et abolendae
civilis vel / potius feralis cladis vastatione vehementer
adflictas ita ut agni/tionem sui ex omni parte perdita
desperationem cunctis repa/rationis adferrent deputato ab amplissimo ordine parvo / sumptu quantum
publicae patiebantur angustiae ab extremo / vindicavit occasu et provisione largissima in pristinam /
faciem splendoremque restituit
EI-47
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 9.1596 = ILS 5511 = AE (2013) 331
Beneventum (Reg. II, Benevento)
Base that was reused in a palazzo wall.
AD 420–555 (historical event)
] SPECT / [------] / iustitia [admir]abili castita/
te conspic[uo repar]atori fori pro / magna [parte
co]nlapsi in ruin(as) / cotidie [auctus] restitutori ba/silicae [--- cu]m porticibus Sagit/ta[riorum
et] regionis viae novae / repar[atori] thermarum
Commodiana/rum re[para]tori collegiorum repa/
ratori [porti]cus Dianae reparatori / basilicae
[L]ongini ac totius prope civi/tatis [post h]ostile incendium condi/tori [ob] insignia eius in omnem pro/
[v]in[ciam] praecipuaque in se et patriam / [urbem
m]erita populus Beneven/[tanu]s ad aeternam memoriam / [---] statuam conlocavit.
EI-48
Ref. CIL 5.4500
Loc. Anagnia (Anagni, Reg. I)
233
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
Cont. Mosaic in the remains of a presumed bathhouse.
Date 5th c.? (on the basis of the mosaics)
Text Bene / lava
Salv(m) / lotu(m)
Peripsu/ma su
EI-49
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
ILS 5693 = AE (2003) 339 = AE (2010) 318
Liternum (Reg. I, Literno)
Marble slab of unknown provenance.
5th c.?
Balneum Veneris lon[gi tempo]/ris vetustate corruptum / Domitius Severianus v(ir) c(larissimus)
con[s(ularis)] / Campaniae ad pristinam faciem
[revo]/cavit curante hac(!) dedican[te] / Sentio Marso
v(iro) c(larissimo) comite divinor[um] / curatore
Capuensium Liternin[orum] / et Cumanorum
Transl. ‘The Baths of Venus, damaged by the aging of a long
period of time, Domitus Severianus, of senatorial rank,
governor of Campania, built to its original appearance.
Sentius Marsus, of senatorial rank, companion of the
divine rulers, curator of Capua, Liternum, and Cumae,
saw to the work and dedicated it.’ (Fagan (1999a) 245)
EI-50
Ref. CIL 11.7298 = ILCV 00364 (add)
Loc. Volsinii (Reg. VII, Bolsena)
Cont. Marble slab found reused in the pavement of the crypt
of S. Christianae.
Date 5th or 6th c. (paleography)
Text ] / [is]tius ordinis sive civitatis [et] rec[t]ori omniu[m] /
[c]ommeantium Maecio Paterno curatori et pa[trono]
/ [h]uiusce civitatis iudicio omnium conprob[ato] /
[r]estauratori thermarum Tusciani qui vix[it] / [a]nnis
LVII menses VIIII d(iebus) XX et fecit cum uxore su[a]
/ [vi]rginia ann(is) XXXV Apra uxor sed et Paterna /
[et M]arcellus fili(i) patri piissimo depositio VI[--K(alendas?)] / [Se]ptembr(es) pax tibi cum sanctis.
Transl. ‘[–] of that ordo or the city, and to the guide of all travellers, Maecius Paternus, curator and patron of this
city; he earned the respect of all, restorer of the baths
of Tuscianus. He lived 67 years, 9 months, and 20 days
and spent 35 years with his wife Virginia. Apra his [second?] wife, and also Paterna and Marcellus, his children, (offer?) a trust to their most holy father, on this
(date lost) of September. Peace to you with the saints.’
(Fagan (1999a) 281)
EI-51
Ref. AE (2008) 524b
Loc. Tarquinia (Reg. VII, Tarquinii)
Cont. Marble bloc reused in the rural church of Santa
Restitua.
Date
Text
EI-52
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
AD 504 (consul)
Aurelius Gloriosus l(audabilis) p(uer) mag(is)t(er)
et c[u]/rat(or) ind(ictione) XII balneum ordenis / civitatis Tarquiniensium iuris / pribati longa incuria
et temp[o] / ris vetustate consumtum / procurante
Proiecticio v(iro) c(larissimo) pa/tre suo {consumtum}adqu(e) inminente Serban/do v(iro) h(onesto)
suffecto / d(e) s(ua) p(ecunia) r(estituit) / usuique publico reddedit / Cethego v(iro) c(larissimo) cons(ule).
ICUR n.s. II.4794 = AE (2009) 137b
Rome (Reg. I)
Marble slab found in two fragments in the Via Ostiense.
6th or 7th c. (paleography)
[In] nomine dei patris omnipot[ent]is et domini nostri Iesu Chr(isti) fil[ii et] / [s]ancti paracleti Eusebius
in fa(cti)s [re](n)ovavit cymeteriu(m) totu(m) [et] /
columnas in portic(cib)<u=O>s pictura[s] qua<e=S>
in ruinis era(n)t tota<e=S> et [te]/[c]tu(m) cum
tegul<i=A>s et tab(u)l[am]en(tis) et acut<i=O>s et
materi[at]/[is] tot<i=A>(s) balineu(m) marmo[ra]
qu(a)e minus (h)abuit et scamna [fenes]/[s]tras
spec(u)lar(i)a item in s[up]erior<ibus=A> marmoravit
<b=P>al[teu(m)] / [c]l(a)<u=O>stra <u=I>ncinos et
cla<v=B>es p[o]suit ut potuit usque d[um] / [es]set in
s(a)eculo fecit reliqu[a(m) f]abrica(m) quando exivit
de [hoc] / [s](a)eculo remisit alumnis sui[s pe]cunia(m)
et ipsi fabrica(m) vel[ave]/runt introitu(m) a<d=T>
martyres [qu]od est in public<o=U> a funda[m(entis)
f[a]/brica<v=B>it me(n)sas a<d=T> martyr[es t]otas
fecit aquam in <b=V>aline[u(m)] / per mangana fecit
a<d=T> con[ch]a(m) cubiculu(m) et cancellu(m)
fec[it] / causa fur<ium=ES> fecit <q=C>(u)ia mul[ta
m]ala fac(i)<u=E>nt item sar(ta) t[ect]/a suscepit
sigilla <q=C>(u)inque in por[ticu p]osuit c<u=O>m
podiol<is=A> // Aeterna b(onae) [m(emaoriae)]
quies(cit) pacem in [Chr(isto) sperans] / in futuro
primae resurrec[tionis die] / Palatio nep<o=V>s
ei[u]s fecit d(e)p(osita) XIIII K(a)l(endas) I[---]
EI-53
Ref. ICUR n.s. I.1485 = ICLV 1901
Loc. Rome (Reg. I)
Cont. Marble slab in two fragments. Mainly hypothetical
reconstruction.
Date 7th c.? (paleography)
Text Balnea quae fragilis suspendunt corporis aestum / et
reparant vires quas labor afficerit / quae constricta
gelu validis aut solibus usta / admixto latici membra
[liquore] levant, / [ut]amur causa propri[ae suadente] salutis / [at cave ne mors sit me]dicina homini /
lubrica ne sensus rapiat turpetque [v]oluptas / effera
234
ne mentem luxuries stimulet / ebria neu vino dapibus
neu viscera crud[a] / dissol[v]at fluxo corde lab[ante
gula] / sobria sed casto foveant [tibi membra lavacro]
/ et quaesi[ta salus sit sine damno animae]. // Haec
[tibi si quis amor vitae] te tangit h[onestae] / [quicumque es homi]num dicta fuisse [putes] / [tu tam]
en ista magis cautus servare me[mento] / grex sacrate
d(e)o corpore men[te fide] / cui bellum cum carne
subest quae et vic[ta resurgit] / quam cohibere iu[v]at
si refo[v]ere p[aras] / clau[--- ---s]aluti [-- -] / vulnere
[ne doleas ---] quod medeare iterum / [--- in]veni bene
parta remedia carn[is] / [--- - --] / [non] nostris nocet
officiis nec culpa la[v]acri / quod sibimet generat lubrica vita malum est.
Transl. ‘Baths, that alleviate the rage of the fragile bodies
and repair the virtues, that were weakened by labour;
baths, that reinvigorate the limbs which were immobilised by frost or burned by the sun, when the water
is mixed, these are the baths we want to use for our
good health. (Yet be aware that) the medicine (does
not become the doom) of man! That slippery lust does
not carry of and defiles the senses, that unrestrained
luxury does not stimulate the mind, that the water of
the initiated, when they are drunk from wine or recently fed by hearty meals, does not dissolve, when the
vulnerable heart loses all control. Sober, the body will
refresh itself (in a purifying bath) and the dead (health
will not harm the soul). This is said to you (if you love
a life of glory, wherever you are). But be aware that you
remember these precautions even better, you herd by
God blessed in body, mind and faith, who battle the
flesh permanently. That you will bring it down, when
it rises again while you get ready to refresh yourself (..)
if you are not sick from a wound that you have to heal
again (..) I have found a good remedy for the flesh (..)
(Bathing) does not harm our duties and bathing is not
guilty for what it brings forth: a slippery lifestyle is the
evil.’ (after Bush (1999) 537–38)
EI-54
Ref. CIL 6.1165
Loc. Rome (Reg. I)
Cont. Found in the vicinity of the church S. Maria de
Monterone.
Date AD 344–345? (emperors and prosopography)
Text [Dd(omini) nn(ostri) Constantius / ac Cons]tans triumphatores Augusti / t<h>ermas vetustate labefactas restauraverunt / Q. Rustico v(iro) [c(larrissimo)
praef(ecto) urbi - - Note We could assume that these baths were quite large
and important (thermae) if the emperors paid for the
restoration. The inscription might refer to the Baths
of Agrippa, which were located in the vicinity of the
church.
appendix 1
Inscriptions from North Africa
EA-1
Ref. Duval (1989) nr. 33
Loc. Sufetula (Sbeitla, Tunisia)
Cont. Large entablature block in two fragments, found in
the Large Baths.
Date Beginning of the 4th c. (paleography)
Text ---]s semper [Augustorum? -- invic]tissimorum
Caes[arum --EA-2
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
AE (1968) 610
Sullecthum (Salakta, Tunisia)
Mosaic inscription in the frigidarium.
Beginning of the 4th c. (paleography)
En perfecta cito Baiaru(m) grata voluptas / undantesque fluunt aq(uae) saxi de rupe sub ima / nisibus
hic nostris prostratus libor anhelat / quisquis amat fratrum veniat mecumq(ue) laetetur.
EA-3
Ref. CIL 8.9183 = AE (1937) 31 = CLE 577 = ILCV 275 = Busch
(1999) 223–24.
Loc. Auzia (Aïn Bessem, Algeria)
Cont. Slab found in two fragments.
Date Beginning of the 4th c. (paleography)
Text
Balnea, rura, domus fec[it C]onstantius auctor
et fecit ut memore[nt
c]ari de sanguine nati
nam ut plene, lotor, [
[dis]cas quid sit perferre
laborem
est novi exempli et q[
]m est memoranda per annos
lateri iuncta viro
[prim]ma data coniugi tali
adque suum docu[
]ia tum imitare priora
ut nomen ut quae[
]s ut honor ampliet in aeuum
Auzias q<u>ia poten[s
]s his per saecula vita
Tuque dabis civibu[s
?] et tibi patria laudes
et dabis ut supere[s
]um linguas inanes.
Note Verses found on two slabs. Note how the first letters of
the left-hand text vertically spells out the phrase Bene
lavate (Thébert (2003) 500, nr. 75; see also Busch (1999)
223–24.
EA-4
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 8.10766/16812 = ILAlg I, 1187
Naragga (Saqiyat Sidi Yusuf, Tunisia)
Unknown.
Beginning of the 4th c. (emperor)
[Pro salute imp(eratore)] Caes(are) M(arco) Aureli
Valeri ⟦Maximiani⟧ [- - -]iridi / coeptas tantum et per
longam annoru seriem [- - -] / onus partim sua propria
et civium liberalitate [- -] / patriae futurum et [- - -]
earumdem therma[rum - - -] / [ded]icavit
235
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
EA-5
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-6
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 8.24582
Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Marble slab found in a bathhouse on the Borj Djedid.
AD 317–318 (proconsul)
s[---] / ther[m ---] / exquisitis a solo [---] / decoro
cult[u dedicante / A]cone Catullino c(larissimo) v(iro)
[---
CIL 8.4878 = ILS 2943 = AE (1903) 97
Thubursicum Numidarum (Khamissa, Algeria)
Unknown.
AD 324
Beatissimo sa[eculo d(omini) n(ostri)] / Constantini
ma[ximi victoris?] semper Aug(usti) et C[onstantini]
/ et Constanti(i) no[bbilissimorum Caess(arum)],
/ plateam v(e)terem S[---] / lapide spoliatam [---] /
Nonius Marcellu[s ---] / Herculius, qui[nquennalis?
---] / constravit P[--- ther]/mas(?) et cel[las? ---] /
[ruin]a(?) dilap[sas ------
EA-7
Ref. CIL 8.22853 = ILTun 106
Loc. Thysdrus (El-Djem, Tunisia)
Cont. Found in the cisterns of the palaestra of the Large
Baths.
Date AD 324–333 (imperial titles)
Text a]ntea cultu / [---]rectu formatas / [---] pro beatitudine saeculi [ddd(ominorum) nnn(ostrorum)
Imp(eratoris)] / [Flavi] Constantini maximi victoris
[ac triumf(atoris) semper Aug(usti)] / [Const]antini et
Constanti nobilissimorum [---] / [---]ne Caesarum in
meliorem faciem mac/[ //]ris in mult[---] / [---]vati accessum [---] / [--- s]peciem decor[---] / [--- curant]e(?)
Val(erio) I[---] / [---]gaio III[---] / [---]D[
Note As there is no mention of a bathhouse in this inscription, it is not sure if the works (restoration or decoration?) commemorated here, concerned the Large
Baths (Thébert (2003) 497).
EA-8
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
AE (1978) 864
Belalis Maior (Henchir el-Faouar, Tunisia)
Lintel found in the vestibule of the Baths of the Forum.
AD 326–333 (imperial titles)
Beatissim[o saeculo invictorum principum Fl(avi)
Valeri Constantini maximi victoris semper Aug(usti)
et Constantini Iun(ioris) et Constanti glori]/
osissimor[um Caes(arum) ---] / parva solum [---] / quo
cla(u)sa(?) clu[aca? --- pro]/[con]sul(atu) [M(arci)
C]ae(i)on[i Iuliani c(larissimi) v(iri) ---] / [---]a
vetusta[te conlapsa ---] / [---]L[---]C[------
EA-9
Ref. CIL 8.28065 = ILAlg I, 1033
Loc. Thagura (Taoura, Algeria)
Cont. Long fragment of 1.2 m with two inscriptions of a different date.
Date AD 326–333 (imperial titles)
Text Constanti]nus et Constantius nobb(ilissimi) ac beatissimi Caes(ares) // post(?) missione]m honestam ex
centurione Plu[---] / [---]ONE thermas ex HS CCCC
mil(ibus) nummu[m
Note The inscription consists of two parts. The upper part
was added at a later date and is written in a smaller
script. It probably commemorated the restoration of
baths, whose dedication was recorded in the lower
part of the text (Thébert (2003) 516).
EA-10
Ref. AE (1992) 1776
Loc. Ammaedra (Haïdra, Tunisia)
Cont. Inscription on a large apex stone, found in a
bathhouse.
Date AD 336 (consuls)
Text Nepotia[no et Facund]o co(n)s(ulibus) / P(ublius)
Rutilius V[--- flam(en)] / perp(etuus) curator [r(ei)
p(ublicae)] / absidam a solo [in ther]mis / hiemalibus
sua pecunia addidit.
EA-11
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
ILTun 814 = AE (1925) 72
Tubernuc (Aïn Tebornok, Tunisia)
Found in the bathhouse of Tubernuc.
AD 337 (imperial titles)
Virtute clementia m[emor]ando pie/tate omnes
a[ntecedenti?] d(omino) n(ostro) Fl(avio) Clau/
dio Consta[n]t[ino iu]niori / Aug(usto) / L(ucius)
Pap(inius) Pacatianus Fl(avius) Ablabius [[[---]]] /
[[[---]]] C(aius) Annius Tiberianus Nes/[to]ri[u]s
Timonianus viri cla/[rissimi p]raefecti pr(a)etorio
EA-12
Ref. CIL 8.23131
Loc. El Haouria (Tunisia)
Cont. Mosaic inscription on the threshold of a cold room in
a possible private bathhouse.
Date First half of the 4th c. (mosaics)
Text Invide livide titula ta/nta quem adseveraba/s fieri non
posse perfecte / sunt dd(ominis) nn(o)ss(tris) mi/
nima ne contemnas.
EA-13
Ref. CIL 8.21518
Loc. Castellum Tingitanum (El Asnam, Algeria)
Cont. Mosaic inscription of a bathhouse depicting a hunting
scene.
236
appendix 1
Date
Text
Middle of the 4th c. (mosaic)
Si/liqua frequens foveas mea membra / lavacro.
EA-14
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
CIL 8.7024 = ILAlg II.593
Cirta (Constantine, Algeria)
Fragment found in the Large Baths.
4th c.? (paleography)
[thermas Consta]ntinian[as]
The reconstruction of the text is uncertain.
Note
EA-15
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-16
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
ILTun 622 = AE (1934) 133
Henchir Haouli (Tunisia)
Unknown.
AD 340–350 (imperial titles)
Saeculo felic[issimo ---] / dd(ominorum) nn(ostrorum)
Fl(avii) Constanti et Fl(avii) Con[stantis ---] / administrantibus etiam / Fl(avio) Dardanio amp(lissimo)
proc(onsole) c(larissimo) v(iro) et l<e=a>gatis [---] /
[p]ulcerrimum factum cum porticus [---] / [--- ]turpia
foedabantur ad statum [---] / [pisc]inalis ad restaurationem d[---] / [-]s colitumque nitent soliar[em cellam
---] / [-] oleum a fundamentis perc[---] / [-] proneum
aquiducti a fu[ndamentis ---] / [-]ium solium vero
inst[auravit ? --] / [-]t C(aius) Aurelius Stat[ianus ---]
/ [-] cur(ator) r(ei) p(ublicae) una cum omn[ibus
decurionibus? ---] / [--]sinsensium perfecit et
[dedicavit].
ILTun 1093
Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Found on the Byrsa hill (out of context).
AD 340–350 (proconsul)
--- Fl(avius) Dar?]danius thermis procon[sul ---
EA-17
Ref. AE (1916) 87–88
Loc. Thuburbo Maius (El Fahs/Henchir Kasbat, Tunisia)
Cont. Marble slab found in several fragments in the Summer
Baths.
Date AD 361 (imperial titles)
Text que hu[more superfluo [m]agis f[l]eban[t qu]am
prol[ue]bant vigili cura sollertique / [lab]ore inpens[o
i]ntra septimummensem adiecti[s] omnibus perfectisque cunctis / quib[u]s lavacra indigebant Ann[i]
us Namptoius fl(a)m(en) p(erpetuus) iurisconsultus [magister] / studi[or]um cur(ator) rei p(ublicae)
Thu[burbitan]ae urbis florentissimo sena[tu] / c[u]
n[ct]aque eius p[l]e[be / per]feci[t e]xcoluit dedicavit.
Beatissimo saeculo dd(ominorum)] nn(ostrorum)
C[onstanti Pii Fel]ici[s Maxim]i / [et invictissimi
Augusti] et Iuli[ani no]bil[issimi] Cae[saris / pro]
co[ns]ulatu Clo[di H]ermogenian]i v(iri) c(larissimi)
EA-18
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
p]roc(onsulis) [p(rovinciae) a(fricae) et le]gatione
[Crepe]rei / Optatiani v(iri) c(larissimi) leg(ati)
Karthag(inis) [t]hermas [aes]tivales po[s]t ann[os
solidos] octo / i[n]tra septimum mensem a[d]iectis
omnibus perfectisq[ue] cuncti[s / qu]ibus lavacra
ind[i]gebant Ann[i]us Namptoivius flam(en) [p(er)]
p(etuus) / iuris consultus magister st[udiorum]
cur(ator) rei p(ublicae) cum Thub[ur]bi[t]anae /
[u]rbis ordine amplissim[o c]unct[a]que eius plebe /
[per]fecit excoluit dedicavit.
Both texts were written on different sides of the same
slab. It is interesting to note the time span ‘post annos
solidos octo intra septimum mensem’ (‘after 8 whole
years within the 7th month’), probably referring to
the 8 years that the baths had been left unfinished.
The restorations were then completed after the first
7 months of the benefactors’ year in office. The term
lavacra seems to have been a part of the thermae mentioned earlier in the text. The first lines of the first part
(‘humore superfluo magis flebant quam proluebant’
translated by G. Fagan as ‘with the liquid overflowing
they wept rather than washed’) indicate that these
were probably the pools (Fagan (1999a) 276, nr. 273a
and 273b).
CIL 8.20267
Satafis (Aïn Kebira, Algeria)
Unknown.
AD 361–363 (converted calendar year)
Post fla]mmas cinere[squ]e suos nova surgere foenix /
[scit nu]nc ut pulc(h)ra r[e]novetur fabrica mole / [tu
Quinti]ne facis cui la[u]dem nobile corpus / [ac vir]es
peperere suae quibus omnia polles / [regia] Romuleo
genitum quem stem[m]ate p[atru]m / [praefectu]
m Mauris claro [p]ermisit honore / [---]turis thermis
I[---]onos iste resurget / [que]m gaudet sibimet [civitas n]utrisse Satafis / pr(ovinciae) CCCXX[---]II
EA-19
Ref. ILAlg I. 2100
Loc. Madaurus (M’Daourouch, Algeria)
Cont. Found in two fragments, one in the forum and one
north of the theatre.
Date AD 361–363 (imperial titles)
Text B[eatissimis temporibus --- sa]eculo d(omini) n(ostri)
[[Iul[ia]ni]] / perpet[ui Aug(usti) thermae --- in]
curia paene ad in/teritum [--- ca]meris omnibus / et
soliis e[---] non tantum in/feriorum [---]tis voragini
/ [--- sup]erior[um //]s qui picturae grati[am] / [---]
melioribus ornam[entis] / [---]sunt proconsula[tu ---]
/ [---] sum(p)tu publico [// Ma]rciani ducena/rii [--splend]id[i] e[t] laudab[i]l[i]s v[i]ri cur(atoris) re[i]
p(ublicae) perfectae sunt et cum ordine [---] / eiusdem
col[oniae no]st(rae) et populo ded[ic]atae.
237
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
EA-20
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
ILAlg I. 2101
Madaurus (M’Daourouch, Algeria)
Large block reused in a later wall in the Large Baths.
AD 364 (imperial titles and proconsul)
Pro tanta securi[tate temporum] / dd(ominorum)
nn(ostrorum) Valentiniani [et Valentis perpetuo]
rum Au[gg(ustorum)] / [therm]as aestivas olim
splen[did(issimae)] coloni[ae --- ]a[---] / [---]tro annis
ruinarum labe deformes pa[rietibusque omni]um soli/
orum ita corruptis ut gravibus damnis adficerent [nun]c
omni idonitate con/structas et cultu splendido decoratas sed et patinas ampliato aeris pondere / omni
idonitate firmissimas proconsulatu Publi Ampeli v(iri)
c(larissimi) Octavio Privatia/no v(iro) c(larissimo)
legato Numidiae C(a)ec(ilius) Pontilius Paulinus f{f}
(lamen) p(er)p(etuus) p(atronus) c(oloniae) curat(o)
r rei p(ublicae) pecunia / publica perfecit porticum
quo[q]ue ingredientibus ab atrio sed et pronaum /
eidem coh(a)erentem commeantibus per viam trabibus tignis [---] ceterisque / [--- Pont]ilius Pauli/[nus
---] ordine.
EA-21
Ref. AE (1911) 217 = AE (1987) 1082
Loc. Mascula (Kenchela, Algeria)
Cont. Large slab found in several fragments in a probable
bath building.
Date AD 364–367 (imperial titles and consuls)
Text Aureis
ubique
temporibus
dd(ominorum)
nn(ostrorum) Valentiniani et Valen/tis perpetuorum
(Au)gg(ustorum) statum desperata recipiunt ami/
ssa renovantur ruinarum deformitatem decor novit/
atis excludit iamdudum igitur thermarum aestival/
ium fabulam factam depellens faciemque restituens / Publi(li)us Ceionius C(a)ecina Albinus v(ir)
c(larissimus) consularis / [s(ex)f(ascalis) p(rovinciae)
N(umidiae) C(onstantinae)] / ad splendorem
tam patriae quam provinciae restituit / perfecit
dedicavit[que?] omni nisu [cur]antib[us] / Aemilio
Flaviano Fabio Praetexta[to F]lav[i]o / Innocentio
Mario Secundino [---io E]xcu[s]antio / fll(aminibus)
pp(erpetuis) / b(onis) b(ene).
EA-22
Ref. ILAlg II.595
Loc. Cirta (Constantine, Algeria)
Cont. Fragment of red marble (sic) found in a school (during
construction works?).
Date AD 364–367 (imperial titles)
Text Felicissimi[s temp(oribus) d(ominorum) n(ostrorum)
invic(tissimorum?) Valentiniani] / et Valentis [semper Aug(ustorum) thermas Constan]/tinias v[etustate
conlapsas --- an]/nis tot re[tro
EA-23
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 8.5335 = ILS 5730 = ILAlg 256
Calama (Guelma, Algeria)
Inscription on an architrave (findspot unknown).
AD 366–368 (proconsul)
Beatissimis temporibus dd(ominorum) nn(ostrorum)
Valentiniani et Valentis perpetuorum Augg(ustorum)
procons[ulatu v(iri) c(larissimi) Iuli Festi Hymeti(?)
legatio]ne v(iri) c(larissimi) Fabi Fabiani piscinam
quae antea tenuis aqu(a)e pigra fluenta capiebat nunc
ve[---] / [--- unda]rum intonantium motibus redundantem Q(uintus) Basilius Flaccianus fl(amen) p(er)
p(etuus) augur et cur(ator) [---] / [---] et excepto[rio
--- ex]tructo adq(ue) perfecto cum [Bas]ilio Maximo
Auf[id]iano [filio suo dedicavit].
EA-24
Ref. ILAlg 2102
Loc. Madaurus (M’Daourouch, Algeria)
Cont. Found in several fragments reused in a wall in the
Large Baths.
Date AD 366–368 (imperial titles and proconsul)
Text Pro tanta felicitate tempor[um invictissi]/morum principum dd(ominorum) nn(ostrorum) perp[p(etuorum)
Augg(ustorum) Valenti]/niani et Valentis piscinalem istam [---] / et soliarem cellam lacuniis densis
ita foed[atas ut ima pavi]/menti monstrarent atque
ita retentione[m caloris prohi]/berent compellente
religione sanctae P[--- et commodo Roma]norum(?)
civium exquisitis diversorum co[lorum marmoribus] / artificibus quoque peregrinis adductis et [adhibitis? splen]/dentes novoque omnino opere tes(s)
ellatas pr[oconsulatu Iuli Festi v(iri) c(larissimi)] /
Fabio Fabiano v(iro) c(larissimo) et inlustre legato
Numidi[ae --- cur(ator)] / rei publicae inter cetera in
quibus ia(m)du[dum ---] / cum ordine splendido et
universo popul[o restituit et dedicavit?] / felicit[er].
EA-25
Ref. AE (1975) 873
Loc. Abbir Maius (Henchir en Naam, Tunisia)
Cont. A lintel broken into three fragments (findspot
unknown).
Date AD 368–70 (imperial titles and proconsul)
Text Salvis ddd(ominis) nnn(ostris) Valentiniano Valente
Gratiano perpetuis Auggg(ustis) proconsul[a]tu
Petroni Claudi c(larissimi) v(iri) et Mari Victoriani l[e]
gati Kart(h)aginis c(larissimi) v(iri) / oceanum a fundamentis coeptum et soliarem ruina conlapsum ad
perfectionem cultumque perductos ingressus novos
signis adpositis decoravit / Flavianus Leontius alm(a)e
Kart(haginis) principalis curator rei p(ublicae) ordinis
splendidissimi conlatione cum amore populi inco(h)
av[i]t perfecit dedicavit.
238
Note
appendix 1
EA-26
Ref. AE (1925) 31 = ILTun 1500
Loc. Thugga (Douga, Tunisia)
Cont. Found in three fragments, two near the Capitolium
and one in the Licinian Baths.
Date AD 367–383 (prosopography)
Text Atrium thermar[um ---]inianarum ab antiquis c[oe]
ptum excep/toriis in eodem loco su[biectis] quod inperfecto opere corruptum adque / ruderibus foedatum
[erat ---]dius Honorati(a)nus fl(amen) p(erpetuus)
cur(ator) rei p(ublicae) II [cu]m statua / signoq(ue)
Felicissimi Fl(avi) Gr[atian]i CCCRATV opere perfecit
itemq[ue dedica]vit.
EA-27
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-28
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-29
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
et virtutibus fovit suble/vabit erexit etiam ob ea quae
sibi / specialiter conlata sunt civitas / Sabrathensis
exsultans quod po/st ruinam et abnegatum therma/
rum populo exercitium citra ullius / dispendium ornamentis patriae / revocauit ordo populusque / concinentibus omnibus vo/tis statuam patrono pr(a)estan/
tissimo gratanti studio / conlocavit.
Y. Thébert ((2003) 486) wrongfully identified the city
with modern Henchir al Khandaq (Roman Abbir
Germaniciana). The clarissimi viri that were responsible for the restauration came from Carthage. They
possibly had land in the vicinity of Abbir Maius.
CIL 8.16400
Musti (Henchir Mestis/El Krib, Tunisia)
Unknown.
AD 371–373 (imperial titles and proconsuls)
Ddd(ominis) nnn(ostris) Valentiniano Valenti et
Grat[iano ---] / Sextio Rustico v(iro) c(larissimo)
procons{s}(ule) p(rovinciae) A[fr]i[cae et ---] / [--- v]
(iro) c(larissimo) legato Numidiae balneae quae i[---]
/ redintegrat<a>e sunt devotione totius ordini[s ---] /
[---] cur(ator) r(ei) p(ublicae) opus et sollicitudine et
sumtibus adi[uvit
CIL 8.25845
Abitina (Chouhoud el-Batin, Tunisia)
Found out of context in several fragments.
AD 376–377 (imperial titles)
--- Valente Gr]atiano et Valentin[iano ---] / [--Aug]ustis thermis aestivis [---] / [--] orna[t]us
constitu[erunt? ---] / [--- Hila]rius Hesperius v(ir)
c(larissimus) proco[(n)s(ul) ---] / [--- cu]ratore r(ei)
p(ublicae) et Minucio M[—
IRT 103a
Sabratha (Sabratha, Libya)
Altar later reused in the paving of a 6th c. basilica.
AD 378 (prosopography)
[Fl(aui) Vivi Benedicti v(iri)] p̣(erfectissimi) /totius integritatis modera/tionis iustitiae provisionis /
fidei benignitatis fortitudinis / ac beneficentiae viro
Fl(auio) Vivio / Benedicto v(iro) p(erfectissimo) praesidi prov(inciae) Tripol(itanae) / inter cetera beneficia
sua quibus / omnem provinciam conpendiis re/mediis
EA-30
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-31
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-32
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
AE (2004) 1681
Limisa (Ksar Lemsa, Tunisia)
Lintel in limestone (findspot unknown).
AD 387–388 (imperial titles)
[Beatissimo saeculo(?) dominoru]m Augustorumqu[e
n]ostrorum / [Valentiniani Theodosi Arcadi et
[[[Maximi]]] Constantianas thermas vetustate / [conlapsas restitutas(?) et e]xcultas etiam sumptu publico
/ [--- vir cla]rissimus consularis p(rovinciae) V(aleriae)
Byz(acenae) dedicavit / [curante ---]o flamine perpetuo curatore rei publicae
AE (1949) 28
Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Large entablature block found in the Antonine Baths.
AD 388–390 (imperial titles)
[DDD(ominis)] nnn(ostris Valentiniano [The]odosio
et Arcadio / [Iun]iorinus Polemius v(ir) c(larissimus)
proconsule provinc/[iae //]E dignissimo decora[---] /
[---] almae Karthagi[nis
CIL 8.15204 = CIL 8.1412
Thignica (Aïn Tougga, Tunisia)
An architrave block found in 15 fragments.
AD 393 (prosopography)
aquae]ductos taetra ac deformi caligine mersos
et nullo felici aspect[u gaudentes(?) ---] valet in
sple[ndidissimo municipio(?) ---] met[---] gemino
provisionis [---] beneficio quae usui [privato(?) ero]
gabatur lavacris praestitit quae hac viduata on[eribus
illis iussit usui(?) f]ieri civibus / [--- proconsulatu ae]
mili flori paterni v(iri) c(larissimi) et inlustris et eri fani
geminiani v(iri) c(larissimi) leg(ati) c(ai) vib[---]n[--c]andido ffll(aminibus) p(er)p(etuis) dd(uumviris)
[---] sum(p)tu public[o restituit(?) ---] et dedicavit.
In this fragmentary inscription, local authorities
rendered water that was used for private use to the
lavacra.
EA-33
Ref. AE (2010) 1789
Loc. Capsa (Gafsa, Tunisia)
Cont. Large limestone block found during construction
works near the casbah.
239
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
Date
Text
EA-34
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
AD 393–395 (imperial titles)
Salvis ddd(ominis) nnn(ostris) / Theodosio Arcadio
et Honorio / semper Augustis et trium/fatoribus ob
splendorem / [t]hermarum Alexandrian/arum [
AE (1914) 57 = ILAfr 276
Thuburbo Maius (El Fahs, Tunisia)
Base found in the curia on the forum.
AD 395–408 (imperial titles)
Salviani p(atroni or principalis) a(lmae) K(artaginis)
/ hortante felicitate temporum dd(ominorum) Au/
gg(ustorum)que nn(ostrorum) Arcadi et Honori inclytorum / principum ubique victorum proconsu/[[[latu
---]]] / [[--- ---]] / [---]inio Salviano Edilicio p(atrono)
a(lmae) K(arthaginis) statuam / [vo]to [pa]triae officiorum etiam eius er/[ga e]am meritis indultam r(ei)
p(ublicae) felix / T[h]uburbo Maius amantissimo civi
/ ac sui amanti quod etiam thermarum / hiemalium ex
ima fundamentorum ori/gine usque [ad] fastigia culmen erexit idem / quoque [---] IOC [--- te]mporis vel
usus vel / [---]N[---]O[---]TV omnium locorum / [---]
IVA [ther]marum finis / INCI[---]S[--- su]mptu proprio
oper i<m=N>pen/sisque SV[---]IS EI[--- im]pensam
cum amore / [---]MC[---]OSIA TVA / [
EA-35
Ref. CIL 8.25425
Loc. Hippo Diarrhytus (Sidi Abdallah near Bizerte,
Tunisia)
Cont. Mosaic inscription found in or near a probable
bathhouse.
Date End of the 4th c. (mosaics and paleography)
Text Splendent tecta Bassiani Fundi, cognomine Baiae /
invent<a>e lucisq[ue] magis candore relucen[t] / disposuit facere [---]DICATIN[---] / Oppositos m[---] /
Nomine Sidon[ius ---] / iure sub a[---].
Note The Fundus Bassianus refers to a private estate, meaning these were privately owned baths; however, they
could have been accessible to a larger clientele.
EA-36
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
ILAfr 285
Thuburbo Maius (El Fahs, Tunisia)
Lintel found in the Winter Baths.
End of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th c.
(paleography)
cellam s]oliarem cum solis omni etiam refuso instrumento aeris et plumbi firma refec[it] / [--- lapid]e(?)
solidavit piscinam novam nomine cochleam redditis
veteribus exceptoriis adiecit / [---] dedicavit G(aius)
Optatianus fl(amen) p(er)p(etuus) cur(ator) r(ei)
p(ublicae).
EA-37
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-38
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-39
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-40
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Foucher (1958) 134.
Sidi Bou Ali (Tunisia)
Mosaic inscription of the baths of a villa.
4th or 5th c. (mosaic)
[S]abinianus / Senurianus / pingit et pa<u>imentav<i>t
bene lava/re.
CIL 8.948
Tubernuc (Aïn Tebornok, Tunisia)
Reused in a modern doorway.
4th or 5th c. (imperial titles)
[--- dd(ominis) nn(ostris) Valente et Valen]tiniano
Augg(ustis) solium (a)esti<v=B>alium therm[arum] /
[--- ---]is ut puro fonte pulc(h)rior redderetur aspe[ctus
CIL 8.20990
Iol Caesarea (Cherchel, Algeria)
Unknown.
4th or 5th c. (imperial titles)
--- Theod]osio perpe[tuis Augustis ---] / [---]fe?
thermar[um ---
CIL 8.962 = ILAfr 321
Vina (Henchir Maden, Tunisia)
Unknown.
Second half of the 4th c. (title of the vicarius)
Admini[stran]/tibus D[---] / v(iro) c(larissimo)
amp(lissimo) pr[oco(n)s(ule) ---] / et Alexand[ro
---] / p(rimi) o(rdinis) c(omite) ag(ente) v(ices)
p(raefectorum) p(raetorio) I[--- ]/nus f(lamen)
p(er)p(etuus) ex [cur(atore)] / r(ei) p(ublicae) ad
[---] / thermarum / posu[it d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)
p(ecunia) p(ublica)].
EA-41
Ref. AE (2006) 1767
Loc. Thignica (Aïn Thougga, Tunisia)
Cont. Large block broken into four fragments, reused in the
wall of the citadel.
Date AD 405 (prosopography)
Text [---ddd(ominorum nnn(ostrorum Arcadi Honori et
Theodosi] principum inclytorum semper Augustorum
/ [.. Flavio Pio)nio Diotimo v(iro) c(clarissimo) amplissimo proconsule provinciae A[fricae / --- ob] soliditatem et usum saluberrinum fundamentis parie[t ---] /
Q(uintus) Vibul[en]ius Fabius Arianus fl(amen) p(er)
p(etuus) cur(ator) reip(ublicae) [---] / --Note For Flavius Pionius Diotimus, see PLRE II, 368.
240
appendix 1
EA-42
Ref. ILAlg 2108
Loc. Madaurus (M’Daourouch, Algeria)
Cont. Found in several fragments in the forum area and in
the Large Baths.
Date AD 407–408 (imperial titles and proconsul)
Text Excellens glo[ria ddd(ominorum) nnn(ostrorum)
Invic]/tissimorum prin[cipum Arcadi H]onor[i et
Theodosi] / semper Auggg(ustorum) adm[inistrante P]
omp(eio) Proc[ulo] / v(iro) c(larissimo) procons(ule)
p(rovinciae) A(fricae) leg[ato Num(idiae)] Q(uinto)
Thersio Cri[spino] / Megetio v(ir) c(larissimo)
Cl(audius) S[isen]na Germanianu[s] / curator rei
p(ublicae) cel[la]m balnearum lon[ga] / serie temporum ruina desolatam usib[usque] / lavacrorum den[e]
gatam sumptu prop[rio et] / cam{o}eram cum suspensuris constructam novi[s] / ab splendido ordin[e] decretis titulis ded[icavit].
Transl. ‘The excelling glory of our lords, the invincible and
foremost Arcadius, Honorius and Theodosius, everlasting Augusti. To the administrator Pompeius
Proclus, vir clarissimus, proconsul of the province of
Africa, legate of Numidia and to Quintus Thersius
Crispinus Megethius, vir clarissimus, Claudius S[ise]
na Germanianus, curator of public affairs (ordered)
the room of the baths, which lay in ruins for a long
period of time and were inaccessible in their lavacra, and the rooms constructed with new suspensurae (to be built) at his own expenses. He dedicated
(these) following issued decrees by the magnificent
Ordo.’
EA-43
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-44
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-45
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
ILAlg 2109
Madaurus (M’Daourouch, Algeria)
Found in the Large Baths.
AD 407–408 (imperial titles)
--- Ar]cad[i? ---] / [--- P]ompeio Pr[oculo ---] / [--Crisp]ino Meg[etio ---] / [--- ther]marum [--] /
[---] perpe[tu? ---
ILAlg 2110
Madaurus (M’Daourouch, Algeria)
Found near the Large Baths.
AD 407–408 (prosopography)
---e]tiam ? luce [---] / [---] Cl(audii) Sisenae
Ger[maniani ---] / [---]na operis suffecti [---] / [---]s
pernicie [---
ILS 5731
Membressa (Mejez el Bab, Tunisia)
Square base as part of an altar.
AD 412–414 (imperial titles and proconsul)
Text
EA-46
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-47
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Salvis / dd(ominis) nn(ostris) Honorio et / Theodosio
p(er)p(etuis) Augg(ustis) / administrante Q(uinto)
Sen/tio Fabricio Iuliano / v(iro) c(larissimo) iterum
procons(ule) v(ice) s(acra) i(udicante) / statuas et
ornatum / piscinales conlocavit / M(arcus) Aurelius
Resti/tutus ex toga(to) cur(atore) / r(ei) p(ublicae)
cum splendi/do ordine suo.
CIL 8.25864 = ILAfr 492
Tichilla (Testour, Tunisia)
Large slab of unknown provenance.
AD 412–414 (imperial titles and proconsul)
Dom[inis nostris --- --- Honorio et] / Theo[dosio --- ---]
/ thermas i[--- ]IALRIAETAIAII/TIORESTIRAN[--splen]doremque ex pe[c]unia / un[---]quartae FI[-- ]um pro ingenita sibi libe/ralitate IIISSIMIA[---]
quae moenium pu<b=P>lico(rum) / civi<t=V>at[is ---]
VSCONDC(?) [--- sine ulla ---]onii ordinis civium/que
con<l=T>atione ad[ministrante ---] Q(uinto) Sentio
Fabricio / Iuliano [---]is / III[---]sq(ue) dicavit.
CIL 8.1358; Thébert (2003) 497.
Tichilla (Testour, Tunisia)
Unknown.
AD 408–423 (imperial titles and prosopography)
Pollentes sin[e] fine imperio / dd(ominorum)
nn(ostrorum) Honori et Theodosi p(er)p(etuorum)
s<e=I>mp(er) Aug(ustorum), / administrante Felice
<E=I>nnodio v(iro) c(larissimo) amp(lissimo) /
proc(onsule) p(rovinciae) A(fricae) v(ice) s(acra)
i(udicante) cum <F=T>irmo v(iro) c(larissimo)
leg(ato) suo t(h)ermas (?) <q=o>uas ita vetustas cum
s<t=I>ra[ge ---
EA-48
Ref. CIL 8.13473
Loc. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Cont. Marble slab found in 13 fragments on the Damous
el-Karita site.
Date 5th c. (Vandal rulers)
Text Attalus ha[ec f]eci[t rebus sple]ndore paratis / quas
fudi ga[udens igni]s vi tecta dicare / Vulcano qui [---]
ius haec linqu[ere ---] / natis cum[---]s olim canente
s[enecta] / mortali[--- ] vi cogar[
EA-49
Ref. Thébért (2003) 492, nr. 33.
Loc. Moknine (Tunisia)
Cont. Mosaic inscription in the apodyterium of a small bathhouse, possibly of a villa.
Date 5th c. (mosaic)
Text Quid pa/bes pal/les fru/er Bai/as quas tu / negabas
fieri.
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
Note
The mosaic depicts a victorious driver of a chariot,
waving a tablet bearing the text (Wiedler (1999) 327;
Thébert (2003) 492, nr. 33).
EA-50
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Ennabli (1986) 56–57; Thébert (2003) 493.
Sidi Ghrib (Tunisia)
Mosaic inscription on the raised border of the piscina.
5th c. (mosaic)
Plus feci quam potui, minus quam volui. Si placet,
commune est. / Si displicet nostrum est. Hic sunt tria
ver<b=v>a ca(u)tu(s) sedes ebria.
Transl. ‘I did more than I could, but less than I would have
liked to. If it pleases, it is communal. If it displeases, its ours. Here are three words: Beware! Drunkseat!’
Note The mosaic inscription was found on the outer rim of
the western piscina, turned towards the bathers in the
frigidarium (Enabli (1986) 7).
EA-51
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
CIL 8.8509
Aïn Temouchent (Algeria)
Mosaic inscription of a possible bathhouse.
5th c. (mosaic)
Invida sidereo rumpantur pectora visu cedat et in nostris / lingua proterva locis hoc studio superamus avos
gratumque / renidet aedibus in nostris summus apex
operis feliciter.
The mosaic depicts the head of Oceanus, surrounded
by fish and four Nereids on seahorses with the text
placed underneath (Bertherand (1856) 122). For a
translation, see Berbrugger (1856) 123.
EA-52
Ref. AL 201
Loc. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Cont. Unknown (included as an epigram in the Anthologia
Latina)
Date AD 496–523 (reign of Vandal King)
Text De thermis Alianarum Hic ubi conspicuis radiant nunc
signa metallis Et nitido clarum marmore fulget opus,
Arida pulvereo squalebat cespite tellus Litoreique soli
uilis harena fuit. Pulcra sed inmenso qui duxit cuhnina
caelo, Ostendens pronis currere saxa iugis, Publica rex
populis Thrasamundus gaudia vovit, Prospera continuans numine saecla suo. Paruit imperiis mutato
lympha sapore Et dulcis fontes proluit unda nouos.
Expavit subitas Vulcanus surgere thermas. Et trepida
flammas subdidit ipse manu.
EA-53
Ref. AL 202
Loc. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
241
Cont. Unknown (included as an epigram in the Anthologia
Latina).
Date AD 496–523 (reign of Vandal King)
Text Nobilis exsultat Baiarum fabrica thermis Et duplicat
radios montibus aucta dies. Hoc uno rex fecit opus
Thrasamundus in anno, Inclita dans multis munera
temporibus. Hic senibus florens virtus renovatur anhelis, Hic fessos artus viva lavacra fovent. Miscentur
pariter sociis incendia lymphis Et gelidos imbres proximus ignis habet. Utilis hic flamma est et nullos pascitur artus Optaturque magis per nova vota calor. lo
Longior hic aegros morborum cura relinquit Nec lavat
in vitreis hic moriturus aquis
EA-54
Ref. AL 203
Loc. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Cont. Unknown (included as an epigram in the Anthologia
Latina).
Date AD 496–523 (reign of Vandal King)
Text Regia praeclaras erexit iussio moles, Sensit et imperium calx lapis unda focus. Inclusus Vulcanus aquis algentibus hic est Et pacem liquidis fontibus ignis habet.
Cum lymphis gelidis gestat concordia flammam Ac
stupet ardentes frigida nympha lacus. Uritur hic semper gaudens neque laeditur hospes Et vegetat medicus
pectora fota vapor. Maxima sed quisquis patitur fastidia solis Aut gravibus madido corpore torpet aquis,
His Thrasamundiacis properet se tinguere thermis:
Protinus effugiet tristis uterque labor.
EA-55
Ref. AL 204
Loc. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Cont. Unknown (included as an epigram in the Anthologia
Latina).
Date AD 496–523 (reign of Vandal King)
Text Publica qui celsis educit moenia tectis, Hic pia rex
populis Thrasamundus vota dicavit, Per quem cuncta
suis consurgunt pulchra ruinis Et nova transcendunt
priscas fastigia sedes. Hic quoque post sacram meritis
altaribus aedem Egregiasque aulas, quas grato erexit
amore, Condidit ingentes proprio sub nomine thermas. Hic bonus inriguis decertat fontibus ignis, Hic
etiam ardentis [nullus] timet ora camini, Plurimus hic
imber gelidas adcommodat undas, Hic aestus levis est,
hic nullum frigora torrent, Hic geminata dies per marmora fulget.
EA-56
Ref. AL 205
Loc. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Cont. Unknown (included as an epigram in the Anthologia
Latina).
242
Date AD 496–523 (reign of Vandal King)
Text Tranquillo nymfae de- Currite fluminis ortV.
Hic nova flagranti sVccedite lumina FoebO
Rupibus excelsis, ubi
Nunc fastigia surgunT
Aequanturque polo toTis praecelsa lauacrA
Sedibus. hic magnis exArdent marmora signiS,
Ardua sublimes praevIncunt culmina termaE,
Muneraque eximius taNti dat liminis auctoR
Vnica continuae praeNoscens praemia famaE.
Non hic flamma nocet. v- Otum dinoscite carmeN,
Discite vel quanto viVat sub gurgite lymphA.
Vandalicum hic renovAt claro de semine nomeN,
Sub cuius titulo meriTis stat gratia factiS.
Note The first, middle and last letters form the phrase
‘Thrasamundus cun(c)ta innovat vota serenans.’
(‘Thrasamundus renews his vow while he clears
everything up’).
EA-57
Ref. CIL 8.25362
Loc. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Cont. Marble lintel found in two fragments reused in a synagogue and in a house.
Date AD 530–533? (prosopography)
Text Cerne salutiferas sp[lendent]i marmore Baias / qui calidos aest[us fran]gere quaeris aquis / hic ubi Vulcano
Nep[tunus] certat amore / nec necat unda f[ocum n]
ec nocet ignis aquas / gaude operi Gebam[unde tu]o
regalis origo / deliciis sospes ute[re cum] populo.
Note Gebamundus was probably a nephew of king Gelimer
and may be identified as the Vandal commander in
Procopius, Bell. 3.18 (see Gauckler (1907) 795).
EA-58
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIL 8.5352 = ILAlg 276 = EChrAfr-03, 193 = CLE 297
Calama (Guelma, Algeria)
Lintel above a door of the baths.
AD 539 (prosopography)
Una et bis senas turres crescebant in ordine totas /
mirabilem operam cito constructa videtur posticius
/ sub termas balteo concluditur ferro nu[ll]us malorum / poterit erigere man(um) Patrici(i) Solomon(is)
insti[tu]tion(em) nemo / expugnare valevit defensio martir(um) tuet[u]r posticius ipse / Clemens
et Vincentius martir(es) custod(iunt) introitum
ipsu(m).
Transl. ‘Twelve and one towers altogether rose up in a row; it
seems a work of wonder, constructed so swiftly. The
postern gate behind the baths is fastened with iron. No
enemy could raise a hand against it. No one could take
by storm the work of Patricius Solomon. The protection of martyrs secures this postern gate. The martyrs
Clemens and Vincentius guard this entrance.’ (Fowden
(1999) 47)
appendix 1
EA-59
Ref. AE (1933) 234–235
Loc. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia)
Cont. Lead lamella found in the ‘fountain of thousand amphorae’ (defixio or curse tablet).
Date Unknown (4th c.?; late antique paleography)
Text Ἀρθυλαιλαμ Σεμ/εσιλαμ Αεηιουω / Βαχυχ Βακαξιχυχ
/ Μενεβαιχυχ Ἀ/βρασαξ Βαζαβαχ/υχ Μενεβαιχ/υχ
Ἀβρασαξ // Dom/ini Dei tenete / detinete Faler/nas ne
quis illo/c accedere pos/s{s}it obligate / perobligate /
Falernaru(m) ba/lineu(m) ab hac / die ne quis ho/mo
illoc accedat.
EA-60
Ref. Beschaouch(1977) 78 (fig.74).
Loc. Bulla Regia (Hammam Daradji, Tunisia)
Cont. Mosaic inscription on the edge of the piscina of a private villa.
Date Unknown (late antique paleography, 5th c.?)
Text Venantiorum Baiae
EA-61
Ref. CIL 8.20579
Loc. Thamallula Antoniniani (Ras el Oud, Algeria)
Cont. Found during construction works in a large building of
Roman date, 400 m north-west of the ‘Byzantine fort’.
Date Unknown (4th c.? Possible reference to the three emperors Valentinian / Valens / Gratian or Constantine II
/ Constantius II / Constans?).
Text In his praed[iis ---] / fl(aminis?) Auggg(ustorum) p(er)
p(etui?) [---] / balneum cy[---] / mre perp[--EA-62
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EA-63
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
CIL 8.24090
Siagu (Ksar es Zit, Tunisia)
Found in a possible bathhouse.
Unknown (late antique paleography)
---]ici max[--- / --- thermas? d]ilpasas et defo[ormesS
--- / ---s]oliumq(ue) fl(?) po[---
Jeddi (1994) 275
Ouled Hafouz (Tunisia)
Mosaic text found in a heated room of a bathhouse.
Unknown (late antique mosaic).
O(N?)EDAS NUM LABAS
The second letter has been interpreted as a Greek
sigma or a tilted N. Subsequently, the text has been reconstructed as ‘O sedas num labas’ or ‘Oned as(i)num
labas’.
EA-64
Ref. AL 108
Loc. Unknown.
243
Late Antique Inscriptions Mentioning Baths
Cont. Unknown.
Date Unknown (4th or 5th c.? comparison with similar
North African inscriptions).
Text De balneis. / Aspice fulgentis tectis et gurgite baias,
/ dant quibus <h>aut parvum pictor et unda decus. /
Namque gerunt pulchras splendentia culmina formas,
blandaque perspicuo fonte fluenta cadunt. / Gaudia qui
gemino gestit decerpere fructu et vita novit praetereunte frui, / hic lavet; hic corpus reparans menemque
relaxans, / lumina picturis, membra fo<ve>bit aquis.
Note This epigram was included in the Anthologia Latina,
but the type of text refers to a building inscription
(Busch (1999) 234). The attribution to North Africa
cannot be verified.
EA-65
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
AL 109
Unknown.
Unknown.
Unknown (5th c.? comparison with similar North
African inscriptions)
De balneis / Fausta novum domini condens Fortuna
lavacrum/ Invitat fessos huc properare viae./ Laude
operis fundi capiet sua gaudia praesul, / ospes dulciflua dum recreatur aqua./ Condentis monstra<n>t
versus primordia nomen / auctoremque facit littera
prima legi. / Lustrent pontivagi Cumani litoris antra /
indigenae placeant plus mihi deliciae.
The epigram was included in the Anthologia Latina,
but the form and the proper names formed by the first
and last letters of each line (‘Filocali’ and ‘Melaniae’, in
bold, author’s addition) identify this text as a building
inscription (Busch (1999) 231). The North African connection is proposed on the basis of the names, which
may be linked to characters mentioned by Augustine
(Busch (1999) 232).
Inscriptions from Palestina
EP-1
Ref. Avi-Yonah (1963) 325
Loc. Scythopolis (Beit She’an/Baysan , Israel)
Cont. Found in a suburban context some 70 m outside the
Byzantine wall.
Date AD 558–559 (local calendar)
Text Θεόδωρος ὁ ποιμὴν / λουτρὰ καιυουργῶν νέμε[ι] / τοῖς
τὴν ἄκραν νομοῦσι τῆς / λώβης νόσον / ἐν χρ(όνοις)
ἰνδ(ικτιῶνος) ζ’ / ἔτους χκβ’
Transl. ‘Theodore the shepherd / allots, renewing them, the
baths, / to those sick with very grievous / disease of
leprosy / in the time of the seventh indiction / in the
year 622’ (i.e. AD 558–559; transl. Avi-Yonah (1963) 325).
EP-2
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
EP-3
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
EP-4
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
EP-5
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
Note
EP-6
Ref.
Loc.
Cont.
Date
Text
CIIP II.1345
Caesarea Maritima (Har Qesari, Israel)
Mosaic text found at the entrance of a bathhouse.
Unknown (late antique mosaic)
ΕΙΡΗΝΗΗΕΙΣΟ/ΔΟΣΣΟΥΚΑΙΗ/ΕΘΟΔΟΣΣΟΥ
(ἐιρήνη ἡ ἐίσο/δος σου και ἡ / ἔξοδός σου)
Mosaic of an unpublished bathhouse, located in
square R 16–17.
CIIP II.1346
Caesarea Maritima (Har Qesari, Israel)
Mosaic text found in the Area 1 Baths.
Unknown (late antique mosaic)
Ε Υ Τ Υ Χ Ω Σ Ε Υ Τ Ο Κ Ι Ω Κ Α Ι Ε Υ / Φ Ι Μ [ . ] ΑΤ Ο Ι Σ Φ Ι
ΛΟΚΤΙΣΤΑΙΣ
(ἐυτυχῶς Ἒυτυκιῳ καί Ἒυ/φιμ[í]ᾳ τοῖς φιλοκτίσταις)
CIIP II.1347
Caesarea Maritima (Har Qesari, Israel)
Mosaic text found in the Area 1 Baths.
6th c. (mosaic)
ΚΑΛΟΚΕΡΙΑ ΕΠΙΚΗΟΣ ΕΥΤΥΧΙΣ … ΙΣ ΒΙΙΕΑ
(Καλοκερία ἐπίκηος Εὐτύχις [---] ις ΒΙΙΕΑ)
The central emblem of the mosaic depicts a woman
holding a fruit basket. She is identified by the inscription as ‘the lady of the good season’, i.e. Summer.
The rest of the central panel is filled with geometric shapes (see CIIP II, fig. 1347). Around the central
panel, animals, palm trees, a building and a riding figure are depicted.
CIIP II.2090 (= SEG 56, 1891.1)
Crocodilopolis (Tell Tanninim, Israel)
Mosaic text found at the entrance of a bathhouse.
4th to 6th c. (late antique mosaic)
ΕΙΣΕ[--] ΕΠΑ [--]
(ἐίσε[λθε] ἐπ’ ἀ[γαθῷ])
According to the excavator, there were also shells
with inscriptions (ΟΜΟΦ and ΤΡΙΠΤΙ[ ) used as tokens to enter the baths found on site (Stieglitz (2006)
nr. 201).
CIIP III.2396
Ascalon (Ashkelon, Israel)
Painted text found on the outer face of a wall of a pool.
5th or 6th c. (stratigraphy)
ΕΙΣΕΛΘΕΑΠΟΛΑΑΥΣΟΝ ΚΑΙ [--] E[--]
(ἐίσελθε ἀπόλαυσον καί [--]ε[--])
appendix 2
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths
The late antique papyri concerning baths and bathing habits are arranged chronologically, each papyrus having a code
starting with P. The ostraca are grouped separately, each entry
starting with an O-code. For each papyrus, the following information is presented:
Ref. Reference to the papyrological corpus, journal or
monograph in which the papyrus has been published. The
abbreviations of the corpora can be found at the beginning
of this book (p. xxi–xxii).
Loc. The location where the papyrus has been found. The
ancient findspot is mentioned in italics, followed in brackets by the name of the (closest) city / village in the vicinity.
Date Proposed date of the papyrus with the information on
which this date has been based in brackets. The papyri that
are included all date between AD 300 and AD 700.
Cont. The type of document (legal note, private letter, etc.)
and the content of the papyrus, focusing on the passage
about baths and bathing habits. Where the papyrus was
written in columns, the passage pertaining to baths will be
referred to with the abbreviation ‘col.’. For papyri written
as continuous texts, the passages will be referred to with
‘l.’ (line).
Note Additional information about the papyrus.
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths
Code
Ref.
Loc.
Date
P-1
P. Oxy. 56, 3856
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
Turn of 3rd–4th c. A business note in which the writer
asks the addressees to round up the work
on the baths and pass by three villages
for fuel (to heat the baths?). It possibly
concerns the note of a liturgical official
who had delegated tasks concerning
public baths.
P-2
P. Oxy. 1, 43 V
(= W.Chr. 474 =
C.Pap.Jud.III 475)
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
Turn of 3rd–4th c. The allocation of troops within the city
of Oxyrhynchus. Several streets and
public buildings are named, including
the ‘hot baths’ in the south-west near the
theatre (col. 3, l. 10), the ‘divine baths’ in
the south (col. 3, l. 24) and the ‘baths of
Caesar’ in the north-east (col. 4, l. 24).
P-3
SB XVI, 12550
Near Alexandria
Turn of 3rd–4th c. Directions to a house, explaining that it
is close to the former Baths of Claudianus
(where the House of the Tulii now stands).
P-4
P. Oxy. 31, 2599
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
Turn of 3rd–4th c. Private letter in which a woman asks her
brother to buy and send her several items,
including three pairs of bath-sandals
(l.31: τρία σόλγεια τὰ εἰς βαλανεῖα).
P-5
P. Ryl. 4, 627
Hermopolis Magna
(El Ashmunein)
Early 4th c.
List of daily expenses from the archive
of Theophanes on his journey to Antioch.
The expenses for the baths are
mentioned as balanaria (col. 1, l. 15).
BL VIII 297; IX 230;
XI 190; XII 170. For
further daily accounts
of the Theophanes
archive, see also P-13
to P-15.
P-6
P. Oxy. 8, 1146
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
Early 4th c.
Payment to Herakleidos, operator of
the hypocaust (l.21: Ἡρακλειδ[ίω]νι
ὑποκα[υ]στῇ)
BL XI 147; XII 138
P-7
P. Oxy. 36, 2798
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 304–305
A receipt issued by two cloakroom
attendants (καψάριοι) written to their
colleague Ammonios.
P-8
P. Oxy. 8, 1104
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 306
A letter from a prytanis to a logistès asking BL XI 147
to pay for the costs of the public baths
(50 talents and 450 denarii of silver).
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Cont.
Notes
245
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths (cont.)
Code
Ref.
Loc.
Date
Cont.
Notes
P-9
P. Oxy. 12, 1499
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 309
A prytanis ordering a banker to pay three BL XI 150
attendants of the public bath (l. 2–3:
παρα-χύταις δημ(οσίου) βαλανείου) their
monthly wage (1 talent).
P-10
P. Oxy. 6, 896,
col. I (= W. Chr. 48 =
Sel. Pap. II 360)
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 316
BL IX 181; XI 145
A letter from a painter to the logistès
asking for the necessary funds to
restore the paintings in the Baths of
Trajan Hadrian (l. 7–8: Ἁ̣ δ̣ρι ̣α̣ν̣ῶν
θερμῶν), especially for the cold pools,
in the sweat room (l. 12: [θ]όλου), in
the entrances and exits of the entire
colonnade and the four corridors around
the sweat-bath. The letter was written
by a public writer, as the painter himself
was illiterate.
P-11
P. Oxy. 1, 53
(= P. Lond. III 751
descr.)
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 316
A report by a certain Aurelius Irenaeus
on behalf of the guild of carpenters, to
the logistès, mentioning repair works on
the public warm baths.
BL XI 142.
It probably concerned
the works mentioned
in P-10.
P-12
P. Oxy. 64, 4441,
col. 6 & 9 (= SB III
6003)
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 316
Report to the logistès on the topography
of Oxyrhynchus. We learn that the warm
public baths lay in the same street as the
vetch-seller’s shop and the beer-seller’s
shop (col. 6, l. 14). The repairs to the
baths pertained to the basins and pipes
and was carried out by lead-workers
(col. 9, l. 25–29).
BL XI 174; belongs to
the same scroll as P-10
and P-11.
P-13
P. Ryl. 4, 629 R
Hermopolis Magna
(El Ashmunein)
AD 317–323
The archive of Theophanes: monthly
expenses for the baths while staying
in Antioch (l. 202: 100 drachmai;
l. 310–311: 200 drachmai with his
friend Antoninus)
BL VIII 297; IX 230; XI
190f.; XII 170; belongs
to the same archive as
P-14 and P-15.
P-14
P. Ryl. 4, 630/637
(=C. Pap. Jud. III,
457c)
Hermopolis Magna
(El Ashmunein)
AD 317–323
BL XII 170; belongs
The archive of Theophanes: monthly
expenses for the baths while staying in an to the same archive as
unknown town (l. 40: 100 drachmai), in P-13 & P-15.
Kata Hydata (l. 242: 100 drachmai) and
Sidon (l. 357: 300 drachmai)
P-15
P. Ryl. 4, 639
Hermopolis Magna
(El Ashmunein)
AD 317–323
The archive of Theophanes: monthly
expenses for the baths while staying in
unknown towns (l. 53: 200 drachmai;
l. 112: 300 drachmai)
BL XI 191; XII 170f;
belongs to the same
archive as P-13 & P-14.
P-16
P. Oxy. 12, 1430
Heraclides
(unknown location
near Oxyrhynchus)
AD 324
A letter from the tesserarius to the
stratègos of the Oxyrhynchite nome
informing him that he has been partially
reimbursed by the banker of public
money for his delivery of fuel to the
public baths. It concerns charcoal
and flax.
BL VIII 245; IX 185;
XI 150
P-17
P. Oxy. 14, 1741,
col. 2
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 300–325
List of clothes, including bath-related
objects (l. 28: βαλανάρια ἀπο̣φο�̣[ρητα)
BL X 144; XI 152
P-18
SB 24, 16000
(= SB 8 9902)
Panopolis
(Akhmim)
AD 300–325
BL VIII 276; IX 205;
List of occupations including two
bath-attendants in the Baths of Claudius XI 176
and the Baths of Hermeios (l. 109 and
148: βαλανεύς)
246
appendix 2
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths (cont.)
Code
Ref.
Loc.
Date
Cont.
Notes
P-19
P. Coll. Youtie 2, 81
(= P. Oxy. 45, 3265)
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 326
A declaration of the glass workers’ guild BL XII 52
of Oxyrhynchus to the logistès, listing the
price for the work of the warm rooms
of the public baths (l. 9–10) and of the
gymnasium (l. 14).
P-20
PSI 7, 804
Unknown
AD 337
An appeal for an immediate substitution
of the prytanis, mentioning the fuel
supply for the hypocaust of the baths
(l. 4–5: εἰ]ς ὑπόκαυσιν τοῦ δημο[σίο]υ̣
β̣α̣λ̣[ανείο]υ̣)
P-21
P.Oxy. 6 892 R
(= W.Chr. 49)
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 338
A letter from the logistès to a member of
the council informing the latter that he
is responsible for supplying wood for the
construction of a public bathhouse and
a gate.
P-22
P. Würzb. 15 R
Unknown
AD 341
A statement under oath by the ‘epimeletes BL VIII 513
of gold’ about receiving fines, including
two ounces of gold of the baths (l. 10:
βαλανίου χρυσίου οὐγ[κίας δύο)
P-23
P. Genova 1, 22
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 345
A contract for the rent of a topos in the
neighbourhood of the hot baths (l. 10)
P-24
Stud. Pal. 20, 230
Unknown
AD 351
Payment of the building material for
a bathhouse (l. 7: τ]οῦ βαλανί(ε)ου τοῦ
γυμνασίου (δηναρίων μυριάδες) Βυ)
P-25
PSI 3, 217
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 357–362
Payment of a cloak attendant
(l. 2: καψαρίῳ)
P-26
P. Oxy. 17, 2110
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 370
Reports of the debates held in the local
senate mentioning an ex-gymnasiarch
and senator as prytanis.
P-27
P. Lond. 3, 755 V
(= P. Bagnall 43)
Unknown (Fayoum) AD 326–376
Inventory of columns existing in different
buildings, with measurements such as
height and thickness. The information
on the columns in the baths (l.16) has
been lost.
P-28
P. Osl. 1, 12
Unkown
AD 301–400
Magic bulla which had to be thrown
in the furnace of a bathhouse in
order to make the spell come true
(l. 334–400).
P-29
P. Osl. 1,
Unknown
AD 301–400
Magic bulla which had to be thrown into
the furnace of a bathhouse in order to
make the spell come true (l. 75).
P-30
P. Oxy 6, 903
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 301–400
An accusation of a woman against her
husband, including an episode in which
the man took the bathing objects ‘out of
security’ reasons (l. 29).
P-31
P. Oxy. 59, 3998
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 301–400
Private letter from a father to his daughter
urging her to get hold of certain goods
that have already been paid for. A list,
added at the end of the scroll, mentions a
washbasin and the bucket for the baths.
P-32
PSI 9, 1082
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 301–400
Private letter from a woman to her
husband about sending him some clothes
wrapped in his bath towel (l. 17: εἰς τὸ
βαλανάριόν σου).
BL X 272; XII 277f.
BL IX 193; X 146;
BL XI 159
BL XI 145
247
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths (cont.)
Code
Ref.
Loc.
Date
Cont.
Notes
P-33
SB 18, 13307
Unknown
AD 301–400
Document listing prices for the protection P. Mich. inv. 4650
of buildings, including a bathhouse
(l. 9: [εἰ]ς φυλακίαν βαλαν(ε)ίου).
P-34
SB 22, 15624
(=P. Lond. II 425)
Unknown
AD 301–400
Possibly a (semi-) literary text. The
fragmentary condition only permits
reading that a certain person was at the
baths (ἐν το βαλα|νείῳ)
P-35
Stud. Pal.20, 109 R
Unknown
AD 301–400
A list of names, places and numbers
mentioning βαλαν(ε)ῖον (l. 14).
BL IX 345/346
P-36
SB 12, 11075
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 401–450
A contract of marriage mentioning
the dowry received by the husband.
It included seven light bath towels
without any ornaments (l.10: βαλανάρια
ἰσχνᾶ λιτὰ ἑπτὰ).
BL VIII 366
P-37
P. Oxy. 34, 2718
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 458
A receipt for the acquisition of nails and BL VIII 261; IX 197
other materials for the construction of a
public bath (l. 18: τοῦ δημοσίου λ(o)υτροῦ)
P-38
P. Oxy. 72, 4917
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 473
A financial transaction between a rich
landowner and a bath attendant (l. 4:
περιχύτης)
P-39
P. Flor. 3, 384
Hermopolis Magna
(El Ashmunein)
AD 489
Lease contract of a bathhouse with
an annex matronikon (L. 7: σὺν τῷ
ματρωνικίῳ) for the period of 10 years
and three months.
P-40
Stud. Pal. 20, 132
Unknown
AD 401–500
Document about the provision of
chaff for the furnace of the baths (l. 4–5:
εἰς ὑπόκαυσιν τοῦ δημ(οσίου) βαλαν(ε)ίου)
P-41
P. Oxy. 7, 1026
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 401–500
Document about the sale of household
goods to pay off debts. Includes
bath-towels (l. 14: βαλανάριον)
P-42
SB 26, 16762
Unknown
4th or 5th c.
Excerpt of a private letter mentioning a
pair of bath slippers (l. 13).
P-43
P. Cair. Masp 2,
67143 R
Aphroditopolis
(Aftih)
AD 538–547
An account of theft in the archive of
Dioscoros, mentioning a bath-operator
(l. 16: βαλανεὺς)
P-44
SB 26, 16817
(= PSI 9, 1061)
Unknown
AD 500–550
Fragment of a petition by the halourgoi
For baths and salt, see
(salt sellers). It mentions salt for the baths also Cod. Th XIV, 5, 1.
(l. 17–18: ει�ς̣ τη�̣ ν χρείαν τοῦ βαλαν(ε)ίου).
P-45
P. Oxy. 36, 2780
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 553
Declaration of a certain Timothy,
water-supplier of the public bath
(l. 14–15: ὑδροπάροχο̣ς)̣ for his salary
(two solidi).
P-46
P. Oxy. 16, 2015
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 555–556
BL VIII 253; XI 157
A receipt to the monks of St. Andrew’s
monastery for the acquisition of a rope
for the baths, probably in connection with
the water supply by a well.
P-47
P. Oxy. 16, 2040
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 566–567
A list of contributions for the fuel of a
public bath.
P-48
P. Cairo Masp. 1,
67009 V
Antinopolis
(es-Sheikh Ebada)
AD 567–570
BL IX 41; XI 52
A draft of a second petition by the
inhabitants of Antinoupolis for the dux
of the Thebaid. They complain about the
abuse of power by a strategòs, setting the
entrance price of the public baths at 20
nummia (l. 22–23).
BL VIII 132; X 75; XI
81f.; XII 73
BL XII 137
BL VIII 73; IX 43
BL VIII 262; IX 197
BL IX 192; XII 144
248
appendix 2
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths (cont.)
Code
Ref.
Loc.
Date
Cont.
Notes
P-49
P. Oxy. 6, 915
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 572
A receipt for a lead-worker covering
the expenses of lead and tin used in the
restoration of the water pipes of a public
bathhouse. The baths are said to be
located in the suburbs.
P-50
SB 6, 9368
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 577–578 or AD The receipt of a bath-operator for lead
592–593
used in the repairs of the public baths.
P-51
P. Wisc. 2, 66
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 584
A receipt of an expensive amount of glass
panes for the baths of a mansion outside
the gate (l. 2: εἰς χρείαν τοῦ λουτροῦ τοῦ
προαστίου).
P-52
SB 16, 12868 (= P.
Lond. 3 p. LXXII no.
1304 a descr.)
Hermopolis Magna
(El Ashmunein)
AD 592
Employment contract of a bath-operator BL IX 294
(l. 4).
P-53
BGU XIX, 2827 R
Hermopolis Magna
(El Ashmunein)
AD 595
Employment contract of a bath attendant
who started to work for an independent
bath operator (l. 10), for the period of one
year. The wage is unfortunately illegible.
P-54
P. Oxy. 16, 2006
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 501–600
A receipt for the wage of a bath attendant BL XI 157
(l. 2: βαλ[α]νεὺς τοῦ λουτροῦ). He was
employed by an illustris.
P-55
P. Jena 2, 39
Unknown
AD 501–600
A document about the fuel supply,
perhaps chaff, for the baths in the
praetorium (l. 1: τοῦ λουτροῦ τοῦ
πραιτω̣ ρι̣ ο̣�̣ υ̣)
P-56
SB 20, 14581
Near Hermopolis
Magna
(El Ashmunein)
AD 501–600
List of occupations, including the
architect of a bathhouse (l. 4: οἰκοδ(ομῇ)
βαλαν(ε)ίο).
P-57
Stud. Pal. 8, 1257
Near Hermopolis
Magna
(El Ashmunein)
AD 501–600
Receipt (?) for material for the baths.
P-58
CPR 19, 54
Unknown
4th–6th c.
Draft for the purchase of building
material for a bathhouse, including wood,
lead and tin. The translation for line 2
(εἰς τὰ πατήματα τοῦ δημο-σίου βαλαν(ε)
ίο[υ]) is contested. It probably concerned
wooden decorative doorsteps or stairs
(Mayer (2004) 103).
P-59
P. Köln 4, 197
Unknown
5th or 6th c.
A list of assignments to repair a public
bath (l. 1: τοῦ δημοσ(ίου) λουτροῦ).
P-60
P. Münch. 3, 143
Unknown
5th or 6th c.
List with expenses, including those for the
baths (l. 3).
P-61
SB 14, 11358
Unknown
5th or 6th c.
Receipt for a service (?) provided in the
public baths.
P-62
Stud. Pal. 8, 947
Arsinoe (Medinet
el-Fayum)
5th or 6th c.
An order for the delivery of nails to be
used for the doors of the stables of the
baths (εἰς χρεί(αν)
θύρ(ας) στάβλ\ου/ τ\οῦ/ δημο(σίου) λο\υ/
τρ\οῦ/).
P-63
SB 1, 4742
Arsinoe (Medinet
el-Fayum)
Early 7th c.
A person named Balaneos (Βαλανέος) is
mentioned in a letter.
P-64
P. Oxy. 6, 943
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 612–618
A decision about the rent of a bathhouse BL XI 146
(l. 4: τὸν φόρον τοῦ λο(υ)τροῦ).
BL X 197; XI 206
BL VIII 448; IX 340
249
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths
Late Antique Papyri Mentioning Baths (cont.)
Code
Ref.
Loc.
Date
Cont.
Notes
P-65
P. Oxy. 16, 1921
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 621 (?)
A list of expenses, including for 50 glass
panes for villa baths in Takona and
another 80 for villa baths in Ophis
(both referred to as λουτρόν). The texts
mentions Persian officials.
BL VIII 251; IX 191;
X 145
P-66
P. Ross. Georg. 3, 47
Arsinoe
AD 628 (or 643 or
(Medinet el-Fayum) 658)
BL VIII 291; belongs to
A receipt for the remuneration paid to
the σύμμαχος (clerk?) of the public baths the Justus archive
(l. 1: τοῦ δημοσίου λουτροῦ) for his services.
The text was written by a public writer.
P-67
P. Lond. 1, 113, 6 b
Arsinoe
AD 633
(Medinet el-Fayum)
A lease contract of two rooms to an
attendant of the public baths (l. 7–8:
περιχύτης δημο(σίου) βαλανί(ε)ου).
P-68
Stud. Pal. 8, 980
Around Memphis
(Mit Rahina)
Around AD 650
Payment of a bath-operator (δημ(οσίου)
λουτρο(ῦ)).
BL VIII 449; IX 340
P-69
P. Apoll. 85
Unknown
AD 650–700
List of daily expenses, including those
for the baths (l. 4: (ὑπὲρ) βαλανη̣ ).
BL VIII 11; XI 8
P-70
P. Iand. 4, 64
Unknown
AD 601–700
The payment of a bath-operator
(βαλ[ανεὺς]).
P-71
P. Oxy. 16, 1925 R
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 601–700
A list of furniture and objects handed
over to a summachos. A lengthy list of
objects comes from the baths (ἐν τῷ
λουτρῷ), including waterspouts in the
shape of a lion’s head.
P-72
P. Ross. Georg. 5, 40
Unknown
6th or 7th c.
Note mentioning the expense of the
water for the baths (ὑδροπαρόχ[ῳ] πλαγίων
βαλανείων).
P-73
SB 1, 4905 (= SB 1,
5296 = Stud. Pal. 8,
1110)
Near Arsinoe
4th–7th c.
(Medinet el-Fayum)
Payment order in wine for a certain
Gerontios, attendant of the baths
(l. 2–3: περιχύτῃ] τοῦ βαλαν(είου)).
BL VIII 317
P-74
SB 16, 12254
Unknown
7th or 8th c.
List of expenses, including those for the
baths (l. 6: (ὑπὲρ) βαλαν(ευτ)ικοῦ).
BL X 212
O-1
O. Mich. 1, 102
Karanis
(Kafr Al Massalat)
Early 4th c.
An account of expenses mentioning
the wage of a bath-guard (?) (l. 5:
βα[λανειοφ(?)]ύλαξιν)
O-2
O. Mich. 1, 219
Karanis
(Kafr Al Massalat)
Early 4th c.
Taxation: one basket of chaff for the
heating of the gymnasium.
O-3
O. Mich. 1, 221
Karanis
(Kafr Al Massalat)
Early 4th c.
Taxation: four baskets for the baths.
O-4
O. Douch 3, 251
(= SB 16, 12358)
Kysis (Qasr Dush)
AD 350–400
Receipt for four matia of wheat for the
rent of the baths (ὑ(πὲρ) μισθοῦ βαλανίου).
O-5
O. Douch 4, 367
Kysis (Qasr Dush)
AD 375–425
Payment order by the responsible of
the baths (l. 3: ἐπιμ(ελητὴς) βαλ(ανείου))
to hand in two artabè of wheat to two
soldiers (for unknown reasons).
O-6
O. Douch 5, 569
Kysis (Qasr Dush)
AD 375–425
Payment order of one artabè of wheat for
the license of the baths (l. 5–6: ὑπὲρ φόρου
βαλαν(ε)ίου).
O-7
O. Douch 5, 638
Kysis (Qasr Dush)
AD 375–425
Payment order of more than two artabè
for the expenses of the public baths
(l. 3: εἰς λόγ(ον) βαλανίου), to be paid to
the epimeletès.
O-8
SB 12, 10990, 103
Abu Mena
5th or 6th c.
Payment for the bathhouse.
O-9
SB 1, 1970
Oxyrhynchus
(El Bahnasa)
AD 501–600
Receipt for the delivery of brush wood for
the heating of the baths (τοῦ δημοσ(ίου)
λουτρ(οῦ)).
BL VIII 252; IX 192;
X 145
BL XII 297
The responsible for
the baths mentioned
in this text is the same
person as in O-6.
appendix 3
Lists of Late Antique Baths, Possible Baths and Continued Use of Baths
A The Italian Peninsula, Sicily and Sardinia
New Construction
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Aquileia, Large Baths of Constantine II (C1)
First half of the 4th c.
5th c.
Brixia, Castello Baths (C2)
5th c.
6th c.
Brundisium, Baths of S. Pietro degli Schiavoni (C3)
4th c.
Unknown
Galeata, baths of the ‘Palace of Theodoric’ (VB)
Second half of the 5th c.
Middle of the 6th c.
Luna, Late Baths (C4)
4th c.
5th c.
Mediolanum, Baths of Herculeus (C5)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
5th c.?
Mediolanum, Baths in via S. Maria Vale (C6)
4th c. to 6th c.
Unknown
Metapontum, baths
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Ostia, Small Baths west of the Palazzo Imperiale (C7)
First half of the 4th c.
Unknown
Ostia, Baths in the Horreum (C8)
4th c.
Unknown
Ostia, Baths of Musiciolus (C9)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
5th c.?
Ostia, Baths along the Via Marciana (C10)
Early 4th c.
Unknown
Ostia, Baths along the Via Severiana (C11)
4th c.
Unknown
Ostia, Small Baths along the Via Severiana (edifico b)
4th or 5th c.
Unknown
Ostia, Baths of Perseus (C12)
4th c.?
Unknown
Ostia, Baths of the Domus dei Dioscuri
Early 5th c.
Unknown
Ostia, Byzantine Baths (C13)
Late 4th–early 5th c.
Late 5th c.?
Ostia, Baths on the Via della Foce (C14)
Middle of the 5th c.
6th c.
Palazzolo, Villa Baths (VB)
Late 5th c.
9th c.?
Ostia, Baths on the Via dei Sepolcri
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Piazza Armerina, Baths of the Villa del Casale (VB)
Early 4th c.
6th c.
Piazza Armerina, Small Baths south of the Villa del Casale (C15)
4th c.
Unknown
Portus, Baths of the Lantern (C16)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
Late 5th c.
Portus, Small Baths northeast of Area F of the warehouses (C17)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Ravenna, Baths in the Via d’Azeglio (C18)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
5th c.
Ravenna, Bagni del Clero (C19)
5th c.
9th c.?
Ravenna, Baths in the Via S. Alberto (C20)
6th c.
Unknown
Ravenna, Baths of Palazzolo (VB)
Late 5th c.
6th c.?
Rome, Baths of Diocletian (C21)
Early 4th c.
6th c.?
Rome, Baths of Constantine (C22)
Early 4th c.
6th c.?
Rome, Baths near the Scala Caci on the Palatine (C23)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
5th c.
Rome, Baths of Elagabalus (C24)
Early 5th c.
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Rome, Baths in Via Ariosto (C25)
Early 4th c.
Unknown
Rome, Small Baths on the Palatine
Late 5th c.
9th c.?
Rome, Small Baths on the Forum Romanum (C26)
4th c. or later
Unknown
Rome, Baths near Porta San Lorenzo
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
San Giusto, Church Baths (C27)
5th c.
Late 7th c.
Turris Libisonis, Central Baths (C28)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
Unknown
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���0 | doi:��.��63/97890044�94��_0��
251
Lists of Late Antique Baths, Possible Baths and Continued Use of Baths
New Construction (cont.)
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Turris Libisonis, ‘Terme Pallottino’ (C29)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
5th c.
Valentia, Mansio Baths (C30)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
Early 5th c.
Volaterrae, Vallebuona Baths (C31)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
Late 4th c.?
Volaterrae, Guarnacciane Baths of San Felice (C32)
Late 3rd–early 4th c.
Unknown
Construction date
Abandonment
Continued Use of Existing Baths during Late Antiquity
Site, Name of bathhouse
Acireale (thermal?)
2nd or 3rd c.?
6th c. or later?
Agrigentum, baths in insula IV
Unknown
5th c.
Albintimilium
Unknown
5th c.?
Augusta Praetoria
Late 1st c.
4th c.?
Caesena
3rd c.
5th c.?
Canusium, Ferrara Baths
Late 2nd / early 3rd c.
5th or 6th c.
Canusium, Lomuscio Baths
2nd c.
4th c.
Carsulae
Late 1st c. BC
Middle of the 4th c.
Catania, ‘Terme della Rotonda’
3rd c.?
6th c.?
Comum, Baths in the Viale Lecco
Late 3rd c.
4th c.?
Cures Sabini
2nd c.?
4th c.?
Curinga
1st c.?
Late 4th c.
Forum Traiani, thermal baths
1st or 2nd c.
6th or 7th c.
Grumentum
Late 2nd / early 3rd c.
Late 4th c.?
Herdonia
2nd c.
5th c.
Iulium Carnicum
1st or 2nd c.
5th c.
Mesange, Malvindi-Campofreddo Baths
1st c.?
4th c.
Misterbianco
3rd c.?
4th c.?
Muralto
3rd c.
4th c.
Neapolis, Baths of the Stazione Toledo
Late 1st / early 2nd c.
5th c.
Nora, Central Baths
2nd c.
7th c.?
Opitergium
1st c.?
5th c.?
Ostia, Baths of the Six Columns
2nd c.
4th c. or later
Ostia, Baths of the Christian Basilica
2nd c.
Late 4th / early 5th c.
Ostia, Baths of Neptune
2nd c.
4th c. or later
Ostia, Baths of Porta Marina
2nd c.
Late 5th / early 6th c.
Ostia, Baths of Mithras
2nd c.
4th c.
Ostia, Maritime Baths
2nd c.
4th c.
Ostia, Forum Baths
2nd c.
Late 5th / early 6th c.
Ostia, Baths of the Lighthouse
2nd c.
5th c.
Ostia (Isola Sacra), Baths of Matidia
2nd c.
6th c.?
Ostia, Baths of the Philosopher
3rd c.
4th c.?
Pollena Trocchia
1st c.?
5th c.
Rome, Baths of Agrippa
1st c. BC
Late 5th c. or later
Rome, Baths of Nero
1st c.
Late 5th c. or later
Rome, Baths of Titus
1st c.
5th or 6th c.
252
appendix 3
Continued Use of Existing Baths during Late Antiquity (cont.)
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Rome, Baths of Trajan
Early 2nd c.
Late 5th c.
Rome, Lateran Baths
2nd c.
4th c.?
Rome, Baths under the Piazza dei Cinquecento
2nd c.
Late 5th / early 6th c.
Rome, Baths of Helena
3rd c.
4th c. or later
Rome, Baths of Caracalla
Early 3rd c.
6th c.?
Rome, Baths of Decius
Mid 3rd c.
5th c.?
San Gaetano di Vada
Late 1st / early 2nd c.
4th or 5th c.
Sentinum, Terme di Santa Lucia
1st c.
4th c.
Suasa, Baths of the Domus dei Coiedii
2nd c.
4th c.?
Sybaris, Baths of the Parco del Cavalo
1st c.
Syracuse, Baths of Dafne
5th c.
6th c.
Teanum Sidicinum
1st c.?
5th c.
Tridentum, baths under Palazzo Crivelli
Unknown
5th c.
Tyndaris
Unknown
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Venusia
2nd c.
Late 4th c.
Vicus Augustanus, Public baths
Early 3rd c.
4th c. or later
Construction date
Abandonment
Possible Late Antique Baths
Site, Name of bathhouse
Ariminum, Palazzo Gioia
4th c.
Unknown
Brixia, Baths in the Via Gasparro da Salò
5th c.
Unknown
Mediolanum, Via Brisa
4th c.
Unknown
Ravenna, basins in the Via Rasponi
6th c.
Unknown
Ravenna, so-called Palace Baths of Theoderic
2nd c.?
4th c.?
Rome, Temple of Minerva Medica
Early 4th c.
6th c.?
Rome, Baths near Santa Croce in Gerusalemme
4th c.
Unknown
Spoletium, Palazzo Mauri
Late 6th c.
Unknown
Ticinum, San Tommaso Baths
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Unknown
Verona, Piazza Vescovado
Late 4th c.
6th c. or later?
Construction date
Abandonment
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
End of 4th c.
B Roman North Africa
New Construction
Site, Name of bathhouse
Africa Proconsularis
Althiburos, Baths of the House of Asclepeia (C34)
Baten Zammour
Early 4th c.
Unknown
Belalis Maior, Baths of Theseus and the Minotaur (C35)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Unknown
Bulla Regia, Baths Northwest of the Theatre (C36)
4th c.
5th c.
Bulla Regia, Small Northeast Baths (C37)
4th c.?
Unknown
Cincari
Early 4th c.
Unknown
253
Lists of Late Antique Baths, Possible Baths and Continued Use of Baths
New Construction (cont.)
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Carthage, Balnea Privata (C43)
Late 4th / early 5th c.
Unknown
Carthage, Odeon Hill Baths (C44)
Mid 4th c.
Early 6th c.
Carthage, Baths of the Okba Ibn Nefaa Street (C45)
4th or 5th c.
Unknown
Carthage, Byzantine Baths (C46)
Early 6th c.
7th c.?
Carthage, Baths in the Baal Hammon Street
6th c.
7th c.
Carthage, Douar Chott Baths (C47)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Kerkouane (C48)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Unknown
Kef Glia
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Ouled Hafouz
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
*Sidi Ghrib, Baths of the Marine Thiasos (VB)
4th c.
6th c.
Byzacena
Sufetula, Baths of Basilica 2 (C55)
Late 5th / early 6th c.
Unknown
Sufetula, Baths nr. 26 (C56)
Late 5th / early 6th c.
Unknown
Sufetula, Baths near Basilica 5
Late 5th / early 6th c.
Unknown
Thenae, Baths of the Months (C60)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Unknown
Thenae, Small Southeast Baths (C61)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
6th c.
Theveste, Baths (C62)
Early 4th c.
Unknown
Mauretania Caesariensis
*Theveste, Church Baths (EB)
4th / 5th c.
Unknown
*Tipasa, Baths of the Basilica (EB)
Late 4th c.
Unknown
Sila, Baths of Skylla
4th or 5th c.
Unknown
Sitifis, Baths of the Triumph of Venus (C53)
Late 4th / early 5th c.
Unknown
Sitifis, Baths of the 5th Century (C52)
Early 5th c.
Late 6th / early 7th c.
4th c.
Unknown
Mauretania Sitifensis
Numidia
Cuicul, East Baths (C38)
Cuicul, Baths of the House of Europe (C39)
4th c.
Unknown
Cuicul, Baths of the House of the Donkey (C40)
4th c.
Unknown
Cuicul, Baths of the House of Castorius (external)(C41)
4th c. to 7th c.
Unknown
*Cuicul, Baths of the Baptistery (EB)
Late 4th / early 5th c.
Unknown
Lambaesis, Baths of the Hunters (C49)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Unknown
Lambaesis, Small Baths South of the Asclepius Temple (C50)
4th c.?
Unknown
Oued Athmenia, Baths of Pompeianus (C52)
Late 4th / early 5th c.
Early 6th c.?
Thamugadi, Small North Baths (C57)
4th or 5th c.
Unknown
Thamugadi, Small Northeast Baths (C58)
5th or 6th c.
6th c.?
Thamugadi, Baths North of the Capitolium (C59)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Unknown
*Thamugadi, Baths of the Donatist Cathedral (EB)
Late 4th / early 5th c.
6th c.?
*Thamugadi, Baths of the Byzantine Fortress (FB)
6th c.
Unknown
Ain En-Ngila (C33)
4th c.
Unknown
Tubactis Municipium (C63)
4th c.
Unknown
Mellaha (C51)
Second half 4th c.
Unknown
Tripolitania
254
appendix 3
Continued Use of Existing Baths during Late Antiquity
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Belalis Maior, Baths of the Forum
2nd c.
5th c.
Bulla Regia, Baths of Iulia Memmia
2nd c.?
5th c. or later
Bulla Regia, Northeast Baths
3rd or 4th c.?
4th c. or later
Carthage, Antonine Baths
2nd c.
4th c.
Mactaris, Large East Baths
2nd c.
5th c.
Madauros, Large Baths
3rd c.?
5th or 6th c.
Numluli
3rd or 4th c.?
5th or 6th c.
Pupput, Baths of the Crater
2nd or 3rd c.
4th c. or later?
Thuburbo Maius, Summer Baths
2nd or 3rd c.
Mid 5th c.
Thuburbo Maius, Winter Baths
2nd or 3rd c.
5th or 6th c.
Thuburbo Maius, Baths of the Labyrinth
2nd or 3rd c.
5th c.
Thuburbo Maius, Baths of the Stars
2nd or 3rd c.
5th c.
Thuburbo Maius, Baths of the Capitolium
2nd or 3rd c.
4th c. or later
Thugga, Aïn Doura Baths
2nd or 3rd c.
4th c.
2nd or 3rd c.
4th c.?
Iol Caesarea, Large West Baths
2nd or 3rd c.
4th or 5th c.?
Iol Caesarea, Baths of the Muses
Unknown
4th c. or later
Rusguniae, Southeast Baths
2nd c.?
4th c. or later
Cuicul, Large South Baths
2nd c.
4th c.
Lambaesis, Asclepieium Baths
2nd c.?
4th c.
Thamugadi, Large South Baths
2nd c.?
5th or 6th c.
Thamugadi, Small South Baths
Unknown
6th c.?
Sabratha, Seaward Baths
1st c.
6th c. or later
Sabratha, Baths of the Theatre
2nd c.
Late 6th or early 7th c.
Sabratha, Baths of Oceanus
2nd c.
Late 4th c.
Sabratha, Baths of Region VII
2nd c.
Middle of the 4th c.
Leptis Magna, Schola Baths
3rd c. or later?
4th c. or later?
Leptis Magna, Hunting Baths
2nd c.
4th c.
En-Naggàza
late 3rd c.
4th c.?
Construction date
Abandonment
4th c.
Unknown
Mid 4th c.
6th cent.
Late 3rd or early 4th c.
Unknown
Africa Proconsularis
Byzacena
Sufetula, Large Baths
Mauretania Caesariensis
Numidia
Tripolitania
Possible Late Antique Baths
Site, Name of bathhouse
Africa Proconsularis
Neapolis, building at Sidi Mahrsi
Byzacena
Ammaedra, building under Basilica 1
Mauretania Caesariensis
Icosium, building under the Church of St. Philip
255
Lists of Late Antique Baths, Possible Baths and Continued Use of Baths
C Cyrenaica
New Construction
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Apollonia, Late Roman Baths (C65)
4th c.
5th or 6th c.
Cyrene, Byzantine Baths (C67)
4th c.
7th c.?
Gasr Bandis
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Gabu Iunes
5th to 7th c.
Unknown
Gasr Khuraybah (C68)
5th to 7th c.
Unknown
Gasr Mismar (C69)
5th to 7th c.
Unknown
Gasr Sherbin
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Limnias
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Mechili
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Mghernes (C70)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Ptolemais, City Baths (C71)
4th c.
6th c.
Ptolemais, Baths of the House of Paulus (C72)
Late 5th / early 6th c.
7th c.?
Siret Ain Relles
6th c. or later
Unknown
*Taucheira, Fortress Baths (FB)
7th c.
7th c.
Taucheira, Byzantine Baths (C73)
6th c.
7th c.
Wadi Senab (C74)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Zawiet el Argub
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Erythron
3rd c.
Late 4th c.
Construction date
Abandonment
Continued Use of Existing Baths during Late Antiquity
D Egypt
New Construction
Site, Name of bathhouse
Abu Mena, South Baths (C75)
Early 5th c.
8th c.
Abu Mena, North Baths (C76)
Early 6th c.
Late 7th c.
*Abu Sha’ar, Fortress Baths (FB)
4th c.
Late 4th / early 5th c.
Alexandria, Kom al-Dikka Baths (C77)
Late 4th / early 5th c.
7th c.
Alexandria, Baths under the Governmental Hospital
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Alexandria, Baths in Anubis Street (C78)
4th or 5th c.
Unknown
Alexandria, Baths of the Cinema Majestic (C79)
Late 4th / early 5th c.
7th c.
Alexandria, Baths behind the Water Company (C80)
5th c.
Middle of the 6th c.
Alexandria, Baths of the Mehattet Square (C81)
5th c.
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Clysma (C82)
4th to 7th c.
7th c. or later
Ezbeth Fath Allah (C83)
6th c.
7th c.
Gherra / Mohameddia (C84)
5th or 6th c.
Unknown
256
appendix 3
New Construction (cont.)
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Karanis, Large Baths (C85)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Karm Kandara (C86)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Kom el Ahmar (C87)
4th to 7th c.
8th c.
Kom el-Dosheh (C88)
5th or 6th c.
6th c.
Marea, Byzantine Baths (C89)
Late 5th c.
8th c.
Marea, Central Baths (C90)
5th to 7th c.
Unknown
Mergham (C91)
5th to 7th c.
Unknown
Mit Abul Kum (C92)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Merghib
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
*Nag el-Hagar, Fortress Baths (FB)
4th c.
Unknown
*Pelusium, Fortress Baths
Late 3rd/ early 4th c.
Unknown
Psenemphaia (Kom Trougah) (C93)
4th to 6th c.
6th c.
Sersena (C94)
4th to 6th c.
Unknown
Taposiris Magna, Byzantine Baths (C95)
Mid 5th c.
7th c.
Teiba (C96)
6th c.
7th c.
Tell Kanaïs, site IV
4th c.
6th c.
*Tell el-Makhzan (EB)
4th c.
8th c.?
Tell el-Ruhban (C97)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Xois, Roman Baths
5th to 7th c.
Unknown
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Bitylion?
2nd–4th c.
4th c.
Pelusium, second bathhouse
2nd c.
8th c.
Thebes, Imperial Baths
2nd h. 2nd c.
Middle of the 4th c.
Trimithis
1st or 2nd c.?
End of the 4th c.
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Alexandria, Cricket Ground
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
al-Barnugi
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Bubastis, Bath 1
1st–4th c.
Unknown
Bubastis, Bath 2
1st–4th c.
Unknown
Kellis
4th-5th c.?
Unknown
Kom al-Baroud
4th to 7th c.
8th c.
Kom Kobbeiz
5th or 6th c.?
Unknown
Nicopolis, North-west Baths
1st–4th c.
Unknown
Nicopolis, South-west Baths
1st–4th c.
Unknown
Tell Ishnik
1st–4th c.
Unknown
Continued Use of Existing Baths during Late Antiquity
Possible Late Antique Baths
257
Lists of Late Antique Baths, Possible Baths and Continued Use of Baths
E Palestine
New Construction
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
*Ain Gharandal, Fortress Baths (FB)
4th c.?
5th c.?
Ashkelon, City Tell Baths
4th c.
5th or 6th c.
Beth Yerah, Baths (C98)
4th c.
Late 6th / early 7th c.
*Bir Madhkur, Fortress Baths (FB)
4th c.
Unknown
Caesarea Maritima, Area 1 Baths (C99)
4th c.
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Caesarea Maritima, Villa Suburbana Baths (C100)
Mid 6th c.
Middle of the 7th c.
Diocaesarea / Sepphoris, Western Baths
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Unknown
El-Burj
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Elusa
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Gadara, City Centre Baths (C102)
Early 4th c.
First half of the 7th c.
Gadara, Herakleides Baths (C103)
4th c.
Unknown
Dharih, Late Baths (C101)
Ha’on (C104)
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Late 7th c.
Horbath Zikhrin, Area C Baths
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Horbath Zikhrin, Area F Baths (C105)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
*Jerusalem, Mount Scopus Baths (EB)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Jerusalem, Notre Dame Monastery Baths (C106)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Jerusalem, Old City Baths (C107)
4th to 7th c.
7th c.
Jerusalem, Ophel Baths
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Early 7th c.
*Jerusalem, Third Wall Baths (EB)
6th c.
9th c.
Kabul (C108)
4th c.?
Late 7th / early 8th c.
Khirbet Lasan
Late 4th c.
6th c.
*Legio, Fortress Baths (FB)
Early 4th c.
Middle of the 4th c.
Ma’ale Adumin, Monastery Baths (EB)
5th c.?
Unknown
Mampsis (C109)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Nicopolis (C110)
4th c.
7th c.
Oboda (C111)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Rama (C112)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
5th or 6th c.
Rehovot (C113)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Scythopolis, Southern Baths (C114)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Early 6th c.
Scythopolis, Western Baths (C115)
4th c.
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Tel Sera
5th c.?
5th or 6th c.
Tiberias
4th c.
11th c.
Umm el-Amr, Baths near Monastery (C116)
5th c.
Unknown
*Umm el-Hajar (FB)
5th c.?
5th or 6th c.
*Yotvata, Fortress Baths (FB)
Late 3rd / early 4th c.
Late 4th c.
Zikhron Ya’aqov (C117)
4th c.
5th c.
258
appendix 3
Continued Use of Existing Baths during Late Antiquity
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Aila
2nd or 3rd c.
4th c. or later
Eleutheropolis, Baths near the Theatre
3rd c.
4th c.?
Hippos, South Baths
Early 3rd c.
Late 4th / early 5th c.
Humeima
1st–3rd c.?
4th c.?
Horbat Mesar
2nd c.
7th or 8th c.
Jerusalem, Mar Elias Baths
3rd c.?
Late 4th / early 5th c.
Pella
1st c.
Late 6th / early 7th c.?
Ramat Rachel
3rd c.
Early 7th c.
Sahir al-Baqar
1st c.?
4th c.?
Scythopolis, Eastern Baths
2nd c.
6th c.?
*Tamara, Fortress baths
3rd c.
4th c.
Thana / Thornia
1st c.?
4th c.?
Site, Name of bathhouse
Construction date
Abandonment
Ashkelon, El Qabu Baths
5th c.
7th c.
Possible Late Antique Baths
Baqa el-Gharbiya
5th c.
6th c.
Barqa
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
*Be’er Shema, Fortress Baths (FB)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Be’er Sheva, Bate Hamalka Street
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
*Be’er Sheva, Fortress Baths (FB)
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Beth Nehemya
4th c.?
5th or 6th c.
Deir el-Balah
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
En-Qobi/Ein el-Qabu
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Unknown
(Tel) Hefer/Tell el-Ifshar, northwest of tell
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Horbat Hanot / Khirbet el-Khan, roadstation baths
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Horbat Minim / Khirbet el-Minya, baths south-east of Umayyad palace
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Horbat Tarbenet
4th to 7th c.
7th c.
Jaffa/Yafo, Ganor Compound
4th to 7th c.
7th c. or later
Jerusalem, Beit Hanina
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Unknown
Kefar Uriyya
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Khirbat Burin, Qalansuwa junction
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Khirbat Ta’ena
4th to 7th c.
13th c. or later
Lydda / Diospolis
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Unknown
Na’aran
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Nahal Ashan
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Nahf
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Early 8th c.
Neve Shalom
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Unknown
Ptolemais, Building in Trumpeldor Street
Late 6th / early 7th c.
Unknown
Unknown
Qalandia
4th c.
Ramat Ha-Sharon
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Ramla, Area I2
7th c.
8th c.
Ramla, Area K1
7th c.
8th c.
Tel Aviv, HaAretz Museum
4th to 7th c.
Unknown
Tel Qasile
6th c.
7th c.
Gazetteer
⸪
Introduction
The gazetteer presents a sample of late antique baths in
Roman Italy, Sicily and Sardinia, North Africa, Cyrenaica,
Egypt and Palestine. The different baths are grouped by region and then arranged alphabetically following their ancient names (or as found in the discussion). Much as in Yvon
Thébert’s catalogue,1 each newly built bath is briefly presented, giving the following information:
– excavation history of the bathhouse
– relevant bibliography
– construction date
– continued use of the bathhouse, date of abandonment and
possible reuse of the building
– a description of the bathhouse plan
– information about the decoration of the different rooms
– information about the heating system and water
management
– Construction technique
– Surface area (only for C-numbers)
– GPS coordinates (only for C-numbers)
Each late antique bath for which a plan was available has been
given a C-number (catalogued). The plans were re-examined
and updated on the basis of earlier publications and, when
possible, by the author’s own observations. Each plan is reproduced following a key, specially created by the author to present a uniform and clear corpus of plans for easy comparison.
The size of the baths is always given in relation to a scale-bar
of 5 m (chosen with the smaller baths in mind), except for
the large imperial-style thermae of several thousand square
metres.
Besides information on the securely dated late antique
baths, a short overview of possible late antique baths is also
given for each region. These buildings have sometimes been
interpreted as bathhouses; although the nature of the archaeological evidence does not meet with the basic criterion for
identifying a bath as proposed at the beginning of this study
(see Introduction). In most cases, either a hypocaust or a pool
has been recognized, but there is no conclusive evidence for
the other element. Some regional private baths belonging to a
villa show clear signs of public use. These have been grouped
under a separate heading. Baths belonging to an ecclesiastical
complex or baths of an army fortress have been included in
the gazetteer. Although not ‘public’ in the strict sense of the
word (see Introduction), these baths were intended to be used
for several people at the same time, i.e. a communal use, even
1 Thébert (2003) 125–284.
if this was restricted to a specific target group. Both categories are described following the same scheme as presented
above. Finally, the gazetteer presents an overview of the High
Imperial baths that were still in use during Late Antiquity. As
some of these baths continued to be the most important bathing facility of a city or neighbourhood, it is important to understand if and how these baths were altered to ensure their
survival. Missing from this overview are the High Imperial
baths of the urban case-studies presented in the discussion.
These baths are discussed as part of the urban infrastructure
of these cities.
It is important to note that the evidence for dating the
baths is not always secure. For this reason, the evidence is
rated with an A to D system, loosely based on the dating classes in Luke Lavan’s work on late antique public space.2 The following system is used in this book:
– (A): Secure date provided by scientific analyses (radiocarbon dating, dendrochronology, etc.), inscriptions and / or
contextual finds (ceramics, coins, small finds).
– (B): Secure terminus ante quem / post quem on the basis of
stratigraphy or inscriptions.
– (C): Approximate date provided by general construction
technique, architectural styles, use of spolia or decorative
schemes.
– (D): Approximate date on the basis of regional or site
developments.
As Lavan rightly points out, such an ‘evaluation’ of the evidence should not be seen as a harsh judgement of former archaeological research. It merely points out the availability of
the evidence and engenders a cautious approach when dealing with this data.
The general maps showing the location of the different
archaeological sites and of the inscriptions have a uniform
layout, making use of the same key. There is no separate map
for the location of the papyri, as the find spots (Oxyrhynchus,
Hermopolis, etc.) are also shown on the map of the archaeological sites. The maps of the cities that have been discussed
as case-studies are shown in a uniform layout, for which the
key is also given below. The plans of the other cities are adapted from earlier publications, sometimes with small changes
according to the key of the case-studies. The figures are borrowed from secondary literature. In some specific examples of
baths within a private dwelling, but with a (semi-)public use,
2 I express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Luke Lavan for kindly providing me with a draft of his chapter on dating in his upcoming book
(Lavan, forthcoming).
262
the different entrances are marked with arrows of a different
colour. The green arrows show the public (street) entrance,
the red arrows the entrance from the house and the yellow arrows the service entrance. In some plans of baths, the
Gazetteer
temperature of the pools is represented by different colours:
blue for cold, orange for tepid and red for warm. The plans of
a selected number of baths have been adapted following the
key of the newly built baths.
Baths in the Italian Peninsula, Sicily and Sardinia
New Construction
C1. Aquileia (Reg. X), Large Baths of Constantine II
Excavation history: The earliest excavations on the site
known as the ‘Braida Murada’ were in 1922–1923 under
Giovanni Brusin. The substantial mosaics were believed
to be part of a large public building, possibly a bathhouse.
New excavations in the 1980s confirmed the function of a
bathhouse, placing the mosaics in the cold section of the
building. The campaigns of the Università di Udine—starting in 2002 and still on-going—have revealed the extent of
the baths (ca. 2 hectares), as well as a construction date.
Bibliography: Brusin (1922); Brusin (1923) Bertacchi (1981);
Bertacchi (1990); Lopreato (1994); Fales et al. (2003)
Rubinich (2006); Rubinich (2007); Rubinich (2008);
Rubinich (2013)
Construction: (A) On the basis of an inscription found in
the vicinity of the baths and mentioning Constantine II
(EI-8) and of a coin of the same emperor found in the preparation layers of a floor, the baths have been dated to AD
337–340.3
Continued use and abandonment: (A) Restorations were
still being carried out in the first half of the 5th c. and the
walls were still standing in the 6th. In this last phase, the
baths were reused to accommodate modest houses, until
the vaults fell down in the 7th c. The site remained occupied until the 12th c., although the type of activities that
went on here cannot be identified.4
Plan: As the excavations were still on-going at the time of
writing, the plan is not yet entirely clear. The cold rooms
were situated to the east. Test pits underneath the floors
revealed that no anterior construction took place, meaning that the baths had been constructed ex novo on a virgin
piece of land on the fringes of town.5 It consisted of a large
rectangular hall (40 × 22 m), surrounded by 6 rectangular
piscinae. To the north and to the south, rectangular aulae
(31.5 × 22 m) may have served as apodyteria. To the east of
the frigidarium, the remains of a large open-air swimming
pool were partially uncovered (10 m in width, length unknown). The heated section extended towards the west,
but the exact layout is still unclear. Several rooms with hypocausts have been identified. The caldarium undoubtedly
lay on the same axis as the frigidarium and probably had an
apsidal alveus on its western side.6
3 Rubinich (2013) 89.
4 Rubinich (2007) 135–37; Rubinich (2008) 161; Rubinich (2013)
89–90.
5 Rubinich (2006) 154–55 contra Bertacchi (1981) 63.
6 Rubinich (2013) 88.
C1
Aquileia (Reg. X), Large Baths of Constantine II (After
Rubinich (2008) 162, fig. 1)
Decoration: The cold rooms were paved with polychrome
mosaics (in the aulae) and opus sectile (in the frigidarium).
The mosaics depicted the busts of athletes, similar to those
found in the Baths of Caracalla in Rome.7 The inscription
refers to athletic games. The cold pools were adorned with
polychrome mosaics of different types of stone, including
porphyry and serpentine. In the northern aula, a marine
theme of Neptune on a chariot with Nereids and Tritons
was also found. In the southern aula, a hunting scene
points to eastern influences.8 A small room to the south
was adorned with a black and white geometric mosaic,
possibly dating from a restoration phase in the late 4th or
early 5th c. Several of the mosaics were also restored at a
late date with marble slabs (5th or even 6th c.?).9 The walls
of the cold rooms were finished with slabs of marble and
other types of stone (including pink granite). The upper
walls and the intrados of the vaults were probably embellished with wall paintings and glass mosaics, as many
painted plaster fragments and tesserae were found in the
destruction layers of the building. The capitals that were
7 Lopreato (1994) 99 and pl. XLVI.2, XLVII.1–2.
8 Rubinich (2013) 86.
9 Fales et al. (2003) 221–22; Rubinich (2013) 87.
264
Gazetteer
found belong to the Asian-Corinthian type. Several statue
fragments came to light during the excavations, most of
them dating to the 1st and 2nd c.10 It is unclear whether
these statues had been relocated to adorn the late antique
baths or were brought there at a later date to be burnt in
medieval lime kilns.
Technology: As most parts of the heated section are still
buried, little can be said about the heating system and
water management. The hypocaust pillars were made out
of round bricks. At least 4 furnaces heated the supposed
caldarium.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (incomplete plan; exceeding
1,000 m2)
GPS coordinates: 45°46’11.13”N, 13°21’53.74”E
C2. Brixia (Brescia, Reg. X), Castello Baths
Excavation history: In the courtyard of the fortress of
Brescia, a small bathhouse was discovered during systematic excavations in the 1980s.
Bibliography: Breda (1984); Brogiolo (1993).
Construction: (B) The stratigraphy of the excavations point
to a phase of use in the 5th and 6th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The building was
later transformed into a latrine.
Plan: The building (5.7 × 2.1 m) consisted of three successive rooms (apodyterium / frigidarium -tepidariumcaldarium?). It was built against a pre-existing water
reservoir.
Decoration: The walls seem to have been coated with a simple stucco.
Technology: The caldarium was heated by two parallel
channels and tubuli. There was only one small basin.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 12 m2
GPS coordinates: 45°32’33.19”N, 10°13’30.58”E
C2
C3. Brundisium (Reg. II, Brindisi), San Pietro degli
Schiavoni Baths
Excavation history: In Brundisium (Brindisi), an excavation
in the 1960s uncovered part of a Roman insula that was
thoroughly remodelled in Late Antiquity. A bathhouse was
inserted in the Imperial period structures, its praefurnium
partially encroaching upon the street.
Bibliography: Cocchiaro et al. (1990); Lippolis and Baldini
Lippolis (1997).
Construction: (C) The type of opus listatum used to construct the walls saw the archaeologists date the building to
the early 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (C) It is not known
when the baths fell out of use, but the entire insula shows
signs of continuous occupation until the Early Middle
Ages.
Plan: The bad state of preservation and concise publication
of the excavations makes it difficult to reconstruct the internal organisation of the rooms. A room with a small apsidal pool has been interpreted as the frigidarium.
Decoration: In some of the rooms, marble slabs decorated
the walls.
Technology: At least 4 rooms seem to have been heated by a
hypocaust. The small pool was drained by a sewage channel leading to the street.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium?
Bathhouse surface: ca. 300 m2
GPS coordinates: 40°38’20.17”N, 17°56’40.53”E
Brixia (Brescia, Reg. X), Castello Baths (After Brogiolo (1993)
72, fig. 50)
C3
10
Fales et al. (2003) 242–59.
Brundisium (Brindisi, Reg. II), Baths of S. Pietro degli
Schavioni (After Lipolis and Lipolis (1997) tav. LXXV)
265
Gazetteer
C4. Luna (Reg. VII, Luni), Late Baths
Excavation history: The bathhouse was found during systematic excavations of the Soprintendenza during the
1970s.
Bibliography: Ward-Perkins (1977); Ward-Perkins (1978).
Construction: (C) An earthquake at the beginning of the
4th c. seems to have dealt a severe blow to a city already
in decline. The capitolium and the basilica were probably
abandoned around this time. A bathhouse was built upon
the levelled remains of the former, perhaps at the end of
the 4th or the beginning of the 5th c.11
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths are only partially known. In the foundations of the walls, architectural elements, probably of the
capitolium, were found. The remains of what appears to be
a cold room with a semicircular pool were identified.12 To
the north-west of this, a room with a hypocaust reveals the
beginning of the heated section. The second heated room
possibly had a semicircular pool.
Decoration: The cold room was paved with white marble
slabs.
Technology: A sewage channel ran in an east-west direction
to the south of the baths, coming from the nearby late antique fish market.13 A second sewer ran from the west side
of the baths, possibly to drain the heated pools.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (incomplete plan)
GPS coordinates: 44° 3’52.12”N, 10° 1’3.68”E
C5. Mediolanum (Reg. XI, Milan), Herculean Baths
Excavation history: Parts of the large complex were first
discovered in 1841 during construction works near modern
Corso Europa. Smaller works revealed new rooms in the
1960s and 1970s, before archaeological excavations uncovered most of the cold section between 1985 and 1988.
Bibliography: Ceresa Mori (1987); Ceresa Mori (1990); David
(1996).
C4
11
Luna (Luni, Reg. VII), Late Baths (After Ward-Perkins (1978)
35, fig. 10)
Ward-Perkins (1978) 38. The link between the late 3rd c. domus
dei Mosaici and the baths seems implausible due to the great
distance between both buildings, see Haug (2003) 207, n. 921
contra Durante and Gervasini (2000) 13.
C5
Mediolanum (Milan, Reg. XI), Herculean Baths (After Ceresa
Mori (1990) 460, fig. 2a)
12
13
Ward-Perkins (1978) 33, fig. 10.
Pia Rossignani (1985) 62–63.
266
Gazetteer
Construction: (B) The so-called ‘Terme Erculee’ were mentioned by Ausonius (see chapter 2). Brick stamps and
amphora types used in the construction of the baths
give a terminus post quem of the late 3rd or early 4th c.14
Fragments of ceramic found in the preparation layers of
the mosaics date from the early 4th c.15 Those mosaics,
which are contemporaneous with the construction, date
from the late 3rd or early 4th c., with only some evidence
for later restorations, also during the 4th c.16 An inscription
found in the frigidarium is often interpreted as a dedication by Maximian (AD 285), who allegedly gave his name
(Maximianus Herculeus) to the baths.17
Continued use and abandonment: It is unknown when the
complex fell out of use (5th c.?), but the building probably
collapsed after a fire.
Plan: The plan of the baths is partially known through excavations, but has been severely damaged by building projects in the course of the 20th c. They covered a surface of
around 4,500 m2 in the ancient city centre. It seems that
the bathhouse was preceded to the north by a large colonnaded palaestra. The perimeter wall had several semicircular apses and had monumental access with portico to
the north. The frigidarium was rectangular, but had a large
semicircular apse to the north, protruding into the palaestra. It probably contained a pool. To the east and west of
the frigidarium, there was a rectangular room (apodyterium
or basilica thermarum). From the frigidarium, one passed
into a succession of heated rooms flanking a central tepidarium. Both the flanking rooms and the tepidarium were
connected to the caldarium by a long narrow corridor. The
caldarium itself had two flanking semicircular apses for
alvei. A third pool may have been lodged in an apse in the
south wall.18 The layout has obvious similarities with the
imperial baths at Trier (Germany, Constantinian in date)
and the Baths of Constantine in Rome (see below, C22).
Decoration: The information about the decorative scheme
is restricted to the decoration of the floors, as the walls
were dismantled in later phases. Polychrome mosaics
floors with geometric design were found in the eastern
apodyterium and the eastern heated rooms. The piscina of
the frigidarium was paved with marble slabs. A large statue
of Hercules, dated to the 2nd c., was also found on site.19
14
15
16
17
18
19
Ceresa Mori (1990) 101.
Ceresa Mori (1987) 149.
David (1996) 96–104.
Some doubts have been raised about this interpretation.
The inscription may be dated to the reign of Commodus, see
Ceresa Mori and Sartori (1997) 31–32. Yet, this does not exclude
the reuse of the inscription in the Tetrarchic period.
Ceresa Mori (1990) 100.
Museo Civico Archeologico di Milano, inv. 1143.
Technology: Some sewage channels were found underneath
the floor of the frigidarium, but the other aspects of water
management and heating techniques are poorly understood. The water for these thermae was possibly supplied
by the Aqualunga aqueduct, entering the city from the
north-east.20
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 4,500 m2
GPS coordinates: 45°27’52.20”N, 9°11’45.95”E
C6. Mediolanum (Reg. XI, Milan), Baths in Via S.
Maria Valle
Excavation history: During construction works in 1963, a
building with hypocausts and basins was discovered between the Via Torino and the Via San Maria Valle. Other
walls and mosaics, presumably from the same building,
were found in the vicinity, in Via Soncino and underneath
Piazza S. Maria Valle. Besides the hypocaust and the basins,
the toponym of the nearby Via Bagnera seems to confirm
the interpretation as a bathhouse.21
Bibliography: Lusuardi Siena (1986); Haug (2003) 425 (with
anterior bibliography).
Construction: (C) The mosaics were dated between the 4th
and 6th c., although the building itself underwent many
restorations.22
C6
Mediolanum (Milan, Reg. XI), Baths in Via S. Maria Valle
(After Anonymous (1990) tav. CLXXXIV, fig. 246)
20
21
22
Caporusso (1990) 94.
Caporusso (1990) 95.
David (1996) 131–32.
267
Gazetteer
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The building seems to have been oriented along an
east-west axis. In the south, a room with a hypocaust was
identified, connecting to a round pool (diam.: 5.1 m). To the
north-east of the latter, part of a semicircular pool can be
identified.
Decoration: Only some fragments of a mosaic floor were recovered during the excavations.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars consisted of round tiles.
No other information is available.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: 45°27’38.97”N, 9°11’57.54”E
Metapontum (Reg. III), Baths
Excavation history: Unknown.
Bibliography: Gianotta (1980).
Construction: (D) The bathhouse in Metapontum
(Metaponto) has sometimes been dated to Late Antiquity
due to the use of spolia and the small apsidal pools.23
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Unknown.
Construction: (B) A stamp on a lead fistula, mentioning the
praefectus urbi and his wife, dates one of the phases of use
to AD 330–350.24 However, it is uncertain whether this fistula belonged to the initial construction phase or to a later
restoration.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The excavated part of the baths consisted of a rectangular room upon a hypocaust with two horseshoe-shaped
alvei.
Decoration: The interior of the small pools were decorated
with marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made of square
tiles; the tubuli were rectangular.25
Construction technique: Opus listatum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (incomplete plan)
GPS coordinates: 41°45’12.17”N, 12°16’50.75”E
C8. Ostia (Reg. I), Baths in the Horreum (III, xvII, 1)
Excavation history: This region of Ostia was excavated in
the 1950s without publishing the results.
C7. Ostia (Reg. I), Baths West of the Palazzo Imperiale
Excavation history: During geophysical prospection in 2000
by the German Archaeological Institute in Rome, the remains of what appeared to be a small bathhouse were
discovered in the unexcavated fields west of the Palazzo
Imperiale. Test trenches confirmed that the structure was
a bathhouse.
Bibliography: Heinzelmann (2001); Martin et al. (2002).
C7
23
Ostia (Reg. I), Small Baths West of the Palazzo Imperiale
(After Martin et al. (2002) 273, fig. 16)
Gianotta (1980) 78 and pl. XXIII.
c8
Ostia (Reg. I), Baths in the Horreum (After Poccardi (2006)
178, fig. 6)
24
25
Heinzelmann (2001) 325–27; Martin et al. (2002) 273–74.
As can be seen in Heinzelmann (2001) 324, fig. 10.
268
Gazetteer
Bibliography: Poccardi (2006).
Construction: (B) The construction technique of the walls,
a late type of opus listatum, points to a late antique construction date (4th c. or later). Furthermore, the baths
were built upon the Diocletian-Constantinian raising of
the walking level.26
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The small bathhouse was built in a horreum along the
Via dei Aurighi. The bathers entered through the main gate
of the horreum.27 The portico that preceded this gate was
delimited by thin walls to form two rooms on either side of
the entrance. The westernmost room served as a praefurnium for the baths; the easternmost is of unknown use. The
first room of the baths was unheated. It had a water supply
pipe in its east wall, probably supplying a small basin or a
labrum. In the north-western corner, there may have been
a second basin (unknown dimensions). The bather continued south into a suite of three heated rooms, of which
only the southernmost had pools. Both the rectangular
(1 × 1.4m) and the apsidal alveus (1.6 × 1.1m) were heated by
a furnace. These small and highly functional baths could
not have accommodated more than 10 people at a time.
Its use was perhaps limited to a specific group of people
or perhaps to the people that lived or worked in the other
rooms of the horreum.
Decoration: Due to the ruinous state of the remains and
the absence of an excavation report, the decoration of
the baths is difficult to reconstruct. There is no evidence
for iron clamps in the walls, making it likely that the walls
were coated with plaster and then painted, rather than
adorned with marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust consisted of square pillars,
while the walls were heated by tubuli. A water reservoir may have been lodged in the south-east room of the
horreum.28 It is unknown how the water was transported
to the baths and the sewers in the Via Degli Aurighi were
already out of use when the baths were built.
Construction technique: Opus listatum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 60 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°45’9.22”N, 12°17’2.50”E
C9. Ostia (Reg. I), Baths of Musiciolus
Excavation history: Along the Via Severiana, some 150 m east
of the insula of the thermae of Porta Marina, a small bathhouse was uncovered during the excavations of the nearby
synagogue. The excavations of the baths were carried out
26
27
28
Gering (2010) 102, n. 34.
The following description of the bathhouse is based on the
author’s observations on site, in combination with the plan
presented by Poccardi (2006) 178, fig. 6. Measurements were
taken on site.
Poccardi (2006) 178, fig. 6.
C9
Ostia (Reg. I), Baths of Musiciolus (After Turci (2014) fig. 4)
in 1979 by the Soprintendenza, but were never finalised.
Small restoration works were carried out in the 1980s.
Bibliography: Floriani Squarciapino (1961); Turchi (2014).
Construction: (C) The mosaics, stolen during restoration
works in the 1980s, were dated to the end of the 3rd or beginning of the 4th c.29 The type of opus listatum and the
type of mortar seems to imply the same time frame.30
Continued use and abandonment: (C) Small restorations
may have taken place as late as the 5th c.31
Plan: The bathhouse was built within a Hadrianic structure
that was severely altered in Severan times. The bathers
entered the building from the Via Severiana into a small
vestibule, separated from a large hall by two columns. A
narrow door in the north-east corner led into the frigidarium, which consisted of a rectangular space with a northsouth orientation and a floor in cocciopesto. A well in the
northern wall was a relic of the first phase of the building,
but was reused for the baths. The southern part of the frigidarium, delineated off by two columns, had a mosaic floor
with the depiction of marine fauna. The eastern part, with
a bench along its eastern and southern wall, had a simple
black and white geometric mosaic. The north-eastern corner of the frigidarium was occupied by an apsidal piscina
(ca. 3.2 × 3.4 m; 1.2 m deep). A second rectangular piscina
was lodged in the south-western corner (ca. 1.4 × 2 m; 1.2 m
deep). The heated rooms lay to the south and only the last
29
30
31
Floriani Squarciapino (1987) 113.
Turci (2014) §33.
Turci (2014) §32 on the basis of wall construction.
269
Gazetteer
one had two single-person alvei (semicircular: diam. 1.1 m;
rectangular: 1.5 × 1 m; at least 0.8 m deep). The apse of the
middle heated room did not lodge a pool. It may have been
used as a small sweat alcove.32
Decoration: Great care was taken to embellish the interior
of the baths with marble and mosaics. The marble columns
in the cold rooms and the marble slabs used to decorate
the pools were spolia. The mosaic of the frigidarium depicted marine animals, such as dolphins, fish and jellyfish. The
polychrome mosaic in the central heated room depicted
the busts of 4 athletes—named Faustus, Ursus, Luxsurius
and Pascentius—and a gymnasiarch named Musiciolus.
The mosaics in the other heated rooms consisted of geometric and floral designs.
Technology: Only in the last two heated rooms were
the walls were heated by tubuli (of different forms and
dimensions).33 The hypocaust pillars were made of standard square tiles. A boiler may have been placed on top of
the caldarium furnace. The alvei may have drained directly
onto the furnace floor, but the pool floors are too damaged
to identify outlets. It is unknown how the baths were supplied with water. The well in the frigidarium could not have
supplied all the pools and may only have been used for
cleaning the baths or for short ablutions. On satellite imagery, a possible large cistern consisting of three rectangular
rooms can be identified some 40 m north of the baths.34
Construction technique: Opus listatum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 300 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°44’57.18”N, 12°17’17.64”E
C10. Ostia (Reg. I), Baths along the Via Marciana
(Iv, Ix, 1)
Excavation history: A small bathhouse was discovered on
the junction of the Via Marciana and the Via Severiana.
The excavations by the Soprintendenza in the 1970s were
never published. Recently, the entire insula was re-examined by the University of Bologna.
Bibliography: David et al. (2014).
Construction: (C) The opus listatum used to construct the
bath-related walls point to a late antique construction date
(4th c.).35 The absence of any published data hampers a
clear understanding of this building. Recent excavations in
the structure north of the baths, revealed continued activity in the 5th c.36 No such evidence is available for the baths.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
32
33
34
35
36
Turci (2014) § 30.
Although the tubuli have an average height of 34 cm, their
cross section varies from rectangular to square and round. A
type measuring 7 × 7 × 34 cm was also found in the Baths of
Elagabalus in Rome, dated to the 5th c. (see above C25, observations by the author).
Martin et al. (2002) 268, fig. 10.
David et al. (2014) §25.
David et al. (2014) §31–39.
C10
Ostia (Reg. I), Baths along the Via Marciana (After Poccardi
(2006) 178, fig. 7)
Plan: The baths were inserted in a pre-existing building,
probably a shop, and can best be compared to the baths
of the horreum (see above, C8). What remains of these
baths are two heated rooms and a service corridor.37 The
cold section probably lay south of the heated rooms, bordering the Via Severiana. The building was probably accessed from this road or from the Via Marciana. The heated
section consisted of an L-shaped room. It had an apsidal
(1.5 × 1.25 m; 1.10 m deep) and a rectangular alveus (1.2 ×
1.4 m; 1.1 m deep), both of which had very thin internal
steps. The access to the rectangular pool must have been
rather difficult, as the borders of the pool were quite high
and without any steps facilitating entry. Therefore, the pool
might have been a simple basin that provided hot water for
ablutions.38
Decoration: The floors and the walls of the heated rooms,
as well as the inside of the pools, were adorned with white
marble slabs, some of which are still visible.
37
38
As there is no published excavation report, the description of
the baths is based on observations and measurements taken
by the author on site.
However, the pool / basin seems to have been equipped with a
testudo, which would be quite strange (and costly) for a simple
‘warm water reservoir.’ One would also expect a simple basin
to be quite shallow.
270
Gazetteer
figure 61 Baths along the Via Marciana, seen from the west
photo: author, April 2015
Technology: The two pools were heated by their own furnace. A third stokehole heated the room itself. The type of
hypocaust cannot be identified, as observations on site are
hampered by vegetation and soil accumulation. The walls
were heated by the short type of tubuli, although these did
not cover the entire surface of the wall. Rows of three adjacent tubuli were lodged in recesses in the walls of the rooms
and on the northern wall of the apsidal alveus (fig. 61). The
water for the pools was probably supplied by a well, found
in the northern corner of the praefurnium.39 The inlets for
the water supply of the pools are still visible in the walls.
The lead or terracotta pipes were probably torn out after
the abandonment of the baths. There does not seem to
have been a boiler above one of the furnaces, as any type
of supporting structure is absent. Alternatively, the bath
water was only heated by means of the hypocaust. For the
rectangular alveus, a (semi?) testudo may have been used.40
The water of the apsidal alveus was drained through an
outlet in its western corner and was probably used to clean
the underlying furnace. The water of the rectangular pool
could have been drained through the presumed testudo.
Traces of a sewage channel can still be distinguished in the
praefurnium floor, heading towards the sewer of the Via
Marciana.
Construction technique: Opus listatum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (incomplete plan; not exceeding 500 m2)
GPS coordinates: 41°44’58.46”N, 12°17’9.45”E
C11. Ostia (Reg. I), Small Baths on the Via Severiana
Excavation history: Across the Via Marciana, in the insula
belonging to the Baths of Porta Marina, a small bathhouse
was discovered in the 1970s. The excavations were only
briefly described.41
Bibliography: Floriani Squarciapino (1974)
Construction: (C) On the basis of the opus listatum technique of the walls, the baths have been dated to the 4th c.
or later.42
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Just as the Baths in the horreum (see above, C8) and
the baths in the Via Marciana (see above, C10), this complex was built within pre-existing structures. The entrance
lay on the Via Severiana and led into a vestibule. From here,
the bathers entered the frigidarium with its two large piscinae, one apsidal (ca. 3 × 3.6 m; 1.2 m deep) and one rectangular (ca. 3 × 2.1 m; 1.2 m deep). The heated rooms lay south
and were almost square in plan. The easternmost room, the
41
39
40
Shown on fig. 7 in Poccardi (2006) 178.
Maréchal (2017) 182–84.
42
The description of the baths is based on the observations and
measurements of the author made on site.
Pavolini (2006) 181.
271
Gazetteer
figure 62 Satellite imagery of Ostia (Italy), showing a street (arrows) heading towards the Baths of Perseus (A). Also depicted are the
Baths of Musiciolus (B), the Baths of Edificio b (C), the Baths of Porta Marina (D), the Small Baths along the Via Severiana (E)
and the Baths along the Via Marciana (F).
Google Earth, June 2007
C11
Ostia (Reg. I), Small Baths on the Via Severiana (After
Poccardi (2006) 180, fig. 10)
caldarium, had an apsidal (1.5 × 1.8 m; 1.2 m deep) and a
square alveus (s.: 1.9 m).
Decoration: The floors of both cold and warm rooms, as
well as the inside of the pools, were paved with white
marble slabs, some of which have survived to this day. The
walls are too damaged to reconstruct any form of decoration. The three niches in the walls of the apsidal piscina
must have contained statues. In the western praefurnium,
marble column shafts can be seen, but it cannot be confirmed if these came from the baths.
Technology: The type of hypocaust could not be determined. The tubuli are of a rather large type (7 × 13 ×
38 cm) in all three rooms. The caldarium was heated by
two furnaces, located under the alvei. A square room east
of the northern praefurnium was probably used to store the
firewood. No traces of a boiler installation were found. The
rounded form of the furnace openings could point to the
use of testudines. The water supply was probably ensured
by a branch of the aqueduct that also serviced the thermae
of Porta Marina. A reservoir can still be seen some 15 m
east of the baths, although there is no evidence that it was
connected to the baths.43 The waste water from the piscinae was collected in a sewer than ran under the frigidarium
and probably south towards the sewer of the Via Severiana.
A water collector can still be seen in the centre of the frigidarium floor. The alvei may have been drained by outlets
above the furnaces.
Construction technique: Opus listatum, opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 130 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°44’58.09”N, 12°17’10.52”E
43
The reservoir is not contemporaneous with the thermae of
Porta Marina, as it is constructed in an opus listatum similar to
the one used in the small baths.
272
Gazetteer
a larger insula and seem to have had a separate entrance
from the street, we can assume that the baths had a public or semi-public use. This articulation of baths and living
units is reminiscent of the Baths in the Palazzo Imperiale,
the Baths of the Seven Sages and the Baths of Buticosus
(see above, chapter 3, p. 115 and p. 122–123).
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Unknown.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: 41°45’3.82”N, 12°17’30.88”E
C13. Ostia (Reg. I), Byzantine Baths (IV, IV, 8)
C12
Ostia (Reg. I), Baths of Perseus (After Ricciardi
and Scrinari (1996a) 183, fig. 299; plan without
scale)
Excavation history: The building was first excavated during
large-scale clearing works in the 1930s, before being reexamined by the Soprintendenza in the 1950s and the
1970s.45
Bibliography: Poccardi (2006).
Construction: (C) The Byzantine Baths have sometimes
been attributed to the 2nd c. because part of the complex
was built on top of earlier imperial structures.46 However,
the majority of the walls relating to the bath elements—
those of the pools, heated rooms and service corridors—
are constructed in opus listatum dated to the turn of the
4th and 5th c.47 Some earlier walls in opus testaceum or
opus mixtum were reused in the cold rooms, while traces of
an even older wall in opus reticulatum were incorporated in
the southern part of the heated rooms.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
C12. Ostia (Reg. I), Baths of Perseus
Excavation history: Outside the Porta Laurentina, a bathhouse was found that supplanted a Hadrianic structure.
The complex was excavated, but the results were never
published. The remains were reburied afterwards.
Bibliography: Not available.
Construction: (D) On the basis of the plan, the baths have
been dated in the 4th c.44 The resemblance to the Baths of
the House of the Dioscuri (see above, chapter 3, p. 128–129)
and the last phase of the ‘Byzantine’ Baths (see below) supports a late antique phase of use.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Satellite imagery reveals that the baths were located along an important traffic artery, connecting the Via
Severiana with the suburbs outside the Porta Laurentina
(fig. 62). In the absence of an excavation report, the plan
is difficult to interpret. It seems that a frigidarium had a
small circular and a larger rectangular pool, while the
heated room (caldarium) had two small semicircular alvei.
Information on the technical aspects and the decoration is
lacking. As the baths are implanted within the structure of
44
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 183.
C13
Ostia (Reg. I), Byzantine Baths (After Calza et al. (1953) pl. 7
and 12)
45
The baths have also been called the Terme di Via del Tempio
Rotundo or the Terme della domus di Giove fulminatore.
Poccardi (2006) 177.
Heres (1982) 511–14.
46
47
273
Gazetteer
Plan: The complex was the largest newly built bathhouse of
Late Antiquity.48 It was entered by a long corridor giving
onto the Via del tempio rotundo.49 The cold room was conceived as a large hall with 6 columns dividing it into three
naves. It was equipped with an exceptionally large apsidal
natatio (ca. 12 × 5 m; 1.4 m deep) and two apsidal piscinae
(ca. 3.2 × 6 m; 1.2 m deep). To the south, the bathing itinerary split up into two separate suites of rooms. The eastern one started in a narrow corridor, at the end of which
a circular pool (diam.: 1.7 m; 0.8 m deep) was added at a
later date. To the south, three almost square heated rooms
ended at a caldarium with two apsidal alvei (ca. 2.6 × 2.7 m;
1.2 m deep). In the central heated room, the western wall
was pierced, possibly at a later date, to connect with the
western suite of heated rooms. The latter had essentially
the same layout, except that the northernmost heated
room had a semicircular apse. The two alvei were slightly
smaller than those of the eastern caldarium, but equally
deep (1.2 m). The western suite seems to have had a separate entrance to the west: a narrow door led into a corridor
with a large semicircular apse to its south and an adjacent
apsidal piscina (1.7 × 1.9 m; 1.2 m deep). This part of the
baths possibly dated to the first phase of the building, perhaps as the private bath suite of a house dating from the
High Empire. The double design of these baths has often
been interpreted as a separation of the sexes.50 The eastern
wing of the baths, including also the large cold hall with
the natatio, has been labelled the men’s section, while the
smaller western wing has been called the women’s baths.
If a strict separation of sexes was the case, then one would
expect that the sections were fenced off. It would be interesting to verify if the communal hall connecting the cold
hall with the heated rooms could be closed by a door. The
ruinous state of the remains and the dense vegetation impede any observation on site.
Decoration: The cold hall was paved with a mosaic of large
tesserae (fig. 63), while the natatio and the piscinae were
embellished with marble slabs. The types of marbles and
their disposition confirm the late 4th or early 5th c. date.51
The walls and the floors of the heated rooms and the heated pools were also covered with marble. The upper parts
of the wall, however, may have been decorated with wall
paintings.
Technology: Both the eastern and the western suite of heated rooms had a hypocaust with the traditional square pillars. The tubuli were mainly of a large type in the caldaria
(internal measurements: 7 × 10 × 38 cm) and of the small
48
49
50
51
ca. 1000 m2 according to Nielsen (1993b) 6.
The description of the baths is based on on site observations
by the author. Measurements were taken on site.
Nielsen (1993a) 57; Pavolini (2006) 197.
Pensabene (2007) 537.
figure 63 Byzantine Baths in Ostia (Italy), detail of the mosaic of
the courtyard, scale is 50 cm
photo: author, March 2015
type (6 × 9 × 34 cm) in the other rooms. Each alveus was
heated by its own furnace. The western semicircular alveus
of the western suite of rooms was the only pool not to be
heated by tubuli. The water for the baths was stored in a
large reservoir east of the complex.52 The connection with
the baths, as well as the distribution within the bathhouse,
is unclear. The waste water of the piscinae must have been
collected by a sewer running under the frigidarium. The
large apisdal piscina was drained by a sewer running east.53
The ruinous state of the alvei does not permit identification of the outlets. They were probably drained by a sewage
channel running south of the baths and along the western
side.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum, opus listatum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 1,000 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°45’10.80”N, 12°17’18.71”E
52
53
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 173.
This sewer can be seen on the photographs of the 1970s excavations (Archivio Fotografico Inv. 6298, B3809).
274
Gazetteer
figure 64 Baths on the via della Foce in Ostia (Italy), oval alveus of the caldarium seen from the southeast, scale is 50 cm
photo: author, March 2015
Ostia (Reg. I), Baths of ‘Edificio b’
Excavation history: In the late 1970s, some test trenches
were opened along the Via Severiana. Some 70 m east
of the insula of the thermae of Porta Marina, a structure
(edificio b) from the Hadrianic period was transformed into
a bathhouse.
Bibliography: Pavolini (1980).
Construction: (B) Stratigraphic excavations of the previously unknown structure revealed that this transformation
took place in the 4th or 5th c.54
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Due to the limited extent of the trenches, only a small
part of the building came to light. The Hadrianic walls were
pierced to construct furnaces and two round basins in opus
listatum were added to the existing room. They partially
encroached on the Via Severiana. The use of tubi fittili was
also attested.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Unknown.
C14
Ostia (Reg. I), Baths on the Via Della Foce (After Calza et al.
(1953) pl. 1)
C14. Ostia (Reg. I), Baths on the Via della Foce (I, XIX, 5)
Excavation history: The small, but well-preserved baths
in the Via della Foce were unearthed in 1931 and restored
54
Pavolini (1980) 116.
in 1951. Unfortunately, these interventions have not been
published.
Bibliography: Heres (1982) 434–39.
Construction: (C) The construction date of the baths has
been placed in the 4th or 5th c. on the basis of the type
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of walls, the plan and the high level on which the complex was built.55 Furthermore, the row of shops preceding
the baths has been dated to the reign of Diocletian by tile
stamps, giving a terminus post quem for the construction of
the baths cutting through these.56
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The plan is characterized by a preference for the curvilinear forms and its small pools.57 The floor of the baths
lies around 1.4 m higher than the surrounding Severan
walking level. This is a result of raising the banks of the
Tiber, undertaken in the early 4th c.58 The hypocaust
level and the praefurnia were built directly on top of this
layer, which forced the actual bathing rooms to be built at
an even higher level. One could enter the baths by a passage cut through pre-existing shops or directly from the
Via della Foce, through a room south-east of the actual
bath rooms. The frigidarium was square in plan, but had
two lateral pools and a semicircular apse in its southern
wall. The circular pool (diam.: 2.6 m) and the apsidal pool
(3 × 3.6 m) were both 1.45 m deep. Two narrow doorways
in the northern wall led into an unheated, square, transitional room (east) and a round heated room (west) with
an apsidal pool (1.3 × 1 m; 1.2 m deep). From the latter, one
passed into an irregularly shaped heated room and then on
into the square caldarium with its three alvei. These three
pools had different shapes: rectangular with rounded ends
(2.25 × 0.94 m), oval (1.5 × 1.2 m; fig. 64) and apsidal (1.7 ×
1.2 m). All three alvei were 1.2 m deep and the steps to access them had a limited width (between 15 and 20 cm),
making them unsuited to use as a bench (fig. 64). The
western tub had an elongated shape, resembling a bath
tub. Some fragments of the fallen vaulting now lie west of
the baths. While it is impossible to reconstruct the type of
vault on the basis of these fragments, we can note that they
contain pumice to lighten the weight. The location of these
baths—along an important road—and the direct street access point to the public use of this building. It could easily
accommodate between 20 and 30 persons. The design was
adapted to the available building space, but that did not
stop the architects from choosing a visually pleasing composition. The frigidarium was the most important room
of the building. In the heated rooms, the focus lay on the
single-person pools.
Decoration: The decoration of the walls and floors has not
been preserved. However, the imprint of the marble slabs
in the piscinae is still visible (fig. 64). Furthermore, some
small fragments of the white marble slabs are still visible in
the alvei. The walls of the first heated room are still coated
with a water-resistant mortar. No imprints of marble slabs
are visible, making it likely that the walls were simply coated with plaster and then painted. A statue or perhaps a labrum may have stood in the large apse in the frigidarium.
Technology: The hypocausts of the three heated rooms rested upon square pillars. The walls were heated by tubuli of
different dimensions (fig. 65).59 The use of different types
of tubuli was perhaps due to reuse.60 The water for the
baths was stored in a reservoir to the west of the baths.61
It was built within an abandoned horreum and was probably fed by a branch of an aqueduct. The distribution of the
water within the baths is unclear, as the walls are not sufficiently preserved to identify the supply pipes. The water
of the alvei must have been disposed of by an outlet above
the furnaces that heated these pools, as no other outlets
can be seen in the bottom or the walls of the pools. In this
way, the waste water probably cleaned the furnaces as well.
Sewage channels can still be seen along the western side
of the building, probably running off to the sewer in the
Via della Foce. The piscinae had outlets in their outer walls.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum, opus listatum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 200 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°45’13.51”N, 12°17’3.58”E
55
56
57
60
58
Becatti (1953) 155; Heres (1982) 434–39; Pavolini (2006) 128.
Meiggs (1960) 552.
The description of the baths is based on on site observations
by the author. Measurements were taken on site.
Gering (2010) 102.
C15. Piazza Armerina (Sicily), Small Baths South of
the Villa del Casale
Excavation history: In recent excavation campaigns (2004–
2012), a small bathhouse was discovered some 100 m south
of the well-known Villa del Casale, on the southern end of
a large piazza with a colonnaded portico that has come to
light during the same campaigns (fig. 66). The excavators
argue that the small baths formed part of the pars fructuaria of the villa complex and that the large Villa del Casale
was thus not only a luxury retreat, but indeed ‘un’ unità residenziale, amministrativa e produttiva’.62
Bibliography: Pensabene (2010); Carloni et al. (2014);
Pensabene (2014); Pensabene and Baresi (Forthcoming).
Construction: (A) The stratigraphic excavations of the bathhouse made clear that it was built during the 4th c. and was
59
61
62
The internal dimensions of the separate box tiles in the caldarium and central heated room averaged 8 cm in length, 11–12 cm
in width and 38 cm in height. The box tiles in the southernmost heated room averaged 5.5–6 cm in length, 9.5–10 cm in
width and 34 cm in height. The tubuli that can be seen today
were found in situ during the excavations, as is confirmed by
the photos in the Archivio Fotografico Inv. 5668, B3179 and Inv.
5669, B3180.
The reuse of ceramic building material in these baths is attested by the use of bricks with stamps from the time of Hadrian,
see Bloch (1953) 219.
Ricciardi and Scrinari (1996a) 156.
Pensabene (2010) 5.
276
Gazetteer
figure 65 Baths on the via della Foce, Ostia (Italy), detail of large tubulus found in the caldarium, scale is 10 cm
photo: author, March 2015
contemporaneous with the construction of the luxurious
villa.
Continued use and abandonment: (A) Several restoration
phases took place until the 6th c., when the building was
reused for agricultural purposes. During the 9th c., the
praefurnium and part of the caldarium was converted into
a pottery kiln.63
Plan: The exact location of the entrance of the baths is
unknown. However, the bather first entered a trapezoidal
hall with peristylium, which may have combined different
functions, including that of dressing room. To the west,
one entered the frigidarium, which had a single large apsidal piscina on its western side. It was covered by a cross
vault. In a later phase, a small semicircular pool was added
along the northern wall of the frigidarium, creating also
two square rooms to its east and west.64 In the last phase of
the baths (6th c.?), a wall was erected in the middle of the
frigidarium, running north to south, possibly to sustain the
vault. The semicircular piscina must have fallen out of use
at this time. By a doorway in the south-east corner of this
cold room, the bathers entered the heated section. One
room on hypocaust had a small semicircular pool, while
a second served as an antechamber for the caldarium,
C15
Piazza Armerina (Sicily) Small Baths south of the Villa del
Casale (After Pensabene (2014) 10, fig. 2)
63
64
Carloni et al. (2014) 577; Pensabene (2014) 13.
Pensabene (2014) 17, fig. 12.
277
Gazetteer
figure 66 Archaeological site of the Villa del Casale at Piazza Armerina (Sicily), with the Villa Baths (A) and the Small South Baths (B)
in Pensabene (2014) 10, fig. 1; with permission
which in its turn had a semicircular alveus on its western
side. The plan of these small baths shows similarities with
the late antique baths of the Middle East, especially with
those of the Northern Syrian plateau (see above, chapter
4, p. 187–188).
Decoration: The peristylium hall was equipped with 12 marble columns of the Corinthian order. The frigidarium had
a polychrome mosaic floor with at least three phases. The
second phase showed a zigzag pattern (‘rainbow-style’)
and an emblema with a pair of bath sandals. The mosaic of
the first heated room has mainly disappeared. Only a fragment with a polychrome design (‘a treccia’) was found. In
the last phase of the baths, the floor was paved with irregular slabs of marble and terracotta tiles. The large piscina
of the frigidarium was embellished with marble crustae,
while the later semicircular cold pool had a mosaic with
wavy patterns against its sides. The semicircular pool of the
first heated room had a mosaic with wavy pattern on its
bottom.
Technology: Due to the later reuse of the building, the heated section was heavily destroyed. Parts of the hypocaust
system, with pillars made of square bricks topped by bessales and cocciopesto, and of the wall heating (tubuli) could
nevertheless be identified. The praefurnium was located
south of the caldarium. The small semicircular pool of the
first heated room had an outlet in its north-east corner.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: 500 m2
GPS coordinates: 37°21’49.66”N, 14°20’2.79”E
C16. Portus (Reg. I), Baths of the Lantern (‘Terme della
Lanterna’)
Excavation history: The baths were discovered in the 1820s
by topographers, who drew some reconstruction drawings.
Recent re-examinations in the 2000s by the Soprintendenza
identified 7 different phases in the building’s history.
Bibliography: Not available at the time of writing.
Construction: (A) The stratigraphic excavations by the
Soprintendenza made clear that the bathhouse was built
in an earlier Julio-Claudian complex, which was subsequently incorporated into a Trajanic building. The baths
were constructed at the end of the 3rd or in the early 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (A) Several restorations
were identified until the baths fell out of use at the end of
the 5th c., when the building was partially demolished to
make way for a new defensive wall.
C16
Portus (Reg. I), Baths of the Lantern (‘Terme della Lanterna’),
(Sketch plan after observations on site)
278
Gazetteer
figure 67 Small pool in a heated room of the Baths of the Lantern in Portus (Italy)
photo: author, March 2016
Plan: The different restoration phases make it difficult to
reconstruct the original layout of the baths.65 The bathers
entered an oblong hall from the south, which connected
to a rectangular room to the east (apodyterium?) and an
apsidal room to the north. The actual bathing rooms lay
west of the entrance. The cold room had two piscinae, one
rectangular in the south-west corner and one apsidal on
the south side. A small doorway, probably pierced through
the west wall in a later phase, gave access to a round heated
room, perhaps a sudatorium, which still awaits excavation.
To the north of the cold room, three heated rooms can be
identified. One possibly entered these rooms through a
rectangular heat-lock. The easternmost heated room had
a semicircular pool against its northern wall, which stood
directly above a furnace (fig. 67). The middle heated room
was devoid of any pools or special features, but was also
heated by its own furnace. The westernmost room should
be interpreted as the caldarium. It had a rectangular alveus
on its northern side, just above a furnace, and an apsidal
alveus on its southern side. The rectangular one may have
been reduced in size at some point.
Decoration: The apsidal room north of the entrance had a
black and white mosaic with geometric and floral patterns,
65
The description is based on the author’s own observations on site, as well as the general excavation plan by the
Soprintendenza presented during the Roman Archaeology
Conference in Rome in 2016.
including 4-petal flowers and swastikas. It is unclear to
which phase this mosaic belonged. The inner sides of the
piscinae were possibly embellished with marble slabs, as
imprints in the mortar seem to suggest. The walls of the
round room, at least the lower part, also seem to have been
clad with marble slabs.
Technology: The service corridor ran along the northern
side of the baths. Each heated room seems to have had its
own furnace. There is no information on the type of hypocaust. The walls were heated by tubuli with a rectangular
cross section.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 500 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°46’41.79”N, 12°15’19.90”E
C17. Portus (Reg. I), Small Baths to the north-east of
area F of the Magazzini Traianei
Excavation history: Area F of the so-called ‘Magazzini
Traianei’ in Portus has been investigated by the École française de Rome and the Soprintendenza in 2011. A small test
pit to the north-east of area F revealed the remains of a
small bathhouse, possibly intended for the people working
at the harbour.66
Bibliography: Bukowiecki et al. (2012).
Construction date: (D) The small-scale test pit did not reveal any datable artefacts. However, the use of the special
66
Bukowiecki et al. (2012) §8.
279
Gazetteer
C17
Portus (Reg. I), Small Baths to the north-east of area F
of the Magazzini Traianei (After Bukowiecki et al. (2012)
fig. 1; plan without scale)
type of late antique tubuli, observed by the author on site
and also found in Ostia, in combination with the presence
of a semicircular pool, point to a late antique date.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: To this day, only a small semicircular pool and some
small rectangular rooms were identified. The pool and adjacent room were heated by tubuli and thus presumably
had a hypocaust.67
Technology: The heating system made use of the same type
of large broad tubuli found in the baths with a late antique
phase in Ostia.68
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: 41°46’35.86”N, 12°15’13.12”E
C18. Ravenna (Reg. VIII), Baths in Via d’Azeglio
Excavation history: During the construction of a garage in
the old city centre of Ravenna (between Via D’Azeglio and
Via Barbiani), important archaeological remains were uncovered (map 35). The excavation campaigns in 1993–1994
by the Soprintendenza yielded finds from the 2nd c. BC up
until the modern period, including the remains of a small
bathhouse.
Bibliography: Montevecchi (2004); Montevecchi and Leoni
(2004).
Construction: (B) The stratigraphic excavations in the
Via d’Azeglio offer a rare insight into the urban developments in Ravenna. The archaeologists uncovered a street
and two houses dating from the High Empire in the lowest
67
68
Bukowiecki et al. (2012) fig. 5.
Maréchal (Forthcoming).
C18
Ravenna (Reg. VIII), Baths in Via d’Azeglio (After
Montevecchi (2004) 39, fig. 37)
reachable strata of the excavations. At the end of the 3rd c.,
one of the houses was destroyed by fire and a small bathhouse was built upon the remains.69
Continued use and abandonment: (B) At some point during
the 5th c., the largest pool of the bathhouse was filled with
debris and a mosaic was laid on top of it. The Christianinspired mosaic emblema of ‘the Good Shepherd’ seduced
the excavators to cautiously suggest that the remaining
pool might have been used in a Christian context, possibly
as a baptismal font.70 However, the theme of the shepherd
does not necessarily suggest a Christian connotation, as
the pigeons could also point to ‘una funzione onorifica, il
che escluderebbe riferimenti ad una scena pastorale di genere’ (‘an honorific function, which would exclude references
to such a [Christian] pastoral scene’).71
Plan: Only a part of the baths was uncovered by the excavations, making the plan unclear. The entrance to the building was not found, which makes it difficult to determine
whether these baths were public or private. The room with
the apse may have been an apodyterium.72 It was accessed
from the south-east by a rectangular room with an earthen
floor (service room?). To the west, the old impluvium of the
house was transformed into a small pool or reservoir. It is
unclear if this part of the old domus still belonged to the
baths. To the north-east, two rooms, each with one pool,
could be identified. The full dimensions of the largest pool
69
70
71
72
Montevecchi (2004) 16 and 17, fig. 2; Montevecchi and Leoni
(2004) 48.
Montevecchi and Leoni (2004) 52.
Maioli (2003b) 18.
Montevecchi and Leoni (2004) 48.
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Gazetteer
are unknown, but it was least 1 m deep. The smaller pool
measured 2.6 × 1.9 m.
Decoration: The presumed apodyterium had an opus sectile
floor. Both pools had a plain white mosaic floor and marble
slabs against the sides.
Technology: Tubuli were found in the access steps of the
pool. However, these may only have been used as building
material rather than as a conduit for hot air.73 There is no
reason to assume that the pool was filled with hot water
either. In a later phase, the largest pool was reduced in size
and the smaller one was filled in.
Construction
technique: Opus
testaceum,
opus
caementicium
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (incomplete plan, not exceeding 500 m2)
GPS coordinates: 44°25’7.21”N, 12°11’40.32”E
C19. Ravenna (Reg. VIII), Baths of the Banca Popolare
(‘bagni del clero’)
Excavation history: The baths were discovered during the
construction of the Banca Popolare in 1980 (map 35). The
high ground water table made the excavations very difficult, especially to reach the lower lying levels, impeding
a good reconstruction of the older phases of this part of
town.
Bibliography: Bermond Montanari (1984–1985); Maioli
(1988); Pellacchia (2014).
Construction: (B) The baths were built upon a domus dating from the Hadrianic period that perished in a fire in the
early 4th c.74 A terminus post quem based on the stratigraphy of the site points to an early 5th c. date. According
to the 9th-c. writer Agnellus, they were built by the bishop
of Ravenna in the middle of the 6th c. to replace an older
bathhouse.75
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The stratigraphy related to the baths revealed that the building was used from
the 5th to the 9th c., while the restorations of the walls suggest at least three different building phases perhaps dating
to the 5th, early 6th and late 6th c.76 The baths were still in
use at the time of Agnellus in the 9th c.
Plan: The complex was built on wooden foundation posts
and against a pre-existing wall, perhaps the defensive wall
of the city. Two small heated rooms on a hypocaust each
had a small semicircular alveus. One of these was lined
with tubuli. The service corridors and praefurnia probably
lay behind the alvei. To the west, a room with three apses
was equipped with water supply channels and drains. In
the smallest of the apses, a small semicircular pool was
found. It was covered with a vault made out of tubi fittili. To
the south of the two semicircular alvei, a rectangular pool
coated with cocciopesto and with an internal step may have
belonged to a cold room.
Decoration: Two of the small semicircular alvei were still
embellished with marble slabs at the time of discovery. The
other pools may have had a simple mortar coating.
Technology: The walls were heated by tubuli, while several
water channels were also found. There is no information
on the furnaces.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (incomplete plan)
GPS coordinates: 44°24’56.48”N, 12°11’54.07”E
C20. Ravenna (Reg. VIII), Baths in Via S. Alberto
Excavation history: During works on a sewage channel in
1983, the remains of two superimposed bathhouses were
discovered on the Via S. Alberto.
Bibliography: Maioli (1988).
Construction: (C) The baths in the northern part of the
trench were dated to the 2nd or 3rd c. on the basis of the
type of walls. However, a lead fistula connected these baths
to the late antique aqueduct, pointing to a continued use
of this complex until at least the 4th c. To the south, the
remains of a second bathhouse were preliminarily dated to
the 6th c., as the walls were constructed with reused bricks,
a typical phenomenon for Ravenna in this century.77
C19
Ravenna (Reg. VIII), Baths of the Banca Popolare ‘bagni del
clero’ (After Maioli (1988c) 76, unnumbered fig.)
74
75
76
73
contra Montevecchi and Leoni (2004) 50.
77
Maioli (1988) 71.
Agnellus, Lib. Pont. Eccl. Rav., Victor, 28.
Bermond Montanari (1984–1985) 22; Maioli (1988) 77;
Pellacchia (2014) 208 on the basis of building materials and
literary references.
Maioli (1988) 90.
Gazetteer
map 35
Ravenna in the 6th c., with location of baths and the most important public areas and buildings
after Manzelli (2000) fig. 152
1: Public building of unknown function
6: Church S. Croce
2: Circus?
7: Church S. Vitale
3: Church S. Apollinare Nuovo
8: Church S. Andrea Maggiore
4: Basilica Apostolorum
9: Basins in Via Rasponi
5: Church S. Agatha Maggiore
281
282
Gazetteer
Excavation history: The Baths of Diocletian have never
been the subject of systematic archaeological investigations. However, detailed drawings by Renaissance artists
showing substantial standing remains of the complex have
contributed greatly to our knowledge of the building.79
Small test trenches at the end of the 19th c. and more recently in the 1980s and 1990s revealed parts of the heated
sector, service corridors and peripheral structures.80
Bibliography: Paulin (1890); Candilio (1985); Candilio (1989);
Candilio (1994).
Construction: (A) A large inscription at the entrance of the
baths commemorated how Maximian, co-emperor with
Diocletian, ordered the construction of the baths in AD 298
and how the works were completed in AD 306 (EI-1).81
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The baths are still
mentioned in the second half of the 5th c. by Olympiodorus
(see chapter 2), but probably fell out of use during the
6th c., when the aqueducts were cut during Belisarius’
siege (see chapter 2). It is not known whether the baths
were reopened after the Byzantine conquest.82 The frigidarium was later transformed into the Church of Santa
Maria degli Angeli, designed in the 16th c. by Michelangelo
and altered in the 18th c. by Luigi Vanvitelli. Large parts of
the baths were demolished in the 1860s, when the area was
re-developed to create the first Termini train station.
Plan: The Baths of Diocletian (map 5), built on the Viminal
Hill, were the largest public baths ever to be built in the
Roman empire. The surface of the complex covered no less
than 140,600 m2 and served the residents of the Viminal,
Quirinal and Esquiline hills.
The plan fits well within the development of the large
imperial type of baths in Rome. The similarities with the
Baths of Trajan and those of Caracalla are undeniable.83 A
wall with several exedrae and halls encompassed a spacious garden, which must have been adorned with statues
and fountains (fig. 68). A semicircular cavea at the southwestern side of the enclosure wall formed a type of theatre,
the shape of which can still be recognized in the modern
piazza Esedra. By analogy with the Baths of the Caracalla
and the Baths of Trajan, the halls and exedrae of the enclosure wall probably housed libraries, lecture halls and
nymphaea.84 The bath block itself was formed by a main
axis consisting of a natatio, frigidarium, tepidarium and
caldarium in a north-south orientation, flanked on either
side by apodyteria, a basilical hall and a suite of 4 heated
rooms with an east-west orientation.85 The bathers entered the bath block by 4 doors in the northern side of the
building. The two outer doors opened into a tripartite hall,
followed to the north by an oval heated room. The northeastern parts are still standing to this day. By their position
and their commodities—such as heating by hypocaust—
these can be interpreted as dressing rooms. The two inner
entrances opened into rectangular halls flanking the large
natatio. The latter is thought to have contained over 5 million litres of water and was the largest open-air pool in
78
81
C20
Ravenna (Reg. VIII), Baths in Via S. Alberto (After Manzelli
(2000) 158, fig. 104)
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The overall layout of the baths in unknown due to the
limited size of the excavation trenches. Two rooms with apsidal pools were identified. Some 35 m to the south, a small
rectangular room of 3 m long, equipped with a hypocaust,
was found.78
Decoration: The walls were coated with cocciopesto. In the
destruction debris of the building, marble slabs and some
fragments of a mosaic with glass tesserae were found. The
base of a column made out of bricks was also identified.
Technology: The irregularly placed pillars of the hypocaust
were made out of rectangular tiles. The southern room had
a drain ejecting waste water onto the adjacent street.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (incomplete plan)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown (remains
have disappeared)
C21. Rome (Reg. I), The Baths of Diocletian
79
80
The total length of the building is estimated to be at least 73 m,
according to Maioli (1988) 89.
The drawings of E. Dupérac (from 1575) and in the Codex
Destailleur (HDz 4151 fol. 41; 16th c.), the sketch of A. Dossio
(from 1569) and the etching of Piranesi (18th c.) are especially
informative (see Krencker et al. (1929) 279–82; Yegül (1992)
167–68, figs. 184–187).
Paulin (1890) 15–16; Candilio (1985); Candilio (1989); Candilio
(1994).
82
83
84
85
According to the passio of S. Marcellus, I, III (Act. Sanct. Ian.
II, 369, 374), dating from the 6th or early 7th c., the baths were
built by Maximian, in the name of Diocletian, using the forced
labour of his Christian subjects, see De Spirito (1999a) 58.
Coates-Stephens (2003a) 173.
Yegül (1992) 168–69; Nielsen (1993a) 55.
Yegül (1992) 169.
Krencker et al. (1929) 279 on the basis of the renaissance
drawings.
283
Gazetteer
C21
Rome (Reg. I), Baths of Diocletian (After
Nielsen (1993b) 89, fig. 59)
the Roman empire. From the flanking halls or the dressing rooms, one could enter the colonnaded basilical halls
(basilicae thermarum) that probably functioned as indoor
exercise courts.86 The frigidarium was the centrepiece of
the building. It was cross-shaped and had 4 cross-shaped
piscinae in the spaces between the arms of the cross
(fig. 69). On the east and west sides, a set of two tripartite halls connected the frigidarium to the basilicae thermarum. From these halls a doorway gave access to an
octagonal room, followed by three heated rooms with an
east-west orientation and ending in the central caldarium.
The south-west octagonal room has withstood the ravages
of time and was transformed into a planetarium in the
1920s (now known as the aula ottagona). It is possible that
these octagonal rooms were equipped with pools.87 The
first heated room had the form of an oval intersecting with
a rectangle, while the second and third room were simply
rectangular. The suit of rooms starting with the octagonal
room and ending with the caldarium rooms were all large
sun-lit lounges in which the bathers could relax, have a
massage or sweat out the bad humours of the body.88 The
caldarium, according to the Anonymous Destailleur, was
rectangular, but divided into three parts by columns protruding out of the walls.89 The southern wall lodged three
86
87
88
89
Brödner (1983) 232.
Candilio (1994) 166.
The rooms have been attributed specific functions like unctoria, tepidaria, sudatoria and districtaria (e.g. Nielsen (1993b)
89, fig. 59). However, there is no evidence for these specific attributions. It is more likely that these rooms were used for similar purposes, albeit in a different architectural setting, much
like the description of the heated rooms given by Lucian,
Hippias 6.
Anonymous Destailleur, Hdz. 4151, fol. 41.
alvei, the central one having a rounded end. The lateral
walls each had a single semicircular alveus. The northern
wall had a central semicircular apse flanked on either side
by a rectangular alveus. From the apse, two narrow doorways led into the tepidarium. The latter had a plan of a circle intersecting with a rectangle and had two lateral alvei.
By two narrow doorways, the bathers could reach the frigidarium. A remarkable feature was the corridor separating
the frigidarium from the heated rooms, serving probably as
a service corridor and as an insulating space.
Decoration: The decoration of the rooms inside the bathing block must have been spectacular. The walls have long
been stripped of their marble revetments, but the imprints
of the iron clamps holding the slabs are still visible. Glass
tesserae found during excavations point to the use of wall
mosaics on the inside of the vaults. Architrave blocks,
friezes and other architectural elements were carved out of
white marble. Some of these elements probably belonged
to a large temple complex that once stood on the location
of the baths.90 Some of the columns were monolith blocks
of red granite or porphyry. The numerous niches that can
be seen in the standing walls reveal the presence of statues.
In the western basilica, a statue of Venus and a male torso
were found. Especially the northern and southern walls
enclosing the natatio must have resembled the elaborate
façades as could be found in the scaenae frons of theatres
or in nymphaea. In the basilicae thermarum, polychrome
geometric mosaics embellished the floors, while floors in
opus sectile were also found.
Technology: The remains of the heating system and the
water distribution are scanty. The hypocaust probably
consisted of rectangular pillars made out of square tiles,
90
Candilio (1994) 175–83.
284
Gazetteer
figure 68 Reconstruction drawing in perspective view from the northeast of the Baths of Diocletian in Rome (Italy)
in Paulin (1890)
while the wall heating was provided by tubuli.91 The service corridors were an underground network of broad galleries running along the southern side of the building.92
The water for the thermae was supplied by a branch of the
Aqua Marcia aqueduct. A large trapezoidal cistern of 91 m
in length was found on the north-eastern side of the baths
in 1876.93
The impact of a building project of this size can hardly
be underestimated. Small excavations underneath the aula
ottagona revealed that the complex was built on private
houses. Large parts of existing town fabric were destroyed
to make way for this enormous ‘palace for the people’ in
a region where there had not been large thermae before.
Just as for the Baths of Caracalla, the efforts on a financial
level, but also on the level of labour and building materials,
must have been an important stimulus for the economy of
Rome. It is even possible that brick production, which had
dwindled in the course of the 3rd c., was revitalised to build
the complex.94
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 38,750 m2 (140,600 m2 with gardens)
GPS coordinates: 41°54’13.08”N, 12°29’51.67”E
C22. Rome (Reg. I), Baths of Constantine
Excavation history: The remains of the baths have disappeared almost entirely. Our knowledge of the plan is derived from 16th c. drawings, such as the one by Palladio.
91
92
93
94
Judging from the sketches by Anonymous Destailleur, Hdz.
4151, fol. 50.
Anonymous Destailleur, Hdz. 4151, fol. 52.
Coarelli (2008) 323.
Coarelli (2008) 324.
C22
Rome (Reg. I), Baths of Constantine (After Nielsen
(1993b) 91, fig. 62)
Gazetteer
figure 69 Frigidarium of the Baths of Diocletian in Rome (Italy), now turned into the Church of Santa Maria degli Angelli
photo: author, March 2015
285
286
Gazetteer
Small excavations in the 1870s and the 1980s confirmed the
basic layout.
Bibliography: Fiorelli (1877) 204; Fiorelli (1878) 233; Vilucchi
(1985); Vilucchi (1989).
Construction: (A) Construction probably began under
Constantine’s rival Maxentius, as brick stamps found during small test trenches confirm.95
Continued use and abandonment: (A) An inscription recording the restoration of the baths by the praefectus
urbi Petronius Perpenna Magnus Quadratianus in AD 443
(EI-46) could still be seen on site in the 15th and 16th c.96
The baths may still have been in use during the reign of
Theoderic, as brick stamps from this period have been
identified.97 During the Middle Ages, several churches
and private houses were built inside the ruins of the baths.
Most of the remains of the baths were destroyed during the
Renaissance, when several palazzi were built on this location. Remains of the foundations can still be seen in the
cellars of these buildings.
Plan: The Baths of Constantine were built on the Quirinal
hill, only 800 m south-west of the Baths of Diocletian
(map 5). Investigations revealed that the baths were constructed by levelling existing insulae of domus and warehouses. The size of the building plot strongly influenced
the layout of the baths. The plan stands out from the other
imperial thermae by the absence of an enclosure wall. The
architects were probably forced to fit the plan within the
available building plot, leaving little space for spacious
gardens. The design of these baths was conceived in terms
of depth, rather than in breadth.98 Only a large semicircular palaestra to the north and the cavea to the south
were added to the bathing block (on Palladio’s plan). The
north part of the complex consisted of an open-air natatio
flanked on each side by large halls. The cross-shaped frigidarium with 4 pools in the corners strongly resembled the
cold section of the Baths of Diocletian.99 The basilical halls
seem to have been rotated 90° and were directly linked to
the frigidarium, just as in earlier thermae such as those of
Nero.100 The articulation between the cold and the heated
section is not well understood. It seems that an oblong hall
separated the two parts. To the east and west of this hall, a
round room served as a passage to connect the hall to the
suit of east-west oriented heated rooms at the south end of
the baths. The octagonal room at both corners is reminiscent of the aula ottagona of the Baths of Diocletian. The
following two rectangular heated rooms led to the round
caldarium with its three alvei. By two narrow doorways in
95
96
97
98
99
100
Coarelli (2008) 308.
Krencker et al. (1929) 282.
CIL 15.1655; Vilucchi (1985) 357.
Yegül (1992) 172; Nielsen (1993a) 56.
Yegül (1992) 171.
Krencker et al. (1929) 283.
the south wall, the bathers could pass the quatrefoil tepidarium back to the cold rooms.
Decoration: The excavations revealed fragments of the interior decoration. The rectangular heated rooms had mosaic
floors and slabs of porphyry against the walls. When the
Via Nazionale was constructed in 1870s and 1880s, several
statues were found, such as the Dioscuri (now on Piazza
Quirinale), a larger-than-life size statue of Constantine and
Constans and two river gods (now in Campidoglio Square).
In contrast to popular belief, the bronze statues of the
‘Boxer’ (‘il pugilatore in riposo’) and the ‘Hellenistic prince’
(‘il principe ellenistico’), (both in the Museo Nazionale
al Palazzo Massimo) were not found in the baths, but in
structures dating from the imperial period.101
Technology: The technical aspects of the thermae, such as
the heating system and the water management, are unknown. The hypocausts of the heated rooms were presumably made out of the standard rectangular pillars, but there
is no information on the wall heating.102
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 9,000 m2 (18 ,000 m2 including
gardens)
GPS coordinates: 41°53’56.50”N, 12°29’13.74”E
C23. Rome (Reg. I), Baths near the Scala Caci
Excavation history: In the 1870s, a small bathhouse was discovered in a cryptoporticus on the south-west side of the
Palatine (map 5). The building was re-examined by the
Soprintendenza in the 1980s.
Bibliography: Cassatella and Iacopi (1990).
Construction: (C) The cryptoporticus was constructed in the
1st c. AD to shelter tabernae. The baths were constructed
at the turn of the 3rd and 4th c., using a different type of
construction technique with smaller bricks.103
Continued use and abandonment: (B) Small test trenches
made in the 1980s placed the abandonment of the building
in the 5th c.
C23
Rome (Reg. I), Baths near the Scala Caci on the Palatine
(After Cassatella and Iacopi (1990) 136, fig. 11)
101
102
103
Heymans (2013) 238.
Fiorelli (1877) 204.
Cassatella and Iacopi (1990) 137. Several bricks of a 2nd c. module were reused in the construction of the baths.
287
Gazetteer
Plan: In a first phase, the baths consisted of a simple succession of a cold room to the west and three heated rooms to
the east. Only the easternmost room, the caldarium, had a
rectangular alveus. In a second phase, this caldarium was
abandoned and transformed into a praefurnium, while
the frigidarium was turned into a tepidarium with a small
basin. The new caldarium was equipped with two alvei,
one semicircular in the old doorway to the west and one
rectangular.
Decoration: Some of the mosaic pavements were still visible when the baths were discovered at the end of the
19th c. A mosaic of Neptune was found in the original
caldarium, while simple geometric patterns adorned the
floors of other rooms. There is no information on the decoration of the walls.
Technology: The suspended floors were built on the standard rectangular pillars. There is no information on the
type of wall heating. The water supply is also unknown.
From the boilers, lead fistulae in the walls supplied the
alvei with water. In the second-phase caldarium, the rectangular alveus was equipped with a testudo. The water was
drained through terracotta pipes, joining a pre-existing
sewer to the north of the baths.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 250 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°53’21.61”N, 12°29’4.02”E
C24
Rome (Reg. I), Baths of Elagabalus (After Giorgi (2013) 81,
fig. 10)
Excavation history: At the foot of the northern side of the
Palatine, just south of the Temple of Venus and Rome and
along the Via Sacra, a late antique bathhouse was discovered during excavations in the 1870s (map 5). Since these
early digs, several small-scale excavations and architectural
studies have been carried out, for example by the Escuela
Española en Roma de Arqueología e Historia (1982–1992)
and the Soprintendenza in collaboration with La Sapienza
University of Rome (2000s). The entire complex was called
the terme di Elagabalo, although the baths constituted only
a small part of the structure.104
Bibliography: Mar (2005); Saguì (2009); Saguì (2013); Giorgi
(2013); Saguì and Cante (2015).
Construction: (A) The street onto which part of the baths
protruded was dated by stratigraphic excavations to the
early 5th c.105
Continued use and activity: (A) The baths went out of use
in the late 6th or early 7th c., when the praefurnia were
filled in with debris.106
Plan: The baths were part of a late antique building that
was built within the shell of a horreum from the Severan
period. The building had a representational function, with
fountains and a stibadium (a semicircular platform used as
a couch for dinner parties). Rather than a domus, the building was probably an assembly hall for a corporation or
association.107 The baths occupied the north-west corner
of the building, and probably had a separate street entrance from the Via Sacra.108 The rooms succeeded each
other in a simple linear north-south configuration. To the
north, a frigidarium had two small pools, one square and
one semicircular. By a doorway to the south, it gave access
to a first heated room, which was divided by a partition
wall in two parts, both without pools. To the south, a small
caldarium had an apsidal and rectangular alveus (fig. 70).
The service corridor surrounded the heated parts and was
partially built over the earlier stibadium.
Decoration: The floors of the bath rooms and inside of the
pools, were embellished with marble slabs.
Technology: The suspended floor rested on square pillars
made of bessales. Three furnaces heated the caldarium,
with two of these directly heating an alveus. The bipartite
tepidarium was heated by two furnaces, one for each part.
The walls were heated by rectangular tubuli. The bath made
use of the Hadrianic sewer running underneath the building to discard the waste waters. In the rectangular pool of
the caldarium, a lead fistula at the bottom gave directly into
this sewer. No traces of supply channels have been found.
It is likely that the baths were supplied by the Aqua Claudia
that fed the Palatine.109 A large amount of tubi fittili, used
104
105
106
107
108
109
C24. Rome (Reg. I), Baths of Elagabalus
Saguì (2009) 235.
Mar (2005) 290.
Giorgi (2013) 56.
Mar (2005) 292; Saguì (2013) 149–50.
Giorgi (2013) 61.
Saguì and Cante (2015) 53–54.
288
Gazetteer
figure 70 Baths of Elagabalus in Rome (Italy), small east alveus of the caldarium seen from the west
photo: author, April 2014
for constructing the vaults, was found in the destruction
layers of the baths.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 250 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°53’25.52”N, 12°29’20.86”E
C25. Rome (Reg. I), Baths in the Via Ariosto
Excavation history: During the construction of the Via
Ariosto in the first months of 1875, the remains of a small
bathhouse were found (map 5).110
Bibliography: Lanciani (1875) 77–82; Barrano and Martines
(2006); Guspini (2007).
Construction: The stamps found on the tegulae of the hypocaust could be dated to the period of Diocletian and
Constantine.111
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The remains are only known by an undated sketch of
Lanciani, making it difficult to reconstruct the plan.112 The
110
111
112
There has been some confusion about the name of these baths
in earlier research, as the remains were known as the ‘bagni
Via Merulana’, ‘bagni presso Piazza Dante’ or ‘bagni presso la
Via Galileo’ before the modern Via Ariosto was laid out, see
Häuber (2014) 655–60.
Lanciani (1875) 81.
Plan reproduced in Häuber (1990) 88, fig. 71; See now Guspini
(2007) 2, fig. 2.
cold room seems to have consisted of an oval room with an
apsidal piscina on its west side and a rectangular piscina
on its east side. To the north of this frigidarium, there is a
round room of unknown function. By a narrow doorway to
the south, the bather continued into an oblong room with
a semicircular pool on its west side (and possibly also on
its east side). This could be interpreted as the tepidarium.
A doorway to the south gave access to a rectangular room,
which was possibly heated. A second heated room might
have been located to its east. From the latter, an oblique
doorway led into the third heated room, presumably the
caldarium. We can reconstruct a semicircular alveus on its
south side and perhaps a smaller rectangular alveus in a
recess on the east side. Along the south of this room lay
probably the service corridor. Recent excavations in the
Via Ariosto have revealed a domus, to which the baths may
have belonged.113
Decoration: The walls had been stripped of their revetment.
The geometric black and white mosaics and several marble
statues known as the ‘Esquiline Group’ that were found
during excavation, possibly belonged to an earlier domus.114 The statues, including fragments of three different
113
114
Barrano and Martines (2006) 3; Häuber (2014) 664.
For the ‘Esquiline group’, see Lanciani (1875) 79–80. For remarks, see Haüber (2014) 663–64.
289
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C26. Rome (Reg. I), Small Baths on the Forum Romanum
Excavation history: During the excavations on the Forum
Romanum in 1882, Rodolfo Lanciani found a small
bathhouse, along the Via Sacra, between the Temple
of Romulus and the Temple of Faustina and Antonius
(map 5). The remains were severely damaged in a subsequent search for burials. The results of these excavations
were never published.
Bibliography: Palombi (1988).
Construction: (C) The construction technique points to a
late antique construction date.117
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The plan is difficult to reconstruct from the 19th-c.
plan of the remains. It seems that there was a frigidarium
to the north. Its walls were constructed directly on the marble paving of an earlier building. A rectangular cold pool
(2.4 × 0.8 m) was located in the south-west corner. To the
south, two rooms with a suspended floor were heated by a
furnace to the east. The eastern room had a small oval pool
(max. 2 × 1.5 m), perhaps heated by a separate furnace.
Decoration: The supposed frigidarium was paved with terracotta tiles, while the piscina had a revetment of marble
slabs.
Technology: Several wells were found in the vicinity of the
bathhouse, but a chronological link between baths and
wells could not be proven.118
C25
Rome (Reg. I), Baths in Via Ariosto (After Guspini
(2007) 2, fig. 2)
Venus statues, an Asclepius, an ephebe, a head of Jupiter
and a young boy wrestling with a lion do not post-date the
Severan period.115 It is worth noticing that other architectural elements in precious stone were found, including
column fragments in giallo antico and porta santa. Among
these elements, Lanciani describes a ‘tazza circolare (diam.
2.05 m) forse ad uso di fontata’ (‘a circular bowl possibly
used as a fountain’).116 The context of the find is not specified, but if it was used in the baths, it could have served as
a labrum.
Technology: No information is available on the water management or heating systems.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 550 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°53’25.37”N, 12°30’14.92”E
115
116
Coates-Stephens (2001b) 219.
Lanciani (1875) 80; also Haüber (2014) 447, fig. 74 A-B.
C26
Rome (Reg. I), Small Baths on the Forum Romanum (After
Palombi (1988) 82, fig. 2)
117
118
Palombi (1988) 85.
Palombi (1988) 83, n. 33.
290
Gazetteer
Construction technique: Unknown
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (min. 100 m2; not exceeding
500 m2)
GPS coordinates: 41°53’31.09”N, 12°29’12.51”E
Rome (Reg. I), Baths near Porta San Lorenzo
Excavation history: During the construction of a new sewer
in 1874, the remains of a bathhouse were discovered near
the Porta San Lorenzo (map 5, nr. 16).
Bibliography: Albertoni (1992).
Construction: The construction technique of the walls in
fragments of reused brick and unequally cut tuff points to
a late antique construction date.119
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: A room of 7.6 × 7.8 m had a mosaic floor supported by
a hypocaust system. A small pool with three steps supports
the interpretation as a bathhouse. However, on the basis of
the available information, it cannot be confirmed if these
baths had a private or public character.
Decoration: The large room had a black and white mosaic
featuring marine creatures and two Nereids. The pool was
paved with white marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust system is not described in the
excavation report.
C27. San Giusto (Reg. II), Church Baths
Excavation history: Rescue excavations in the late 1990s
near Borgo San Giusto (near Foggia, Apulia) revealed a
small rural settlement and a late antique ecclesiastical
complex, including a three-aisled church with adjacent
baptistery, a smaller funerary church and a small bathhouse. Two other churches, dating from the same period,
were found in a 5 km radius, which could point to an increase in population or an intense ‘Christianisation’ of the
countryside.120
Bibliography: Volpe et al. (2007); Volpe et al. (2013).
Construction: (A) The ceramics that were found during the
excavations, point to a 5th c. date for the entire complex,
with restoration phases in the middle of the 6th c.
Continued use and abandonment: At the end of the 7th c.,
the site was reused for poorly built houses. The churches
and baptistery were used as a burial ground.
Plan: The articulation of the bathhouse to the churches and
the baptistery reveal that they were added at a later date.
The orientation of the baths differs slightly from the other
structures. One entered the baths by a door in the southeast, giving access to a rectangular room with a bench
against its south wall and a round basin in its western wall
119
120
Albertoni (1992) 342.
Volpe et al. (2007) 220.
C27
San Giusto (Reg. II), Church Baths (After Volpe et al.
(2007) 225, fig. 3)
(diam.: 1.4 m; 0.5 m deep). The latter has been interpreted
as a pediluvium.121 Additionally, it might have enabled the
bathers to perform simple ablutions, such as pouring water
on the head or limbs. By a doorway in the north wall, one
entered the heated rooms. It is unclear whether the division of the hypocaust in three different parts matched a division into three different rooms or whether there was only
one heated room. In the most eastern part of the heated
section, a rectangular pool (1.88 × 1.3 m; 1 m deep) might
be reconstructed. To the west of the heated room, an apsidal alveus might have existed.122 During the 6th c., several
changes were made to the original design. The western part
of the heated room was transformed into a praefurnium
and the round basin in the cold room was abandoned to
make way for a reservoir. This reservoir could be heated,
generating warm water for a labrum and steam that was led
directly into the heated room.
Decoration: The decoration of the baths was rather modest.
The floors were paved with terracotta tiles, while the walls
were covered with slabs of limestone.
Technology: The suspended floor of the heated room rested
on square pillars made of terracotta tiles and the northern
wall was heated by tubuli. The furnace for this first phase
was not discovered, but it probably lay at the western end
of the bathhouse. There is no information on the water
supply. The water for the pools was probably transported
121
122
Volpe et al. (2007) 226.
Volpe et al. (2007) 227.
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Gazetteer
in buckets. No wells or reservoirs were found in the immediate vicinity of the baths. However, the baths undoubtedly made use of the same hydraulic system as the adjacent
baptistery.123 The waste water of the round basin was discarded by a sewage channel running east underneath the
cold room. The water from the west pool of the heated
room was drained by an outlet in the west wall, piercing
the western outer wall of the baths.
Construction technique: More or less horizontal layers of
field stones and reused bricks bonded by a sandy mortar.
Bathhouse surface: ca. 70 m2
GPS coordinates: 41°26’3.98”N, 15°25’23.13”E
C28. Turris Libisonis (Porto Torres, Sardinia), ‘Terme
Pallottino’
Excavation history: During an excavation campaign near
modern Porto Torres in 1941–1942, archaeologist Massimo
Pallottino found the remains of a modest bathhouse. In
2009, a new excavation campaign by the Sardinian universities of Sassari and Cagliari enlarged the site and focussed
on the surroundings of the bathhouse.
Bibliography: Carboni et al. (2012).
Construction: (C) On the basis of construction technique
(opus vittatum) of the walls and the style of the mosaics,
the bath was dated to the late 3rd / early 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The baths fell out of
use during the 5th c., when a fire destroyed most of the
building. In a later phase, a small pottery kiln may have
been built in the vicinity.
Plan: The entire extent of the bathhouse is unknown, as
part of a modern road destroyed the north-west side of the
building. The northernmost room was partially cut by this
road, but its hypocaust system and rectangular piscina (5 ×
4.9 m) could still be seen. The threshold to the next room
was made with spoliated slabs of marble. This second room
(9.5 × 5.2 m) also had a hypocaust. It ended in a semicircular apse on its eastern side. The third room, also heated
by hypocaust, was similar in size and shape to the second
room, but was also preserved on its western end, revealing
a semicircular apse. To the south of this room, there may
have been a fourth heated room or a praefurnium, but the
modern delimitation of the archaeological site impedes
further investigation. A small basin south-east of the third
room may have been a pool of an unidentified room to the
south.124 To the east of this basin, a water reservoir (5.7 ×
4.2 m) was found. In a newly opened trench in which the
excavators hoped to find structures surrounding the baths,
a room on hypocaust, fragments of tegulae mammatae and
the possible remains of a water channel were found. The
extent of (the heated section of) the baths may have been
quite impressive.
Decoration: The rectangular piscina and the second heated
room had a mosaic floor with geometric patterns.
Technology: The service corridors of these baths have not
been located and neither the furnaces that heated the warm
section. The hypocaust pillars were made with square tiles
and the walls were heated—or rather insulated—by tegulae mammatae. The cavities inside the walls of the third
room ‘per l’allogiamento dei tubuli’125 may rather have been
recesses that lodged the chimney flues. The water management is poorly understood, with the exception of the possible reservoir mentioned above. No sewers or water supply
channels were discovered. The tegulae mammatae found
in the newly opened trench may have belonged to an older
phase or older bathhouse in the vicinity.
Construction technique: Opus listatum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 450 m2)
GPS coordinates: 40°50’15.65”N, 8°23’47.56”E
C29. Turris Libisonis (Porto Torres, Sardinia), Central
Baths
C28
Turris Libisonis (Porto Torres, Sardinia), ‘Terme Pallottino’
(After Carboni et al. (2012) 2632, fig. 3)
Excavation history: The bath was probably excavated between 1925 and 1939, although the first articles discussing
its architecture and mosaics only appeared in the 1960s.
The building was also described in a general study of Turris
by the University of Sassari.
Bibliography: Maetzke (1962); Maetzke (1964); Boninu et al.
(1984) 13–18.
123
Volpe et al. (2007) 223, 227.
124
125
Carboni et al. (2012) 2633.
Carboni et al. (2012) 2632.
292
Gazetteer
C29
alveus. The praefurnium was located east and south of the
caldarium. The cryptoporticus south of the bathing block
may have pertained to an older (2nd c.) bathhouse that
was identified in the small-scale excavations underneath
the piscinae.128
Decoration: All of the rooms of this bathhouse, excluding
the service rooms, had mosaic floors. The patterns included simple geometric or floral patterns. On the crumbled
fragments of the vaults once covering the piscinae and
the caldarium, evidence of wall mosaics made out of glass
paste was found. The walls of the piscinae and alvei may
have been clad with marble slabs.
Technology: The only remains of a hypocaust were recognized in the caldarium. The pillars were made of limestone monoliths, while the walls were heated by tegulae
hamatae. Two furnaces can be identified, one underneath
the southern rectangular alveus and one underneath the
apsidal alveus. The piscinae and alvei seem to have been
supplied by reservoirs adjacent to these pools, but it is unknown how these were fed. The drainage channels coming
from the alvei seem to head east, where they probably connected to the street’s sewer network.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 1,600 m2
GPS coordinates: 40°50’15.65”N, 8°23’47.56”E
Turris Libisonis (Porto Torres, Sardinia), Central Baths (After
Boninu et al. (1984) tav. XIV)
C30. Valentia (Reg. II, Valesio), Mansio Baths
Construction: (B) A small stratigraphic excavation underneath the piscinae of the frigidarium yielded a terminus
post quem of the late 3rd or early 4th c. The mosaics point
to a similar period.126
Continued use and abandonment: Several building phases
were identified, although none could be dated. The shops
to the west of the bath, following the same orientation,
date from the 5th c.127
Plan: The entrance to the baths, located along an eastwest oriented street, was preceded by a portico of brickbuilt columns, also found in some baths in Cyrenaica
(see below, esp. C73). From this portico, one entered the
frigidarium which had a cruciform plan. In the east and
west arms of the cross there was a rectangular piscinae, accessible by three steps. Reservoirs on the north-west and
north-east corner of the frigidarium gave the room the
outward appearance of a rectangle. The heated rooms lay
to the south of the frigidarium, oriented on an east-west
axis. The middle room may have been a tepidarium, while
the westernmost apsidal room may have been a solarium.
The easternmost room was the caldarium, which also had
a cruciform plan. The northern and southern arms lodged
rectangular alvei, while the eastern arm ended in an apsidal
126
127
Boninu et al. (1984) 13–17.
Boninu et al. (1984) 18.
Excavation history: The site of Valentia (Valesio, Apulia) is
located some 16 km south of Brindisi, in the Salento region of Apulia. In Late Antiquity, the site is called mutatio
Valentia on the Itinerarium Burdigalense, revealing that the
settlement had become a relay station on the Via Traiana.129
In the 1960s, a suspensura was discovered during smallscale excavations of the Soprintendenza archeologica di
Taranto. The site was further excavated by a Dutch team in
the late 1980s.
Bibliography: Boersma and Yntema (1987); Boersma (1995).
Construction: (A) Test pits underneath the floors of the
bathhouse discovered late 3rd c. ceramics.130
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The building was
abandoned at the beginning of the 5th c., when layers of
debris with 5th c. ceramics filled in the rooms. The site
was only reused in the 13th c., when a fortified farm was
built over the baths.131 The baths of Valentia must have
been a welcome facility for travellers between Brundisium
(Brindisi) and Lupiae (Lecce). It might have offered rooms
to spend the night, stables and an eatery. These facilities
128
129
130
131
Boninu et al. (1984) 17.
Itinerarium Burdigalense, PL 8, col. 794.
Boersma (1995) 26.
Boersma (1995) 40–41.
293
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C30
Valentia (Valesio, Reg. II), mansio baths (After Boersma
(1995) 95, fig. 125)
could have been located in the northern part of the building and on an upper storey.132
Plan: The bathhouse covered an area of about 620 m2
and was probably located along a road running east of
the building. The walls were built in opus caementicium,
using local calcarenite stones for the facing of the walls.
The parts of the baths that came into contact with the
fire and hot gasses from the furnace were made of brick.
One entered the complex by a portico in the north-eastern
corner. The two large rooms on the north side were not
excavated, but could have been stables or rooms belonging to an inn. They were not directly connected with the
rooms of the baths. From the portico, the bathers could
enter a square room (4.05 × 3.65 m) with an opus signinum
floor that probably served as an apodyterium, or could
reach the frigidarium by passing along an oblong corridor.
The frigidarium (5.85 × 8.05 m) probably served multiple
functions, but did not have pools or fountains. A piscina
(ca. 2 × 2.5 m; 0.8 m deep) was situated in a room east of
frigidarium. By a doorway to the south, one could continue
the bathing itinerary in the three east-west oriented heated
rooms. The first of these (3.9 × 4.5 m) was indirectly heated, meaning it was most likely a tepidarium.133 The following room (3.8 × 4.5 m) to the west had its own furnace in
the southern side. The elevated temperature in this room
132
133
There is evidence for the upper storeys of baths being used for
houses, cf. the central baths in Herculaneum or the Baths of
the Seven Sages in Ostia. See also Seneca’s complaints in Ep.
56, 1–2.
Boersma (1995) 80–82.
would have made it a sudatorium.134 The last room (6.5 ×
5.7 m) had a furnace to the west, heating both the hypocaust and the rectangular alveus (2.1 × 2.8 m) in the west
side. A second rectangular alveus (2.2 × 1.8 m) was lodged
in a recess in the north wall. Next to it, a small niche, reaching down to the floor level, contained a water basin that
could have served for quick ablutions.135 Directly to the
north and west of the caldarium, several service rooms
were floors of beaten earth were found. A latrine (3.1 ×
2.1 m) with 4 seats was built in the angle formed by the
piscina and the tepidarium. It was not connected to one of
the bath rooms, but had a separate entrance. The frigidarium, the piscina room and the heated rooms were covered
by barrel vaults made out of rubble concrete. The collapsed
parts were found inside the rooms, on top of the layers of
debris. The other rooms were probably covered by flat or
pitched roofs, as many roof tiles were found during the
excavation. The praefurnia might even have been covered
with tubi fittili.
Decoration: The most remarkable element in the decorative scheme of the baths was the mosaic floor of the frigidarium, made out of pebbles and opus signinum. In the
centre of a white field, there was an emblema of a kantharos directed to the north. As in the apodyterium, there
were traces of mortar and plaster against the walls of the
frigidarium. The room with the piscina had a plain white
mosaic floor and marble veneer against the walls. The
piscina itself was embellished with white marble slabs.
The floors of the heated rooms were covered with mosaics, but the design has not survived. The lower parts of
the walls were possibly finished with a marble veneer;
the upper parts were coated in mortar and finished with
plaster. No traces of paintings survive, although the base
layer of plaster on the walls certainly made it possible.136
Several types of decorative stone, such as breccia, granite
and marble, were found during the excavations, as well as
fragments of window pane. The exterior of the bathhouse
was also coated with plaster. Traces of red paint have been
found on the lower parts.
Technology: The suspensurae of the heated rooms rested on
square pillars made of terracotta tiles. As the tepidarium
did not have its own furnace, its hypocaust was connected
to that of the sudatorium by two bays. A chimney in the
east wall of the tepidarium ensured the draught of the hot
air. In the sudatorium and the caldarium, one of the pillars was replaced by a single stone monolith and in the
latter a repair was made by using a tubulus filled with mortar. The walls of both rooms were heated by tubuli, which
were rectangular in section. The water was obtained from
134
135
136
Boersma (1995) 89.
Boersma and Yntema (1987) 119, fig. 47.
Boersma (1995) 158.
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Gazetteer
a well located in the service court north of the caldarium.
It fed the boiler mounted on the caldarium’s furnace and
probably also the piscina. The combined capacity of all the
pools reached 7,470 litres (7.47 m3). No traces of reservoirs
or cisterns were found. The distribution to the pools is unclear, as no pipes were observed. The water disposal of the
alvei is unknown, as no sewage channels have been found.
An outlet at the bottom of the pools possibly gave directly
onto the bath rooms’ floor, as the floors of the caldarium
and sudatorium seem to have sloped gently towards the
tepidarium. The piscina was emptied by a drain giving directly into the adjacent latrine. It is interesting to note how
the hypocaust and the pools were built after the shell of the
building. This may have been the work of specialized teams
that were hired to install the bath-specific elements.137
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 620 m2
GPS coordinates: 40°30’30.64”N, 18° 1’58.37”E
C31. Volaterrae (Reg. VII, Volterra), Vallebuona Baths
Excavation history: In the porticus behind the theatre of
Volaterrae (Volterra), a bathhouse was excavated in the
1960s and 1970s (fig. 71). The results and finds of this research were never published.
Bibliography: Corvo (2000).
Construction: (C) The structure has been dated to the late
3rd / early 4th c. on the basis of the plan and mosaics.
Continued use and abandonment: (C) One of the furnaces
fell out of use at the end of the 4th c., but it is not known
whether the entire bathhouse was abandoned at the same
time.
Plan: The building seems to have been erected in a single
phase, covering an area of around 1,000 m2. The linear plan
was the obvious choice in the limited building plot within
the porticus. However, the orientation of the heated rooms
to the north seems odd. This is partially because of the local
topography of Volterra, with the afternoon sun only hitting
this part of the terrain.138 Furthermore, aspects of water
management (water supply and waste water disposal) that
cannot be reconstructed may have necessitated this abnormal orientation. The location of the main entrance, probably to the south, directly opposite the theatre, probably
played an important role.139
The bathing itinerary followed the standard pattern,
starting in a large multipurpose hall with a large apse of
unknown function (districtarium or unctorium?) and an
adjacent latrine. The frigidarium was almost square in plan
(9 × 9.2 m) and had lateral piscinae. Both had an apsidal
137
138
139
Boersma (1995) 153 without giving further evidence.
Corvo (2000) 106.
Corvo (2000) 102.
C31
Volaterrae (Volterra, Reg. VII), Vallebuona Baths (After
Corvo (2000) 64, fig. 3.2)
shape, the western pool (4.1 × 3.9 m) being slightly larger
than the eastern one (2.8 × 3.5 m). By two doorways to the
north, the bathers passed an oblong room (2.5 × 10.2 m)
with apsidal endings that only could have functioned as a
heat lock between the warm and the cold rooms. The first
heated room was almost square in plan (6.1 × 6.3 m) and
had no pools. It was heated by a furnace to the west. The
second heated room must be identified as the caldarium,
as it had three heated pools, the western one being added
at a later date. Each alveus was heated by its own furnace.
To the south-east of the caldarium, a third heated room
stood at the end of the bathing route. It was circular in
shape and did not seem to have had any pools. This was
probably the sudatorium.
Decoration: The entrance hall had a polychrome mosaic
floor with geometric patterns. The walls of the frigidarium were covered with marble slabs, as was the interior
of the piscinae. The bottom of the western pool was covered with a simple mosaic (a black raster on a plain white
background). In the pools, large quantities of glass tesserae
in different colours were found, pointing to wall mosaics
adorning the intrados of the vaults. The oblong transitional
295
Gazetteer
figure 71 Theatre of Volaterrae (Italy) with the late antique Vallebuona Baths in the peristyle square
in Munzi and Terrenato (2000) 21, fig. 21; with permission
room had a mosaic with geometric patterns, including the
‘knot of Solomon’. Little remains of the decoration in the
heated rooms. The two apsidal alvei still retained their interior decoration with marble slabs. Several fragments of
marble crustae were found in the round room.
Technology: The rooms were heated by a standard hypocaust system with pillars made out of square bricks. Only
in the round room were tubuli found in situ. In the first
heated room, there is no evidence of wall heating. Each
heated room had its own furnace, with the caldarium
having three, one underneath each alveus. These pools may
have been heated by testudines.140 The water supply of the
baths was not discovered and neither were there any traces
of water supply channels within the walls. Several drains
were found in different rooms, but the sewage channels
could not be explored. The only certain channel connects
140
Corvo (2000) 95.
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Gazetteer
the drain of the western piscina with the sewer running
along the porticus. The alvei were probably emptied by an
outlet above the furnace.141 The sewer beneath the latrine
ran northward due to the slope of the terrain, and was not
flushed by waste water from the pools.
Construction technique: Opus listatum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 1,000 m2
GPS coordinates: 43°24’13.58”N, 10°51’35.39”E
C32. Volaterrae (Reg. VII, Volterra), Guarnacciane
Baths (Baths of San Felice)
Excavation history: Besides the baths at the Vallebuona site,
a second bathhouse was found in Volterra. The site was first
excavated in 1758 and later in the 1870s and 1880s, but the
results were not published.
Bibliography: Not available.
Construction: (C) On the basis of the plan and the mosaics,
it has been dated to the end of the 3rd or the beginning of
the 4th c.142
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The plan is known through a drawing of 1884, showing
a large hall with a possible pool in its centre, a frigidarium with two apsidal pools and what seems to be a circular bathing route with several round and apsidal rooms.143
A small rectangular alveus can also be discerned.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: At least three of the rooms were heated by a
hypocaust and by tubuli.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum?
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: 43°24’7.98”N, 10°51’19.40”E
Possible Late Antique Baths
Ariminum (Reg. VIII, Rimini), Palazzo Gioia
The harbour town of Ariminum (Rimini, Emilia-Romagna)
was an important trade centre since the Republican period.
It was directly connected with Rome from 220 BC onwards
by the Via Flaminia. In Late Antiquity, the city remained an
important strategic centre, controlling the bottleneck between the Apennines and Adriatic coast close to the capital
Ravenna.144 During excavations in the old palazzo Gioia near
the modern piazza Cavour, the remains of sumptuous mosaics with marine themes and an apsidal pool were found. On
the basis of the mosaics, the structures were dated to the
Constantinian era.145
The large mosaic of the cold room had a scene of a marine thiasos and a scene of two winged Victories flanking an
emblema of a gorgon’s head. The mosaic that surrounded the
apsidal piscina consisted of intricate polychrome geometric
figures. No traces of a hypocaust system have been found.
Further to the south, a structure with several small apses may
have been part of the caldarium.146 The interpretation as a
bathhouse is based on the theme of the mosaics and the presence of a pool.147
Brixia (Reg. X), Baths in Via Gasparro da Salò
In the southern suburbs of Brixia (Brescia), remains of a large
structure were found. A mosaic inscription and a lead fistula
date the construction to the 5th c.148 The structure has been
interpreted as a bathhouse, but the exact dimensions and the
C32
Volaterrae (Volterra, Reg. VII), Guarnacciane Baths (Baths of
San Felice) (After Corvo (2000) 64, fig. 3.2; plan without scale)
142
143
144
145
146
147
141
Corvo (2000) 101.
148
Corvo (2000) 107.
Published in Munzi (2000) 194, fig. 7.2.
Negrelli (2008) 7, 46–47.
Zuffa (1962) 123.
Zuffa (1962) 125.
The structures have also been interpreted as the remains of a
rich villa with fountains, see Maioli (1987) 216–21.
Mirabella Roberti (1963) 271; Rossi (1990) 153.
297
Gazetteer
layout of the rooms are unknown. A polychrome geometric
mosaic with the text was found in one of the cold rooms.
In the vicinity, a branch of the city’s aqueduct was found.149
No other information is available.150
Mediolanum (Reg. IX, Milan), Building in Via Brisa
A building with a central round room and several apsidal
halls was found in Milan along the Via Brisa. The construction type of the walls with reused bricks and thick layers of
mortar points to a 4th c. date.151 The round room (diam.: 20.7
m) had a circular colonnade encompassing a basin or possibly
a cold pool.152 Several of the rooms surrounding the central
round room had a hypocaust system. Several marble crustae
were found during the excavation. The building has been interpreted as a bathhouse or as a part of the Palatium.153
Ravenna (Reg. VIII), the basins in Via Rasponi
During works on the sewage channel, at a depth of 4 m, two
semicircular basins in cocciopesto were found (map 35). The
type of wall construction points to a 6thc. date.154 The limited
size of the trenches made it impossible to identify the structure, but the pools suggest it was part of a bathhouse or possibly a nymphaeum.155
Ravenna (Reg. VIII), the so-called ‘Baths of the Palace of
Theoderic’
When a large residential structure was found on the Via di
Roma in 1908, it was immediately labelled as the ‘Palace of
Theoderic’. The residence of the Ostrogoth King was known
from literary sources, so when an opulent palace-like building
was found in the old city centre next to the 6th-c. basilica of
Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, the local citizens of Ravenna did not
hesitate to draw their conclusions. The archaeologists, however, connected the building to 4th-c. architecture known
from Rome.156 In fact, recent research has shown that a 4th-c.
phase incorporated an Imperial period residence.157 The
new palace was subsequently extended in the 5th and 6th c.158
A large central peristylium with an octagonal fountain was
surrounded by several rooms, including an aula regia with
an opus sectile floor and an aula triabsidata with a mosaic
of Bellerophon and the Chimaera. To the south of the peristylium, a late antique bathhouse was allegedly identified.159
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
Panazza (1959) 137–38.
Rossi (1990) 153–54 also reports late antique baths under the
duomo vecchio (3rd or 4th c., without further details) and possibly in the Via Trieste, south-west of the forum.
Mirabella Roberti (1959) 79.
Mirabella Roberti (1959) 78.
Haug (2003) 420–21.
Maioli (1988) 85.
Haug (2003) 208.
Ghirardini (1917); Ghirardini (1918).
Manzelli (2003) 69.
Maioli (1988) 81 based on the mosaics.
Maioli (1988) 84.
A recent re-examination, however, attributed the rooms
with a hypocaust to the earliest phases of the building (1st
and 2nd c. AD).160 Instead of a private bathhouse, the rooms
are now identified as heated living rooms of the Imperial
period villa.
Rome (Reg. I), The Temple of Minerva Medica
There has been much scholarly debate about the function
of the so-called ‘Temple of Minerva Medica’ (fig. 72; map 5,
nr. 15), located on the Esquiline hill between the modern
Via Giolliti and the railway tracks leading to Roma Termini
station.161 Several excavation campaigns over several decades
were unable to answer questions about the exact use.162 The
hypocaust system—found in the unpublished excavations
in the 1940s and 1950s—has been interpreted as part of a
bath room, but is more likely to be the heating system of a
triclinium.163 The structure was dated to the first 30 years
of the 4th c. on the basis of tile stamps from the reigns of
Maxentius and Constantine.164
The only identifiable remains consist of a large decagonal
hall, crowned by a dome with its apex presumably at 32 m
above the floor level. On each side of the decagon there was
an apsidal niche. The walls of the rooms showed traces of tubuli. The decoration was quite luxurious: the floors were embellished with opus sectile, the walls were covered with marble
slabs and the dome showed traces of glass wall mosaics. In
the foundation of the walls, fragments of marble statues were
reused as building material. In a later phase, some apsidal
rooms were added around the decagonal hall. The absence of
any pools or other water-related elements makes the interpretation as a bathhouse problematic.
Rome (Reg. I), Santa Croce in Gerusalemme
Small-scale rescue excavations underneath the piazza Santa
Croce in Gerusalemme in 2000 revealed part of an apsidal
room with a hypocaust and tubuli (map 4, nr. 17). The floor of
the room was covered with a layer of cocciopesto. An adjacent
service corridor with a furnace was also identified. Ceramics
and a coin that were found in a sewer, as well as a stamp on
one of the tiles, date the complex to the 4th c.165 The building
may have been part of the imperial palace (the Sessorium) of
Constantine and his mother Helena, which was located in the
Santa Croce area.166
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
Manzelli (2003) 72–73; Novara (2003) 59.
The building was called the Temple of Minerva, because a
statue of Minerva was erroneously attributed to this site in the
16th c.
Biasci (2003).
Barbera et al. (2014) 264 correcting Barbera et al. (2007) 17.
Barbera et al. (2007) 2.
Di Meo and Zaccagnini (2000) 247.
Di Meo and Zaccagnini (2000) 246.
298
Gazetteer
figure 72
Plan of the so-called ‘Temple of Minerva
Medica’ in Rome (Italy), perhaps a
bathhouse or, more likely, a heated
reception hall
after Barbera et al. (2007) 7, fig. 6b
Spoletium (Reg. VI, Spoleto), Palazzo Mauri
The consolidation works of the Palazzo Mauri in Spoleto revealed a polychrome mosaic depicting vines and animals and
partially made with glass tesserae.167 Stylistically, the mosaic
belongs to the late 6th c.168 In the centre of the pavement, a
marble drain points to a water related function of the room.
Another trench in the vicinity of the mosaic yielded a water
basin coated with cocciopesto. While no evidence for a heating
system was found due to the limited extent of the excavations,
it is possible that the mosaic and the basin were part of a bath
complex. However, the theme of the mosaic pushed some
scholars to interpret the room as a baptistery.169
Ticinum (Reg. XI), Building under San Tomasso
Ticinum (Pavia, Lombardy) is one of the Roman cities that
lived its heyday in Late Antiquity. Augustus patronized building activities in this small municipium, but it was its large
neighbour Milan that became the provincial centre. The city
was sacked by Attila the Hun in AD 452, but revived under
the Ostrogoth King Theoderic. According to the Anonymous
Valesianus, Theoderic was responsible for the erection of thermae (see chapter 2, p. 61). In AD 540, Ticinum took over the
role of Gothic capital from Ravenna. Under Lombard rule, the
capital’s name was changed to Papia. In 1895, the remains of
167
168
169
Salvatore (2004) 60.
Costamagna (2009) 21.
Costamagna (2009) 20.
a late antique ‘bathhouse’ were discovered near the Church of
San Tommaso (fig. 73), in the centre of the ancient city.170 The
type of plan, construction technique and lead water conduits
point to a late 3rd or early 4th c. date.171
Only the cold section of the supposed bath building survived. A large hall, at least 5 m in length, ended in a triapsidal
exedra. A semicircular apse (diam.: 0.8 m) was present in
the preserved wall. Running along the outside was a type of
vaulted service corridor.172 The interpretation as a bathhouse
rests mainly on the fact that a lead water conduit ending in
a cistern was discovered near the remains a year prior to the
excavations. The alleged bathhouse was also served by such
lead water conduits. In medieval times, the city’s main fountain was, not coincidentally, located beside the San Tommaso
church. A sewer also ran under the room.173
Verona (Reg. X), Piazza Vescovado
Verona was an important city in Late Antiquity. During a
small-scale excavation of the piazza Vescovado in 1992, just
north-east of the duomo, the remains of what appeared to be
a late antique bathhouse were found. The stratigraphic excavations revealed that the building was built at the end of the
4th c., on top of an ancient domus. The building was in use
170
171
172
173
Bullough (1966) 83.
Arslan and Bossi (1968) 306; Hudson (1990) 176.
Arslan and Bossi (1968) 307, fig. 2.
Bullough (1966) 83, 85.
299
Gazetteer
figure 73 Plan of the alleged Baths of San Tommaso in Ticinum
(Italy)
after Bullough (1966) 86, fig. 3
throughout the Gothic period and perhaps on into Lombard
rule.174
The limited excavation only enabled the archaeologists to
uncover part of a large room (ca. 90 m2), traversed by a water
channel. The walls were coated with hydraulic mortar. In a
late phase of use, a hearth was dug into the floor, perhaps to
heat the water for pools.175 There is no information available
on the rest of the building or on the surrounding town fabric.
Villa Baths with a Possible Public Use
Construction: (A) The small finds and the ceramics found
inside the baths and in the foundation layers, dated this
bathhouse to the early 6th c.176
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The baths probably
fell out of use in the course of the 7th c., when layers of
debris filled the basin of the courtyard.177
Plan: (fig. 75) The bathhouse was located 50 m south-east
of the pavilion and was connected to it by an L-shaped
covered ambulacrum. The fact that the bathhouse was not
attached to the main residence could favour some accessibility to the larger public.178 The ambulacrum might have
been the privilege of the dominus and his entourage, and
a side entrance could have existed.179 The ambulacrum
opened onto an enclosed courtyard with a rectangular, but
shallow pool in its centre. This pool was probably a decorative element, rather than an actual piscina or natatio.180
Two diaetae (summer dwellings) were found to the north
and to the south of the courtyard, presumably to be used
in the hot summer months. The actual bath rooms, which
extended to the north-east, could hence be interpreted as
a ‘winter bath’.181 The bather entered a square room with
a pisicina on its north and south side, labelled apodyterium by the excavators, but having the characteristics of a
frigidarium. The room, or at least the piscinae, was covered
by a vault made of tubi fittili. From the apodyterium, one
climbed some steps to arrive in an axis of three rooms, interpreted as frigidarium, tepidarium and laconicum. The
cold room had a rectangular shape with an apsidal ending,
in which a semicircular pool must have been located.182 By
a broad flight of steps, one continued north into the tepidarium. The heated section of the baths did not withstand
the ravages of time. A small heat lock connected the tepidarium to the octagonal caldarium, which had three rectangular alvei on its sides.
Decoration: The destruction layers yielded several marble
crustae and tesserae, which must have adorned floors and
walls. The basin of the courtyard was paved with slabs of
Galeata (Reg. VI), Baths of the Palace of Theoderic
Excavation history: In 1998, the University of Bologna extended the German excavations of 1942 of the so-called
‘Palace of Theoderic’ near modern Galeata (fig. 74). The
new excavations (1998–present) brought to light a bathhouse, presumably private, near the large villa uncovered
by the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (DAI).
Bibliography: Villicich (2002); Villicich (2012); Villicich
(2014).
176
177
178
174
182
175
Cavalieri Manasse and Bruno (2003) 61; Anonymous Valesianus
(6th c.) recorded the restoration of baths in Verona by the
Gothic king Theoderic (see chapter 2, p. 61).
Cavalieri Manasse and Bruno (2003) 61.
179
180
181
Villicich (2014) 242.
Villicich (2014) 249.
Similarly, the villa ‘ad duas lauros’ at Centocelle near Rome, on
the Via Labicana, had a separate large bathhouse, linked by an
ambulacrum, in addition to the private baths attached to the
complex, see Volpe (2007b). This large bath may also have a
public use.
See the reconstruction in Villicich (2014) 248, fig. 7.
Villicich (2014) 248.
Villicich (2014) 248; however, the terms ‘summer’ and ‘winter’
baths do not seem to be appropriate in this case, as ‘summer’
baths still had a heated section. The courtyard is reminiscent
of the late antique type of baths in the Middle East (see chapter 4, p. 187–188).
Villicich (2014) 249. This room may in fact have been a tepidarium, indirectly heated by the following heated rooms. The
‘apodyterium’ with its lateral piscinae would then assume the
function of frigidarium.
Gazetteer
300
figure 74
Archaeological site of the Villa of
Theodoric in Galeata (Italy)
after Villicich (2012) 10, fig. 14;
with permission
figure 75
Plan of the Baths of Theodoric in
Galeata (Italy)
after Villicich (2012) 10, fig. 15
sandstone. Several fragments of window pane were also
found.
Technology: The pillars of the hypocausts of the heated
rooms were made with square tiles. There is no mention of
tubuli or any other form of wall heating. The lead fistulae
that drained the cold pools of the ‘apodyterium’ were still
in place, giving into a sewer underneath the floor towards
the south-west.
Palazzolo (Reg. VIII), ‘Palace Baths’
Excavation history: Some 8 km north of Ravenna, the remains of a private estate were found under the Church of
Santa Maria infra balneum.
Bibliography: Bermond Montanari (1972); Maioli (1988).
Construction: (D) According to Agnellus, a small hunting
palace was built in Palazzolo in AD 493.183 The construction technique, as well as the plan, point to a 6th c. date.
183
Agnellus, Lib. Pont. Eccl. Rav. as quoted in Holder-Egger (1878)
303.
Continued use and abandonment: After the 6th c., the
building may have had a different use.184 Agnellus again
claims that the bath was destroyed in the 9th c. to salvage
building materials.
Plan: The palace was rectangular in plan with the bathhouse in its south-west corner. An octagonal room with
a hypocaust may be interpreted as a caldarium, while a
smaller room with hypocaust and wall heating could have
been the sudatorium.185
Decoration: The walls were covered with marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust made use of standard square
pillars and the walls were heated by tubuli. Water for the
presumed pools was probably supplied by the nearby river
rather than by aqueduct.186
184
185
186
Bermond Montanari (1972) 215.
Maioli (1988) 93; Maioli and Montevecchi (2003) 84 favour an
interpretation as tepidarium and caldarium respectively.
Maioli (1988) 92–93.
Gazetteer
Piazza Armerina (Sicily), Large Baths of the Villa del Casale
Excavation history: The first excavations of the villa started
in the 1930s under the supervision of Paolo Orsi. However,
it was only in the 1950s that the first results were published,
when Gino Gentilli restarted the works. The splendid
mosaics got most of the attention, while small finds and
stratigraphy were neglected. Several campaigns have been
carried out, most recently in the late 2000s focussing on the
immediate surroundings of the villa.
Bibliography: Gentili (1956); Ampolo et al. (1971); Wilson
(1983); Pensabene (2010).
Construction: (A) Test pits dug during excavations by
Andrea Carandini’s team in the 1970s confirmed the early
4th c. construction date that had been proposed on the
basis of the mosaics.187
Continued use and abandonment: (B) There are indications that the baths were still (partially) in use during the
6th c., with some minor restoration carried out. The villa
may have become the property of the Church at this point.188
The frigidarium might even have been reused for Christian
cult, judging from the high quantity of oil lamps with
Christograms found here.189
Plan: (fig. 76) The bathhouse was located in the north-west
part of the villa as an integral part of the original design.
Even if the baths were a part of this luxurious private estate
(fig. 66), they were probably open to ‘outsiders’ as well, seeing that they had a separate access connecting to the exterior of the villa.190 Whether the baths were open to all the
inhabitants of the surrounding countryside, or access was
restricted to the clientes of the dominus cannot be verified.
It connected to the central peristylium of the house and to
the monumental entrance porch of the villa (fig. 66). The
entire structure was erected in opus caementicium, while
the vaults were constructed with tubi fittili. The large oblong room with apsidal endings (length: 22 m) probably
functioned as an entrance vestibule with a variety of possible functions (dressing room, exercise court, lounge area,
etc.).191 From this room, the bathers continued north into
the octagonal frigidarium. Each of the sides of the octagon
had an apsidal niche, except for the northern and southern
side, which opened onto piscinae. The northern pool had
an elongated shape with apsidal ending, while the southern one had a trefoil shape. Through a square room to the
west, acting as a heat lock, one entered the heated rooms.
The first room also had an oblong shape with apsidal endings (length: 18 m). Two doorways gave access to a suite of
three rectangular rooms lying on the same north-south
187
188
189
190
191
Ampolo et al. (1971) 169–175, 179.
Pensabene (2010) 13.
Pensabene (2014) 12.
Wilson (1983) 20.
Wilson (1983) 20.
301
axis. The northernmost and southernmost room each had
an alveus, while the middle room may have had a heated
labrum.
Decoration: The villa is famous for its well-preserved mosaic floors and the bathhouse is no exception. The long multifunctional entrance hall was adorned with granite columns
and a mosaic depicting a scene in the Circus Maximus in
Rome.192 The rendering of the Circus supported the idea
that the villa was owned by a wealthy Roman senator or
even an emperor.193 In the mosaic of the frigidarium, a marine scene involved Cupids fishing on the back of dolphins
and other sea-creatures such as Nereids. In one of the
niches, a mosaic depicts a boy exiting the baths. The heat
lock was adorned with a mosaic of a man being anointed
with oil by a servant, while a third person carried an oil
flask and strigiles. The room has therefore been interpreted as an unctorium.194 The floors of the oblong room and
the three rectangular rooms have not been preserved. The
walls of the oblong room were plastered and painted to
look like marble. Wall decoration in the heated rooms has
not survived.
Technology: There were 5 furnaces for the heated section:
one for each of the rectangular rooms and two for the oblong room. The three furnaces of the rectangular rooms
may have supported boilers. The pillars supporting the
suspensura were made of square tiles. The praefurnia were
also covered by tubi fittili vaulting. The water for the pools
was stored in a large reservoir located some 75 m north of
the villa, which was fed by an aqueduct. A channel led the
water to the large apsidal piscina. The pipes for the distribution to the other pools and boilers have been found inside the walls, but have not been included in the published
plans.
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period
Baths during Late Antiquity
In several other towns of Italy, bathhouses built during
the High Empire were still in use during Late Antiquity.
Unfortunately, the early 20th-c. excavations paid little attention to these late antique phases. As can be deduced from
the epigraphic evidence (see chapter 2), several bathhouses
were restored during the 4th c. The list of baths mentioned
below, although not exhaustive, demonstrates how different
types of baths in different types of settlements were kept in
good use.195
192
193
194
195
Gentili (1956) 19; Pensabene (2009) 87–88.
For an overview of the emperor theories and the objections,
see Wilson (1983) 86–92.
Gentili (1956) 21.
The corpus presented here is not the result of systematic
research into every Roman bathhouse ever found in the
302
Gazetteer
figure 76
Plan of the Villa Baths in Piazza Armerina (Sicily)
after Nielsen (1993b) 104, fig. 87
Acireale (Sicily)
The baths of Acireale were probably thermal baths fed by the
sulphurous spring of San Severa. Only two large rectangular
rooms have survived, both heated by a hypocaust and with
flues in the walls.196 The entire complex may have been vast,
with a large pool found south of the heated rooms. The baths
probably had a long lifespan, starting in the Imperial Period
and possibly continuing into Late Antiquity or even Early
Medieval times. Acireale is still today popular for its thermal
baths.
Agrigentum (Sicily, Agrigento)
The remains of a Roman bathhouse, possibly private, were
discovered in 2015 in insula IV.197 Only the caldarium and a
praefurnium were identified so far, but the excavations are
ongoing. In a city that is famous for its Hellenistic buildings,
these are the first baths to be found. A preliminary study of
the ceramics dates the abandonment of the building in the
5th c.
196
197
Italian Peninsula. The list was compiled on the basis of earlier studies—esp. Nielsen (1993b); Anonymous (1990); Haug
(2003) 204–15; Volpe et al. (2007), Cerca (2008)—and information gathered during the research into late antique baths. In
the following overview, only the primary excavation reports or
descriptions have been consulted. For exhaustive bibliographical information, see the authors mentioned above.
Cosentini (1966) 9–12.
The first results of this excavation were unavailable at the time
of writing. The find was reported in several local newspapers.
Albintimilium (Reg. IX, Ventimiglia)
The city of Albintilium fell under Roman control in the period between 180 and 90 BC and survives today as the modern
Ventimiglia. During the Lombard-Byzantine period, occupation shifted to the upper parts of the city. A High Imperial
bathhouse remained in use until possibly the 5th c., when
burials took place within its walls.198 Around the same time,
the theatre was reused for housing.
Augusta Praetoria (Reg. XI, Aosta)
The baths under the Scuola Normale in Aosta were probably
built at the end of the 1st c. AD. During the late 3rd or early
4th c., a heated apsidal room was added to the original plan.199
Restorations to the heated rooms were carried out, with a final
phase with reused materials possibly commissioned after the
baths had fallen out of use.200 A possible bathhouse southwest of the forum (insula 34) may still have been in use in the
4th c.201
Caesena (Reg. VIII, Cesena)
The bathhouse in the Via Tiberti in modern Cesena was built
during the 3rd c. on top of a smaller bathhouse.202 An inscription dating from the reign of Probus or Carus recalls the restoration of the balneum Aurelianum.203 The baths may still have
been in use in the 4th and even during the 5th c., when the
198
199
200
201
202
203
Pallarès (1998) 29.
Mollo Mezzena (1992) 274 and 293, fig. 6.
Haug (2003) 372.
Mollo Mezena (1992) 274.
Maioli (1998) 76.
Maioli (2000) 498.
Gazetteer
building was embellished with new mosaic floors. The definite abandonment of the building occurred before the 6th c.,
when an entirely new structure was erected on its location.204
The mosaics of the 5th-c. phase included geometric shapes
and ‘knots of Solomon.’
Canusium (Reg. II, Canosa)
In Canusium (Canosa di Puglia), two High Imperial bathhouses have been found. The so-called ‘terme Ferrara’ probably date to the Severan period, although restorations in opus
listatum point to a late phase of use, perhaps stretching to the
5th and 6th c. A small semicircular pool, constructed against
the northern wall of the supposed frigidarium, may have belonged to this last phase.205
A second bathhouse, called the ‘terme Lomuscio’, also dates
to the 2nd c. AD. The baths were altered several times and
seem to have been in use in the 4th c., when a new heated
room, constructed in opus listatum and with its own praefurnium, was added.206 It is not surprising that public facilities
such as baths were kept in good use until at least the 4th c.,
as Canusium was still an important trade centre on the Via
Traiana during Late Antiquity. The epigraphic output during the 4th and even 5th c. is evidence of a continued urban
dynamism.207
Carsulae (Reg. VI, San Gemini)
The baths of Carsulae (near San Gemini) have come under
renewed investigation between 2006 and 2013. The building
was constructed in the Late Republican or Early Imperial period, but only fell out of use in the middle of the 4th c. The
abandonment of the baths, for unknown reasons, was dated
by ceramics and coins found in the destruction layers. An
apsidal alveus in one of the heated rooms belongs to a later
phase of the baths.208 Several furnaces were also blocked during the lifespan of the baths, reversing the bathing itinerary
and transforming heated rooms into cold rooms.209
Catania (Sicily)
Two public baths have been found in Catania, both dating
from the High Empire. The ‘Terme dell’Indirizzo’ probably date
from the late 2nd or 3rd c., but the lack of stratigraphic excavation data impedes further analysis of its lifespan.210 North
of the theatre, the so-called ‘Terme della Rotonda’ probably
date from the 1st or 2nd c. Test pits and restorations after the
204
205
206
207
208
209
210
Maioli (1998) 76–79.
Cassano and Bianchini (1992) 730–33.
Bertocchi and Bianchini (1992) 736.
Grelle (1992) 821–22.
Whitehead (2010) 7.
The latest results of the excavations (2011–2013) had not been
published at the time of writing, although a summary was
available on the Fasti website (AIAC-1027).
Branciforti (2013).
303
damage caused by Second World War bombing revealed that
the bath was transformed into a church during the 6th c.211
Comum (Reg. XI, Como)
In Comum (Como), the bathhouse in viale Lecco was probably built in the second half of the 3rd c.212 It is likely that the
baths were still in use in the (early) 4th c. An octagonal room
with rectangular niches on its sides was connected by an oblong room with opposing semicircular niches to a hexagonal
room with at least one semicircular pool.
Cures Sabini (Reg. IV, Passo Corese)
The bathhouse at Cures Sabini (Passo Corese) was constructed in the Imperial period.213 An inscription (EI-29) mentioning the construction or repair of the baptisterium and another
room found reused in a modern mansion in the vicinity
may refer to this building.214 A recent re-examination of the
site, however, has not revealed any datable late antique phases
yet, but a possible lime kiln was built after the baths fell out
of use.215
Curinga (Reg. III)
During the 1960s, a bathhouse near the modern town of
Curinga was partially destroyed by the construction of a new
road (fig. 77). Fortunately, an architectural study of the remains
was undertaken before the partial demolition. The building
was again excavated in the 2000s by the Soprintendenza, but
no excavation report was published.216 The construction date
of the baths is uncertain. On the basis of the technique of the
walls (opus testaceum and opus listatum) and on the basis of
the use of tubi fittili for the vaults, the baths have been cautiously dated to the turn of the 3rd and 4th c.217 A coin from
the reign of Diocletian might provide a terminus post quem,
but the archaeological context in which it was found is not
clear. A re-examination of the walls in the 2005–2006 campaign placed the original construction in the 1st c. AD.218 The
stratigraphy of the excavations in 2005–2006 makes clear
that the baths had two separate restoration phases in the
4th c. These did not alter the layout of the baths, but only reinforced certain walls and possibly introduced tubi in the vault
construction. The complex fell out of use at the end of the
4th c. (debris and ceramics in the supply channels), and was
211
212
213
214
215
216
217
218
Branciforti and Guastella (2008).
De Angelis d’Ossat (1990) 163.
Cavalieri and Lenzi (2015) 243.
Fiorelli (1878) 29.
Cavalieri and Lenzi (2015) 242–43.
The unpublished excavation report (Anonymous (2013)),
plans and photographs are available on the website of the
Beni Culturali di Calabria (http://www.beniculturalicalabria.
it/bandi.php?id=38&action=VIEW).
Arslan (1966) 47.
Anonymous (2013) 5.
Gazetteer
304
figure 77
Plan of the Baths of Curinga (Italy)
after Arslan (1966) fig. 3
subsequently spoliated during the 5th c.219 All marble slabs
seem to have been removed. During the 5th to 7th c., however,
some renewed activity in the frigidarium, including the construction of two small basins, point to a renewed use of the
building.220
Forum Traiani (Sardinia, Fordongianus)
The bathhouse in Forum Traiani was actually a thermal bath
near the Aquae Hypsitanae, probably constructed in the late
1st or early 2nd c. AD 221 In the late 3rd or early 4th c., the thermal baths were restored, adding a small semicircular pool,
and enlarged with a ‘normal’ bathing wing making use of ‘normal’ water, at least for the cold pools.222 The most characteristic elements of these new rooms, in contrast with the older
complex, is the use of opus listatum, a small semicircular pool
in addition to a larger rectangular pool in the frigidarium and
the use of opus sectile. The baths may have been abandoned at
a late date, in the 6th or 7th c.223
219
220
221
222
223
Anonymous (2013) 18–20.
Anonymous (2013) 21.
IL Sard. 194; Serra and Bacco (1998) 1216–28.
Serra and Bacco (1998) 1226, 1229–38 (dating on the basis of
wall construction and stratigraphy).
Serra and Bacco (1998) 1233.
Grumentum (Reg. III, Grumento Nova)
The baths of Grumentum (Grumento Nova) were located
along a broad road. A room with cylindrical hypocaust pillars
and tubuli should probably be interpreted as the caldarium.224
The analysis of the materials found during the excavation and
of the wall paintings point to a Republican or Augustan construction date. The building was still in use in the late 4th c.225
Herdonia (Reg. II, Ordona)
The ancient site of Herdonia (Ordona) was located along the
Via Traiana. By the 1st c. AD, Herdonia was equipped with a
forum, amphitheatre and balneum.226 The construction of the
Via Traiana in the first half of the 2nd c. meant an important
boost for the city’s development. Its centre was embellished
with a new forum, macellum and temple.227 In the second
half of the 2nd c., a modest bathhouse (ca. 1,500 to 2,000 m2)
with palaestra was built along the main traffic artery (fig. 78).
Around the middle of the 4th c., the baths were restored along
with the Via Traiana, possibly after an earthquake.228 The interventions included the blocking off of doors, repairs to the
mosaic floors with larger tesserae, and restoration of some
224
225
226
227
228
Nava (2001) 977.
Nava (2001) 977; Nava (2002) 763, without further evidence.
CIL 12.3188.
Volpe (2000b) 512.
Flavia et al. (2000) 131–43.
Gazetteer
305
figure 78
Plan of the baths of Herdonia (Italy)
in Rocco and Turchiano (2000)
203, fig. 227; with permission
hypocaust pillars with square and circular tiles. The reduction of the size of the tepidarium probably aimed to reduce
the heat loss from the heated to the cold section.229 A new
praefurnium was also created to heat both tepidarium and
caldarium. The rectangular apse on the east side of the presumed caldarium, opposite the semicircular alveus, may have
been an additional alveus. During the first half of the 5th c.,
some small rooms of unknown function were added west of
the heated section. The baths fell out of use in the second half
of the 5th c., when layers of alluvium covered the floors and
the wall paintings crumbled on top of this. The building was
then reused for other purposes, possibly housing.230
Iulium Carnicum (Reg. X, Zuglio)
The Alpine town of Iulium Carnicum (Zuglio) had a bathhouse near the forum, dating from the Imperial period, which
was possibly still in use in the late 4th c.231 The Imperial period
bath was thoroughly reorganised in the 2nd c., but no traces of
this late antique reorganisation can be discerned. The baths
were probably abandoned after a fire.232
Mesange (Reg. II)
In Mesange, a small town some 13 km south-west of
Brindisi, a bathhouse was excavated in 1986–1987 (Malvindi
229
230
231
232
Flavia et al. (2000) 161.
Flavia et al. (2000) 150–59.
Moro (1956) 74; Oriolo (2001) 284, without further evidence.
Moro (1956) 72–74.
Campofreddo site). It was probably constructed in the 1st c. AD,
but possibly remained in use until the 4th.233 The plain white
mosaics were restored with slabs of marble, while the hypocaust pillars were renovated by using stone monoliths.234
Photographs taken during the excavation show a small semicircular pool, but there is no mention about it being a later
addition.235
Misterbianco (Sicily)
In the small town of Misterbianco, some 5 km west of Catania,
a bathhouse stands in apparent isolation from other Roman
structures (fig. 79). It has been dated to the Severan era, only
because this was a period of great expansion in the region.236
However, the type of wall construction—opus caementicium
with very little brick—could point to a later date (turn of
the 3rd and 4th c.?).237 According to Tomasello, no complete
bricks could be identified on site.238 This probably points to
the reuse of brick fragments, a widespread practice in Late
Antiquity. In the second phase of the building, the use of
bricks disappeared entirely.
The layout of these baths followed a double row type,
sometimes called a ‘block type’. Two independent entrances,
which were connected, gave access to a heated room. Only the
233
234
235
236
237
238
Lipolis and Lipolis (1997) 333; Cocchiaro (1998).
Cocchiaro (1988) 167.
Cocchiaro (1988) plates.
Tomasello (1984) 202–203.
Wilson (1983) 70.
Tomasello (1984) 200.
306
Gazetteer
figure 79 Plan of the Baths of Misterbianco (Sicily)
after Tomasello (1984) 199, fig. 11
eastern one gave access to the caldarium with its two alvei. In
a second phase, dated without convincing evidence to the 4th
or 5th c., a large frigidarium with two adjacent apsidal piscinae
was constructed.239 The entrance door to the north-eastern
room was blocked up, transforming the itinerary into an axial
row type with a reversing itinerary. The date of this building,
as well as its interpretation as a private bath of a yet undiscovered villa, is unconvincing.240 However, parallels with the
plans of some small baths in Cyrenaica (see below, C73, C74)
could support a late antique date.241 Nevertheless, the compact plan with two parallel rows of rooms is not unique to
Late Antiquity.
Muralto (Reg. XI)
In the Alpine vicus of Muralto, rescue excavations in the
1980s discovered several workshops and a small bathhouse.
The settlement, located on an important traffic artery and
possibly specialized in glass production, had a continued
occupation throughout Late Antiquity and into the Middle
Ages.242 The baths were dated to the second half of the
3rd c., but were probably still functioning at the beginning of
the 4th.243
239
240
241
242
243
Tomasello (1984) 202–203.
Tomasello (1984) 197.
The similarities have not gone unnoticed by Tomasello (1984)
198, n. 47.
Biaggio Simona and Janke (2008).
Donati (1990) 243.
Neapolis (Reg. I, Naples)
The construction of the new metro line in Naples uncovered
the remains of a Roman bathhouse (near Stazione Toledo),
dated by stratigraphic excavations to the late 1st or early 2nd c.
The baths were restored in the 4th c., before falling out of use
during the 5th, when the ruins were reused as a burial ground.
The reuse of several Roman walls in 16th and 17th c. buildings makes a reconstruction of the plan and of the restoration
phases difficult.244
Nora (Sardinia, Pula)
Recent excavations in the large baths of Nora (Pula) have refined the chronology proposed by the excavations of the 1950s.
The bathhouse was built on top of 2nd c. houses.245 The insula
of the baths was occupied until the 7th c., although it is not
specified whether the baths were still in use or had a different
function.246 A second small bathhouse in Nora was probably
built in the Imperial period, but may have had a 4th c. phase
judging from the mosaics. The absence of stratigraphic excavations impedes further refinement of the chronology.
Opitergium (Reg. X, Oderzo)
The baths in modern Oderzo, 50 m east of the forum, should
be attributed to the High Empire, although archaeological evidence to pinpoint the century is lacking.247 Ceramics found
244
245
246
247
De Caro (2001) 884–85.
Frontori (2014) 6–7.
Frontori (2014) 4.
Busana (1995) 60 on the basis of the plan.
Gazetteer
during the excavations date between the 1st and 5th c. AD,
giving the hypothetical lifespan of the building.248 The limited size of the excavation trench has only revealed part of
the heated section—at least 4 rooms on a hypocaust, making
these baths quite large—thus making it difficult to discern
possible late antique restorations or alterations.
Pollena Trocchia (Reg. I)
The bathhouse in Pollena Trocchia, on the north slopes of
Mount Vesuvius, was built upon layers of ash from the AD 79
eruption. The bathhouse fell out of use shortly before another
eruption (AD 472) covered the baths with another layer of
ash.249 It was used for burials by the mid-5th c.250 The fact
that no traces of a settlement were found in the immediate
vicinity of the baths encouraged excavators to believe that the
baths were part of a private estate. Any such villa has yet to be
discovered.
San Gaetano di Vada (Reg. VII)
The baths in San Gaetano di Vada were located behind a row
of shops that probably belonged to the harbour (fig. 80). They
were likely built in the late 1st or early 2nd c. AD. Excavations
by the University of Pisa in the 1980s revealed that the building was used until the 4th or even 5th c.251 It is difficult to link
any reorganisations of the plan, such as the addition of a new
caldarium with two small alvei, to this late phase of use.
Sentinum (Reg. VI, Sassoferrato)
The ‘Terme di Santa Lucia’ were located just outside the southern city gate of Sentinum and probably built in the Neronian
or Flavian era. Important restoration works and a reorganisation of the bathhouse took place during the 2nd c. The building was gradually abandoned during the 4th c. and heavily
spoliated at the end of the 4th and beginning of the 5th c.252
Suasa (Reg. VI, Castelleone di Suasa)
The ‘domus dei Coiedii’ was located opposite the forum
of the municipium, just west of the theatre and amphitheatre. The house itself was built in the Late Republic and
enlarged in the 2nd c.253 During this phase, a bathhouse
(fig. 81) was added to the hortus, which had become a peristyle
courtyard at this point.254 Even if the baths were located within the walls of the garden, the remote location of the baths
in position to the house and the presence of street entrance
248
249
250
251
252
253
254
Busana (1995) 62.
De Simone et al. (2011) 62–63.
De Simone et al. (2012) 198–99.
Menchelli and Vaggioli (1987) 127.
De Marinis et al. (2008) 210.
Dall’Aglio et al. (2007) 191–93.
Giorgi (2012) 347.
307
close to the baths may point to a semi-public use. The baths
were restored in the 3rd and 4th c.255
Sybaris (also called Copia Thurii, Reg. III, Sibari)
In the south-west part of ancient Sybaris (Sibari), a bathhouse
dating to the 1st c. AD was found on a southern side road of
the plateia maritima (Parco del Cavallo site).256 The baths may
have been in use until the 5th c., before being dismantled for
building material in the 6th.257
Syracusae (Siracuse, Sicily)
The ‘Baths of Dafne’ have been the subject of debate.
Traditionally identified as the bathhouse where Constans
II (AD 641–668) was murdered, there is no stratigraphic evidence confirming a construction date.258 The plan shows
some small semicircular pools added to the original layout.
Teanum Sidicinum (Reg. I, Teano)
During the construction works for a high-speed train, the
remains of a large bathhouse were found in the ancient site
of Teanum Sidicinum. The baths could perhaps be identified
with the balneum Clodianum, known from a 1st c. inscription.259
The complex was built on terraces and must have been quite
large, possibly around 8,000 m2. It was only abandoned in the
5th c.260
Tridentum (Reg. XI, Trento)
The archaeological remains of the Roman period in modern
Trento are scarce, especially those pertaining to public buildings. The only remains of a possible bathhouse seem to have
been in use in the 4th and 5th c. The building, located on the
southern edge of the city, close to the city wall, underneath
the modern Palazzo Crivelli, was reduced in size at this time.261
Tyndaris (Sicily, Tindari)
The baths in the coastal settlement of Tyndaris lie close the
4th c. Christian basilica. The mosaics of the last phase of use
of the baths date to the late 3rd c.262
Venusia (Reg. II, Venosa)
The occupation of Venusia (Venosa) shifted south during the
Medieval period, meaning large parts of the Roman town
were not built upon. In 1956, a bathhouse was found along an
255
256
257
258
259
260
261
262
Giorgi (2012) 347.
Guzzo (1976) 620.
Guzzo (1986) 532.
On Constans II, see Theophanes, Chron. 1.535. For the excavations, see Cultrera (1954); Messsina (1993).
CIL 10.4792.
De Caro (2001) 898–99, without further evidence.
Ciurletti (2003) 40, n. 16.
Fasolo (2014) 58–60.
Gazetteer
308
figure 80
Plan of the Baths of San Gaetano di Vada
(Italy), scale is 4 m
in Menchelli and Vaggioli (1988)
122, fig. 94; with permission
figure 81 Plan of the House of the Coiedii in Suasa (Italy)
after Giorgi (2012) 358, fig. 14a
important traffic artery leading to the theatre.263 On the basis
of the type of wall construction and mosaics, the baths have
been dated to the 2nd c., but were renovated until the late 4th
c. During the first half of the 5th c., the presence of burials
within the building confirm abandonment. A small semicircular pool added to one of the heated rooms is the only confirmed late antique element.264
Vicus Augustanus (Reg. I, Castel Porziano)
The vicus Augustanus is located on the premises of the modern Castel Porziano estates, 16 km south-west of Rome and 9
km east of Ostia. Since Roman times, it has been a favourite
resort of wealthy elites, emperors, popes and Italian presidents. While most of the bathhouses discovered were part
of luxurious private villas, a larger structure with possible
palaestra has been interpreted as a public bath (fig. 82).265 It
263
264
265
Salvatore (1984) re-examining older excavations.
Salvatore (1984) 82–84.
On the villa sites, see Marzano (2007) 315, 327. For the public
bath, see Claridge (1985a); Claridge (1985b).
Gazetteer
309
figure 82
Plan of the Baths at Castel Porziano (Italy)
in Claridge (1985a) 221, fig. 3; with
permission
was located in a small vicus along the Via Severiana, connecting Portus (and Ostia) to Terracina. Brick stamps found in
the sewage channel date to the Severan period.266 The baths
were probably renovated during the Constantinian era, with
buttresses reinforcing the vaults of the heated rooms and the
large northern alveus of the caldarium replaced by two smaller single-person alvei. Probably in the late 4th c., the baths
were reduced to about one fifth of their original size.267 The
266
267
Claridge (1985b) 72.
Claridge (1985b) 75.
sudatorium was transformed into a frigidarium with two single-person pools, while the caldarium was divided into a small
tepidarium and caldarium. The furnaces of the other heated
rooms were closed off, while stairs were constructed in the old
frigidarium. It is possible that the building was turned into a
private house at this time, with the baths reduced to a small
private facility.268
268
Claridge (1985a) 221.
Baths in Roman North Africa
New Construction
C33. Ain En-Ngila (Libya)
Excavation history: The bathhouse was excavated in 1926–
1927 by the Italian Colonial Department of Antiquities.
Bibliography: Bartoccini (1929a).
Construction: (C) On the basis of the palaeography of a mosaic text and wall paintings, the baths have been dated to
turn of the 3rd and 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: One entered the baths through a long corridor, flanked
by a latrine to the west. At the end of this corridor, the
bather passed through a doorway into two rooms with low
benches along the walls (apodyteria?). Continuing south,
an almost square frigidarium had two rectangular piscinae
lying on opposite ends of the room. A doorway supposedly
connected this frigidarium to the aforementioned latrine.269
The connection to the adjacent southern room, which was
heated by a hypocaust, is unclear. To the north-west of the
latter, an L-shaped heated room should be identified as the
caldarium. The apse in its northern side probably lodged
an alveus, which would then lie above the furnace heating
this room. To the north of these rooms, a separate wing,
also accessible from the corridor, may have been used for
massages or epilation. In the largest room, two squarish basins might have been pools.
Decoration: Fragments of painted wall plaster and partial
slabs of marble were recovered during the excavation. The
large central room with benches had a black and white
mosaic with rosette design. The frigidarium floor was embellished with a polychrome mosaic with a rosette in its
centre and gallinaceans in its angles. A mosaic with the
text ‘bene laba’ was identified between the apodyterium
and frigidarium.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were built with square
tiles, with no mention of tubuli. The sewer that passed underneath the latrine may well have collected waste water
from the piscinae as well, although these aspects of water
disposal were not investigated at the time of excavation.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 350 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C34. Althiburos (Henchir Medeina,Tunisia), Baths of
the House of Asclepeia
Excavation history: The house with adjacent bathhouse was
excavated during the 1970s by the Direction des Antiquités
de Tunisie.
Bibliography: Ennaïfer (1976).
Construction: (C) The bathhouse in Althiburos was built
adjacent to a large domus on the outskirts of the town,
some 200 m north of the forum. The manner in which the
walls abutted the existing walls of the villa makes clear that
the baths were added in a later phase. The house is dated to
the beginning of the 3rd c. on the basis of its mosaics, while
the baths may have been added at the end of this century
or the beginning of the 4th.270
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The baths probably
fell out of use at the end of the 4th c., when debris with late
4th c. ceramics clogged up the sewers.
Plan: In the first phase, the baths seemed only accessible by
the open court of the house. Later, a paved porch was built
to the east, directly onto the street.271 The original doorway to the house was blocked up and a new entrance was
270
271
C33
Ain En-Ngila (Libya), (After Bartoccini (1929a) 102, fig. 33)
269
Bartoccini (1929a) 103.
Ennaïfer (1976) 143–49; Thébert (2003) 129.
The excavators saw this paved entrance as a service door for
carts bringing in the firewood, due to the tracks of wheels visible in the pavement (Ennaïfer (1976) 89). However, the effort
in constructing this impressive paved porch, as well as the fact
that this paving continued in the vestibulum, where a door to
the domus was located, identify this entrance as a main doorway. From the vestibule, a narrow doorway led to the unpaved
service area.
Gazetteer
311
C34
Althiburos (Henchir Medeina,
Tunisia), Baths of the House of
Asclepeia (After Thébert (2003) 582,
Pl. XXXII.4)
created that gave access to the same room as the ‘public’
entrance. The square frigidarium (s: 4.4 m) had a large piscina (3 × 4.7 m; 1.1 m deep). At the beginning of the heated
section there was a small room with a single-person pool
(1.7 × 1.2 m; 0.7 m deep). The caldarium had a semicircular
(r: 2 m) and a rectangular alveus.272 A thin wall made out of
tubi fittili in the caldarium demarcates the south-western
corner as a separate area.
Decoration: The piscina was clad in white marble slabs.
Mosaics, mainly black and white geometric motifs, covered
the floors of the bathing rooms. Slabs of travertine were
used as wall decoration.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made out of limestone monoliths. A sewer coming from the house crossed
the service area and probably collected waste water from
the alvei.273
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 170 m2
GPS coordinates: 35°52’32.06”N, 8°47’13.00”E
Baten Zammour (Tunisia)
Excavation history: A small bathhouse was discovered near
a spring in a residential neighbourhood of the modern village (near Gafsa, Tunisia).
Bibliography: Wiedler (1999) 295; Khanoussi (2001).
Construction: (C) The mosaics have been dated to the first
quarter of the 4th c.274 It cannot be verified whether the
mosaics belonged to the original construction phase or
pertain to a later restoration.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown
272
273
274
Following Thébert (2003) 130 contra Ennaïfer (1976) 91–91 who
reconstructs a sudatorium (1.8 × 1.4 m) instead of a rectangular
alveus.
Visible on plan CLXXIV in Ennaïfer (1976).
Wiedler (1999) 295; Khanoussi (2001).
Plan: Unknown.
Decoration: Several mosaics including geometric and floral
designs, a Venus with fishing erotes and an athletics game
were discovered.
Technology: Unknown.
C35. Belalis Maior (Henchir el-Faour, Tunisia), Baths
of Theseus and the Minotaur
Excavation history: The bathhouse was investigated by the
Direction des Antiquités de Tunisie in the 1970s.
Bibliography: Mahjoubi (1978); Thébert (2003) 132–33.
Construction: (A) The cold section mosaics can be attributed to the 4th c. This date is supported by ceramics found
in the test pits reaching the foundation levels of the building (middle of the 4th c.).275
Continued use and abandonment: Several restoration phases can be identified, although it is impossible to date the
different phases.276
Plan: The Baths of Theseus and the Minotaur, named after
a mosaic in the frigidarium, were located just south of
another bathhouse (the Forum Baths, see below, p. 358),
separated only by a 3 m wide decumanus. The modest size
(ca. 150 m2) saw the excavators label these baths as private,
although no other elements corroborate such an interpretation.277 On the contrary, no domus has been discovered
in the vicinity and the baths did have a street entrance.
When entering, one had to turn left to reach the actual baths. A small corridor with a cold pool (ca. 2 × 2 m)
preceded the spacious frigidarium. Due to its large size,
the room probably served other functions as well (dressing room, anointing). East of the cold room, a rectangular space with a square piscina (ca. 2 × 2m) completed
275
276
277
Mahjoubi (1978) 225–26.
Thébert (2003) 132.
Mahjoubi (1978) 211.
312
Gazetteer
The floors of the other cold rooms were embellished with
polychrome geometric mosaics—in particular stars, octagons and lozenges—while the floors of the piscinae were
covered with plain white mosaics of large tesserae.281
Technology: The heating system is difficult to reconstruct
due to the bad state of preservation. The water supply
was at least partially ensured by a well situated east of
the baths. A channel led from this well to the two square
cold pools. There is no information about waste water
disposal.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 150 m2
GPS coordinates: 36°45’49.38”N, 9°15’30.05”E
C36. Bulla Regia (Hamam Daradji, Tunisia), Baths
North-west of the Theatre
Excavation history: The baths were discovered during the
large-scale excavation in Bulla Regia between 1959 and
1962. An architectural study of the building was published
in the 1980s.
Bibliography: Hanoune et al. (1983); Thébert (2003) 134–35.
C35
Belalis Maior (Henchir el-Faouar, Tunisia), Baths
of Theseus and the Minotaur (After Mahjoubi
(1978) pl. XXVII)
the cold section. This strange layout meant that the cold
pools lay outside the frigidarium. The heated section was
found severely damaged. All the hypocausts had disappeared and no type of wall heating could be recognized.
The two rectangular rooms that originally had suspended
floors were each heated by a furnace in their southern
side. The easternmost room had an apsidal ending in the
south, probably lodging an alveus.278 On the level of the
hypocaust, an east-west oriented wall separated the northern parts of both heated rooms. The excavator suggests
these walls might have demarcated heated pools, although
no evidence of boilers or reinforced hypocaust pillars to
support these pools was identified.279 Fragments of tubi
fittili were found in the mortar foundations of the mosaics, suggesting that terracotta tubes were used to construct
the vaults.
Decoration: The decorative scheme fits well within the
North African contexts of the 4th c.280 The central panel
of the frigidarium depicted Theseus killing the Minotaur.
278
279
280
Thébert (2003) 133.
Mahjoubi (1978) 211.
Mahjoubi (1978) 225; Dunbabin (1978) 249.
C36
Bulla Regia (Hamam Daradji, Tunisia), Baths North-west of
the Theatre (After Hanoune et al. (1983) 64, fig. 3)
281
For a full description of the mosaics, see Mahjoubi (1978)
211–26.
Gazetteer
map 36
Bulla Regia (Tunisia), location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Beschaouch et al. (1977) 13, fig. 3
1: Forum
2: Theatre
3: Christian basilica
4: House of the Hunt
5: Byzantine Fortress
6: Baths of Iulia Memmia
7: Large South Baths
8: Small Northeast Baths
9: Baths of the Venantii
10: Baths East of the Theatre
Construction: (C) The excavations of 1959–1962 did not
yield solid archaeological information, so the date of the
building has only been deduced from the style of the mosaics. Most of these should be placed in the 4th c.282
Continued use and abandonment: (C) The many restorations of the mosaic floors point to a long use of the building, perhaps well into the 5th c.283 After the disaffection
of the baths, they were put to a different use. The blocking
282
283
313
Hanoune et al. (1983) 87.
Hanoune et al. (1983) 87.
up of the doorway between the northern and the southeastern heated room should probably be attributed to this
phase.284
Plan: The Baths North-West of the Theatre were one of the
5 public bathhouses discovered in Bulla Regia (map 36).
The baths were accessible by a small side street of a cardo
and lay in the theatre quarter. By passing through a vestibule, one entered an oblong room that may have served
as the dressing room. The large edge around the central
284
Thébert (2003) 135.
314
Gazetteer
geometric panel of the mosaic may indicate that benches
were placed against the wall.285 The octagonal frigidarium
had 4 semicircular niches on opposite sides and the lateral
piscinae. The north-eastern one was rectangular with an
apsidal ending (0.9 m deep), while the south-western one
had a trefoil plan (1.2 m deep). A doorway (1 m wide) in
the eastern side of the frigidarium could be closed with a
door and led further south to the heated section. The first
room (4.6 × 2.9 m) had a hypocaust system, but no separate
furnace. A door in the south-east corner gave access to a
second heated room (2.6 × 2.8 m). It ended in a large apse
to the south, probably containing an alveus.286 The third
heated room (3.8 × 5 m) was accessible from the two other
heated rooms. An alveus was lodged in the apse.
Decoration: Few fragments of painted wall plaster were
found. All of the floors had mosaics. The frigidarium mosaic imitated a marble cipollino floor, while a central octagonal emblem might have reflected the highest point of the
vault.287 In the heated rooms, the polychrome mosaics had
both floral and figurative designs (kantharoi), although few
large fragments survived the demolition of the suspensura.
The floors of the piscinae were covered with plain white
mosaics. In the rooms outside the actual bathing rooms,
mosaics with geometric designs or marble imitation were
found. Marble sewer grates were found in the oblong room
preceding the frigidarium.
Technology: The baths were heated by a hypocaust system,
but it is not known whether a type of wall heating was present. Underneath the alvei, a base of bricks supported the
pools, rather than the usual perpendicular walls in continuation of the furnace mouth. There is no information
on the water supply or waste water disposal. There was a
small well in the service corridor east of the apsidal piscina.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 800 m2
GPS coordinates: 36°33’32.28”N, 8°45’23.24”E
C37. Bulla Regia (Hamam Daradji, Tunisia), Small
North-east Baths
Excavation history: Located in the north-eastern part of the
excavated remains of the city (map 36), the baths were partially excavated in the 1920s.
Bibliography: Carton (1922); Beschaouch et al. (1977) 79.
Construction: (D) The baths may have been built at the
same time as the nearby church, which dates to the 4th c.
or later.288 The plan also has some characteristic late antique features, including several small semicircular and
rectangular pools and niches.
285
286
287
288
Hanoune et al. (1983) 74.
Hanoune et al. (1983) 74.
Hanoune et al. (1983) 79.
Carton (1922) 332.
C37
Bulla Regia (Hamam Daradji, Tunisia), Small North-east
Baths (After Beschaouch et al. (1977) 79, fig. 75)
Continued use and abandonment: Several small hearths
dating from the Islamic period were found on the bath
room floors.289
Plan: The itinerary is unclear. The cold room was located in
the north-east and had a semicircular pool. A doorway in
the south-west corner gave access to two rectangular rooms
(tepidaria). The northernmost had a small rectangular pool
in its northern side. This northernmost room connected to
two heated rooms, also on a north-south axis, that both
had a small apsidal alveus on their western side, located
above a furnace. From the southernmost room, the bathers could rejoin the frigidarium by passing through two
(heated?) rooms, the latter with two semicircular niches in
its eastern and western side.
Decoration: The frigidarium had a mosaic floor which depicted a figurative scene, according to Carton. The heated
rooms had mosaic floors with geometric patterns.
Technology: There is little information about the hypocaust. The alvei had tubuli. To the north-west of the baths, a
section of an aqueduct was found.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 340 m2)
GPS coordinates: 36°33’32.28”N, 8°45’23.24”E
289
Carton (1922) 333.
Gazetteer
315
Cincari (Henchir Toungar, Tunisia)
Excavation history: The baths were accidentally discovered during construction works in Henchir Toungar near
Thuburbo Minus (Tebourba).
Bibliography: No publication available.
Construction: (C) The building was dated to the early 4th c.
on the basis of its mosaics.290
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Unknown.
Decoration: A mosaic, possibly from the frigidarium,
depicted hunting scenes.
Technology: Unknown.
C38. Columnata (Toukria / Sidi Hosni, Algeria)
Excavation history: The Baths of Columnata were discovered by a farmer in 1882. After he excavated the building,
the site was visited by members of the Societé historique
algérienneé, who described the bath and surrounding archaeological remains. The remains of some houses, a necropolis and a wall were also discovered in the area.
Bibliography: Gavault (1883a); Thébert (2003) 194.
Construction: (D) The simple linear plan is reminiscent of
Byzantine fortress baths (see chapter 4, p. 184) or of the
semi-public baths in Volubilis (see below, p. 377-381), while
the small semicircular apse in the second heated room
could be the single-person pool that is found in many late
antique baths. The use of tubi fittili to construct the vaults
could also point to a late antique date. A coin dating from
the reign of Constantius II proves that there was still some
4th c. activity in this small settlement.291
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Four rectangular rooms lay on a single axis. The bathers probably entered the baths through the frigidarium,
which must also have served as an apodyterium. It had an
apsidal piscina. The following three rooms had a hypocaust, but possibly only the last one was directly heated by
a furnace. A small semicircular apse in the second heated
room probably contained a water basin or small pool.292
The third heated room probably had an alveus above the
furnace, as can be deduced from the hydraulic mortar and
calcareous deposits described by Gavault.293
Decoration: The brief description by Gavault does not mention any decorative elements.
Technology: The small basin in the second heated room
had an outlet at its bottom. The bathhouse was located
in a natural depression in the landscape, perfect for collecting rainwater. According to the local farmers, a water
channel and a fountain were also found in the vicinity. The
hypocaust pillars were made with square tiles and reached
a height of 1 m. There is no mention of any wall heating.
Construction technique: Unknown
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (no dimensions are given)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C39. Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), East Baths
Excavation history: The East Baths are part of an insula
located north-east of the new forum. This quarter was excavated between 1943 and 1949.
Bibliography: Allais (1953); Thébert (2003), 198–99.
Construction: (C) On the basis of the mosaics, the baths
were initially dated to the 3rd c.294 However, better knowledge of late antique North African mosaics pushed the
construction date into the 4th c.295
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths lay along a street oriented north-east /
south-west, starting at the new forum and leading to an unexcavated part of town (map 15). Six small steps led down
from this street into the bathhouse (ca. 620 m2). A long (10
m) and narrow entrance passage in the north leads to a
spacious cold room (14 × 9 m) with an apsidal cold pool
(6.4 × 5.3 m; 1.3 m deep). South of this frigidarium, lay an
oblong room (14 × 3.4 m) that may have served as a dressing
or massage room. It may have had a separate door to the
C38
Columnata (Toukria / Sidi Hosni,
Algeria), (After Gavault (1883)
pl. II, plan without scale)
290
Wiedler (1999) 301–302.
291
292
293
294
295
Gavault (1883a) 237.
Thébert (2003) 194.
Gavault (1883a) 234.
Allais (1953) 65.
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 223–24.
316
Gazetteer
above were decorated with polychrome wall paintings, but
too damaged to reconstruct.
Technology: As the bathhouse was restored and modified
several times, it is difficult to reconstruct the heating systems and aspects of water management. The heated rooms
had a hypocaust, while the walls were, at least in the last
phase of the baths, heated by creating a hollow space using
tiles with a protruding rim. The pools were heated by direct
contact with the furnace and at least the pool of the first
room received heated water from a boiler. The water for the
boiler was supplied by a small cistern under the street to
the north. This was alimented by a pipe that ran under the
street. For water disposal, a sewer was found that started
from the pool of the second heated room and ran south to
the piscina to collect its waste water. There may have been
a latrine east of the piscina. The channel eventually ended
in the large sewer starting at the new forum and passing
under the oblong room. This main sewer made use of the
natural slope of the terrain to dump waste water into the
gorge north of the city.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 620 m2
GPS coordinates: 36°19’18.37”N, 5°44’11.20”E
C39
Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), East Baths (After Thébert (2003)
627, pl. LXXVII.3)
outside in its south wall, but the ruinous state of the building does not allow confirmation.296 From the frigidarium
a small door led to the service area, while a larger doorway gave into the first of a set of heated rooms, each with
its own heated pool. The first room had a rectangular pool
(1.7 × 1 m) against its western wall, located above the only
furnace. The semicircular pool (2.4 × 1.5 m) of the second
room was similarly arranged, although the furnace did not
have a water boiler. The pools of the last room (9 × 3.3 m)
are only conjectural as no traces of them have survived.297
In a later (undated) phase, this last room was made into
a cellar, while the other heated rooms were subdivided
into 4 rooms by a new wall cutting north-west / south-east
through them. The heating system of the first room was removed. The oblong room was made into a stable (4 troughs
were discovered), while the frigidarium possibly went out
of use. These interventions are interpreted as turning these
public baths private.298
Decoration: The floor of the oblong room was covered with
a simple, floral-geometric, black and white mosaic. The
access to the piscina was embellished by columns and
Corinthian pilasters, while the floor was laid out in mosaics and a red marble slab crowned the margin. The walls
296
297
298
See plan in Allais (1953) 51 contra Thébert (2003) 627,
pl. LXXVII.2.
Thébert (2003) 199.
Allais (1953) 62.
C40. Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), Baths of the House of
Europe
Excavation history: The house was discovered during the
large-scale excavations of the early 20th c. (1916), but no
publication followed.
C40
Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), Baths of the House of Europe
(After Blanchard-Lemée (1975) fig. 49)
Gazetteer
317
figure 83 Plan of the House of Europe in Cuicul (Algeria) with semi-public bathhouse in box
after Blanchard-Lemée (1975) fig. 49
Bibliography: Ballu (1917); Allais (1939); Blanchard-Lemée
(1975), 140–51; Thébert (2003) 201–202; Maréchal (2016).
Construction: (C) The mosaic of the abduction of Europe in
the triclinium, which gave the house its name, was dated in
the 4th c.299 The bathhouse was probably built later than
the house, but in the same century.300
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bath was incorporated into the large domus,
but was accessible by two different entrances, both onto
a street (fig. 83). The north-east entrance was located in
a secondary cardo, diagonally opposite the Baths of the
Capitolium (map 15). It led into a small chamber that could
have served as a porter’s lodge. By going up three steps, one
reached a vestibule that probably served as a dressing room
(9 × 5.3 m) with a simple concrete floor. The south-western entrance was accessible from the cardo maximus and
opened onto a large room (8.8 × 5.4 m) with a small latrine
against its north wall. Through a doorway in the south-east
corner it gave access to the same vestibulum. The vestibule
was separated from the cold room by two rectangular pillars. The square frigidarium (s: 6 m) had a column in each
corner, possibly supporting a cross vault. A square pool
(s: 2 m) with an apse (r: 0.8 m) was coated with lime mortar.
In the eastern corner of the room, a doorway gave access
to the heated rooms, all with a hypocaust. The first room
(5.7 × 2.8 m) was indirectly heated, while the second (3.2 ×
5 m) and third room (3.3 × 1.9 m) had their own furnace. As
the second room was larger, the temperature was probably
lower than in the last room. Although not recognized by
299
300
Allais (1939) 44.
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 151.
the excavators at the time of excavations, the second room
probably had a pool.301 There is evidence of a water boiler
above its furnace.302 From the frigidarium, a small doorway in the northern corner led to the praefurnium, directly
accessible from the street. This service room connected
with a small set of bath rooms to the west. Interpreted as a
bath for the staff, it comprised a small unheated chamber
(1 × 1.6 m) with a cold tub, an indirectly heated room (1 ×
1.5 m) and a heated space (2.4 × 1.2 m; including alveus)
with heated pool.303
Decoration: The frigidarium floor was covered with a mosaic and the walls with marble slabs. The decoration of the
heated section was lost when the rooms changed function.
Technology: There is little information about the heating
system. Only the hypocausts of the three heated rooms are
mentioned. We know nothing about possible wall heating.
For the small ‘service baths’, a single furnace and simple
suspended floor without wall heating seems to have sufficed. The water supply was guaranteed by several reservoirs. The piscina was filled by a reservoir north-west of
the frigidarium, while the boilers for the heated parts were
probably fed by a small reservoir north of the service room.
There is no evidence for waste water disposal in the heated
part, while the cold pool was probably drained from the
west, passing under the latrines to the sewer in the cardo.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 280 m2
GPS coordinates: 36°19’22.48”N, 5°44’3.93”E
301
302
303
Ballu (1917).
Thébert (2003) 202.
Ballu (1917) 282.
Gazetteer
318
C41. Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), Baths of the House of
the Donkey
Excavation history: Like most of Cuicul, the House of the
Donkey was excavated in the early 20th c.
Bibliography: Ballu (1910); Ballu (1921); Blanchard-Lemée
(1975) 29–32, 58–59, 85–100; Thébert (2003) 200–201;
Maréchal (2016).
Construction: (C) The baths were inserted in the house at
a later phase. On the basis of the mosaics, it seems this occurred at the end of 4th or beginning of the 5th c.304
Continued use and abandonment: The baths had several
building phases, but the lack of archaeological data makes
these difficult to date.
Plan: The house is situated just south of the old forum,
along the cardo maximus and attached to the rear of the
temple of Venus Genetrix (map 15). The baths occupy the
north-western corner of the mansion (ca. 110 m2, fig. 84)
and were accessible from the cardo maximus. Two passages
between the house and the baths were located in the large
entrance room at the beginning of the bathing route. In
contrast to the House of Europe, the southern door gave
directly into the core of the house. Nevertheless, it is difficult understand which parts of the house were private and
which were (semi-) public when the baths were in use.
A sort of vestibule was created in the portico of the
cardo. From here, one could enter the service room or an
oblong room that may have served as a dressing room to
the baths. The eastern end in particular, separated by two
columns, may have been used as such. Through a doorway
to the north-east, one entered the rectangular cold room
(10.5 × 4 m), which had two cold pools at opposite ends.
The semicircular one (1.8 × 2.15 m; 1 m deep) at the western
end protruded into the vestibulum and was coated in a waterproof mortar. The eastern pool had a rectangular shape
with a small apse (2.75 × 1.6 m; 0.7 m deep). Two rectangular niches in the northern wall may have been used to store
bath utensils.305 By a narrow doorway in the north-east
corner of the cold room, the bathers entered the heated
part of the baths, continuing in an east-west direction. A
first room (3.5 × 1.9 m), its mosaic floor still intact at the
moment of excavation, may have been equipped with a
hypocaust, although no traces seem to have survived after
the mosaic was removed.306 If there was a hypocaust, this
room must have been indirectly heated. In the second room
(3.5 × 2.2 m), the hypocaust is unmistakably present and
was heated by a furnace in its southern corner. Yvon Thébert
argues that a small heated pool may have been present, as
the furnace was surmounted by a boiler.307 As the space is
C41
rather restricted, the boiler may only have served a tap or
may have served the pool of the next heated room (also
considered by Thébert). This third heated room (3.3 ×
1.8 m) was interpreted as one large pool, although Thébert
reconstructs a small caldarium with tub.308 In either case, a
separate furnace heated the hypocaust of this room.
Decoration: The floor was covered with a polychrome mosaic consisting of 73 medallions sprouting from two kantharoi. In each medallion, an animal or a human figure
was represented, including several kinds of bird, deer, elephants, dogs, etc.309 The medallions were organised in 5
bands, the middle one consisting of 9 larger medallions.
In these large medallions, we find the representation of a
donkey with the text ‘ASINUS NICA’ (‘The victorious donkey’). Furthermore, we find a naked man, probably a slave,
with a bucket in each hand, a man with a small box (bath
utensils?), a man dressed in a cloak and a man with a piece
of cloth in his hand (a towel?). The whole composition has
strong connotations with the cult of Bacchus (grapes, peacocks, kanthorai) and hunting (wild animals, dogs, horses,
boars) and may have been an allusion to the otium of the
upper class.310 On the mosaic floor of the first heated room,
another donkey with the same text was represented. The
donkey was seen as a symbol of good luck in both classical
and Christian circles.311 The bottom of the eastern piscina
was covered with a white mosaic, while the sides were covered with lime mortar.
308
304
305
306
307
Dunbabin (1978) 256.
Ballu (1910) 105.
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 30 contra Ballu (1921) 235.
Thébert (2003) 201.
Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), Baths of the House of the
Donkey(After Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 24, fig. 4)
309
310
311
Resp. Ballu (1910) 105; Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 31 contra
Thébert (2003) 201.
For a full description, see Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 85–96.
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 93.
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 96–100.
Gazetteer
319
figure 84
Plan of the House of the Donkey in Cuicul (Algeria) with
semi-public bathhouse in box, scale is 10 m
after Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 24, fig. 4
Technology: The heating system is difficult to reconstruct,
due to the interventions during the first excavations. The
two small furnaces were sufficient to heat the restricted
surface. The water for the pools was stored in a reservoir
behind the eastern pool of the frigidarium. It is unknown if
additional means of water supply existed. The waste water
disposal of both cold and heated pools was secured by a
sewer that came from the fountain of the house and ran
under the frigidarium. It probably ended in the sewer of
the cardo maximus. Small test pits in the frigidarium suggest that these drainage channels pre-existed the baths.312
The architect would have designed the baths with the
drains in mind.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 110 m2
GPS coordinates: 36°19’18.15”N, 5°44’7.10”E
C42. Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), Baths of the House of
Castorius
Excavation history: The house was excavated in the early
20th c.
Bibliography: Ballu (1912); Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 161–66;
Thébert (2003) 199–200; Maréchal (2016).
Construction: (D) The House of Castorius was built after
the southern part of the early city wall was dismantled at
the beginning of the 3rd c.313 There were two baths discovered in this house. The ‘internal baths’ belonged to the
construction phase of the house, while the ‘external baths’
312
313
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 57–58.
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 199.
C42
Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), Baths of the House of Castorius
(After Blanchard-Lemée (1975) fig. 62)
were built later. On the basis of the layout and the fact that
the baths protruded onto the street, a date in the 4th c. or
later could be proposed.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The house was constructed between the northern
wall of the new forum and a temple (fig. 85). It was one
of the largest houses discovered in Cuicul and was named
after the apparent owner. The ‘external baths’ (or ‘petits
thermes’) were implanted on a part of the public road,
which connected the old with the new forum. The small
scale of these baths, with a total surface not exceeding 60
m2, have led scholars to believe that they could only have
been used by the staff or slaves.314 However, the street access may point to use by more than just the members of
314
Blanchard-Lemée (1975) 165.
320
Gazetteer
figure 85
Plan of the House of Castorius in
Cuicul (Algeria), with adjacent semipublic baths (in box) and private
baths (in shaded box)
after Blanchard-Lemée (1975)
fig. 62
the household.315 Furthermore, the number and size of the
pools may also have surpassed the requirements for simple
‘household baths’ (compare to the ‘household baths’ in the
House of Europe). The only link to the house was through
a long and narrow corridor. The bath only consisted of
one unheated and one heated room. The frigidarium had
an apsidal (1.2 × 2.1 m) and rectangular pool (1.5 × 1.9 m).
The heated room (4.8 × 2.7 m) was accessed from the cold
room by going up three steps, equalling the height of the
hypocaust pillars. At the south-eastern end, a pool (0.9 ×
2.7 m) was located just above the only furnace. From the
frigidarium, one could follow a narrow corridor leading to
a small latrine and on to the older ‘internal’ bathhouse. It is
unclear whether these were still in use at that time.
Decoration: Both cold and heated pools were embellished
with a simple black mosaic.
Technology: There is little information on the heating system and water management. The waste water from the alveus may have been channelled to a sewer passing through
the praefurnium, coming from the internal baths and running north.316
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 35 m2
GPS coordinates: 36°19’17.13”N, 5°44’8.95”E
C43. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia), balnea privata
(‘Villa aux bains’)
315
316
317
318
Maréchal (2016) 128.
Visible on fig. 62 in Blanchard-Lemée (1975).
Excavation history: The bathhouse was discovered in the
1990s during the Swedish excavations of the UNESCO ‘Pour
sauver Carthage’ project, on a stretch of land between the
Byrsa and Junon hill.
Bibliography: Hansen (2002).
Construction: (C) The baths were part of an insula, which
could only be dated by the mosaics, pointing to a late 2nd
or early 3rd c. date. Important reorganisations of the entire insula, including a complete restructuring of the bathhouse to open it to the public, was dated at the late 4th /
early 5th c.317
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The building was
dismantled in the Islamic Period to salvage building
materials.318
Plan: In the first phase, the bathhouse (fig. 86) consisted of
a courtyard, a combined apodyterium-frigidarium, a tepidarium and a caldarium with a single alveus. Some small
changes were made to the heated section—possibly with
the construction of a smaller alveus—and to the service
corridors, before a thorough reorganisation changed the
entire layout. In the second phase, the bathhouse got a
new entrance from the larger decumanus running north
of the insula. It was S-shaped, so that no direct line of
sight revealed the interior of the baths. The large pool at
Hansen (2002) 116–17.
Hansen (2002) 31.
321
Gazetteer
figure 86
Plan of phase 1 of the balnea
privata in Carthage (Tunisia)
in Hansen 2002, 116, fig. 96;
with permission
C43
Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia), balnea privata (After
Hansen (2002) 117, fig. 97)
the beginning of the heated section was replaced by two
smaller single-person pools, one of which was now accessible from the frigidarium. The caldarium was reduced in
size and the large alveus was abandoned in favour of two
small single-person alvei.
To the west of this bath, separated by a communal
service corridor, a second suite of bath rooms was built.
These were only accessible from the central corridor of the
courtyard, although an access from the unexcavated west
side of the insula—along the cardo maximus—cannot be
ruled out. The rooms lay on a north-south axis and comprised a small unheated room (1.12 × 3.16 m)—possibly an
apodyterium—and two small heated rooms.319 The first
319
Hansen (2002) 79–80.
room (1.12 × 3.18 m) had a hypocaust but no wall heating.
The second room (1.77 × 3.22 m) was heated by a single furnace and possibly had a small alveus (1.25 × 1.7 m) in its
north-west corner.320 The excavators doubted that these
baths ever functioned, as no traces of soot were found in
the hypocaust or in the furnace.
The fact that a private bath, only accessible from the
inside of a building, was ‘opened up’ to the public by creating a street entrance, is reminiscent of late antique houses
in Cuicul (C40, C41, C42) and possibly Volubilis (see below,
p. 377–381), which were equipped with large ‘semi-public’
baths in the 4th c. The creation of a separate bathhouse
(west wing), perhaps for exclusive use by the owners, and
320
Hansen (2002) 76–77.
322
Gazetteer
the reorganisation of the pools in the original bathhouse
probably fits within this new ‘public use’ of the east wing.
Decoration: The decoration of the eastern baths has been
attributed to the second (public) phase, consisting of a
polychrome mosaic—grapes, a pomegranate and pigeons
surrounded by acanthus leaves—in the southern entrance
vestibule. The small pools were paved with white marble
slabs. The western baths were badly damaged and no traces of their decoration were found. Only the unheated room
retained its polychrome mosaic with geometric patterns.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made of square
bricks or stone slabs, mainly local sandstone and limestone. No traces of tubuli have been found in either bath.
Only the alvei of the eastern baths had lateral flues. The
hypocaust floor underneath the presumed alveus of the
western baths lay slightly lower than the hypocaust floor
of the caldarium. A small ramp connected both floors,
presumably to facilitate the circulation of the hot air from
the lower to the higher part.321 The water for the pools was
stored in a reservoir located above the service corridor and
perhaps above the small latrine. Six other cisterns were
also in use in the insula, although not all were probably
used for supplying the baths. These cisterns were likely
filled by rainwater collected on the roof.322 The combined
volume of cisterns and reservoirs that provided water for
the baths is estimated at 153 m3. During the second phase,
the large well (diam.: 1.73 m) south of the east baths probably fed the two reservoirs.323 The conduits leading water
into the pools or to the presumed boilers above the furnaces have not been found. The latrine was flushed with the
water from the alvei, while water from the small cold pools
and the pool in the frigidarium were drained by a sewer
heading north towards the street.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 165 m2 (east wing), ca. 38 m2 (west
wing)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C44. Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia), Odeon Hill Baths
Excavation history: On the crossroad of the Kardo IV E
and the Decumanus VI N, an excavation of Trinity
University (San Antonio, USA) in the early 1990s discovered
the remains of a small bathhouse and a cryptoporticus.
Bibliography: Garrison et al. (1993).
Construction date: (B) The bath was built on the premises
of an earlier peristyle-courtyard house. The construction
level seems to postdate a destruction layer in the house
dated by ceramics to the middle of the 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The entire site fell
out of use in the first quarter of the 6th c., when layers of
321
322
323
Hansen (2002) 78–79.
Hansen (2002) 107.
Hansen (2002) 67–68.
C44
Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia), Odeon Hill Baths (After Garrison
et al. (1993) 253, fig. 2)
debris—including datable ceramics—filled the rooms.
The site was reused as a burial ground in the later 6th and
7th c.
Plan: The poor preservation of the walls and doorways and
the limited size of the excavation make it difficult to label
these baths as private or public. The existing outer walls
of the house were reused to create at least three heated
rooms. An apse containing an alveus probably identifies
one of these as a caldarium. Against the eastern wall of the
same room, part of a ‘sitz-bath’ was also discovered. The
pool can only be reconstructed partially. The excavators
suggest that 6 to 7 people at a time could bathe in this pool,
although this assumption seems to rest on generalities
about communal pools rather than on the reconstructed
dimensions of the pool in question.324
Decoration: The pool had a plain white mosaic floor.
Technology: Little is known about the water management
of these baths. No traces of wall heating have been identified either. The cryptoporticus of the adjacent house made
use of tubi fittili, but no evidence of these building materials has been found inside the baths.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 250 m2)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C45. Carthage (Tunisia), Baths in Okba Ibn Nefaa
Street
Excavation history: The Baths in Okba Ibn Nefaa Street were
described briefly by the excavator in the 1920s.
Bibliography: Saumagne (1925); Rossiter (2009).
324
Garrison et al. (1993) 255.
323
Gazetteer
GPS coordinates:
disappeared)
Exact coordinates unknown (remains now
C46. Carthage (Tunisia), Byzantine Baths
C45
Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia), Baths in Okba Ibn Nefaa Street
(Hypothetical sketch of the frigidarium, no scale)
Construction: (D) The remains are described as a baroque
architecture, typical of the 4th or 5th c.325
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: No plan has ever been published, but a sketch of the
cold room can be proposed on the basis of the detailed description. The baths were located along the Cardo IV East
(map 19). A small tetrastyle porch, partially encroaching
onto the street, gave access to a rectangular vestibule. A
doorway in its western side led to a rectangular room ending in a large niche flanked on either side by a smaller one.
From this room, a doorway gave access to the frigidarium
(north) and the caldarium (south). The caldarium was a
rectangular room (4.6 × 2.9 m) on hypocausts. To the south,
a doorway might have led to a sweat room.326 The frigidarium was square in plan (s: 4.4 m), but had two semicircular
niches in its south side and a trefoil room to its north side.
The trefoil room housed a quatrefoil pool (1.27 m deep),
and was covered entirely in plain white mosaics. In each of
the apses of the trefoil room there was a large niche (1.2 m
high; 0.6 m wide; 0.4 m deep).
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: At the base of the eastern niche of the frigidarium, a water conduit supplied the pool. An outlet for
waste water was found in the floor of the western lobe. It
was connected to a sewer passing west of the frigidarium.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
325
326
Rossiter (2009) 185.
Saumagne (1925) xcvii.
Excavation history: The site of the large Antonine baths,
which was later reused for the construction of the
Byzantine baths, was excavated in the 1940s and 1950s
by the ‘Commission des fouilles’ of the French Ministry of
Foreign Affairs.
Bibliography: Picard (1946–1949); Picard (1950); Picard
(1955–1956); Lézine et al. (1956); Lézine (1968); Thébert
(2003) 141–43.
Construction: (B) If we identify the bathhouse that arose
on the site of the Antonine baths as Procopius’ ‘Thermae
Theodorianae’ a construction date shortly after AD 533
could be proposed.327 Alexandre Lézine claimed that the
Antonine baths (fig. 42) fell out of use when the vault of
the frigidarium collapsed, probably during the 4th c.328
The heated section of the baths may have been used until
AD 425, when a fire destroyed most of the building.329 In
the subsequent period, a layer of alluvial clay covered the
destruction debris, pointing to a long period of abandonment. When Byzantine forces took control of the city, the
construction of a large public bathhouse seems to have
been one of the top priorities.
Continued use and abandonment: (C) The bathhouse probably fell out of use in the 7th c., when a pottery kiln was
constructed in the central pillar of the underground room
supporting the caldarium.330 Decorative elements such as
marble and granite column shafts and entablatures were
salvaged as building material or burnt in lime kilns during
the Islamic period.331
Plan: The new bathhouse was constructed on the remains
of the old Antonine Baths (fig. 42), more specifically above
the old heated section. Even if the Byzantine Baths covered only around one seventh of the total surface of the
Antonine Baths, it was still a large complex by the standards of the period. Indeed, if one compares the size of
these baths to other contemporary public baths in North
Africa, we can deduce the importance of Carthage, in
population size and wealth. The strange disposition of the
rooms, a double linear row, was conditioned by the standing remains of the previous building and a will to exploit
as much of the existing structures as possible.332 The
baths consist of two perfectly symmetrical parts, joining in a communal caldarium. One entered the complex
327
328
329
330
331
332
Procop., Aed. 6.5.10 (named after Justinian’s wife).
Lézine (1968) 71–72.
The layer of ash, long attributed to a fire caused by Vandal
raids, has been dated on the basis of coins and oil lamps
(Lézine et al. (1956) 426).
Lézine et al. (1956) 430.
Lézine (1968) 72.
Thébert (2003) 143.
324
C46
Gazetteer
Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia), Byzantine Baths (After Lézine (1969) 36, fig. 9)
by taking a staircase at the western or eastern end of the
building. From each side, a succession of three cold rooms
was installed in the former hexagonal ‘dressing room’, the
rectangular heated pool and the hexagonal districtarium.333
In the middle room, the old niches in the walls were
converted into shallow pools, interpreted as pediluvia by
Lézine.334 Continuing towards the centre of the complex,
two heated rooms preceded the caldarium, communal to
both the eastern and western wings. The first heated room
was installed in the old tepidarium, although its form had
been altered to include lateral apses. The second room,
small and rectangular, was constructed in the former service courts. The caldarium, with lateral apsidal endings, occupied the space of the former ‘exit tepidarium’. The poor
conservation of the remains does not allow for identification of the heated pools. Fragments of large stone basins
were found, possibly labra, which may have been spolia of
the preceding Antonine Baths.
Decoration: The types of decoration that have been found
include mosaic floors depicting acanthus leaves, fruits and
birds. In the large latrines, a mosaic with a marine scene
has been found. There is little information on other forms
of decoration.335
Technology: Little is known about the technical aspects of
these baths. Each of the 5 heated rooms had its own furnace. The hypocaust pillars were made out of brick, but the
type of wall heating could not be reconstructed. The water
supply was ensured by large reservoirs at the western and
333
334
335
The hexagonal dressing room, interpreted as such by Lézine
(1968), should perhaps be seen as a solarium, judging from its
protruding position and its three large windows.
Lézine (1968) 67.
The excavation reports of the 1940s leave little doubt about
the excavations’ strategies and interests: ‘Le déblaiement des
Thermes d’Antonin a été poursuivi (...) avec des moyens mécaniques importants, prêtés par la Direction des Travaux publics.
Malheureusement, il n’y a à signaler aucune découverte sculpturale ou épigraphique notable.’ (‘The clearing of the Antoine
Baths was continued (...) with important mechanical aid, lent
by the Office of Public Works. Unfortunately, there is not one
discovery of a sculpture or inscription worthy to be mentioned.’) (Picard (1949) 619; translation by the author).
eastern ends of the bathing rooms, which had originally
been small lounges.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 2,025 m2
GPS coordinates: 36°51’16.00”N, 10°20’5.68”E
Carthage (Tunisia), Baths in the Baal Hammon Street
Excavation history: In 1988, a part of a Byzantine bathhouse
was discovered during rescue excavations in the Baal
Hammon street (map 21, nr. 1).
Bibliography: Ellis (1989).
Construction: (D) The architectural remains as well as the
construction level of the baths, at the same level as the
Byzantine street, point to a 6th c. date.
Continued use and abandonment: In the 7th c., mud brick
walls divided the building into several units. The baths
were probably transformed into houses.
Plan: The remains included a basin (0.5 m in width), the
base of a column, a mortar floor and a sewer.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Besides the pool with its waterproof mortar
coating, few bath elements were identified.
C47. Carthage (Tunisia), Douar Chott Baths
Excavation history: At the south-west corner of the socalled turris aquaria, a complex of 4 large cisterns, a large
bathhouse was partially excavated in the 1920s.
Bibliography: Saumagne (1928) 638–45.
Construction: (D) The bathhouse has been dated to Late
Antiquity due to the reuse of building material and the
recovery of artefacts with Christian decoration. The brick
stamps found in the building mention Christian names.336
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The unusually large size of these baths prompted
the excavators to identify the complex with the baths of
Thrasamund (see EA-52 to EA-56) or Justinian’s Thermae
Theodorianae (see above, p. 323n327).337 There is no material evidence to support such claims, while the peripheral location makes it unlikely that we should identify the
336
337
Saumagne (1928) 643–44.
Saumagne (1928) 644.
325
Gazetteer
C48
C47
Carthage (Tunis, Tunisia), Douar Chott Baths (After
Saumagne (1928) 639, fig. 1)
complex with Augustine’s baths of Gargilius (see, chapter
2, p. 50). Stone robbing destroyed much of the walls, but
the robber trenches give an idea of the original layout of
these baths. An oval pool with semicircular niches was
constructed on top of an earlier building. The latter was
used as a foundation by filling up the rooms with mortar.
South-west of this pool, a large rectangular room was identified as the frigidarium. South of this, two heated rooms
on a hypocaust were discovered, delimited by a service corridor to the south. West of the heated rooms, a floor on a
lower level drained by a lead pipe reveals the existence of
a heated pool.
Decoration: The frigidarium was paved with greenish
marble slabs. The wall and floor decoration of the heated
rooms was stripped in antiquity. Only the geometric mosaic floor of the oval piscina and the plain white mosaic of
the alveus have been preserved.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were built out of square
or round tiles and reached a height of 1 m, while the walls
were heated using tubuli. One of the alvei was drained by
a lead fistula.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (possibly exceeding 500 m2)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown (remains
have disappeared)
C48. Kerkouane (Tunisia)
Excavation history: The baths were found and excavated in
1952 by the ‘Commission des fouilles’ of the French Ministry
of Foreign Affairs.
Bibliography: Courtois (1954); Thébert (2003), 143–44.
Kerkouane (Tunisia), (After Courtois (1954) fig. 3)
Construction: (C) On the basis of the mosaics, a late 3rd or
early 4th c. date has been proposed.338
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The small bathhouse was found in a rural setting, with
few traces of other structures in the vicinity. As was the
case in Sidi Ghrib and Oued Athmenia (see below, p. 345–
347 and C52), these baths may have belonged to a villa or
could have served a small rural population. The plan was a
simple linear succession of a cold room ( frigidarium) and
two heated rooms (tepidarium and caldarium). The frigidarium had an apsidal piscina (3.1 × 2.4 m; 1 m deep), while
the caldarium had two apsidal alvei (north: 2.7 × 2 m; 0.8 m
deep; west: 2 × 2.5 m).
Decoration: The mosaics consisted mainly of geometric
patterns, but a depiction of a bird in front of a tree was also
found. A pair of sandals was reproduced at the entrances to
the frigidarium and the tepidarium.339
Technology: The tepidarium and caldarium were heated
by hypocausts, but there was no trace of wall heating. The
vaults were constructed with tubi fittili. Courtois does not
mention evidence of water supply or waste water disposal.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 150 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact location unknown
Kef Glia (Tunisia)
Excavation history: Some 10 km north-east of Thugga, on
a promontory off the road connecting El-Kef to Tunis
(N5), the remains of several Roman and Byzantine buildings were identified during the survey of the University of
Trento (Italy) in collaboration with the Institut National du
338
339
Courtois (1954) 202.
For a description of the mosaics, see Courtois (1954) 199–202.
326
Gazetteer
Patrimoine de la Tunisie (1994 to 2000, 2008 and 2012). The
promontory, which dominated the access to the Khalled
valley, was the site of a Byzantine fortress and several elements linked to agricultural production (oil presses), as
well as 7 cisterns and a bathhouse.
Bibliography: de Vos Raaijmakers and Attaoui (2013) 127–30
and 356–57.
Construction: (C) The opus vittatum walls of the baths may
point to a late antique or Byzantine construction date.340
The surface finds of the site, covering the entire Roman
and the early Islamic periods, permit such a dating.341
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: As the building has not been excavated, only a brief
description of the building is provided. At least two rooms
had a hypocaust, located on the south-western side of the
building. A semicircular niche in the north-west corner of
the building showed traces of water pipes removed after
the abandonment of the building. This may have been a
schola labri.342 At least one room was covered by a cross
vault, parts of which were found inside the building.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made with square
tiles. There is no information on the water management of
the site, except for the aforementioned water pipes.
C49. Lambaesis (Tazoult, Algeria), Baths of the
Hunters
Excavation history: The Baths of the Hunters in Lambaesis
(Lambèse/Tazoult, Algeria) were named after the ‘officers of the Hunters of Africa’ that unearthed the complex
in 1880–1881. The Service des monuments historiques de
l’Algérie investigated the building in 1938.
Bibliography: Krencker et al. (1929) 215–17; Leschi (1938–
1940); Thébert (2003) 212–13.
Construction: (D) Yvon Thébert argued that the layout of
the plan points to a late date, and the three-apse plan of
the caldarium was popular in late antique architecture
(see also below C53).343 The only datable element that
has emerged from the early excavations is the tile stamp
of Legio III Augusta, stationed in the city. While there is no
attestation of the legion in the city after AD 293, it could
be that a stock of tiles was still used (or reused) at a later
date. An inscription dated to the 3rd c. and linked to the
Asclepius cult was probably reused in the baths.344
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths lie 100 m north-east of the new forum and
some 150 m east of the Asclepeium. The plan is dominated
340
341
342
343
344
Several sites of Vandal and Byzantine date in the immediate
vicinity were erected in the same opus vittatum technique, see
de Vos Raaijmakers and Attaoui (2013).
de Vos Raaijmakers and Attaoui (2013) 130.
de Vos Raaijmakers and Attaoui (2013) 129.
Thébert (1983) 107; Thébert (2003) 212.
Leschi (1938–1940) 267–69.
C49
Lambaesis (Tazoult, Algeria), Baths of the Hunters (After
Thébert (2003) 635, pl. LXXXV.2)
by the oblong frigidarium with its large rectangular pool
and a rectangular space to its south (ca. 13 × 10 m). The
function of the latter is unclear. It may have been a room
for physical exercise or perhaps a lounge area.345 In this
case, we can imagine that the small side chambers east
and west of the hall were rooms for massages and anointing. From the central frigidarium, the bathers started a
clockwise circular itinerary. A first rectangular room to the
south-west of the frigidarium may have been a tepidarium.
The second heated room was octagonal in shape and had
two semicircular niches on its eastern side, but seemingly
lacked pools.346 The caldarium had an oblong plan, with
semicircular alvei on its short ends and semicircular apses
in the middle of the long sides. One entered and exited the
room by two separate doorways in the small eastern apse.
Before returning to the frigidarium, one passed a small
rectangular exit-tepidarium with a semicircular apse which
may have lodged a small pool or labrum.347 A separately accessible latrine east of the bathhouse was probably flushed
by waste water from the piscina.
Decoration: The report by Leschi does not discuss the decorative scheme.
345
346
347
The room was accessible from the outside by a separate entrance, which supports the idea of a room for physical exercises, following the theory of Thébert (1991).
Thébert (2003) 213 contra Krencker et al. (1929) 217.
Krencker et al. (1929) 217.
327
Gazetteer
C50
Lambaesis (Tazoult,
Algeria), Small
Baths south of the
Asclepeium (After
Thébert (2003) 635,
pl. LXXXV.5)
Technology: There is little information on the hypocaust
system or the type of wall heating. The use of tubi fittili for
the vaults is attested in the service area.
Construction technique: Opus africanum?
Bathhouse surface: ca. 1,400 m2
GPS coordinates: 35°28’47.66”N, 6°16’12.29”E
C50. Lambaesis (Tazoult, Algeria), Small Baths south
of the Asclepeium
Excavation history: The baths were excavated during the
large-scale investigations of Lambaesis in the 1920s by the
Service des monuments historiques de l’Algérie.
Bibliography: Cagnat (1923).
Construction: (D) No archaeological evidence permits a
dating of construction, but Yvon Thébert considers the
numerous semicircular apses and pools as indications for
a late date, possibly 4th c.348 The three-apsidal caldarium
resembles the caldarium of the Baths of the Hunters in
the same city (C49). The overall plan is reminiscent of the
4th c. Valebuona Baths in Volaterrae (C31). The small single-person pool early in the heated section is also a popular
late antique element, although the medical context of the
sanctuary could account for the high number of singleperson pools.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bathhouse of around 400 m2 was discovered
south of the Temple of Asclepius, in the vicinity of another
348
Thébert (2003) 214.
undated bathhouse (fig. 87, see below, p. 360).349 Both baths
have been linked to the healing cult of Asclepius: the sick
had to bathe before entering the sanctuary.350 One entered
the baths by a large, almost square hall to the north (7.4
× 6.75 m), possibly used as multifunction space (apodyterium, unctorium). A large doorway to the south led into the
frigidarium, which had two lateral semicircular piscinae. In
the centre of the southern wall of the frigidarium, a narrow
door led into the first heated room, which in its turn gave
access to a heated room to the east and to the west. Yvon
Thébert reconstructed a semicircular pool in the outer
walls of both of these rooms. The doorway between the
eastern room and the frigidarium may have facilitated the
itinerary for people entering the heated section.351 From
the western room, one accessed a fourth heated room, also
with semicircular pool on its eastern side. To the south of
this room lay the caldarium with a semicircular exedra in
its south wall and a semicircular pool on both its eastern
and western end.
Decoration: No information about the decorative scheme is
available.
Technology: The caldarium was heated by three furnaces:
one directly underneath each alveus and one just east of
the central exedra. The room to the north of the caldarium
was also heated by a furnace, located underneath its pool.
The three small rooms to the north had a hypocaust, but
may have been indirectly heated. A sewer ran along the
southern wall of the caldarium’s praefurnium.352
Construction technique: Opus africanum?
Bathhouse surface: ca. 400 m2
GPS coordinates: 35°28’41.88”N, 6°16’2.35”E
C51. Mellaha (Libya)
Excavation history: In 1924, a farmer found the remains of a
Roman building is his field just outside the oasis of Tajoura
(Libya), east of the Libyan capital Tripoli. The excavation
by the Italian Colonial Department of Antiquities identified
it as a small bathhouse, perhaps belonging to a villa or a
hamlet.
Bibliography: Bartoccini (1927).
Construction: (B) On the basis of the ceramic finds and a
coin of Constantius II, Renato Bartoccini dated the building to the second half of the 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Only part of the bathhouse was excavated, so it is difficult to identify the overall plan and locate the entrance.
According to Bartoccini’s description, 4 rooms were discovered. The two rooms to the north, as well as the room
just to the south-west of these, were unheated. A small
349
350
351
352
Ballu (1915) 112–13.
Cagnat (1923) 86.
Thébert (2003) 214.
Visible in Cagnat (1923) tav. V.
328
figure 87 Sanctuary of Asclepius in Lambaesis (Algeria). The Small South Baths (IV) and the Sanctuary Baths (in shaded
box) can be identified
after Cagnat (1923) tav. V
Gazetteer
329
Gazetteer
C51
Mellaha (Libya), (After Bartoccini (1927) 240,
unnumbered fig.)
single-person semicircular pool was located on this room’s
southern end (1 m deep). A doorway in the west wall led
into a heated room, but the walls were too damaged to reconstruct the heating system.
Decoration: The easternmost cold room and the room just
to its south had polychrome mosaic floors with geometric
pattern. On the threshold between these two rooms, there
was also a mosaic of geometric design.
Technology: The small cold pool was drained by a sewage
channel that joined the sewage channel from the room just
in front of it. No other information can be found in the excavation report.
Construction technique: Opus caementicum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 30 m2)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C52. Oued Athmenia (Algeria), Baths of Pompeianus
Excavation history: In 1877, a large bathhouse was found
by peasants in a field around the modern village of Oued
Athmenia (Algeria). The complex was excavated by the
Société archéologiue de la province de Constantine. The
same society also re-investigated the remains in 1928–1929.
Bibliography: Poulle (1878); Krencker et al. (1929) 224;
Alquier and Alquier (1930); Thébert (2003) 218–20.
Construction: (C) On the basis of the mosaics, the building
could be dated to the end of the 4th or the beginning of
the 5th c.353
Continued use and abandonment: (C) The horse-mosaic in
the caldarium is sometimes dated to the early 6th c. on the
basis of mosaic style and of the typology of the depicted
building.354
353
354
Dunbabin (1978) 267.
Sarnowski (1978) 16.
C52
Oued Athmenia (Algeria), Baths of Pompeianus (After
Poulle (1878) pl. XIX)
Plan: As no considerable Roman ruins were found in the vicinity, the excavators concluded that the baths must have
belonged to a large villa that had yet to be discovered or
that had possibly been destroyed during building works
in 1856–1857.355 Other scholars believed that the southern
part of the building constituted the actual living quarters;356
however, the small surface of this living space in comparison to the baths, makes such an interpretation unlikely.357
The impressive size of the complex convinced most scholars that this bathhouse also had a public use. It is interesting to notice that the original excavation report does
mention ‘quelques bourgades composées d’un petit nombre
de maisons’ (‘some hamlets consisting of a small number
of houses’) and that several latifundia were found further
along the road to Sétif.358 These baths may have served a
rich landowner and a small rural community, as may have
been the case in Sidi Ghrib (see below, p. 345–347).
The most noticeable feature of the plan is the large apsidal pool of the frigidarium. This remarkable construction
actually consisted of a smaller apsidal piscina (4 × 3.4 m)
surrounded by a larger natatio (3.5 m in width). Both pools
are enclosed by an ambulatory (2 m in width) that may
have looked onto a garden. Fikret Yegül sees the pavilionlike layout of the piscina-in-natatio as a reference to certain
355
356
357
358
Poulle (1878) 435, 447.
Alquier and Alquier (1930) 290–91.
Thébert (2003) 218.
Poulle (1878) 435.
Gazetteer
330
figure 88
Plan of the Baths of Pompeianus in
Oued Athmenia (Algeria) depicting the
mosaic floors
in Yegül (1992) 248, fig. 297 after
an unpublished drawing
water sanctuaries or island pavilions.359 The frigidarium
was the heart of the building, while the square room south
of it and the ambulatory may have fulfilled the function of the oblong rooms encountered in other late baths
(see C49; C61). The heated section is more elaborate than
those of the baths discussed so far, especially with addition of a round sudatorium at the beginning of the bathing
itinerary. The caldarium probably had two alvei, one of
which was semicircular, while the other could have been
rectangular.360 It is difficult to interpret the protruding room with convex sides on the northern side as an
apodyterium361 if we accept that the main entrance was
not situated on the northern side, but rather on the southeastern side. The room with lateral apses, called the tablinum by Alquier and Alquier, may have been the actual
entrance with dressing rooms. Thébert even wonders if
the large open space, known by excavations to be unpaved,
should be identified as a palaestra.362 In fact, the entire
southern section was probably a part of the baths, rather
than living quarters. An alternative interpretation could be
that this part was restricted to a specific clientele or the
masters of a domus. The open court may have been a garden in this case.363
359
360
361
362
363
Yegül (1992) 249.
Krencker et al. (1929) 224; Thébert (2003) 219.
As interpreted by Poulle (1878) 444; Alquier and Alquier (1930)
300.
Thébert (2003) 219.
Krencker et al. (1929) 224.
Decoration: The decorative schemes merit some attention
(fig. 88). The floor mosaic in the centre of the frigidarium
depicted a large estate with a tower and walls enclosing a
garden. The lower registers are presenting a hunting scene.
The panel is oriented towards the heated section, which
could support the hypothesis that bathers entered through
the western entrance. On the lateral sides of this panel, located in the recesses created by the Corinthian columns,
the scenes of marine creatures with Nereids on their backs
recall similar representations in the Sidi Ghrib baths. In
the room with the rectangular alveus, a scene of a domina
seated between trees and pastures is accompanied by the
text ‘FILOSOFO FILOLOCUS’ (‘the most beloved location
for the philosopher’). On the lower register, a ‘SEPTUM
VENATIONIS’ (‘park for hunting’) announces the scene
in the frigidarium, while a ‘PECVARI LOCUS’ (‘the corral’)
fits within the overall pastoral theme of the mosaics. In the
mosaic of the caldarium, the race horses of Pompeianus,
and possibly the stables are shown. All 6 horses are named:
ALTUS’ (‘the powerful’), ‘PULLENTIANUS’ (‘the stallion’),
‘DELICATUS’ (‘the delicate’), ‘SCHOLASTICUS’ (‘the
wise’), ‘TITAS’ (‘the giant’) and ‘POLYDOXUS’ (‘the victorious’). There are special words of appreciation for the latter: ‘vincas non vincas, te amamus, Polydoxe’ (‘Whether you
win or not, we still love you, Polydoxus’). The name of the
presumed owner of the baths, Pompeianus, is spelled out
above the scene. In the other rooms, intricate polychrome
geometric mosaics embellish the floors. The concentric
circles of the mosaic in the round floor must have reflected
Gazetteer
the optical effect of the dome covering the room. The excavators also stress the large quantities of marble that were
recovered at the site. Door jambs, plinths and the walls
were covered in mainly white marble slabs.
Technology: The baths functioned according to the normal
Roman standards. The suspensurae (wrongly used to denote wall heating by Poulle) are built with brick pilae, while
the wall heating was ensured by tubuli.364 In an interesting
passage, the excavators mention that they found a stock of
200 to 300 of these suspensurae (sic)—resembling bottomless beer pots according to Poulle—in an unspecified room
of the baths.365 As there are no pictures of the find, it is
hard to confirm whether these terracotta elements were actual tubuli or were tubi fitilli. The presence of such a ‘stock’
might be due to parts of the wall heating being restored or
as ‘back up’ to make ad hoc repairs of malfunctioning parts.
It could also have been the ‘leftovers’ of a building phase.
The water management of the site is also well known. The
water came from two large reservoirs located west of the
baths, which were presumably fed by a small source. By
underground supply channels, the water was sent directly
to the piscina and natatio. A separate branch of this supply channel led to the open courtyard, probably to water
plants or feed a fountain.366 The alvei may have been fed
by a separate water channel. The lead pipes that led the
water in the heated pools were still visible at the moment
of excavation. Water disposal was accomplished through a
network of sewers, passing by a small latrine, and eventually discharging into a nearby stream.
Construction technique: Opus mixtum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 1,600 m2 (including courtyard)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
Ouled Hafouz (Tunisia)
Excavation history: During construction works of a private
residence in the town of Ouled Hafouz (Tunisia), a large
mosaic of Leda (?) resting on hypocaust pillars was found.
A small salvage excavation was carried out, but remains
unpublished, except for a description of the mosaic.
Bibliography: Jeddi (1994).
Construction: (C) The baths seem to have had several building phases, as traces of an earlier mosaic were found beneath the Leda mosaic. The style of the Leda mosaic points
364
365
366
Poulle also mentions ‘suspensurae’ (i.e. tubuli) in the corners
of the frigidarium, presumably to mildly heat this cold room
(Poulle (1878) 445). The presence of these tubuli is difficult to
explain. As it is hard to imagine that these tubuli may have affected the temperature in such a large room, they should perhaps be interpreted as simple constructional elements. The
use of tubuli as building material in walls and steps has been
attested in several sites, see for example Ostia (Baths of the
Swimmer, Small Baths on the Via Severiana).
Poulle (1878) 443–44.
Poulle (1878) 453.
331
to a date between the 4th and 6th c., but with a preference
for the latter. A comparison with the style of the Early
Umayyad paintings in Qusair Amra has been proposed,
hinting at a 7th c. date.367
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The limited size of the excavations provides little
knowledge about the actual building.
Decoration: The mosaic represented a nude goddess
(Venus?) with a Cupid and Leda holding a swan. Text was
inserted at the bottom of the scene (EA-63), asking ‘why do
you not take a bath?’
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made of standard
square tiles, but no other information is available.
Sila (Bordj al-Ksar, Algeria), Baths of Skylla
Excavation history: Little is known about the small town
of Sila, 32 km south-east of Constantine. The town may
have been a castrum of Cirta. It seems to have been the
seat of a bishop during the 5th c. and may also have hosted
a Byzantine fortress.368 In the early 20th c., a small bathhouse was found in the lower part of the site.
Bibliography: Gsell (1905).
Construction: (C) A mosaic was dated to the 4th or 5th c.,
although it is difficult to determine if it belonged to the
original construction phase.369
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: There was at least one rectangular piscina (4 × 3.8 m)
and two small rooms on a hypocaust, heated by a single
furnace.
Decoration: The most important feature of the building was
a large mosaic, of which only a third has been preserved
(4.68 × 6.45 m). It depicted Skylla in a marine setting, including Nereids, dolphins and seahorses. The piscina had a
plain white mosaic floor.
367
368
369
Jeddi (1994) 278.
Pringle (1981) 300.
Dunbabin (1978) 249; Wiedler (1999) 250. Already Stephane
Gsell had proposed a late antique date, with a scorn that was
typical for the scientific climate: ‘La mosaïque que nous venons
de décrire est d’un bien mauvais art; le dessin en est incorrect, la
technique grossière et négligée, la couleur assez terne; les visages
sont sans expression, les détails des corps et des draperies indiqués par des lignes raides et disgracieuses. Ce morceau doit être
du troisième ou du quatrième siècle. C’est l’ouvrage d’artisans
maladroits, à peine digne des thermes du chef-lieu de canton
qu’était Sila. Cependant l’image de Scylla figurée au milieu de
ce pavement, lui donne un certain intérêt.’ (‘The mosaic we just
described is artistically quite bad; the drawing is incorrect,
the technique is crude and sloppy, the color is quite dull; the
faces are expressionless, the details of the bodies and draperies are indicated by stiff and disgraceful lines. This piece must
be of 3rd or 4th-c. date. It is the work of clumsy craftsmen,
barely worthy of the baths of the canton capital that was Sila.
However, the image of Scylla depicted in the middle of this
floor gives it a certain interest.’) (Gsell (1905), 7; translation by
the author).
332
Gazetteer
Technology: The excavation report mentions no special
features of the hypocaust or the water related elements of
the baths.
C53. Sitifis (Sétif, Algeria), Baths of the 5th c.
Excavation history: A small bathhouse was discovered during the construction of a park in Sétif, with excavations carried out between 1977 and 1984.
Bibliography: Mohamedi and Fentress (1985); Fentress
(1989); Mohamedi et al. (1991); Thébert (2003) 223–24.
Construction: (A) Originally, a Roman bathhouse occupied
an entire insula until it fell out of use in the 5th c. An occupation layer of 40–50 cm accumulated in the abandoned
building in the period between AD 410 and AD 425.370 The
old walls were torn down and a new bathhouse in opus africanum was built on the southern part of the insula.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) It seems to have
been in use until the end of the 6th c. or the first quarter of
the 7th, when rubble covered the mosaic of the frigidarium.371 Pushing the use of the baths into the Islamic period
is difficult, as evidence for continued bathing practise is
lacking.372
Plan: One entered the baths by an oblong vestibule in the
east. No trace of paving was found. The sturdy eastern wall
of the vestibule suggests that it was covered by a shed roof
sloping down to the east. To the north, a doorway led into
a rectangular room, which was severely damaged on its
northern side during excavations. However, a trench could
be identified here, dug into the foundation layers, possibly
to construct some steps leading down into an open area.
The zone to the east of the baths, which had a thin mortar floor covered by a layer of sand, was identified as a palaestra.373 From the vestibule, a large doorway to the west,
flanked by a pair of columns, gave access to the frigidarium.
The absence of sockets in the threshold makes it unlikely
that there was a door here. The room (8.9 × 8.8 m) had two
apsidal pools, one to the north (3.6 × 3.2 m) and one to
the south (3.6 × 2.8 m). They were both 0.7 m deep. In the
4 corners of the room, cubiform column bases were found.
These must have been additional supports for the cross
vault covering the room.374 From the cold room, one passed
into to a heated section through a doorway in the west side.
In contrast to the doorway east, the latter was not marked
by a meander mosaic before the threshold. The heated
section consisted of only a single room on a hypocaust.
The pillars alone withstood the ravages of time, making it
370
371
372
373
374
Fentress (1989) 322.
Mohamedi and Fentress (1985) 471.
E. Fentress, personal communication.
Mohamedi et al. (1991) 63. The presence of a palaestra would
be rather strange, as the combination of baths and a sporting
ground is uncommon in late antique contexts (see chapter 4).
Mohamedi et al. (1991) 85.
C53
Sitifis (Sétif, Algeria), Baths of the 5th c. (After Mohamedi
et al. (1991) 60, fig. 13)
difficult to identify a possible pool. The walls were probably heated, although the excavation report does not mention the presence of tubuli. The possible absence of a hot
water pool could mean that the heated section only had
the function of a sweat chamber. A portable brazier may
have created additional heat. In the middle of the lower
part of the south wall, the characteristic open arch reveals
the presence of a furnace. It was heated from an L-shaped
praefurnium. Its floor, made out of battered earth, was
lying 1.2 m lower than the floor of the frigidarium.
Decoration: The northern room giving access to the presumed palaestra had a geometric mosaic. The floor of the
cold room was embellished with a polychrome mosaic. The
central emblema (3.68 × 3.77 m) depicted Venus emerging
from the water, carried by two marine creatures and surrounded by fish. Two flying amores spread a cloth above
the head of the goddess, while in the bottom corners two
fishermen can be discerned.375 The border of the mosaic
consisted of a geometric pattern imitating opus sectile. The
diagonal pattern of the geometric motives, as well as the diagonal composition of the emblema reflected the diagonal
structure of the cross vault. The wavy patterns of the mosaics on the bottom of the pools were meant to highlight
375
For a full description, see Mohamedi et al. (1991) 73–77.
Gazetteer
the water surface.376 The mosaics against the sides of the
pools imitate marble slabs, especially pavonazetto. In the
destruction layers of the frigidarium, several fragments
of mural paintings were found. Again, marble slabs were
imitated. The popularity of marble imitation is attested
in other late antique buildings in Sitifis.377 The vault was
probably painted sky blue. It is remarkable that floral patterns, a recurrent theme in 5th c. mosaics, were absent.
Technology: The heating system was very basic. A single furnace heated the hypocaust of the small caldarium. A type
of wall heating was also present. This can be inferred from
the walls of the room having a continuous mortar coating.
If there had not been some kind of wall heating, the level
of the suspended floor would have been visible against the
walls.378 The ruinous state of the caldarium did not permit
the locating of an alveus. Furthermore, there is no sign
of masonry that supported a boiler in the praefurnium. If
there was a small pool, it was heated only by direct contact with the furnace. The water supply is unclear. To the
west of the northern piscina, a reservoir was supported by
a vaulted room (internal dimensions: 4.1 × 3 m). Its location next to the pool points to a direct connection between
the two, although all traces of piping have disappeared. It
is also unclear how this reservoir was filled. A well from
the preceding period to the east of the baths may still
have been in use.379 Waste water from the piscinae were
collected by a channel starting at the bottom south of the
northern piscina and running south under the frigidarium.
It connected to the drain of the southern pool and left the
baths under the south-east corner, to join the sewer in the
street south of the baths.
Construction technique: Opus africanum?
Bathhouse surface: ca. 108 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
333
C54
Sitifis (Setif, Algeria), Baths of the Triumph of Venus (After
Février et al. (1970) fig. 28)
Excavation history: The baths were discovered and excavated in 1958–1966 by the Service des monuments historiques
de l’Algérie.
Bibliography: Lassus (1962); Thébert (2003) 223.
Construction: (C) The Bath of the Triumph of Venus was
dated on the basis of its mosaics, pointing to a late 4th
or early 5th c. date. Two churches found in its vicinity
were dated by funerary inscriptions to similar dates. The
geometric motif on the panel border in the frigidarium
is exactly the same as the mosaic pattern embellishing
a tomb in one of the churches, dated by an inscription in
AD 389–412.380
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: This small bathhouse fitted within a rectangle of 12 ×
9 m. It is unclear whether the bath was connected to the
structures to the east, which may have been a domus, or
if it was accessible directly from the street. It consisted of
only three rooms, arranged on a single north-south axis.
The northernmost room (5.5 × 5.3 m) was obviously the
most important one. We can recognize a frigidarium with
a single cold pool in its south-eastern corner. By a doorway
in the south-western corner, one entered the heated section. The first room was rectangular and heated by a single
furnace in the east side. By a doorway in the centre of its
southern side, one could reach the second heated room
with its trefoil plan. There were probably small pools in
one or more of the three apses. The only furnace was also
located to the east.
Decoration: The frigidarium floor was embellished with
a well-preserved mosaic of Venus and amores.381 As the
mosaic was meant to be seen from the east, Yvon Thébert
376
377
378
379
380
381
C54. Sitifis (Sétif, Algeria), Baths of the Triumph of
Venus
Mohamedi et al. (1991) 77.
Mohamedi et al. (1991) 84.
Mohamedi et al. (1991) 61.
Fentress (1989) 329.
Lassus (1962) 102–104.
For a description, see Lassus (1962) 104.
Gazetteer
334
suggested that the main entrance to the baths must have
been located in the east side of the building.382
Technology: There is no information on the water supply or
disposal. The heating system seems to have been restricted
to two furnaces, each heating the hypocausts of a warm
room.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 350 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C55. Sufetula (Sbeitla, Tunisia), The Baths of Basilica 2
Excavation history: The baths were unearthed in 1913, when
they were interpreted as the private baths of a house.383
Bibliography: Merlin (1915); Duval (1971a) 304–309; Thébert
(2003) 157–59.
Construction: (D) The bath has the same orientation and
is built on the same late antique street level of Basilica 2,
making it likely that it was built in the same period.384 The
basilica is usually dated at the end of the 5th or beginning
of the 6th c., but hard archaeological evidence is lacking.385
Continued use and abandonment: Successive restorations
can be discerned, but are difficult to date.
Plan: The Baths of Basilica 2 are located just north of the
Basilica of Vitalis, along one of the cardines leading to
the north of the city (map 23). The building was erected
in opus caementicium using local limestone or sandstone,
with some restorations made in brick. The plan fits within
a rectangle of 27 × 20 m for a total surface of around 520
m2. There were two entrances to the vestibulum, with the
west one cordoned off by a wall and small fountain to impede indiscrete looks of the passers-by. From here, a narrow passage led to the latrines, which were also accessible
by a door giving directly onto the street. The large paved
vestibulum (4.3 × 16.5 m) gave access to the frigidarium.
This large room (15.1 × 6 m) had one large rectangular pool
(6 × 4.2 m) and a smaller one with apsidal ending (2.7 ×
2 m). A small room (3.3 × 2.8 m) in the north-east corner
of the room may have been used as dressing room or massage-room.386 Continuing south, a succession of 4 heated
rooms awaited the bathers. The first room (3.8 × 3.1 m), accessed through a narrow door (0.96 m wide) to reduce heat
loss, was indirectly heated by the hypocaust of the neighbouring room. The hypocaust of the apse to the south was
removed at a later stage. The room immediately east (4.8 ×
3.1 m) had a suspended floor and tubuli, indirectly heated
by the furnace of the room to the south. The apse of the
eastern end was deprived of a hypocaust, but was equipped
382
383
384
385
386
Thébert (2003) 223.
Merlin (1915) 37; due to this early interpretation, the baths
were included as private baths in de Haan (2010) 351 (A. 254).
For remarks, see Thébert (2003) 157–58.
Duval (1971a) 292.
Duval (1971a) 307.
C55
Sufetula (Sbeitla, Tunisia), Baths of Basilica 2 (After Duval
(1971) dépliant VII)
with a small pool (1.1 × 0.96 m; 0.7 m deep), accessed by a
single step. The third heated room had two heated pools,
the eastern apsidal one (3.2 × 2.7 m) being later walled up
to function as a reservoir. The western rectangular pool
(2 × 3 m) was located directly above the furnace heating
the entire room. The last heated room also had two heated
pools, both rectangular but of different dimensions. The
small one in the south (1 × 1.2 m) was only large enough
to accommodate one person at a time, while the eastern
one (2.1 × 2 m) could welcome more people.387 Both were
located directly above a furnace.
Decoration: The decoration, poorly preserved, seemed to be
quite inconspicuous. The large vestibulum was paved with
slabs of local limestone. The second heated room originally had marble paving. The pools were covered with plain
white mosaic.
Technology: The water supply of the baths is unknown;
however, an aqueduct probably reached the city in the
north, and the Wadi Sbeitla was situated nearby. A large
reservoir was located just south of the latrines, and must
have stored the water of the pools and the fountain in the
387
Duval (1971a) 309.
Gazetteer
latrine.388 The transformed pool in the third heated room
probably supplemented storage capacity when the small
plunge was built in the second heated room. Waste water
disposal is badly understood. A drain pipe was observed in
the south-east corner of the apsidal piscina of the frigidarium, continuing west under the cold room to join the sewer
of the latrines.389 These probably emptied into the street
sewer. The drain of the small plunge in the second heated
room turned south, where it probably joined the drains of
the pools of the fourth heated room. The heating system
seems to have been badly damaged even before the clearing works of 1913. The pilae of the hypocaust were made out
of square tiles. The dimensions or form of the tubuli have
not been published. The fourth heated room was arguably
the hottest, as it had two furnaces and faced directly south.
Furthermore, its surface was smaller than the third heated
room, which was only heated by a single furnace. The pool
of the latter must have been of a more temperate heat, as
it was larger than the two pools of the fourth room. The
second heated room was indirectly heated and must have
been slightly warmer than the first, which was situated
even further from the furnace. The first room was also set
at a right angle to the other three rooms, while the passage
to the second room was narrow. This ‘peripheral position’
of the first room made it a perfect ‘heat lock’ or buffer between the hot and the cold sections.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 590 m2
GPS coordinates: 35°14’32.28”N, 9° 7’9.75”E
C56. Sufetula (Sbeitla, Tunisia), Baths nr. 26
Excavation history: The baths were partially excavated in
1950 and 1954 and restored in 1969, but these interventions
were never published.
Bibliography: Merlin (1946–1949); Thébert (2003) 157.
Construction: (C) The baths are located in the south-east
quarter of the site, in a part that saw important building
activity from the 4th c. onwards (map 23).390 The construction level and the mosaics point to a date in the 5th or possibly 6th c.391
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The building was small, fitting in a rectangle of 22 ×
24 m. Due to their small size, these baths have sometimes
been interpreted as private baths.392 However, no house has
been discovered in the vicinity. The street access also favours
a public facility. It faced north-west, probably accessible
from a side-street of the main road. One entered through an
335
C56
oblong hall and a small room that formed an entrance ‘en
baïonnette’. A wall prevented the person entering from directly looking into the bathing part. From here, one entered
a large hall, partially paved, which was divided into two
parts by a pair of double columns. The southernmost part
was equipped with an apsidal cold-water pool (ca. 2.6 ×
3 m). From this frigidarium, two doorways led south-east.
The easternmost opened onto a small furnace room, servicing a pool. The fornacator apparently had to pass through
the cold room to fire up the furnace.393 The semicircular
pool (ca. 1.5 × 3 m) was reached by taking the southernmost
doorway and may have been constructed at a later date.394
Continuing south, a rectangular room with no further amenities was followed by an almost square room with apsidal
heated pool, directly heated by a furnace.
Decoration: On the inner wall of the piscina, a polychrome
mosaic represented fish and other marine animals. The
figurative band was bordered by a simple ribbon pattern
below and a stylized wave pattern on top. The bottom was
paved with limestone slabs (observation by the author on
site).
Technology: The two furnaces that were discovered heated
alvei. There is no information about a possible hypocaust
or wall heating. The water management of the baths also
393
388
389
390
391
392
Duval (1971a) 309.
Indicated on plan VII in Duval (1971a).
The Arch of Diocletian was built at the eastern end of the
main road that crossed this part of town.
Thébert (2003) 157.
Picard (1949) 633; Duval and Baratte (1973) 102.
Sufetula (Sbeitla, Tunisia), Baths nr. 26 (After Thébert
(2003) 602, pl. LII.2)
394
We must assume that this praefurnium was only accessible
through the frigidarium, as no other doors have been found.
If the pool was a later addition, the praefurnium must have
been installed in an existing room (an unctorium?) because
this must have been the easiest solution (instead of piercing a
furnace through the eastern wall).
Duval and Baratte (1973) 103.
336
Gazetteer
remains in question. The pool of the frigidarium may have
been fed by a reservoir lying directly north-east of it, but
the structure is too badly damaged to confirm this.
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 530 m2)
GPS coordinates: 35°14’16.36”N, 9°7’13.79”E
Sufetula (Sbeitla, Tunisia), Baths near Basilica 5
Excavation history: Unknown.
Construction: (D) The baths can be attributed to Late
Antiquity on the basis of their plan and their location,
along the same road as the Baths nr. 26, just north of the
Byzantine fort nr. 27 and some 20 m east of basilica 5
(map 23, nr. 4).
Bibliography: No publication available.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The building was centred on a rectangular frigidarium
with two pools, one rectangular and one apsidal.395
Decoration: The floor and walls of the rectangular pool
were covered with white mosaics.
Technology: Unknown.
C.57. Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria), Small North Baths
Excavation history: These baths were excavated in 1902 by
the Service des monuments historiques de l’Algérie. This
small bathhouse was located along the cardo maximus
near the northern gate of the ancient walls.
Bibliography: Ballu (1903a); Germain (1969) 11–12; Thébert
(2003) 229–30.
Construction: (C) On the basis of mosaics, a 4th or even
5th c. date is proposed.396 It is difficult to determine if
these mosaics belong to the original building phase.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bathhouse was implanted in an existing insula of
20 × 20 m, resulting in the modest surface of 400 m2. While
located along the cardo maximus, the principal entrance of
the baths lay on the east side, from a small cardo parallel to
the city’s main north-south axis. At the time of digging, the
eastern part of the building had collapsed into the underlying cellar, making a reconstruction of the rooms difficult.
The frigidarium was probably square (s: 8.5 m) and had a
rectangular pool (ca. 4 × 3 m). The apodyterium may have
been south of the cold room. Flanking the piscina to the
east and the west may have been rooms for massages or
anointing. By a doorway in the west side, one entered the
heated section, first by passing through a small vestibule
with a square room of unknown function to the south. The
first warm room (6.25 × 4.35 m) was heated by a single furnace to the north-west. A doorway in the west side gave
access to a similar heated room (6.25 × 4.7 m) with a single
395
396
Béjaoui (2004) 24.
Germain (1969) 12.
C57
Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria), Small North Baths (After
Thébert (2003) 649, pl. XCIX.3)
furnace. The third heated room (6.77 × 4.13 m) was connected to the other two rooms and had two heated pools.
The semicircular one (r: 2.5 m) in the south was heated by
two furnaces, while the rectangular one (ca. 2.1 × 5 m) in
the west by only one. The elliptic form of one of the heat
channels makes clear that a boiler was placed on top of
it.397 A service corridor ran along the west side of the
heated rooms. Another corridor running north-south harboured a small latrine and was accessible from the outside
by a door to the north. At its southern end, the corridor
turned east towards the praefurnia of the second and third
heated room. A small door in the south side of the building joined this part of the corridor, passing a second larger
latrine to the east.
Decoration: The floor of the piscina was embellished with a
simple black mosaic with coloured circles. The small vestibule had a plain white mosaic floor. On the floor of the
semicircular alveus, a mosaic with a geometric pattern and
a white background was found.
Technology: Little is known about the heating system, except for the furnaces and connected hypocausts described
above. Wall heating can be supposed for all three rooms,
yet the excavation reports make no mention of specific
techniques. A water conduit is known to pass along the
cardo maximus, although its trajectory at the northern end
of the street is unclear.398 The sewers underneath the baths
are partially known. They drain the pools and pass under
the latrines.399
Construction technique: Opus africanum
397
398
399
Thébert (2003) 230.
Lohman (1979) 168, fig. 1.
Indicated on pl. VIII in Ballu (1903b).
Gazetteer
337
Bathhouse surface: ca. 500 m2
GPS coordinates: 35°29’11.55”N, 6°28’7.72”E
C58. Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria), Small North-east
Baths
Excavation history: The complex was discovered in 1907 and
subsequently excavated by the Service des monuments historiques de l’Algérie.
Bibliography: Ballu (1908); Thébert (2003) 234–35.
Construction: (C) The only evidence for dating this complex is a set of Corinthian capitals in a Greek-Byzantine
style. Even if these could have been a later addition, they
inform us that this building was still occupied in the 6th c.400
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: These small baths were located on the north-east
angle of the old walls. The bathhouse was built after the
walls lost their defensive function, as it was built against
them. It is difficult to assess the articulation of the baths
within the urban fabric. The area north of the baths, just
outside the walls, has not been investigated. To the south,
the bathhouse was built against an insula.
These modest baths covered a surface of around
650 m2 and were structurally divided into eastern and
western wings. The entrance lay at the northern end of the
so-called ‘east boulevard’, the street running between the
easternmost insulae of the town and the east wall. Before
climbing the stairs to enter the baths, a door immediately
to the east of these stairs gave access to a square praefurnium in which three furnaces of the east wing were identified. Taking the stairs led to a narrow corridor running
east-west. At the western end probably lay some utility
rooms and the L-shaped service corridor, narrowed by a
semicircular pool protruding out of the heated rooms. By
taking a passage immediately north of the stairs, one entered the actual bathing rooms. A rectangular room east of
this passage may have served as an apodyterium or unctorium. The frigidarium was a large hall (13.2 × 6.7 m) paved
with limestone, with a rectangular pool to the south and a
smaller apsidal pool (ca. 2.3 × 2.2 m) to the east.
A doorway in the west side of the room gave access to
the heated area. The first two rooms lay on a north-south
axis and were heated by a single furnace in the south-western corner of the southern room. From the south-east corner of the latter, a passage led back to a square room which
was connected both to the piscina and the frigidarium. The
third and fourth heated rooms were accessible by a narrow
doorway in the north-west corner of the second room. The
third room was heated by a single furnace to the south,
while the fourth room had two furnaces, one of which was
located under the semicircular pool in the south side. From
the frigidarium a small passage just north of the apsidal
400
Thébert (2003) 234.
C58
Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria), Small North-east Baths
(After Thébert (2003) 652, pl. CII.2)
piscina led to the east wing. By passing a small latrine
and descending some stairs, one arrived in an irregularly
shaped room. The strange shape is due to the original town
wall curving to the south at this point. On the south end,
a doorway gave access to a long corridor (18 × 3.5 m) that
had a separate street entrance through the city wall. The
southern end of the corridor and a southern room have
unclear delimitations and unclear functions. The bathing
rooms consist of a set of three heated rooms to the west
of the corridor. The connection between these rooms and
with the corridor are uncertain. Yvon Thébert reconstructs
doors between these three rooms and a door between the
southernmost room and the corridor.401 We would have
the north-south succession of a caldarium (4.15 × 5.6 m),
a sudatorium (2 × 32 m) and a tepidarium (4.2 × 5.6 m).
There is no indication of a pool in this eastern wing of the
baths. One could wonder if these rooms were actual bathing rooms. Interpreting the eastern wing as the women’s
baths does not resolve the issue of the pools.402 Perhaps
this wing was used for the ‘peripheral’ activities of bathing,
such as anointing, massage, depilation, etc.
Decoration: The excavation report mentions few details
concerning the decorative scheme of these baths. The
Corinthian capitals in ‘Byzantine’ style merited mention.403
The frigidarium was paved with large limestone flagstones,
while the only mosaics were found in the middle of the
three heated rooms of the east wing.
Technology: Except for the hypocausts found in the heated
rooms, little is known about the heating systems in these
baths. Only in the small ‘sudatorium’ in the east wing has
wall heating been recognized, although it is not specified if
these were tubuli or a different type of system. The limited
width of the doorways between the heated and the cold
401
402
403
Thébert (2003) 235.
Thébert (2003) 234.
Ballu (1908) 245.
Gazetteer
338
figure 89 Plan of the House North of the Capitolium in Thamugadi (Algeria) with adjacent bathhouse
(in box)
after Germain (1969) 106, fig. 15
C59. Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria), The Baths of the
House North of the Capitolium
C59
Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria), Baths the House North of the
Capitolium (After Thébert (2003) 663, pl. CXIII.3)
sections of both the east and west wing reveals the typical
concern of heat retention. There is no information about
the water supply. Ballu mentions a reservoir near the large
piscina, but it seems he is referring to the square room west
of it.404 Nothing is mentioned of water disposal. There are
no traces of water pipes in the north-east area of the city
and most insula in the vicinity had their own well.405 Yet, it
is doubtful that the piscina could have been filled without
the supply of an aqueduct.
Construction technique: Opus africanum?
Bathhouse surface: ca. 650 m2
GPS coordinates: 35°29’12.66”N, 6°28’13.24”E
Excavation history: A large complex, perhaps a house, with
a separate bathhouse, was discovered by the Service des
monuments historiques de l’Algérie in 1915.
Bibliography: Ballu (1916); Germain (1969) 106–114; Thébert
(2003) 250–51.
Construction: (C) The mosaics in these baths point to a late
3rd or an early 4th c. date.406 The plan of the baths strongly
recalls the Baths North-West of the Theatre in Bulla Regia
(see above, C36). The latter were dated in the 4th c., which
would corroborate the date proposed for this bathhouse.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: These baths were located outside the old city, in the
region that developed west of the centre, 130 m north of
the capitolium. As the bathhouse lay next to a large structure, perhaps a house, they were interpreted as private
baths (fig. 89). However, the baths had a separate entrance
from the street, which implies their use was not restricted
to the users of the neighbouring edifice.407
One entered the baths through a portico along the
street. A narrow passage led to a door that gave access to
an oblong room (14.7 × 7.2 m), sometimes interpreted as an
exercise area. A door in the south-east corner of this room
may have given directly onto the street.408 A recess in the
south-west corner and a small room in the north-west corner may have been used as storerooms for oil and towels.
A large doorway in the western wall gave into the octagonal
frigidarium (width of 7.2 m; s: 3 m). On 4 of the sides of
the octagon, there were semicircular niches (r: 1 m), which
406
404
405
Ballu (1908) 244.
Lohman (1979) 168, fig. 1.
407
408
The 3rd-c. date is proposed by Dunbabin (1978) 275; Thébert
(2003) 251 proposes the 4th c.
Contra Thébert (2003) 251 who proposes a ‘private’ function.
Thébert (2003) 663, pl. CXIII.3.
Gazetteer
may have contained benches or statues. The south-western
niche was a doorway that connected the cold room to a
kind of courtyard south of the baths, in which a basin or
possibly a pool (6 × 3 m) was located.409 The two pools
of the frigidarium, one to the north and one to the south,
were of a curvilinear design. A doorway to the west led to
4 heated rooms, all with a hypocaust. The almost square
heated rooms (s: ca. 3.2 m) were arranged so that they
formed a larger square, with each room connected to the
two neighbouring rooms. Only the room connecting to the
frigidarium was indirectly heated and had no wall heating.
The southernmost rooms were equipped with heated pools
placed directly above the furnaces.
Decoration: The floor of the oblong room was covered with
a terracotta mosaic. The frigidarium floor was covered in a
geometric mosaic of black, white and yellow colours. On
the threshold between the cold and the warm section, a
mosaic depicted two pairs of bath clogs accompanied by
the text ‘BENE LAVA’.410 The text was readable for the persons entering the warm rooms. For the people exiting these
rooms back into the frigidarium, the words ‘salvum lavisse’
may have been spelled out, but the mosaic is too damaged
to verify.411 A black and white geometric mosaic adorned
the floor of one of the heated rooms, while the semicircular
pool of the south-western room was embellished with marble slabs. The attention paid to the mosaics could reveal a
public function of the building.412
Technology: The heated section should be interpreted according to the number and disposition of the furnaces. The
warmest room must have been the north-western one, as
the surface to be heated by the hypocaust and wall heating
was rather small.413 The south-western room was heated by
two furnaces, but had a larger surface due to its two pools.
The south-eastern room must have been moderately heated, as the ratio of furnace to surface was the largest here.
The north-eastern room was indirectly heated through the
doorway with the south-eastern room and on the hypocaust level. The poor preservation of the walls at hypocaust
level does not permit reconstruction of the connections
between the hypocausts. There is no information about the
water supply, although the combined volume of the pools,
both heated and unheated, must have necessitated a considerable amount of water. Reservoirs could have been located on the roof. Water disposal is also unknown. A sewer
that went around the south and west sides of the heated
section, collecting the drainage from the pools, would
seem the most logic choice.
409
410
411
412
413
Thébert (2003) 251.
Ballu (1916) 241.
Germain (1969) 116.
Germain (1969) 118.
Thébert (2003) 251.
339
Construction technique: Opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 350 m2
GPS coordinates: 35°29’5.68”N, 6°27’55.55”E
C60. Thenae (Thyna, Tunisia), Baths of the Months
Excavation history: The baths were discovered in 1961 by
construction workers and partially excavated in 1963 by the
Direction des Antiquités de Tunisie.
Bibliography: Fendri, M. (1964); Fendri, N. (1964); Thébert
(2003) 161–62.
Construction: (D) In the preliminary report, a lifespan between the 3rd and 4th c. was proposed. This conclusion
was based on the discovery of a monetary treasure, comprising 320 coins of the period AD 297 to AD 311, which
had been buried in a corner of the second heated room.414
Most of the coins showed little traces of use. As the treasure formed a homogenous unit, the excavators concluded
that the treasure had been hidden at the beginning of the
second decade of the 4th c., when the baths had fallen out
of use or when they were restored.415 However, the room in
which the coins were found was thoroughly reorganised.
The hypocaust floor was taken out and a new system with
wall heating was put in place. It is not specified where the
treasure was found, making the archaeological context unclear. Yvon Thébert proposes a construction date in the late
3rd / early 4th c.416
C60
Thenae (Thyna, Tunisia), Baths of the Months (After
Fendri (1964) plan 2)
414
415
416
Fendri, N. (1964) 59–67.
Resp. Fendri, M. (1964) 57; Fendri (1985) 161.
Thébert (2003) 161–62.
Gazetteer
340
Continued use and abandonment: (C) The mosaics point to
a long use of the building, judging from ‘le caractère nettement « décadent » des mosaïques de seconde main par
rapport aux pavements initiaux’. (‘the slightly “decadent”
character of the second-hand mosaics in comparison to
the original pavement’).417
Plan: We can note that the plan has the same type of large
hall adjacent to the frigidarium as found in the Baths of
the Hunters in Lambaesis (C49). It could be accessed by
a separate entrance to the west, passing a latrine, and
perhaps also from a rectangular room to the east (apodyterium?). The frigidarium was reached by passing through
several rectangular rooms of unknown function, the largest of which (north of the piscina) might have been the
apodyterium. The actual frigidarium had a rectangular
piscina which was flanked by two columns on its northern
and southern side. The small single person pool was not
located at the beginning of the heated section (e.g. below
C62), but inside the frigidarium itself. According to the excavators, the water of this small pool was mildly heated by
a boiler in a small room north-west of the frigidarium. The
boiler was supposedly heated by a channel coming from
the hypocaust of the caldarium. The heated rooms were accessed by a small doorway in the western side of the frigidarium. The first room was a tepidarium, as no wall heating
was discovered, only chimney flues in the wall opposite the
furnace. The second heated room had no specific features
(sudatorium?), while the third room had a rectangular alveus along its western wall. A small sudatorium with its own
furnace was constructed at the end of the bathing route
(north-west of the caldarium).
Decoration: The floors of the cold section were embellished
with mosaics (geometric and floral designs), while the walls
were painted with figurative scenes of women and the ceilings with geometric paintings and marble imitations. The
long use of the baths can be deduced from the several layers of wall paintings in these rooms (up to 4). Around the
piscina, mosaic medallions with marine scenes (Nereids
on dolphins) were depicted. The heated rooms were embellished with marble slabs against the walls, sometimes
running up until the start of the vault. In the caldarium,
the mosaic was found that lend its name to the baths, depicting the personifications of the months January to April.
Instead of window glass, lapis specularis was used.
Technology: Each heated room had its own furnace. The hypocausts consisted of the standard square pillars. Only the
tepidarium did not have tubuli wall heating. It seems that
the heated section was thoroughly reorganised at a certain
point, when the second heated room was equipped with
wall heating and the caldarium was enlarged, possibly by
417
Fendri, M. (1964) 55; translation by the author.
creating the alveus.418 The boiler disposition in the room
north-west of the frigidarium is a unique feature. The water
in the boiler seems to have been heated by caldarium hypocaust and must have been intended for the small single
person pool in the frigidarium. This small pool with tepid
water is reminiscent of the similar pool in the second cold
room of the baths at Theveste (see below, C65). The water
for the pools was, at least partially, supplied by rooftop
reservoirs collecting rainwater. The pools were emptied by
outlets connecting to a sewer that passed the latrine before
entering the city sewer.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 900 m2
GPS coordinates: 34°39’0.83”N, 10°40’59.70”E
C61. Thenae (Thyna, Tunisia), Small South-east Baths
(‘thermes des pugilistes’)
Excavation history: A bathhouse was discovered when a
small test pit was opened near the Roman city wall of
Thenae in 1954. It was subsequently excavated by the
Direction des antiquités de Tunsie and the Institut des
Hautes-Études de Tunis.
Bibliography: Thirion (1957).
Construction: (C) The oldest mosaics found in the baths
seem to date from late 3rd / early 4th c.419
Continued use and abandonment: (C) Some of the mosaics
pertaining to the last phase of decoration (venatio scene)
seem to date to the late 4th / early 5th c.420
Plan: The Small South-East baths lay in the south-east part
of the city, 150 m from the city walls. The building can be
subdivided into an eastern and a western part. The eastern
part, lying on a lower level, may have been part of a domus
of the second half of the 3rd c.421 The western part consisted of a bathhouse, fitting within a rectangle of 27 × 21 m.
The bathers accessed the baths from the west, through
a north-south oriented corridor. The plan was dominated
by the cold room, consisting of three parts. The part in the
centre of the building had two apsidal pools and a polychrome mosaic of floral motifs with exotic fauna in medallions. South of this room, the second part had a rectangular
pool to the west and a large apse to the south. An almost
square room to the south-west of this second frigidarium
also had a small pool, which was adapted several times.
The heated section was rather small, but nevertheless comprised 4 rooms, which probably had to be visited following a clockwise itinerary. The first two rectangular rooms
had no pools and may be interpreted as an entrance tepidarium and a sudatorium. The third room, the caldarium,
418
419
420
421
Fendri, M. (1964) 51.
Thirion (1957) 231; Dunbabin (1978) 273.
Dunbabin (1978) 273.
Thirion (1957) 210.
341
Gazetteer
the proportions are inaccurate (…) and the attitude utterly
clumsy.’), coming to the logical conclusion ‘un tel mépris de
la vraisemblance et de l’unité de l’ensemble ne se rencontre
pas avant le IV e siècle.’(‘such a contempt for realism and
the unity of the whole is not encountered before the 4th
century.’).423 The bottom of the semicircular pool was
embellished with plain grey-green mosaics made of large
tesserae. Among the recovered wall paintings in the cold
section, some geometric patterns and marble imitation
can be seen. In the heated rooms and above the semicircular piscinae, the walls were clad with marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust of the corridor was made with
small walls perpendicular to the north-south walls. There
were no tubuli in this part, only chimney flues to ensure the
draught. The tubuli in the caldarium were not side by side,
but at regular intervals. Water supply pipes were found in
the north and west walls of the caldarium. A large cistern,
south of the baths, stored the water for the pools and may
have been fed by rainwater.424
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 570 m2
GPS coordinates: 34°38’48.74”N, 10°40’53.54”E
C62. Theveste (Tébessa / Henchir Safia, Algeria)
C61
Thenae (Thyna, Tunisia), Small South-east Baths (After
Thirion (1957) general plan)
had a semicircular and rectangular alveus, a feature that
can also be discerned in the small neighbourhood baths in
Thamugadi (see above chapter 3, p. 146–148). The construction of an indirectly heated north-south corridor to the
east of the heated rooms enabled the architects to reduce
direct heat loss through the doorways to the cold section.
Decoration: The mosaic decoration on the floors of the
cold section was mainly geometric and floral (craters with
flowers, see also Sidi Ghrib, p. 347–348), with some figurative medallions. The latter included two amores on a sailing boat, wild animals (some type of feline and possibly
a secretary bird killing a snake), a combat scene between
two boxers and a possible venatio with two bears. In the
large apse of the frigidarium, a building with two towers (a
villa?) was depicted. The style of execution and the themes
point to specialist mosaicists with links to the schools of
Antioch in Syria.422 The appreciation of the excavators
leaves little doubt about the contemporary views on late
antique mosaics: ‘Le dessin, dans son ensemble, est raide
et naïf; les proportions sont inexactes (...) et l’attitude pleine
de gaucherie.’ (‘The drawing as a whole is stiff and naive;
422
Thirion (1957) 242.
Excavation history: The Baths at Theveste were found and
subsequently damaged by army troops in the first decades
of the 20th c. The site was investigated by Jean Lassus.
Bibliography: Lassus (1959); Thébert (2003) 205–206.
Construction: (C) The baths were dated to the 4th c. on the
basis of their mosaics.425
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Due to their small size, Lassus interpreted these baths
as a private complex of a large villa.426 However, no trace
of this supposed villa has been found. Early descriptions of
the region describe the presence of a small Roman hamlet
covering some 2.5 ha.427
The entire building has a very compact plan and presents itself as a rectangle, with only a small semicircular pool
projecting from the south side. The baths were accessible
through a colonnaded space to the east. The bathers would
pass by a latrine, before entering the presumed dressing
room. The square frigidarium (s: 4 m) was the centre of
the building, with all the other rooms constructed around
it. The heated rooms were entered by passing through a
second cold room with a single-person pool and then continuing west through a long heated corridor which gave
access to two interconnected heated rooms to the north.
423
424
425
426
427
Thirion (1957) 231; translation by the author. Dunbabin (1978)
273 proposes the second half of the 3rd to the 5th c.
Thirion (1957) 211.
Lassus (1959) 335; Dunbabin (1978) 272; Wiedler (1999) 262–63.
Lassus (1959) 325.
Thébert (2003) 205.
342
Gazetteer
C63. Tubactis Municipium (Gasr Ahmed, Libya)
C62
Theveste (Tébessa / Henchir Safia, Algeria), (After Lassus
(1959) general plan)
There was probably only one heated pool in the presumed
caldarium in the north-west corner of the complex.428 The
small semicircular pool, large enough for only one person
and located at the beginning (or end) of the succession of
heated rooms, is reminiscent of the small pool with the
same location in the Baths of Sidi Ghrib (see below, p. 346).
For the vaulting of the building, tubi fittili were used.
Decoration: The mosaics, only found intact in the unheated
parts, consisted of polychrome geometric motifs. The mosaic on the bottom of the large piscina was a simple yellow
field. The walls and the ceilings where covered in a white
gypsum plaster. No traces of paint have been identified.
Technology: The water for the alveus was heated in a boiler
located west of the caldarium. It also provided hot water
for the small semicircular pool south of the frigidarium,
which is reminiscent of the warm water labra found in
the apodyterium of some early Roman baths. The single
person pool was drained by an outlet at the bottom giving into the sewer of the nearby latrine. The water for the
pools was stored in a large reservoir north of the baths. The
distribution system from the reservoir to the pools was not
described by Lassus.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 150 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
428
Thébert (2003) 206.
Excavation history: In 1922, a small Roman-style bathhouse
was discovered near modern Gasr Ahmed, just outside
Misrata (Libya), when army barracks were being constructed. The building was subsequently investigated by the
Italian Colonial Department of Antiquities.
Bibliography: Bartoccini (1927).
Construction: (B) On the basis of the decoration, such as
stucco mouldings and mosaics, and small finds, including a
coin from the reign of Julian, the lifespan of the bathhouse
was placed in the 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: To the east of the baths, a luxuriously decorated room
with a second floor was discovered, prompting Renato
Bartoccini to interpret the bathhouse as part of a (urban)
villa.429 The exact structural links between bath and presumed domus are not clear. There was possibly an entrance
to the baths from the street and possibly one from the
house. Such a small yet luxurious bathhouse near the sea is
reminiscent of public baths such as the Hunting Baths in
Leptis Magna (see below, p. 360) or private baths of maritime villas such as the Villa Silin.430
The description of the baths by Bartoccini is brief. The
building was oriented towards the sea. The first room was
C63
Tubactis Municipium (Gasr Ahmed, Libya), (After
Bartoccini (1927) 214, unnumbered fig.)
429
430
Bartoccini (1927) 217.
Salza Prina Ricotti (1971).
Gazetteer
covered by a barrel vault and probably functioned as a
combined frigidarium and apodyterium. In its north side, a
doorway may have led to a domus. The southern part of the
room may have contained a pool (vague indication on the
aforementioned figure). The second room, presumably the
tepidarium due to its small door connecting to the frigidarium and wider door to the heated rooms, had a flat roof. To
the west, two rooms on a hypocaust can be interpreted as
the sudatorium and the caldarium.431 The first heated room
had a flat roof with a round oculus in its centre, presumably
to regulate the heat.432 It had a rectangular pool along its
entire south wall, which also rested on the hypocaust. By
an oblique passage, one reached the caldarium. This second heated room had two pools, one semicircular and one
rectangular (no dimensions are given by Bartocini).
Decoration: The cold rooms had mosaic floors, depicting polychrome geometric designs. On the insides of the
pools, traces of marble slabs could still be seen at the time
of excavation. The vaults were decorated with colourful
moulded stuccos, one of which had the form of a seashell.
Fragments of wall painting were also found.
Technology: Little information is given on the hypocausts.
The walls of the heated rooms were apparently heated
by box-like tubuli. Water was supplied at least partially
through rainwater, as gullies on the roof seem to imply.
There is no information on water disposal.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium?
Bathhouse surface: ca. 40 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C64. Uthina (Oudhna, Tunisia), Baths of the Laberii
Excavation history: The Baths of the Laberii were excavated
at the end of the 19th c. by the Service des antiquités et des
arts de Tunsie.
Bibliography: Gauckler (1896); Gsell (1898); Gsell (1899);
Thébert (2003) 185–86.
Construction: (C) The baths possibly date from the end of
the 3rd or the beginning of the 4th c., rather than from the
early 3rd.433 The style of the mosaic of Orpheus found in
the frigidarium points to this period (fig. 90).434 The coins
that were found in the sewers confirm that the baths were
in use in the 4th c., the most recent one dating from the
reign of Constantine.435
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The baths were out
of use by the 5th or 6th c., when a pottery workshop was
installed in the building. A large amount of ceramics with
431
432
433
434
435
These are labelled caldarium I & II in Bartoccini (1927) 215.
Bartoccini (1927) 215 relying on the description by Vitr., De
arch. 5.10.5.
Thébert (2003) 185 contra Gauckler (1896) 215.
Dunbabin (1978) 241.
Gauckler (1896) 215.
343
C64
Uthina (Oudhna, Tunisia), Baths of the Laberii (After
Gauckler (1896) 216, fig. 11)
Christian symbols was covered when a fire caused the tubi
fittili vault to collapse.436
Plan: No remains of a domus or villa have been found in
the immediate vicinity of the Laberii Baths. The plan is
characterized by the large frigidarium. It had two pools,
the smaller one probably being a later addition. An oval
pool to the south of the frigidarium was originally divided
into two parts by a small wall, creating an oval basin and a
small ‘shower’.437 In a second phase, this room was transformed into a heated room, the ‘shower’ becoming a small
heated pool. It was preceded by a small transition room
which probably acted as ‘heat trap’ between this room and
the frigidarium. The original warm rooms were laid out
in a semicircular itinerary, beginning in a large rectangular room in the south-east of the building (tepidarium?),
continuing north to two smaller rooms, an apsidal side and
ending in the caldarium with its two apisdal pools. A shortcut enabled the bathers to return from the caldarium to the
‘shower’ room.
Decoration: The decorative scheme of the building had
‘Byzantine characteristics’, depicting flowers, garlands and
436
437
Gauckler (1896) 215; Gsell (1899) 61–62.
Gauckler (1896) 225.
Gazetteer
344
figure 90 Baths of the Laberii in Uthina (Tunisia), drawing of the mosaic of the frigidarium depicting Orpheus enchanting
wild animals
in Gauckler (1896) 218, fig. 12
roses. The large figurative mosaic scene in the frigidarium
(fig. 90), depicting Orpheus and animals, was accompanied
by the text: ‘IN PRAEDIS LABERIORUM LABERIANI
ET PAULINUS’.438 It identifies the building as belonging
to members of the gens Laberia. But as Thébert remarked,
this does not mean that these baths were only for private use.439 Indeed, the text recalls the inscription of the
Baths of Iulia Felix in Pompeii, in which a balneum is
leased for a period of 5 years.440 The plain white mosaics
438
439
440
Gauckler (1896) 221; CIL 8.24019.
Thébert (2003) 185.
CIL 4.1136 = ILS 5723.
in the piscinae are a common decoration for the bottom of
pools. Marble was still an important element in the decoration: slabs embellished the walls and some floors, while
statues of draped figures and an amor on a dolphin stood
respectively in the niches of the cold room and the piscina.
Technology: It seems that the water supply was—at least
partially—ensured by reservoirs on the roof, as terracotta
water pipes have been found in the remains of the collapsed vaults. It is unclear which heated rooms had tubuli
as wall heating.
Construction technique: Opus africanum?
Bathhouse surface: ca. 700 m2
GPS coordinates: 36°36’27.68”N, 10°10’21.78”E
Gazetteer
Possible Late Antique Baths
Ammaedra (Haidra, Tunisia), building under Basilica 1
Excavations underneath Basilica 1 in Ammaedra (Haidra,
Tunisia) revealed a mosaic with marine scenes, dated in the
middle of the 4th c., which may have belonged to a bathhouse.441
Icosium (Algier, Algeria), building under the Church of St.
Philip
During construction works in 1844 for the Church of St. Philip
in modern Algiers, two large mosaics were discovered, depicting birds and theatre masks inside a geometric field of
octagons and stylised crosses. The mosaics were constructed
on top of cisterns, which seemed of an anterior date.442 The
mosaics may have belonged to a bathhouse and were dated at
the turn of the 3rd and 4th c.443
Neapolis (Nabeul, Tunisia), building at Sidi Mahrsi
A mosaic depicting roosters and marine scenes with Nereids
and sea monsters was found in a room with a basin in the outskirts of modern Nabeul (Tunisia) in 1967. The marine theme
of the mosaic, as well as the presence of a pool, makes it likely
that this room should be interpreted as part of a (private?)
bathhouse. The mosaics point to a 4th c. date.444
Villa Baths with a Possible Public Use
Sidi Ghrib (Tunisia), Baths of the Marine Thiasos
Excavation history: Sidi Ghrib is a small hamlet 30 km east
of Tunis and close to the village Borj el Hamri. The bathhouse discovered here in 1975 has yielded some of the finest late antique mosaics in North Africa. Between 1985 and
1992, the adjacent villa complex, already partially visible in
the 1970s, was further excavated.
Bibliography: Ennabli (1986); Ennabli and Neuru (1994);
Thébert (2003) 149–51.
Construction: (A) Test pits underneath the mortar floors of
the baths have yielded pottery fragments with a terminus
post quem of AD 360.445 The mosaics, which form a coherent entity with the architecture and hence seem contemporaneous with the construction of the building, should be
dated in the 5th c.446
Continued use and abandonment: (A) Part of the villa was
destroyed by fire at the beginning of the 6th c., but was
subsequently reused for industrial purposes until the early
441
442
443
444
445
446
Wiedler (1999) 293.
Devoulx (1875) 420.
Wiedler (1999) 237.
Wiedler (1999) 328–29.
Thébert (2003) 149 refining the chronology by Ennabli (1986)
55–56.
Thébert (2003) 149.
345
7th c.447 It is possible that the baths ceased to function
after the fire. During the last phase, the pools and doorways of the frigidarium were blocked, but the vaults were
still intact. These later collapsed on layers postdating these
blockages. In the Early Islamic period, the tomb of a marabou was installed in the corridor.448
Plan: (fig. 91) The size of the building and the fact that
there were two entrances may point to semi-public use. It
is problematic that little is known about the surrounding
settlement pattern of Sidi Ghrib. Did the bathhouse serve a
small community living dispersed in the countryside? The
inscription of the piscina hints at a communal use (EA-50):
si placet commune est, si displicet nostrum est (‘if it pleases
it is communal, if it displeases it is ours’). If the baths were
accessible to ‘outsiders’, who would actually have the privilege of bathing here? Did the dominus allow the farmers to
visit his baths? Were the baths open only on special occasions? The theme of the mosaics may be informative. The
central theme of the mosaic in the apse is the wedding of
Neptune with Amphitrite. Other than the obvious link between baths and the aquatic world, this theme might imply
the use of the complex for the ‘nuptial baths’.449
The west entrance to the baths connected indirectly
to the villa, while the east entrance just opened onto the
surrounding estate. Both entrances were S-shaped, which
prevented one to look directly inside the bathhouse. Once
inside, a long corridor (20 × 3 m) with an east-west orientation led to the centre of the building. Two small recesses
(3 × 1.75 m), one in the western part and one in the eastern
part, may have been used as dressing rooms.450 The mosaics found in these recesses depicted a dominus with a
friend and a servant leaving for bird hunting (west) and a
domina seated and dressing up with the help of two maids
(east). The excavator interpreted the west entrance as the
‘male’ entrance and the east one as the ‘female’.451 In the
middle of the corridor, a large apse opened up to the north,
while a large passageway to the south led into the cold
room. The apse had 6 columns placed against the walls,
probably to support the elongated vault. The columns at
both sides of the doorway were aligned with the columns
of the frigidarium. The latter divided the cold room into
three naves. Each corner of the room was fenced off by a
type of choir screen, judging from the imprints in the floors
and the walls. There were two lateral cold pools. The one in
the west had a rectangular form with lateral sides curved
outwards (2.2 × 2.6 m). It was 1.1 m deep. The east pool had
447
448
449
450
451
Ennabli and Neuru (1994) 216–17.
Ennabli (1986) 50–51.
Ennabli (1986) 44. The nuptial baths were already existent in
Ancient Greece, see Håland (2009) 133. The tradition still exists in Islamic hammams.
Ennabli (1986) 4–5.
Ennabli (1986) 31.
346
Gazetteer
figure 91 Plan of the Baths of Sidi Ghrib (Tunisia)
after Ennabli (1986) 3, plan
a hexagonal shape (with each side curved inwards, s: 1.3 m)
and was 1.2 m deep. It was surrounded by a broad edge and
6 columns, one on each angle of the hexagon.
From a small doorway lying on the south end of the
north-south axis of the frigidarium, one could access the
heated section. A rectangular room acted as a heat lock,
preventing the hot air from the warm rooms to pass directly into the cold section. It had a small unheated pool (1.25
× 1.75 m) against its west side. The first room on hypocaust
was circular (diam.: 3.5 m). Its doorway to the heat lock did
not lie in the same axis as the passage to the cold room. The
furnace on the south side was blocked at a later stage. By a
short corridor to the east, one reached a rectangular room
(3.5 × 2.5 m) on a hypocaust with two heated pools. The
semicircular pool (r: 1.25 m) was built above a furnace. The
rectangular pool (3.5 × 1.5 m) on the north side is problematic, as a doorway connecting this room to the frigidarium
was blocked up or pierced in a later phase, making this
pool respectively a later addition or an original feature.
By a doorway in the east side, one reached the hexagonal
caldarium. On the north-east and south-east side of this
hexagon, a rectangular pool with rounded lateral sides was
Gazetteer
347
installed. Each one was built just above a furnace. A third
furnace was found on the eastern side, between the two
pools. The three remaining sides that did not have a pool
or a doorway had a niche.
When the original caldarium fell out of use, the doorway
with the rectangular room was blocked up and the latter
became the new caldarium. It is unclear whether the door
to the frigidarium was also blocked up at this stage, making
it possible to construct a second rectangular alveus, or if, on
the contrary, the rectangular alveus was removed to allow
a new door to the frigidarium. As Thébert pointed out, it is
unlikely that the bathing route was reversed, making the
round room the new caldarium.452 This round room never
had any pools. However, the same author argues that the
doorway connecting the frigidarium and the rectangular
heated room belonged to the original phase and was later
blocked up. This seems rather unlikely, as the original architectural design seems strict. Constructing a passage in
a room that was meticulously planned in a corner that was
demarcated by a screen would devalue the symmetrical
layout of the entire building. Thus it seems that an ‘intermediary’ phase might have existed, when the linear reversing route was changed into a circular one by opening a new
doorway between the cold and heated sections, resulting
in the destruction of the rectangular alveus (fig. 92). When
the original caldarium fell out of use, the rectangular room
took over this function and the doorway to the frigidarium
was blocked up again to reduce heat loss. A small bench
was constructed where the rectangular alveus once stood.
The furnace of the round room was blocked up, so that it
became an indirectly heated tepidarium.
The main bathing rooms were covered by vaults.
Remains of tubi fittili imbedded in lime mortar have been
found on top of the abandonment layers of the building.
The type of vaulting depended on the shape of the room.
The caldarium and the round room were probably covered
by a dome, while the frigidarium may have been covered by
a cross or barrel vault.453
Decoration: The mosaic floors of the entire building fitted
within an aquatic theme. On the thresholds of both entrances, a mosaic represented fountains in the form of a
crater and surrounded by rose branches. In the rectangular
niches of the corridor, mosaics representing otium-related
scenes of the dominus and domina were identified. In the
western niche, the domina is seen seated on a chair, holding a mirror and surrounded by servants, probably preparing her for the bath. In the eastern niche, the dominus is
seen preparing for the hunt.
In the long corridor, the apse, the central nave of the
frigidarium and in front of the piscinae, a homogenous
452
453
Thébert (2003) 151.
Ennabli (1986) 25–26.
figure 92 Baths of Sidi Ghrib (Tunisia), different phases of use
after Ennabli (1986) 3, general plan
Gazetteer
348
theme was presented. The central mosaic of the frigidarium extended to the corridor and was crowned by the mosaic of the apse. It depicted the marriage of Neptune and the
Nereid Amphitrite (top register), who were accompanied
by Triton and other Nereids mounted on sea creatures (on
the lower registers in the frigidarium and on the registers
in the corridor). In the mosaic of the apse, Venus was riding a ‘sea lion’ while an amor presented her with a small
box. On the panels before the piscinae, similar aquatic
scenes were partially destroyed. The western panel probably depicted Venus carried by two creatures (half man,
half animal). The identification of Venus would fit well
with the inscription found just above, as the love goddess
would be a personification of the state of ebria (‘intoxication’) mentioned in the text.454 The eastern panel was also
badly damaged, but still showed a male figure in front of
a mountain that poured a white liquid from an oenochoe.
Above his head, the name ‘GAVRVS’ was spelled out. On the
basis of iconographic parallels in Italy, Michèle BlanchardLemée identified the person as Bacchus, standing in front
of the mons Gaurus, a hill in the bay of Naples reputed for
its excellent white wine.455 The same scholar also refers to
a letter by Symmachus, probably published shortly before
the baths were built, in which a horned Bacchus inhabited
the summit of Gaurus.456 The poem then continues as a
praise of Baiae, with its divine waters, clear skies and hot
vapours. As we have seen in the literature and epigraphy
(see chapter 2), the link of a particular bathhouse with the
famous Baiae is often made, especially in North Africa. The
implicit reference to Baiae made by the mosaic would not
only fit this panel within its bathing context, it would also
connect it with the larger marine theme of the mosaic in
the frigidarium and beyond.
In the 4 fenced-off corners of the frigidarium, a woman
carrying a vase or a basket was depicted. This may have
been the 4 seasons. The pools, both unheated and heated,
were decorated with plain white mosaics. On the lower
outer step of the western piscina, a mosaic inscription conveyed a message to the bather (EA-50). On the walls surrounding the eastern piscina, a mosaic imitated opus sectile
panels. The heated rooms had geometric mosaics. The
floor mosaic of the first small rectangular room also imitated opus sectile. The hexagonal caldarium had a mosaic
consisting of a polychrome field of floral and vegetal motifs
sprouting from vases and a central emblema depicting the
head of Neptune, his moustache ending in dolphins and
streams of water pouring out of his mouth forming the sea
below. The rectangular niches of the hexagon and the sides
454
455
456
Blanchard-Lemée (1988) 371.
Blanchard-Lemée (1988) 375–77.
Symmachus, Ep. I.8. See Blanchard-Lemée (1988) 380–83.
of the south-east alveus were embellished with geometric
patterns.
Technology: The heating system made use of the classic
hypocaust system consisting of square pillars supporting
large tiles. The wall heating did not use tubuli, but flat tiles
and terracotta spacers to create the ‘double wall’. These
were attached to the walls using iron studs. The number
of furnaces of each room determined their function. The
round room not only had one furnace, but also a restricted surface, making it a dry heat room. The room with the
semicircular alveus must have been more moderately heated, as a single furnace heated a larger surface. The evaporation of the water in the pools made it a wet heat room.
The caldarium was arguably the hottest and wettest room,
having three furnaces and two pools. The furnaces that
were located underneath the pools all had brick piers protruding into the praefurnia to support water boilers. The
excavation report mentions evidence of terracotta piping
inside the walls of the heated rooms to conduct the warm
water from these boilers into the alvei. The boilers must
have been filled manually by bath personnel. A reservoir
(5.5 × 3 m) was discovered south of the western piscina. It
provided water for that piscina and for the adjacent cold
plunge of the small rectangular room. The eastern piscina
was probably supplied by a small reservoir lying just east
of it.457 It was drained by a lead pipe at the bottom of its
east side. The semicircular alveus was drained by an outlet
in its southern side, while the north-eastern alveus of the
caldarium was drained by an opening giving directly onto
the floor.
Other Private Baths with Possible Public Access
Several large extra-urban villas or large domus seem to have
had a private bathhouse in Late Antiquity. However, some of
these baths may also have been accessible for a larger public, such as the Baths of Sidi Ghrib and Oued Athemenia in
the countryside, or the baths of the large houses in Cuicul
and other cities.458 Unfortunately, the archaeological remains
often do not permit the reconstruction of the precise layout of
the baths, their articulation to the house and the relation to
the surrounding area.459 The presence of a separate entrance,
not giving into the house, but to the outside, is important to
457
458
459
Ennabli (1986) 9.
Maréchal (2016).
The early or limited excavation of the site, followed by degradation in modern times, is often the main reason for the
difficult interpretation: see the private baths discussed in
Wiedler (1999) 217–375. Most of the private baths in urban
contexts have not been properly studied, see the catalogue
and index by de Haan (2010) 248–75 (K31-K44) and esp. 339–56
(A197-A276).
Gazetteer
identify a possible ‘public’ access (see Introduction). The fact
that most of these baths have been dated on the basis of the
mosaics poses an additional problem, as it is often unclear
from early excavation reports whether the late antique mosaics belonged to the original construction phase of the baths
or rather to a late antique restoration. Future excavations of
some of these ‘private’ baths may perhaps prove the public
access.
The villa baths in Auzia (Aïd Sidi Belkassem, Algeria) is
known from a mosaic depicting Leda and a swan, dated to the
late 3rd or 4th c.460 The baths of the House of the Molphonii
in al-Haouria, 45 km south-west of Kairouan, were excavated
in 1906 and never properly published.461 A mosaic of Minerva
and Neptune was accompanied by an inscription (EA-12),
while another mosaic depicted Oceanus with putti and seahorses. Both mosaics were dated to the first half of the 4th c.462
The baths of the Fundus Bassianus near Hippo Diarrhytus
(Bizerte, Tunisia) were excavated in 1902. The bathhouse itself has never enjoyed much scholarly attention, as eyes are
turned to the large polychrome mosaics of two racehorses
from the heated room and a marine scene with a text (EA-35).
The first has been dated to the early 4th c., while the second
is attributed to the 4th or 5th c.463 A fragment depicting the
mythological horse Arion, probably from the frigidarium, may
even date from the 6th c.464 The villa baths in Kalaa Kabira, a
small village 12 km west of Sousse (Tunisia), were excavated
in 1957, but a plan was never published.465 The mosaic of the
frigidarium, depicting vases (kantharoi) and vines, was dated
to the 4th c.466 A bathhouse probably belonging to a rural
villa was also excavated in the vicinity of modern Moknine
(Tunisia). The mosaic from the presumed apodyterium depicted a charioteer and circus horses, surrounded by vines, and accompanied by an inscription (EA-49). The mosaic was dated
to the 5th c.467 The baths of the House of the Peristylium in
Pupput (Soul el Abiod, Tunisia) were not accessible from the
street and date to the 4th c.468 In Sakiet as-Zit, a village 7 km
north of Sfax (Tunisia), a possible villa with a private bath
was found in 1953. The Orpheus mosaic was dated to the early
4th c.469 In Thubursicu Numidarum (Khamissa, Algeria), elevated to municipium under Trajan and the seat of a bishopric
twice visited by Augustine, a possible private bath was dated
in the 4th c. on the basis of the mosaics.470
460
461
462
463
464
465
466
467
468
469
470
de Haan (2010) 339–40. For the mosaic: Mercier (1870).
Dubiez (1906).
Dunbabin (1978) 261; Wiedler (1999) 312–13.
Dunbabin (1978) 268; Wiedler (1999) 314.
Dunbabin (1978) 268.
Foucher (1958b) 32.
Wiedler (1999) 310.
Thébert (2003) 492.
Ghiotto (2003) 225; Thébert (2003) 146–47; de Haan (2010)
260–62.
Wiedler (1999) 330–31.
Ballu (1906) 185–90; Souville (1976) 917; Wiedler (1999) 266.
349
Ecclesiastical Baths
Cuicul (Djemila, Algeria), the Baths of the Baptistery
Excavation history: Unearthed in the 1910s, this exceptional
bathhouse has never been the object of a detailed study.
Bibliography: Monceaux (1922); Allais (1938) 59; Thébert
(2003) 202–203.
Construction: (D) In the late 4th / early 5th c., a basilica
was built near the southern edge of town, 150 m south of
the theatre (map 16).471 Simultaneously, the basilica was
complemented with a baptistery and adjacent bathhouse.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: (fig. 93) As there was no separate entrance from the
streets to the baths, scholars have suggested that this bathhouse was only accessible when catechumens received
the sacrament of baptism. The person would first wash his
body, before he would cleanse his soul.472 It is difficult to
check if the baths already existed before the baptistery, as
post-excavation restorations impede a clear reading of the
remains.473 The articulation of the baths within the surrounding buildings does not permit conclusions. However,
the baths seem to have been in use at the same time as the
baptistery, because it would be difficult to explain the articulation of both buildings if the baths were already out
of use.474 It is likely that such fully functional buildings
were used as ‘normal’ baths by members of the congregation or the clergy. Simply closing the eastern door in the
frigidarium would prevent bathers from entering the baptistery. The concentration of ecclesiastic buildings has led
some scholars to believe that Cuicul may have been a site
of pilgrimage.475 A bathhouse in such a context would not
be unusual, as the xenodochiae and diaconiae in Rome are
known to have had baths.476 The baths were only accessible by passing through the ecclesiastical complex.
They covered a total surface of around 200 m2. From the
basilica, one entered the baptistery by a room that was delimited to the north by the rounded outer wall that encircled the font and to the south by a recess secluded by three
columns. This recess may have functioned as dressing
room. A semicircular doorway to the west gave access to a
corridor that led to the cold room (ca. 8 × 6 m). Two rows
of two columns divided this room into three naves. On the
south side was a cold apsidal pool with a small room with
a basin to the west. To the north, a doorway gave access
to 4 heated rooms. The two southernmost rooms were indirectly heated. The eastern one had a semicircular pool
(r: 1 m). The two northernmost rooms were directly heated
471
472
473
474
475
476
Monceaux (1922) 381–83.
Monceaux (1922) 400–401.
Thébert (2003) 203.
Thébert (2003) 203.
Monceaux (1922) 407.
See also Stasolla (2002a) 29–31; Stasolla (2008) 894–95.
Gazetteer
350
figure 93
Plan of the Baths of Baptistery in
Cuicul (Algeria)
after Thébert (2003) 631, pl.
LXXXI.1–4
by a furnace. Pools may have been located just above them.477
The doorways between these 4 rooms are difficult to reconstruct, but probably formed a reversing route starting
in the south-east room and ending in the north-east one.
From the frigidarium a doorway in the east led back into
the baptistery. A latrine was attached to the south side of
the bathhouse, but does not seem to have been connected
to it.
Decoration: The brick walls of the baths were coated with a
plain white plaster. It is difficult to identify traces of paint.
Technology: Little is known about the heating system and
water distribution. The first description of the building
does not discuss the hypocaust, nor does it mention wall
heating. Only two furnaces have been found, one of which
was equipped to carry a boiler. It is interesting to notice
that an excavation report of the nearby basilica uncovered
a large bronze ‘platter’.478 An inscription on the object
mentions it weighs 310 Roman pounds (101 kg). However,
its present weight is much lower, suggesting a part of the
object is missing. It seems clear that this bronze platter
with raised semicircular ending is a part of a testudo used
in the nearby baths.479 The water supply is unknown, while
only drains coming from the frigidarium and the latrines
were found.480
Theveste (Tébessa Khalia, Algeria), ‘Church Baths’
Excavation history: The site was discovered in 1866 and partially excavated by the French army in the 1880s. Between
1902 and 1903, the bathhouse, two churches and an olive oil
production unit were further excavated (fig. 94).
Bibliography: Chedé (1882); Ballu (1903) clxx–clxxi; Boucher
(1954); Christern (1976).
Construction: (D) The bathhouse is thought to have belonged to the phase of the church building (4th or 5th c.).481
Continued use and abandonment: (D) Basilica II seems to
have been fortified in the Byzantine period, but it is unknown if the other buildings of the site, such as the baths,
were still in use.482 Some of the architectural ornaments
of the round room display Byzantine workmanship.483 The
entrance of the baths was heavily disturbed by squatter occupation dating from the Islamic period.
479
477
478
Thébert (2003) 203.
Monceaux (1923) 94 calling the object a ‘bénitier,’ a vessel for
holy water.
480
481
482
483
Monceaux (1923) 94, fig. 2; Nielsen (1993b) 66, fig. 26. See already Thébert (2003) 203.
Indicated on the plan in Leschi (1953).
Following Yegül (1992) 243.
Boucher (1954) 177.
Boucher (1954) pl. III, fig. 7 and 8.
Gazetteer
figure 94 Plan of the ‘Church site’ in Tebessa Khalia (Algeria) with small baths (in box)
after Yegül (1992) 245, fig. 293
351
352
Gazetteer
figure 95
Plan of the Baths of Tebessa Khalia
(Algeria)
after Christern (1976) fig. 31
Plan: (fig. 95) The baths were entered from the east, possibly
through a portico. A small corridor gave into a surprisingly
large round room (diam.: 16.4m), with an apsidal piscina
(2.51 × 8.56 m) on its south-east side. A low bench running along the wall may have supported a colonnade, as
column bases were found on top of it. The floor was made
of mortar. Chedé mentions that at the time of excavation
thin boards (4 cm) of wood were found on top of the floor.484
This impressive round room may have been covered by
a simple wooden roof or tubi fitilli dome.485 Such an impressive room, which could have acted as an apodyterium
/ frigidarium, may have had a more general function as
assembly hall as well, perhaps even serving as a baptiserium on some occasions.486 To the west, a corridor with
two lateral doors connected to the actual bathing rooms.
A rectangular frigidarium had a long apsidal piscina on its
south side, and a semicircular apse on its north side. By a
doorway to the south-west, one entered another rectangular room with a small apsidal pool to its south. This may
have been an exit-tepidarium. Further to the south, the two
rectangular heated rooms are difficult to reconstruct due
to their ruinous state. The caldarium may have had two
rectangular alvei. The interpretation of this bathhouse and
of the site in general is problematic. Was this bathhouse
constructed as part of an ‘ecclesiastical complex’? Or do
we have here a large rural estate also boasting a bathhouse
(as in Piazza Armerina)?487 Or was the site some sort of
rural market, a panegyris, later taken over by the Church?488
In any case, it seems as if the large round room with its
484
485
486
487
488
Chedé (1882) 275.
Chedé (1882) 274 mentioning traces of charred wooden beams.
For the tubi, see Yegül (1992) 452, n. 63 possibly alluding to the
many fragments of ‘tubes’ found during the excavation.
Yegül (1992) 246.
Christern (1976) 145–51, n. 72.
Yegül (1992) 246.
‘Christian’ decoration and the small bath suite belong to
the same construction phase.489
Decoration: The apsidal piscina in the round room was embellished with a mosaic depicting geometric patterns. The
colonnade in the round room supported ornamental architraves and a frieze carved with geometric patterns, flowers,
fishes and seashells. This room may also have been finished
with a parquet floor.490 The piscinae in the bathing rooms,
as well as the apse of the frigidarium, were embellished
with geometric mosaics.
Technology: There is little information on the type of
hypocaust tiles or the tubuli. The piscina of the round
room was drained by a large sewer, running underneath
the room towards the north, while the piscinae in the bath
rooms had a separate sewer, also running north. Traces of
an aqueduct have been found in the vicinity of the baths,
possibly supplying the square enclosure as well.
Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria), Baths of the Donatist
Cathedral
Excavation history: The ecclesiastical complex was excavated in 1907–1908.
Bibliography: Ballu (1909); Thébert (2003) 252–53.
Construction: (D) The construction of the ecclesiastical
complex should probably be dated in the late 4th c., under
the supervision of a certain Optatus mentioned in an inscription, perhaps to be identified with the Optatus known
to Augustine.491
Continued use and abandonment: The complex may still
have been in use in the Byzantine period.492
489
490
491
492
Christern (1976) 148.
Chedé (1882) 274.
AE (1939) 79. See however the critical re-examination by
Gui et al. (1992) 275–76; also Sears (2007) 62 with anterior
bibliography.
Gui et al. (1992,) 278 without further specification.
Gazetteer
353
figure 96
Plan of the Basilica of Tipasa (Algeria)
with adjacent baptistery and baths in
box
after Thébert (2003) 647, pl.
XCVII.3
Plan: (fig. 40) The large religious complex was built on what
seems to be the western outskirts of the city. It consisted
of a basilica, several apsidal rooms, open courtyards and a
high number of small rooms. The whole complex, covering
a surface of around 180 × 120 m, was surrounded by a row
of small rooms, interpreted by the excavators as the cells
of monks.493
The bathhouse was situated in the north-west corner
of the complex, built against a square courtyard. From this
courtyard, one entered a large room (9.6 × 8.9 m) with a
semicircular cold pool (r: 1.05 m) in its west side. The imprints of two hexagonal structures, maybe pools, were
discovered in the marble paved floor of this room. To the
south, three small rooms lay on an east-west axis, but did
not communicate between themselves. Only the outer
rooms were connected to the large cold room. To the north,
one doorway led into a heated section, consisting of two
rooms on hypocaust, while another door led into a baptistery. The northernmost heated room (4.7 × 2.7 m) may have
had a pool above the furnace channel.494 From the southernmost heated room, a doorway also led straight into the
baptistery (8.3 × 6.4 m). In the middle of the latter, a hexagonal font (1.9 m wide; 1 m deep) was placed in the centre of
the mosaic floor. Through a doorway in the north side, one
entered a second paved cold room with two semicircular
pools. Continuing north, a third large unheated room had
a rectangular piscina in its north-west corner. To the south
of this pool, a passage led to a room. To the north, an oblong room with apsidal endings was heated by a furnace in
493
494
Ballu (1909) 98–99.
Thébert (2003) 253.
its north side. Albert Ballu recognized one big alveus here,
although Yvon Thébert considers it to be a room with two
lateral semicircular alvei.495 To the south lay the praefurnium of the heated rooms next to the baptistery.
The baths were only accessible for the users of the
complex, as no independent street access existed. The
seemingly haphazard layout of the bathing rooms around
the baptistery may have been the result of a different use
of the southern and northern part. The southern part,
better linked to the baptistery, was perhaps reserved
for bathing prior to baptism, while the northern part
could also be used as ‘normal’ baths. The disposition of
the baptistery is remarkable, as if it was a simple room
of the bathhouse and the font were just another pool.
It stands in contrast to the Baths of the Baptistery in Cuicul
(fig. 93), which was a stand-alone architectural entity. It
cannot be ruled out that both the north and south part
in the ‘Donatist’ complex were used as normal baths, the
baptistery being simply closed off from both wings. The
presence of a bathhouse in a religious complex, monastery or not, should not surprise us, as literary attestations
have made clear that monks bathed and that some convents were equipped with bathhouses (see chapter 2, e.g.
Augustine, Zacharias, Cassiodorus).
Decoration: The southern courtyard with the apsidal pool
was paved with marble slabs. The room with the hexagonal baptismal font had a mosaic floor with geometric and
floral patterns. The chrism was laid out in mosaics on the
bottom step of the font. A zigzag-pattern and laurel leaves
completed the decoration.
495
Ballu (1909) 101; Thébert (2003) 253.
Gazetteer
354
figure 97
Plan of the Baths of the Basilica in Tipasa
(Algeria)
after Lassus (1930) 225, fig. 1
Technology: There is no information on water supply and
disposal. Rainwater collection would have been an option.
Tipasa (Tipaza, Algeria), Baths of the Basilica
Excavation history: The baths were excavated in the late
19th c. by the Société historique algérienne.
Bibliography: Gavault (1883b); Gsell (1894); Lassus (1930);
Thébert (2003)
Construction: (D) The small bathhouse was discovered
adjacent to the baptistery of the large Basilica 3 (fig. 96).
The latter is dated to the 4th c. on the basis of construction
technique and mosaics.496 The baptistery and baths probably date from the end of the same century.497
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: (fig. 97) The remains are badly preserved and the
northern part of the complex has disappeared by continuous erosion by the sea. It seems that the bathhouse was
only accessible through the baptistery. Due to the bad
preservation of the walls, it is difficult to reconstruct the
locations of the doorways. However, a mosaic inscription
mentioning the power of baptism was found in the corridor north-west of the baptistery.498 Such a text probably
welcomed the people entering both baths and baptistery.
The corridor gave access to a second corridor with two
doorways. The one to the south led to the rectangular
baptistery (diameter of font: 3.1 m). The one to the north
496
497
498
Gui et al. (1992) 24.
Thébert (2003) 226.
Gavault (1883b) 402–403.
opened onto the presumed frigidarium of the baths, ending in a semicircular piscina in the north. From this cold
room, a succession of three rooms on hypocaust could be
reached. The north-west room probably had a heated pool
on its west side. All three were covered with vaults made
out of tubi fittili.
Decoration: The floors were decorated with mosaics: marine fauna and seashells in the frigidarium, polychrome
geometric and floral patterns in the heated rooms. A mosaic inscription found in the caldarium was too damaged
to interpret.499 The word domi(nus) could point to the
Christian context.
Technology: The suspensurae were built with standard brick
pilae (1 m in height), while the walls were heated through
rectangular and ogival openings. There is no information
on the water management of the baths or the baptistery.
Fortress Baths
Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria), Baths of the Byzantine
Fortress
Excavation history: The fortress was excavated in 1938 without any archaeological supervision, but the entire complex
was studied in subsequent years by the French archaeological mission.500
Bibliography: Lassus (1981); Thébert (2003) 253–54.
499
500
Gsell (1894) 370.
For a copy of the reports, see Lassus (1981) 27–38.
Gazetteer
355
figure 98
Plan of the Byzantine fortress in Thamugadi
(Algeria) with location of the baths in box
after Lassus (1981) general plan
Construction: (B) An inscription above the northern entrance gate of the fort dates the inauguration to AD 539–
540.501 The baths are believed to be contemporaneous with
the construction of the fort.
Continued use and abandonment: The baths were enlarged
at least once during their lifespan, but the lack of archaeological data makes it difficult to date this intervention. It is
not known when the fort was abandoned.
Plan: (fig. 41) Some 380 m south of the old city walls, the
fortress was built during the reign of Justinian on top of
a sanctuary of the Aqua Septimiana, a sacred source surrounded by temples of the ‘dea Africa’, Serapis and possibly
Asclepius (map 18).502 The presence of this sanctuary is of
great importance for the fort and the baths. Not only did the
pre-existing structures define the layout of the fortress, the
presence of water was a crucial factor for its location and
for the possibility of building baths. A large pool (13.6 × 3.6
m) that used to collect the sacred water in front of a temple
was transformed into a large reservoir. The baths were built
to its north-east (fig. 98). The building fitted within a rectangle of 15.4 × 11.6 m. The walls, mainly built out of bricks,
were directly placed upon the old opus spicatum floor of
the sanctuary. The fact that the baths were accessible from
the inner court meant its use was probably not restricted
to the high command.503 There were possibly two building
501
502
503
Lassus (1981) 13.
Pringle (1981) 232–36.
Lassus (1981) 123.
phases, as the southern part of the building seems to abut
the northern part.504
Upon entering the baths, one found himself in a narrow
north-south oriented corridor, ending in a small square
room to the north. Jean Lassus interpreted this room as a
porter’s lodge, yet a specific location for this person may be
redundant in a military context.505 We could suppose that
a soldier was assigned the maintenance of the baths. The
square room may have been used as a utility room for storing oil and ointments. Thébert interprets this as the original apodyterium.506 Continuing east, a rectangular room
had a bench against its southern wall. It was probably the
apodyterium, at least in the second phase of the building. A
large doorway to the north gave access to a cold room with
two lateral pools. The eastern one was badly damaged, but
the western one (1.7 × 1.3 m; maximum depth of 1 m) preserved an internal step. Through a narrow doorway (0.65
m in width) that could be closed by a door, one entered
the heated section. A first oblong room on a hypocaust had
three rectangular niches (0.6 × 0.45 m) in its north wall,
possibly for seats.507 A brick-built bench was constructed
against the south wall. To the east, a separate small room
with a single niche may have been restricted for high
ranked personnel508 or for a special (medical) purpose. To
504
505
506
507
508
Thébert (2003) 254 contra Lassus (1981) 145.
Lassus (1981) 128.
Thébert (2003) 665, pl. CXV.2.
Lassus (1981) 131.
Lassus (1981) 132.
356
Gazetteer
the west, a rectangular room was directly heated by a furnace to the west. Going south, this room connected to a
heated room with two lateral alvei (1.2 × 1.3 m), coated on
the inside with a hydraulic mortar. A doorway in the southern side gave access to a narrow rectangular room (4.45 ×
0.65 m), covered in a double layer of hydraulic mortar. The
function of this narrow space remains unclear, although in
a first phase, it lay directly above a furnace in the southern
wall.
In a second phase, an additional heated room was
constructed south of the original heated part. However,
there was no communication between the two parts, as it
was probably easier to add a new separate room instead
of piercing the old walls. This new heated room, with a
pool along its western side (1.5 × 1.3 m; maximum depth
of 0.9 m), was preceded by the dressing room mentioned
earlier. As the new heated room obliterated the southern
furnace of the old heated section, a new praefurnium was
built along the west side of the building. Lassus wrongly
interpreted this massive brick-built construction as a chimney.509 The large rectangular structure at the eastern end
of the building, a part of the original construction, is problematic. At a later stage, the structure was heavily altered,
but the original function may have been an open-air swimming pool.510
Decoration: The apodyterium of the second-phase baths
was paved with bluish limestone slabs. The walls inside the
baths had a simple lime mortar coating.
Technology: The heating system is well known due to the
good preservation of the building. The hypocaust made
use of square tiles (s: 18 cm) for the construction of its pillars, while the wall heating was ensured by tubuli. In the
room in the north-west corner, a row of tubuli alternated
with a row of bricks. In the caldarium with its two alvei,
there seems to have been only square openings in the wall,
acting as chimneys rather than as heating device. It is questionable whether the small separate room at the eastern
end of the heated section may have benefitted from the indirect heat of a furnace that was located 10 m further west.
However, this small space may have been heated by a portable brazier, making the room a laconicum. Little is known
about the internal piping for the water supply, although the
water was provided by the ancient source and stored in the
converted pool of the old sanctuary. The cold pools were
drained by a channel passing under the frigidarium, turning north under the small square ‘porter’s lodge’ and joining a sewer that left the fort through the north gate. The
drainage of the alvei of both the old and new hot room is
unknown.
509
510
Lassus (1981) 145.
Thébert (2003) 254.
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period
Baths during Late Antiquity
Banasa (Sidi Ali bou Jenoun, Morocco)
The city of Banasa was located in a fertile plain 30 km from
the Atlantic coast, on the left bank of the Sebou river. It probably started as an indigenous settlement around the 6th or
5th c. BC and was granted the title of colonia by Octavian in
33–25 BC.511
Four bathhouses have been discovered in Banasa. Due to
the poor excavations, none has been dated with certainty. The
North Baths (fig. 99) have been dated to the second half of the
2nd c. on the basis of the mosaics.512 There is no reason to reject
such a date on the basis of the plan, characterized by the large
frigidarium and the multi-lobed heated room. It is interesting
that the cold room had two piscinae, lying next to each other
but with the northernmost smaller than the southernmost.
As the pools seem contemporaneous, this doubling should be
explained by a differing use (see above, chapter 4, p. 192). No
evidence of fundamental restorations has been identified.
The Large West Baths are the largest baths found in Banasa
(ca. 800 m2). The excavations did not yield conclusive evidence to date the building. The different types of bricks used
in the hypocaust and the walls suggest a long period of use.513
The plan is marked by the long hall preceding the frigidarium,
which must have served multiple purposes (dressing, anointing, massages etc.). There is no reason to interpret the semicircular pool as a hot water reservoir.514 The walls were not
heated by tubuli, but by a system of terracotta tiles and spacers. With so many restorations, it cannot be ascertained if this
system was contemporaneous to the construction.
The Small West Baths may have been private, although
the main entrance seems to give onto the street (fig. 100). The
building has not been dated, but on the basis of the plan with
its semicircular and round pools, we could propose a 3rd c.
date (or later?). The central panel of the frigidarium mosaic,
the bust of a person, was later removed and replaced by a
white marble slab. Thouvenot and Luquet interpret this figure
as Bacchus, making the removal of his face a deliberate act by
Christians.515 Interest in this building lies in the round pool
of the frigidarium (diam.: 1.75 m). Its maximum depth was
1.2 m, while the water was supplied through an outlet 2 m
above the bottom of the pool. This has led the excavators to
believe that the pool was actually a sort of shower.516 However,
we can concur with Thébert’s remark that this was a reasonable height for an outlet and that a shower would not have
to be so deep.517 The caldarium with a small semicircular and
511
512
513
514
515
516
517
Euzzenat (1976) 140; Girard (1984) 88–93.
Thouvenot and Luquet (1951) 39.
Thouvenot and Luquet (1951) 16, 21.
As proposed by Thouvenot and Luquet (1951) 14.
Thouvenot and Luquet (1953) 44–47.
Thouvenot and Luquet (1953) 43.
Thébert (2003) 256.
Gazetteer
357
figure 99
Plan of the North Baths in Banasa (Morocco)
after Thouvenot and Luquet (1951) 35,
unnumbered fig.
a rectangular alveus placed perpendicular to each other is
reminiscent of Thamugadi’s small neighbourhood baths in
(see above, chapter 3, p. 146–148).
The Baths of the Frescos (ca. 360 m2) were located south
-west of the Large West Baths and were accessible from the
street. No construction date has been proposed.518 However,
the original design was altered several times, pointing to a
long period of use.519 The plan is characterized by semicircular niches and a round room protruding into a courtyard,
which could point to a 3rd or 4th c. phase (fig. 101). In the
latter, a hexagonal pool (diam.: 1.35 m; 1.20 m deep) was installed, with 5 semicircular niches on its sides. The calcareous
deposits on the bottom reveals that the pool was frequently
used and that the water was possibly changed often, maybe
with each bather that entered it.520 The round room in which
the pool was built may have been added later to the frigidarium, as its walls abut the walls of the baths.521 A well was also
added next to the existing rectangular reservoir, possibly to
518
figure 100
Plan of the Small West Baths in Banasa (Morocco)
after Yegül (1992) 240, fig. 283
519
520
521
Katherine Dunbabin proposes a late 2nd and 3rd-c. date for
most of the mosaics in Banasa, although she does not date the
separate panels. She reckons that no new mosaics would have
been laid after the Roman administration withdrew from the
region in the last quarter of the 3rd c. (Dunbabin (1978) 249).
Thébert (2003) 258.
Thouvenot and Luquet (1951) 24.
Indicated on pl. CXX.3 in Thébert (2003) 670.
Gazetteer
358
side the baths, commemorates the restoration of the cluaca
(sewer; see EA-8). Interventions that can be attributed to the
4th c. or later include the addition of a small apsidal pool in
the frigidarium, the reorganisation of the tepidarium by constructing a semicircular pool above a new furnace and the
creation of a new round room with two semicircular niches to
the south of the frigidarium. The site was probably still in use
at the turn of the 5th and 6th c. (late repairs to the mosaics).
After the baths had fallen out of use, parts of the baths were
reused for habitation and possible industrial activities.523
figure 101
Plan of the Baths of the Frescos in Banasa
(Morocco)
after Yegül (1992) 240, fig. 284
supply the water needed for the round pool. The caldarium
also had a small semicircular pool—maybe a later addition—
and another rectangular pool. The geometric black and white
mosaics of the first heated room seem rather late, while some
marble floors were paved with spolia and pieces of mosaic.
The corridor and some of the niches in the frigidarium were
decorated with wall paintings imitating marble. The decorative scheme and the alterations made to the plan point to a
late phase of these small neighbourhood baths.
Belalis Maior (Henchir el-Faour, Tunisia), Forum Baths
The site of Belalis Maior has yielded a late antique bathhouse
(see above, C35). Just north of these baths, on the south-east
corner of the forum, lay the Forum Baths. The first phase of
this building has been dated to the 2nd c., while a phase of
expansion and restoration took place at the end of the same
century.522 In the 4th c., another restoration phase replaced
the mosaics of the frigidarium and the hexagonal tepidarium.
An inscription dating from the reign of Constantine, found in522
Mahjoubi (1978) 206.
Bulla Regia (Hamam Daradji, Tunisia)
The city of Bulla Regia (map 36) was located in one of the
most fertile parts of Africa Proconsularis, blessed with several
water sources and a water table that was close to the surface.524
It lay on the road connecting Carthage with Hippo Regius. The
economy was primarily based on cereals and olives. The city
fell under Roman influence from the 1st c. BC, but there are
traces of urbanization going back to the 3rd c. BC.525 Under
the Flavian dynasty, Bulla Regia was awarded the title of municipium and was then made a colonia under Hadrian.526 The
importance of the city for Roman control of North Africa is
underlined by many members of the local elite becoming
senators in Rome. Its favourable position ensured that the
city remained wealthy throughout Late Antiquity. A bishop
is attested as late as the 7th c. Even after the Arab invasion,
some small-scale habitation must have continued as traces
of occupation have been found dating from the 12th c.527 The
existence of one or maybe two modest public bathhouses in
Bulla Regia during Late Antiquity has been proven (see above,
C36 and C37). One other public bath was possibly still in use
in the 4th c.
The Baths of Iulia Memmia have been dated by archaeological excavations to the Severan period. The ceramics found
in test pits put the construction date around AD 220–240.528
Around AD 360, the area west of the baths was transformed
(former palaestra?), although the layout of the baths was not
altered. The excavations revealed that the baths were still in
use during the second half of the 5th c. and perhaps even
later.529 The vaults above the pools were constructed using
tubi fittili. A large bathhouse some 200 m south-west of the
Iulia Memmia baths still awaits excavation.530 The remains
are not well preserved.
523
524
525
526
527
528
529
530
Mahjoubi (1978) 209.
Baklouti (1996) 693.
Beschaouch et al. (1977) 9–10.
Ennabli (1976a) 171.
Beschaouch et al. (1977) 12.
Broise and Thébert (1993) 106–107.
Broise and Thébert (1993) 386.
Beschaouch et al.( 1977) 13, fig. 3.
Gazetteer
Three houses in Bulla Regia seem to have been equipped
with baths in Late Antiquity. The bath of the House of the
Venantii has been attributed to Late Antiquity on the basis of
its mosaics, but the remains still await further investigation.531
The bath of the House of the Hunt was built during the first
half of the 4th c., at the same time as a large basilical hall in a
pre-existing 3rd c. insula.532 The plan is characterized by apsidal pools and a lobed caldarium. Unlike the private baths
in cities such as Cuicul, those of the Hunters’ House in Bulla
Regia do not seem to have been open to the public. Contrary
to the claim of several scholars, the apparent doorway between the apodyterium and the street running along the west
side of the insula was not an access, but the location of a small
semicircular pool of a second phase, protruding onto the
street.533 It was not until the second half of the 6th c. or later
that the baths fell out of use and the domus was transformed
into several smaller houses.534 A third private bath, belonging
to House nr. 8 (3rd c.), may still have been in use in the 4th c.,
when the house was thoroughly restored.535 The baths may
have been accessible from the street.536
Iol Caesarea (Cherchel, Algeria)
The harbour town of Caesarea is one of the few large cities
in North Africa where the old Roman centre has disappeared
under medieval and later settlement.537 The city, which started as a Punic settlement called Iol and grew to one of North
Africa’s most important cities under the Numidian vassal king
Juba II, was made the capital of the new province Mauretania
Caesariensis under Claudius (AD 40). The city was sacked
during the revolt of Firmus in AD 373.538 It seems to have
been embellished under Vandal rule and became capital of
Mauretania Secunda under Byzantine rule.539 Our knowledge
of late antique Caesarea is necessarily clouded by the limited
area of the old town that has come to light.
The Large West Baths have not been precisely dated, but
the 2nd or 3rd c. has been proposed on the basis of the imperial-type plan.540 The early excavation of the building has
not made it possible to recognize any late antique phases.
However, on several statue bases recovered from these digs,
the text mentions that a transfer of the statues ‘de sordentibus
531
532
533
534
535
536
537
538
539
540
Wiedler (1999) 300.
Thébert (2003) 136 quoting his own unpublished excavation
report.
Ghiotto (2003) 225; de Haan (2010) 248.
Thébert (2003) 136.
de Haan (2010) 253–56.
Ghiotto (2003) 225.
Other examples include Carthage, now swallowed up by modern Tunis, and Oea, modern Tripoli (Libya).
Amm. Marc. 29.5.18.
Cod. Iust. 1.27.2.1; Leveau (1984) 213–14.
Krencker et al. (1929) 190–96; Thébert (2003) 191.
359
locis’.541 The relocation of statues implies a late date (4th or
5th c.), but Thébert remarks that similar inscriptions dated
to the 3rd c. are known.542 Furthermore, it is not certain if
the building still functioned as a bathhouse when the statues were relocated. An inscription of unknown context
from Caesarea (EA-39) recalls the building or restoration
of thermae by Theodosius I (AD 379–395) or Theodosius II
(AD 408–450). It may have referred to the Large West Baths,
but as Caesarea was a very large city, it is possible that the inscription belonged to an as yet unidentified building.
A second bathhouse, the Small East Baths, has also been
discovered in Caesarea. No information about a possible
construction date is known and the remains were already
damaged at the moment of discovery.543 A third building,
the Baths of the City Centre, have disappeared. Only a brief
description of the remains survives.544 Philippe Leveau identified three more bath buildings of rather small size that
were unearthed in Caesarea, none of which were thoroughly
excavated.545 In the so-called Baths of the Muses, a mosaic
depicting the busts of the Muses in medallions was dated to
the turn of the 3rd and 4th c.546 It is unknown whether the
mosaic belonged to the original building phase or to a restoration. At least one private bathhouse is known to have existed
in Late Antiquity: the baths of the House of the Iulii or the
House of the Graces seems to have been equipped with a private bath in the second half of the 4th c., judging from the
mosaics in an apsidal hall.547
Lambaesis (Tazoult / Lambèse, Algeria)
The city of Lambaesis started as a military camp (AD 81) on
the slope of Mons Aurianus, controlling a mountain pass
leading to the Algerian desert. During the reign of Trajan or
Hadrian, a military fortress was built for Legio III Augusta.
To the south-east of the fortress, a city was created. Under
Septimius Severus, it became the capital of Numidia. The legion was disbanded in AD 238, but subsequently restored in
AD 253. Under Byzantine rule, the fortress was consolidated.548
Besides the Bath of the Hunters (C49) and the South
Baths of the sanctuary of Asclepius (C50), three other bathhouses have been discovered in Lambaesis. The Baths of the
Legionary Fortress (Lagerthermen / Thermes du camp) may
have been built shortly after the construction of the fortress
itself, although archaeological evidence is lacking. The baths
541
542
543
544
545
546
547
548
‘from decrepit places’; Waille (1887) 54.
Lepelley (1994) 13; Thébert (2003) 192.
Krencker et al. (1929) 196–97; Leveau (1984) 53–54.
Berbrugger (1864) 477–79.
Leveau (1984) 54–55.
Wiedler (1999) 221.
Waille (1886) 304–305; Wiedler (1999) 222–24.
AE (1954) 137. Marcillet-Jaubert (1976) 478; Wilson (1996) 812;
Huß (2006a).
360
Gazetteer
probably suffered during the disbandment of the legion. The
plan that can be seen today reflects the phase after the important reconstructions and reorganisations of the late 3rd
c. (dated by brick stamps).549 The oblong hall preceding the
heated ‘dressing rooms’ may date from this late phase.550 The
apsidal warm water pools that were added to the rooms connecting the frigidaria to the caldarium also belonged to a later
phase.551 It is unknown if these fortress baths remained in
use after the legion was permanently withdrawn in the beginning of the 4th c., especially since Lambaesis had a second
large public bathhouse, the Large Baths (thermes du « palais
du légat »). These large imperial thermae may date to the end
of the 2nd c., if the statue series of Hercules were part of the
original decorative scheme.552 The reuse of building materials
would point to a long period of use, but there is no evidence
supporting a late antique phase.553 The sanctuary of Asclepius
south-east of the fortress had several bathing facilities and
was in use for a long period (fig. 87). There are inscriptions
dating to the 4th c.554
Leptis Magna (Lebdah, Libya)
Leptis Magna was another important Punic harbour that
came under Roman influence. From the time of Augustus, the
city was remodelled after classic Roman standards.555 The city
reached its peak under Septimius Severus, who was born in
Leptis. It was equipped with a splendid new forum and adjacent basilica, a large colonnaded street leading up to the restored harbour, a monumental nymphaeum and other public
buildings. Insecurity due to raiding tribes in the 4th c., especially the Austoriani who sacked the city, halted further expansion of Leptis. From AD 455 onwards, the city was under
nominal Vandal control, although the extent of this rule is not
clear. When Justinian walled a part of the old centre, restored
the ‘palace’ and built a shrine to the Virgin Mary, 4 churches
and a bathhouse, the city was already partially covered by
sand.556 Excavations have revealed Byzantine building activities, especially in the area around the Severan forum.557
Six bathhouses have been discovered in Leptis Magna, although none can be identified with the Byzantine baths mentioned by Procopius. The Baths of Hadrian are the first baths
with an imperial plan that were built on the African continent
(fig. 102). A monumental inscription commemorated the dedication of the baths under Hadrian in AD 127.558 Some resto-
549
550
551
552
553
554
555
556
557
558
Thébert (2003) 209–210.
Yegül (1992) 216.
Krencker et al. (1929) 211.
Thébert (2003) 209–211.
Gsell (1901) 220.
Cagnat (1923) 88.
Ward-Perkins (1981) 465.
Procop., Aed. 6.4.1–12.
Leone (2007) 272–75.
IRT 361.
rations, in particular of the frigidarium, and embellishments
with marble took place under Septimius Severus.559 Perhaps
the inscription referred to the construction of two small piscinae in the long corridor that originally surrounded the cold
room. The glass mosaics covering the walls and the vaults of
some of the heated rooms can also be dated to the turn of the
2nd and 3rd c.560 The use of limestone monoliths as hypocaust
pillars in the lateral rooms leading up to the caldarium could
point to a late antique restoration. In the same rooms, a small
heated pool was added just above the furnace. The apsidal
alveus of the caldarium was also a later addition, reminding
us of the new apsidal shapes of the Constantinian alvei in the
Baths of Caracalla in Rome and the Baths of the Forum and
of Porta Marina in Ostia. A recent re-examination of the late
antique inscriptions of Leptis assembled several fragments of
an inscription pertaining to the restoration of a thermas in
AD 306 and linked this text to the Baths of Hadrian.561 Several
statue bases seem to have been reused in the frigidarium and
palaestra in the late 3rd or early 4th c.562 At an unknown date,
the cold part of the baths may have been reused as an industrial zone. A small basin (part of a press?) in the palaestra and
the circular wear marks of a wheel in the pavement of the
eastern latrine can still be seen.
The Hunting Baths are arguably one of the best preserved
Roman baths in the whole empire (fig. 103). These modest
neighbourhood baths were built in a quarter of town that developed during the 2nd c. AD.563 It is believed that the baths
also date from this century. The long use of the baths is confirmed by the floor mosaics with large tesserae dating to the
4th c.564 The last phase of mural paintings imitated marble
designs. The most important changes to the plan concern the
alteration of the bathing itinerary. By blocking two doors, the
circular plan was transformed into a parallel row type with
reversing itinerary. Furthermore, a rectangular pool seems to
have been added to the octagonal room in the west, while a
basin was added to the one the east. It is worth noting that
a suite of small bath rooms was added to the plan. It was accessible through the western octagonal room and consisted of
an unheated room, an indirectly heated room and a directly
heated room with a single-person alveus above the furnace.
To the east, the baths were expanded with several rooms of
559
560
561
562
563
564
IRT 396; Bartoccini (1929b) 79.
Dunbabin (1978) 264.
Tantillo (2010) 179; nr. 70 and possibly also nr. 75 of AD 355–361
in the catalogue of Tantillo and Bigi (2010).
Bigi and Tantillo (2010) 273.
Another small bathhouse in a good state of preservation was
discovered not far from the Hunting baths, within the Late
Roman defense wall (Musso and Matug (2012) 35). As the site
has never been excavated, these baths will not be included in
the following overview.
Ward-Perkins and Toynbee (1949) 192.
361
Gazetteer
figure 102
Plan of Hadrian’s Baths in Leptis Magna (Libya)
after Nielsen (1993b) 166, fig. 183
362
figure 103
Gazetteer
Plan of the Hunting Baths in Leptis Magna (Libya)
after Nielsen (1993b) 167, fig. 184
363
Gazetteer
figure 104
Plan of the so-called ‘Unfinished Baths’ in Leptis Magna (Libya) with hypothetical reconstruction (right) of the intended
layout by Yvon Thébert
in Thébert (2003) 699, pl. CXLIX.1–2; with permission by the publisher
unknown function, while to the west, a new entrance corridor
covered with a tubi fittili-vault was added.565
The Eastern Baths are the latest baths to be discovered in
Leptis.566 This modest public bathhouse was built in a new
quarter of town, east of the Wadi Caam, during the first half
of the 2nd c. The period of use seems rather limited, however,
as the baths were abandoned in the second half of the 3rd c.,
when the piscina of the frigidarium was filled with debris.567
The building was transformed in an industrial area during
the 4th c., when a bakery was installed in the heated section
and warehouses and workshops in the northern rooms.568 At
the beginning of the 5th c., the site was abandoned and submerged by the sand dunes. In the Islamic period, a lime kiln
was constructed on top of the sand layers.569
The Early Baths probably date from the 1st c. AD, as it is built
with a type of sandstone blocks that has not been attested
after this century.570 It is not known when these baths fell out
of use. In a later phase, these baths were incorporated into a
large building that remained unfinished. Goodchild interpreted this as a large bathhouse, the so-called ‘unfinished baths’
(fig. 104).571 The reuse of an inscription dating from the reign
of Gallienus gives a terminus post quem for the construction
565
566
567
568
569
570
571
Ward-Perkins and Toynbee (1949) 168, 171–72.
Laronde (1997); Laronde (1998).
Paulin et al. (2012) 131–132.
Paulin (2011) 26: Paulin et al. (2012) 132.
Paulin et al. (2012) 123.
Goodchild (1965) 18.
Goodchild (1965) 19–26.
of the hall in the west.572 The reuse of several statue bases
with late 3rd or 4th c. inscriptions also seems to confirm this
chronology.573 The hexagonal hall to the east, according to
Goodchild, was meant to be the new caldarium.574 However,
no traces of a heating system were ever found. The cold section, strangely oriented to the south, was never connected to
the reused heated rooms of the older baths. The piscinae did
not connect to a water supply system and were not coated with
hydraulic mortar. If the building was indeed intended to be a
bathhouse, it never functioned as such.575 The bathhouse was
located outside the Byzantine walls, meaning that it is unlikely
to identify this building project with the baths of Justinian
mentioned by Procopius (see above chapter 2, p. 64–65).
However, it cannot be excluded that a part of the bathhouse,
probably the reorganised heated section and perhaps the hall
with columns north of it, was used as a basic neighbourhood
bath after the ‘imperial bath project’ had been abandoned.576
The Baths of the Schola (fig. 105) were small public baths
located along the decumanus maximus, 80 m north-west of
the quadrifons dedicated to Septimius Severus. The baths
were not internally connected to the large peristyle courtyard
that has been defined as a schola. The different types of walls
and the different orientation of part of the baths make clear
572
573
574
575
576
Pentiricci (2010) 163.
Bigi and Tantillo (2010) 274.
Goodchild (1965) 20.
Maréchal (2013) 206–208.
Pentiricci (2010) 163–64.
364
Gazetteer
figure 105
Plan of the Baths of the Schola in Leptis Magna
(Libya)
after Bianchi Bandinelli et al. (1967)
103, fig. 245
figure 106
Baths of the Schola in Leptis Magna (Libya), southern small apsidal pool in the frigidarium seen
from the southwest
photo: author, June 2012
365
Gazetteer
figure 107
Plan of the church in the frigidarium of the West Baths in Mactaris (Tunisia)
after Duval (1971) 306, fig. 8
that this building underwent several changes.577 The frigidarium was equipped with two semicircular single-person pools
(fig. 106), while a small rectangular pool was added to the one
of the adjacent rooms.578 A new set of rooms was created in
the south-west corner of the building, probably replacing an
older heated section. The first room had a small basin in a
protruding niche, resembling the basin in the east octagonal
room of the Hunting Baths (see above). The two other rooms
had an alveus on their southern side. The layout, especially
the addition of the small semicircular pools, could point to a
late antique phase or perhaps even construction date of the
building.579 After the baths had fallen out of use, the pools
were possibly reused for an industrial function. The southern
piscina of the frigidarium and the southern alveus of the first
new heated room were subdivided into smaller basins.
Mactaris (Maktar, Tunisia)
As the city of an indigenous kingdom, Mactaris (Maktar,
Tunisia) was heavily influenced by Carthage and Punic culture before it fell under Roman rule. It became a colonia
under Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius and subsequently
witnessed its greatest expansion. The 4th c. saw some important restoration works and ecclesiastical building activity. The
577
578
579
Vergara Caffarelli (1957) 352.
The excavation of the bath was never published. The description of the building is based on the author’s own observations
on site, in combination with the plan provided by Bianchi
Bandinelli et al. (1967) 103, fig. 425.
The several ‘late’ restoration phases are also mentioned by
Bianchi Bandinelli et al. (1967) 104. The ‘schola’ itself also
seems to have been restored in the first half of the 4th c.
(Pentiricci (2010) 161–62).
Byzantine period was characterized by reduced habitation
and fortifications.580
The dedication of the Large East Baths is commemorated
on an inscription of AD 199, found in situ in the vestibule.581
The imperial type plan fits well within this chronological
framework. The aqueduct that supposedly supplied water to
these thermae was cut around AD 400, forcing the baths to
rely on newly dug wells. The large pools probably went out
of use and were replaced by smaller ones. In the Byzantine
period, the baths were converted into a fortress by building
a wall around them.582 These later reorganisations are poorly
understood, as the building has not been entirely excavated.
The West Baths have not been dated, but a 2nd or 3rd c.
date would fit with their plan.583 In a later phase, the frigidarium was transformed into a church (fig. 107). The southern part
of the building had probably already collapsed by this time.
The layout of the church was influenced by the pre-existing
walls of the baths, with the presbytery built on top of the
filled-up northern piscina. To the south, a small chapel was
built directly onto the mosaic floor of the baths.584 Several
graves and inscriptions dating from the Byzantine period were
found.585 An old funerary stele was even reused as a sort of
shrine, possibly to display the bones of a martyr. The church
itself is dated to the 4th or the 5th c., as several coins have
been found in a layer of ash inside the baths, pointing to the
destruction of the building.586
580
581
582
583
584
585
586
Ennabli (1976b) 540; Leone (2007) 261–63.
Thébert (2003) 144.
Picard (1974) 24.
Thébert (2003) 146.
Duval (1971b) 305, 312–14.
Picard (1955) 176–79.
Duval (1971b) 315–17.
366
Gazetteer
figure 108
Plan of the Large Baths in Madauros (Algeria)
after Yegül (1992) 224, fig. 255
Madauros (M’Daourouch, Algeria)
Madauros became a colonia under Nerva and grew out to
be an important ‘intellectual’ centre in Numidia. Apuleius
was born here and Augustine studied in Madauros during
his youth. The plan of the Imperial period city is difficult to
reconstruct due to the building activity in the Byzantine period (mainly an Amazigh occupation at this point).587 During
the Byzantine period, a fortress was built, incorporating the
theatre.588
The Large Baths must probably be dated to the beginning of
the 3rd c. Several statue bases seem to have been a part of the
original decorative scheme and none pre-date the Severan period. An inscription mentioning a restoration of a bathhouse
was found in several fragments (EA-19). It dates to the reign of
Julian (AD 361–363) and probably referred to the Large Baths.589
The same can be said of a text commemorating the restoration of the thermae aestivae (EA-20) and dated to AD 364. It
was found reused in a late wall of the Large Baths. Four other
inscriptions were recovered from the excavations of the baths
(EA-24, 42, 43, 44). While we cannot be certain that these have
been found in their original location and hence refer to the
587
588
589
Gsell and Joly (1922) 9; Souville (1976) 541.
Gsell and Joly (1922) 126–32.
Thébert (2003) 215.
Large Baths, it seems very plausible that these thermae were
still in use in the 5th c. The archaeological evidence confirms
the many restorations and reorganisations. The most obvious
intervention affected the heated section (fig. 108). The original caldarium was closed off, as was the heated room in the
south-west corner.590 The heated part now consisted only of
two rooms: the small rectangular room that used to connect
the caldarium to the frigidarium, and the apsidal room. A
new doorway was pierced in their communal wall to connect
them.591 The small pool in the rectangular room was obliterated, while the pool in the apse was divided into two small single-person pools.592 Perhaps this reorganisation of the heated
section can be identified with the interventions mentioned
the inscription of AD 407–408 (EA-42). The lavacra in the text
could be the heated rooms or the pools of the heated rooms.593
It is important to notice that, according to the inscription, the
baths had fallen out of use (desolatam) before the repairs. The
other works mentioned in the inscriptions are more difficult
to identify with the archaeological evidence, as restorations of
the pools (EA-19; 20), the patinas (cauldrons?), (EA-20), the
590
591
592
593
Thébert (2003) 215–16.
Krencker et al. (1929) 220.
Gsell and Joly (1922) 99–100.
Maréchal (2015) 159.
367
Gazetteer
figure 109
Plan of the church in the frigidarium of the Small
Baths of Madauros (Algeria)
after Duval (1971) 299, fig. 2
suspensurae (EA-24) and the decoration (EA-19; 24) are difficult to detect.
The Small Baths of Madauros were located just north of the
Large Baths. The similarity of building techniques seduced
scholars to believe that the buildings were contemporaneous
and perhaps built by the same architect.594 One of the inscriptions found in the Large Baths (EA-19) may actually refer to
these Small Baths.595 If we consider the Large Baths to be the
‘thermas aestivas’ of EA-20, the Small Baths might well have
been Madauros’ ‘winter baths’. The late antique restorations
are less striking and perhaps did not alter the organisation of
the rooms. At an unknown date in Late Antiquity, the frigidarium was converted into a church.596 Post-holes were pierced
in the floor, delimiting a chancel. The north-western piscina
was filled up and used as an entrance, while the north-eastern
one was raised to form the presbytery (fig. 109). The vault that
covered the church (and the baths?) was made out of tubi
594
595
596
Yegül (1992) 222; Thébert (2003) 216.
Thébert (2003) 217.
Duval (1971b) 298–304.
fittili.597 If we assume that the restored Large Baths and the
church in the Small Baths existed at the same time, Madauros
would have had an attractive social hub. It cannot be ruled out
that the persons responsible for restoring the Large Baths also
constructed the church.598
Nagàzza (Libya)
In 1924 a bathhouse was discovered along the road leading
from Homs to Tripoli. The building was built on a terrace partially cut out of the rock (fig. 110). On the basis of the mosaics,
the baths were dated to the (late) 3rd c.599 Possibly the bath
was still in use in the early 4th. The plan was characterized by
an oblong hall with an east-west orientation and a cold pool
preceded by a low labrum (or rather pediluvium?) on its eastern end.600 The piscina was fed by a reservoir lying just behind
597
598
599
600
Gsell and Joly (1922) 103.
Both baths had probably been city property during the High
Empire. What happened to each building in Late Antiquity
was probably the responsibility of the same people.
Bartoccini (1927) 248.
Bartoccini (1927) 242.
368
Gazetteer
figure 110
Plan of the Baths of En-Nagazza
(Libya)
after Bartoccini (1927) 242,
unnumbered fig.
it, cut out of the rock and fed by rainwater. In the southern
side of the hall, which probably served both as frigidarium
and apodyterium, a doorway gave access to another cold room
and 4 heated rooms, the third of which had an alveus built
directly onto the suspensura and thus possibly a later addition. Through the fourth warm room, probably the exit-tepidarium, the bather could rejoin two separate cold rooms that
connected to the hall. The polychrome mosaics found in the
heated rooms depicted marine and nilotic scenes, as well as a
kantharos with vines.601
Numluli (Henchir Matria, Tunisia)
The small site of Numluli was monumentalized with a capitolium by a rich decurion from Carthage in AD 170.602 The local
bathhouse, 100 m east of the latter, had the same orientation
and may well have been constructed around the same time.603
The use of opus vittatum in the apsidal room in the west may
point to a late antique phase of the building. In the Byzantine
period, the baths were dismantled and the large blocks of the
opus africanum walls were reused for the construction of a
601
602
603
Bartoccini (1927) 245–47, unnumbered figs.
CIL 8.26121.
de Vos Raaijmakers and Attaoui (2013) 152, 384–85, pl. 144.
fortress. A church with a quatrefoil plan 50 m north-west of
the bathhouse predates the Byzantine period.604
Pupput (Souk el-Abiod, Tunisia)
At least three baths have been discovered so far in Pupput, but
none have been properly excavated. The Baths of the Crater,
located in the Roman city centre, is rather small (45 × 35 m)
and may have been built at a late date in the High Empire,
judging from the surviving mosaics.605 Several restorations
phases could point to continued use in Late Antiquity. The
presence of a small semicircular pool, which seems to have
been inserted at a later date in a rectangular niche, could be
a late antique addition. When the baths had fallen out of use,
an olive oil production unit was created in the hollowed-out
hypocaust of the heated rooms.606 The Baths of the Monetary
Treasure to the south and the Baths of the Octagon to the
north still await investigation.
604
605
606
de Vos Raaijmakers and Attaoui (2013) 152–53.
Ben Abed and Hanoune (2010) 987–89.
Ben Abed and Hanoune (2010) 989–90.
369
Gazetteer
Rusguniae (Tametfoust, Algeria)
The small bathhouse was partially excavated in 1964.607
Construction probably occurred after the Severan period.608
The building was still in use in the 4th c., when a hypocaust
pillar was restored using clay containing a coin of
Constantius II.609 Furthermore, the sherds of ceramic found
in the preparation layer of a new mosaic also dated to the
same century.610 After the bath fell out of use at an unknown
date, the shell of the building was reused for housing and a
workshop.611
Sabratha (Libya)
Sabratha was a Punic trade colony that came under Roman
influence from the 1st c. AD onwards and was granted the title
of colonia in the 2nd c. AD. During the reign of the Antonines,
the city reached its largest size. Some of the city’s most important buildings, such as the temple on the forum, the theatre,
and most of the baths, were built in this period.612 Several
restorations of monumental buildings, including the curia,
the basilica, temples and the forum, were carried out during
the 4th c.613 Procopius tells us that Justinian ordered the construction of walls and a new church.614 Archaeological data
points to building activity, especially in relation to ecclesiastical architecture.615
At present, 6 bathhouses have come to light in Sabratha
(map 37). The Seaward Baths are the largest discovered so far
and are probably the oldest (map 37, nr. 3). A Flavian date has
been proposed, as they seem to have been part of the original layout of one of the oldest quarters of the town.616 A long
use of the baths, at least until the 4th c., can be deduced from
the different levels of mosaics laid in the oblong corridor.617
The heated part of the baths may even have been in use in
the Byzantine period, when new water pipes and decorative
elements were added to the original design.618 The northern
section has been destroyed by sea erosion, making it difficult
to reconstruct the plan.
The Baths under Basilica 3, the largest in Sabratha, were
razed to the ground when the new basilica was erected in the
4th c.619 It is not certain that the bathhouse was destroyed to
make way for the ecclesiastical building. If they were already
out of use, this meant that a considerable building lot in the
607
608
609
610
611
612
613
614
615
616
617
618
619
Guéry (1962–1965).
Thébert (2003) 221.
Février (1967) 100.
Germain (1969) 117.
Thébert (2003) 221.
Kenrick (2009) 38–39; for the baths, see Bonacasa (2010).
Leone (2007) 93; Sears (2007) 74–75.
Procop., Aed. 6.4.13.
Leone (2007) 276–79.
Haynes (1965) 121.
Bonacasa (1997) 171.
Bonacasa (2010) 42.
Bonacasa and Carra (2003) 406.
city centre was available for reuse. The presence of water supply systems (drains, supply channels, reservoirs) may have
been a good reason to construct a basilica and adjacent baptistery on this location. It seems that a part of the hypocaust
system was even reused.620
The Baths of the Theatre (fig. 111) were constructed in the
Severan part of town, within an insula of 26 × 34 m (map 37,
nr. 2). A recent re-examination of the building by the Italian
archaeological mission in Libya placed the construction date
in the 2nd c., with important reorganisations in the 3rd. During
the 4th c., the baths seem to have been severely damaged, although the bathing rooms were still partially used until the
end of the Byzantine period, be it in a reduced form.621 The
west alveus of the caldarium was transformed into a service
room paved with spoliated slabs of marble. The large apodyterium lost its function as a new water pipe was laid across the
benches and the light well of the frigidarium was transformed
into a small water basin, supplied by the same water channel
as the latrine. Several windows were also blocked and the mosaic floor of the apodyterium was restored with irregular slabs
of spoliated marble.
The Bath of Oceanus is a small building (23 × 25 m) close
to the ancient harbour and which may have belonged to an
association (map 37, nr. 1).622 The baths were built on top of
an earlier bathhouse of larger dimensions and dating from
the second half of the 1st c. AD, judging from the mosaics.623
The bathhouse which survives today has mosaics dating
to the early 2nd c., while restorations were carried out in the
Severan era.624 The baths were damaged at the start of the
4th c., but probably continued to function on a reduced scale
until the second half of the 4th c.625
The baths near the Fountain of the Serapides (Reg. VI) may
have been a private bath. Possibly built in the 1st c. AD, the
baths were in use until the Byzantine period.626
The Bath of Region VII is the only one that has been subject to systematic archaeological excavations (map 37, nr. 4).
The style of the mosaics and the ceramics found in test pits
both point to a construction date in the second half of the
2nd c.627 Subsequent changes to the original plan were minimal. Only a new heated room was added, perhaps in the early
4th c. The most recent mosaics date from the beginning of this
century. The baths probably never recovered from the damage
of the earthquake in AD 365.628
620
621
622
623
624
625
626
627
628
Bonacasa and Carra (2003) 407.
Bonacasa Carra and Scirè (2012) 371–78.
Bonacasa (2004) 328.
Bonacasa (2004) 330.
Dunbabin (1978) 267; Bonacasa (2004) 327.
Joly (2000) 146; Bonacasa (2004) 328.
Bonacasa (2010) 37, 42.
Brecciaroli Taborelli (1974–1975) 141–44.
Brecciaroli Taborelli (1974–1975) 144.
Gazetteer
370
map 37
Sabratha (Libya), plan of the city with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Sears (2007) 168, fig. 22
7: Temple of Hercules
1: Baths of Oceanus
8: Antonine Temple
2: Theatre Baths
9: South Forum Temple
3: Seaward Baths
10: Forum
4: Bath of Regio VII
11: Temple of Serapis
5: Temple of Isis
6: Theatre
Gazetteer
figure 111
371
Plan of the Baths of the Theatre in Sabratha (Libya)
after Bonacasa Carra and Scirè (2012) 367, fig. 21
Seguia (Tunisia)
During prospection by the Italian archaeological mission,
a bathhouse was discovered in the Cap Bon region.629 The
surface finds of the site revealed some 3rd and early 4th c.
material, although nothing connects these sherds to the construction of the baths.630 Hence there is no reliable evidence
to attribute a late antique construction date or even a late antique phase of use for these baths.
629
630
Acquaro et al. (1973) 79–80.
Contra Leone (2007) 90.
Thenae (Thyna, Tunisia)
The port city of Thenae gained some importance during the
2nd c. when it was awarded the status of colonia. The city probably prospered in the 4th c. with two bathhouses built around
this time (see above, C60 and C61). The third bathhouse found
at Thenae was the Large Bathhouse. It has been discussed in
most modern research on Roman baths because of its original
plan (fig. 112). The intricate articulation of curvilinear forms
is an exceptional example of a ‘grammatical structure’—two
concentric rings around a central round room—presented
372
Gazetteer
figure 112
Plan of the Large Baths in Thenae (Tunisia)
after Nielsen (1993b) 171, 190
in chaotic design.631 The mosaic of the frigidarium has been
dated to the end of the 3rd c.632 The early excavations did not
identify late antique interventions.633 However, a small separate bathhouse south of the main complex is reminiscent of
the suite of small bathing rooms added at a later stage to the
Hunting Baths in Leptis Magna. The small baths consisted of
a cold, a tepid and two hot rooms. The frigidarium had two
small pools.634 It is difficult to interpret these baths without
any archaeological evidence. They may have been used as the
women’s section or as baths with a special (medical?) use.
Thuburbo Maius (Henchir Kasbat, near El Fahs,Tunisia)
Some 35 km south-west of Uthina, in the same fertile Meliana
valley, lay the city of Thuburbo Maius. It became a municipium under Hadrian and a colonia under Commodus.635 The
town flourished during the 4th c., when a vast building program restored and expanded the existing town fabric.636
631
632
633
634
635
636
Yegül (1992) 246.
Dunbabin (1978) 273.
Drappier (1911–1913).
Thébert (2003) 160–61.
Ennabli (1976c) 916–17.
Leone (2007) 91; Sears (2007) 48.
Five bath complexes have been discovered in the city
(map 38). The Summer Baths (fig. 113), mentioned in an inscription found on site (see below) were the largest with a
surfaced covering around 2,800 m2 (map 38, nr. 4). They were
erected at the end of the 2nd or beginning of the 3rd c., when
the town centre was embellished during an important construction programme. The exact date has been placed around
AD 200–225 on the basis of ceramics, recovered from a small
test pit in the frigidarium, and on the style of mosaics.637 An
inscription found in several fragments inside the baths (EA-17)
is dated to the reign of Constantius II (AD 361) and commemorates the completion of the baths after a period of 8 years. It
specifies that lavacra were restored, because ‘they wept rather
than they washed’. Looking at the archaeological remains, we
can observe that the caldarium and more specifically the alvei
were reorganised. The original cruciform plan was changed
into a three-apsidal room, with the alvei changing shape from
rectangular to semicircular forms.638 The reorganisation of
the pools probably entailed the transformation of a room
in the north corner of the complex into a water distribution
centre. A well (17 m deep) and two reservoirs were installed
637
638
Thébert (2003) 167.
Drappier (1920) 72.
Gazetteer
map 38
Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia), plan of the city with the location of public baths and the most important buildings
after Sears (2007) 152, fig. 6
7: Capitol
1: Baths of the Stars
8: Temple of Mercury
2: Baths of the Capitol
9: Small Temple
3: Winter Baths
10: Market
4: Summer Baths
11: Market
5: Temple
12: Temple of Balaat
6: Forum
373
Gazetteer
374
figure 113
Plan of the Summer Baths in Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia) with late antique reorganisation (left)
in Thébert (2003) 609, pl. LIX.3–4; with permission by the publisher
here, while the doorways to the other bathing rooms were
blocked.639 We cannot be certain that these interventions
are the same as those recorded in the inscription, but as no
other important works seem to have altered the plan to such
an extent, it is quite possible that this was the reorganisation
immortalized in stone. The lavacra should then be interpreted
as the alvei.640
The long use of the baths can also be deduced from the
mosaics in the apodyterium and corridors of the end of the
4th or beginning of the 5th c.641 A reservoir was not filled up
until the middle of the 5th c.642 The resemblance between
these ‘summer baths’ and the ‘summer baths’ or Large Baths
of Madauros is remarkable, especially the presence of a large
semicircular latrine (compare figs. 108 and 113). Against the
latrines in Thuburbo Maius, a small complex comprising
three rooms on hypocaust and two unheated rooms has been
discovered.643 The available data is too scarce to make any
conclusions, especially about a possible construction date.
However, such a simple succession of heated rooms is reminiscent of heated rooms found in the palaestra of the north
baths in Volubilis (see below, p. 377). New investigations are
639
640
641
642
643
Drappier (1920) 67.
Maréchal (2015) 158–59.
Ben Abed-Ben Khader et al. (1985) 29–31.
Ben Abed-Ben Khader et al. (1985) 2, n. 5.
Thébert (2003) 169.
needed to decide whether these rooms functioned as a small
bathhouse or had a different function.
The Winter Baths (fig. 114; map 38, nr. 4) have been identified by an inscription found in the curia (EA-34). Only one
building was large enough to compete with the Summer
Baths.644 The construction date is placed at the end of the 2nd
or the beginning of the 3rd c., as it is believed that the Winter
Baths were built at the same time as the Summer Baths. The
inscription of the curia commemorates restoration works carried out under the reign of Arcadius and Honorius (AD 395–
408). A second inscription (EA-36), found inside the baths
and dated at the beginning of the 5th c., is more specific. It
mentions the restoration of the cella soliaris, the restoration
of the copper and lead implements and the addition of a new
piscina. Archaeological data corroborates the restorations in
the text. An oval piscina (1.8 × 2.5 m; 0.4 m deep) covered with
a nerved dome and with a plain white mosaic floor must have
been the cochleam (‘shell’) that was added to the frigidarium.645 Probably at the same time, the two large rectangular
pools were filled in and concealed under a new mosaic. The
interventions in the caldarium—possibly the cella soliaris
mentioned in the inscription—concerned the reduction of
the rectangular alveus and the construction of a new apsidal
pool. The hypocaust pillars of this last phase were made out
644
645
Thébert (2003) 170.
Thébert (2003) 171.
Gazetteer
375
figure 114
Plan of the Winter Baths in Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia)
after Thébert (2003) 611, pl. LXI.3–4
of greyish limestone monoliths.646 At the end of the 5th or
the beginning of the 6th c., a new mosaic was laid in the frigidarium (black and white geometric patterns).
The construction of Baths of the Labyrinth (fig. 115) cannot be posterior to the 3rd c., as the well-dated Temple of
Mercurius (AD 211) and adjacent buildings were partially built
against the baths.647 However, important restorations were
still carried out at the end of the 3rd or beginning of the 4th
c. The mosaics that are contemporaneous with these reorganisations date from this period.648 The rectangular pool of the
caldarium was reduced in size, while a new round basin was
created. As the latter was quite shallow, it has been interpreted
as a pediluvium, although a type of shower-installation cannot
be ruled out.649 In the 5th c., a small basin was added in the
apodyterium, but fell out of use later that century, when a new
mosaic covered its traces. A coin dated between AD 410 and
439 was found in the blockage of a furnace. This could mean
that the baths, or at least the caldarium, fell out of use in the
first half of the 5th c. Small basins in the frigidarium also date
to this period. Perhaps these basins were part of an industrial
structure that was installed after the disaffection of the baths.650
Or the baths continued under a simplified layout.
The Baths of the Capitolium (fig. 116; map 38, nr. 2) were
constructed during the second half of the 2nd or the first half
of the 3rd c. Both the style of the mosaics and the ceramics
found in small test pits investigating the foundation trenches
of the walls suggest this date.651 The original plan was altered
several times. The last datable mosaics were laid in the 4th c.652
In the last phase of the baths, a new caldarium was created by
transforming a room with a rectangular alveus. The door to
the original caldarium was blocked and an apsidal pool was
added.
646
647
648
649
650
651
652
Drappier (1920) 60.
Thébert (2003) 172.
Alexander et al. (1980) 30.
Thébert (2003) 173.
Alexander et al. (1980) 23.
Alexander et al. (1980) 80.
Alexander et al. (1980) 87.
376
Gazetteer
figure 115
Plan of the Baths of the Labyrinth in Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia)
after Alexander et al. (1980) plan 8
figure 116
Plan of the Baths of the Capitolium in
Thuburbo Maius (Tunisia), with its late
antique reorganisation (right)
in Thébert (2003) 612, pl. LXII.4–5;
with permission by the publisher
The Baths of the Stars or Northern Baths have not been
published. The mosaics found throughout the baths date from
the late 2nd or early 3rd c. At the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th c., new drains cut through some mosaic pavements, revealing a late restoration phase.653
Thugga (Dougga, Tunisia)
Thugga had a long pre-Roman history before it became a
pagus civium Romanorum connected to Carthage in 46 BC.
The Punic constitutional structures remained in use and
lasted until AD 205 before Thugga became a municipium and
only in the reign of Gallienus (AD 253–268) it was granted the
title of colonia.654 Thugga’s survival into Byzantine times is attested by the presence of a Byzantine fortress.655
653
654
655
Alexander et al. (1994) 1, 15–19.
Ennabli (1976d) 917; Huß (2006b).
Pringle (1981) 244–46.
The Baths of Aïn Doura probably date from the beginning of the 3rd c.656 In the 4th c., the baths were probably restored and embellished, as can be deduced from the mosaics.657
The remains are too badly preserved to make conclusions
about the nature of the restorations or the outlook of the
baths in Late Antiquity. The second large public baths, the
Licinian Baths, would date to the reign of Valerian (AD 253–
260), rather than to the reign of his son Gallienus (AD 253–
268).658 Indeed, an inscription found in three fragments, one
in the baths, commemorated the restoration of the atrium
therma(arum)(Lic)iniarum (EA-26). The text is dated to the
years AD 367–383, meaning the baths were still in use some
100 years after their dedication. The restoration of the ‘shabbily built atrium’ is difficult to recognize in the archaeological
656
657
658
Thébert (2003) 175 on the basis of mosaics.
Wiedler (1999) 362–63; Thébert (2003) 175; both after an unpublished dissertation.
Thébert (2003) 177.
Gazetteer
record. The reorganisation of the heated section is better understood. One of the small pools of the exit-tepidarium (between caldarium and frigidarium) was destroyed and covered
with a floor of marble slabs.659 At an unknown date, an oil
press was installed in one of the heated rooms.660 The Baths
of the Cyclops were dated to end of the 3rd c. on the basis of
mosaics.661 In a second phase (4th c.?), the tepidarium, probably with a single-person pool in an apse, was closed off from
the frigidarium and equipped with a second furnace.662 All
of the mosaics, except the one of the cold room, were carefully cut out and removed at an unknown date.663 Near the
forum, a small bathhouse was recently re-examined.664 The
simple linear layout, the proximity to the Byzantine fortress
and the similarities with other Byzantine fortress baths (see,
chapter 4) points to a Byzantine or even Early Islamic construction date.
As can be concluded from the evidence above, Thugga still
had several functioning baths in the 4th c. The fact that an inscription commemorates the construction or restoration of a
water reservoir during the reign of Gratian and Valentinian II,
confirms that the water supply of the city was still an important concern for local authorities.665 The situation in the 5th
c. and later is less clear, as the archaeological data pertaining
to this period was neglected in earlier research.
Thysdrus (el-Djem, Tunisia)
A small bathhouse was discovered in the south-eastern quarter of the Roman city of Thysdrus (El-Djem). The mosaic of
the frigidarium, accompanied by an inscription about invidia,
has been dated to the end of the 3rd c.666 It is likely that the
bath was still in use in the early 4th c.
Volubilis (Wālila, Morocco)
The site of Volubilis, located in a fertile plain and encircled
by the river Fertessa and Khoumane, had a long Amazigh and
Punic history, before it became a municipium under Claudius
(around AD 40).667 As in many North African towns, the
Severan period was its heyday. All too often, the withdrawal of
Roman troops and magistrates to northern Morocco (around
Tingi, modern Tangier) in AD 285 has been used a terminus
ante quem for all building activity inside the city. However,
the occupation of the site did not cease, as the local popula659
660
661
662
663
664
665
666
667
Poinssot and Lantier (1925) xxx–xxxi.
Thébert (2003) 177.
Dunbabin (1978) 40, n. 15.
Thébert (2003) 180.
Gauckler (1902) ccxvi; Merlin (1903) 39.
The excavations had not been published at the time of writing,
but some preliminary results were presented at the ‘Byzantine
and Medieval Islamic baths and their use AD 600–1200’ conference in Rome (5–6 June 2014) by C. Touihri.
Merlin (1903) 95.
Wiedler (1999) 364.
Risse (2001) 3.
377
tion—forming a large part of the total number of citizens—
remained. Archaeological excavations have revealed important evidence of late habitation, production and building
activity.668 Even under Arab rule, the occupation of the site
continued, until the new city of Moulay Idriss was created in
the 8th c.669
There were 4 large and 7 small baths inside the city
walls (map 39). The North Baths were the largest in town
(ca. 2,000 m2) and have been dated by test trenches to the period between AD 60 and AD 80 (map 39, nr. 1).670 The most important restorations have been dated at the end of the 2nd or
the beginning of the 3rd c., while a separate small bathhouse
was created inside the former palaestra (fig. 58).671 The construction of the latter probably happened after the principal
baths fell out of use during the 3rd c. and were transformed
into habitations. The small baths were also transformed and
probably remained in use until the end of the 3rd c.672 It is
interesting to notice that both the frigidarium and the caldarium were equipped with an additional small pool in the later
phases.673 Apparently, these single-person pools were already
built before the end of the 3rd c., when the baths fell out of
use. The small baths in the palaestra are very basic, only consisting of a single heated room, possibly without an alveus.674
Some baths in Volubilis had already gone out of use by
the 4th c. The Bath under the House of the Cistern was razed
to the ground when the house that gave the baths its name
was built in the 3rd c.675 The Baths of the Capitolium, built at
the end of the 1st c. AD and enlarged around the end of the
2nd c., probably went out of use during the 3rd c. (map 39,
nr. 3).676 Neither the plan nor the decoration reveals clear
traces of late antique interventions. The same can be said for
the Baths of Gallienus, named after a building inscription that
possibly did not come from the baths (map 39, nr. 2).677 The
baths of the Palace of Gordian can be approximately dated
by an inscription to the period AD 190–240.678 The baths were
part of a large domus, but must have had a (semi-) public
use as there was a separate street entrance (map 39, nr. 4).
668
669
670
671
672
673
674
675
676
677
678
Lenoir (1985) 425; Es-Sadra (2012) 644–51.
Lenoir (1985) 426.
Lenoir (1991) 156.
Thébert (2003) 275.
Thébert (2003) 273–74.
Thouvenot (1945) 160–61. Thébert (2003) 274–75 sees these
small pools as original features of the plan. However, the excavators mention that the walls of these pools abutted the
outer walls of the baths (which is also clearly visible on pl. X.2
in Thouvenot (1945)) and were constructed using a different
technique (spoliated stones; Thouvenot (1945) 160–61). Both
pools also protrude from the core of the building, in the case
of the cold pool even onto the street.
Thébert (2003) 275.
Zehnacker and Hallier (1965) 115–17.
Akerraz (1986) 112.
Thébert (2003) 278.
ILAfr 614.
Gazetteer
378
map 39
Volubilis (Morocco), plan of the city
with location of public baths
after Risse (2001) 112, fig. 165
1: North Baths
2: Baths of Gallienus
3: Baths of the Capitolium
4: Baths of the ‘Palace of Gordian’
5: Baths of the House of Hercules
6: Baths of the Western Quarter
7: Baths of the House of Venus
8: Baths of the House of the Sundial
9: Baths of the House of Orpheus
10: Islamic suburban baths
As it was the inhabitants of this type of residence that left in
AD 285, it is possible that the baths fell out of use at the end
of the 3rd c. In any case, there are no traces of important reorganisations after the initial building phase. During the medieval period, a lime kiln was constructed here.679
In some cases, there is evidence that a bathhouse had at
least a late antique phase. The Bath of the House of Venus,
possibly semi-public with an entrance from the street, remains undated (fig. 117; map 39, nr. 7). The house itself may
have been constructed in the second half of the 3rd c., but the
baths seem to have been a later addition.680 The use of tubi
fittili for the vaults and terracotta tiles with spacers for the wall
heating could point to a late phase.681 The Baths of the House
of Orpheus were also (semi-) public, judging from its street
entrance (map 39, nr. 9).682 A large hall, similar to the one in
the Baths of the House of Venus, preceded the frigidarium.
679
680
681
682
Thouvenot (1958) 31.
Étienne (1960) 79; Thébert (2003) 282.
Thouvenot (1958) 59.
Contra Thouvenot (1941) 52.
It was a scaled-down version of the halls found in the earlier baths (see for example the Baths of Gallienus, the North
Baths). The piscina was divided by a wall into two pools of unequal size.683 The small pool must have had a separate function, perhaps for medical use or a private pool for the owners
of the house. The Baths of the House of the Works of Hercules
post-date the reorganisation of the north-western quarter
of the city in AD 170, as the bathhouse encroaches upon the
street (fig. 118; map 39, nr. 5).684 The street access and the large
room preceding the frigidarium identify the complex as the
same type of baths belonging to the House of Venus and the
House of Orpheus. The addition of a small semicircular pool
in the first heated room, the use of terracotta tiles and spacers
for wall heating, the use of stone monoliths as pilae and the
use of spolia in the walls point to a late phase of use (middle
or end of the 3rd c.?).685 The Baths of the Western Quarter
were also constructed after AD 170, blocking a street running
683
684
685
Thouvenot (1941) 58–60.
Thébert (2003) 280.
For the spolia, see Thouvenot (1948a) 82–84.
Gazetteer
379
figure 117
Plan of the Baths in the House of
Venus in Volubilis (Morocco)
after Etienne (1960) pl. XVII
figure 118
Plan of the Baths of the House of the Works of Hercules in Volubilis (Morocco)
after Etienne (1960) pl. IV
Gazetteer
380
figure 119
Plan of the Baths of the Western Quarter in Volubilis (Morocco)
after Etienne (1960) pl. XIV
figure 120
Plan of the Baths of the House of the Sundial
in Volubilis (Morocco)
after Etienne (1960) pl. XII
Gazetteer
along the aqueduct and abutting the House of the Nereïds
(fig. 119; map 39, nr. 6). Test pits under the street pavement
delivered ceramics of the 3rd c.686 The facilities are similar
to those of the semi-public houses described above, yet the
layout is simpler. The vestibulum / apodyterium, the frigidarium and three heated rooms succeeded each other in a linear reversing route. The caldarium had two alvei, one small
semicircular and one rectangular.687 Very similar in plan, was
the Bath of the House of the Sundial (‘thermes de la maison
au cadran solaire’ / ‘thermes du cardo’; fig. 120; map 39, nr.
8). Robert Étienne proposes a late 3rd c. date on the basis of
the poor construction technique and the encroachment on a
cardo, but an even later date cannot be ruled out.688 Outside
the city walls, near the banks of the river Khoumane, the
686
687
688
Étienne (1960) 143.
Thouvenot (1948b) 130.
Étienne (1960) 102.
381
remains of a bathhouse dating from the Islamic period have
been discovered (see chapter 4, p. 175).
The picture that emerges of late antique Volubilis is one
of a town without strict Roman organisation. The monumental heritage was kept in use if possible, but private buildings
encroached on the roads and former public buildings were
turned into habitations.689 By the 4th c., the large public baths
in town, the North Baths and the Baths of the Capitolium, had
fallen out of use. The small neighbourhood baths that had
been constructed during the 3rd c. probably cushioned this
loss and were kept in use, some of them maybe for a long time.
The Baths of the Western Quarter and the Baths of the House
of the Sundial may have been constructed in a very late phase.
The type of semi-public bathhouse, built inside an existing
domus, is reminiscent of the semi-public late antique baths in
Cuicul (C40, C41, C42).
689
Lenoir (1985) 425.
Baths in Cyrenaica
New Construction
C65. Apollonia (Marsa Susa, Libya), Late Roman Baths
Excavation history: (D) The so-called ‘Byzantine baths’
were partially excavated by the University of Michigan
in the 1960s. It seems, however, that the complex should
figure 121
actually be interpreted as two separate baths: the unfinished ‘Byzantine’ baths (to the east, see below) and an earlier ‘late antique’ part (to the south), (fig. 121).
Bibliography: Pedley (1967); Pedley (1976).
Construction: (D) The excavations did not permit dating
of the different phases of the complex. On the basis of the
Plan of the Late Antique and Byzantine Baths in Apollonia (Libya)
in Pedley (1976) 226, fig. 1; with permission
Gazetteer
383
C66. Apollonia (Marsa Susa, Libya), Byzantine Baths
plan, we could propose a late antique date. These baths
may have been built when the ‘Roman baths’, located 20 m
to the east, fell out of use sometime in the 4th c.690
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The north-south oriented baths were built in opus africanum. To the north, a paved zone with a semicircular apse
opened onto an east-west oriented portico. To the south, a
paved courtyard had two pools against its southern side.
Between these two pools, a narrow passage led to a small
square room with a single-person pool. To the east lay a reservoir.691 The area to the south has not been excavated. A
branch of an aqueduct reached this southern zone, making
it likely that more water-related structures could be found
here.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: The late antique bath was perhaps built close
to the ‘Roman bath’ so that the water supply of the aqueduct could be reused. The water supply system still functioned, as a small fountain and a latrine were constructed
in the disused Roman baths at a late period, perhaps in the
6th c.692
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: 32°54’8.24”N, 21°58’5.62”E
Excavation history: (D) The so-called ‘Byzantine Baths’ were
only partially excavated by the University of Michigan in
the 1960s.
Bibliography: Pedley (1967); Pedley (1976).
Construction: The excavation did not yield datable material
in context. A terminus post quem of AD 365 has been proposed, linking the construction of the baths to the earthquake that hit the Libyan coast and allegedly destroyed the
Roman baths of Apollonia.693 However, the type of plan,
closely resembling the baths in Taucheira (see below),
points to a 6th-c. date.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The absence of hypocaust tiles and wall heating (tubuli or tegulae) in the destruction layer and the unfinished state of the pools make
it unlikely that this building ever functioned as a bathhouse.694 In the first quarter of the 7th c., the hypocaust
was filled up with debris, so that the building could serve a
different function.
Plan: In contrast to rubble concrete of the ‘Late Antique
Baths’ (C65, fig. 121), the east wing of the complex was
built in opus quadratum. Just as in Taucheira, the function of the frigidarium is ensured by the (pre-existing)
courtyard with its pools. An entrance then led into the
first room, which was divided into two unequal parts by
an east-west partition wall. The second and third room to
the east were constructed on a lower level (1.85 m below
threshold), presumably to receive a suspended floor. The
central room, the ‘tepidarium’, had two ‘flues’ in the lower
part of the wall connecting to the outside. According to the
excavator, these were chimneys, but they are more likely to
be traditional furnace mouths.695 To the east of the ‘caldarium’, there are three almost square ‘cubicles’, interpreted
as pools. The north and south ‘pools’ were connected to
the central one by terracotta pipes immediately above
the floor. This strange arrangement could be explained by
looking at Taucheira: the middle ‘alveus’ would actually be
the boiler room. This would explain why the east wall of
the middle pool was pierced, as a stoke hole to fire up the
furnace underneath the boiler must have been present. For
unknown reasons, the bathhouse was never finished. The
suspended floors were instead filled with a homogenous
layer of debris, containing material of the first quarter
of the 7th c., after which some poorly-built walls seem to
point to squatter occupation.696
Decoration: As the bathhouse was never finished, there is
no evidence for any intended decoration.
690
691
692
693
694
695
696
C65
Apollonia (Marsa Susa, Libya), Late Roman Baths (After
Pedley (1976) 226–27, fig. 1 and 2)
Rebuffat et al. (1987) 277.
As indicated on fig. 1 in Pedley (1976) 226.
Goodchild (1976) 180–83.
Pedley (1967) 146.
Pedley (1967) 145.
Pedley (1967) 145.
Pedley (1967) 146.
Gazetteer
384
figure 122
Plan of the Baths of Trajan in Cyrene
(Libya), with the insertion of the
Byzantine Baths (in orange)
in Kenrick (2013) 200, fig. 139;
with permission
Technology: Neither the hypocaust pillars nor the wall
heating were put into place. The comparison with
the baths of Taucheira points to a furnace with a surmounted boiler, flanked on either side by an alveus. For
the water supply, the builders might have envisaged a
branch of the aqueduct that also fed the Roman baths
and the late antique baths.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 360 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°54’8.57”N, 21°58’6.21”E
C67. Cyrene (Shahat, Libya), Byzantine Baths
C66
Apollonia (Marsa Susa, Libya), Byzantine Baths
(After Pedley (1976) 226–27, fig. 1 and 2)
Excavation history: The baths near the sanctuary of
Apollo were excavated in the 1920s by the Italian colonial government. Inside the large hall of the Imperial
period baths (Baths of Trajan or the Myrthusa baths),
a smaller late antique bathhouse, the ‘Byzantine Baths’,
was discovered (fig. 122).
Bibliography: Anti (1927); Oliverio (1931); Goodchild
(1971) 177–87.
Gazetteer
385
A doorway, marked by two columns, gave access to two successive cold rooms, each with a piscina in an apse on the
eastern side. Three small rooms lying on east-west axis are
of unknown function, but they must have acted as a heat
lock between the cold and heated sections. The following
room, built on a suspended floor, was probably a tepidarium, while the northernmost room, also with a hypocaust
and with two lateral alvei, must have been a caldarium.699
Decoration: The cold rooms had plain white or black and
white geometric mosaic floors.
Technology: Little is known about the technical aspects of
these baths.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 625 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°49’22.94”N, 21°51’12.95”E
C67
Cyrene (Shahat, Libya), Byzantine Baths (After Goodchild
(1971) 133, fig. 17)
Construction: (D) The excavations did not permit a reconstruction of the chronology either building. The later baths
were probably constructed when the imperial baths fell
out of use, although it is not impossible that a part of the
latter still functioned.697
Continued use and abandonment: The lack of excavation
data and detailed analyses of the remains make it difficult
to interpret the layout and the several building phases of
these baths. It seems that the baths remained in use until
the Early Islamic period, as some Arabic inscriptions inside
the rooms have been discovered.698 It is not known if the
building still functioned as baths, or as something else.
Plan: The Byzantine Baths, built entirely from reused limestone blocks, were entered by a vestibule with two lateral
colonnades protruding onto the street. Continuing north, a
large polyvalent room was flanked on the east by a latrine.
697
698
Stucchi (1975) 469–70 without presenting any evidence.
Goodchild (1971) 132.
Cyrene (Shahat, Libya), Late Baths
Excavation history: Unknown.
Bibliography: Goodchild (1971) 143; Stucchi (1975) 471.
Construction: According to Richard Goodchild, the baths
abutted and therefore post-dated the 6th c. basilica.
Sandro Stucchi, however, claimed that baths were partially
covered by the church, and were therefore an earlier construction, possibly dating between the 1st and 3rd c. A reexamination of the remains should give a decisive answer.
The small water basins in the room nearest to the furnace
support Goodchild’s hypothesis, as such small basins are
often found in late antique baths.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bathhouse had at least three rooms with suspended floors. One of these had a small semicircular basin or
pool.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: The hypocaust had normal pillars made out of
square tiles.
C68. Gasr Khuraybah (Libya)
Excavation history: The building has yet to be excavated.
The Italian archaeological mission in Libya documented
the site and drew a preliminary plan.
Bibliography: Gambini and Catani (1976).
Construction: (D) Scattered surface finds in the surrounding area point to an occupation of the site between the second half of the 5th and the 7th c.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bath was partially cut out of the rocks. A large
rectangular space was divided into three rooms by walls
made of reused ashlar stones. The first room (5 × 2.5 m)
had a single entrance and must have served as a dressing
room. Two doorways connected it to an oblong room (5 ×
699
Goodchild (1971) 132.
386
Gazetteer
C69. Gasr Mismar (Libya)
C68
Gasr Khuraybah (Libya), (After Gambini and Catani (1976)
454, fig. 7)
1.3 m) with a single basin (1.1 × 0.4 m). The next room was
slightly larger (5 × 2 m), had two square basins in its east
wall (s: 0.67 m) and a rectangular one in its south wall (1.6
× 0.6 m). The last room was circular in plan (diam.: 2.8 m)
and entirely cut out of the rock. It was only 1.8 m high. A
large tub, cut out in the south-east wall (1.8 × 2.2 m), had
a niche above it. Next to it was a smaller square basin
(s: 0.6 m). As the building was not been excavated, one
should exercise caution when interpreting this as a Romanstyle bathhouse.
Decoration: All traces of a decorative scheme, if there ever
was one, have vanished.
Technology: There is no information available about heating systems or water management. To the west of each of
the two northernmost rooms, a doorway led into a corridor
that bent south towards the round ‘caldarium’. However, it
was only connected to it by a narrow opening. Perhaps hot
steam from a boiler in the corridor was introduced into the
round room, creating a steam room as found in the later
hammams. Except for the larger pool in the round room,
all the basins are too narrow to serve as tubs. Nevertheless,
they seem contemporary with the construction of the
baths, as their measurements are in Roman feet (e.g. 0.67
m = 2.25 Rf). Hence, they were probably used for ablutions
rather than immersion. This would again point to a bathing
habit that was closer to the hammam than to the Romanstyle immersion bath.
Construction technique: Cut out of natural rock; opus
quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 45 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
Excavation history: The building was described by the
Italian archaeological mission in the 1970s, but has yet to
be excavated.
Bibliography: Gambini and Catani (1976).
Construction: (D) The small village of Gasr Mismar was
dated in the 5th c. by survey finds. The baths are believed
to date from the same period or perhaps later.
Continued use and abandonment: The building was transformed into a stable in recent times.
Plan: The baths were built at the foot of a hill and had a
traditional north-south orientation. The first room was
presumably added at a later date, as the walls abutted the
main building.700 A narrow doorway (0.59 m) led into a
cold room, without any fixed water amenities. The second
and third rooms had hypocausts and must be identified
with a tepidarium and a caldarium. The latter had three
rectangular recesses. The largest one in the south (1.7 ×
1.4 m) might have been a small sweat chamber, while the
east and west recesses might have been equipped with
pools.
Decoration: All traces of a possible decorative scheme have
vanished.
Technology: As the baths were transformed into a stable or
a fold in more recent times, the interior amenities have disappeared. The cocciopesto on the floors nevertheless confirm that water-related features were present.701 The
limited size of the caldarium leaves little room for pools,
which could mean only basins were present. If this was the
case, the small steamy room with hot water basins would
have more in common with Islamic-style baths.
30 m north-west of the building, a reservoir for rainwater
collection was identified cut out of the rock. The connection to the baths is unclear.
C69
Gasr Mismar (Libya), (After Gambini and Catani (1976) 451,
fig. 4)
700
701
Gambini and Catani (1976) 450.
Gambini and Catani (1976) 452.
Gazetteer
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 75 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C70. Mghernes (Mgarnes / Mqayrnis, Libya)
Excavation history: The baths have only recently been studied by the University of Benghazi, but a publication about
this study is yet to appear.
Bibliography: No publication available.
Construction: (D) The type of plan and the construction
techniques point to a late antique date.702
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The small bathhouse is in excellent state of preservation and stands 30 m north of the citadel. One entered the
387
baths by a rectangular polyvalent room that was divided
into two parts by a north-south oriented arch supporting
the two barrel vaults. Originally, this room was accessible
by three large arches in the western side or a door to the
north. A narrow door in the south wall led to an oblong
room covered with a barrel vault. The bathing itinerary
then turned east, to presumably the first heated room. It
was domed and had a semicircular apse which probably
contained a pool. To the south of this room, the caldarium
had three similar semicircular apses, presumably for alvei.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: As the bathhouse is still partially buried, no information about the heating techniques or water management is available at this point.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 140 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°49’1.53”N, 21°59’34.30”E
C71. Ptolemais (Tolmeita, Libya), City Baths
C70
Mghernes (Mgarnes / Mqayrnis, Libya), (After a
sketch-plan by Kenrick (2013) 305, fig. 201)
702
Stucchi (1975) 475. In the absence of a published excavation
report, the following description is based on Philip Kenrick’s
archaeological guide to Cyrenaica (Kenrick (2013) 305) and
the Ward-Perkins Photo-archive of the British School at Rome
(esp. wplib-10262 to wplib-10269 and wplib-G25–041a/b,
wplib-G25–042a/b), available at http://www.bsrdigitalcollec
tions.it.
Excavation history: The city’s only known large public bathhouse was excavated by the Oriental Institute of Chicago
between 1956 and 1958.
Bibliography: Kraeling (1962) 160–75.
Construction: (B) The building was built on top of an earlier imperial structure, perhaps also a bathhouse.703 A copy
of the Prices Edict of Diocletian was found in the lower
paving of the raised porch, giving a terminus post quem of
AD 301.704 The architectural elements, especially the spirally fluted columns and the Corinthian capitals that seem
contemporaneous with the construction phase of the
building, also point to a 4th c. date.705
Continued use and abandonment: Coins of Heraclius
(AD 610–641) reveal that certain activities, still took place
on the site at the beginning of the 7th c.706 It seems that
the bathing function—at least partially—stopped in the
6th c. Coins from this period were found in the fill of the
hypocausts and the water channels. The destruction of the
aqueduct during the 5th c. was perhaps to blame.707 After
the abandonment, two lime kilns were constructed in the
ruins, profiting from the large quantities of marble available on location.
Plan: The bathhouse was located in the centre of the
Roman town (map 25), along the Street of Monuments. It
was raised 1.2 m above Roman street level and accessible
by a portico. The small stairs to the north that connected
703
704
705
706
707
Kraeling (1962) 175.
Kraeling (1962) 208. As the edict was obviously no longer in
force, the construction date of the baths should be placed
later in the 4th c.
Kraeling (1962) 174.
Kraeling (1962) 267–68.
Procop. Aed. 6.2.9–11.
Gazetteer
388
C71
Ptolemais (Tolmeta, Libya), City Baths (After
Kraeling (1962) plan XXI)
the street level to this portico were flanked by two small
fountains.
The baths were originally accessed by a door in the
north-western corner. A small vestibule led into the frigidarium to the east or into a small latrine to the south.
In a later phase, a second entrance was created in the
north-east corner at the expense of part of the eastern
frigidarium wall. The cold room itself was a large rectangular space (24.3 × 16.7 m) with a central octagonal pool
(max. 4.45 m in width; 0.8 m deep) and a bench along its
northern wall. An inner portico made out of reused bluish
marble columns with Corinthian capitals probably supported a roof. The absence of a gutter in the marble paving
suggests that the entire room was covered.708 The east wall
had 6 semicircular niches to hold statues, although one
of them was destroyed to create the additional entrance
porch. In the north-west corner, an almost square room,
perhaps a porter’s lodge, was constructed with mud bricks
at a later date. The size of the cold room in comparison to
the entire building is impressive. It must have served different functions. Besides the obvious combination of frigidarium and apodyterium, the room may also have been
used as some kind of audience hall or meeting room. A
podium was built between two columns in the eastern corner, but seems to have been part of the original design. The
excavator suggests that it may have been used by a βῆμα
708
Kenrick (2013) 73.
(a tribune) to speak to an assembly.709 Perhaps this is archaeological evidence for the literary attestations of baths
as audience halls (see chapter 2, esp. Augustine, Socrates
Scholasticus, Malalas).
In the middle of the south wall, a narrow doorway led
into the heated parts. It was flanked by two semicircular,
small single-person pools that were added in a later phase.
The first room (3.5 × 4.6 m), unheated, had a small tub
(s: 1.25 m) in its west corner. In a later phase, a single column was placed in the middle of the room, probably to
support the ceiling.710 To the east, a square room (s: 4.6 m)
had two tubs built against its northern wall, one rectangular (0.9 × 2.5 m) and one square (s: 1.1 m). In the south wall,
a doorway led into the cruciform caldarium (14.2 × 4.7 m),
which was never excavated. The protruding bays north
and south—the arms of the cross—contained heated
pools (both 2.8 × 2.5 m). In a second phase, a new room
was added on the east side of the heated rooms. It had an
irregular shape (ca. 11 × 5.5m) causing it to be interpreted as
two different rooms. On the hypocaust level, a north-west /
south-east oriented wall divided the room into two unequal
parts. The excavators, however, interpreted this wall as the
foundation for three columns that supported the vault.711
Two semicircular alvei were constructed in the eastern
709
710
711
Kraeling (1962) 166.
Kraeling (1962) 168.
Kraeling (1962) 169.
Gazetteer
wall (r: 1.75 m). In between, a single furnace surmounted
by a boiler heated the room and a small basin constructed
just above it. In the northern wall, a rectangular tub could
accommodate a single person (1.4 × 1.7 m; 0.65 m deep).
The doorway between this room and the frigidarium was
blocked at a later stage.
Decoration: The decorative scheme was of a high standard.
The floors of both heated and unheated rooms were paved
with reused marble slabs. In the two small rooms preceding the heated rooms, these slabs were laid out in geometric patterns, creating an opus sectile. The piscina was
finished with slabs of marble, but the small pools were
only coated with waterproof mortar. The wall decoration
has not survived, but there is ample evidence of freestanding sculptures embellishing the frigidarium. The niches in
the cold room’s east wall may have been built to accommodate such statues. Pedestals have also been found in front
of the portico’s columns. Several life-size or even larger
marble statues were found throughout the baths, including a group of the Three Graces, a portrait of Cleopatra I, a
head of Asclepius and several Roman copies of Hellenistic
originals. Most of the statues pre-date the baths and were
thus imported from other locations. The frigidarium’s spiral-fluted columns were also reused elements, although the
Corinthian capitals are more uniform and may have been
new creations.712
Technology: The hypocaust system, only found in the
caldarium and the newly built room, consisted of normal
pillars made out of square tiles. Against the walls, these pillars were slightly larger. Some later restorations of pillars
were made out of round tiles. The walls were heated by oval
or rectangular tubuli. Both warm rooms were heated by a
single furnace, surmounted by a boiler.713 The water supply
of the cold pools was ensured by a large reservoir at the
western side of the frigidarium. It fed the octagonal piscina
by a conduit running under the floor of the frigidarium. It
probably also fed the boiler of the caldarium. The latrines
had their own reservoir. The alvei of the newly built heated
room may have had a separate water reservoir, surmounting the narrow corridor in the masonry of the south-east
corner. A water reservoir also existed above the rectangular
pool in the north wall of this room. It served not only this
pool, but also the pools in the square room, the easternmost semicircular cold pool and the fountains in front of
712
713
Kenrick (2013) 73.
However, both rooms also had openings in the southern
wall at the hypocaust level. These have been interpreted by
the excavator as ventilation openings to draw the heated air
under the suspended floor (Kraeling (1962) 171). Yet, the draft
is usually ensured by the tubuli and chimneys in the walls.
Evidence for such chimneys was indeed found in the caldarium. Furthermore, in the service corridors south of the heated
rooms, thick layers of ash were found (Kraeling (1962) 171), reinforcing the idea that the openings were furnaces.
389
the main entrance to the baths. The water tank may have
been fed by run-off rainwater from the roof. A well adjacent to the furnace of the caldarium seems to pre-date the
construction of the baths, but was kept is use.714 The drainage of the pools is less clear. The octagonal piscina had an
outlet in its north-eastern corner, but the sewage channel
could not be followed. How the other pools were drained
is unknown.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 1,350 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°42’35.32”N, 20°57’5.78”E
C72. Ptolemais (Tolmeita, Libya), Baths of the House
of Paulus
Excavation history: Just as the City Baths, the House of
Paulus was excavated between 1956 and 1958 by the
Oriental Institute of Chicago.
Bibliography: Kraeling (1962) 140–60.
Construction: (C) The building had two distinctive phases:
an Early Roman phase (1st c.) and a late antique / Byzantine
phase (6th c.). It seems that in the first phase, the apartment block or large house already had a private bath in its
north-east corner. It was only in the second phase that the
baths were made public by constructing a street entrance.
The inscription of Paulus, ὑπαθικός (‘of consular rank’),
who took credit for the reorganisation of the building, is
used as evidence to date the new bathhouse in the late 5th
or early 6th c.715
Continued use and abandonment: Small finds dating to the
reign of Phocas (AD 602–610) suggest that the building was
still in use in the early 7th c.
Plan: The House of Paulus was located at the western end of
the Street of Monuments, near the Arch of Constantine
(map 25). The original private baths of the insula consisted
C72
Ptolemais (Tolmeta, Libya), Baths of the House of Paulus
(After Kraeling (1962) plan XVI)
714
715
Kraeling (1962) 172, esp. fig. 60.
Kraeling (1962) 211.
Gazetteer
390
of only three rooms: frigidarium-tepidarium-caldarium, the
basic scheme of every Roman-style bath. It is, however, unclear how these rooms articulated to one another and how
they connected to the living quarters. When the baths were
opened to the public, a new entrance porch with a small
latrine was created in the east corner. Continuing north,
the large cold room (9.3 × 6.4 m) was paved and had a large
square piscina against its western wall, dating from the first
phase. A small sitz-bath was added in the northern corner
and benches lined the east and south walls. An angular
passage led to the courtyard of the insula, while a doorway
in the north gave access to a room with two small bath tubs
made out of rubble mortar and plaster. The room immediately to the west had a similar bath tub against its south
wall. Both rooms had a hypocaust system. The following
room, also with a suspended floor, had its own furnace to
the north, but no pools. The last room of the bathing route,
the presumed caldarium, had two apses in its north wall. In
the north-west apse, there was a small pool, while in
the north-east one there was a furnace surmounted by a
boiler. It is difficult to find out if the different pools belong
to the same phase. At a certain point, the doorway between
the first two and the last two heated rooms was blocked.
The small sitz-baths in rubble concrete may belong to this
last phase. The development of this bathhouse from a
Roman type with hypocausts to a Greek type with individual bath tubs is remarkable. Perhaps the change to smaller
individual tubs was the result of problems of water supply,
with a water scarcity in the city explicitly mentioned by
Procopius.716
Decoration: The bad state of preservation of the walls and
the collapse of the hypocausts make it impossible to reconstruct the decorative scheme.
Technology: The suspended floors of the heated rooms were
constructed on pillars made of round tiles. No traces of wall
heating were found. The water for the piscina was collected
in a reservoir in the courtyard of the insula. The small sitzbaths must have been filled manually, as no water conduits
have been recognized within the walls. In the small room
with several alcoves, north of the piscina, some traces of
firing have been found against the walls. Perhaps the water
was heated in cauldrons and then carried in buckets to the
small pools.717 The drains of the small pools seem to pass
under the frigidarium and presumably on to the latrine.718
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 310 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°42’34.49”N, 20°57’2.23”E
Siret Ain Relles (Libya)
Excavation history: The building has never been excavated.
The remains were documented in the 1970s by the Italian
archaeological mission in Libya.
Bibliography: Gambini and Catani (1976).
Construction: (D) Surface finds collected in the vicinity of
the baths point to an occupation phase in the Byzantine
period.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Only part of two heated rooms are preserved. The
first room measures approximately 2 × 3 m. The second
room had three apses, probably for alvei, as was the case
in Mghernes (see above, C70). The plan was probably
cruciform, with a simple linear succession of the basic
rooms ( frigidarium / apodyterium-tepidarium-caldarium).
Resemblances to the baths of Mghernes and Gasr Mismar
(see above, C69) are striking.
Decoration: The walls were covered with cocciopesto, but no
traces of paint were identified.
Technology: As the baths remain unexcavated, there is no
information on the heating system. In the vicinity, but on a
higher level, a water reservoir was identified.
716
717
718
C73
Procop. Aed. 6.2.9–11.
Kraeling (1962) 152.
Indicated on plan XVI in Kraeling (1962).
C73. Taucheira (Tocra, Libya), Byzantine Baths
Excavation history: The bathhouse was excavated in the
1960s, but the results were not published. The data was
partially studied in the 1980s.
Bibliography: Goodchild (1964); Jones (1984).
Construction: (D) The bath could be dated in the Byzantine period on the basis of the plan and construction
techniques.
Continued use and abandonment: The lack of archaeological information makes it difficult to reconstruct the relative
chronology of the numerous restoration phases. An Arabic
inscription praising Allah was found in the threshold of the
Taucheira (Tocra, Libya), Byzantine Baths (After Jones (1984)
109, fig. 2)
Gazetteer
main entrance.719 While this does not necessarily mean
that the baths were still used for bathing, it does confirm
that the town was inhabited after the Arab invasion.
Plan: The baths were built on the site of the former gymnasium, just inside the city walls near the east gate. The walls
were constructed in limestone blocks and rubble mortar.
In a first phase, one entered the baths by a large courtyard
to the west. An almost square atrium preceded an oblong
corridor, where two lateral piscinae were constructed in a
second phase. The following two cold rooms were transformed. The northernmost was equipped with a small
basin in its north-west corner in the third phase, while a
new entrance was pierced through the old gymnasium
wall. The southern cold room originally had a hypocaust
and a bench against it western wall. A door was pierced
through this wall in phase 2. In phase 3, a large brick bench
was constructed in the south -west corner. The central
heated room had a single furnace in its southern side, but
had no pools. The eastern heated room was the caldarium.
The two rectangular alvei in the recesses of the eastern wall
belonged to the original design. In a later phase, a smaller
tub was added to the south side by piercing the wall and
protruding onto the service corridor. The architectural design of these baths resembles the ‘Byzantine’ baths found
in the East, in Egypt and in the Levant (see above, chapter 4, p. 187–188). A courtyard with two cold pools flanking
the entrance to the actual building is often encountered
(see already Apollonia, C65).
Decoration: The brief report does not mention the forms of
decoration found in the baths. The most luxurious building materials were probably recuperated after the baths fell
out of use.
Technology: The heated section was serviced by three furnaces: one for the central room and two for the caldarium.
The suspended floor rested on square pillars. The only remaining tubuli were found along the eastern end of the
northern alveus. The small added alveus to the south was
not constructed on a hypocaust. Two reservoirs were found
in connection to the baths. A large one lay south of the second cold room and probably supplied the cold pools to its
west. A smaller reservoir was found south of the caldarium,
constructed above the service corridor. It must have supplied a boiler in the furnace room, lodged between the recesses with the alvei. The waste water disposal of the alvei
was ensured by drains leading east of the baths. The third
phase piscina in the first cold room had an outlet channel
piercing the northern wall. Little is known about the water
disposal of the second phase piscinae in the oblong room.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 290 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°32’13.26”N, 20°34’7.46”E
719
Jones (1984) 111.
391
C74. Wadi Senab (Libya)
Excavation history: The baths have only been briefly investigated by the Italian archaeological mission in Libya in the
1970s, without any excavations.
Bibliography: Luni (1975).
Construction: (D) On the basis of plan and similarities with
other ‘Byzantine’ baths in the region (C68, C69, C73), their
construction is dated between the 4th and 6th c.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown. At some
point, the rooms without a specific bathing function were
used as a dwelling. A large press was found in the middle
room.
Plan: In the river valley of the Senab, south of Balagrae
(modern Al-Bayda), several tombs were carved out in the
karst caves. In one of these tombs, a small bathhouse was
constructed (34 × 25 m) with limestone blocks coming from
the cave and piled up a secco (without mortar). The site of
the baths comprises a part in the cave and a part that was
constructed against the outer cave wall. It is in this latter
part that the actual bathing rooms were built. The part of
the site that was cut out into the rock may not have been a
functional part of the baths. A first room was unheated and
only had a small water basin carved out in the northern
rock wall. A narrow passage (0.65 m) to the west connected
it to a small room (2 × 2.6 m) on hypocausts with wall heating. The third room (3.2 × 2.8 m) was also equipped with a
hypocaust and wall heating, but also had a single-person
pool in its south wall and two small basins in the west wall.
The three rooms were all covered with a barrel vault, reaching a maximum height of 4 m.
Decoration: The decoration was limited to the walls of the
heated rooms. In the caldarium, some simple garlands
were painted onto the plaster coating of the walls.720
Technology: The heating system was very basic. A single furnace west of the caldarium heated both warm rooms. The
walls were heated by creating parallel recesses in the rock
(10–15 cm deep; 25 cm apart). A draught for the hot air was
ensured by chimneys in the 4 corners of each room, made
with terracotta tubes (diam.: 10 cm). The water supply for
the pool and basins relied on the collection of rainwater,
channelled by gullies cut out in the rock to cisterns and a
reservoir. The two small basins in the caldarium must have
had the function of the ancient labrum.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 60 m2 (850 m2 rock chambers
included)
GPS coordinates: 32°40’46.33”N, 21°36’30.69”E
720
Luni (1975) 271, fig. 3.
392
Gazetteer
C74
Wadi Senab (Libya), (After Luni
(1975) 267, fig. 1)
Possible Late Antique Baths
Other small bathhouses with similar plans and features as
those described above have been discovered in Cyrenaica.
While there is little doubt that these buildings were bathhouses, none of them have been excavated. Their lifespan and their
accessibility (public or private) are difficult to reconstruct.
The baths of Gabu Iunes probably date from the second half of the 5th c. The simple linear succession of small
rooms ended with two warm rooms oriented towards the
south. There seems to have been a second floor.721 The baths
of Limnias (Lamluda) were built in large blocks. The simple succession of three rooms may point to a late antique
date.722 Two churches were also found in the vicinity. The
baths of Zawiet el Argub, located in a valley, are similar to the
baths of Mghernes.723 The fortified building, interpreted as
a church or an official building, located in the vicinity of the
baths was dated to 6th c.724 The small baths at Gasr Bandis
were part of a cluster of buildings centred on a late antique
qasr and at least 7 cisterns. The mosaics depicting wild animals and male and female benefactors might have belonged
to a church. The ceramics and small finds recovered during
small-scale excavations and surveys during the 1970s point to
a late antique phase of the site.725 The baths at Gasr Sherbin,
16 km north-west of Cyrene, may be contemporaneous with
the small church found in its vicinity.726 The baths of Mechili
only consisted of three rooms. Besides the type of plan, there
721
722
723
724
725
726
Stucchi (1975) 474.
Stucchi (1975) 473.
Reynolds (2003) 373.
Reynolds (2003) 381.
Reynolds (2003) 393–95.
Reynolds (2003) 400.
is no evidence for dating this building.727 The measurements
are still in Roman feet, although the structure could also date
to the Early Islamic phase.728
Fortress Baths
Taucheira (Tocra, Libya)
Excavation history: The bath of the Byzantine fort in
Taucheira was excavated in 1969 by the Libyan Department
of Antiquities. The results were summarily described by
Jones in the 1980s.
Bibliography: Jones (1983).
Construction: (D) While the baths could not be securely
dated by stratigraphic finds, it is clear that they were constructed contemporaneously with the Byzantine fort in the
7th c.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: (fig. 123) One entered the bathhouse by a porch and a
door in the north side of the cold room.729 The door to the
south might have been a second entrance or an exit. The
frigidarium was equipped with stone benches and a small
rectangular piscina. The first heated room should be interpreted as the tepidarium. The caldarium, lying at the eastern end of the building, had two small alvei, each only large
enough to seat one person. They flanked the only furnace,
727
728
729
Stucchi (1975) 476.
Kenrick (2013) 303.
The baths have only been briefly described by Jones (1983).
The following description is based on the plan provided
by this article (Jones (1983) 118, fig. 10) and the photographs
in the Ward-Perkins archive of the British School at Rome
(wplib-09917).
Gazetteer
393
figure 123
Plan of the Fortress Baths in Taucheira
(Libya)
after Jones (1983) 118, fig. 10
which, judging from the mortar platform, was surmounted
by a boiler. The simple linear layout and basic commodities fit well within the type of functional buildings that a
fortress required.
Decoration: There is no information available about possible decoration.
Technology: The two heated rooms had a hypocaust, but
no wall heating. The flow of air was guaranteed by several
chimneys that were located in recesses in the walls. The hypocaust pillars were made out of stone monoliths instead
of terracotta tiles. The water conduit was identified along
the northern wall of the baths. Each alveus was drained by
a channel heading east.
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period
Baths during Late Antiquity
Erythron (al-Athrun / Latrun, Libya)
The ancient town of Erythron was a newly founded Roman
settlement. It was still an important harbour in Late Antiquity,
when it became the seat of a bishop.730 Most of the town
730
Michel (2011a) 205–207.
fabric remains to be explored. Since 2006, the French archaeological mission has excavated a Roman bathhouse on
the highest point of the city. The plan is characterized by its
octagonal cold room with a round pool at its centre.731 The
small heated rooms are dispersed around the octagon. Such
a scheme is also found in Late Antiquity.732 The baths were
probably built in the early 3rd c. and continued to be used
until the late 4th c.733 At this point, the pools were filled
with debris and the surviving rooms were transformed into a
villa.734 In the Byzantine period, a baker’s shop and kiln were
inserted in the north-western part of the building.735 Some of
the building materials of the baths were reused in the nearby
East Church.
731
732
733
734
735
Laronde and Michel (2009) 181.
The resemblance to the 5th-c. Baths of the Blues in Tyrus
(Lebanon) is remarkable (Kahwagi-Janho (2014) 400–401).
The late 4th- or early 5th- c. Baths of St-Philip in Hierapolis
(Turkey) show a similar dispersion of the heated rooms
around a central cold room (Caggia (2014)).
Michel (2014) 376.
Michel (2011b) 31.
Michel (2011a) 217.
Baths in Egypt
New Construction
C75A. Abu Mena, South Baths
Excavation history: The bathhouse of the Christian pilgrimage site of Abu Mena was discovered in 1905–1907
and excavated in the 1960s by the German Archaeological
Institute.
Bibliography: Müller-Wiener (1966); Fournet et al. (2017)
451–55.
Construction: (A) The pilgrimage city of Abu Mena was famous for the tomb of Menas of Alexandria, an officer in
the army of Diocletian who refused to kill Christian captives and openly proclaimed his Christian faith. According
to the legend, his remains were carried back from Phrygia,
where he died in AD 296, to Egypt by camel. His tomb was
built where the animal collapsed. Subsequently, a spring
arose on the spot and the patch of desert turned into a fertile oasis.736 The city was known for its curative thermal
spring, which was bottled in small ampullae as a souvenir
and distributed widely across the Mediterranean. Some 150
m north of the main sanctuary and adjoining monastery, a
large bath complex was built.737 Test pits and stratigraphic
excavations made clear that these baths were built in the
5th c.738
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The bathhouse was
enlarged twice, at the turn of the 5th and 6th c., and during
the 6th c. The stratigraphy pointed to abandonment in the
second half of the 8th c.739
Plan: In the first phase (early 5th c.), the bathhouse comprised only the southern part of the later double baths. It
was directly accessible from the street running south of the
complex. A large basilical hall preceded 4 bathing rooms
in an angular row articulation (C75A). The foundations of
these rooms, as far as these were not reused in the later
building, were found underneath the later baths. The small
frigidarium, possibly with a small semicircular piscina in its
western wall, gave access to the tepidarium to the east and
perhaps a sudatorium to the north. The tepidarium led into
the caldarium, which had a semicircular and rectangular
alveus. The water was supplied by a saqiyah with an annex
reservoir to the east of the baths.
736
737
738
739
Jaritz (1993).
The excavations were concisely described by Wolfgang
Müller-Wiener (1966), without exploring the separate rooms
in much detail. The plan of the complex (fig. 1) is, however,
rather detailed and informative. The following description is
based primarily on Müller-Wiener’s description and on the
information indicated on the plan.
Müller-Wiener (1966) 175.
Müller-Wiener (1966) 180.
In a second phase, tentatively dated to the late 5th / early
6th c., the bathhouse was enlarged with a new northern
wing. These new rooms formed a separate bathhouse and
resembled the south wing in both plan and size (C75B). A
basilical hall, interpreted by Daniel Krencker as an actual
Christian church, with an east-west orientation preceded
the bathing rooms.740 The frigidarium was an oblong room
with a single semicircular piscina. The heated rooms lay
in a simple linear articulation. The caldarium had two
semicircular alvei and the tepidarium, a single rectangular
pool. The southern wing was also enlarged, partially at the
expense of the public road. The hall was expanded to the
south and equipped with a latrine and a small semicircular
pool. The sudatorium was abandoned and the caldarium
was transformed into the tepidarium, losing the larger
alvei, but gaining a small single-person pool in its western
side. A new caldarium with two semicircular alvei in its east
wall was constructed east of the old caldarium.741 A larger
saqiyah was constructed north of the old one to increase
the water supply.
In the third phase (C75C), dated to the 6th c. by ceramic finds in test pits, both wings were further enlarged,
adding more small pools. In the southern wing, a new entrance porch was created, probably with adjacent porter’s
lodge. The hall received a second semicircular pool, while a
new apodyterium was constructed to the east of it. The
caldarium was equipped with an additional single-person
alveus in its northern wall. In the north wing, the basilical
hall was transformed into an apsidal hall with two small
rectangular basins. The frigidarium was created directly
south of this hall. It received four semicircular singleperson pools in its southern wall. The tepidarium was enlarged with a small pool in its north-western corner and the
caldarium with a semicircular alveus in its south-western
corner. A new room with separate entrance from the cold
section and with two small rectangular pools was created
east of the heated rooms. It must have had a special function, perhaps for medical treatments or for a special group
of bathers (clergy or elite?).
The enlargement of this important public bath has
been linked to the growth of the pilgrimage centre from
the 4th to 6th c.742 The size of the city and the production of local ceramic souvenirs declined in the 5th and especially 6th c., the period of the largest expansion of the
740
741
742
Krencker et al. (1929) 235.
It is not clear whether the new caldarium belonged to this
second phase or was added at a slightly later date. However,
it clearly predates phase 3 of the baths (Müller-Wiener
(1966) 177).
Müller-Wiener (1966) 177.
Gazetteer
395
C75A Abu Mena (Egypt), South Baths (phase 1) (After
Müller-Wiener (1969) 176, fig. 2a)
C75C Abu Mena (Egypt), South Baths (phase 3) (After
Müller-Wiener (1966) 172, fig. 1)
C75B Abu Mena (Egypt), South Baths (phase 2) (After
Müller-Wiener (1966) 176, fig. 2b)
baths. The public baths played an important role in the
accommodation of the pilgrims. It is even possible that
the bath complex and the surrounding structures offered
a sleeping-place for the visitors, just as the North African
hammams used to up until the beginning of the 20th c.743
The ‘doubling’ of the facility has been interpreted as the
creation of a separate men’s and women’s bathhouse. The
743
Carlier (2000) 1311.
excavators found glass beads and fragments of glass oil
or perfume flasks in the sewage channels of the southern
wing, encouraging the interpretation of these parts as the
women’s baths.744 The numerous similarities between
the two buildings—especially considering the size of the
pools and the number of heated rooms—makes a differentiation between winter and summer baths less convincing.
The same can be said for an interpretation of ‘normal’ and
‘therapeutic’ baths. Such a differentiation was more likely
to appear within a bathhouse. This might explain the high
number of single-person pools, as medical baths require
a personal treatment of the patient with the appropriate ointments (see chapter 2, Oribasius, Cassius Felix and
other medical writers) and a frequent change of the bathing water.
Decoration: Most of the cold rooms, including the large
halls, were paved with limestone slabs. In the southern
wing, marble decorative elements have also been found.
The capitals of the columns were of the Corinthian style.
Technology: The excavation report gives little information
on the heating system. It seems that the furnaces and boilers were lodged in two small rooms in between the two
bathing wings. In the last phase of the baths, the water
storage capacity of the saqiyah was augmented by a new
744
Müller-Wiener (1966) 179, n. 3.
396
Gazetteer
reservoir. 100 m north of the baths, a natural source with
adjacent cisterns may have provided additional water.745
Waste water disposal was optimized by creating a single
sewer that started in the north section and passed west of
the hot rooms to the south section, flushing the latrines
and continuing west towards the sewers in the street.746 A
second sewer passed east of the baths, collecting the waste
water of the south wing caldarium.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: A: ca. 170 m2; B: ca. 920 m2;
C: ca. 1,300 m2 (1,500 m2 reservoirs included)
GPS coordinates: 30°50’32.09”N, 29°39’44.24”E
C76. Abu Mena (Egypt), North Baths
Excavation history: The bathhouse was discovered in 1905
by C. Kaufmann and partially excavated during the large
excavation campaign by the German Institute in the 1960s.
Bibliography: Müller-Wiener (1967) 209–16; Müller-Wiener
and Grossmann (1976) 458–59; Grossmann (1973) 43–44;
Fournet et al. (2017) 456–57.
Construction: (A) The excavations point to a construction
date in the early 6th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (A) By the second half
of the 7th c., a pottery workshop seems to have been implanted in the abandoned baths.
Plan: Just as the South Baths in Abu Mena, the North Baths
consisted of two separate, independent wings. The northern wing was only partially excavated. It had a street entrance through two rooms, giving into a large open-air
courtyard. This multipurpose space had a rectangular
exedra on its northern and southern end and a covered
portico on its eastern and western side. A doorway in the
eastern portico led into the bathing area (heated rooms),
which remain unexcavated. In the portico, there was one
rectangular and one semicircular pool, large enough for
one person, on each side of this doorway. A fifth rectangular pool for two or three persons stood at the southern
end of the portico. At least one of the heated rooms had
a rectangular, single-person alveus. By a narrow passage,
the north wing was connected to the south wing. This part
of the bathhouse was also accessible from the same street,
through a somewhat larger vestibule. From a second room,
one could possibly enter the latrines to the north, or proceed through an L-shaped cloakroom with benches to the
south. From the latter, the bather entered a rectangular
courtyard similar to that of the north wing (the exedrae on
the east and west sides). In addition to the single-person
pools flanking the entrance to the heated section and the
fifth larger cold pool in the north corner of the portico,
two single-person pools also stood in the courtyard itself
(see also the east wing of Marea 2, below). Once inside the
745
746
Müller-Wiener (1966) 183.
Indicated on fig. 1 in Müller-Wiener (1966).
C76
Abu Mena (Egypt), North Baths (After Fournet et al. (2017)
457, unnumbered fig.)
bathing block, a small square room to the west permitted a
cold-water dip in a small rectangular pool. A corridor-like
transitional room (tepidarium) gave access to two rectangular heated rooms, each equipped with pools. The first
room (sudatorium?) had two rectangular single-person
pools built in its south-western wall. The second heated
room (caldarium) had three larger alvei built into its walls
(north, east and west).
Decoration: Wall plasters with human figures and geometric patterns were found.
Technology: The service corridors ran under the south side
of the heated sections and were accessible by separate entrances north and east of the bathing block. A central furnace was surmounted by 4 large boilers, providing warm
water for both the north and the south wing. Several smaller furnaces may have heated the hypocausts of the heated
rooms.747 Chimneys in the corners of the heated rooms
ensured the necessary draught. No tubuli are reported.
The water seems to have been supplied by a saqiyah to the
north of the baths, undoubtedly connected to 6 cisterns
nearby.
Construction technique: Mud brick on opus quadratum
base
747
Fournet et al. (2017) 456.
Gazetteer
map 40
Alexandria (Egypt), hypothetical reconstruction of the late antique city grid with the location of public baths
after Rodziewicz (2009) 199, fig. 1
1: Baths of the Governmental Hospital
Bathhouse surface: ca. 1,500 m2 (including reservoirs)
GPS coordinates: 30°50’36”N, 29°39’44”E
C77. Alexandria (Egypt), Kom al-Dikka Baths
Excavation history: The baths were excavated during the
1960s and 1970s by the Polish archaeological mission.
Bibliography: Lipinska (1966); Koɫątaj (1972); Rodziewicz
and Rodziewicz (1983); Koɫątaj (1992); Fournet et al. (2017)
459.
Construction: (A) Test pits beneath the floor of the cold
rooms yielded pottery from the 4th c., placing the terminus
post quem around AD 330.748
Continued use and abandonment: (A) Several important
reorganisations could be discerned thanks to the architectural analyses of the remains. The most radical changes
748
397
Koɫątaj (1972) 167.
occurred during the second half of the 6th c. New floors,
one yielding a coin of the reign of Maurice (reigned AD
582–602), were laid out and the caldarium was thoroughly
transformed.749 The destruction layers contained building
material, wall paintings, marble slabs and ceramics of the
late 6th / early 7th c.750
Plan: The Kom al-Dikka archaeological site is located near
the modern central station, along the ancient Via Canopica
(map 40). It offers a good archaeological section of the
ancient city. It comprises two insulae bordered by the cardines R5 and R4. In the southern insula, the remains of a
theatre and lecture halls bordering the colonnade of the
R5 street have been found. Along the R4 street, a late antique reservoir has been identified. East of this street, some
749
750
Koɫątaj (1992) 50.
Koɫątaj (1972) 160; Koɫątaj (1976).
Gazetteer
398
C77
Alexandria (Egypt), Kom al-Dikka Baths (After Koɫątaj
(1992) plan IV)
late antique houses, occupied from the 5th to 7th c. came
to light.751 In the northern insula, the remains of the large
brick-built bath complex were excavated.752 Up until the
3rd c., the insula consisted of sumptuous domus.
The large complex was of the imperial type, covering over
3,300 m2. The north-east part was destroyed by an explosion of gunpowder at the end of the 19th c., but thanks to
the symmetrical layout, the plan can be reconstructed with
a high degree of certainty. A large basilica-type frigidarium
was stripped down to its foundations in later phases. Only
the semicircular (diam.: 3.3 m) and rectangular pools (4 ×
3.6 m) in its west wall can be reconstructed. The basis of a
labrum was also found imbedded in the floor. The original
design of the cold room probably included 4 large piscinae
in the corners, which were filled in at a later stage.753 From
the cold room, a central large bay, flanked on each side by
two small doorways, gave into the heated rooms. On the
central east-west axis, a succession of three heated rooms
ended with the caldarium in the west. On both the north
and south side of this main axis, two interconnected large
halls enabled the bathers to follow a circular itinerary.
They had small pools (2.7 × 1.6 m) in the large bays of the
751
752
753
Majcherek (1990).
Lipinska (1966).
Koɫątaj (1992) 114–17.
outer walls. Above these pools, there were large windows.
The westernmost of these rooms had a semicircular alveus
(diam.: 6.3 m) in its western side. The caldarium (12 × 28 m)
had an oblong shape with apsidal endings in the north and
south. In the last reorganisation of the baths, they may
have been covered by a dome resembling that of Hagia
Sophia in Constantinople.754 In the centre of the western
side, there was a large round communal alveus (diam.:
8.3 m; 1.5 m deep), flanked on either side by a smaller square
pool (s.: 2.5 m). Furthermore, the room was equipped with
4 semicircular alvei (diam.: 4 m) in the corners of the room,
and two round single-person pools (diam.: 3 m) lodged in
the bays connecting to the central tepidarium. It is possible that the latter consisted of three smaller rectangular
rooms lying on a north-south axis. In the first phase of the
building, a round room without pools probably served as
a dry sweat room and was accessible by the south-eastern
heated room.
Decoration: The baths were embellished with precious
construction materials such as cipollino-marble columns
with capitals of the Corinthian order. Most of the architectural elements seem to have been reused from earlier
structures.755 The floor of the frigidarium was paved with
marble slabs, while the passageways running along the
northern and southern side of the baths were paved with
limestone. None of the floors of the heated section have
been found. Presumably, they were paved with marble and
then dismantled after the baths fell out of use. The walls of
the heated rooms had a marble plinth at the bottom and
wall paintings on the upper parts.
Technology: The heated rooms had a suspensura resting
on large brick-built pillars connected by barrel vaults. The
walls were heated by flues lodged in the walls instead of
the traditional tubuli. The furnaces were constructed as
pits in the hypocaust floors (fig. 124), just as in the baths
of Kom el-Ahmar. This was probably to reduce heat loss
and to adapt the furnace to the high flames when burning reeds and straw.756 They were fired from a network of
underground service corridors running along the southern
and western side of the heated part and centrally under the
tepidarium and to the eastern end of the caldarium. At the
western end of the building, 5 boiler rooms were discovered. These boilers supplied the pools of the heated rectangular halls and the westernmost pools of the caldarium
with hot water. Analysis of the calcareous deposits in the
drains and on the inside of the pools revealed that the eastern pools of the caldarium contained cold water (fig. 125).757
The circular pool of the caldarium was not supplied by the
754
755
756
757
Koɫątaj (1992) 164.
Koɫątaj (1992) 93.
Koɫątaj (1992) 174.
Koɫątaj (1992) 75, esp. n. 69 and 183–97.
Gazetteer
399
figure 124
Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria (Egypt),
cross-section (top) and plan (bottom) of the
‘pit-hypocaust’
after Koɫątaj (1992) 141, figs. 47–48
boilers, but perhaps by a type of testudo that was constructed above the furnace pit in the hypocaust (fig. 126).758 The
water supply was probably ensured by the large reservoirs
located 40 m south of the baths. Excavations revealed that
these were contemporaneous with the construction of the
bathhouse.759 A direct connection with the baths, however,
could not be recognized. The pools of the frigidarium were
drained by sewage channels continuing north under the
cold room and probably joining the sewers of the street.760
The pools of the heated rooms were drained by a sewage
system that passed in the underground service corridors
along the southern and western sides of the baths. These
flushed the northern and southern latrines that lay to the
west of the baths.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum, opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (min. 3,300 m2)
GPS coordinates: 31°11’45.02”N, 29°54’14.29”E
758
759
760
Such an adapted testudo was found in the unpublished baths
of Tell Atrib (Koɫątaj (1992) 174). The testudo did not stand
in direct contact with the pool, but was placed above the
furnace. The water passed through lead pipes into the pool,
permitting the exchange of cold and hot water through convectional movement and joined vessels.
Majcherek (1992) 5–7.
Koɫątaj (1972) 161.
Alexandria, Baths under the Governmental Hospital
Excavation history: During construction works on the
premises of the Governmental Hospital in 1987, a small
bathhouse was discovered (map 40). The site was not
excavated.
Bibliography: No publication available.
Construction: (C) The construction technique of the walls
and the level at which the remains were found suggest that
these baths were built between the 4th and 6th c.761
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Unknown.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Unknown.
C78. Alexandria (Egypt), Baths in Anubis Street
Excavation history: In 1986, remains of a large bathhouse
were identified during construction works in Anubis Street
(map 40).762 The site was subsequently looted by locals
searching for artefacts and construction material.
Bibliography: No publication available.
Construction: (C) The baths were probably built in the 4th
or 5th c., judging from construction techniques.763
761
762
763
Rodziewicz (2009) 197.
The site was never properly excavated. Only some sketches of
the latrine survive.
Rodziewics (2009) 198, n. 35.
400
figure 125
Gazetteer
Plan of the Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria (Egypt), with pools of different temperatures (blue = cold; orange = tepid;
red = warm)
after Koɫątaj (1992) plan IV
401
Gazetteer
figure 126
C78
Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria (Egypt), cross-section of a possible type of testudo in the caldarium
after Koɫątaj (1992) 145, fig. 49
Alexandria (Egypt), Baths in Anubis Street (After Rodziewicz
(2009) 201, fig. 14)
C79. Alexandria, Baths of the Cinema Majestic
Excavation history: The Centres d’Études Alexandrines was
entrusted with rescue excavations when the old cinema
Majestic was demolished in 1992–1993 (map 40).
Bibliography: Empereur (1994).
Construction: In the layers underneath the bath, thick walls
of what seems to be a temple were found. The structure
was destroyed in the second half of the 4th c., giving a terminus post quem for the construction of the baths.
Continued use and abandonment: The site of the baths was
subsequently occupied from the 5th to the 7th c. Only in
the Mamlūk period (13th c.) the remains were buried by
layers of waste.
Plan: A small bath complex was identified by a room with
hypocaust, two semicircular alvei and three cisterns. It is
worth noting that the bathhouse stood on the grounds of
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The best-preserved room was a large latrine, flushed
by the waste waters of the baths. It is believed that this
bathhouse covered a large area in the north-west quarter of Alexandria, delimited by the ancient streets L1 (Via
Canopica)—L2 and R2 bis—R3 bis. The walls were made
out of dressed small limestone blocks alternated with
layers of brick. The size of the Baths in Anubis Street is
thought to equal that of the Kom al-Dikka baths.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Unknown.
Construction technique: Opus mixtum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: 31°12’34.95”N, 29°54’49.79”E
C79
Alexandria (Egypt), Baths of the Cinema Majestic (After
Empereur (1994) 507, fig. 5; no scale)
402
Gazetteer
the main church of Alexandria (Kyriakon), constructed in
the 4th c. under Bishop Athanasius. Perhaps these baths
belonged to an ecclesiastical complex or a private residence of the clergy.764
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: The hypocaust had standard pillars made of
square tiles. There is no information on the wall heating.
The pools were filled from the cisterns, yet it is unknown
how the latter were supplied.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium?
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: 31°11’57.73”N, 29°54’3.97”E
C80. Alexandria (Egypt), Baths behind the Water
Company
Excavation history: During construction works on the building of the Water Company in 1978, a foundation trench enabled the Polish archaeological team to investigate the late
antique ruins that came to light (map 40). The remains of a
large domus with a bathhouse were identified.
Bibliography: Rodziewicz (1984).
Construction: A preliminary study of the ceramics pointed
to a construction date in the 5th c.
Continued use and abandonment: The complex was abandoned in the first half of the 6th c., perhaps after an earthquake (AD 535?). One of the walls of the building caved in,
crushing several individuals.765 In the late 6th or early 7th
c., a church was built on this location.
Plan: The bathhouse covered a surface of at least 300 m2.
To the north, two identical rectangular rooms (ca. 20 m2)
opened directly onto the Via Canopica, Alexandria’s most
important road. These rooms belonged to the baths, as
their floors and walls were coated with hydraulic mortar.
This direct street access points to a public use of these
baths.766 The frigidarium consisted of a large room surrounded on three sides by a portico. Against the western
side, a semicircular pool was constructed. Bordering the
cold room on its western side were the heated rooms. The
supposed caldarium was brick-built and was accessible by
a doorway to the west, flanked by two semicircular niches.
There was a small rectangular pool to the north. The living
quarters were south of the baths.
Decoration: The decoration is known by the reuse of decorative elements in the structures that were erected on top
of the baths. Fragments of marble, limestone and red granite were found.
Technology: There is no information on the heating systems
and service areas, which must have been situated to the
west of the heated rooms. The pool in the caldarium was
drained by an outlet at its bottom, giving onto the floor.
A sewage channel seems to have crossed the frigidarium.
Observations made at the end of the 19th c. mention a cistern in the proximity of these baths.767
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 300 m2)
GPS coordinates: 31°12’9.51”N, 29°55’15.32”E
C81. Alexandria, Baths of the Mehattet Masr Square
(Baths near the Central Station)
Excavation history: A rescue excavation on the square in
front of Alexandria’s central station, led by a Polish archaeological team, saw the discovery of a modest bathhouse
(map 40).
Bibliography: Rodziewics (1979).
Construction: (B) The remains, lying 5.5 m under modern
street level, were dated to the 5th c. by the study of ceramic
material and the type of wall construction.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The layers of debris
contemporaneous with the abandonment of the baths
yielded ceramics of the late 6th and early 7th c.
C80
764
Alexandria (Egypt), Baths behind the Water Company (After
Rodziewicz (1984) 318, fig. 329)
Rodziewicz (2009) 198.
765
766
767
Rodziewicz (1984) 317–18.
Rodziewicz (1984) 322.
Botti (1899) 23.
Gazetteer
403
The water supply for the pools is unknown, as the standing walls have all disappeared. Waste water was disposed of
through a network of brick-built sewers than ran west from
the frigidarium, possibly passing a latrine and then turning
back east to the heated section. Some cisterns are known
from excavations in the vicinity, but cannot be linked directly to these baths.
Construction technique: Opus mixtum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 500 m2)
GPS coordinates: 31°11’34.21”N, 29°54’17.62”E
C82. Clysma (Suez), South-west Baths
C81
Alexandria (Egypt), Baths of the Mehattet Masr Square
(Baths near the Central Station), (After Rodziewicz (1984)
315, fig. 328)
Plan: The complex was located in the centre of the ancient
city, delimited by the streets R3–R4 and L’2-L’3, occupying
a part of an insula (map 40). The whole building was constructed in brick and courses of dressed limestone blocks.
The entrance of the bathhouse could not be located. The
cold rooms occupied the south-western part of the site. As
the walls were systematically dismantled in the past, the
form and dimensions of the frigidarium are difficult to reconstruct. One square pool (s: 2 m), a small oval pool and
a network of underground sewage channels is all that can
be mapped with certainty. The heated rooms lay east of the
cold sector. An underground service corridor ran between
the two parts. At least three rooms with a suspended floor
could be identified. The rooms lying next to the service corridor were each heated by a single furnace. The southernmost room had three small basins: two oval in the north
wall and one semicircular in the east wall. The rest of the
building fell beyond the excavation limits and could not be
investigated.
Decoration: Most of the decoration of the baths was
stripped during the dismantling of the walls. The square
piscina and small pools were originally paved with marble
slabs. The floor of the frigidarium seems to have been embellished with opus sectile.
Technology: The suspended floors rested on brick pillars
or possibly parallel walls. The walls were heated by tubuli.
Excavation history: The baths were excavated between 1930
and 1932 by the Institut français d’archéologie orientale du
Caire.
Bibliography: Bruyère (1966) 72–75; Fournet et al. (2017)
468–69.
Construction: (D) The building was dated to the RomanoByzantine phase, without presenting further evidence.768
The plan, the type of bricks and the heating system could
point to a late antique construction date.769 A re-examination of the ceramics found during the excavations point to
time span between the 4th and 5th c.770
Continued use and abandonment: It appears that the baths
were still used in Islamic times, when ‘des modifications
regrettables’ (‘unfortunate modifications’) were added and
later the new invader ‘construit sur les thermes de sordides
maisons’ (‘built sordid houses on top of the baths’).771
Plan: The port city of Clysma (modern Suez) is known
through the ancient literature, starting with Herodotus
until the Islamic period, when it was called Qolmouz. The
archaeological remains that were uncovered on the tell
confirm on occupation history from the Ptolemaic to the
late antique and Early Islamic periods.772
The bathhouse was probably accessed from the
north-west. The bathers entered an almost square room
(s: 6.75 m) with 4 limestone columns at its centre, possibly
to support a dome.773 To the north and west of this central
cold room (frigidarium), there was a rectangular recess,
perhaps to serve as apodyterium. To the north-east, opposite the presumed entrance, there was a flight of stairs
leading into an unexcavated part of the building. To the
west of the cold room, there was a square pool, made entirely out of bricks. A corridor along the south side of this
pool led to an oval basin, perhaps a pool, but more likely a
reservoir due to the absence of internal steps. The heated
768
769
770
771
772
773
Bruyère (1966) 72.
Already Redon (2012a) 75.
Fournet et al. (2017) 468.
Bruyère (1966) 72; translation by the author.
Bruyère (1966) 26–27, 35, 46.
Bruyère (1966) 73.
Gazetteer
404
C82
Clysma (Suez, Egypt), South-west Baths (After Bruyère
(1966) pl. XXI)
rooms lay south of the cold section. It comprised at least
two rooms, although the bad state of preservation makes
it difficult to identify different rooms. The excavator proposed two north-south oriented rooms,774 but we could
also reconstruct three rooms and a heat lock. We should
change the interpretation of the westernmost room as the
tepidarium and the easternmost room as the caldarium.775
It would make more sense if the caldarium had the large
round pool on its southern side and the sudatorium or tepidarium had a semicircular apse ‘à fontaine centrale’.776 The
northernmost part of the eastern room could then be a
transitional tepidarium, preceded by an east-west oriented
heat lock (north of the caldarium), leading to the cold section. Between the heat lock and the actual caldarium, we
could reconstruct a praefurnium. The furnace and platform
774
775
776
Bruyère (1966) 73–74.
Bruyère (1966) 73–74.
contra Bruyère (1966) 73. The fountain could itself be an
Islamic transformation of a Roman pool (see Epilogue, the
Baths of al-Bara).
to support a boiler are clearly indicated on the excavation
plan.
Decoration: The decoration of the baths seems to have
been very modest. The piscina was constructed in brick
and mortar without any apparent veneer to embellish the
inside. The floors of the heated rooms were paved with
white marble slabs, as was the interior of the fountain in
the eastern heated room. The round alveus of the western
hot room had three marble access steps. In the destruction layer found inside the baths, fragments of mortar that
probably held glass window panes were found. The excavator believed these belonged to the Islamic phase of the
building, although the Byzantine Baths in Marea had similar windows.777
Technology: The hypocaust consisted of square pillars made
out of brick and were connected to one another by arches.
The walls were heated by tubuli that were grouped in rows
of 4 and lodged in recesses in the walls. Other recesses
may have acted as chimney flues. The large furnace in the
praefurnium had a large boiler mounted on top of it and
heated the eastern room. The excavator identified 6 other
‘boilers’ in the floors of the heated section.778 These round
barrel-shaped pits were constructed in terracotta or brick
and were approximately 0.7 m deep (diam.: 0.8–1.1 m).
However, these ‘boilers’ may well have been later (Islamic?)
additions, when the building had already changed function. Their location in connection to the heated rooms
seems strange. Fournet only reconstructs two furnaces in
connection to the baths.779
The water to the pools was supplied for a castellum west
of the baths.780 A lead water pipe fed the water directly to
the oval basin and, by a separate branch, to the piscina. The
lead inlets for the alveus and the fountain can also be seen
in the walls, but it is not specified how these connected to
the boiler(s). The pools were emptied by outlets at their
bottom. Waste water from the heated section was led west
of the building to an unknown sewer. The drainage pipe of
the piscina and a sewer running underneath the frigidarium led into a large sewer, which led downwards, through
the city and then to the harbour, where it discharged into
the sea.
Construction
technique: Opus
testaceum,
opus
caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 300 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
777
778
779
780
Bruyère (1966) 73. For Marea, see below.
Bruyère (1966) 74.
Fournet et al. (2017) 468.
Bruyère (1966) 74.
Gazetteer
405
C83. Ezbeth Fath’Allah (Egypt)
Excavation history: The baths were discovered and excavated by the Egyptian Department of Antiquities sometime in
the second half of the 20th c. The remains were re-investigated in 2007 by a team of the Greco-Roman Museum of
Alexandria.
Bibliography: Abd el-Fattah and Seif el-Din (2009); Fournet
et al. (2017) 472–73.
Construction: (B) Preliminary conclusions deduced from
the unpublished excavations point to a lifespan in the 6th
and 7th c.781
Continued use and abandonment: A detailed analysis of
the pottery should enable a more precise chronology of the
building.
Plan: The bathhouse was constructed in bricks (bath rooms)
and local limestone. An oblong vestibule with two benches
led to a round frigidarium (diam.: 6 m) with 4 semicircular
niches. The two western ones are equipped with a small
pool. A doorway between the northern and western niche
led to an irregularly shaped room that gave access to a partially excavated natatio. Continuing west of the frigidarium,
a small room acted as a heat lock with the heated section.
It had a small rectangular basin in its northern wall, which
is reminiscent of the function of the old labrum. A doorway opposite this basin led to the first heated room. It had
no pools, only a rectangular recess in its southern wall that
could hold a bench. The second heated room was rectangular in shape and had two single-person alvei. The one in
the southern wall was semicircular, while the one in the
western wall was rectangular, even if it was lodged in a
semicircular niche. North-west of this room, a praefurnium
was large enough to house the brick platform for a large
boiler. Originally, this room seems to have been part of the
bathing section, as a door connected this praefurnium to
the heat lock.782 It was blocked when the boiler was installed. The furnace that heated both caldarium and boiler
was the only one of the entire building. A service corridor
was built against the northern side of the heated section.
Decoration: The decorative scheme fits within CopticByzantine tradition.783 The walls of the cold and tepid
rooms were covered in plaster and painted red at the bottom and left white above. In the heated rooms, the same
wall coating was painted with floral motifs such as palm
leaves. The floors of the cold rooms were paved with bluish
marble slabs. The exterior walls were coated with a white
plaster.
Technology: The two heated rooms both had a hypocaust
and wall heating. The suspended floor rested on walls
781
782
783
Abd el-Fattah and Seif el-Din (2009) 269.
Abd el-Fattah and Seif el-Din (2009) 267.
Abd el-Fattah and Seif el-Din (2009) 269.
C83
Ezbet Fath’Allah (Egypt), (After Abd el-Fattah and Seif
el-Din (2009) 272, fig. 3)
with arched openings, rather than on the usual brick pillars, while the walls were heated by rectangular chimneys
rather than tubuli. The second heated room must have
had a tepid temperature, as it did not have its own furnace
and the airflow coming from the furnace of the caldarium
was ‘interrupted’ due to the perpendicular position of the
tepidarium. The water supply is unknown. A saqiyah was
possibly present somewhere in the vicinity of the baths, as
evidence of water pots has been found. In a later phase, a
reservoir was built against the south side of the building.
The channel, however, led away from the bath building.
Supply pipes inside the building connected the rectangular basin in the heat lock with the western cold pool and
the natatio. Each pool had an outlet that gave into a sewage channel, running from the western alveus around the
south of the building to the frigidarium and on to the natatio. The cold pools had an overflow-outlet at floor level.
The channel probably discharged in the city’s sewers somewhere north of the presumed natatio.
Construction technique: Mud brick, opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (not exceeding 500 m2)
GPS coordinates: 30°54’27.80”N, 29°34’3.31”E
C84. Gherra / Mohamedia (Egypt)
Excavation history: 15 km east of Pelusium, bordered by the
Mediterranean coast on the north and Lake Bardawil on
the east, the ruins of a late antique settlement were discovered in the early 20th c. A public bathhouse was unearthed
near the sea between 1909 and 1910.
Bibliography: Clédat (1909); Fournet et al. (2017), 474–75.
406
Gazetteer
C85. Karanis (Kafr Al Massalat), North Baths
Construction: (C) The construction technique, using alternate layers of brick and local gypsum, was dated by the excavators to the 5th or 6th c.784 A recent re-examination of
the artefacts recovered during these excavations also point
to a Byzantine phase of use.785
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The description of the remains is rather limited and
the articulation of the different rooms is unclear. No plan
was drawn to accompany the report. A schematic has recently been made after the description and photos by
Clédat.786 The bathhouse was square in plan (s: 20 m) and
was approached from the western side. An entrance porch
with columns and a semicircular fountain (or perhaps
pool?) led into a corridor. From there, one could enter the
heated section, comprising three heated rooms. The southeastern room had two pools, one of which was double and
one of which was circular.
Decoration: The floors and the walls were originally embellished with marble slabs, most of which were restored in
later periods.
Technology: The rooms were heated by a hypocaust with
the traditional pillars supporting the floor. Tubuli were
identified on photos of the central heated room.787 The
praefurnium is located at the centre of the building. A possible saqiyah, a well and reservoirs were recognized south
of the baths.788
Construction technique: Unknown
Bathhouse surface: ca. 350 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
Excavation history: The town of Karanis was located on the
northern fringe of the Fayum oasis. Between 1972 and 1975,
the University of Cairo excavated a small bathhouse in the
town centre.
Bibliography: Nassery et al. (1976); Castel (2009); Fournet
et al. (2017) 477–78.
Construction: (B) Radiocarbon dating of wooden beams
used in the last construction phase of the dressing room
were dated between the 4th and 6th c.789 Architecture and
decoration point to a 4th or 5th-c. phase.790
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths, fitting within a rectangle of only 15 × 8
m, lay along an important east-west oriented street, 40 m
north of the Soxis Temple. While the baths were called the
‘Large North Baths’ by the excavators to distinguish it from
another bath found in the south-west of Karanis,791 this
building was obviously a modest neighbourhood bath.
It probably served the rich houses located in this part of
town and it can be expected that similar baths were found
in other neighbourhoods.792 As with most of the structures
in town, the baths were built in mud bricks. Fired bricks
were only found in the parts that were directly exposed to
moist and heat.
In a first phase, the baths were accessed through a door
in the north-western corner of the dressing room. In a
second phase, this door was blocked and a new one was
created in the south-west corner. The apodyterium (4.9 ×
4.5 m) had 4 rectangular niches (0.52 m large; 0.72 m high;
0.27 m deep). One of them was obliterated when the new
door was created. In the middle of the south wall, a semicircular niche (1.2 m high; 0.6 m wide; 0.3 m deep) may
have contained a statue. The eastern wall was constructed
in a later phase, probably when the roof over the room was
changed.793 Against the east, south and west walls were
brick-built benches (0.7 to 0.8 m deep). To the north-west,
the dressing room opened up onto the frigidarium (3 ×
2.6 m), which had a rectangular pool in a recess of the western wall. The pool (internal dimensions 1.4 × 0.7 m; 0.6 m
deep) was built in bricks and coated with mortar. A single
step on the outside enabled the bathers to step over the
rim. This piscina was covered by a semi-dome resting on
spherical triangles. Above the pool, in the western wall,
was a small niche (0.25 m deep). By a bent corridor and a
narrow doorway (0.47 m wide), one entered the tepidarium
(2.1 × 1.5 m). It had a small niche in its northern wall, probably for some type of lighting. To the west of this room,
784
785
786
787
788
789
790
791
792
793
C84
Gherra / Mohameddia (Egypt), (After Fournet et al. (2017)
475, unnumbered fig.)
Clédat (1909) 770.
Fournet et al. (2017) 474.
Fournet et al. (2017) 475, unnumbered fig.
Fournet et al. (2017) 474.
Fournet et al. (2017) 474.
Castel (2009) 231.
Fournet et al. (2017) 477.
Nassery et al. (1976) 237.
Nassery et al. (1976) 234.
Nassery et al. (1976) 246.
Gazetteer
C85
Karanis (Kafr Al Massalat, Egypt), Large Baths (After
Nassery et al. (1976) plan 2)
one found a sweat chamber (1.5 × 2.7 m) with two benches
(stone slabs on brick pillars) and a large niche of unknown
function in the north-east corner. A small doorway gave access to the caldarium (2.8 × 2.1 m). It had one hot tub chiselled out of a single large block of local limestone (internal
dimensions 1.7 × 0.6 m). The bottom was raised with stone
slabs in a later phase until 34 cm under the rim. A small seat
made out of bricks was also added at its western end. The
tub, which seemed to have been an ordinary bath tub that
was reused, was later reinforced on the outside by a brick
wall. It is reminiscent of the massive granite tubs found in
the fortress baths of Nag el-Hagar (see below, p. 423). All
of the rooms of this bathhouse were covered with domes,
except the sweat room, which had a barrel vault.
Decoration: The decoration has been preserved in the frigidarium. A layer of white plaster covering the mud bricks
was painted with vegetal and floral design. The paintings in
the dome above the piscina showed vineyards. The plaster
in the heated rooms does not seem to have been painted.
Technology: The exceptional state of preservation makes it
possible to reconstruct the technical aspects of these baths.
The heated section had a single furnace, located in a room
east of the caldarium. This room was divided in a lower and
an upper part. The first was the stokehole, while the latter
seems to have contained two cylindrical boilers (fig. 127).
Three chimneys, lodged in the walls of the praefurnium,
ensured a draught for the fire. The hypocaust floors under
the caldarium and the sweat room were constructed with
arches instead of the usual pillars. The wall heating was
407
ensured by square recesses that widened to shafts at room
level and narrowed again at the start of the domes, where
terracotta tubes slid into one another to form a chimney
(fig. 128). This unusual system of wall heating may have
been invented to cope with the absence of mass-produced
box tiles. It is worth noting that a small square opening in
the eastern wall of the caldarium connected the latter to
the praefurnium. The excavators suggested that the steam
of the boilers was channelled directly into the caldarium
(fig. 127).794 This method of heating only became popular
in the Islamic period. If this system was part of the original
design, it is one of the earliest examples of a steam conduit in a bathhouse. The steam in the small caldarium must
have created a sauna-like atmosphere, which may also explain the limited use of wall heating.
Radiocarbon dating of charcoal found in the furnace
gave results from the 4th c. BC to the 1st c. AD.795 Rather
than suggesting a phase of use during this early period,
it seems that the baths used old timber as fuel, probably
salvaged from surrounding buildings.796 The heating system is an interesting mix of traditional Roman techniques
adapted to local conditions and with some inventive alternatives (wall heating and steam vent). The simple design
and basic facilities reveal a concern for fuel costs and water
use. Furthermore, a production site for glass has been discovered near the furnace. The same type of glass vessels
was also found in the shops surrounding the baths. Thus
the baths may have been involved in small-scale glass production (availability of water and firewood).
The water for the pools was stored in a reservoir north
of the caldarium. A channel connected it to both the boiler
in the furnace room and to the alveus. It is not clear how the
heated water in the boilers got into the pool. An inlet was
found just above the rim of the tub, piercing the northern
wall of the caldarium, but the connection with the reservoir or the boilers is not clear. Metal conduits were probably salvaged after the baths fell out of use. There was no
such inlet for the piscina, meaning the pool had to be filled
manually.797 Both cold and heated tubs had an outlet at
the bottom, which gave directly onto the floor of the room.
The waste water of the frigidarium was led by inclination
of the floor to an outlet in front of the bent corridor,
while the water of the alveus was led to an outlet next to
the doorway to the tepidarium. The collected waters were
led by underground channels to a well in the open courtyard north-east of the building. The water may have been
reused for other purposes, such as gardening.
Construction technique: Mud brick, opus testaceum
794
795
796
797
Nassery et al. (1976) 245.
Nassery et al. (1976) 272–73.
contra Nassery et al. (1976) 273. This problem is known as the
‘old wood effect’.
Nassery et al. (1976) 254.
Gazetteer
408
figure 127
North Baths of Karanis (Egypt),
cross-section (west-east) of the
caldarium and praefurnium
after Castel (2009) 238, fig. 19
figure 128
Drawing of the wall heating in the North Baths of Karanis (Egypt)
in Nassery et al. (1976) plan 13
Gazetteer
409
Bathhouse surface: ca. 100 m2
GPS coordinates: 29°31’12.76”N, 30°54’10.10”E
C86. Karm Kandara (Egypt)
Excavation history: The site of Karm Kandara is located
at the western end of the Nile Delta, along the CairoAlexandria express way. Excavations in the 2000s unveiled
part of an agrarian estate or settlement, including olive
presses and a bathhouse.
Bibliography: Abd el-Fattah and Abd Al-Razeq (2008);
Fournet et al. (2017) 479.
Construction history: (B) A preliminary study of the ceramic finds suggests a late antique lifespan.798
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths were accessed from the south-west. An
oblong hall with benches along its east, south and west
sides served as a combined apodyterium / frigidarium. In
a first phase, a rectangular pool, coated with hydraulic
plaster on the inside, was constructed against the southern
wall, near the entrance. In the north-east side of the hall,
two doors led into two interconnected heated rooms. The
westernmost room had a doorway in its north wall, connecting to a third heated room (sudatorium?). To the east
of this lay the caldarium. It had a semicircular pool in its
north wall and two rectangular single-person pools in its
east wall. To the west of this main bathing block, a separate
bathing room with a cold-water pool also stood in connection to the hall. Its precise function is unknown, although it
clearly had a specific use. South of the baths, a small latrine
was found.799
Decoration: The decoration of these baths was rather modest. The walls were plastered with a white coating and the
floors of both cold and heated rooms were paved with
limestone slabs. In a first phase, the large hall had been
paved with irregular marble fragments.
Technology: The hypocaust system of the heated rooms was
not investigated. The walls were heated by rectangular tubuli lodged in recesses. The praefurnia were not discovered,
even if the access to an underground service corridor has
been located east of the oblong hall. The water supply could
not be detected either. The drainage system of the pools
started at the southern rectangular pool of the caldarium
and went around the building towards the west, where it
collected the waste water of the second rectangular pool.
The semicircular pool does not seem to have had an outlet. The sewer was joined by a second branch coming from
an unknown location north of the baths and then turned
around the north-western wing of the baths, where it collected the water from the cold pool. It then disappeared
798
799
Abd el-Fattah and Abd Al-Razeq (2008) 210.
Abd el-Fattah and Abd Al-Razeq (2008) 220, fig. 20.
C86
Karm Kandara (Egypt), (After Abd el-Fattah and Abd
Al-Razeq (2007) 218, fig. 17)
underneath the hall, probably to head towards the latrine
located south of the baths.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 200 m2
GPS coordinates: 30°53’47”N, 29°52’24”E
C87. Kom el Ahmar (Egypt)
Excavation history: The remains of Kom el Ahmar lie
17 km north-west of ancient Hermopolis Mikra (modern
Damanhur), near the modern hamlet of Tell Bisinthaway.
In the 1940s, the Egyptian Department of Antiquities discovered and excavated a site of which the ancient name
remains unknown. Recent survey has identified important
building activity in the surroundings of the baths, suggesting that the site should be identified with the capital of
the nomos of Metelis.800 Two bath complexes were found
here, located 100 m apart. The smallest bathhouse, mistakenly called the ‘cold baths’ by the excavators, was constructed during the Ptolemaic period and was a Greek-style
bathhouse with hip-baths.801 The large bath complex,
called thermae in the excavation report, had a long period
of use.802
Bibliography: Khachab (1949); Fournet et al. (2017) 481–82.
Construction: (D) Coin finds and ceramics from the site
date from the 1st to the 8th c. AD.803 The fact that the
800
801
802
803
Kenawi (2014) 106–112.
Khachab (1949) 30.
Khachab (1949) 36.
The contexts of the coins and the ceramics are not specified;
however, a gold dinar dated AD 771 was found inside the baths
(Khashab (1949) 30).
410
C87
Gazetteer
Kom el-Ahmar (Egypt), (After Khashab (1949) plan 2)
complex was a double bath, with a plan emphasizing small
round pools, could point to a late antique layout, even if a
High Empire predecessor once stood on the same location.
According to Fournet, the double bath should more likely be interpreted as two different phases (the north wing
being late antique).804
Continued use and abandonment: (B) A gold dinar (dated
AD 771) was found inside the baths, but it is unknown
whether the baths were still in use or if the building had
changed function.
Plan: The north wing of the baths was larger than the south,
and could thus been interpreted as the men’s baths. The
cold section of this north part was divided into two separate rooms, each with its own large piscina. The eastern
cold room was equipped with a smaller rectangular pool
(2.3 × 1.3 m; 1.2 m deep) and a semicircular pool (diam.:
1.3 m; 0.7 m deep) in a niche flanking the large piscina
(4 × 3.5 m; 1.3 m deep). Both pools were probably added
to the original design. A shallow basin (1.1 × 0.5 m; 0.5 m
deep) was added in the last phase of use. The heated section consisted of three successive rooms with hypocaust,
preceded by an unheated room with a semicircular niche.
The first heated room may have had a pool in its apsidal
west side, while the third room had a semicircular and an
804
Fournet et al. (2017) 481.
oval alveus.805 In the last phase of use of the building, the
east frigidarium may have been converted into a heated,
all-purpose bath room.806 The furnace in the room south
of the large piscina may have been used to heat bath water,
or simply belongs to a post-bathing phase of the building.807
The southern wing of the bath complex consisted of
a small frigidarium with a square piscina (s: 1.1 m; 0.7 m
deep), which could be reached by a long corridor. Both
of the warm rooms were heated by several furnaces, but
only the second one had a circular alveus (diam: 1.8 m; 1.3
m deep). At the entrance of the baths, there was a latrine,
flushed by the waste waters of the different pools.
Decoration: The decorative scheme of the baths is not well
known. The west frigidarium of the north wing was paved
with limestone slabs. In the cold section of the south wing,
the floors were embellished with mosaics, while the heated
rooms of this section were paved with marble slabs. One
could imagine that the heated rooms of the north wing
were decorated in a similar fashion. The walls throughout
the baths were coated with lime plaster and then painted,
but no details of the motifs are mentioned in the excavation report.
Technology: The suspended floors were broken up in a later
phase, but at some points the rectangular pillars could still
be seen. The wall heating was ensured by wall cavities. The
furnaces were constructed as pits in the hypocaust floor,
in contrast to the traditional stoke holes at the level of this
same floor.808 The excavation report does not mention tubuli or tegulae. The water for the baths was supplied by two
large wells (diam.: 6.5 m and 3 m) south of the building.
It is not clear how the water was elevated to the different
reservoirs found throughout the baths. The water was distributed to the different pools by terracotta water conduits,
which were still visible in some of the walls. There were
two sewer networks: one for the cold pools of the northern wing and one for the heated pools of the northern
wing and all the pools of the southern wing. Both systems
flushed a latrine.809
Construction technique: Opus testaceum, opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 720 m2
GPS coordinates: 31°9’40.20”N, 30°26’51.40”E
C88. Kom el-Dosheh (Egypt)
Excavation history: In the vicinity of the modern city of
Jirays, in the Ashmoun district of the Nile Delta, several
mounds (Arabic: Kôm) have yielded archaeological sites.
805
806
807
808
809
Khachab (1949) 37–38.
Khachab (1949) 42.
Khachab (1949) 37.
These ‘high flame’ furnaces seem to become popular in late
antique and Byzantine times (see above, the Kom al-Dikka
Baths in Alexandria), but were already present in 2nd–3rd c.
baths (Fournet and Redon (2017a) 294).
Sewers indicated on plan 2 in Khachab (1949).
411
Gazetteer
The Kom el-Dosheh was occupied exclusively during the
Byzantine period.810 Among the remains, a bathhouse
built out of bricks was discovered and excavated in the beginning of the 20th c.
Bibliography: Daressy (1912); Fournet et al. (2017) 483.
Construction: (D) The lifespan of the village, which seems
to have been occupied exclusively in the 4th to 6th c., provides a terminus post quem for the main building. The plan,
however, does not point to a late antique date, resembling
the design of the 2nd-c. Hunting Baths in Leptis Magna
(see above, p. 360).
Continued use and abandonment: (B) A terminus post quem
for the destruction of the baths (collapse of the vault) has
been delivered by a coin of Justin I (AD 518–527).811 After
the baths had fallen out of use, the building was reused as
a dwelling and a small production unit. Two ovens were
found in the room south of the rectangular piscina.
Plan: The bathhouse was entered through a door in the
north-eastern corner of the building. It led straight into a
rectangular room (3.9 × 2.7 m) that could be interpreted
as the apodyterium. The oblong frigidarium (10.6 × 3.6 m)
to the west had two apsidal endings. The southern one
certainly lodged a semicircular piscina (1.3 m deep). There
may also have been a pool in the northern apse, as a sewage
channel led up to it.812 On the frigidarium’s eastern side, a
third pool (1 m deep) took up almost the entire space of a
room (2.2 × 1.9 m). The room immediately south of it was
originally paved with small marble slabs and may have
served as a districtarium or unctorium. In the middle of the
western side of the frigidarium, a doorway (1.1 m) led to a
central room (2.7 × 2 m) on a hypocaust. It had a semicircular niche to the west and two lateral doors. Choosing the
southern one, the bathers entered a second heated room
with no special features. A door to the west led into the
caldarium (4.7 × 3.4 m) with its two alvei. The southern
alveus (1.4 × 1 m) was rectangular and more or less screened
off from the rest of the room by a thin wall. The larger semicircular alveus (diam.: 2.5 m) was surrounded by a rim of
30 cm. To the north, a fourth heated room lay just above
the baths’ only furnace, and could hence be interpreted
as a sweat room.813 The last heated room to its east had a
large brick bench against its north wall. It may have been
used for massages or simply for resting.814 A doorway south
led back into the central room with apse, thus completing
the bathing route. From the frigidarium, a doorway in the
south-east corner led outside to some annexes that were
too damaged to interpret. The doorway was screened off
from the room by a thin wall.
810
811
812
813
814
For the ceramics, see Daressy (1912) 185–91.
Daressy (1912) 175, n. 1.
Daressy (1912) 178.
Daressy (1912) 180.
Daressy (1912) 180.
C88
Kom el-Dosheh (Egypt), (After Daressy (1912) 177, fig. 2)
Decoration: The walls of the baths were coated with mortar and a fine layer of plaster, which was then painted.
Just as in the baths of Ezbet Fath Allah, the bottom part
of the walls was painted plain red, while the upper part
was white with polychrome motifs. The floors of the cold
part were paved with small marble slabs and those of the
heated section with limestone. Most of the marble slabs
were reused pieces of marble cut into slices to fit their new
purpose. One marble statue of a young man was found just
outside the baths.
Technology: The heated rooms were built on a brick pillar
hypocaust. For extra support and good airflow, the pillars
were connected to one another by arches. The wall heating
consisted of box tiles placed in recesses within the walls.
The tubuli were connected to each other by lateral openings. It is remarkable that the entire heated section had
only one furnace, located in the almost square room west
of the sweat chamber. This could point to a shortage of
fuel. The hypocaust did not continue under the alvei. There
are no traces of water supply channels to fill the pools.
A possible reservoir was found north of the baths, but it
is unclear if this structure was linked to the baths. Water
disposal is well understood. Each of the pools was drained
by a lead pipe discharging into sewage channels. The semicircular alveus of the caldarium also had an overflow-outlet at floor level. The outlet of the rectangular piscina was
still plugged with the bottom of an amphora at the time of
excavation.
412
Gazetteer
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 300 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown (destroyed)
C89. Marea (near Al Hawwariyah), Byzantine Baths
Excavation history: The city of Marea was located on the
south-west shore of Lake Maryut. It acted as an important transit city between the Nile Delta and Alexandria.
It was also known for its fertile hinterland, producing olives, grapes and other types of fruit.815 The city—judging
from the ceramics found on site—prospered during the
Byzantine period, perhaps as a stop on the way to the pilgrimage site of Abu Mena. The absence of Arab glazed pottery (8th c.) indicates that the city was abandoned shortly
before or after the Arab invasion.816 The bathhouse—excavated during the first decade of the 21st c. by the Polish
archaeological mission—was situated 160 m south-east of
the harbour.
Bibliography: Szymanska and Babraj (2008); Szymanska
and Babraj (2009); Fournet et al. (2017) 485–86.
Construction: (A) On the basis of the ceramics and coins
found during the excavations, the construction date of the
baths has been placed at the end of the 5th c.817
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The layer of debris
that accumulated after the abandonment of the baths contained material of the 8th c.818
Plan: The bathhouse was built entirely out of brick and surrounded by a stone wall. It consisted of separated north
and south wings, each accessible through a colonnaded
courtyard. Both wings were accessed by a vestibule on the
north side, which gave into these courts. The western court
gave access to the south wing and was clearly the largest.
It had 4 single-person cold pools on its eastern side, with
a maximum depth of 1.8 m. Upon entering the main building, one passed two cold rooms before entering the heated section. The first unheated room had a pedestal in its
north-eastern corner. The terracotta conduit coming out of
the wall above it indicates the presence of a water basin—
a type of small labrum.819 An oval room to the east of this
first room probably contained a boiler, which could be
heated from the underground service corridor. Continuing
south, one entered the tepidarium, mildly heated by sets
of tubuli in the wall. The first room with a hypocaust was
rectangular in shape (3.3 × 5.3 m) and had three small
pools (all ca. 1.3 m deep). The semicircular pool (r: 0.63 m)
was initially rectangular. To the north of this room, a small
square room had a semicircular (r: 1 m) and a round pool
(diam.: 1.05 m), both only large enough to accommodate
one bather at a time.
The northern part of the baths had a similar layout.
A colonnaded courtyard (8.3 × 10 m) had two small rectangular pools and access to a cold room with a semicir-
C89
Marea (Al Hawwariyah, Egypt),
Byzantine Baths (After Szymanska and
Babraj (2008) 48, fig. 14)
815
816
817
818
Szymanska and Babraj (2009) 247.
Szymanska and Babraj (2008) 13.
Majcherek (2008) 105–127; Lichoka (2008) 145–52; Malarczyk
(2008) 153–59.
Malarczyk (2008) 153–59.
819
Szymanska and Babraj (2009) 249.
413
Gazetteer
figure 129
Byzantine Baths of Marea (Egypt), drawings of the fragments of claustra found inside the baths
after Kucharczyk (2009) 261, fig. 3
cular niche. It is possible that a small labrum stood here.820
A first heated room (3.9 × 1.9 m) had two single-person
pools, one semicircular (diam.: 1.6 m) to the north and one
rectangular (0.9 × 1 m) to the south-east (both around 1.1
m deep). The second heated room was rectangular and
had two pools in its northern side. The original rectangular shapes were later transformed into smaller semicircular forms. The bathing rooms were all covered with barrel
vaults, while most of the pools had a semi-dome vault. The
rooms lining the north of the baths may have been shops,
as glass flasks and small objects were found.
The division of these baths into two equal parts is explained by the excavators as a division between a bathhouse for men and for women. Several ‘female objects’ such
as bone hair pins and glass pearls have been found in the
sewers of the north part of the baths. Such an interpretation is also proposed for the double baths in Abu Mena (see
above, C75–C76). An interpretation as winter and summer
baths is difficult to support, as both parts are almost equal
in size. The south part was slightly larger and hence had
more pools than its northern counterpart. The number
and size of the heated rooms, however, was the same for
both parts. The large courtyards must have functioned as
frigidaria. It is not known if or how these areas were
roofed. Possibly only the space between the columns and
the walls was covered.821 The type of plan, especially the
courtyard frigidarium and small heated section, resembles
Byzantine and Early Islamic baths in the Near East (see
above, chapter 4, p. 187–188).
Decoration: The walls of the internal rooms of both parts
were covered with thick layers of plaster. Traces of painted
vegetal motifs and Maltese crosses were found on them.
All the pools were lined and paved with marble slabs,
some of them still in situ during the excavation. The columns in the courtyard were limestone monoliths, but
the 4 Corinthian capitals found throughout the site were
of a greyish Proconessian marble. The floors of courtyards
and rooms were paved with marble slabs. Several fragments of window panes and claustra (grating) were also
found (fig. 129). The resemblance with the Early Islamic
oculi, especially the inverted heart shapes, is remarkable.822
Technology: The service corridor was accessed from a staircase south of the baths, leading underneath the two unheated rooms of the southern wing. From this corridor,
the furnaces for the southern and northern heated rooms
were fired, as was the large boiler that was lodged in an
oval room east of the room with labrum. Traces of reed and
straw were found when analysing the ashes in the praefurnium. It is possible that dried dung was used as fuel. The
hypocausts were made out of massive brick pillars forming arcades. The pools in the heated sections were not
constructed on hypocausts, meaning the water was only
heated in boilers and not in the pools themselves. The
wall heating consisted of tubuli lodged in separate recesses
inside the walls. The water for the pools was supplied
by a large well 5 m north-east of the baths, operated by
a saqiyah. It was of rectangular shape (1 × 3.4 m), at least
5 m deep and stood in connection with a reservoir (5.5 ×
3 m) and a cistern (2.5 × 1.8 m). From the reservoir, the
water was led to the pools by terracotta pipes. Water disposal was ensured by a network of underground drainage
channels that connected with the outlets at the bottom of
the pools.823
Construction technique: Opus testaceum (heated parts),
opus quadratum (courtyard, annexes)
Bathhouse surface: ca. 642 m2
GPS coordinates: 30°59’36.65”N, 29°39’26.42”E
820
821
822
823
Szymanska and Babraj (2008) 33.
As reconstructed in Szymanska and Babraj (2008) 49, fig. 16.
C90. Marea (near Al Hawwariyah), Central Baths
Excavation history: The site was excavated between 1979
and 1981 by the University of Alexandria. The heated section was not investigated.
Kucharczyk (2009) 258, 262, fig. 4.
Szymanska and Babraj (2008) 50, fig. 17.
414
Gazetteer
C91
C90
Marea (Al Hawwariyah, Egypt), Central Baths (After
Fournet et al. (2017) 488, unnumbered fig.)
Bibliography: Fakharani (1983); Sadek (1992); Fournet et al.
(2017) 487–88.
Construction: (D) The bathhouse is located in the centre
of the Byzantine town, near an economic zone. The bath
is hence dated following the lifespan of the surrounding
urban fabric, i.e. between 5th and 7th c.824
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bathhouse consists of two identical wings (east
and west), lying next to each other. The east wing was
probably accessed from the east, passing two vestibules.
Two rooms with benches along the walls should be interpreted as apodyteria. The cold section is a large colonnaded hall with semicircular apses to the east and west.
Two small pools abut the southern colonnade. In the portico just south of this colonnade two large piscinae (two to
three persons) are located at the east and west end, while
two small semicircular pools flank the doorway that gave
824
Fournet et al. (2017) 487.
Mergham (Egypt), Baths (After Fournet et al. (2017) 493,
unnumbered fig.)
access to the unexcavated heated section. The west wing
was identical in layout, although there were no small pools
along the colonnade, but two extra semicircular pools
flanking the doorway to the heated section. At least one
of the heated rooms had two small rectangular alvei. Both
wings were connected through a passage in their shared
side, consisting of 4 connecting rooms that impeded a
direct insight into the cold halls.
Decoration: Marbles tiles were used as flagstones and
possibly to adorn the walls.
Technology: There is no information on the heating system
or water management.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 1,200 m2)
GPS coordinates: 30°59’37”N, 29°39’18”E
C91. Mergham (near Teibat Sweiha, Egypt), Baths
Excavation history: The bathhouse was excavated by the
Supreme Council of Antiquities and the Graeco-Roman
Museum of Alexandria in 1990, but the results were never
published. The unpublished report was recently studied by
the Balnéorient project.
Bibliography: Fournet et al. (2017) 492–93.
Construction: (D) The artefacts that were collected on the
surface date between the 5th and 7th c.825
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bathhouse was enlarged at an unknown date
from a simple angular row type to a double bath with an
825
Fournet et al. (2017) 492.
415
Gazetteer
east and west wing. Both wings had a similar layout. The
west wing was the larger of the two and had a hall with
two rectangular pools. The heated section consisted of a
tepidarium with possibly a labrum in the semicircular apse,
a small heated room (sudatorium?) and a large rectangular
caldarium.826 The latter had one larger semicircular alveus
protruding out of the south wall and two adjacent singleperson pools built into the west wall. A third alveus possibly existed in the eastern apse during the first phase of
the building. The east wing had a similar cold hall, which
may have been divided into two rooms (at a later date?).
There was one semicircular cold pool in the north-eastern
wall and a bench. The heated section comprised only two
rooms. The one at the end of the itinerary (caldarium) had
two semicircular alvei.
Decoration: Corinthian capitals and marble and limestone
columns were found during the excavation.
Technology: The main furnace was built after the baths had
been doubled, at the centre of the building to service both
wings, on the location of a presumed alveus of the west
wing caldarium. Several boilers may have surmounted this
furnace. Both caldaria had a separate furnace as well (the
one in the west wing lying directly under the semicircular
alveus). The heated rooms have hypocausts, but no wall
heating. Chimneys are cut in the walls. The waste waters
of all the cold pools, as well as those of the north alveus of
the east wing caldarium, were drained by a sewer system
heading westward. The alvei of the west wing caldarium
had separate drains leading to an unknown sewer.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 230 m2)
GPS coordinates: 31°05’37”N, 29°51’07”E
C92. Mit Abul Kum (Egypt), Baths
Excavation history: The site lies 3 km south-west of Marea
and close to the remains of a possibly Byzantine settlement. The baths were excavated by the Supreme Council of
Antiquities and the Graeco-Roman Museum of Alexandria
in 1998–1999, but the results were never published. The remains have been re-examined by the Balnéorient project
in 2010.
Bibliography: Fournet et al. (2017) 494–95.
Construction: (D) The unpublished inventory of finds from
the excavations gives a time span between the 5th and the
7th c.827
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: At an unknown point, the original layout was changed
from a simple ring type bath into a double bath with a north
and south wing of the angular row type. The north wing
had a cruciform courtyard with a large rectangular piscina
on its north side and 4 smaller pools on the opposite south
826
827
Fournet et al. (2017) 492.
Fournet et al. (2017) 494.
C92
Mit Abul Kum (Egypt), Baths (After Fournet et al. (2017) 495,
unnumbered fig.)
side. A small doorway in the latter led into the heated section, consisting of a transitional room without hypocaust
(tepidarium), a first heated room with a small semicircular
basin in its east wall and a third larger caldarium with three
alvei (the one in the west wall was large enough for two or
three people). The south wing had a large courtyard (only
partially excavated) to the east, with at least three piscinae
(the southern one being the largest). Continuing west, the
bather entered the bathing block by an oblong transitional
room (tepidarium), a heated room without pools (sudatorium) and a caldarium with three alvei. The largest alveus
was semicircular and enabled up to three people to bathe
together.
Decoration: Some capitals and column drums in marble
and granite were recovered. Marble slabs adorned some of
the walls of the pools.
Technology: The main furnace was located at the intersection of the two wings and could have heated several
boilers. Additional furnaces to heat the rooms may have
existed. The heated rooms had a hypocaust, but no wall
heating (only chimneys were found in the walls). The alvei
of both caldaria were drained by a sewer system that collected waste water west of the building. The sewage system
of the cold pools could not be found.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 370 m2)
GPS coordinates: 30°58’25”N, 29°39’32”E
C93. Psenemphaia? (Kom Trougah)
Excavation history: During the 1950s the Egyptian Antiquities Organization discovered and excavated the remains of a small site in a hamlet called Kom Trougah, 36
km south-east of Alexandria. Besides a Greek-style private
bathroom in a private residence, a Roman-style bathhouse
was discovered.
Bibliography: Khachab (1957); Fournet et al. (2017) 506–507.
416
C93
Gazetteer
Psenemphaia? (Kom Trougah, Egypt), (After Khashab (1957)
plan I)
Construction: (D) The resemblance to the Baths of Kom alDosheh (see above, C88), itself not securely dated, however,
and the type of heating system (see above, the Byzantine
Baths of Marea; Baths of Kom al Dikka in Alexandria)
could point to construction in Late Antiquity.828 Fournet
also prefers a late antique date on the basis of architectural
and technological parallels with other late antique baths.829
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths were entered by a vestibule in the north, in
which a small basin was built in a later phase. The frigidarium was a large rectangular hall with a piscina (2.75 ×
1.5 m) lodged in an adjacent room to the east. The latrine
in the south-east corner of the building was accessed by
a separate entrance from the outside. The heated section
was reached by a doorway on the west side of the frigidarium. A first square room functioned as a heat lock, as
it was connected to the entrance and exit-tepidarium (to
the north and south respectively). Following the bathing
itinerary north, one passed from the tepidarium into the
first heated room. It had a semicircular niche in its west
wall, which still lodged the base of a statue at the time of
excavation. Continuing south, the square room acted as a
sudatorium, before entering the caldarium south of it. The
latter had two pools, one circular and one rectangular. By a
doorway to the east, the bather could rejoin the heat lock
828
829
Nielsen (1993b) 35 dates the baths to the 1st or 2nd c., probably
on the basis of coin finds mentioned by Khashab (1957) 132–
39. However, the context of these finds is not communicated.
It is only said that they were found scattered around the site
(‘Ces pièces en bronze, dispersées dans le kôm’, p. 132); they do
not necessarily date the baths.
Fournet et al. (2017) 506.
and then the cold rooms. The baths were probably exited
by a separate doorway south of the frigidarium. The interpretation as private baths is not supported by the archaeological evidence, as no obvious remains of a dwelling were
found in connection with these baths.
Decoration: According to the excavator, the baths were richly decorated with statues, painted plasters and mosaics. A
head of Venus was amongst the finds. There is no information available about the revetment of the walls.
Technology: The three warm rooms were heated by a single
furnace, located in an oval room at the centre of the heated
section. This praefurnium was reached by an underground
corridor running under the heat lock and the exit-tepidarium. The corridor was accessed by steps located next to the
exit of the baths. The furnace itself was surmounted by a
brick platform, probably to hold the boiler. The hypocaust
consisted of the traditional square pillars, while the walls
were heated by flues lodged in the walls, using tegulae
mammatae to separate these vertical heat channels from
the room. The water for the pools was supplied by a large
well just north of the baths and was stored in elevated reservoirs to the west of it, supplying the pools and the boiler
through lead pipes. The piscina was drained by a sewer that
passed the latrines before heading west to join the drain of
the alvei.830
Construction technique: Opus testaceum, opus africanum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 170 m2
GPS coordinates: 30°57’47.74”N, 30°10’28.86”E
C94. Sersena (Egypt), Graeco-Roman Baths
Excavation history: In 1966, the Egyptian Antiquities
Organization discovered a bathhouse at Tell Sersena near
the modern city of el-Shohada.
Bibliography: Melek Wasif (1979); Fournet et al. (2017)
508–509.
Construction: (D) The excavators attributed the bath to
the ‘Graeco-Roman’ period without any further attempts
of dating, even if a large quantity of ceramics was found.831
On the basis of the plan, the baths have been tentatively
dated to Late Antiquity.832
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The interpretation of the plan as presented by the excavator needs revision.833 The bathhouse was built entirely
out of brick and seems to have been altered several times.
One probably entered from the north-east or south, accessing a courtyard. According to the excavators, this area
was intended for the personnel of the baths and the storage of bathing utensils, fuel, etc., as could be deduced from
830
831
832
833
Indicated on plan 1 in Khachab (1957).
Melek Wasif (1979) 177, 181.
Redon (2012a) 76; Fournet et al. (2017) 508.
For an alternative, yet very similar interpretation of the remains, see also Fournet et al. (2017) 508.
417
Gazetteer
C94
Sersena (Egypt), Graeco-Roman Baths (After Melek Wasif
(1979) pl. I)
the numerous small rooms built out of mud brick and the
large amount of sherds, including “amphorae for the wine
for the bathers.”834 A small latrine was also found in the
north-east corner. There are several reasons to doubt this
interpretation. First of all, the excavators seem to overlook
the fact that both the mud-brick walls and the sherds could
post-date the bath phase of the building. As there is no information on stratigraphy or interrelationship of walls, the
contemporaneity of these archaeological features is difficult to assess. Furthermore, the presence of the bath’s main
entrance and of a latrine rather indicates that this was the
cold section of the baths. Indeed, the plans of the Double
Baths of Abu Mena (C75–C76), Marea (C89) or Taposiris
Magna (see below, C95) reveal that the cold section was
often preceded by a courtyard with adjacent latrines.
The courtyard was followed by a cold room, labelled a
tepidarium by the excavators. The oblong hall (12.1 × 4.25 m)
was bordered on its north, east and south sides by rectangular rooms. These rooms, separated from the hall by a pair
of columns, were interpreted as apodyteria.835 It is more
likely that the alleged ‘tepidarium’ was in fact the frigidarium. The rectangular recess west of the hall is reminiscent
of similar arrangements in the frigidaria of the Baths of
Karanis (C85), Taposiris Magna (C95) and especially Teiba
(see below, C96). According to the excavator, it was heated
by a hypocaust. Two (unheated?) pools—the southern one
834
835
Melek Wasif (1979) 181.
Melek Wasif (1979) 179.
rectangular (2.15 × 1.87 m; 1.12 m deep), the northern one
square (s: 2.1 m; 1.2 m deep) but later reshaped to an octagon—could hence be interpreted as the single person
piscinae. The round basin (diam.: 1.05 m; 0.5 m deep) in the
floor of the recess was most likely a pediluvium, rather than
a bath for babies.836
The recess with opposite pools had two doorways that
gave into an oblong heated room, called the ‘laconicum’
by Melek Wasif. This room ended on its short sides with
semicircular basins (1.2 × 0.8 m), “used as hot air bath each,
(Greek function); and afterwards for the emission of hot
vapour comming (sic) through tubes from the boilers.”837
As both basins could be entered by a step, it seems that
these are the small hot-water pools associated with the
tepidarium. The rooms west of this oblong room were
destroyed and could not be examined. The excavators reconstructed the frigidarium on this location, but it is more
likely that these are the actual heated rooms. The vicinity of the water reservoir and sewer support this hypothesis. The two semicircular apses probably lodged the alvei,
while the square recess with semicircular interior north of
the northernmost room was probably a single-person pool.
The southernmost room, benefitting from afternoon sun
heat, was likely the caldarium.838
Decoration: The decorative schemes of these baths seem
quite modest. The floors of the oblong heated room of the
large hall were paved with limestone slabs. The small pools
and basins were coated with a layer of waterproof plaster.
Only the bottom of the pediluvium had limestone slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars of the oblong room were
made out of tiles and traces of tubuli have been found inside wall recesses. There were allegedly 5 furnaces for the
heated room, although it seems that these ‘arched apertures’ were actually the heat channels that connected the
hypocaust of the oblong room with the hypocaust of the
frigidarium recess and of the rooms west of the oblong
room.839 According to the excavation report, there were
836
837
838
839
As argued by Melek Wasif (1979) 179. For similar pediluvia in
the cold room, located before the entrance of the heated section, see Karanis (C85). See also the baths of Legio (Jordan)
and Bostra (Palace of Trajan; Piraud-Fournet (2014) 693–94) in
the Middle East.
Melek Wasif (1979) 178.
Note, however, that the single-person pool was often located
in the caldarium. If this were also the case for this bath, the
north-west room would be the caldarium (compare with the
north-oriented caldarium of Karm Kandara, C86). This is also
the reconstruction preferred by Fournet et al. (2017) 508.
The five openings in the walls of the oblong room in the plan
by Melek Wasif (1979) pl. I should hence be interpreted as hypocaust arches and not as doors. However, these arches were
often located underneath thresholds, because of their solid
structure, and could thus point out the location of doorways.
The two small openings in the south-west part of the west wall
are less likely to have supported thresholds if we imagine that
the south-west room of the complex was the caldarium and if
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Gazetteer
furnaces below each small basin of the oblong heated
room. Additional furnaces likely heated the three rooms
on the west side of the building.
The water for the pools was supplied by a large well
(diam.: 7 m) located north-west of the building. According
to Melek Wasif, it was operated by a shaduf, a hand-operated system that resembled a seesaw with a rope and a bucket on one end of the horizontal pole and a counterweight
on the other end. The water was then led into a reservoir
(3.3 × 2.2 m) just east of the well, and then distributed to
the different pools and boilers by a system of pipes. The
piscina and the pediluvium were drained by outlets that
gave into a central sewer running east underneath the
pavement of the large hall. It probably joined the large
sewer running just south of the bathhouse.840 At some
point, the sewer of the latrine must also have joined the
latter.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: At least 500 m2
GPS coordinates: 30°35’47”N, 30°54’02”E
C96. Taposiris Magna (Abusir on Lake Mareotis),
Byzantine Baths
Excavation history: In 2009, the remains of a Roman-style
bathhouse were identified at Taposiris Magna.841 Since
discovery, several excavation campaigns by the French
archaeological mission in Egypt have investigated these
baths.
Bibliography: Le Bomin (2015); Le Bomin et al. (2016);
Fournet et al. (2017) 511.
Construction: (A) A test pit along the walls of the baths established a chronology on the basis of the ceramic finds. It
seems the baths were built around the middle of the 5th c.842
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The last phase of
the baths could be dated to the middle of the 6th c.843 The
baths seem to have gone out of use during the second half
7th c., when layers of debris filled the building.844
Plan: The building is located 20 m west of the main road
leading to the old Osiris sanctuary, which was later transformed into a military camp. The maximum extent of the
baths, built out of bricks and local stone, is some 40 × 18
m, oriented along a north-east / south-west axis. At least
during its last phase, the bathhouse was divided into two
840
841
842
843
844
we assume that the bathing itinerary was reversed (a circular
itinerary would suppose a doorway connecting the caldarium
to the corridor-like tepidarium).
Melek Wasif (1979) 181.
The discovery of the site was announced on the Balnéorient
website (http://balneorient.hypotheses.org/383). The preliminary results were presented on the same website, see Le
Bomin (2015); Le Bomin et al. (2016).
Fournet et al. (2017) 511.
Fournet et al. (2017) 511.
Le Bomin et al. (2016) §3.
C95
Taposiris Magna (Abusir on Lake Mareotis, Egypt), Byzantine
Baths (After Le Bomin (2015) fig. 2)
separate sections, likely for male and female bathers.845
The baths were accessed through a courtyard with a portico
on its northern and southern side. At a later date, the latter
seems to have been divided into separate rooms. From this
communal courtyard, the bathing itinerary split up. To the
south, a doorway led into a cold room with benches, with
two single-person pools facing one another. A rectangular
transition room (tepidarium?) then led into a heated room
which had two small single-person pools. The entrance to
the northern wing of the baths was flanked by two basins
(acting as labra?). The cold room with a bench along its
northern and eastern wall had no pools. It gave access to
a first heated room, apparently also without a pool. To the
west of this room, a second heated room is still under investigation. It had at least one square single-person pool in
an apse on its southern end.
Decoration: The pools were lined with marble slabs. Some
fragments of the decoration have already been found, including some wall paintings depicting human figures. The
presences of round glass panes point to the existence of
oculi.
Technology: There is no information on the hypocaust. The
draught for the hot air seems to have been ensured by flues
lodged in recesses within the caldaria and tepidaria walls.
Along the western side of the bath rooms lay the service
corridors, as could be deduced from the thick layers of
ash encountered during excavation. The furnace itself was
of the ‘high flame type’ and heated the caldaria of both
wings.846 It was surmounted by two boilers. On a higher
level to the west of the praefurnium, a water reservoir
which could contain up to 8 m3 was found. The water was
probably supplied by a saqiyah, as numerous fragments of
saqiyah jars were recovered during excavation. The alvei
845
846
Le Bomin (2015) §4.
See already the Kom al-Dikka Baths in Alexandria.
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Gazetteer
and piscinae of the south wing were drained by the same
sewer, passing underneath the courtyard of the south wing
in south-west direction.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum, opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 720 m2
GPS coordinates: 30°56’36.42”N, 29°31’11.17”E
C96. Teiba (Egypt)
Excavation history: During a prospection campaign in 1988
in the area of el-Nahda, 35 km south of Alexandria, several
Roman and Early Islamic archaeological sites were discovered. One of these sites, located on a low tell near the modern village of Teiba (or Tiba), was excavated in 1990 by the
Department of Antiquities.
Bibliography: Choukri (2007); Fournet et al. (2017) 512–13.
Construction: (B) The bath was constructed in the 6th c.,
according to the ceramic finds in test pits.
Continued use abandonment: (B) During the 7th c. debris
with datable sherds filled the building.
Plan: The baths were entered from the north. A vestibule
(7.3 × 4.5 m) paved with limestone slabs probably served
as apodyterium. Benches built out of compacted mud
(including crushed shells and chalk) were located in the
south-east and south-west corners of the room. The walls
were built out of rubble concrete mixed with clay and covered with coloured plaster. Continuing south, the apodyterium opened up to a rectangular frigidarium (2.7 × 8.4 m)
flanked by two round pools. The east pool (diam.: 0.8 m;
1.35 m deep) was slightly larger than the west pool (diam.:
0.7 m; 1.4 m deep). Both were constructed in brick with
their interior covered with a layer of hydraulic mortar. A
small doorway to the south led the bathers into the first
heated room, probably the tepidarium.847 A doorway in its
south-west corner connected with the presumed sudatorium. From here, a large passage led to the southernmost
room, the caldarium. It was the only heated room to have
pools: two lateral round pools and one semicircular pool to
the south (no measurements available). The bathers could
then return to the frigidarium by a transitional room situated above an underground praefurnium.848 There is no
reason to assume that these baths were for private use only,
as no villa has been found in the immediate vicinity.849
847
848
849
Choukri (2007) 328.
The excavator does not consider the space above the praefurnium to have been a room and thus considers a reversed
route, see Choukri (2007) 328–30. As only the foundations of
the heated rooms have been preserved, there is no reason to
assume that there was no room or corridor above the praefurnium (see Pl.I,1 in Choukri (2007)). Similar rooms / corridors above the praefurnium have been found in the Byzantine
Baths in Marea (see above).
contra Choukri (2007) 325.
C96
Teiba (Egypt), (After Choukri (2007) 329, fig. 2)
Decoration: The floors of the cold rooms were paved with
rectangular limestone slabs. The floors of the heated
rooms, on the other hand, have not been found. The
walls were covered with a plain white plaster. Only in the
frigidarium could a trace of colouring be recognized.
Technology: The limited size of the heated rooms enabled
the builders to support the suspensura by a small number
of pilae. For the first heated room, only one large brick pillar
seems to have sufficed. It is not clear whether the recesses
in the walls lodged tubuli or if these were chimney flues.
The oblong room east of the heated rooms was filled with
ashes when discovered by the archaeologists. It probably
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served as a storage room for fuel and as a provisional dump
for ashes. The water for the pools may have been stored in a
reservoir located 5 m south- west of the baths.850 The waste
waters of the piscinae were drained by a T-shaped sewer
heading north underneath the vestibule. The pools of the
caldarium had outlets leading to the exterior of the building and collecting south of the caldarium.
Construction technique: Rubble concrete, opus testaceum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 216 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
Tell el-Kanais
Excavation history: A bathhouse in the surroundings of
Pelusium was excavated in 1992–1993 by the Egyptian
Department of Antiquities, but remains unpublished.
Bibliography: No publication available.
Construction and abandonment: The site, known as Kanaïs
IV, yielded the remains of brick-built rooms and water
channels. A preliminary study of the ceramics proposes a
lifespan between the 4th and 6th c.851
Plan: Unknown.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Unknown.
C97
Tell el-Rohban (Egypt), (After Ashmawy Ali (2009) 207,
fig. 5)
C97. Tell el-Ruhban
Excavation history: In 1993–1994, the Supreme Council of
Antiquities of Egypt carried out a small-scale excavation
around the mound of Tell el-Ruhban, in the eastern Nile
Delta. A bathhouse of around 450 m2 was discovered just
outside the modern village. The results were never published, but more than a decade later a brief description of
the site was given by A. Ashmawy Ali.
Bibliography: Ashmawy Ali (2009); Fournet et al. (2017) 516.
Construction: (D) A late antique date could be proposed on
the basis of the plan and the resemblance to the baths at
Sersena (see above, C94).852
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The walls, built entirely out of brick and covered with
lime mortar, were badly damaged, making interpretation
of the different rooms difficult. At least two semicircular
pools can be recognized. In a second phase of expansion,
more rooms seem to have been added on the northern and
southern ends of the building.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: There is no information on the heating system.
A well (diam.: 4 m) south-west of the building provided the
pools with water. Two sewage channels disposed of waste
water.
Construction technique: Opus testaceum
850
851
852
Choukri (2007) 330.
Carrez-Maratray and Tabaie (1993) 108 quoting the unpublished excavation report.
An opinion shared by Fournet et al. (2017) 516.
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (not exceeding 500 m2)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown.
Xois (Sakha)
Excavation history: The baths were discovered during
construction works in 1960 and partially unearthed. The
site has never been excavated.
Bibliography: el-Khachab (1978); Fournet et al. (2017) 523.
Construction: (D) Based on the photos in a book by
A. el-Khachab, Fournet proposes an Early Byzantine date
(plan, use of tegulae mammatae).853
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: No plan was ever published. According to el-Khachab,
at least one room had a hypocaust. Two other heated
rooms could have been the tepidarium and sudatorium.
There seem to have been pools in heated rooms and a natatio (sic)—more probably a piscina—in the cold section.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: The praefurnium was situated underground.
There were tegulae mammatae to heat the walls in the
sweat room.
Possible Late Antique Baths
Some sites have yielded bathhouses which have been preliminarily dated to Late Antiquity, but have never been
853
Fournet et al. (2017) 523.
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excavated or are in the course of investigation. In Alexandria,
excavations on the cricket playground uncovered a late antique
building.854 The use of bricks and the presence of sewage channels were seen as possible traces of a bathhouse.
However, no other evidence for a bath building—such as
pools or a hypocaust—is mentioned in the excavation report.
20 km to the east of Marea, the village of Merghib yielded a
bathhouse that probably belonged to the Byzantine period.855
Still in the Nile Delta, the remains of a possible bathhouse
were identified at al-Barnugi.856 The type of bricks and the
presence of small pools could point to a late antique date. The
surface finds collected during the survey do not exclude a late
date, as material from the 1st to 8th c. AD was found.857 On
the south-eastern fringes of the Delta, the site of Tell Ishnik
was briefly surveyed in the 1960s. The unpublished sketches
that were made show a room with two opposing semicircular
basins.858 The remains of this possible bathhouse could date
from the Roman or late antique period.859
At the site of Kellis (Ismant el-Kharab), magnetometry in
combination with survey have brought to light a Roman or
late antique bathhouse. The surface finds from the site date
from the 1st–2nd c. and the 4th–5th c.860 The Baths of Kom
Kobbeiz in the Delta are tentatively dated to Late Antiquity.861
Surface pottery found during a visit to the site by B. Redon
points to a 5th or 6th c. date.862
In the port city of Clysma, a presumed Islamic-style sweat
room was identified on the city tell. The large cistern was
thought to double as a hammam, but the evidence presented by the excavator is unconvincing.863 Similarly, the room
with hypocaust and the several ‘basins’ and ‘boilers’ found
on the tell interpreted as a large public bathhouse could easily be part of a private residence with some small-scale production units.864 The option of a private bath has also been
proposed.865
The site of Kom al-Baroud lies 5 km south-west of Dilingat,
between two ancient canals. During a survey in 2009, the
remains of a building constructed entirely in bricks were
discovered.866 The surface finds of the area had a wide chronological range dating between the 1st and 8th c. AD.867 Near the
854
855
856
857
858
859
860
861
862
863
864
865
866
867
Shenouda (1973) 193.
Redon (2012a) 76.
Kenawi (2014) 155–56, fig. 284.
Kenawi (2014) 155.
Ashmawy Ali (2017) 85.
Fournet et al. (2017) 514.
Fournet et al. (2017) 480. The discovery was published on the
website of Monash University, http://artsonline.monash.edu
.au/ancient-kellis/bath-house/.
Redon (2012a) 75.
Fournet et al. (2017) 484.
Bruyère (1966) 71.
Contra Bruyère (1966) 75.
Fournet et al. (2017) 470.
Kenawi (2014) 137–38, figs. 241 and 242.
Kenawi (2014) 137.
Roman fortress of Nicopolis (Ramleh), two small late antique
baths may have stood outside the north-west and south-west
corner of the walls.868 The remains have not been preserved.
Other Private Baths with a Possible Public Use
Abu Mena / Karm el-Barasi, Private Baths
Excavation history: In the vicinity of the pilgrimage city of
Abu Mena (at Karm el-Barasi), a small bathhouse was discovered in the 1980s by the Egyptian Antiquities Organization.
A preliminary study of the architecture is the only publication
available.
Bibliography: Negm and Kosciúk (1990); Fournet and Redon
(2017b) 443.
Construction: (B) The pottery seems to indicate an early
4th c. date, although the context of these finds is not
communicated.869 The plan, however, points to a Ptolemaic
date.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths fit within a rectangle of 10 × 11 m. They were
built out of sun-dried mud bricks resting on a base of local
limestone blocks. The parts of the construction that came
into direct contact with water were made out of brick and
lime mortar. Several layers of plaster, the outer one made
of fine gypsum, coated the walls. The floors and the pools
were coated with opus signinum.
Upon entering the baths, one found himself in an almost square room that must have functioned as an apodyterium. A first door to the north led into a latrine, while a
second gave into a corridor that continued to the bathing
parts. The first of these, circular in plan, had a single-person ‘sitz-bath’ in a recess. The second room had a large bath
tub in its southern wall (ca. 1.5 × 0.7 m).
The small size of these baths, especially of the pools,
incited the excavators to interpret this structure as private
baths. “In the vicinity, the villa to which the bath building
belongs must somewhere exist;”870 however, the bath was
clearly not integrated into a house and no traces of nearby
occupation have been found. The use of a single-person
bath tub is not restricted to private baths (see above in
Karanis, C85). The size of the latrine could also point to a
public use. The influence of the traditional Greek baths is
undeniable: the round ‘tholos’ with a Greek-style sitz-bath.
The absence of a Roman-style heating system is surprising. The late antique construction date should probably
868
869
870
Fournet et al. (2017) 501–502 with anterior bibliography.
Negm and Kosciúk (1990) 445. See the reservations by
Rodziewicz (2009) 196, n. 21. The scholar proposes a 1st c. BC
or 1st c. AD date, based on the type of plan and personal observations of the pottery during a visit to the excavations. Fournet
and Redon (2017b) 443 also consider these baths to belong to
the Late Ptolemaic period.
Negm and Kosciúk (1990) 445.
422
Gazetteer
be reconsidered. The resemblance to the baths of Asafrah,
tentatively dated to the 2nd c. BC, further supports a
Hellenistic or Early Roman date.871 However, we should
note that a similar plan was found in the bathhouse of the
monastery at Bawit (see below).
Decoration: The decoration consisted of sober stuccomouldings.
Technology: There was no trace of a hypocaust system or
any form of wall heating. To the west of the bathing rooms,
two service rooms, in no way connected to the baths, had
a separate entrance. A furnace was dug into the bedrock
and was mounted by a metal boiler, the imprint of which
was still visible at the moment of excavation. A water reservoir was constructed at the end of the corridor and connected to an oval reservoir in the round room by means of
an overflow-outlet. A separate reservoir embedded in the
south-east wall of the round room supplied the sitz-bath.
There was no sewer in the baths. The outlet of the tub gave
directly onto the floor of the room and was probably led to
the latrine.
a single-aisle chapel (to the north of the baths). The bath consisted of a dressing room, a round room with three niches for
bath tubs and a third room, possibly a caldarium. The link between this bathhouse and the Apollo monastery is unknown.
The use of a khurus partition wall to hide the liturgical actions
going on in the sanctuary dates this complex to the second
half of the 7th c.876 It is clear that these simple bath rooms,
which cannot be connected with any certainty to the actual
monks, have little to do with contemporary public bathhouses
found elsewhere in Egypt.
About 1 km east of the theatre of Pelusium (Tell el-Farama),
a monastery of the martyr Epimachus was built on a small
mound (Tell el-Makhzan). The oldest church of the complex
is dated to the first half of the 4th c., while the large basilica
dates from the 6th. The site was occupied until at least the 8th
or even 9th c.877 A small bathhouse, comprising a cold room
with mosaic floor, a tepid room and a hot room, has been
identified.878
Fortress Baths
Ecclesiastical Baths
A special category of baths found in Egypt concerns bathhouses that were built near monasteries or pilgrimage centres. As
we have seen in the literary attestations (see chapter 2, e.g.
Cassiodorus), bathing with women or ‘bathing for pleasure’
was prohibited for monks. Only the therapeutic or medical
use of baths was allowed. However, bathhouses were found
in and around pilgrimage centres, for the pilgrims and possibly the inhabitants of the surrounding villages, e.g. Abu Mena
or Tell el-Makhzan.872 The evidence for monks visiting public baths is limited.873 Only in cases of disease may permission have been granted by the monastery. The archaeological
evidence does not reveal classic Roman-style bath buildings
inside monasteries.
In the monastery of Apu Shenute near modern Suhag,
what appears to be a small sitz-bath was discovered in the socalled ‘building with cruciform pillars’.874 It was located in an
almost square room on the eastern side of the building. The
tub itself seems to have been a reused industrial vat.875 It is
unknown who used this small bathroom. The site was inhabited in the 5th and 6th c.
A small bathhouse was also found on the monastery site of
Bawit (fig. 130). It strongly resembled the ‘private baths’ of Abu
Mena (see above), but was part of a larger structure, including
871
872
873
874
875
Riad (1975) 117.
Gatier (2009) 280.
Mossakowska-Gaubert (2009) 297–301.
Grossman (2009) 291–92.
Grossmann et al. (2009) 182.
Abu Sha’ar
Excavation history: The fortress of Abu Sha’ar (fig. 131), situated on the Red Sea coast about 25 km north of modern
Hurghada, was partially investigated by the University of
Delaware in the 1990s. A bathhouse built just outside the
north wall of the fortress was partially excavated in 1993.
Bibliography: Sidebotham (1993); Fournet et al. (2017) 458.
Construction: (B) The fortress was constructed between AD
309 and 311. A monumental inscription commemorated
its inauguration.879 The baths were probably built slightly
later than the fortress. Test pits revealed that the site was
uninhabited before the camp was built, giving a terminus
post quem for the bathhouse.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The army probably
withdrew at the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th
c. according to the study of the debris layers inside the
camp. A layer containing pottery and coins of the late 4th
or early 5th c. was found obstructing the furnace. It seems
that at least the caldarium fell out of use at this time. And
yet, evidence for a late occupation of the site has been discovered. Blocked doors, gullies cut in the floor and several
hearths point to late housing.880 One of the aims of the excavations was to determine if the baths had been reused
in an ecclesiastical context, serving as a baptistery for the
876
877
878
879
880
Grossmann (2009) 292.
Bonnet et al. (2004) 49.
Bonnet et al. (2004) 54.
Sidebotham (1993) 272.
Sidebotham (1993) 271.
423
Gazetteer
figure 130 Plan of the chapel (left) and baths (right) in the monastery of Bawit (Egypt)
after Grossmann (2009) 295, fig. 3
church inside the fort. Unfortunately, no definite conclusions could be made.
Plan: (fig. 132) Only part of the baths, probably the caldarium, was excavated. Two pools were identified on the north
and north-east side. The walls were constructed with cobbled stones on the outside and fired bricks on the inside.
Decoration: Some fragments of window panes were found
in the destruction layer. The walls were coated with a layer
of plaster.
Technology: A hypocaust floor was constructed with white
gypsum tiles resting on parallel brick-built walls. Several
rectangular tubuli were found lining the walls. The room
was heated by a single furnace piercing the east wall. No
aqueducts to the baths have been discovered; however, a
water installation was found 1 km west of the fortress.
Nag el-Hagar
Excavation history: The Roman fortress of Nag el-Hagar
(fig. 133), located 30 km north of modern Aswan, was excavated by the Egyptian Antiquities Organization in the late
1980s.
Bibliography: Wareth and Zignani (1992); Fournet et al.
(2017) 499.
Construction: (D) The layout of the fortress, as well as the
architecture and archaeological finds, especially a coin
treasure found in one of the towers, point to an occupation
during the 4th c. Within the walls, a bathhouse was found
adjacent to the supposed palatium. Its construction date is
linked to the construction of the fortress.881
881
Wareth and Zignani (1992) 206.
Continued use and abandonment: Large parts of the baths
have been destroyed due to the spoliation of the building
materials. Most of the walls of the heated section seem to
have been dismantled to salvage the fired bricks.
Plan: (fig. 134) The baths probably had an independent entrance from the Via praetoria or Via principalis.882 An oblong room with an apsidal ending is supposed to be the
frigidarium. A suite of three rooms ended with at least one
warm room, heated by a single furnace. The other rooms,
which probably reached as far as the Via principalis, are too
damaged to identify. One massive granite bath tub with
festoon decoration was found in the north-east corner of
the building. A similar bath tub with carved handles was
found outside the walls.883 The military fortress was not
an isolated stronghold in an otherwise deserted landscape.
Traces of a village were found to the north, while a church
and a small harbour were found just outside the walls.
South-west of the baths, in an intra-mural area that seems
to have been used as a production site, a church with an
adjacent baptistery was built. The architecture and decoration resemble the church in the Temple of Luxor, dated to
the 5th or 6th c.884 The large ceramic refuse dump found
outside the walls also reveals that the fortress served as a
regional production centre. It is possible that the baths
were accessible for the inhabitants of the surrounding village. Whether or not the baths still functioned when the
church was built is unknown.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: No traces of the hypocaust or of wall heating
have been found due to the spoliation of building material
after the abandonment of the baths. A sewer ran under the
oblong room towards the south, probably collecting the
waste water of the pools. The water supply must have been
regulated by the castellum aquae south of the baths, which
connected to a well with saqiyah in the south-western corner of the fortress.
Pelusium (Tell el-Farama)
Excavation history: In the 1980s, the Egyptian Antiquities
Organisation started the excavations at the site of ancient
Pelusium, an important port city at the eastern fringe of
the Nile Delta, where Pompey was murdered. On the site,
which was heavily damaged by the Israeli army, a small
bathhouse was discovered, lying 90 m north of a late antique fortress. Since the initial Egyptian excavations, a
Polish team has uncovered several other buildings in
the urban fabric, including a theatre and two churches.
The city remained an important town until at least the
11th c.885
882
883
884
885
Wareth and Zignani (1992) 200.
Wareth and Zignani (1992) 200, n. 56.
Wareth and Zignani (1992) 202.
Jansen-Winkeln (2006b) §1.
424
figure 131
Gazetteer
Plan of the late antique fortress of Abu Sha’ar (Egypt) with a bathhouse outside its walls (5)
in Sidebotham (1994) general plan; with permission
Gazetteer
425
figure 132
Plan of the Fortress Baths of Abu Sha’ar (Egypt)
after Sidebotham (1994) fig. 20
figure 133
Plan of the late antique fortress at
Nag el-Hagar (Egypt)
in Wareth and Zignani (1992)
189, fig. 1; with permission
426
Gazetteer
figure 134
Plan of the Fortress Baths of Nag
el-Hagar (Egypt)
after Wareth and Zignani (1992)
pl. 22
Bibliography: Abd el-Maqsoud (1984–1985); Fournet et al.
(2017) 503.
Construction: (D) The bronze coins, glass and ceramics that
were found during the excavations have never been studied to propose a chronology. If we assume that the baths
were built at the same time as the fortress, a late 3rd or
early 4th c. date could be proposed.
Continued use and abandonment: The site was used as a
burial ground at an unknown date. No less than 140 skeletons buried “in threads of stuff looking like jute,”886 heavily disturbed the site.
Plan: The bathhouse has been briefly described as a brickbuilt building comprising 4 rooms and a reservoir. The
most important room was a large hall.
Decoration: The large hall had a polychrome mosaic
floor, in which a Greek inscription read ‘Good luck to the
builder’.887
Technology: A brick water channel ran under the tiled
floors of the rooms. The reservoir was square (s: 9.5 m) and
was divided into two parts, one of which was heated by a
furnace.
886
887
Abd el-Maqsoud (1984–1985) 5.
Abd el-Maqsoud (1984–1985) 5 and pl. IIa.
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period
Baths during Late Antiquity
The archaeological evidence for public bathhouses of the
High Empire is surprisingly limited in Egypt.888 Furthermore,
the majority of the remains are poorly known, as excavation in
the past tended to focus on necropoleis and temple complexes.
The baths in important cities such as Boubastis (Tell Basta),
Xois (Sakha) or Diospolis Magna (ancient Thebes, modern
Luxor) have been discovered, but were never properly investigated. Therefore, it is difficult to pinpoint their construction
date and even harder to reconstruct their lifespan.
Bitylion? (Sheikh Zawyet)
A small bathhouse near the seashore was discovered and
excavated in 1913. The unpublished excavation reports have
recently been examined by the Balnéorient project. The artefacts recovered during the excavations allegedly belonged to
the second half of the 4th c., but the plan of the baths shows
similarities with 2nd to 3rd c. examples.889 The artefacts from
the excavations may point to the last phase of use. The different phases of remodelling are difficult to date, but it seems
888
889
See Redon (2012a) 75–76, table 2. More recently Redon (2017b).
Fournet et al. (2017) 510.
427
Gazetteer
that in the last phase of the baths, the caldarium had a protruding round alveus much like those found in the baths of
Gherra (C84) or Clysma (C82).
Pelusium (Tell el-Farama)
A second bathhouse in Pelusium may have been erected in
the 2nd c., if an inscription mentioning a ΓΥΜΝΑΣΙΑΡΧΟΣ
(gymnasiarchos) can be related to a bathhouse.890 It seems
that these baths were still in use in the Byzantine and even
Islamic period. The latest phase of use is preliminarily placed
in the Abbasid period (8th c. and later), but more research
is needed to identify the exact layout of the building and its
chronology.891
Thebes (Karnak), Imperial Baths (or Baths north of the first
pylon)
This bathhouse was recently excavated by the Supreme
Council of Antiquities (2012–2014).892 The baths were in use
between the 2nd and 4th c. and were altered many times
during its lifespan. At least 6 construction phases have been
identified, pointing to the popularity of this building during
the Roman period.893 During the fourth and fifth phase, dated
to the late 3rd or early 4th c., the layout underwent important changes: after an addition of two horseshoe-shaped alvei
890
891
892
893
Tabaie and Carrez-Maratray (2009) 224. Contrary to the interpretation of Tabaie and Carrez-Maratray, we can assume that
gymnasium in a 2nd- c. context would rather refer to a bathhouse than to a Greek-style gymnasium, see also Meyer (1997)
691.
Tabaie and Carrez-Maratray (2009) 223.
Boraik and el-Masekh (2012); Boraik (2013); Masekh et al.
(2017).
Masekh et al. (2017) 221, 231–41.
and an apse with a labrum in the heated rooms, a number of
single-person pools were added to the warm section, without
sacrificing the existing larger alvei.894 The hypocaust systems
were also restored and the boilers were refurbished. The double ring type was transformed into a double row type (with
reversing itinerary).
Trimithis (Amheida)
The bathhouse at Trimithis has a complex building history.
The excavations, started in 2007, are ongoing. The bath was
first built in the 1st or 2nd c., but fell out of use at the end of
the 3rd and was used as a dump. Shortly after AD 360, the baths
were again in use, with two phases of restoration that can be
identified. By the end of the 4th c., however, the baths were
abandoned again, possibly during a phase of restoration.895 It
seems that the entire city was abandoned at this point. During
the 4th c. phase, the heated rooms were equipped with a small
single-person pool (southern room, the original sudatorium)
and a round pool (northern room, caldarium). The most important addition during this phase was the mudbrick central
hall. It acted as a multipurpose cold room and is reminiscent
of other late antique baths such as those in Marea and Abu
Mena. The imprints of wooden beams, planks and panels
(some apparently decorated with iron studs), were found
here.896 The presence of a cold section made of mudbrick and
wood is not exceptional, as it was also found in the baths of
Karanis (C85) and Sersena (C94).
894
895
896
Masekh et al. (2017) 236–40.
Davoli (2017) 194–95.
Davoli (2017) 195.
Baths in Palestina
New Construction
Ashkelon (Israel), Baths on the City Tell
Excavation history: From 1985 onwards, the tell of Ashkelon
was excavated by the Oriental Institute of Chicago and
the Semitic Museum of Harvard University. Part of a small
bathhouse was discovered.
Bibliography: Stager and Esse (1986); Hoss (2005) 125–26.
Construction: (C) Construction techniques point to the
4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (C) An opus sectile floor
was dated to the 5th or 6th c.897
Plan: The remains of a large exedra (diam.: 8 m), a hypocaust floor and a cold-water pool were found near the slope
of the tell. To the west, a nearly square pool (2.8 × 2.5 m;
1.8 m deep) was coated with plaster and had three steps to
facilitate descent.
Decoration: On the western exterior side of the pool, a text
was painted reading ‘ἐισελτήρ ἀπολαύσον και […’ (‘Enter,
enjoy and …’). An opus sectile floor was also found.
Technology: There is no information on the type of hypocaust or wall heating.
C98. Beth Yerah (Israel)
Excavation history: The baths in Beth Yerah were excavated
by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in collaboration
with the Israel Department of Antiquities between 1944
and 1946.
Bibliography: Maisler et al. (1952); Hoss (2005) 132.
Construction: (B) The bath was built on top of a Roman
fortress which fell out of use in the late 3rd c. Excavations
yielded late antique pottery and a fragmentary Greek inscription dated to the 6th c.898
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The debris layer
in the baths contained material dating to the late 6th or
early 7th c. The shell of the building was reused during the
Islamic period.
Plan: The bathers entered an almost square hall (11 ×
10.5 m) by entrances to the west (1.5 m wide) and to the
south-west (1.1 m wide). In the centre of this hall, there
was a round pool (diam.: 2 m; 0.75 m deep) surrounded by
pillars forming a square and probably supporting a dome.
Along the western side of the pool, a low partition wall
probably protected the bathers from the draught entering
the doorway and from the glances of the curious passer-by.899
Along the west and south-east wall, there was a bench.
897
898
899
Stager and Esse (1986) 6.
Maisler et al. (1952) 222–23.
Maisler et al. (1952) 220.
C98
Beth Yerah (Israel), (After Maisler et al. (1952) 219, fig. 1)
The hall thus functioned as both frigidarium and apodyterium. In the south-east wall, two apsidal pools enabled the
bathers to perform personal ablutions. The articulation of
the heated rooms is unclear. The small rectangular room
with lateral recesses was probably the original caldarium,
as it was located near the only furnace. The recesses may
have contained small alvei. The oblong south room, with
an east-west orientation, may have been divided into two
rooms, judging from the reinforced piers at hypocaust level
in the centre of the room. A separate furnace, blocked up in
a later phase, used to heat this room from the south-west.
In the south-west corner, a brick platform may have supported a pool. The original entrance to the heated sector
could not be identified. It may have been located in the
south-west corner and was then blocked up by one of the
apsidal pools of the hall.
Decoration: The hall was paved with marble slabs, while the
dome above the round pool was embellished with glass and
gilt tesserae. The round pool itself was also adorned with
marble slabs. The floors of the heated rooms were paved
with marble, but there is no evidence for wall decoration.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made out of stone
monoliths or square ceramic tiles and were coated with a
waterproof mortar. Square recesses in the walls point to
the location of the chimneys. The round ceramic chimney
pipes were still in situ when discovered. The walls were
heated by tubuli. The water supply was ensured by a terracotta conduit coming from the south-west and splitting
429
Gazetteer
up to feed the round pool and apsidal tubs. It was supplied
by a branch of the aqueduct heading towards Tiberias.900 A
sewer ran from the round pool underneath the south wall
of the hall and along the west side of the oblong heated
room towards an unknown destination.
Construction
technique: Opus
quadratum,
opus
caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 320 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C99. Caesarea Maritima (Har Qesari, Israel), Area 1
Baths
Excavation history: The Phoenician portal town of Stratonos
Pyrgos was transformed by Herod the Great into an important Roman city in Judaea. The city, now known as Caesarea
Maritima, became the seat of the Roman procurator from
AD 6 onwards. During the early 1990s, a large public bathhouse was discovered by the Israel Antiquities Authority in
the southern part of an insula.
Bibliography: Porath et al. (1998); Hoss (2005) 134–35;
Piraud-Fournet (2014).
Construction: (D) Its construction was dated to the
4th c.901 According to some scholars, the baths were part of
a large private residence dating to the 6th c.902
Continued use and abandonment: (D) The baths seem to
have fallen out of use shortly before the Arab conquest.903
Plan: The internal organisation of the baths within the
insula is not quite clear. From the cardo east of the insula,
a door led into a succession of three vestibules that may
already have been part of the bathhouse. A T-shaped hall
with an apsidal ending to the south may have served as
an apodyterium. A narrow passage to the west led into
the frigidarium. It had at least one small semicircular
piscina and benches along its north and west walls. To the
south, there was a small latrine that was flushed with the
waste waters of the pools.904 The heated rooms, at least
5 of which had a hypocaust, were located to the west of
the cold room. To the north of the bathing rooms, a large
paved courtyard (11.5 × 13 m) surrounded by columns has
sometimes been interpreted as a palaestra.905 Its western
end lay at a higher level, creating a sort of terrace overlooking the courtyard. Alternatively, scholars considered this to
be the courtyard of a sumptuous residence.906 This would
fit with the dichotomy between the northern (residential)
and southern (bathing) part of the insula.
Decoration: A mosaic with the depiction of a woman had a
Greek inscription reading ‘beautiful woman’. The different
parts of the baths were decorated with plain white mosaics
and white marble slabs. Fragments of painted wall plaster
and wall mosaics were also found during the excavations.
Technology: The heated section was divided into different
sections, perhaps with different rooms for the male and
C99
Caesarea Maritima (Sdot Yam, Israel), Area 1
Baths (After Porath et al. (1998) fig. 4)
900
901
902
903
Hestrin (1993) 259.
Porath et al. (1998) 42–43 without further specifications.
Patrich (1999) 106; Piraud-Fournet (2014) 695.
Porath et al. (1998) 42–43 without further specifications.
904
905
906
Indicated on Porath et al. (1998) 42, fig. 4.
Porath et al. (1998) 43.
Piraud-Fournet (2014) 708, fig. 16.
Gazetteer
430
female bathers. The water supply channels were found
in situ, coming from the branch of an aqueduct running
underneath the cardo.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 1,000 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°29’56.48”N, 34°53’28.34”E
C100. Caesarea Maritima (Har Qesari Israel), Villa
Suburbana Baths
Excavation history: About 1 km north of Caesarea’s city wall,
the remains of a small bathhouse were found in 1964 by
an Italian archaeological mission. The building was re-examined between 1976 and 1978 by the Joint Expedition to
Caesarea.
Bibliography: Amore et al. (1966) 294–304; Holum et al.
(1988); Horton (1996); Hoss (2005) 135.
Construction: (A) The re-examination of the building in the
1970s produced stratigraphic evidence pointing to a construction phase around AD 550.907
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The debris layer
that was linked to the destruction of the baths gives a
terminus ante quem of AD 640 for the abandonment of the
building.908
Plan: The small size of the building led archaeologists to
believe that these were the baths of an undiscovered suburban villa.909 However, there is no reason to discard the
possibility of a small privately owned public bath.910 The
bathers probably accessed the building from the south,
passing a paved courtyard into the frigidarium. A small
basin in the south-east corner may have served as a
pediluvium.911 The large round pool in the centre had a
bench running along its sides. Ceramic pots lodged in
the sides of this pool and the presence of fish bones in
the drains suggest that the pool was (also) used as a fish
pond.912 West of the frigidarium lay the presumed apodyterium, with a bench against its eastern wall. To the north of
the cold room, a square heat lock had a small water basin,
interpreted as a labrum. East of this room was another
room with a bench, perhaps an unctorium.913 Continuing
north, the bathers entered a first heated room, before entering the caldarium to the west. The latter had two apsidal
single-person alvei.
Decoration: The bathhouse was luxuriously decorated,
with opus sectile floors in the apodyterium, the room east
of the frigidarium, the heat lock and the presumed unctorium. In the first heated room, fragments of painted wall
plaster were found. Fragment depicted a ‘tree of life’ and
907
908
909
910
911
912
913
Holum et al. (1988) 182; Horton (1996) 184–87.
Holum et al. (1988) 182; Horton (1996) 184–87.
Holum et al. (1988) 182.
Horton (1996) 188–89.
Horton (1996) 179.
Holum et al. (1988) 182; Horton (1996) 177, esp. n. 6.
Horton (1996) 179.
C100 Caesarea Maritima (Sdot Yam, Israel), Villa Suburbana Baths
(After Horton (1996) 178, fig. 1)
a jewelled cross.914 Most of the marble slabs seem to have
been broken out during the Early Islamic period.
Technology: The hypocaust consisted of standard square
pillars made out of terracotta tiles. There was only one
furnace, west of the caldarium. The draught for the hot air
was ensured by flues, lodged in recesses in the caldarium
walls.915 This probably meant that the second room, in
which tubuli were found, was only mildly heated. The water
for the baths was supplied by an aqueduct running 300 m
east of the baths. The water was stored in a large reservoir
to the north-east of the baths and distributed to the different pools by terracotta conduits underneath the floors.
The small basin in the heat lock had its own reservoir. The
drains of the round pool and of the southern alveus flushed
a latrine, located just north of the apodyterium.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 525 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°30’44.35”N, 34°53’56.22”E
C101. Dharih ( Jordan), Late Baths
Excavation history: The Late Baths at Dharih were discovered and excavated in 2004 by the French-Jordanian
archaeological mission.
Bibliography: Sartori (2015).
Construction: (D) The baths seem contemporary with the
5th or 6th c. occupation of the site.
Continued use and abandonment: (A) Samples of charcoal
found in the furnace of the baths were radiocarbon dated
914
915
Horton (1996) 179.
Furnaces and flues are indicated on the plan provided by
Horton (1996) 180, fig. 1.
431
Gazetteer
second heated room (caldarium). A similar low bench
with a hollow in the north-east corner ran along the walls.
Against the south wall stood two rectangular single-person
pools (west: 1.25 × 0.8 × 0.57 m and east: 1.1 × 0.8 × 0.57 m).
Decoration: The floors of the rooms were paved with flagstones of local limestone. The cold section reused the floor
level of the sanctuary. No evidence for wall decoration
has come to light. Several architectural elements (column
drums) of the Roman sanctuary were reused as building
material in the walls of the baths.
Technology: A single furnace heated the caldarium and tepidarium. The hypocaust consisted of three arched tunnels,
made of tiles and supporting opus caementicium, running
north-south underneath both rooms. Tubuli, circular and
oval, were only found against the east, south and west sides
of the baths. Three chimney flues in the caldarium and two
more in the tepidarium ensured a draught of hot gasses in
the hypocaust. The fact that the furnace lay directly underneath the west alveus probably meant that the water in this
pool was warmer. The alvei were drained by two orifices
giving directly onto the caldarium floor. A hole in the west
wall of the tepidarium probably channelled waste water out
of the building. In the south wall of the caldarium, a small
basin acted as a distribution point for supplying water to
the two pools. The actual pipes have not been found. The
basin in the cold section was probably filled manually.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum (spolia)
Bathhouse surface: ca. 40 m2
GPS coordinates: 30°54’26”N, 35°42’10”E
C101 Dharih (Jordan), Byzantine Baths (After Sartori (2015)
126, fig. 2)
to between AD 540 and AD 640, the last time the furnace
was lit.
Plan: The site of Dharih was a regional sanctuary during the
High Empire. After the earthquake of AD 363, the site fell
into decline, only to be restored during the 5th or 6th c.,
when a Christian community transformed the temple into
a church. Late antique occupation of the site was limited
to the fortified sanctuary. In the south-east corner of the
sanctuary, the small bathhouse (ca. 40 m2) was discovered. The building was constructed out of local limestone
blocks and consisted only of three spaces. The first seems
to have been unroofed. It only had a small basin, hewn out
in a column base, lodged in a recess in the south-west wall.
By a small doorway, one entered into the first heated room
(tepidarium). This room was heated indirectly by the furnace of the second room. A low and narrow bench made
out of limestone blocks ran along the walls. In the southeast and north-west corners of this bench, a shallow circular hollow may have been used to hold jugs for dousing.916
A narrow doorway, which could be closed off, led into the
916
Sartori (2015) 128.
Diocaesarea / Sepphoris (Israel), Western Bathhouse
Excavation history: The settlement of Sepphoris was located
on a hill and boasted an orthogonal street grid and a 2nd-c.
colonnaded street. In the 5th c., there were few fundamental changes to the urban fabric. A church with a baptistery
and a new bathhouse were constructed in the western part
of town.917 The site was excavated between 1985 and 1990
by Duke University.
Bibliography: Weiss and Netzer (1995); Hoss (2005) 172.
Construction: (D) The baths were dated to the end of the
3rd or the early 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (D) The baths may have
been in use until the Early Islamic period.918
Plan: The Western Baths were probably accessible from a
cardo running south of the insula. Two rooms were heated
by a hypocaust: one octagonal to the north-west and one
rectangular to the south-west. The octagonal room was
later equipped with a semicircular pool, divided into two
equally large quadrants by a small partition wall. The layout of the cold section is unclear: “Groups of pools of unclear function were uncovered next to the hot rooms, as
917
918
Weiss and Netzer (1995) 41–42.
Weiss and Netzer (1995) 43 without any further evidence.
432
Gazetteer
well as additional rooms, some of them paved with partially preserved mosaics in geometric designs.”919 Structures
with plastered pools, some of which interconnected, were
also found south of the heated rooms.
Decoration: The octagonal room was paved with plain
white mosaics.
Technology: Water supply pipes, frequently restored, were
found south of the two heated rooms.
El Burj (Israel)
Excavation history: The construction of a highway from
Shomeriyya to Moshav Sheqef in 2006 enabled a salvage
excavation to discover the remains of a Roman-style
bathhouse.
Bibliography: Peretz and Nahshoni (2009).
Construction: (D) The bath was dated to the late antique
period.920 Late antique industrial facilities and reservoirs
were also found, pointing to a small settlement making use
of the baths.
Continued use and abandonment: (D) The baths fell out of
use at the end of the Byzantine period.921
Plan: Two rooms on a hypocaust and a pool were identified.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Fragments of hypocaust pillars, terracotta
pipes and hydraulic mortar were found throughout the
site. Water was supplied by a saqiyah found in the vicinity
of the pool.
Elusa (Israel)
Excavation history: During a survey campaign in the Negev
desert, 20 km south-west of Be’er Sheva, the remains of a
bathhouse were discovered.
Bibliography: Negev (1993); Hoss (2005) 138.
Construction: (D) Surface finds suggest that the baths were
in use during the Byzantine period.922
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Unknown.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: The water was supplied by the nearby wadi, filling a reservoir connected to the baths by means of lead and
terracotta pipes.
C102. Gadara (Umm-Qeis, Jordan), Byzantine Baths
Excavation history: The baths were excavated between 1978
and 1983 by a Danish-German team on a steep slope of the
acropolis of the city, near the theatre.923
919
920
921
922
923
Weiss and Netzer (1995) 43.
Peretz and Nahshoni (2009) §3 without further evidence.
Peretz and Nahshoni (2009) §3 without further evidence.
Negev (1993) 380.
Holm-Nielsen (1993) 1–10.
C102 Gadara (Umm Qais, Jordan), City Centre Baths (After Nielsen
et al. (1993) Plan II and III)
Bibliography: Holm-Nielsen et al. (1986); Nielsen et al.
(1993); Hoss (2005) 141–42.
Construction: (A) The construction phase was placed in the
early 4th c., judging from the pottery recovered from the
stratigraphy.924
Continued use and abandonment: (B) After an earthquake,
probably in AD 447, the baths were restored with spolia.
They may have been used until the Early Islamic period,
but were later transformed into a house with a mirhab and
a stable. Another earthquake in AD 746 probably ended all
occupation of the site.925
Plan: The bathhouse covered an entire insula and was partially built on an artificial terrace. Due to the later reuse of
the building, the original entrances are difficult to identify.
These should probably be reconstructed in the north-east
or north-west sides.926 The bathers started their route in
the cold section, where the oblong frigidarium may have
been preceded by an apodyterium. Two small semicircular
piscinae, reduced in size at a later date, were identified in
the south wall. A first rectangular heated room was flanked
on its west side by two smaller rooms, both with their own
924
925
926
Nielsen (1993d) 132.
Holm-Nielsen et al. (1986) 229; Nielsen (1993d) 145.
Holm-Nielsen et al. (1986) 220.
Gazetteer
furnaces. The southernmost had a small semicircular basin
and could be interpreted as a sudatorium.927 Returning to
the central north-south axis, the next rectangular room
(14.5 × 9 m) had a rectangular alveus on its east end. On
the west side, a square room with its own furnace may also
have been a sudatorium.928 The almost square room (9.5 ×
10.4 m) at the end of the bathing itinerary must be interpreted as the caldarium. Its south half was taken in by a
large semicircular alveus. A doorway in its west side connected to a heated room with two rectangular alvei. The
service corridors lay along the east and west sides of the
main bathing rooms.
In the second phase of the baths, possibly after AD 447,
the original caldarium was abandoned and transformed
into a praefurnium for the middle room, which was now
the new caldarium. In the doorway between the ‘old’
and the ‘new’ caldarium, an apsidal alveus was constructed. The heated room in the south- west corner of the building lost its alvei, getting a heated recess instead. In the
Early Umayyad period, new water pipes were laid within
the bathing rooms, presumably to supply the dwelling
with water.929 When the baths fell out of use, the rooms
were transformed into living units. A mirhab seems to have
been created in the small north-west room.930 In the last
phase of the building, several rooms were used as stables
or storerooms.
Decoration: The decoration of these baths suffered from
the subsequent phases of reuse as living units. The floor of
the frigidarium and of the original tepidarium was paved
with large slabs of limestone. The caldarium was the most
luxurious room, with a large grey granite column in each
corner. The capitals were of the Corinthian order, in a style
that was common in the 2nd c. AD, meaning the columns
were reused from an older building.931 Several fragments
of marble, slabs and architectural elements, as well as window panes have been found in the destruction layers of the
baths and can be attributed to the original building phase.
Mortar fragments with imprints of wooden window frames
have also been found.
Technology: The reuse of the baths as a house caused important interventions to the original infrastructure. The
hypocaust floors were broken up and pools may have been
destroyed. The pillars of the hypocausts were made out of
basalt monoliths or square terracotta tiles. Only the first
and second rectangular heated rooms had wall heating,
while the caldarium had only flues in the corners acting
as chimneys. The tubuli were square in cross-section and
box-like in shape. The high number of furnaces ensured
927
928
929
930
931
Holm-Nielsen et al. (1986) 225.
Holm-Nielsen et al. (1986) 226; Nielsen (1993e) 99.
Nielsen (1993e) 86.
Nielsen (1993d) 143.
Gorm Andersen (1993) 162.
433
that the small rooms on the western side may have acted
as sudatoria or unctoria and districtaria.932 It is possible
that the alvei had a testudo.933 A lot of olive pits were recovered from the ashes found in the furnaces, meaning
that the baths were heated—at least in their last phase of
use—with garbage and waste of agricultural production.
The water was presumably supplied by an aqueduct, as the
total volume of water contained in the pools must have
been quite high. Only a small reservoir was found to the
north-east of the original caldarium.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 2,340 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°39’23.71”N, 35°40’36.29”E
C103. Gadara (Umm-Qeis, Jordan), Herakleides Baths
Excavation history: In 1960, part of a bathhouse was discovered in the ancient Gadara. The Deutsche Palästine Verein
excavated the site.
Bibliography: Lux (1966); Hoss (2005) 142.
Construction: (C) The mosaics were dated between the 4th
and 6th c.934
C103 Gadara (Umm Qais, Jordan), Herakleides Baths
(After Lux (1966) plan 1)
932
933
934
Nielsen (1993f) 123.
Nielsen (1993f) 124.
Lux (1966) 69–70.
Gazetteer
434
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The remains comprised three rooms, none of them
heated. The building was interpreted as a bathhouse
due to the mosaic inscription wishing good health to the
commissioner and to the bathers.935 The only room that
was fully excavated was rectangular in plan (20.9 × 6.5 /
6.6 m). A second room to the east was partially destroyed
when a pool was constructed north of it. To the south,
three stairs led to an unexcavated room.
Decoration: A mosaic wished good health to the commissioner and to the bathers. The floors of the rectangular
room and of the room east of it were embellished with
polychrome geometric mosaics. The walls of the three
rooms were adorned with marble slabs.
Technology: Narrow water channels were found in the floor
of the rectangular room.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C104. Ha’on (Israel)
Excavation history: Excavations by the Israel Antiquities
Authority prior to the construction of a holiday village in
Ha’on in the summer of 2009 discovered the remains of a
late Byzantine bathhouse.
Bibliography: Cinamon (2013).
Construction: (A) The pottery found in the foundation
trenches suggest a construction date between the end of
the 6th and the beginning of the 7th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The filling of the
pool was dated to the second half of the 6th c.936 The baths
may have remained in use in the Early Umayyad period
until they were transformed into living units at the end of
the 7th c.
Plan: Only two rooms of the baths were identified. The
southernmost room had a hypocaust and tubuli for wall
heating. The northern room was lined with a waterproof
mortar and had plastered benches along its walls. It probably functioned as a pool.937 In a later phase, the pool
was filled up and a new floor level was created. Near the
bathhouse, a church with an adjacent monastery has been
found. It is thought that the baths might have been part of
the monastery or at least belonged to the church.938
Decoration: No traces of the decorative scheme were
identified.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made with square
and round bricks. The walls were heated by tubuli.
935
936
937
938
Mittmann (1966) 71.
Cinamon (2013) §6, fig. 11.
Cinamon (2013) §6.
Cinamon (2013) §8.
C104 Ha’on (Israel), (After Cinamon (2013) fig. 6)
Construction technique: Ashlar
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (not exceeding 500 m2)
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
Horbat Zikhrin (Israel), Area C Baths
Excavation history: The site of Horbat Zikhrin yielded the
remains of three Byzantine bathhouses, two of which were
public. Large parts of the site were excavated in the late
1980s by the Israel Antiquities Authority in collaboration
with the University of Tel Aviv.
Bibliography: Fischer (1986); Fischer (1994); Hoss (2005)
176.
Construction: (C) The entire village went through a period
of wealth and expansion between the 4th and 7th c. The
baths have been assigned to Late Antiquity on the basis of
the ceramic assemblages found during the excavations and
on the basis of the Byzantine construction techniques.939
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths in area C were located next to a taberna and
had two heated rooms. The presumed caldarium had apsidal and rectangular niches in its walls. The praefurnium lay
to the north, while a house in area C may also have had a
bath, although only one heated room (with hypocaust and
tubuli) was found.
Decoration: Unknown.
939
Fischer (1986) 271, 273.
Gazetteer
435
GPS coordinates:
Exact coordinates unknown
C106. Jerusalem / Al-Quds (Israel / Palestine), Baths
under the Notre Dame monastery
C105 Horbat Zikhrin (Israel), Area F Baths (After Fischer
(1994) plan)
Technology: The hypocausts consisted of brick-built pillars.
The walls were heated by rectangular tubuli. The water
was stored in three cisterns. In total, some 53 cisterns were
found in Zikhrin, 24 of which can be dated to the Byzantine
period.940
Excavation history: Salvage excavations on the ground
of the Notre Dame Monastery in the 1980s by the Israel
Antiquities Authority yielded the remains of a small
bathhouse.
Bibliography: Chambon (1989); Hoss (2005) 156.
Construction: (D) The baths were possibly late antique,
judging from the construction techniques.942
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: Only three rooms could be identified, laid out on a
north-south axis. The cold room was located on the north
end and was not entirely excavated. To the south, two
rooms on a hypocaust may be identified as the tepidarium
and the caldarium. A small basin was located against the
exterior eastern wall. The niche in the north-west corner of
caldarium may have lodged a basin.
Decoration: The caldarium had a floor paved with marble
slabs.
C105. Horbat Zikhrin (Israel), Area F Baths
Excavation history: The site of Horbat Zikhrin yielded the
remains of three Byzantine bathhouses, two of which were
public. Large parts of the site were excavated in the late
1980s by the Israel Antiquities Authority in collaboration
with the University of Tel Aviv.
Bibliography: Fischer (1986); Fischer (1994); Hoss (2005)
177.
Construction: (C) The entire village went through a period
of wealth and expansion between the 4th and 7th c. The
baths have been assigned to Late Antiquity on the basis of
the ceramic assemblages found during the excavations and
on the basis of the Byzantine construction techniques.941
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The baths lay in an administrative quarter, close to the
church, houses and workshops. It had an apodyterium, a
frigidarium with a plastered piscina (1 × 1 m; 0.6 m deep),
a tepidarium (8 × 4 m) and a cruciform caldarium.
Decoration: The frigidarium had a mosaic floor.
Technology: The hypocaust of the caldarium had pilae
made out of bricks and stone monoliths, rising to an exceptional 1.5 m. Some of the cylindrical tubuli were still
in situ. The water supply of these baths was ensured by a
large cistern, hewn out of the bedrock.
Construction technique: Unknown
Bathhouse surface: ca. 150 m2
940
941
Fischer (1994) 45.
Fischer (1986) 271, 273.
C106 Jerusalem / Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem / Al-Quds,
Israel / Palestine), Notre Dame Monastery Baths (After
Chambon (1989) 146, fig. 132)
942
Chambon (1989) 146.
436
Gazetteer
Technology: The basin was drained by a channel heading
north-east. A sewage channel also ran along the western
side of the baths, although the actual connection with
the baths could not be determined. The hypocaust was partially hewn out of the bedrock and had pillars (ca. 1 m high)
made out of terracotta tiles. The pillars of the so-called
tepidarium were reinforced by double arches.
Construction technique: Unknown
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 50 m2, not exceeding
500 m2)
GPS coordinates: 31°46’48.38”N, 35°13’32.89”E
Jerusalem (Israel / Palestine), Baths in the Jewish Quarter
(Area C)
Excavation history: Excavations in the Plugat haKotel Street
in 1970 revealed the remains of a bathhouse (5.6 × 17 m).
Bibliography: Avigad (1970); Hoss (2005) 155.
Construction: (B) The baths were built on layers with
Roman material and are dated in the late antique period.943
Continued use and abandonment: (B) During the later
phase (6th c.?), the pools were filled and covered with a
plaster floor. The building was reused in the Early Islamic
period.944
Plan: In the east, a large courtyard probably combined
the different functions of the cold rooms (dressing room,
anointing, etc.). Three rooms—oriented on a north-south
axis—were heated by a hypocaust. The southernmost was
identified as the caldarium. It had brick benches running
along the walls and a round single-person alveus.
Decoration: Little can be said about the decoration of the
building. The courtyard was paved with flagstones, while
the remains of marble slabs were found on the caldarium
floor and on the internal sides of the alveus.
Technology: The suspensura was constructed on brick pillars and the walls were heated by square tubuli. The water
supply could not be identified, but a single sewage channel
running underneath the courtyard was found.
Jerusalem / Al-Quds (Israel / Palestine), Mamilla Baths
Excavation history: In the early 1990s, a bathhouse was discovered between the Jaffa Gate and the Jaffa Road. It was
excavated by the Israel Antiquities Authority.
Bibliography: Reich and Shukron (1994); Hoss (2005)
155–56.
Construction: (B) The only material recovered during the
excavations was late antique in date.945
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
943
944
945
Avigad (1970) 134 without further evidence.
Avigad (1970) 136.
Reich and Shukron (1994) 95.
C107 Jerusalem / Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem / Al-Quds, Israel /
Palestine), Old City Baths (After Baruch (2002) 91, fig. 116)
Plan: At least two rooms had a hypocaust, heated by a
single furnace. Only the remains of a single pool could be
identified.
Decoration: To the north, a room was paved with a mosaic
of simple geometric and floral design.
Technology: A reservoir was found to the west of the baths.
It may have been fed by an aqueduct found near the site.
C107. Jerusalem / Al-Quds (Israel / Palestine), Old City
Baths
Excavation history: In 2000, the remains of a modest bathhouse were discovered in the old city centre of Jerusalem.
The excavations were carried out by the Israel Antiquities
Authority.
Bibliography: Baruch (2002); Hoss (2005) 155.
Construction: (A) The ceramics and coins found during in
the destruction layer and in the mortar of the hypocaust
floor give us a lifespan between the early and late 7th c.946
Continued use and abandonment: (A) In the Early Islamic
period, a new building with a colonnade was constructed
on top of the remains.947
Plan: The building was oriented on the Byzantine cardo
maximus and had a direct entrance from this street. The
remains of two heated rooms were discovered, each heated
by at least one furnace. The southern room had a rectangular pool, while the northern room had a small singleperson pool ending in an apse.
Decoration: The small south alveus was embellished with
marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made with large
terracotta tiles and ended in arches. Tubuli were found in
the destruction layer.
Construction technique: Ashlar
Bathhouse surface: Unknown
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
946
947
Baruch (2002) 76.
Baruch (2002) 76.
Gazetteer
437
Excavation history: During salvage excavations in 2009 by
the Israel Antiquities Authority, the remains of a bathhouse came to light.
Bibliography: Abu Raya (2013a).
Construction: (B) Ceramics and small finds—including glass kohl flasks—in and around the baths point to a
Byzantine construction phase.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The ceramics found
inside the sewers of the baths, date to the Early Umayyad
period and reveal the last phase of use of the building.950
Plan: Two heated rooms have been identified, both with a
hypocaust and tubuli. There were two square basins, one
in each room. A furnace found 2 m south of the remains
reveals the presence of other heated rooms.
Decoration: The floor of the western room was paved with
slabs of white marble. Fragments of wall paintings with
geometric figures were also found.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made of round tiles
on a square brick base and ending in arches. The basin in
the western room was drained by a lead fistula. Along the
northern side of the bath rooms, a plastered sewer must
have collected waste water from the pools. No information
is available concerning the water supply.
Construction technique: Ashlar
Bathhouse surface: Unknown (at least 60 m2, not exceeding
500 m2)
GPS coordinates: 32°52’1.27”N, 35°12’57.45”E
C108 Kabul (Israel), (After Abu Raya (2013a) fig. 2)
Khirbet Lasan (Israel)
Excavation history: The site of Khirbet (or Horbat) Lasan
was partially excavated by the Israel Antiquities Authority
when a railroad was constructed between Ashkelon and
Be’er Sheva in 2009. Among the identified remains were
Byzantine olive presses, a pottery kiln, a lime kiln, a cistern
and several buildings, including a bathhouse.
Bibliography: Seriy (2011).
Construction: (A) The stratigraphic excavation pointed to a
construction phase in the late 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The stratigraphy
points to a continued occupation until the 6th c. During
the 6th c., the baths were reused as a pottery workshop. A
lime kiln was also lodged in its north-west corner. During
the Islamic period, the structure was used as a garbage pit.
Plan: Inside the building (ca. 20 × 20 m), a room heated by
hypocaust and a cold room with two small pools could be
identified.
Decoration: The floor of the heated room was paved with
large white marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust was partially dug out of the
natural soil. The pillars were made out of square or round
tiles. No information is available about the water supply or
waste water disposal.
948
949
950
Jerusalem / Al-Quds (Israel / Palestine), Ophel Baths
Excavation history: North-west of Robinson’s Arch, the
remains of a bathhouse were discovered during excavations in the centre of Jerusalem between 1968 and 1978.
Bibliography: Avi-Yonah (1993); Hoss (2005) 157.
Construction: (C) The construction technique points to a
late antique date.948
Continued use and abandonment: (D) The entire Ophel
quarter seems to have suffered severe damage in the
Persian raid of AD 614, with most of buildings left in ruins
afterwards.949
Plan: A room on a hypocaust and two small pools could be
identified. Several tiles with the mark of Legio X were reused
for the construction of these baths.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made with standard square tiles.
C108. Kabul (Israel)
Avi-Yonah (1993) 774.
Avi-Yonah (1993) 774.
Abu Raya (2013a) §3, fig. 9.
Gazetteer
438
figure 135
Plan of the Baths and cistern (right) at Mampsis (Israel)
after Negev (1988) 168, 35; Courtesy of the Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University of
Jerusalem; with permission
C109. Mampsis (Kurnub, Israel)
Excavation history: The baths were excavated during the
late 1960s and early 1970s by the Hebrew University of
Jerusalem.
Bibliography: Negev (1988); Hoss (2005) 157.
Construction: (B) Few contexts provide information for
the dating of construction. The oldest coins found on the
site date from the late 4th c.951 However, an earlier construction date cannot be ruled out.952
Continued use and abandonment: The baths were in use in
the late antique period, but it is not clear when they were
abandoned. The praefurnium was possibly reused as a part
of a house.953
Plan: The building consisted of a courtyard or hall (6.5 ×
8.1 m) that was accessible from the street. It was paved
with stone slabs and had benches along its 4 sides. To the
north-east, a subterranean channel could point to the presence of a latrine.954 From this hall, the bathers proceeded through a broad doorway (2.1 m) into the frigidarium.
The two single-person pools, one octagonal and one
semicircular (3.5 × 2.3 m), were probably added in a second phase.955 The tepidarium (2.9 × 2.7 m) to the west
had benches along its 4 walls. The door towards the frigidarium could be closed. The two heated rooms used a
single furnace. No pools were identified by the excavators,
although the reinforcement of the hypocaust pillars in the
951
952
953
954
955
Negev (1988) 180–81.
Hoss (2005) 157.
Negev (1988) 173.
Negev (1988) 170.
Negev (1988) 171.
C109 Mampsis (Kurnub, Israel), (After Negev (1988) 175, plan 36)
eastern part of the last room could point to the presence of
an alveus (fig. 135).
Decoration: The decorative scheme was rather modest. The
pillars that supported the roof of the hall were possibly
made out of wood, as well as the roof itself. The pavement
of this hall was in slabs of local stone. Inside the actual
bathing section, the walls were covered with plaster. The
pools had a coating of water-resistant mortar.
Technology: The hypocaust was made by brick pillars
forming pointed arches. Rectangular recesses in the walls
lodged the flues that ensured the necessary draught. Some
tubuli were found in the destruction layers of the second
heated room. The walls of the hypocaust and the furnace
were blackened, probably as a result of burning juniper bushes, a practise continued by the Bedouins of the
Gazetteer
surrounding area at the time of excavations.956 The water
for the pools was supplied by a reservoir east of the baths
(fig. 135), but the distribution within the complex cannot
be reconstructed. However, the semicircular piscina was
fed directly by a separate conduit coming from the reservoir. It arrived at around 1.55 m above the bottom of the
pool. The piscinae were drained by outlets giving directly
onto the frigidarium floor. The waste waters were collected
by a drain, running underneath the threshold of the hall,
passing the presumed latrine and ending in a collector.
Construction technique: Opus caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 100 m2
GPS coordinates: 31° 1’33.20”N, 35° 3’54.04”E
C110. Nicopolis (Emmaus or Hammat, Palestine)
Excavation history: The site of Nicopolis was known for its
thermal springs. A well-preserved bathhouse was excavated during the 1970s by Tel Aviv University.
Bibliography: Gichon (1979); Gichon (1993); Hoss (2005)
138–39.
Construction: (B) The stratigraphy inside the building was
heavily disturbed, which made dating the building difficult. In the flat parts of the original roof, 4th c. sherds were
added to the mortar.957
Continued use and abandonment: The baths may still have
been in use at the beginning of the Umayyad period. At an
unknown date during the Early Islamic period, the baths
were transformed into a warehouse and later into a shrine
for Abu Ubaida, a Muslim conqueror.958 A cemetery developed around this shrine, impeding further archaeological
research in the vicinity.
Plan: The bathing block, built in opus quadratum of local
limestone, included 4 rooms. The easternmost room probably functioned as a combined apodyterium-frigidarium. It
was covered by a dome flanked by two barrel vaults (north
and south). No traces of a cold pool or a labrum could be
identified, although these may have been lodged in the
rectangular recesses under the barrel vaults.959 To the west,
a first room (3.2 × 3.5 m) might have been heated. A labrum
stood in the southern apse. The second heated room had a
similar layout as the previous room, but had two alvei in its
apsidal endings. The westernmost room had a square plan
and low ceiling. It might have been a sudatorium.
Decoration: The phases of reuse had a negative impact on
decoration. Traces of wall plaster were still visible in the
frigidarium. An opus sectile out of marble slabs also embellished the floor.
956
957
958
959
Negev (1988) 173.
Gichon (1979) 108.
Gichon (1979) 109.
Gichon (1979) 104.
439
C110 Nicopolis (Emmaus, Palestine), (After Gichon (1979) 103, fig. 1)
Technology: The heating system of the first room did not
survive the phase of reuse, although a furnace mouth can
still be seen in the southern apse. The walls were slightly set
back, probably pointing to the use of wall heating.960 The
second heated room still retained its hypocaust, consisting
of parallel rows of arcaded heating channels. The water
for the pools was stored in a small reservoir outside the
north-east corner of the building. It was undoubtedly fed
by a nearby source. Three parallel aqueducts conducted
water from the ‘Eqed source to the settlement. One of these
aqueducts was repaired and used until the Middle Ages.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 105 m2
GPS coordinates: 31°50’22.25”N, 34°59’22.41”E
C111. Oboda (Avedat, Israel)
Excavation history: The site of Oboda, which was occupied
since the 4th or 3rd c. BC, was a Nabataean stronghold in
the Negev desert that came under Roman control in the
first half of the 3rd c. In the Byzantine period, the small
settlement seems to have focused on wine production.961
The bathhouse was first described by Alois Musil. The
Hebrew University of Jerusalem carried out excavations in
the 1970s and in 1989.
Bibliography: Musil (1908); Negev (1997); Hoss (2005)
164–65.
Construction: (D) The excavations were not able to determine the construction date of the building. However, the
pottery that was found in and around the bathhouse dated
to the Byzantine period.962 The layout of the baths also
shows strong similarities with the late antique baths in
Horbat Zikhrin (C105), Legio (Jordan) and Zikhron Ya’aqov
(see below, C117).
960
961
962
Gichon (1979) 105.
Negev (1997) 9.
Negev (1997) 176.
Gazetteer
440
C111
Oboda (Avedat, Israel), (After Negev (1997) 172, fig. 26)
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bathers entered the baths by a spacious hall
(9.8 × 6.3 m). Two square pillars must have supported a
roof of perishable materials.963 The remains of a staircase
along its eastern wall gave access to the roof, possibly to
maintain the gutters in the vaults and to suspend wet
towels, as is often the case in (modern) hammams. In the
south-west corner of the room, a doorway gave access a
square room (s: 4.1 m) divided by a north-south wall into
two pools. In the south-east corner of the hall, a doorway
gave access to the heated sections. The first room had a
small basin (1 × 1.1 m) in its north-east corner. By a doorway in the south-east corner, the bather entered an oblong room (3.8 × 2.0 m) with stone-built benches along its
walls. According to the excavators, the small recess to the
north-west (ca. 0.5 × 2 m) was a urinal, its drain running
underneath the threshold of the room with benches.964 A
doorway in the centre of the southern wall of the latter gave
access to the first room on a hypocaust. The doorway could
be closed by a door to prevent a loss of heat. This room,
interpreted as a laconicum by the excavators, had a fully
preserved barrel vault. By a doorway to the west, the bather
finally arrived in the cruciform caldarium with alvei in the
northern, southern and western arms. Only the northern
tub was semicircular in shape. All three were heated by
the hypocaust, which formed a cross-shaped channel—
or H-shaped in the case of the western tub—underneath.
The northern and southern tub had a row of tubuli against
their respective north and south walls. The central part of
the caldarium was covered by a dome made out of ashlar,
963
964
Negev (1997) 173.
Negev (1997) 173.
resting on 4 squinches in the corners. In the apex of the
dome was an oculus. The praefurnium of the caldarium was
located on its western side. To the west of the hall, there
were two small service rooms, the westernmost having a
water reservoir.
Decoration: All of the rooms seem to have been coated
with a simple undecorated plaster.965 The piscinae of the
square room were coated in a waterproof plaster. The two
unheated rooms preceding the ‘laconicum’ were paved
with flagstones. The floors of both heated rooms had
disappeared.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were built out of square
terracotta tiles, which may have ended in arches, judging
from the arched heating channels that connected both
heated rooms and the furnaces with the hypocaust.966 The
walls seem to have been heated by tubuli, which were circular in cross-section. The double heat channel underneath
the western alveus may point to a different temperature
inside this pool. The recesses in the walls probably lodged
the chimney flues. The recesses in the unheated room with
benches might have contained water pipes, collecting
water from the roof (see below, Rehovot C113). The water
for the pools and basins was provided by a well located
south-east of the bathhouse and probably also by rainwater catchment. The projecting stones along the southern
external wall of the baths, of unknown purpose according
to the excavator, probably carried a water conduit from the
well to the praefurnium and further towards the reservoir.967
The water for the cold pools was collected in a reservoir
west of the hall and then piped to the piscinae and probably to the basin in the room west of these. A sewer ran
along the south side of the hall and then further west.
Construction
technique: Ashlar,
opus
testaceum
(hypocausts)
Bathhouse surface: ca. 500 m2
GPS coordinates: 30°47’43.72”N, 34°46’14.31”E
C112. Rama (Palestine)
Excavation history: The settlement of Rama, located along
the Acco-Tiberias road, flourished during the late antique
period. The construction works on a road in 1972 uncovered
parts of the antique settlement, including olive presses, a
Byzantine church and a public bathhouse. Stratigraphic
excavations were carried out on behalf of the Department
of Antiquities.
Bibliography: Tzaferis (1980); Hoss (2005) 167–68.
965
966
967
Negev (1997) 170 quoting an older description of 1904.
Negev (1997) 175, photo 279.
See photo 274 and 275 in Negev (1997) 171. Such a solution is
known in the Baths of Neptune in Ostia (Ricciardi and Scrinari
(1996a) 158–59), or closer to Oboda, in the late antique baths
of Serdjilla in Syria (Charpentier (1994) 125).
441
Gazetteer
C112 Rama (Israel), (After Tsaferis (1980) 67, fig. 1)
Construction: (B) The stratigraphy dated the baths to the
3rd or 4th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The building fell out
of use in the 5th or 6th c., when a building of unknown
function was built on top of it.
Plan: The main entrance to the baths could not be located,
but should probably be reconstructed on the east side.968
A rectangular hall or courtyard (17 × 8 m) had a large pool
(4.5 × 7.5 m; 1.2 m deep) on its northern end. A broad doorway in the north-west gave access to the frigidarium. This
room had plastered benches along its walls and two small
apsidal piscinae (both 0.7 m deep) lodged in its north wall.
To the south of the cold room, a dressing room (3 × 5 m)
had a bench along its west wall. To the east, two doorways
led into the large hall, while to the west, a doorway led into
the first heated room (tepidarium). The latter seems to have
had a hypocaust only in its south part.969 A small semicircular pool was lodged in the southern wall, although it had
to be accessed by a room south of the tepidarium. To the
west, the caldarium (10 × 6.5 m) may have been divided
into two separate rooms, perhaps creating a caldarium and
sudatorium. The rectangular apse in the north-eastern
corner likely lodged an alveus. The reinforced rectangular hypocaust pillars along the north wall of the ‘western’
section of the caldarium may also point to the presence
of an alveus. North of the caldarium, the praefurnia were
recognized by furnace mouths and large quantities of ash
and soot.
Decoration: The decorative scheme of the baths was rather
modest. The large hall was paved with plain white mosaics, consisting of large tesserae. The floor of the large pool
was paved with the exact same mosaics. Three semicircular
niches adorning the north wall of the pool probably contained statues, none of which were found. The frigidarium
968
969
Tzaferis (1980) 66.
Tzaferis (1980) 69.
was arguably the most lavishly decorated room. The floor
was paved with a geometric polychrome mosaic. The apodyterium was the only room not to have a mosaic floor. A
simple plastered floor was laid instead. The tepidarium and
caldarium both had mosaic floors, although the caving in
of the suspensurae meant little survived. Some of the walls
inside the baths still had a plaster coating, but no traces of
wall painting were found.970
Technology: The heated rooms had a standard hypocaust
consisting of square and rectangular pillars made out of
tiles. Only the caldarium had walls heated by tubuli. If the
reconstruction of alvei upon the reinforced hypocaust pillars is correct, there were possibly water boilers on top of
the furnaces. The water for the baths was probably supplied by natural sources springing up 100 m north of the
building.971 Terracotta conduits were found in the south
walls of the piscinae. The latter were drained by ceramic
conduits leading waste water to a sewer underneath the
frigidarium and continuing towards the hall. An outlet
in front of the pool of the hall drained the water when
overflowing.
Construction technique: Ashlar
Bathhouse surface: ca. 690 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C113. Rehovot-in-the-Desert (Israel)
Excavation history: Rehovot was one of the sites that lay
along the ancient road crossing the Negev Desert, serving
as a stopover for traders and surviving through agricultural
production in the small loess valley of the nearby streams.
The archaeological remains found on site point to a continued occupation between the 1st and 8th c.972 A bathhouse
was first identified in 1902, when Alois Musil published a
C113 Rehovot (Israel), (After Musil (1908) 75, fig. 46)
970
971
972
contra Hoss (2005) 168.
Tzaferis (1980) 68, n. 5.
Tsafrir (1988) 3–8.
442
Gazetteer
description, photographs and a drawing of the standing
remains. The baths, however, were destroyed in Turkish
times, impeding new research.
Bibliography: Musil (1907) 73–85; Tsafrir (1988); Hoss
(2005) 170.
Construction: (D) Late Antiquity seems to have been an exceptionally prosperous period for Rehovot. The first church
was built in the late 4th or early 5th c.973 The baths probably date from this golden age. The plan shows strong similarities with some Umayyad baths in Syria, such as Gabal
Says.974
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: The bathhouse was located 50 m south of the city walls.
One entered the baths by a door of 1.5 m wide, accessing a
domed room with two lateral square exedrae with benches
on three sides. Directly opposite the main entrance, a doorway gave access to a rectangular room, once cross-vaulted,
without specific features. The same can be said for the
next room to the east. The northernmost room had three
semicircular pools (0.7 m deep), their bottoms lying lower
than walking level. According to Musil’s sketch, the first
room was the only one to be heated by a hypocaust. This
would be surprising, as it clearly functioned as an apodyterium / frigidarium in its last phase of use, while the supposed caldarium was unheated. This strange layout could
be explained by a complete reorganisation of the building
at some point during its existence. The first room with it
two square exedrae may have been the original caldarium,
with alvei in the exedrae. This would fit with the popularity of cruciform caldaria in the region, but would also explain why this was the only room to have a hypocaust. It
would also account for the strange orientation of the baths,
with the frigidarium in the south and the caldarium in the
north. The caldarium described by Musil was clearly added
at a later date, as its wall abutted what must have originally
been the apodyterium / frigidarium.
Decoration: The decorative scheme seems to have been
quite modest, although the floor and the walls of the southernmost room had a marble veneer. The small rooms were
lit by small square windows in the upper parts of the wall
and in the vaults and dome.
Technology: To the east of the bathhouse, a circular well
was found. A circular groove around it was probably made
by the animals turning around the well. Water was transport by a bucket, still on site when Musil visited the ruins,
to a reservoir on the roof of the caldarium. A system of gullies on the roof seems to have distributed the water from
this reservoir to the different rooms of the bath, possibly by
terracotta pipes in the walls (fig. 136).
Construction technique: Unknown
973
974
Tsafrir (1988) 4.
Bloch (2014).
figure 136
Baths in Rehovot (Israel), drawing of the roof
of the baths with the system of a cistern,
gullies, windows and orifices
in Musil (1908) 81, fig. 52
Bathhouse surface: ca. 80 m2
GPS coordinates: 31° 1’35.94”N, 34°33’56.40”E
C114. Scythopolis (Beth She’an / Baysan, Israel /
Palestine), Southern Baths
Excavation history: During the 1980s, a bathhouse (map 27)
was excavated in the area between the theatre and the amphitheatre by the Israel Antiquities Authority.
Bibliography: Peleg 1987; Peleg (2004); Hoss (2005) 130–31.
Construction: (B) On the basis of the ceramics found during the excavations, the construction date is placed somewhere between the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the
4th c.975
Continued use and abandonment: (C) At the beginning of
the 6th c., a new mosaic was laid over the pools, indicating
that the building had lost its original function.976
Plan: The main entrance of the baths was not found, but it
should possibly be located to the west. Here a room of uncertain dimensions may have served as the apodyterium.977
A central room (4.5 × 5.5 m) was probably a tepidarium.
It gave access to the frigidarium to the north and to the
first heated room to the south. The former was a large hall
(3.3 × 4.2 m) with two ‘sitz-baths’ (semicircular pool: 0.75
× 1 m; 0.4 m deep) flanking a semicircular niche in the
975
976
977
Peleg (2004) 78.
Peleg (2004) 80.
Peleg (2004) 57.
Gazetteer
443
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 265 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown
C115. Scythopolis (Beth She’an / Baysan, Israel /
Palestine), Western Baths
C114 Scythopolis (Beth She’an / Baysan, Israel), Southern Baths
(After Peleg (2004) 56, plan 1)
northern wall. The latter may have contained a labrum.978
The frigidarium was flanked by two rectangular pools (eastern pool: 1.6 × 2.2 m; western pool: 2.9 × 4.8 m), both only
0.6 m deep. The central ‘tepidarium’ was heated by a hypocaust and tubuli. To the south, a second heated room with
its own furnace may have functioned as a sudatorium. A
semicircular wall that encircled the furnace at a later phase
might actually have been the foundations of a semicircular
alveus added to the room. The fact that this furnace was
blocked at a later date reinforces such a hypothesis. The
southernmost heated room was cruciform and had two
rectangular ‘sitz-baths’ (both 1 × 1.5 m; 0.6 m deep) in the
eastern arm. The southern and western arms may also have
lodged larger alvei.
Decoration: The walls of the rooms were plastered and, at
least in the apodyterium, embellished with marble slabs.
The floors of the cold rooms were paved with mosaics of
large tesserae. The apodyterium and frigidarium had black
and white geometric motifs (meander and net patterns),
while the large pools had a plain white mosaic. The floors
of the heated rooms were paved with flagstones.
Technology: The pillars of the hypocausts were made out of
round or square tiles, reaching to a height of 0.4 m. The
tubuli were rectangular in section. The so-called ‘air pipes’
found in the frigidarium should rather be interpreted as
tubi fittili used in the construction of the vaults.979 The
water for the pools was partially supplied by the collection
of rainwater from the roofs, as gutters were found throughout the site. Along the east side of the baths, a sewer
drained the eastern piscina and probably the alvei. A large
plastered basin—perhaps a reservoir—was identified 30 m
west of the building.980
Excavation history: The complex was excavated between
1986 and 1991 by the Israel Antiquities Authority.
Bibliography: Bar-Nathan and Mazor (1993); Mazor and BarNathan (1998); Hoss (2005) 131
Construction: (B) Excavations revealed that the earliest
phase of the baths was 4th c.981
Continued use and abandonment: (B) Several restoration
phases in the 5th and 6th c. altered the original layout of
the baths. The baths fell out of use in the late 6th or early
7th c., when the walls were dismantled for their building
material and the site became an Early Islamic burial
ground.982
Plan: Some 20 m to the north of the theatre, a bathhouse
(map 27) was built in Late Antiquity, along the colonnaded street and on top of an earlier, unidentified building.983
The complex (90 × 60 m) consisted of a T-shaped bathing
block enclosed by a rectangular portico. The small rooms
C115 Scythopolis (Beth She’an / Baysan, Israel), Western Baths
(After Tsafrir and Förster (1997) fig. D)
981
978
979
980
Peleg (2004) 58, fig. 8.
Peleg (2004) 59, fig. 11–12 and 60, fig. 13.
Vitto (1987) 45; Peleg (2004) 78.
982
983
Mazor and Bar-Nathan (1998) 23. On the 4th-c. date of the
building, see Mazor and Bar-Nathan (1994) 124 (in Hebrew).
Bar-Nathan and Mazor (1993) 44.
Mazor and Bar-Nathan (1998) 24.
Gazetteer
444
along the portico’s north, south and west sides were often
remodelled and probably changed function several times.
In the original layout of the baths, the westernmost room
of the bathing block was a natatio (6.5 × 13 m), accessible
from the pillared hall to its east. The latter probably functioned as a multipurpose cold room. To the east, a double
doorway led into an oval room, heated by a hypocaust. No
traces of pools were found in this room, even if the apsidal
endings would make for a logic location. By two narrow
doorways in the east wall, the bathers continued the bathing itinerary into an elongated heated room with a round
alveus (diam.: 2 m) on its eastern side. From this room, one
could access a rectangular heated room to the south or a
succession of two heated rooms to the north. The northern
rooms had a rectangular alveus along their eastern walls,
while the northernmost room even had an additional apsidal alveus in its northern side.
In a later phase, 4 cold pools (ca. 3.7 × 9 m) were added
to the eastern side of the portico, two to the north of the
main bathing block and two to the south. All were made
out of brick and coated with a layer of hydraulic mortar.
They were surrounded by columns. Perhaps at the same
time, the natatio was filled in and paved with a polychrome
mosaic floor. The doorway to the east was also blocked up.
During the 6th c., an oblong hall with an apsidal ending to
the north was constructed on the western side of the portico. The western rooms of the portico were reduced, while
the two in the north-west corner were filled with rubble.
Also during the 6th c., a ‘propylaeum’ was created on the
east side of the portico to serve as a new monumental entrance along the colonnaded street. A new latrine was built
north of this new entrance. In the last phase of the baths,
the pillared hall lost its function and was transformed into
a praefurnium for the oval room.
Decoration: The natatio was originally paved with shale,
while the smaller piscinae were decorated with marble
slabs. Some of the small rooms of the portico had a plain
white mosaic floor. The mosaic of the 6th c. apsidal hall
had a simple geometric pattern with a (now illegible) inscription in its centre. The wall of the apse was embellished with a colourful glass mosaic. The heated rooms
also showed traces of mosaic, but most had been destroyed
when the suspensura collapsed.
Technology: The pillars of the hypocaust were made out
of round tiles on a conical stone base. Wall heating with
tubuli was found in all of the heated rooms. At least 9 furnaces have been identified for the heated section, although
the numerous restoration phases make it difficult to understand which furnaces functioned at the same time. There is
no information available about the water supply. Inside the
baths, water was distributed by terracotta conduits. The 4
piscinae in the courtyard had shallow drains running along
their sides.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 3,400 m2
GPS coordinates: 32°30’7.87”N, 35°30’3.01”E
Tel Sera (Israel)
Excavation history: The site of Sera was located in the western Negev Desert, on the southern banks of the Gerar river.
The remains of a bathhouse were discovered by the Ben
Gurion University of the Negev and the Israel Exploration
Society in the 1970s.
Bibliography: Oren (1993a); Hoss (2005) 173.
Construction: (D) The baths were labelled ‘Byzantine’ without further specification.984
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The excavations
dated the last phase of the baths at the turn of the 5th and
6th c. (pottery and coins).985
Plan: The description of this building provided by the excavators is very brief. The bathhouse had a room with hypocaust heating and tubuli.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: The pillars were made out of bricks and ended
in arches. Plastered channels for water supply and drainage
were also identified.
Tiberias (Israel)
Excavation history: In the 1950s and again in the 1990s, salvage excavations by the Israel Antiquities Authority in the
modern city centre uncovered the remains of the central
bathhouse. It was located along the cardo maximus and
next to the market place.
Bibliography: Hirschfeld (1993); Hirschfeld (1997); Hoss
(2005) 174.
Construction: (A) The building was constructed in the
4th c., as the ceramics found in test pits underneath the
floors have confirmed.986
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The building was
restored several times, with an especially important intervention in the 6th c., and continued to be used until the
11th c. The baths probably fell out of use after an earthquake (AD 1033?).987
Plan: The bathhouse consisted of two parts: an east wing
for the heated rooms and a west wing for the cold rooms
and auxiliary halls. The bathers entered the building by a
long corridor (19 × 5.8 m) in the north. Two doorways in the
southern side of this corridor gave access to two halls with
a possible piscina in between.988 A subterranean pool was
discovered 3 m beneath the floor level of the western hall.
984
985
986
987
988
Oren (1993a) 1335.
Oren (1993a) 1335.
Hirschfeld (1993) 1466.
Hirschfeld (1993) 1466.
Hirschfeld (1993) 1466.
Gazetteer
445
It was about 1 m deep and had 24 short columns (each 1.4 m
in height) which supported a ceiling of basalt beams. In the
western wing of the baths, several warm water pools were
discovered. The caldarium lay at the centre.
Decoration: The pools in the west wing were lined with
marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust pillars were made with square
tiles.
C116. Umm el-Amr (Palestine), Monastery Baths
Excavation history: The bathhouse was discovered in 1997
during excavations by the Gaza Antiquities Department.
The excavations took place in 1999 and in 2002–2003 with
the help of the French archaeological mission.
Bibliography: Elter and Hassoune (2008).
Construction: (B) The ceramics and coins found during
the excavation point to a phase of use between the 6th and
8th c.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The building may
well have been used after the 8th c., but by then it had
probably lost its bath function.
Plan: The bathhouse lay just outside the walls of a monastery. This complex was presumably built around the tomb
of the monk Hilarion, who returned from Egypt to his native Gaza in AD 310 and founded a cenobitic society.989 The
monastery—some 14,000 m2 large—had an ecclesiastical
part focused on the church and a residential part with
living quarters, a possible xenodochium and a bathhouse.
The baths date from the ‘monumentalisation’ phase of
the site. At least three distinct phases could be discerned.
According to the excavators, the heated section of phase 2
was abandoned when the heated section of phase 3 was
built.990 However, Fournet and Redon believe both heated
sections could have functioned simultaneously, making
this a double bath with a shared cold section.991 In the final
phase, the bathhouse had a large cold room with two semicircular single person basins (showers?). In the east wall,
two doorways gave access to the heated sections. The north
wing (presumably phase 3) had two tepid rooms (without
hypocaust) and a square caldarium with three rectangular
recesses. The northern and eastern recess lodged pools,
while the southern recess had a bench running along its
sides. The eastern pool was located above the only furnace.
The southern heated wing (presumably phase 2) also had
two tepid rooms (one with apsidal ending and benches)
and two rooms with hypocaust. The caldarium was square
and had three alvei lodged in the recesses. The eastern
alveus lay above the only furnace. Perhaps in a 4th phase,
a new cold section with two rectangular piscinae was built
C116 Umm el-Amr (Palestine), Monastery Baths (After Elter and
Hassoune (2008) 136, fig. 7)
south of the original cold section. Two latrines abutted the
northern side of the baths, but could only be accessed from
the outside, not from within the bathhouse.
Decoration: The imprint of an opus sectile was visible in the
large hall, although the actual (marble?) slabs had been
torn out. The walls were covered in white plaster. Some of
the benches and some of the floors were clad with white
marble slabs.
Technology: The hypocausts pillars were made with square
tiles. The wall heating was ensured by tubuli (round or rectangular in section). The northern wing praefurnium had an
earthen floor and was accessible by a staircase. The ashes
seem to have been dumped just east of the service corridors, forming a layer over 1 m thick, spread out over several
hundred metres. The baths were built near an existing well
with noria. The waste water of the heated wings was collected in a basin south of the baths, which was interpreted
as a fish tank because of the half open pottery jars embedded in the floor.
Construction technique: Opus quadratum
Bathhouse surface: ca. 700 m2
GPS coordinates: 31°26’49”N, 34°21’58”E
C117. Zikhron Ya’aqov (Israel)
Excavation history: In 2007, excavations prior to construction by a private contractor exposed a bathhouse of around
20 × 20 m. The site was excavated by the Israel Antiquities
Authority.992
992
989
990
991
Chitty (1966) 13–16.
Elter and Hassoune (2008) 138.
Fournet and Redon (2017a) 309.
The results of the excavations had not been published at the
time of writing. The discovery was announced on the website
of the Israel Antiquities Authority (http://www.antiquities
.org.il/article_eng.aspx?id=1447&sec_id=25&subj_id=240).
446
Gazetteer
identified. In the northernmost, a simple mosaic of white and
red tesserae was found. The middle room had a heating channel in its eastern wall, although no hypocaust floor was present. The southernmost room may have been a frigidarium, as
its walls and floor were coated with hydraulic mortar. Several
fragments of marble and ceramic tiles were found during the
excavation. The lack of water-related elements such as pools
or conduits makes the identification of this building as a bathhouse problematic.
Barqa / Gan Yavne (Israel)
During the construction of a road in 1998, the remains of a
hypocaust were found near modern Gan Yavne. Besides mudbrick pillars, the salvage excavations also found tubuli and
plastered floors. The ceramics found in connection to these
digs dated from the late antique period.994
C117 Zikhron Ya’aqov (Israel), (Sketch on the basis of aerial
photography, no scale)
Bibliography: No publication available.
Construction: (B) The preliminary study of the ceramics recovered during the excavations point to a 4th c. construction date.
Continued use and abandonment: Unknown.
Plan: (C117) The bathhouse included piscinae, single person
bath tubs, a tepidarium and a caldarium with two small
semicircular alvei. According to the excavators, the baths
may have been part of a large villa estate.
Decoration: The baths were decorated with imported marble elements, including Corinthian capitals, the head of a
statue, pavement slabs and part of a fountain (a sculptured
shell with bird motifs).
Technology: The water was supplied by the nearby spring
of Ein Hanzir.
Construction
technique: Opus
quadratum,
opus
caementicium
Bathhouse surface: ca. 400 m2
GPS coordinates: Exact coordinates unknown.
Possible Late Antique Baths
Ashkelon (Israel)
The construction of a pipeline in 2003 uncovered the remains
of a possible late antique bathhouse in the el-Qabu area of
Ashkelon. The pottery and a coin recovered during excavations point to use between the 5th and 7th c. After abandonment, the building was reused for residential purposes.993 The
remains were only partially excavated. Three rooms were
993
Sion (2009) §5–6.
Baqa el Gharbia (Israel)
The remains of a heated room with a praefurnium dated to the
5th c. were found in the courtyard of a private house.995 The
hypocaust was partially hewn into the bedrock, while the pillars were made out of square tiles forming arcades. The floor
of the room was paved with marble slabs and benches ran
along the walls. The tubuli were still in situ along three of the
walls. The building was out of use by the 6th c. and a building of unknown function was built on top of it in the Islamic
period.996
Beth Nehemya (Israel)
A small test pit in Beth Nehemya confirmed that construction
works had hit the archaeological layers during a building project in 2001. In the square test pit, the remains of a hypocaust
and a mosaic floor were found. Fragments of hydraulic mortar
and terracotta pipes—possibly water conduits, tubuli or tubi
fittili—reinforce the interpretation of a bathhouse. A furnace
was found near the hypocaust. The hypocaust itself was covered by destruction layers containing ceramics from the 5th
and 6th c.997
Deir el-Balah (Palestine)
A salvage excavation in 1973 identified parts of an alleged
bathhouse in a Byzantine town.998 No further information is
available.
994
995
996
997
998
Avner (2000) 60–61.
Badhi (2001) 325. Dating on the basis of small finds and ceramics, see Badhi (2001) 51*-71* (in Hebrew).
Badhi (2001) 325.
Nagorski (2009) §3.
Oren (1993b) 1396.
Gazetteer
En Qobi / Ein el-Qabu (Israel)
In 2001, a subterranean pool connected to a spring was discovered. The excavations revealed several fragments of tubuli,
bricks and tesserae pointing to the existence of a bathhouse
in the vicinity of the pool. The associated ceramics date to the
late antique and Early Islamic period.999
(Tel) Hefer / Tell el-Ifshar (Israel)
The remains of a bathhouse were identified in the late antique
quarter of the settlement, north-west of the tell.1000 No further information is available.
Horbat Hanot / Khirbet el-Khan (Israel)
Several hypocaust tiles were found during salvage excavations
in 1985. The site was probably a late antique road station.1001
Horbat Minim / Khirbet el-Minya (Israel)
The site is located on the north-west shore of the Sea of
Galilee and is known for the Umayyad palace that was built
there. Some 200 m south-east of this palace, a late antique
bathhouse was once identified.1002 The remains have now
disappeared.
Horbat Tarbenet (Israel)
In the summer of 2011, a white marble statue of Hercules was
discovered near a large pool.1003 This pool was flanked by
benches on two of its sides and was fed by a conduit with the
water of a saqiyah (diam.: 2.9 m; 4 m deep), found in the vicinity. The pool was in use until the Early Islamic period, when it
was filled with debris.
Jaffa / Yafo (Israel)
The remains of a possible late antique bathhouse were discovered in 2006 near the Ganor Compound in Jaffa.1004 The complex was still in use in the Early Islamic period, but no further
information or a description of the baths is given.
Jerusalem / Al-Quds (Israel / Palestine), Rosary Sisters
school compound in Beit Hanina
Prior to developments in the Beit Hanina neighbourhood in
2007–2008, excavations uncovered the remains of a presumed
late antique bathhouse underneath a schoolyard. Only parts
of a heated room were found, with brick pillars ending in
999
1000
1001
1002
1003
Billig (2005) §5.
Paley and Porath (1993) 612–13.
Shenhau (1986); Hoss (2005) 146.
Grabar (1993) 1050–51.
The results of the excavation were not published at the time
of writing. The find was reported on the website of the Israel
Antiquities Authorities (http://www.antiquities.org.il/Article_
eng.aspx?sec_id=25&subj_id=240&id=1868&hist=1).
1004 Peilstöcker and Burke (2009) §2.
447
arches. The ceramics found associated with the structure date
from the late 6th and early 7th c.1005
Kefar Uriyya (Israel)
Archaeological test trenches in Kefar Uriyya uncovered the
remains of a possible late antique bathhouse.1006 The site
awaits excavation.
Khirbat Burin (Israel)
Prior to the construction of a road south of the Qalansuwa
Junction on Highway 57, a salvage excavation in 1999–2000
uncovered a possible late antique bathhouse. The walls were
built of mudbricks on a preparation layer of river pebbles
bonded by a pinkish mortar. The L-shaped heated room had a
hypocaust made out of bricks and reused roof tiles. The finds
in between the pillars were dated to the ‘Byzantine period’.1007
Khirbat Ta’ena (Israel)
The settlement near modern Khirbat Ta’ena was dated by surface finds between the late antique and Mamluk periods. The
remains of a pool and possibly another bathhouse were discovered near a spring.1008
Lydda / Diospolis (Lod, Israel)
The remains of a possible bathhouse included stone paving,
terracotta conduits and bricks. The ceramics found on site
date to the end of the late antique period.1009
Na’aran (Israel)
Remains of tubuli and hypocaust tiles, both round and square,
were found near a Roman road. The structure may have belonged to a road station of the late antique period or earlier.1010
Nahal Ashan forest (Israel)
Heavy floods along the banks of the Nahal Karkur river revealed part of a heated room. Besides the hypocaust, a mosaic
dated to the late antique period was also found. The possible
baths may have belonged to the Byzantine settlement around
modern Horbat Karkur.1011
Nahf (Israel)
In the old city centre of Nahf, several excavations have revealed a long occupation history of the Tell, starting from the
Early Bronze Age and continuing to this day. A small salvage
excavation in 2010 revealed part of a heated room with an
1005
1006
1007
1008
1009
1010
1011
Adawi (2012) §9.
Kisilevitz (2014).
Ad (2005) §6.
Zingboym (2011) §2.
Anonymous (1982) 67.
Dauphin (1989) 6–7; Hoss (2005) 164.
Aladjem (2013) § 11.
Gazetteer
448
figure 137
Plan of the possible baths in Nahf (Israel)
after Abu Raya (2013b) fig. 2
associated cistern (fig. 137). The remains were identified as
part of a bathhouse. The ceramics and small finds associated
with the functioning of the building were dated to the late 6th
and early 7th c. It was filled up with waste at the beginning of
the 8th c.1012 The remains of a heated room consisted of arcaded pillars made out of square bricks. The cistern was bellshaped (5 m deep) and coated on its interior with a hydraulic
plaster. The large quantities of glass, glass debris and lumps of
raw glass found during the excavation point to a Byzantine or
Umayyad glass workshop in the vicinity.1013
Neve Shalom (Israel)
A building with a polychrome mosaic floor was found during a community-educational excavation in the settlement of
Neve Shalom in 2006–2007. The square tiles (s.: 20 cm) and
the use of a waterproof mortar on the walls could point to a
bathhouse. The mosaics have Christian motifs, such as crosses
and fish. The ceramics found during the excavation are dated
at the turn of 6th and 7th c.1014
Ptolemais (Acco, Israel)
In 1956, a 15 m long pool was excavated in the modern city of
Acco. Its walls were built in fieldstones and traces of pinkish
plaster were also found. The remains were dated to the late
antique or Early Islamic period.1015
Qalandia (Palestine)
The Baths of Qalandia, 12 km north of Jerusalem, were excavated in 1931 by the Department of Antiquities in Palestine.
The late antique construction date was probably deduced
from the type of wall construction and mosaics.1016 There is
no further information about the site’s abandonment.
The building (fig. 138) was constructed in rubble concrete
with the walls plastered on both the inside and outside. The
building was converted to an unknown function at a later
1012
1013
1014
1015
1016
Abu Raya (2013b) §4.
Abu Raya (2013b) §8.
Solimany (2012) §4.
Goldmann (1993) 25 without further specifications.
In the excavation report, the baths are called ‘Byzantine’ without any further specification, see Baramki (1933).
date, making the interpretation of the original plan difficult.1017
The main room had a floor paved with limestone slabs. Several
niches were lodged within its walls. To the south, there was a
room with two basins, one round and one rectangular (1.7 m
deep). The room was paved with large white tesserae. In a first
phase, this room formed a continuous space with the main
room. Instead of the two small basins, it had a larger pool,
accessible by steps in the east and west. A connection to the
rooms east of the main block could not be identified. The easternmost room had two small rectangular pools on its eastern
side.
No room heated by a hypocaust could be identified, although a layer of ash was found on the mosaic floor of the
rooms north and south of the main room.1018 On the eastern
end of the northern room, a furnace was discovered. The excavation report is not clear whether it heated the main room
or not. There is no mention of a hypocaust underneath the
latter. To the north of the building, a large round furnace coated with plaster was found. It was identified as a furnace for
heating water.1019 The basins south of the main room were fed
by water channels running underneath the floor. The northeast pool in the eastern room had a slump in its north-eastern
corner, possibly to facilitate scooping out the water. The east
pool in the same room was drained by a channel leading into
a round collector, partially cut out into the bedrock and with
two steps. It was drained by a channel heading south-east.
The evidence for this bathhouse is incomplete. The absence of (traces of) a hypocaust is problematic. The later reuse
of the site, possibly for industrial purposes, may account for
the layers of ash. The basins may also have served industrial—
rather than bathing—purposes. The small pool with a slump
in a corner is reminiscent of a Jewish ritual bath (miqveh),
rather than a Roman-style pool.1020
Ramat Ha-Sharon (Israel)
The remains of a possible bathhouse were discovered during
a survey campaign near Ramat Ha-Sharon in 2007. The surface finds in the area suggest an occupation between the late
antique and Ottoman period.1021 No further excavations were
carried out, as the site was not under threat.
Ramla (Israel)
Salvage excavations in 2008 east of the city of Ramla discovered large quantities of brick building material, possibly from
a bathhouse.1022 The associated ceramics date to the Early
1017
1018
1019
1020
Hoss (2005) 167.
Baramki (1933) 106.
Baramki (1933) 107.
However, the basin is not recognized as a miqveh by Hoss
(2005) 167.
1021 Ad et al. (2009) §2.
1022 Sion (2010) §7.
Gazetteer
449
figure 138
Plan of the possible baths in Qalandia
(Palestine)
after Baramki (1933) 108, fig. 95
Islamic period. South of the city, two separate buildings with
a hypocaust floor dating from the Early Islamic period were
also found. In the Area K1 baths, the hypocaust pillars were
made out of reused round bricks, while in the Area I2 baths,
the pillars consisted of limestone monoliths. The stratigraphy
of the site points to a phase of use in the 7th and 8th c. for
both buildings.1023
Tel Aviv (Israel)
Salvage excavations on the site of the future HaAretz museum in 1984 uncovered the remains of a possible bathhouse.
Fragments of hypocaust pillars, ceramic floor tiles and terracotta water conduits were recovered. Among the finds, glass
and ceramics dated the contexts to the late antique period.1024
Tel Qasile (Israel)
Located on the fringes of modern Tel Aviv, the site yielded an
apsidal room heated by a hypocaust. The brick pillars ended
in arches. On the basis of the stratigraphic excavations in the
1970s and 1980s, the use of the building was dated to the 6th
and 7th c.1025
1023 Gorzalczany (2009) §6.
1024 Ayalon (1985) 107–108.
1025 Mazar (1993) 1212.
Private Baths
Several bathhouses of private domus or villas have also been
found in Palestina. The limited sizes of the excavations often
do not permit answers on whether these baths were also
accessible to a larger public or not. For the same reasons,
some of the complexes described above (see above ‘Possible
baths’) could also have been private baths. In Ashkelon, salvage excavations in the Barne’a quarter in 1991 uncovered a
late antique villa estate with a pars rustica and a bathhouse.
The baths consisted of a frigidarium with two semicircular
‘sitz-baths’, a tepidarium and a caldarium with possibly two
semicircular single person alvei.1026 The baths in the palace
at Caesarea Philippi (Banias, Israel) were obviously private.
The installation of the baths inside the palace has been dated
to the late antique phase (3rd to 6th c.), although little remains except for some rooms with hypocausts.1027 In Pella
(Tabaqat Fahl, Jordan), a villa dated between the 3rd and 7th
c. had a private bathhouse.1028 The remains were destroyed
before excavation could take place. Recent excavations in
Mishmar David (Israel) revealed the existence of a possible
bathhouse in an agricultural estate dating from the late antique or Early Islamic period.1029 In the late antique villa
found in Yehud (Israel), a mosaic of sandals could also point
1026
1027
1028
1029
Israel (1993) 100–105.
Tzaferis and Israeli (1999) 1–2.
Watson (1996) 73.
Yannai (2014) §4.
Gazetteer
450
to an unexcavated private bath.1030 A bathhouse was added
to the ‘Palace of the Governor’ in Caesarea Maritima, possibly
in the early 4th c.1031 The bathhouse was accessible from the
‘public part’ of the palace and may thus have had a public use.
The plan, with several bathing rooms arranged around a large
frigidarium with an octagonal pool at its centre, resembles the
City Baths of Ptolemais (C71).
Ecclesiastical Baths
The bathhouses that were found within the walls of a monastery (or attached to it) constitute a separate category of baths,
as it is often unclear whether they were also accessible for a
larger public than the monks or not. In contrast to the monasteries in Egypt, where Roman-style baths were rather small,
the complexes in Palestina often had larger bath suites within
the walls.
The monastery on Mount Scopus in Jerusalem was enlarged to the south during Late Antiquity. A small bathhouse
was the main addition to the existing infrastructure (fig. 139).
It had a cold room (9.2 × 4.3 m) with a small pool (1.1 × 0.5 m)
in its south-west corner. A doorway in the western side gave
access to a small cubicle (s: 2.4 m) with a bench running along
the walls. There were three heated rooms to the south of the
cold room. All three had a hypocaust consisting of brick arches. No alvei have been identified and no wall heating is mentioned in the excavation report. The floors of the cold rooms
were paved in mosaics. A plain white field covered the floor of
the cubicle, while a polychrome mosaic with rhomboid motifs
covered the large cold room’s floor.1032
Still in Jerusalem, at the end of the modern Prophet’s Street,
the remains of a 6th c. ecclesiastical complex were uncovered in the 1991–1992 campaign of the Third Wall Excavation
Project. Among the identified buildings was a church, parts of
an Armenian monastery and a small bathhouse.1033 A Greek
mosaic inscription of an abbot named Silvanus was dated to
the 6th c., the presumed construction phase of the building.1034
The complex was still in use in the Early Islamic period and
was even expanded in the second half of the 7th c., judging
from coins found underneath the new mosaics. The bathing
part was located 15 m south of the church, possibly in the living quarters of the monks. It consisted of a paved courtyard
giving access to a heated pool (1.6 × 3.5 m).1035 A furnace
was found to the east. The water for the baths and for other
purposes was stored in a reservoir that could contain up to
1030
1031
1032
1033
1034
1035
Korenfeld and Bar-Nathan (2014) §7.
Piraud-Fournet (2014) 695.
Amit et al. (2000) 76–78.
Amit et al. (1993) 80; Amit and Wolff (2000) 293.
Amit et al. (1993) 81; Amit and Wolff (2000) 296.
Amit et al. (1993) 82.
figure 139
Plan of the Mount Scopus monastery in
Jerusalem (Israel / Palestine) with the
location of the bathhouse in box, scale is
10 m
after Amit et al. (2000) fig. 137
700 m3. In a later salvage excavation, plastered channels were
found west of the baths, interpreted as either the aqueduct for
the baths or the sewer for waste water.1036
The monastery of Martyrios was located 5 km east of
Jerusalem, on the road connecting Aelia Capitolina with
Jericho. It was built over the cave in which the presbyter Paulus
is supposed to have lived. The monastery was named after its
founder Martyrios, who lived in the second half of the 5th c.
The excavations between 1982 and 1985 revealed a walled compound, centred on a courtyard and including a chapel, several
storerooms, cells for the monks, and a bathhouse.1037 The latter was located in the centre of the west wing and consisted
of three rooms, one of which was heated by a hypocaust. This
caldarium (2 × 6 m) had a semicircular niche in its east side,
perhaps for individual use by the abbot. The heated room was
preceded by an oblong hall with a polychrome mosaic floor
with leaf pattern. A pool was found to the east of this hall (no
dimensions given). Two large cisterns were found close to
the baths. It is estimated that the total capacity of all of the
monastery’s cisterns could amount to 20,000 or 30,000 m3. The
system was entirely depended on the catchment of rainwater,
which averaged some 300 mm per year.1038
1036 Adawi (2005) §7.
1037 Magen (1993) 969.
1038 Magen (1993) 972.
451
Gazetteer
Fortress Baths
Ayn Gharandal (Jordan)
Excavation history: The Roman fort at Ain Gharandal has
been known since the first European travel accounts from
the early 20th c. The presence of a spring probably encouraged the Roman army to set up camp on this location.
Some 50 m south-east of the fort, the remains of a bathhouse were revealed by illegal digs in the late 2000s.
Bibliography: Darby and Darby (2010); Darby and Darby
(2012); Darby and Darby (2015).
Construction: (D) Surface finds in the area were dated to
the 4th and 5th c.1039 If the baths are contemporaneous
with the fort, which is plausible, we could propose a late
antique date for the baths. The fort was dated to the reign
of the Tetrarchs by an inscription found during the 2013
campaign.
Continued use and abandonment: (D) Modern disturbance
of the site does not permit any conclusions about the different phases of use.
Plan: The presence of large amounts of tubuli and burnt
hypocaust tiles identified the building as baths. The tepidarium and caldarium have been identified. A large room
without heating system was interpreted as the frigidarium.
To the south-west of the heated rooms, a latrina was uncovered. As the excavations are on-going, the floor levels
of the frigidarium and caldarium still have to be reached.
Decoration: Two rooms with plastered walls could be recognized. The latrina was paved with large flagstones, while
the seats were probably wooden.1040 A graffito with Greek
text and an image of a seated camel were discovered on the
caldarium wall.1041
Technology: The tepidarium still had most of its tubuli wall
heating in place (round in section). During the 2009 survey,
the remains of what appears to be an aqueduct, supplying
both baths and fort, were also identified.
Be’er Shema (Israel)
Excavation history: During a salvage excavation in the summer of 2006, the remains of a Byzantine military installation with a possible adjacent bathhouse were identified in
Horbat Be’er Shema, 20 km east of Be’er Sheva.
Bibliography: Erickson-Gini (2011)
Construction: (B) The preliminary results of the pottery recovered during the excavation point to a ‘Byzantine’ construction phase.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The site was abandoned in the Early Islamic period.
1039 Darby and Darby (2010) 535.
1040 Darby and Darby (2015) 466.
1041 Darby and Darby (2015) 465.
Plan: The results of the excavations were not published at
the time of writing.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Unknown.
Be’er Sheva (Israel), Bate Hamalkha street
Excavation history: The illegal widening of a drainage channel on the outskirts of Be’er Sheva uncovered the remains
of a hypocaust.
Bibliography: Negev (1994).
Construction: (D) The late antique ceramics that were
found could not be linked directly to the structures, although the late antique city centre did reach the location
of the remains.
Continued use and abandonment: (D) Unknown.
Plan: A single room with hypocaust could be identified. A
second possible bathhouse, probably belonging to a late
antique fortress, was recognized on an aerial photograph
of 1918.1042 It has now been destroyed by the modern city.
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: Unknown.
Bir Madhkur (Jordan)
Excavation history: Some 34 m south-east of an early 4th
c. fort, the remains of a possible bathhouse (ca. 30 × 25 m)
were identified due to the large quantities of hypocaust
tiles found. The site of Bir Madhkur may be identified with
the ancient road station Moa, known from the Be’er Sheba
Edicts (6th cent.) and the Madaba mosaic map.1043
Bibliography: Smith (2005); Smith (2010); Darby (2015).
Construction: (D) The bathhouse seems contemporary
with the late antique military fort.
Continued use and abandonment: (B) Unknown.
Plan: At the present state of knowledge, two (possibly three)
rooms have been identified. One of these was a latrina.
It is likely that the frigidarium was located in the immediate vicinity.1044
Decoration: Unknown.
Technology: A large quantity of hypocaust tiles was found
on site.
Legio (el-Lejun, Jordan)
Excavation history: The bathhouse was excavated during
the Limes Arabicus Project between 1980 and 1989.
Bibliography: Hoss (2005) 159–69; de Vries and Lain (2006).
Construction: (B) The excavations revealed that the baths
were constructed around AD 300 and may have fallen out of
use as early as AD 363, when an earthquake hit the region.1045
1042
1043
1044
1045
Fabian (1995) 236–37, fig. 2A.
Darby (2015) 73.
Darby (2015) 75.
de Vries and Lain (2006) 220–21.
452
Continued use and abandonment: (B) The building was
reused as a house in the beginning of the 5th c. and was
transformed into a stable during the 6th.1046
Plan: The baths were constructed against the northern
curtain wall of the fort as a compact rectangular unit (23 ×
9.7 m). The bathers entered by a small door in the southeast, giving into an apodyterium with niches in its walls and
a bench. The north-west corner of the room was delimited
by a thin wall. Perhaps it was the only covered space in an
otherwise roofless room?1047 By a large bay, one entered a
room with a large rectangular apse (2.3 × 2.1 m), interpreted as a lounge area.1048 Alternatively, a piscina might have
been located here.1049 It could also have served as an unctorium or districtarium. The three heated rooms were laid
out following an angular row pattern. The first room (4.4 ×
2.7 m) was preceded by a shallow basin (1.5 × 3.5 m), possibly a footbath (pediluvium).1050 This first heated room
only had a hypocaust in its west part. Neither tubuli nor
chimneys were identified. The second room had the same
dimensions as the previous one, but had a hypocaust underneath its entire floor. The excavations in this part of the
building were not finished. The last heated room had a cruciform shape (each apse around 2.3 × 1.3 m). In each apse
there was probably an alveus.1051 The praefurnia must have
been located south and west of the heated section.
Decoration: The decoration of the building was modest.
The walls seem to have been coated with a layer of plaster,
while the delimited area in the north-west corner of the
apodyterium and the pediluvium were paved with limestone slabs.
Technology: The hypocaust was constructed with pillars
made out of round tiles with a total height of around
0.75 m. The draught of the hot gasses was ensured by flues
in the corners of the second and third heated room, but
no tubuli were found. A small test pit in the hypocaust of
the first heated room revealed ashes with traces of dung.1052
Evidence of a water adduction pipe was found in the wall
of the first heated room, but other information on the
water management of these baths is lacking.
1046
1047
1048
1049
de Vries and Lain (2006) 222–23.
de Vries and Lain (2006) 214.
de Vries and Lain (2006) 215.
Hoss (2005) 158. The frigidarium / apodyterium with adjacent
recesses with pool and pediluvium is reminiscent of similar
layouts in the baths of Karanis (C85) and Sersena (C94).
1050 de Vries and Lain (2006) 215.
1051 de Vries and Lain (2006) 217.
1052 de Vries and Lain (2006) 220.
Gazetteer
Yotvata (Israel)
Excavation history: The baths were first discovered in 1974
and partially excavated by Tel Aviv University. A new study
of the fortress in 2006 and 2007 by Florida International
University and the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill included a restoration and an additional excavation.
Bibliography: Meshel (1989); Davies and Magness (2007);
Davies and Magness (2008); Davies and Magness (2011).
Construction: (A) The baths are contemporaneous with
the fort, which was dated by an inscription to the reign of
Diocletian.1053
Continued use and abandonment: (A) The fort and baths
seem to have been abandoned before the end of the
4th c.1054 Recent radiocarbon dating confirms that fire
swept through the camp around AD 360.1055
Plan: (fig. 140) The baths were found 60 m north of the fortress. From a paved courtyard, the bathers entered a cold
room (9 × 11 m) that functioned as dressing room and frigidarium. Six stone piers in two rows of three supported the
roof. In the north-east corner, a rectangular room housed a
square pool (at least 1 m deep). The tepidarium and small
caldarium lie on the same axis. The latter has one alveus
lying directly above the furnace. The size of the baths
could point to a public use for the local population and
travellers.1056
Decoration: The walls above the pool were coated with a
thick layer of plaster. It seems that no traces of decoration
were found.
Technology: The heated section comprised two rooms on a
hypocaust, heated by a single furnace. The latter was probably surmounted by a boiler, supplying a small alveus in
the caldarium. The pilae of the hypocaust were made out
of stone monoliths and bricks, while the walls were heated
by tubuli.
Continued Use and Abandonment of Imperial Period
Baths during Late Antiquity
Aila (Tell Abila, Jordan)
The large bathhouse in Aila was located in the city centre,
next to a large nymphaeum. The baths were built during the
High Empire, but were still in use in Late Antiquity.1057 The
bad state of preservation does not allow reliable reconstructions of the different phases of use.
1053
1054
1055
1056
1057
Meshel (1989) 229.
Meshel (1989) 237–38.
Davies and Magness (2008) §8.
Davies and Magness (2011) 474.
Mare (1994).
Gazetteer
453
cavated at the time of writing, it was too early to identify late
antique interventions.
Humeima (Hawara, Jordan)
The small bathhouse lay next to a Roman fortress and was
built in the shell of a former Nabataean house. In the last
phase of baths, dated to Late Antiquity, the caldarium had a
small single-person pool.1063 A latrine or possibly a fuel storage area may also have been added during this last phase.1064
figure 140 Plan of the Fortress Bath of Yotvata (Israel)
after Davies and Magness (2007) fig. 7
Eleutheropolis (Beth Guvrin, Israel)
The city of Eleutheropolis was elevated to the status of a polis
during the reign of Septimius Severus and equipped with a variety of public buildings, including a bathhouse (Area 750). It
was located at the north-west edge of the city, near the amphitheatre. Important restorations took place in the 4th c., probably to repair damage caused by an earthquake (AD 363?).1058
The palaestra was transformed into a peristyle courtyard and
the number of heated rooms, with hypocaust pillars made of
round tiles, was reduced.1059 A new room, square in plan, was
created at the centre of the bathhouse. It had a more or less
oval piscina in its centre, paved with a plain white mosaic. The
pool was drained by a sewer which also flushed the latrines. In
the last phase of the baths, the pool was transformed into two
smaller pools. In the Umayyad period, the building was reused
as a fortification.1060
Hippos (Sussita, Israel)
The city of Hippos, which was occupied from the Hellenistic
until the Umayyad period, had two bathhouses. The large
central bathhouse has been identified along the decumanus
maximus leading up from the east towards the forum, but
the building still awaits excavation.1061 The excavations of
the southern baths started in 2007. Preliminary results of the
ceramics and small finds from the baths point to an early
3rd-c. date with subsequent alterations later in the course
of this century. The baths probably fell out of use in the late
4th or early 5th c.1062 As only the apodyterium had been ex-
1058
1059
1060
1061
1062
Kloner and Cohen (1999) 79*.
Hoss (2005) 129 after an unpublished M.A. thesis.
Kloner and Cohen (1999) 79*.
Segal (2013) 73.
Eisenberg and Jastrzebska (2010) 48.
Horbat Mesar (Israel)
A bathhouse dating from the High Empire was discovered
during salvage excavations in Horbat Mesar in 2003.1065 The
stratigraphy placed the construction date somewhere at the
beginning of the 2nd c. During Late Antiquity, the apse of
the original caldarium was blocked, a new alveus was constructed and the floor was paved with flagstones. The baths
fell out of use in the Early Islamic period (7th or 8th c.), when
the building was used as a garbage dump.1066
Jerusalem / Aelia Capitolina / Aelia Commodiana (Israel /
Palestine)
The site of modern-day Jerusalem / Al-Quds has been inhabited ever since the 2nd millennium BC. The Romans started
to interfere with local power as early as the 1st c. BC, when
Pompey settled a dispute between two Hasmonaean brothers and plundered the Temple treasury for services rendered.
When the Parthians took the city in 40 BC, Caius Sosius besieged Jerusalem and installed Herod—later nicknamed
‘the Great’—as a Roman client king. Under the latter’s rule
(37–4 BC), the city expanded and took a more ‘Roman appearance’. In AD 66, the First Jewish Revolt ended with a 5-month
siege and the eventual destruction of large parts of the city
and the Temple.1067 The Legio X Fretensis was henceforth stationed in the city. Hadrian re-founded Jerusalem as a military
colony (Colonia Aelia Capitolina), which has sometimes been
interpreted as the cause for the Second Jewish Revolt under
Bar Kochba (AD 132–135).1068 We are poorly informed by the
ancient sources about the period between the foundation of
Aelia and the reign of Constantine. Probably under Septimius
Severus, the name of the provincial capital was changed to
Aelia Commodiana. Under Diocletian, the Legio X Fretensis
was probably stationed elsewhere, meaning a large part of the
city became available for civilian settlement.1069
1063 Oleson (1990).
1064 Hoss (2005) 149 quoting an unpublished M.A. thesis.
1065 Tabar and Gendelman (2013) in Hebrew with English
summary.
1066 Tabar and Gendelman (2013) 26.
1067 Bieberstein (2007) 134–315.
1068 Bieberstein (2007) 146 with anterior bibliography.
1069 Bieberstein (2007) 159.
Gazetteer
454
The accession of Constantine was an important turning
point in the history of the city. Jerusalem became an empirewide symbol for Christians and was equipped with several
ecclesiastical buildings. It was made a patriarchate by the
Council of Chalcedon (AD 451). The bishop became the most
powerful leader in the city, having a hand in both ecclesiastical and civil affairs. In contrast, little is known about the civil
government of Jerusalem. Overall, Jerusalem and its hinterland enjoyed a peaceful 4th and 5th c., escaping the threats
of a Hun invasion in AD 395 and the Isaurian rampage of
Syria and Phoenicia in AD 405. The most important revolts
were linked to religious groups such as the Monophysites
or Origenist monks that came to blows with their rivals.
In AD 614, The Sasanians raided the city for a first time, leaving a path of destruction. The Byzantine army briefly retook
control of the city, until the Islamic troops arrived at its doors
in AD 635.1070
The number of public bathhouses dating from the High
Empire is rather low. No large thermae have been found to this
day. Unsurprisingly, most of the baths found in Jerusalem date
from the Herodian period and were part of private residences. Seven private baths that had been destroyed by the fire of
AD 70–71 have been identified.1071 These baths could be
labelled as Greek-Hellenistic type bathrooms with singleperson tubs and often complemented by a ritual pool
(miqveh). They are characterized by the absence of a Romanstyle hypocaust.
The evidence for neighbourhood baths dating from the
High Empire is meagre. Near the so-called Wilson’s Arch, at
the foot of the Temple Mount, a latrine that may have belonged to a bathhouse was discovered.1072 Just outside the
city wall, on the modern Ma’alot Ir David Street, a fragment of
round mudbrick with the stamp of the Legio X was retrieved
during an excavation.1073 This type of building material was
often used to construct the hypocaust pillars of a heated room.
The stamp points to a pre-Diocletianic fabrication date of the
tile (see above). On the outskirts of the modern city, some
better examples have come to light. A bath along the modern Ramallah road (Shu’fat district) was in use in the 1st and
2nd c.1074 On a hill along the Jerusalem-Bethlehem road, illicit
excavation in 2009 revealed a Roman bathhouse (Mar Elias
site). Some of the tiles used for the construction of the hypocaust were marked with the stamp ‘LEXFR’ (Legio X Fretensis),
hinting at a terminus ante quem of the reign of Diocletian. The
building had at least two heated rooms and a plastered pool.
A coin hoard dating from the turn of the 4th and 5th c. may
provide a terminus ante quem for the abandonment of the
1070
1071
1072
1073
1074
Schick (2007) 170–73, 179–80.
Hoss (2005) 152–54, Cat. Nrs. 74–80.
Onn et al. (2011) §24.
Avner (2011) §4.
Sklar-Parnes (2006) §2.
bathhouse.1075 In the late 19th c., a Roman-style bathhouse
was excavated in Kidron Valley, south of the ancient city
gate.1076 No information is available on the date of construction or its abandonment. A bathhouse on Mount Zion, also
excavated in the late 1890s, was built with tiles stamped with
the Legio X mark.1077
Pella (Tabaqat Fahl, Jordan)
Pella was located at the foot of the hills bordering the western banks of the Jordan, 12 km south-east of Scythopolis.
A bathhouse—probably built in the 1st c. AD—was located
in the city centre, close to a nymphaeum. A coin from the
period AD 582–641 was found under the destruction layers of
the building, giving a terminus post quem for the abandonment of the building.1078 However, it may have changed function long before this date. North of the city, the hot springs
now known as Hammamat Abu Dhabla have been in use since
antiquity. The remains of a bathhouse, probably belonging
to a villa, were discovered during construction works in the
1990s. The associated ceramics are dated between the 3rd and
7th c.1079
Petra (Jordan)
The Temple Baths in Petra were constructed in the 1st c.
AD, and only fell out of use after an earthquake in AD 551.
Excavations in 2006 identified several phases, including an
important restoration after an earthquake in AD 363. Some
rooms were abandoned, while others were paved over. The ornamental pool was filled in and paved, which might point to
issues with water supply.1080
A large bathhouse has recently been discovered along the
Colonnaded Street in the centre of ancient Petra. Preliminary
results of the excavations point to a phase of use between the
Nabataean and Byzantine period.1081 The results of the excavations will shed light on the different phases of use and of
possible late antique changes made to the original plan.
In the outskirts of the city, two baths have recently come
to light. The baths on the Jabal Khubthah may still have been
in use during the 4th c., but the interpretation of the different phases of the building remains difficult.1082 The baths of
Sabra may date from the 1st or 2nd c. In the absence of archaeological data, the plan seems to indicate a construction
date during the High Empire, but the large peristyle courtyard
may point to a late antique phase.1083
1075
1076
1077
1078
1079
1080
1081
1082
1083
Baruch and Ganor (2014) §5.
Bliss and Dickie (1898) 225–30.
Hoss (2005) 157 with anterior bibliography.
Hoss (2005) 165.
Watson (1996) 73.
Joukowski (2006).
Shiyyab (2014).
Tholbecq et al. (2015) 31.
Fournet and Tholbecq (2015) 42.
Gazetteer
455
Ramat Rachel (Israel)
On the southern outskirts of modern Jerusalem / Al-Quds,
a bathhouse perhaps belonging to a suburban villa was partially excavated in 1960.1084 It was built in the 3rd c. on top of
a Herodian gate and remained in use in Late Antiquity, as several small finds on the floors of the rooms and on the bottom
of the pools seem to suggest. No important structural changes
seem to have been carried out during this long period of use.
The floor decoration of this last phase included simple white
flagstones. Some 15 m to the north, a small church was built
in the 5th or 6th c. The baths were probably destroyed at the
same time as the church at the beginning of the 7th c.1085
m south-east of the late antique fort (late 3rd-early 4th c.). The
excavations revealed two phases, one in the 3rd and one in
the 4th c.1087 The baths were equipped with an apodyterium,
a tepidarium, a sudatorium and a caldarium. The earthquake
of AD 363 possibly caused significant damage, although the
baths seem to have remained in use.1088
Sahir al-Baqar (Jordan)
The unexcavated bathhouse might have been in use between
the 1st and 4th c., if the association with the phase of use of
the Nabataean temple is correct.1086
Umm el-Hajar (between Tell er-Ruqeis and Tell er-Rihan,
Palestine)
A large bathhouse was discovered during salvage excavations
in 1973. At least 5 rooms had a mosaic floor, one of which had
a Greek inscription dated to the 5th or 6th c.1091 Several pools
and terracotta supply channels were also found, but no information about their location was published.
Tamara (En Hazeva, Israel)
The site of ancient Tamara was located on the crossroads of a
north-south and an east-west trade route crossing the Negev
Desert, near an important spring. A bathhouse was found 50
1084 Aharoni (1962) 24–27; Cascia (1962) 69–72.
1085 Aharoni (1962) 26.
1086 Hoss (2005) 171.
Thana / Thornia (at-Tuwanah, Jordan)
The settlement lay on the ancient Via Nova Traiana and was
discovered during a survey in 1992.1089 On the basis of ceramic
finds, the building recognized as a bathhouse may date to
1st–4th c.1090
1087
1088
1089
1090
1091
Cohen and Israel (1996) 111.
Darby (2015) 70–71.
Fiema (1993).
Hoss (2005) 175.
Biran (1974) 141.
Glossary
The following glossary contains Latin and Greek terms that
are frequently used in this book. These mainly pertain to baths
and bathing habits, although some historical and architectural
terms are also explained. The Greek terms are transcribed in
Latin for reasons of convenience, the original Greek spelling
being added in brackets. Frequently used plural forms are also
given for a select number of terms. It should be stressed that
the definitions presented for the bath-related terminology are
mainly the result of modern scholarship that standardised
existing Latin and Greek terms. In the ancient texts, the significance of terms could vary according to author, geographical or chronological contexts of the document (see Rebuffat
(1991) 7; Nielsen (1993c)). For more detailed explanations of
bath-related terms, see the appendix in Inge Nielsen’s seminal
work Thermae et Balnea ((1993a) 153–66), and, more generally,
John-Bryan Ward-Perkins’ Roman Imperial Architecture (1981)
and René Ginouvès’ Dictionnaire méthodique de l’architecture
grecque et romaine. Tome III (1998). For the terminology
on bath attendants and staff, see the article by Michael
Wissemann (1984). For the terminology of baths and bathing
habits in the east, including the Islamic period, see the glossary by Valentine Denizeau and Bérangère Redon in Le bain
collectif en Égypte (2009) 399–407.
Alousia (ἀλουσία) A term designating literally the state
of being unwashed. In the ascetic movement of Early
Christianity, the refusal to bathe was considered a virtue,
as it avoided confrontation with nudity and underlined the
sacrament of baptism as the only necessary washing.
Alveus A hot-water pool, mainly found in the heated rooms
of Roman-style baths. Most of these pools could accommodate several persons at a time. The hot water was supplied by a boiler in the service rooms, mounted above the
furnace of the hypocaust. It was kept warm by means of
the hypocaust running under the pool and / or through a
testudo. Alternatively, the alveus was heated only by an underlying furnace or by the hypocaust and wall heating.
Apodyterium The changing room of a Roman-style bathhouse. These were often equipped with benches, sometimes made out of bricks or stones, but often in wood.
Especially in early bathhouses, niches to store clothes were
incorporated into the walls. Sometimes, a small fountain
or labrum is found in this room. In more luxurious bathhouses, the dressing room was also heated by a hypocaust.
Artabè (ἀρτάβη) An originally Persian measure of capacity used in Egypt from the Ptolemaic period onwards.
Depending on the region, it equals a capacity between 28
and 60 litres.
Balaneion (βαλανεῖον) A term that designates a Greek-style
bathhouse. In ancient literature, it could pertain to both
publicly and privately owned baths. The building characteristically consisted of one or more round rooms (tholoi) with single-person bathtubs placed against the walls.
These tubs could be hip-baths (or sitz-baths) with an integrated seat or long baths resembling modern tubs. In some
Hellenistic examples, large heated pools for communal use
have been found. These could be heated by a type of protohypocaust, consisting of a single underground channel
that was heated by a furnace.
Bal(i)neum (pl. balnea) The original Latin term to denote
a bathhouse, both public and private. The meaning of the
word shifted during the Early Imperial period, when the
term thermae was introduced. The difference between the
two terms is still the subject of scholarly debate. Textual
and epigraphic evidence does not permit a clear distinction. Possibly, balnea were privately owned and had to
buy a permit to use the public water supply. In modern
research, balnea is mainly used to designate modest neighbourhood baths.
Balneator A vague title that could be used for anyone working in the baths. In smaller baths, there was probably one
such balneator who was kind of a jack-of-all-trades. His duties could include anointing, massaging and pouring water
over the bathers, or even firing the furnace. In larger baths,
these different tasks were performed by numerous specialized staff.
Basilica thermarum Large rectangular halls, often with a
peristylium and hence resembling a secular basilica. Such
halls were usually found in large baths of the imperial
type, flanking the frigidarium. The walls often had recesses
or apsidal exedrae in which statues were displayed. The
basilica stood in connection with the apodyteria and the
frigidarium, and was probably used as an exercise area, and
more generally, as a meeting place.
Bipedales A measuring unit of two Roman feet, equalling
59.2 cm. This measurement was used for large square terracotta tiles, which could be placed on top of the hypocaust pillars. The distance between two pillars was hence
restricted to ca. 45 cm.
Caldarium The hot room of a Roman-style bathhouse. It
could have different forms: in early bathhouses, it often
had a rectangular plan with one apsidal ending for the
labrum. In later times, it was often cruciform or round.
The room was heated by a hypocaust and tubuli, and had
at least one warm water pool (alveus) for communal use.
The caldarium was oriented to the south to take maximum
advantage of the afternoon sun. For this reason, it often
projected out from the main building.
Calida piscina A large swimming pool heated by a hypocaust. In the centre of the pool, a metal container
Glossary
connected to the hypocaust was sunk into the bottom to
ensure the continuous heating of the water. These pools
are uncommon and mainly found in more luxurious bathhouses (both public and private). They were always confined to a separate room in connection to the tepidarium
or the caldarium.
Capitolium A temple complex for the divine triad Jupiter,
Juno and Minerva, which was located in the centre of a
Roman city on the forum. It was named after the Capitoline
hill in Rome, where a temple for the trias capitolina had
stood since Republican times.
Capsarius A cloakroom attendant in the baths. His prime
concern was to guard clothes and personal belongings of
the bathers.
Cardo Maximus The main north-south street of a Roman
town. It often intersected with the decumanus maximus at
the forum.
Claustrum A Latin term literally meaning barrier. In an
architectural sense, it can mean a lock or a grate in a window opening.
Crusta Meaning literally ‘crust’ or hard shell, the word was
also used to denote the pieces of marble or other stone that
embellished the surface of floors and walls.
Decumanus Maximus The main east-west street of a Roman
town. It often intersected with the cardo maximus at the
forum.
Destrictarium A room in which the bathers could scrape
(destringere) the mixture of oil, sweat and dirt off their skin
with a strigilis (sickle-shaped scraper). The room had no
specific features. The term itself is only attested in an inscription at the Stabian baths in Pompeii (CIL 10.829), but
has found its way into the vocabulary of modern research.
Exedra An extension of a wall, often semicircular in shape,
which could contain benches or niches for statues. The exedrae could be used for a variety of purposes, including use
as a library or lecture hall. In baths, they are often found in
connection to the palaestra or the perimeter walls (of the
thermae).
Frigidarium The cold room of a Roman-style bathhouse. It
was often the largest room in the baths and contained one
or more cold-water pools (piscinae). In smaller baths, the
frigidarium could also serve as a dressing room. It was normally rectangular in shape and connected to the apodyterium and the tepidarium.
Gymnasium In the Greek-Hellenistic world, the gymnasium
was an athletic training ground where the male youth was
also educated. It evolved from an open space to an enclosed
exercise area with surrounding classrooms and fountain
houses. In some larger cities, the gymnasium also had basic
washing facilities. During the Roman period, the gymnasium merged with the public bathhouse in Asia Minor, forming a specific type of gymnasium-bath. In Egypt, the term is
also used to designate a bathhouse.
457
Heliocaminus The term is used by scholars to denote a room
for sunbathing, although the few textual attestations do
not mention this word in direct connection to a bathhouse.
Alternatively, the word solarium is sometimes used, even if
this term normally designates a sundial. Other than being
oriented towards the south for maximum sunshine, such a
room is also supposed to have had large windows.
Hypocaustum The heating system used in Roman-style
bathhouses to heat rooms and pools. It consisted of several
pillars (pilae) supporting the floor (suspensura). The hollow space underneath the walking-level was heated by one
or more furnaces. The hot gasses of these furnaces heated
the floor and hence also the room above. The term is a
Latinized form of the Greek ὑπόκαυστον, meaning ‘heated
from below’.
Insula Literally meaning an island, it was also used to denote a tenement for poor people. In modern Roman archaeology, it is used to denote an urban area delimited by
streets on all its sides.
Labrum (pl. labra) A shallow basin elevated on a pedestal
and containing water. The labrum is mainly found in the
caldarium or sometimes in the apodyterium. Until the end
of the 1st c. AD, it was usual to place the labrum in an apsidal recess (schola labri) to enable several bathers to gather
around the washing stand at the same time. The water was
supplied by a spout in the centre of the basin or by a spout
in the wall behind the labrum. In some cases the water was
heated. The diameter of the labrum usually varied from 1 m
to 2.5 m. The Greek term is λουτήρ or λουτήριον.
Laconicum A round sweat room that was heated by charcoal braziers. This domed room often had seats or benches
to accommodate bathers. It usually stood in connection
to the apodyterium or tepidarium. After the 1st c. AD, the
laconicum disappeared in favour of the sudatorium, which
was heated by hypocaust and wall heating. The etymology
of the term goes back to the Greek Λακωνικός (‘Laconian’),
pointing to the link with the round sweat rooms found in
Greek gymnasia.
Lavacrum A term that probably denoted ‘a place where one
could submerge in water’, but later took on the meaning of
bathhouse or pool. In a Christian context, it was often used
to designate the sacrament of baptism (lavacrum sacrum
and lavacrum regenerationis). It was mainly used during
Late Antiquity.
Lavatrina A washroom or bath room in a private residence.
It was mainly used during the Republican period.
Louter (λουτήρ) A shallow basin elevated on a pedestal
containing water. It is the Greek equivalent of the Latin
labrum.
Loutron (λουτρόν) Originally the washroom of a Greek gymnasium, the word gradually took on the meaning of bathhouse during Late Antiquity. It is closely related to verb
λουεῖν: ‘to let water flow over something, to wash’.
458
Natatio The large unheated swimming pool which was
located in the cold section of baths. It was often unroofed and surrounded by porticoes, with a depth that
could reach 1.5 m. Such pools were mainly installed in
the larger baths and demanded a considerable supply
of water.
Nymphaeum Originally a cave in which water surged and
which was dedicated to nymphs. In architecture, it denotes
a monumental fountain. These could be freestanding or
part of another structure. It often had an elaborately decorated façade with columns, niches and statues. In Roman
baths, these could form the monumental frontage of the
natatio or, in a more modest form, the background of piscinae. Alternatively, they were incorporated into the perimeter wall of larger bathhouses.
Opus africanum A modern technical term denoting the masonry technique in which walls are constructed by alternating ashlar or orthostatic blocks with spaces of rubble
concrete. The technique is mainly found in North Africa,
as it was probably invented in the Phoenician and Punic
building tradition.
Opus caementicium A modern technical term denoting
Roman concrete. It consisted of mortar and fragments of
rock. The mixture was packed in between temporary timber formworks to create walls or it was used for the infill of
brick built walls (opus testaceum and opus listatum).
Opus listatum A modern technical term denoting the masonry technique in which the facing of a wall consists of alternating layers of brick with layers of tufa stone. The infill
of the wall consists of opus caementicium. This technique is
also called opus vittatum in modern literature.
Opus quadratum An ancient technical term to denote a construction technique in which walls are constructed with
cut blocks of stone laid in regular courses, without the use
of mortar.
Opus reticulatum An ancient technical term to denote a
construction technique in which the facing of a wall was
constructed by placing pyramidal tufa blocks in an opus
caementicium core, hence creating a reticulated pattern.
The corners of the walls were often reinforced with brick
pillars (opus mixtum). The technique was mainly used in
the Italian Peninsula during the 1st c. AD.
Opus sectile A type of mosaic work consisting of slabs of
cut stone forming figural patterns. Geometric and floral
patterns were very popular. It was often used to embellish
pavements.
Opus signinum A type of pavement consisting of mortar,
small pieces of stone and crushed terracotta, which gave it
a pinkish colour. Its surface was often polished.
Opus spicatum A technical term denoting a type of pavement, consisting of thin terracotta tiles laid in a herring
bone pattern. It was introduced in the Early Imperial
period.
Glossary
Opus testaceum A modern technical term denoting the masonry technique in which the facing of a wall consists of
regular layers of flat (triangular) bricks, imbedded in an
opus caementicium core.
Otium Latin term to denote vacant time, leisure and freedom of political activity. It was a privilege of the Roman
nobility.
Palaestra An open courtyard which was attached to the
bathhouse, often in front of the frigidarium. The palaestra
was rarely paved, but was sometimes laid out as a garden.
It was often rectangular in shape and was surrounded by a
portico with exedrae. The palaestra was used as an exercise
yard and could be equipped with running tracks and sports
equipment. The natatio could also be located here.
Pila The pillar of a Roman-style hypocaust system that supported the floor of the heated rooms. These pillars had an
average height between 60 and 100 cm, and stood some 40
to 60 cm apart. The pillars were often constructed of round
or square terracotta tiles bonded by mortar. Alternatively,
stone monoliths or hollow terracotta pillars were used.
Arches connecting the pillars could offer extra support.
Piscina A Latin term for a pool. In modern research, it mainly denotes the cold pools of the frigidarium. The piscinae
had internal steps for easy access and could be used by several bathers at the same time.
Praefurnium The service room that preceded a furnace. In
modern research, it is often erroneously used to designate
a furnace. These rooms lay on a lower level than the floors
of the bathhouse, as the furnaces had to heat the cavity underneath the suspensura.
Schola labri The apse in which a labrum was placed. It enabled several bathers to stand around the labrum at the
same time. A window in its semi-dome could give additional light.
Solium An alternative term to denote a warm water pool
(see alveus) in a Roman-style bathhouse. The word probably derived from the verb sedere (to sit), linking its origin
to the Greek-style hip bath tubs that incorporated a seat.
Strigilis (pl. strigiles) Sickle-shaped hollow blade made out
of metal, wood or bone, used to scrape off dirt, oil and
sweat after physical exercises or massages.
Sudatorium A sweat room in a Roman-style bathhouse. It
was derived from the verb sudare (to sweat). In modern
research, sudatorium is used for a room with a hypocaust
and wall heating, heated by its own furnace(s). It is often
located between the tepidarium and the caldarium. In this
room, the bathers sat on benches and sweated out the bad
bodily fluids. In most cases, there was no pool in this room.
Suspensura The floor supported by the pillars of the hypocaust. This ‘suspended floor’ usually consisted of (bottom
to top): bipedales tiles, a thick layer of waterproof mortar, a
fine layer of mortar and a marble or mosaic revetment. The
total thickness could vary between 30 and 50 cm.
Glossary
Taberna Latin term to denote a shop, shed or booth.
Tabernae were often built against the outer walls of the
palaestra and consisted of one or two rooms open to the
street. The tabernae around baths usually sold food, beverages and possibly bath-related items such as oil and nitrum.
Tegulae mammatae Meaning literally ‘nipple tiles’, these
square or rectangular terracotta tiles had projecting bosses in the corners of one side, so that a cavity was created
when placing these tiles vertically against a wall. The tiles
were attached with iron T-shaped clamps. The open space
between wall and tiles stood in connection with the hypocaust, enabling the hot gasses to rise ‘inside’ the wall. This
system of wall heating is mainly found in Republican and
Early Imperial times. It was gradually replaced by tubuli.
Tepidarium The tepid room of a Roman-style bathhouse. It
could have different shapes and was located between the
frigidarium and the caldarium or between the frigidarium
and the sudatorium. In this room, the bathers acclimatized to the heat before entering the hot rooms. Early examples were heated with charcoal braziers, but from the
imperial period onwards, they were heated by a hypocaust.
Sometimes, the tepidarium had no wall heating in an effort to reduce the temperature. For the same reason, it was
often indirectly heated by the furnace of the sudatorium or
caldarium. From the 2nd c. onwards, the tepidarium sometimes had a small pool to enable bathers to have a dip in
tepid water, before plunging into the piscina.
Tessera A small cube, tag or token. In an architectural context, the term is used to denote the small cubes that were
used to form mosaics. The tesserae were often made of
stone, glass or terracotta.
Testudo (alvei) Latin term meaning literally a tortoise
shell, it is also used as a technical term to denote the halfcylindrical metal container that was placed with its flat
side above a furnace. It was open at one end and was in
direct contact with the bottom of the alveus. As cold water
sank, it was heated inside the testudo to rise again. This
cyclical process ensured that the water inside the alveus
stayed warm.
Thermae Latin term to denote a Roman-style bathhouse, it
came into use during the 1st c. AD, as a way of demarcating a new type of bathhouse from the type called balneum.
There is still uncertainty about the exact difference between both terms. The most recurring hypotheses interpret
thermae as the more luxurious bath buildings, often donated by the emperor, or as bathhouses that were run by the
civic authorities, enjoying a free water supply. Parameters
such as size and the presence of a palaestra do not seem to
have been distinguishing features.
Thermae aestivales (or aestivae) Latin term to denote
Roman-style summer baths, as opposed to thermae hiemales. Both types of baths are often found close to each
other or are sometimes structurally linked. Alternative
459
terms are balneum or lavacrum aestivum (see above, the
difference between thermae, balnea and lavacra). There
is still uncertainty about the distinctive characteristics of
these baths. It seems that the summer baths had more and
larger pools than the winter baths. In known North African
examples, the summer baths also had an open semicircular
latrine. Dual summer-winter baths seem to have been popular in the warmer regions of the Mediterranean, such as
the Italian Peninsula, the Iberian Peninsula, North Africa
and the eastern provinces.
Thermae hiemales Latin term to denote Roman-style winter baths, as opposed to thermae aestivales. Both types of
baths are often found close to each other or are sometimes
structurally linked. Alternative terms are balneum hiemale
or balnearia hiberna (see above, the difference between
thermae and balnea). There is still uncertainty about the
distinctive characteristics of these baths. It seems that
the winter baths were smaller and had fewer and smaller
pools than the summer baths. The heated section was also
smaller, as large rooms meant more heat loss and hence
higher fuel costs in winter. In known North African examples, winter baths had closed rectangular latrines, as opposed to the large semicircular latrines of summer baths.
Dual summer-winter baths seem to have been popular
in the warmer regions of the Mediterranean, such as the
Italian Peninsula, the Iberian Peninsula, North Africa and
the eastern provinces.
Tholos (θόλος) A round room that was covered by a dome.
This dome could have a circular opening in its centre to
permit air and light to enter. In Greek-style baths, such
rooms were often equipped with single-person hip-baths.
In Roman-style baths, especially early examples, such a
round room was first used as a sweat room, heated by a brazier. In the Pompeian and Herculanean baths, this sweat
room was later transformed into a cold pool.
Tubus fittilus (pl. tubi fittli) Cylindrical or bottle-shaped
ceramic building material used to construct walls and especially vaults. They were open at both ends, but wide at
the bottom and narrow at the top, so that they could be
set upon each other. The oldest examples date from the
3rd c. BC, but they were mainly used from the 2nd c. AD
onwards. Often found in North Africa.
Tubulus (pl. tubuli) Hollow terracotta tile, often box-like or
cylindrical. In Roman-style baths, rows of superimposed
tubuli were placed against the wall and connected to the
hypocaust to create a heated wall. Chimney flues that were
connected with the top row of the tubuli ensured that the
hot gasses in the hypocaust were drawn into the tubuli. If
the tubuli were not connected to a hypocaust, they served a
mere insulating function for the walls.
Unctorium The room for anointing, and possibly massaging bathers. It had no special characteristics and could be
connected to the palaestra, to the frigidarium or to one of
460
the heated rooms. In some baths, the unctorium may have
been heated.
Vestibulum An entrance court. The first room when one
entered a building. In a bathhouse, it was often used as a
lounge to relax before or after bathing.
Glossary
Vir clarissimus Literally meaning a ‘highly regarded man’
(i.e. a man of noble rank), it was a title used for members
of the senatorial class. After the reforms of Diocletian and
Constantine, it became the only remaining title for higher
officials. In the later 4th c., the titles of vir illustris and vir
spectabilis were considered to be higher titles.
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Indices
Note: The indices only pertain to the discussion, the Gazetteer is not included.
Ancient Sources
Acta Iohannis 60n326
Alexander of Tralles 63–64, 68
Ambrose 42, 50, 197, 198n88
Ammianus Marcellinus 34–36, 68–69, 183, 192, 210
Ananias of Shirak 67n438, 208
Anonymus Valesianus 61, 218
Antidotarium Bruxellense 61
Anthologia Latina 42, 54, 65n399, 69, 217
Anthologia Palatina 65–66, 69, 198n87
Apophthegmata Patrum 57
Apuleius 36, 66
Asterius of Emessa 49
Athanasius 55n264
Augustine 44n125, 49–50, 54, 56, 68–70, 75n521, 80, 101n79, 155, 170,
186–88, 208
Aulus Gellius 36
Aurelius Victor 41, 83n592
Ausonius 40, 48–51, 69, 183, 195n67, 196–97, 199, 203–204, 206–207
Basil of Caesarea 45–46, 66n419, 68–69, 196
Caelius Aurelianus 52–53, 68, 189, 199, 218
Cassiodorus 58–60, 69, 97, 106, 200–201, 204, 219
Cassius Dio 13
Cassius Felix 53, 61, 65n401, 68, 189, 218
Celsus 29, 68
Chronicle of Edessa 67
Cicero 12, 50n193, 92
Claudian 53
Clemens of Alexandria 75n518
Codex Iustinianus 73, 76, 201n110, 208n148
Codex Theodosianus 71–73, 76, 88n666, 201n113, 203
Colloquia Monacensia 19
Commodianus 42, 47n167, 54, 69
Constitutiones Apostolorum 75
Cosmas Indicopleustes 66, 196
Council in Trullo 75–76
Cyprian 75n518, 150
Digesta 73–75, 80, 89n677, 102, 199n97, 207, 209n144
Epiphanius 43–44
Epitome de Caesaribus 41–42, 61n329, 66n415
Eunapius 48–49, 69–70, 187
Eutropius 41
Eusebius of Caesarea 42–43, 50, 54–56, 69, 210
Evagrius Scholasticus 64, 66n415, 70, 197–98
Faventinus 22n94
Galen 29, 38n47, 40, 44, 68, 79, 195
Gregory of Nazianzus 46, 69–70, 187
Gregory of Nyssa 46–47, 69
Gregory of Tours 60–61, 66n415, 68–69, 195, 204, 218
Gregory the Great 60, 69–70, 187
Herodotos 10, 52
Hieronymus, see Jerome
Institutiones 73, 75
Isidorus of Sevilla 65n399, 67
Itinerarium Burdigalense 41, 69, 208
Jerome 38–40, 42, 56, 69, 80, 97, 183, 191, 208
John Cassian 57
John Chrysostom 47–48, 54, 56, 69
John Malalas 61–63, 65n398, 67–70, 170, 184, 186, 188, 197–98,
200, 204
John Moschos 66
John of Ephesus 66–67, 69–70
John of Nikiu 67–70, 200n101, 208
Jordanes 58, 61, 68–70, 218
Joshua Stylites 58, 68, 70
Julian 43–44, 69
Libanius 43, 69, 192
Liber Pontificalis (Rome) 101–102, 107n140, 108n153–54, 121, 138,
205n127, 219
Livy 72, 110
Lucian 19, 30, 32n222
Marcellinus Comes 61
Marcus Aurelius 45
Martial 102, 105n113
Nilus of Ancyra 57
Novellae 73, 75–76
Olympiodorus 57, 97, 183, 197
Optatus of Milevis 49, 69
Oribasius 44–45, 50n200, 53, 68, 88n666, 189, 216
Palladius of Helenopolis 56–57, 69–70, 187, 197, 201
Palladius, R. T. Aemilianus 22n94
Philostorgius 42n95, 61n329, 66n415
Philoxenos of Hierapolis 57–58, 69
Photius 42n95, 57
Pliny the Elder 12, 17, 29, 75n519, 192n46
Pliny the Younger 19, 50, 79, 195
Plutarch 38, 50n193, 68
Polemius Silvius 53, 97, 103, 109
Procopius 64–65, 68–70, 84, 98, 106, 109, 152, 156, 165, 183, 200,
217–18
Pseudo-Theodorus 40–41
Quintilian 76n519
Scriptores Historia Augusta 15n51, 36–38, 42, 49n188, 63, 68–69, 104,
110, 183
Seneca 26, 30, 37n40, 38n47, 51, 69, 209
Sidonius Apollinaris 42n95, 50–52, 61n329, 66n415, 69, 79, 89n676,
97, 189n30, 195n67, 197–98, 201, 206
Socrates Scholasticus 54–55, 68–70, 170, 186–88
Sophronius of Jerusalem 68–69
Sozomen 43n117, 55, 69–70, 187
Statius 30, 40, 105n113, 206
Strabo 52
Suetonius 36–38, 68
Synod of Laodicea 75
Tacitus 29, 34, 70
Tertullian 36, 48n179
Theodoret 55–56, 68–69, 192, 203, 208
Theodorus Priscianus 40–41, 53, 61, 68, 189
Vegetius 42, 63
Venantius Fortunatus 61, 196, 206
Victor of Vita 155
Vitruvius 21–22, 24, 26–27, 207n141
Zacharias of Mytilene 57, 69–70, 200, 204, 208
Zosimus 66
499
Indices
Themes
Adultery 54, 58, 70, 73, 75–76
Aqueducts
in general 26–27, 38, 59, 62, 64–65, 89, 95, 109–110, 112, 130, 135,
143, 145, 148, 150, 155, 165, 200–202
Aqua Alexandrina 97, 109
Aqua Alsietina 109
Aqua Anena 109
Aqua Antoniniana 18, 27, 110
Aqua Appia 92n12
Aqua Claudia 59, 92, 109
Aqua Damnata 109
Aqua Drusia 109
Aqua Iulia 92, 94, 109
Aqua Marcia 18, 27, 92n12, 109
Aqua Mercurii 110
Aqua Virgo 109
Zaghouan aqueduct 150, 155–56
Tributum 73
Vectigal 73, 201
Bathing, other activities
Ball game 19, 52, 188, 189n30
Depilation 47, 70, 89, 145, 223
Massage 11, 20, 53, 145
Bathing Personnel
Balneator 37–38, 74, 76, 208
Capsarius 60, 74, 76
Gymnasiarch 88
Logistès 208
Servant, see Slave
Bathing Utensils
Bathing costume 38
Nitrum 19, 45
Oil 11, 19, 44–45, 52–53, 55, 63, 68, 90, 140
Salt 49n188, 72, 88
Situla 74
Soap 19, 45, 63, 88, 90
Strigilis 19
Towel 19, 47, 52, 74, 87–88
Buildings
Amphitheatre 35, 92, 107–108, 150, 154–55, 158, 160, 162, 171, 202
Basilica 41, 62, 105–106, 116, 139, 142–43, 148, 155, 170–71
Circus 38, 40, 92, 95, 103, 106–107, 150, 155, 225
Latrine 27, 123, 136, 142, 145, 147, 160, 165, 167, 201
Library 145
Nymphaeum 16, 18, 28, 62, 73, 94, 104, 129, 131–32, 135–36, 138,
160, 170–71, 204, 219
Theatre 35, 38, 40, 46, 64, 94–95, 110–11, 129–30, 132, 143, 148, 150,
155, 158, 160, 162, 164–65, 170–71, 202, 225
Christianity
in general 3, 5, 8, 32, 34, 38–40, 42–43, 46–50, 54–57, 60–61, 63,
66–70, 75–77, 101, 106, 108, 119–20, 148, 150, 158, 170, 187, 189,
191–92, 196–98, 204–206, 208, 218
Alousia 39, 44, 56
Ascetism 39, 43, 45–46, 50, 53–57, 69, 75, 191, 208–209
Baptism 32, 36, 44, 47, 49–50, 63, 69, 101, 208–209
Baptistery 41, 57, 92, 101, 108, 109n168, 140, 143, 148, 162, 192,
203–204, 209
Church, building 44, 47–48, 58, 60, 63–64, 70, 72, 86, 97, 98n61,
99, 101–102, 106–109, 120, 130, 132, 140, 143, 148, 155–57, 168, 171,
192, 202–206, 209, 219
Donatism 49, 80, 143, 145, 147–48
Ebionites 44
Gnosticism 43
Hemerobaptism 44
Martyr 42, 45, 47–48, 63, 69, 108, 129, 132, 150, 155, 208
Monastery 38, 57–59, 61, 69, 88, 156, 171, 189, 192, 201, 204
Monophysitism 57
Nestorianism 66
New Testament 39, 57
Novatianism 54
Pilgrimage 3, 41, 70, 102, 132, 157, 185, 192n43, 203–204, 208–209,
217, 219–20
Presbytery 120
Saint 44, 60n326, 68–69, 80, 155, 203, 205, 208
Titulus 102, 107–109, 203
Virgin 39–40, 49, 56, 66, 69, 80, 208
Xenodochium 98, 109
Civic offices
Comes 71, 143
Consul 40, 55, 58, 72, 78–79, 86, 92
Corrector 79
Curator 73–74, 78–80, 82–83, 89, 103, 109, 158
Magister militum 71, 79, 85
Legatus 82, 140
Praefectus annonae 78, 124, 131
Praefectus urbi 41, 79, 97–98, 112
Proconsul 82, 84, 154–55
Rector 78
Vir clarrisimus 77, 78n540, 79
Vir perfectissimus 77
Collegium 102, 111–12, 128, 203, 207
Divorce 73, 76
Earthquake 55, 58, 62, 64, 67, 70, 77, 79, 81, 86, 167, 170–71, 203–204,
219
Eunuch 38–39
Flamen perpetuus 82
Forma Urbis Roma 13, 92, 94, 102–104
Fortress 85, 145, 148, 168, 180, 184, 189–90, 197, 200–202, 204, 213, 220
Forum 16, 35, 59, 92, 94, 101–102, 105–107, 110–111, 120, 124–25,
129–132, 139–40, 142–43, 148, 150, 155–58, 165, 170–71, 173, 221
Fuel
Bone 200
Chaff 87–89, 200
Charcoal 25, 87
Dung 49, 200
Flax 87, 89, 200
Olive pits 200
Wood 25, 36, 71, 73–74, 76, 87–89, 191n41, 200
Furnace
in general 10, 21–27, 32–33, 38, 48–49, 55–56, 58, 66, 73, 76–77,
88, 113, 175–80, 182n553, 184–85, 190, 195–96, 199–201, 209, 223
Boiler 10, 22, 27, 63, 67, 83, 165, 176, 181–82, 190, 199–202, 209, 223
Fire 10, 13, 22, 30, 36, 52, 54–55, 62, 64, 68–69, 73–74, 77, 81,
85–86, 88, 105–106, 120, 150
Chimney 21, 23–25, 178, 199n98
Garden 16, 20, 28, 43, 72–73, 95, 98, 111, 115, 167, 205
Hammam
in general 6, 12n33, 25n122, 31–33, 38n50, 50n193, 60n326, 70–71,
140, 175–82, 186, 221, 223–25
Djinn 60n326, 70
Gurn 181, 223
Gusl 70–71
Wudû 70
Judaism
in general 8, 29, 42, 44, 47, 54n255, 71n457, 75, 170, 203
Miqveh 42
500
Judaism (cont.)
Talmud Yerushalmi 28n161, 54n255, 198, 207n143
Torah 71n457
Justinianic Plague 65, 170, 219
Light
in general 16–18, 26, 30, 51, 54, 72, 85, 196
Claustra 198
Lamps 28, 72
Window 19, 26, 30, 31, 51, 58, 77, 87
Magic
in general 35, 41, 48, 55, 60, 69, 88
Bulla 88
Defixio 155
Manicheism 44, 49–50, 54, 192
Matronikon 88, 195
Medicine
in general 19, 29, 38n47, 40, 44–46, 52–53, 57, 63–64, 66, 68–70,
192
Abortion 41
Asthma 52
Diarrhoea 56
Dropsy 44, 52
Elephantiasis 44
Epilepsy 41, 52
Eyes 44, 46
Fever 53, 63
Gout 41, 52
Headache 52–53
Infection 28n162, 41
Insanity 52
Leprosy 48, 85, 171
Pregnancy 41, 45, 48
Scabies 41, 53
Skin problems 39, 41, 44, 45, 51, 53
Stomach ache 35, 44
Sunburn 53
Vomiting 44
Murder 38, 42, 61, 63, 66, 68, 72
Neoplatonism 48–49
Nika Riot 62
Peoples
Amazigh 8, 158, 206
Arabs 12n33, 70–71, 84–85, 157, 162, 165, 168, 170–71, 175–82,
219–24
Austoriani 81
Avars 67, 70
Goths 50, 57, 61, 65, 67, 70, 79, 97, 98, 108–110, 216, 218, 221
Persians 57–58, 60, 64–65, 67, 70
Scythes 10
Vandals 3, 65, 70, 79, 83–86, 106, 140, 143, 154–55, 158, 216–18, 221
Prisoner 72–73, 76
Prostitutes 38, 74n508, 208
Road
in general 53–54, 56, 78–79, 82, 92, 123, 129–31, 135–36, 143, 145,
147–48, 150, 154, 158, 162, 202, 204, 217, 219
Via Appia 78–79, 92
Via Clodia 79
Via Domitiana 79
Via Latina 78–79, 92
Via Salaria 78
Via Traiana 79, 202
Sack of Rome AD 410 49, 66, 79, 106, 108, 216
Sack of Rome AD 455 79, 216
Slave 10, 30, 34, 19, 27, 35, 37–38, 47–48, 52, 55–56, 60–61, 69, 73, 75,
192, 207n143
Indices
Stable 66, 89
Sweat hut 10, 52
Tetrarchy 3, 112, 140, 148, 158, 160, 183
Thermal Baths
in general 2, 11–12, 34, 40, 43, 48, 53, 54n255, 55, 59–61, 65–69,
82, 85, 175, 192, 196, 208, 217
Baiae, see Places
Thief 19, 74–76
Venationes 28, 107
Villa 2, 4, 13, 16, 31, 33, 40, 50–52, 61, 84, 94–95, 101n86, 154, 160,
164–65, 186, 188, 202, 204, 206–207
Water
Boiler, see Furnace
Castellum aquae 27, 138, 142
Cistern 10–11, 18, 27, 56–57, 63, 83, 89, 109–110, 145, 150, 154, 165,
167–68, 175, 200–201
Noria 27, 201
Rainwater 26–27, 95, 113, 145, 165, 168, 170, 191, 201
Reservoir 11, 27, 41, 92, 97, 101, 103–104, 107, 109–110, 113, 122, 150,
155–56, 160, 165, 168, 176, 178–80, 201
River 10, 28, 40, 43, 47, 51–52, 66, 78–79
Saqiyah 89, 179–80, 201
Sea water 49, 208
Well 27, 52, 88–89, 95, 105, 112, 140, 142–43, 150, 165, 167, 180,
200–201
See also Aqueducts
Xystus 88n652
Zoroastrianism 58
People
Abba Macarius 57
Adrian I, pope 109
Agathias Scholasticus 65
Agrippa 13, 15
Alaric 66, 108, 131
Alexander Severus, emperor 15, 36, 37, 42
Al-Magusi 71
Al-Walid, caliph 180
Amalasuntha 58, 61
Ananias of Shirak 67n438, 208
Anastasius, emperor 57, 61, 63, 168
Antoninus Pius, emperor 36, 67, 101, 111, 113, 115, 119, 124, 170
Arcadius, emperor 61, 71–72, 109, 154, 168
Asclepiades of Bithynia 29
Athalaric, Gothic King 58
Aurelian, emperor 36
Avicenna 71
Avitus, emperor 50
Bathsheba 58
Belisarius 65, 84, 109, 156
Caligula, emperor 37
Caracalla, emperor 36, 38, 94, 126, 145
Caradoc of Llanczarvan 34n1
Carinus, emperor 37
Celsus, tyrant 37
Celsus, physician 29, 68
Christodorus of Coptus 65–66, 198
Clemens of Alexandria 75n518
Commodus, emperor 37–38, 42, 53, 61–63, 111
Constantine, emperor 2–4, 18, 31, 42–43, 55, 61–63, 66, 73, 77, 95,
97, 101, 103, 105–109, 112, 119, 138, 185, 225
Constantius, emperor 15, 35
Constantius II, emperor 54, 77, 103, 106–107
501
Indices
Cyprian of Carthage 75n518, 150
Cyril of Alexandria 55
Cyrus 68
Damacharis Scholasticus 65
David, Biblical Jewish king 58
Decius, Emperor 41, 54n258
Diocletian, emperor 3–4, 6, 31, 52, 61, 77, 95, 97, 103–104, 106, 119,
158, 165, 167, 199, 207n138, 210
Domitian, emperor 61, 92, 94, 110, 113
Elagabalus, emperor 36–38, 92
Elisha, prophet 41
Fausta, empress 42, 66
Frontinus 72n480, 109
Gaius, jurist 73
Gelimer 84
Gordian III, emperor 36
Gordian Junior 37
Gratian, emperor 72, 77
Hadrian, emperor 13, 16, 36–37, 61, 64, 73, 94, 99, 101, 110–111, 115, 117,
119–20, 122
Helena, empress 97, 108
Hippocrates 53
Honorius, emperor 71–72, 79, 98, 109, 168, 205
Honorius I, pope 106
Ibn Abd-al Hakam 175
Ibn Asakir 71
Ibn Duqmaq 175
Ibn Rustah 10n4
Innocent I, pope 102
Irenaeus 42
Johannes, St 68
Johannes Grammaticus 66, 198
John, apostle 42, 44
John VII, pope 107
Julius Caesar 61, 66, 92, 94, 150
Justin, emperor 57, 61, 67
Justinian, emperor 8, 61, 64–67, 69, 71, 73, 84, 156, 171, 183, 208
Kawad, Persian king 57–58
Khusro I, Persian king 64, 67
Leontius Scholasticus 65
Licinius, emperor 45
Lucius Verus, emperor 43
Macedonius the Consul 65
Marcus Aurelius, emperor 37, 43, 45, 62, 124, 126, 143, 170
Marianus Scholasticus 65
Maurice, Emperor 60
Maximinus, Emperor 43
Moses, Biblical prophet 47
Nero, emperor 92, 94
Olympiodorus 57, 97, 183
Optatus of Milevis 49, 69
Orata, C. Sergius 12, 29
Origen 42, 46
Palladio 15, 97–98
Paulinus of Nola 53
Paulus Silentiarius 65
Pertinax, emperor 38
Pius I, pope 101
Polemius Silvius 53, 97, 103, 109
Polycarp 42
Pompey 66
Radegunda 61
Severa, empress 54
Silvester, pope 102, 107
Sixtus III, pope 102
Solomon, Jewish king 41, 67
Soranus of Ephesus 52
Tacitus, emperor 36–37
Theodahad 61
Theodora, empress 65–66
Theodosius, emperor 47, 72, 77, 154, 208
Theodosius II, emperor 61–62, 64, 71–73
Theophanes, civil servant in Egypt 87, 208
Thrasamund, Vandal King 84–85
Tiberius, emperor 61, 94, 110
Tiberius II, emperor 66
Trajan, emperor 15, 42, 61, 63, 95, 101, 110–111, 115–17, 143n325
Valens, emperor 35–36, 54, 56, 61, 66, 72, 77, 80, 85, 97, 148, 160, 208
Valentinian I, emperor 35, 65n398, 71n463, 72, 77, 80, 85, 97, 148,
160, 168
Valentinian II, emperor 42, 54, 77, 154
Valentinian III, emperor 72
Victor of Vita 155
Vindicianus 40, 53
Zeno, emperor 61, 73
Places
Abbir Maius, Africa 83
Abu Mena, Egypt 185, 203, 208, 217, 220
Abu Sha’ar, Egypt 189
Aelia Capitolina, see Jerusalem
Ain En-Ngila, Africa 202
Ain Gharandal, Palestine 189, 197
Aïn Temouchent, Africa 83
al-Bara, Syria 178, 180
Alexandria, Egypt 56, 62, 64, 66–69, 175, 184–86, 188–90, 192,
197–199, 202, 204–205, 213, 216
Allifae, Italy 78
Al-Quds, see Jerusalem
Althiburos, Africa 207
Amida, Mesopotamia 57–58
Ammaedara, Africa 82
Amman, Arabia 33, 180–81
Anchiali, Thrace 61, 65–66, 69
Anjar, Phoenica 177
Antinopolis, Egypt 88, 184
Antioch, Syria 35–36, 43, 47, 56, 61–64, 67–68, 72, 75, 184–85, 198,
202n120, 219
Antium, Italy 78
Aphrodisium, Asia 75
Aphroditopolis, Egypt 88
Apollonia, Libya Superior (Cyrenaica) 165, 175, 182, 218
Aponum, Italy 59
Aquileia, Italy 28, 78–79, 183–84, 186, 203, 205–206, 210
Arsinoe, Egypt 86, 89
Aspona, Galatia 56
Athens, Achaea 46, 49
Auzia, Africa 82
Avitacum, Lugdunensis 51
Baiae, Italy 40, 51, 54, 59n311, 69, 82–83, 85, 196, 217
Be’er Shema, Palestine 204
Be’er Sheva, Palestine 204
Belalis Maior, Africa 191
Beneventum, Italy 79
Bir Madhkur, Palestine 189
Bordeaux, Aquitania 41
Bormio, Italy 59n311
Brad, Syria 187–88
502
Brescia, see Brixia
Brixia, Italy 216
Bu Njem, see Gholaia
Bulla Regia, Africa 81, 145, 202–203
Burdigala, see Bordeaux
Busir, Egypt 67
Caesarea Maritima, Palestine 41, 62, 183, 185, 200, 202, 216
Caesena, see Cesena
Calama, Africa 82
Canusium, Italy 191
Capsa, Africa 82
Capua, Italy 79
Carthage, Africa 4, 50, 54n255, 72, 82, 84, 150–57, 175, 183, 185, 196,
200, 205–206, 219
Casignana, Italy 206n135
Castellum Tingitanum, Africa 85
Catania, Sicily 203
Cesena, Italy 52
Chalcedon, Pontus 35, 54, 64
Cirta, Africa 82–83
Clysma, Egypt 198
Constantinople, Thrace 35, 43, 46, 54–55, 57, 61–62, 64–66, 68,
72–73, 75, 184–85, 198, 203
Cuicul, Africa 82, 138–143, 192, 202–203, 207–210
Cumae, Italy 79
Cures Sabini, Italy 78
Curinga, Italy 184, 204
Cyrene, Libya Superior (Cyrenaica) 82n578, 183, 185, 191, 196, 202,
218
Damascus, Phoenica 32, 71
Dara, Arabia 57, 62–64
Dharih, Palestine 190n34
Edessa, Augusta Euphratensis 58, 67
El-Burj, Palestine 201
Elusa, Palestine 201
Emmaus, Palestine 55
En-Qobi/Ein el-Qabu, Palestine
Erythron, Libya Superior (Cyrenaica) 205
Fanum, Italy 78
Flegrean Fields, Italy 12
Fregellae, Italy 13, 22n94
Fustat, Egypt 175, 220
Gabal Says, Syria 180
Gadara, Palestine 43, 48, 185
Galeata, Italy 186–87, 197, 204–206
Gela, Sicily 10n13
Gerasa, Arabia 188
Gheriat al-Gharbia, Africa 200
Gholaia, Africa 81
Gigthis, Africa 81
Halabiyya-Zenobia, Augusta Euphratensis 178, 188
Hammam as-Sarah, Arabia 33, 180
Ha’on, Palestine 176
Helenopolis, Bithynia 55
Herculaneum, Italy 13, 193, 208n147
Herdonia, Italy 140, 202
Hermopolis Magna, Egypt 86–88, 184, 213
Hippo Diarrhytus, Africa 82–83
Horbat Tarbenet, Palestine 201
Interamna Lirenas, Italy 79
Iol Caesarea, Africa 82–83, 198
Jericho, Palestine 41
Jerusalem, Palestine 41, 176, 184, 186, 189, 192, 196–97, 199, 201,
203–204, 209
Indices
Kairouan, Africa 175
Karanis, Egypt 86–87, 182, 197, 199–200, 223
Karm Kandara, Egypt 193
Kerkouane, Africa 202
Khirbet al-Mafjar, Palestine 176
Khirbet al-Maqsurah, Phoenica 180
Khirbet al-Minya, Palestine 176
Khoms, Africa 81
Kysis, Egypt 86–87, 89
Lambaesis, Africa 82, 192, 194
Legio, Arabia 187, 197, 199, 204, 205n128
Leptis Magna, Africa 81, 183, 186, 191, 201–202, 205–206
Limisa, Africa 82–83
Liternum, Italy 79
Loadicea, Asia 62, 75
Ma’ale Adumin, Palestine 189, 192, 201, 203–204, 208, 217
Mactaris, Africa 203–205
Madauros, Africa 83–84, 189, 191, 202–203, 204–205
Mampsis, Palestine 197, 202
Marea, Egypt 185, 198–99, 203, 217, 220
Mechili, Libya Superior (Cyrenaica) 189, 197, 200, 202
Mediolanum, Italy 40, 203–204
Megara Hyblaea, Sicily 10n13
Membressa, Africa 84
Menouthis, Egypt 68
Mesange, Italy 189
Milan, see Mediolanum
Misterbianco, Sicily 184
Morgantina, Sicily 10n13, 22n96
Mount Sion, Palestine 41
Mount Syna, Palestine 41
Musti, Africa 82
Mycenae, Achaea 10
Nag el-Hagar, Egypt 197, 204, 213
Nahf, Palestine 176, 201, 204
Nicomedia, Bithynia 55, 62
Nicoterra, Italy 206n135
Oboda, Palestine 197
Ocriculum, Italy 78–79
Oued Athmenia, Africa 185, 204, 206–207
Ouled Hafouz, Africa 196, 209
Oxyrhynchus, Egypt 86–89, 184, 197, 213
Padua, Italy 60
Palazzolo, Italy 204
Panopolis, Egypt 184
Pavia, see Ticinum
Pelusium, Egypt 204, 213, 220
Piazza Armerina, Sicily 33, 185–86, 188, 194, 196–97, 204, 206,
207n136
Pompeii, Italy 13, 23, 27, 49n188, 193, 208
Portus, Italy 131, 199
Ptolemais, Libya Superior (Cyrenaica) 85, 163–68, 183, 187, 202,
204–205, 218
Pylos, Achaea 10
Qalandia, Palestine 202
Qasr al-Hayr, Arabia 178, 188
Qinnasrin, Syria 180
Qusair Amra, Arabia 179–80
Ravenna, Italy 59, 77, 80, 91, 143, 183, 195, 202–205, 209, 216, 218–19
Regium Iulium, Italy 78
Rehovot, Palestine 197
Rome, Italy 2, 13, 15–18, 27–31, 33–36, 38, 40–41, 43, 52–53, 57,
59–60, 65, 68, 72, 77–80, 86, 91–110, 143, 183–86, 188, 191,
194–98, 200, 202–205, 207, 209–210, 216, 218–19, 225
503
Indices
Rusellae, Italy 78
Sabratha, Africa 81, 194, 202, 217–18, 226
San Giusto, Italy 197, 202, 219
Sbeitla, see Sufetula
Scythopolis, Palestine 85, 168–74, 183–86, 188, 192, 204, 206, 216, 221
Serdjilla, Syria 187
Setif, see Sitifis
Sicily 10, 13, 186, 195, 197, 202, 206
Sidi Ghrib, Africa 83, 145, 186, 189, 194, 196, 201, 204–207
Sitifis, Africa 175, 190, 219
Smyrna, Asia 65
Spoletium, Italy 78
Spoleto, see Spoletium
Sufetula, Africa 82, 157–63, 185–86, 189, 191, 202–203, 209
Sura, Syria 178
Sussex, Britain 26
Syracuse, Sicily 10, 27n150
Tamuda, Africa 200
Taposiris Magna, Egypt 200, 202
Tarentum, Italy 78
Tarquinii, Italy 80
Tarracina, Italy 78
Taucheira, Libya Superior (Cyrenaica) 85, 165, 175, 180, 182, 184, 186,
189–90, 197, 198n90, 199–201, 204, 218–19, 223
Télanissos, Syria 187
Tell Kanaïs, Egypt 202
Tellesia, Italy 78
Thamugadi, Africa 81–82, 143–50, 185–86, 189–90, 192, 197,
202–204, 209–210, 217–18
Thebes, Egypt 184
Thenae, Africa 186
Thuburbo Maius, Africa 82, 186, 189, 191
Thugga, Africa 175, 194, 218
Thysdrus, Africa 82
Tiberias, Palestine 44, 175
Tibur, Italy 16, 73, 207
Ticinum, Italy 61, 79
Timgad, see Thamugadi
Tipasa, Africa 101, 186, 192, 196, 202–203, 208–209
Tivoli, see Tibur
Trier, Germany 30, 185
Trimithis, Egypt 196, 198
Tripolis, Phoenica 62, 198
Tubactis Municipium, Africa 197
Tunis, Africa 175
Turris Libisonis, Sardinia 203
Umm el-Amr, Palestine 203–204, 208
Venusia, Italy 191, 205
Verona, Italy 61, 77
Vicus Augustanus, Italy 189
Volaterrae, Italy 185–86, 202
Volsinii, Italy 79–80
Volterra, see Volaterrae
Walila, Africa 175, 182
Xanxaris, Cappadocia 46
Xois, Egypt 217
Yotvata, Palestine 184, 189, 197, 200, 204
LATE ANTIQUE ARCHAEOLOGY
Series Editor
LUKE LAVAN
Late Antique Archaeology is published annually by Brill, based on papers given at the conference series of the same
title, which meets annually in London. Its Supplementary Series aims to publish thematic monographs which address
life within the Roman Empire or its successor states in the period AD 283–650, as informed by material evidence,
supported by other sources. All publication proposals are subject to satisfying the comments of two anonymous
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and Enrico Zanini. Journal abbreviations follow those used by the American Journal of Archaeology, whilst literary
sources are abbreviated according to the Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd ed. Oxford 1999) xxix–liv and when not
given here, following A. H. M. Jones The Later Roman Empire (Oxford 1964) vol. 2, 1462–76, then G. W. H. Lampe
A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford 1961).
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