Bulletin of SOAS, 71, 3 (2008), 475–492. Printed in the United Kingdom. E School of Oriental and African Studies. A note on the history of adjectival verbs in Newar1 Carol Genetti University of California Santa Barbara cgenetti@linguistics.ucsb.edu Abstract Most of the adjectival verbs in the Kathmandu and Dolakha dialects of Newar exhibit idiosyncratic phonotactic shapes, including rare disyllabic stems and heavy and nasalized rhymes. The same set of adjectival verbs exhibits irregular inflectional patterns in the derivation of lexical adjectives in Kathmandu Newar. Comparison of the modern forms of both varieties and Classical Newar suggests that we reconstruct a class of monosyllabic adjectives for Proto-Newar. In Classical and Kathmandu Newar, these adjectives received an /u/ augment; verbs were created with the infinitive -ye and the attendant Class III verb paradigm. By contrast, in Dolakha Newar the forms underwent a derivational process, probably originally compounding, with the verb yer- ‘‘come’’. This process resulted in disyllabic stems which now follow regular inflectional patterns, except under negation. The incorporation of the old adjectives into the modern verbal systems thus represents a separate wave in the development of modern verbs in Newar. 1. Introduction The term ‘‘Newar’’ refers to a small group of closely related linguistic varieties spoken by the Newar ethnic group in Nepal. The Newar family is clearly of Tibeto-Burman origin (Shafer 1952). However, due to many centuries of intensive contact with speakers of Indo-Aryan languages, it has as yet been impossible to determine conclusively how it should be classified with respect to lower-level branching of the Tibeto-Burman family. The discussion in Hale and Shrestha (2006: xv) outlines most of the hypotheses that have been made; however, none has been substantiated. The interested reader is referred to Grierson (1909), Shafer (1967), Benedict (1972), Voeglin and Voeglin (1977), Bradley (1997), van Driem (1992, 1993, 2001, 2003, 2004), LaPolla (2003) and Turin (2004). The majority of the Newar population is located in the Kathmandu Valley. Historically, there were three distinct Newar kingdoms in the Valley: Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur, each with a distinct dialect. In 1 This paper was written while I was in residence at the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University. I would like to thank Professors R. M. W. Dixon and Alexandra Aikhenvald for their support of this work. I am grateful to Dr Tej Ratna Kansakar for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Perhaps unwisely, I did not always follow his advice. All errors are entirely my own. 476 CAROL GENETTI modern times, the Patan and Kathmandu dialects differ only minimally, while the Bhaktapur dialect is divergent, often retaining features lost in the other two (see Hashimoto 1977, Joshi 1984). In addition to the Kathmandu Valley dialects, there are numerous other Newar villages located throughout the foothills and valleys of the Nepalese Himalaya, representing a significant number of linguistic varieties with varying degrees of divergence. The village of Dolakha is located approximately 145 kilometres to the north-east of Kathmandu. The variety of Newar spoken in Dolakha (abbreviated here as DN) is significantly different from that of Kathmandu (abbreviated here as KN), with differences in virtually every subsystem of the phonology, morphology and syntax of the language, resulting in true mutual unintelligibility. In recent fieldwork I discovered that at least one other village in eastern Nepal, Tauthali, has a dialect similar, but not identical, to that of Dolakha. This implies that we can posit an eastern branch to the Newar family (Genetti 2005b). Most linguistic studies of modern Newar concern the Kathmandu dialect, and the terms ‘‘Newar’’, ‘‘Newari’’ or ‘‘Nepal Bhasa’’, in the absence of further specification, describe the Kathmandu variety. The literature on this variety is quite large; individual articles on specific aspects of the language are too numerous to list here. Hale and Shrestha (2006) is the first comprehensive reference grammar of the language to be written in English. Joshi (1992) is a comprehensive grammar written in Newar. Malla (1985) and Hargreaves (2003) are comparatively brief sketches. See also the doctoral dissertations by Tuladhar (1985), U. Shrestha (1990), Hargreaves (1991, revised and published in 2005) and Genetti (1994). There are also excellent lexical materials, including Newar–English dictionaries by Shresthacarya (1981), Manandhar (1986), and Kölver and Shresthacarya (1994). Recent years have seen increasing documentation of the village dialects. These include Mali (1982) on Pahari, O. Shrestha (2000, 2001) on Tansen, R. L. Shrestha (2003) on Badhikel, and Newami (1984, 1993) on Bandipur. The Dolakha dialect has been described by Mali (1979), Sayami (1986), Tamot (1987, 1989), and especially R.L. Shrestha (1989, 1993, 2000a, 2000b) and myself (Genetti 1994, 1997, 2005a, 2007, inter alia). Studies explicitly comparing Newar dialects with an eye to reconstruction include Genetti (1994), and Shakya (1992, 2000). In addition to the available material on the modern dialects, historical research on Newar is greatly enhanced by the presence of a remarkable number of old manuscripts written in Newar, going back as far 1114 CE (NS 235) (Malla 1990). The written tradition extends to the present day. The term ‘‘Classical Newar(i)’’ (abbreviated here as CN) is a cover term for the varieties of Newar used in the manuscripts up until the modern period (roughly 1900 CE). It is important to note that the term does not represent a single variety of Newar spoken at a single time, but refers generally to the language used in these varied manuscripts. There is both historical and dialectal variation in the manuscripts, and all scholarly work on Classical Newar (other than works on particular manuscripts, e.g. Jorgensen 1931, 1939) necessarily involves this variation (Malla, Kansakar et al. 2000: vii). ADJECTIVAL VERBS IN NEWAR 477 An excellent overview of Classical Newar literature is provided by Malla (1982). Work on the grammar of Classical Newar is found in Jorgensen (1941), Kölver and Kölver (1978), Malla (1990), Kansakar (1994, 1999), and Tamot (2002). A significant recent addition to the literature on Classical Newar is the highly impressive Classical Newar dictionary (Malla, Kansakar et al. 2000). This massive dictionary represents two decades of painstaking work by a committee of Newar linguists, and provides for the first time a comprehensive dictionary of the language used in the manuscripts. It includes the lexical items used in ninety-six Newar manuscripts written over a 600-year period, roughly 1114–1780 CE (N.S. 235–N.S. 900), in addition to other materials. Each lexical item is illustrated with one or more dated examples taken from the manuscripts, each example generally being a clause or more in length. The Dolakha, Kathmandu, and Classical Newar materials together give us rich resources for the historical reconstruction of Proto-Newar and the exploration of language-particular changes which have resulted in the development of quite distinct linguistic systems in the Kathmandu Valley and the eastern villages. One interesting comparative problem which this paper will address is the presence of adjectival verbs in both of the modern dialects. The majority of Newar verbs have monosyllabic roots. There are a small number of verbs with disyllabic roots, but most are etymological compounds., e.g. DN pwā rcir- ‘‘wrap’’ , pwār ‘‘bundle’’ + cir- ‘‘tie’’, KN dhõ-lāye ‘‘deceive’’ , dhõ ‘‘wolf’’ + lāye ‘‘catch’’. The notable exception to this is a set of disyllabic verb roots with adjectival meanings. In this paper, I will show that one must reconstruct for these forms monosyllabic adjectival stems which end in the full range of Proto-Newar stem-final consonants. These stems were then incorporated into each of the daughter languages by different paths. In the Kathmandu Valley, stems that ended in a consonant that characterized a specific verbal-conjugation class were incorporated as verbs directly. These now follow the regular inflectional patterns of the language. However, stems that ended in other stem-final consonants were first suffixed by -u and used as adjectives. These forms were then inflected with Class III verbal morphology and incorporated into the modern system of conjugation classes. In Dolakha, on the other hand, there is no evidence of a distinct adjectival stage or an -u formative; instead, it appears that the proto-forms of C(C)VC structure were directly suffixed with derivational morphology which incorporated them into the modern verbal system. These changes represent a later development in the history of Newar which occurred after the split of the Dolakha dialect, a split which occurred a minimum of 700 years ago, but probably much farther back, perhaps during the Licchavi period (circa 300–879 AD, Van Driem 2001: 759). 2. Newar verb classes One grammatical characteristic which is shared by all Newar dialects, ancient and modern, is a system of distinct verbal conjugation classes. 478 CAROL GENETTI Classical Newar is described as having either four distinct classes (Jørgensen 1936, 1941; Kölver and Kölver 1978), or five (Malla, Kansakar et al. 2000: xxii, Kansakar 2005). It is important to acknowledge that the Classical Newar materials are highly variable, not only in age, but also in orthography and in the forms themselves. Kansakar (2005: 2) writes: Since we are dealing with a historically documented form of the language, the identification of the morphological structure of words is often uncertain and arbitrary, as the morphological structure is by no means transparent in the original script. The first problem is the tightly packed writing system without word breaks. Secondly, there is a large number of orthographic inconsistencies, whereby the many variants used may not adequately have reflected the phonological or morphological realities of the language. Thus, the Classical Newar materials, while critical to our understanding of the development of Newar, needed to be treated with some caution. The analysis of stem classes given below is based on Table 4 from Kansakar (2005: 5). Moving to the modern dialects, Kathmandu Newar clearly has five distinct verbal conjugation classes (Hale and Shrestha 2006: 58, passim), while Dolakha Newar has four (Genetti 2007: 155). In both dialects, the classes are differentiated by characteristic stem-final consonants that undergo often complex morphophonological alternations (R. L. Shrestha 1989; Genetti 2007: 156–68; Hale and Shrestha 2006: 58–63). In Dolakha Newar, the stem-final consonant consistently appears in the third-personsingular-past form of the verb. In Kathmandu Newar, the stem-final consistently appears in the past-disjunct. Since Classes III and IV both have /l/ as the stem final, other forms of the verb must be consulted to differentiate them; here we will use the infinitive. Table 1 shows a characterization of the stem-final of each class. Classes III and IV in Classical and Kathmandu Newar both have final /l/ in the past-disjunct form, so the difference between them is attributed to the stability of the /l/. In Class III the /l/ is realized as /y/ or deleted in certain inflectional categories, while in Class IV the /l/ is stable and appears in almost all inflected forms. In Dolakha Newar, on the other hand, the two classes are differentiated by whether the stems have /r/ or /l/ in the past tense.2 The merger of the liquids /l/ and /r/ is one of the sound changes that Table 1. Stem-final consonants in Newar conjugation classes Class Class Class Class Class I II III IV V Classical Newar Kathmandu Newar Dolakha Newar -n / -m -t -l -l -kal- (CAUS) -n -t variable -l stable -l -p/-t/-k -n -t -r -l 2 The DN Class III /r/ also is altered and deleted in various inflections; whereas the Class IV /l/, like its KN counterpart, is consistently present (Genetti 2007: 157–68). ADJECTIVAL VERBS IN NEWAR 479 differentiates the KN and DN dialects, and both *r and *l must be reconstructed for Proto-Newar (Genetti 1994: 39). Were we to reconstruct only *l, with a split of this phoneme into /l/ and /r/ in DN, there would be no conditioning environment, hence no way to predict which vocabulary items would become /r/ and which would remain /l/. The fact that /r/ and /l/ are not contrastive in either CN or KN means that the dialect split must have preceded the merger of the two liquids. Given that the two liquids must have been distinct in the proto-language and that Classes III and IV are differentiated by these consonants, it seems reasonable to reconstruct Class III as an r-stem class and Class IV as an l-stem class for Proto-Newar. Most of the verbs considered to belong to Class V in modern KN carry the causative derivational suffix -k-, and so are morphologically complex (Hale 1986: xliv). However, there remain a handful of verbs which do not have a causative element but which end in one of the voiceless stops, /p/, /t/ or /k/. In KN, these follow their own inflectional patterns and thus form a small but distinct conjugation class (Shresthacarya 1981: 123–8; Malla 1985: 35–7; Hale and Shrestha 2006: 59, passim). In DN, by contrast, this class does not exist. Cognates to the KN verbs ending in voiceless stops constitute rare disyllabic verb stems, all in the r-stem class. Thus compare KN twāt-e ‘‘to leave’’ with DN twātar- ‘‘leave behind’’, KN mhit-e ‘‘to play’’, with DN methar- ‘‘play’’. This implies that the forms in DN underwent a round of derivational affixation resulting in a stem augment -ar-. As we will see below, the same stem augment is found with DN adjectival verbs. Since the number of Class V verbs is very small in relation to the other classes (Shresthacarya 1981), and to my knowledge there are no adjectival verbs in this inflectional class, it will not be discussed further. 3. Uses of adjectival verbs in the modern dialects Both KN and DN have a small class of lexical adjectives which are not related to verbs (Hale and Shrestha 2006: 65; Genetti 2007: 207–12). These lexemes lie outside the focus of the current study, which is on the history of adjectival verbs and their derived adjectives. Beginning with Dolakha Newar, the use of adjectival verbs in attributive and most predicative contexts requires suffixation of the verb by one of two nominalizers in the language (glossed NR1). This nominalizer has the form -u, -gu, or -ku depending on conjugation class. These verbs may also be inflected by finite morphology, although this is rare. Table 2 illustrates the nominalized and third-person-singular-past forms of adjectival verbs in the four Dolakha Newar conjugation classes. Table 2. Relevant inflections of Dolakha Newar adjectival verbs Class Class Class Class I II III IV Stem Stem-NR1 3sPST gānba=lathẽgarnāl- gān-gu ba=la-ku hẽga-u nāl-gu gān-a ba=lat-a hẽgar-a nāl-a ‘‘dry’’ ‘‘beautiful’’ ‘‘red’’ ‘‘tired’’ 480 CAROL GENETTI These inflectional patterns are identical to those of non-adjectival intransitive verbs in the same conjugation classes. In attributive contexts, the nominalized forms directly precede the nouns they modify, e.g. hẽga-u sona ‘‘red flower’’, ba=la-ku misā ‘‘beautiful woman’’. Note that this structure is identical syntactically and morphologically to that of a head noun modified by a relative clause, e.g. on-gu misā ‘‘woman who went’’. As these two structures cannot be distinguished morphosyntactically in this language, the translations ‘‘red flower’’ and ‘‘beautiful woman’’ could felicitously be replaced by ‘‘flower that is red’’ and ‘‘woman who is beautiful’’. Thus for this syntactic structure we find parallelism between the behaviour of adjectival and non-adjectival verbs. By contrast, in predicative contexts adjectival verbs are most commonly nominalized, so in this respect they differ from non-adjectival verbs. To encode entrance into a state, the nominalized verb (which can be seen as a derived adjective) functions as a complement of the change-of-state copula jur- ‘‘to become’’: (1) ām ba=la-ku jur-a. 3s beautiful-NR1 become-3sPST ‘‘S/he became beautiful.’’ An alternative is to use the verb yer- ‘‘come’’ in place of the copula. This implies that the change of state was gradual and occurred over an extended period of time: (2) sona hẽga-u yer-a flower red-NR1 come-3sPST ‘‘The flower became red.’’ It is also possible to uses finite morphology, rather than the nominalizer. In this case, the lexeme again functions as a verb. This also has an inchoative reading: (3) ām ba=lat-a. 3s beautiful-3sPST ‘‘S/he became beautiful.’’ Such forms are less frequent in discourse than the nominalized forms with the copula, and they are not readily volunteered by speakers as the unmarked structure in adjectival predicates. However, speakers agree that they are possible grammatical forms and there are a few examples of them in spontaneous discourse. To use an adjectival verb in a predicate denoting an ongoing state, the nominalized verb again is used, but the copula is most commonly absent, e.g. sona hẽga-u ‘‘the flower is red’’. This may be accompanied by the stative copula khyan; however, this tends to be emphatic, stressing the speaker’s belief in the truth of the proposition, e.g. sona hẽga-u khyan ‘‘the flower is red’’. Since the stative copula does not have a past-tense form (Genetti 2007: 191), to indicate a past state the past-anterior form of the copula juris used: sona hẽga-u ju ‘‘the flower was red’’. ADJECTIVAL VERBS IN NEWAR 481 Table 3. Some forms of Class II and III adjectival verbs in KN Class II II II III III III III III Infinitive kwā-ye ba=lā-ye sā-ye khyũ-ye pa=ũ-ye cwāmu-ye thāku-ye khwātu-ye Past-Disjunct kwāt-a ba=lat-a sāt-a khyũl-a pa=ũl-a cwāmul-a thākul-a khwātul-a Stative kwā: ba=lā: sā: khyũ pa=ũ cwāmu thāku khwātu ‘‘hot’’ ‘‘beautiful’’ ‘‘tasty’’ ‘‘dark’’ ‘‘sour’’ ‘‘pointed’’ ‘‘difficult’’ ‘‘thick’’ Turning to Kathmandu Newar, we find that adjectival verbs do not always have the same inflectional patterns as non-adjectival verbs. This is illustrated in Table 3, which presents the infinitive, past-disjunct, and the stative forms of adjectival verbs in Classes II and III.3 In the first three examples, all from Class II, the stative forms exhibit the vowel lengthening that defines the stative inflection of non-adjectival verbs. For example, these forms can be compared with the stative form swa: of the Class II non-adjectival verb swa-ye ‘‘to look’’. The remaining examples are all from Class III. Here, the vowels of the stative forms are short. This is different from the stative inflection of non-adjectival verbs, which for Class III also requires that the vowel be lengthened. Thus the Class III verb bi-ye ‘‘give’’ has the stative form bi:. Note that all of the Class III forms in Table 3 are either disyllabic or have heavy and nasalized rhymes (in the case of khyũ ‘‘dark’’ and pa=ũ ‘‘sour’’).4 In attributive contexts, KN adjectives are suffixed with one of three nominalizers, depending on the animacy and plurality of the modifying noun. The nominalizers are -mha for animate singular, -pi8 for animate plural, and -gu for inanimate. Thus we find the following phrases (from Malla 1985: 51): (4) ba=lā-mha manu ba=lā-pi8 manu-ta ba=lā-gu saphu ‘‘beautiful person’’ ‘‘beautiful people’’ ‘‘beautiful book’’ As with Dolakha Newar, these attributive examples cannot be structurally differentiated from nouns modified by relative clauses, thus ba=lā-mha manu can also mean ‘‘person that is beautiful’’. In predicative contexts denoting ongoing states, KN adjectives appear independently in the predicate:5 3 The stative form is called ‘‘imperfective disjunct’’ by Hale and Shrestha (2006). 4 The sequence /iu/ in khyũ has undergone a later rule of glide formation. 5 They can also appear with the collocation -si cõ. According to Hargreaves (1984: 12), the -si suffix is found with sensory adjectives and provides an evidential meaning of direct experience through the senses. Tej Ratna Kansakar (personal communication) translates saphu hāku-si cõ as ‘‘the book appears to be black/ blackish’’. 482 (5) CAROL GENETTI saphu hāku book black ‘‘The book is black.’’ As in Dolakha Newar, two structures may be used to indicate change of state. In one, the deverbal adjective is found functioning as a copula complement of the copula jul-. In the other, we find an adjectival verb carrying the past-disjunct suffix: (6) chiya khwa= ũ jul-a tea cold become-PST.DISJ ‘‘The tea became cold.’’ (7) chiya khwa= ũl-a tea cold-PST.DISJ ‘‘The tea became cold.’’ To summarize, in Dolakha Newar the nominalizer NR1 suffixes to adjectival verb stems directly. This derives lexical adjectives that function as attributive modifiers within a noun phrase and as copula complements in copular constructions. Adjectival verbs can also carry past-tense endings to predicate entrance into a state. In Kathmandu Newar, stative forms of adjectival verbs function as deverbal adjectives. These are affixed by nominalizers when they function attributively within a noun phrase. They occur without nominalizers when they function as copula complements. As in Dolakha Newar, the adjectival verbs can also be inflected with the past disjunct to predicate entrance into a state. A curious point, mentioned above for KN but which is also true of DN, is that a large number of the adjectival verbs are either disyllabic or, in KN, have an unusually heavy rhyme (e.g. hya=ũ-ye ‘‘be red’’, with a nasalized diphthong). This is an unusual pattern in this language. In addition, note that both the disyllabic adjectival verbs and those with heavy nasalized rhymes consistently end in the vowel /u/ in CN and KN. In order to explicate and understand these patterns, a full comparison of forms across the two modern dialects and forms attested in the CN manuscripts is required. This comparative study sheds light on the origins of heavy verb stems in Kathmandu Newar and of disyllabic verb stems in both of the modern languages. 4. Adjectival verbs across time and space There are six distinct patterns of correspondence between DN, KN and CN adjectival verbs. The first four illustrate adjectival verbs whose inflectional patterns mostly mirror those of regular non-adjectival verbs in inflectional classes I to IV. 4.1 Regular Class I adjectival verbs and derived adjectives There is only one Class I adjectival verb attested in all three varieties to my knowledge, and one attested in DN and CN only. The pattern of ADJECTIVAL VERBS IN NEWAR 483 Table 4. Class I adjectival verbs and derived adjectives Classical Newar ‘‘dry; dried’’ gamṅa vane (DCN81) ˙ ‘‘ripen; ripe’’ Kathmandu Newar Dolakha Newar gã: (stative) gān- (stem) gan-e (infinitive) gān-gu (NR1) tun- (stem) ˙tun-gu (NR1) ˙ correspondence is illustrated in Table 4.6 In this and other tables, the derived adjectival form is taken to be the stative form in KN and the nominalized form in DN. The attested morphological forms of Class I adjectival verbs in the modern languages show no inflectional irregularities when compared to Class I non-adjectival verbs. In KN the long vowel reflects the regular stative verbal inflection. What is unusual is the CN gamṅa, which is attested in the dictionary as part of the collocation gamṅa˙ vane, meaning ‘‘to become dry’’.7 The second part of the collocation˙ is the verb vane ‘‘go’’, which provides an inchoative meaning. There is no independent verb gan‘‘dry’’ given in the CN dictionary, and gamṅa is not equivalent to a regular ˙ xxii). It is identical, however, CN verb form (Malla, Kansakar et al. 2000: to a Dolakha Newar nominalized form (NR2), which is gan-a, so this could be a non-finite form which is otherwise rare in the CN manuscripts. Without further evidence, little more can be concluded about this form. However, it is clear from the modern dialects that gan- / gān- patterns like a Class I verb. 4.2 Regular Class II adjectival verbs and derived adjectives The second pattern of correspondence is illustrated by adjectival verbs and their derived adjectives in Table 5. Here we find two examples of monosyllabic stems and one of a disyllabic stem. The disyllabic stem is the result of compounding; bāna is an old Newar noun meaning ‘‘shape’’. The inflectional patterns of the modern verb forms mostly fit the predicted forms for a regular Class II verb. The only oddity is DN sār-a as the third-person-past form of sā-ku. For a Class II verb, one would expect sāt-a. The attested form may indicate that this verb is being recategorized from Class II to Class III, possibly by analogy with other adjectival stems, which fall predominantly into Class III. The CN adjectival forms all have a final syllable -ka or -kva. This is the regular relative participial form, labelled A5 by Jørgensen, which he 6 It should be noted that the Classical Newar materials have significant orthographic inconsistencies (Malla, Kansakar et al. 2002: xiv), so cannot be confidently linked to a phonemic representation. Each Classical Newar form will be cited by the page number from A Dictionary of Classical Newari, e.g. (DCN81). 7 The symbol m is the transliteration of the Devanagari character , generally taken ˙ to indicate nasalization of the preceding vowel. The symbol ṅ is the transliteration of which indicates a velar nasal. 484 CAROL GENETTI Table 5. Class II adjectival verbs and derived adjectives ‘‘warm; hot’’ ‘‘good’’ ‘‘tasty’’ Classical Newar Kathmandu Newar Dolakha Newar kvākva, kvā-ka (adjectives) (DCN66) kwā: (stative) kwāt- (stem) kwā-ye (infinitive) kwāt-a (past disjunct) ba= lā: (stative) ba= lā-ye (infinitive) ba= lat-a (past disjunct) sā: (stative) sā-ye (infinitive) sāt-a (past disjunct) kwā-ku (NR1) bāna lā-ka (adjective) bāna rā-ye (infinitive) bāna rāt-a (past disjunct) (DCN325) sāka (DCN488) ba=lat- (stem) ba=la-ku (NR1) sār- (stem) sā-ku (NR1) describes functionally as denoting an action in progress or an incomplete action (1941); a suitable form for a stative predicate. 4.3 Regular Class III adjectival verb and derived adjective The third pattern of correspondence is illustrated by the single adjectival verb given in Table 6. Here we find the regular Class III inflectional pattern and a monosyllabic verb stem in both modern dialects. The KN lwa: is the regular stative form of lwa-ye, as indicated by the length of the vowel. The CN disyllabic form may represent the original stem of the verb. If so, it would suggest a historical process in KN whereby an originally disyllabic stem reduced by deletion of the first-syllable vowel, hence lova -. lwa; there is other evidence for this sound change in the language (Genetti 1994: 38).8 4.4 Regular Class IV adjectival verb and derived adjective The fourth pattern of correspondence is also found in a single example, shown in Table 7. Table 6. Regular inflection of a Class III adjectival verb ‘‘suitable; appropriate’’ Classical Newar Kathmandu Newar Dolakha Newar lova (adjective) lwa: (stative) lor- (stem) (DCN450) lwa-ye (infinitive) lwal-a (past disjunct) lo-u (NR1) 8 It should be noted that there is no orthographic differentiation of w and v in the scripts and that orthographic va in the Classical Newar dictionary corresponds to wa in the transliteration of Modern Newar. The sequence wa represents a single phoneme that is sometimes written as o (Hale and Shrestha 2006: 5–6; Genetti 2007: 49–51). ADJECTIVAL VERBS IN NEWAR 485 Table 7. Class IV adjectival verb and derived adjectives Classical Newar ‘‘tire; tired’’ ne-ye (infinitive) nel-a (past disjunct) (DCN262) Kathmandu Newar Dolakha Newar nya: (stative) nel-e (infinitive) nāl- (stem) nāl-gu (NR1) This lexeme exhibits the regular inflectional patterns of a Class IV verb. The characteristic stem-final /l/ is found in all forms except the KN stative, where its absence, together with compensatory vowel lengthening, is predicted by the morphological patterns of the language. Thus we find no morphological deviations from the normal Class IV verb; this is typical of Class IV, which consistently exhibits perfectly regular inflectional patterns. Up to this point we have established that there is evidence for monosyllabic adjectival verbs in each of the four primary conjugation classes of the Newar dialects. These have the structure of regular verbs of these classes: the modern adjectival forms are either stative with vowel lengthening (in KN) or nominalized (in DN), following the regular inflectional processes of the verb class in each variety. The Classical Newar derived adjectives show variability, as is common for this data set; the Class II forms appear to have adjectival forms in the short participial form. We now turn to discuss the forms which do not conform to the regular patterns of inflection. These include the disyllabic stems and those with heavy nasalized rhymes. 4.5 Disyllabic adjectival verb stems and their derived adjectives Table 8 illustrates the disyllabic adjectival verbs and their derived adjectives in each of the Newar varieties of this study. These data are strikingly different from the previous patterns of correspondence and we can observe a number of interesting features that need to be accounted for. First, all of these adjectival verbs exhibit disyllabic stems in all three varieties. Second, all of these verbs fall into inflectional Class III. Third, there is a strikingly consistent /u/ in the second syllable of the CN and KN forms, and there is no trace of a corresponding /u/ in any of the DN forms (since the final /u/ in the nominalized forms is obviously the unrelated NR1 suffix). From this we can conclude that the /u/ should not be reconstructed for the proto-language, but should be analysed as a distinct morpheme creating the adjectives in CN and KN.9 Fourth, the infinitive form of the verbs in CN, where attested, can be seen as the addition of inflectional verbal morphology to the adjectival stem. This derived Class III verbs from the /u/-final adjective. Thus modern infinitival verbs in this pattern are analysed as historically tri-morphemic, e.g. thāk-uye ‘‘be difficult’’. 9 The other possibility would be to reconstruct it for the proto-language and assume that it was lost in DN. Then one must explain, however, why only these adjectives ended in /u/, and not those of the regular verbal classes. 486 CAROL GENETTI Table 8. Disyllabic adjectival verbs and derived adjectives Classical Newar ‘‘black’’ Kathmandu Newar Dolakha Newar hāku; hākva (adjective) (DCN521) hāku (stative) hākar- (stem) hāku-ye (infinitive) hāka-u (NR1) hākul-a (past disjunct) ‘‘difficult’’ thāku; thākva (adjective) thāku (stative) thākar- (stem) thāku-ye (infinitive) thāku-ye (infinitive) thāka-u (NR1) (DCN200) thākul-a (past disjunct) ‘‘yellow’’ mhāsu; mhvāsu mhāsu (stative) mwāsar- (stem) (adjective) mhāsu-ye (infinitive) mwāsa-u (NR1) (DCN406) mhāsul-a (past disjunct) jyātar- (stem) ‘‘heavy’’ jhyātakāva (causative) jhyātu (stative) (DCN163) jhyātu-ye (infinitive) jyāta-u (NR1) jhyātul-a (past disjunct) ‘‘brown/ siyu (adj.) ‘‘brown’’ siyu ‘‘brown’’ (stative) siyar- (stem) grey’’ (DCN497) siyu-ye (infinitive) ‘‘grey’’ siyul-a (past disjunct) siya-u (NR1) khāyu (stative) khāyar- (stem) ‘‘bitter’’ khāyu (adjective)10 (DCN74) khāyu-ye (infinitive) khāya-u (NR1) khāyu-la (past disjunct) ‘‘pointed’’ cvāmu-se (adjective) cwāmu (stative) cubār- (stem) (DCN129) cwāmu-ye (infinitive) cubā-u (NR1) cwāmul-a (past disjunct) ‘‘thick’’ khvātu (adjective) khwātu (stative) khwātar- (stem) (DCN81) khwātu-ye (infinitive) khwāta-u (NR1) khwātul-a (past disjunct) ‘‘tired’’ tyānu (adjective) tyānu (stative) tyenar- (stem) tyānu-ye (infinitive) tyānu-ye (infinitive) tyena-u (NR1) (DCN190) tyānul-a (past disjunct) Since we do not reconstruct the /u/ element for Proto-Newar, we must reconstruct forms which end in a variety of final consonants, as shown: (8) *hāk *thāk *mhwās *jhyāt *si , siy *khā , khāy *cwām *khwāt *tyān ‘‘black’’ ‘‘difficult’’ ‘‘yellow’’ ‘‘heavy’’ ‘‘brown/grey’’ ‘‘bitter’’ ‘‘pointed’’ ‘‘thick’’ ‘‘tired’’ (possibly *tyan) These reconstructed forms have consonants ending in a variety of syllablefinals, representing most of the consonants that functioned as syllable codas in Proto-Newar (p, t, k, m, n, n, r, l, s). In (8) we find finals /t/, /k/, /m/, /n/ and /s/. Forms with /n/ are discussed below; thus all three nasals /m, 10 In khāyu pālu ‘‘type of ginger’’. ADJECTIVAL VERBS IN NEWAR 487 n, n/ are attested. We do not have evidence for an adjective reconstructed with *p; this may represent an accidental gap in the data. The two forms with medial /y/ may either be reconstructed with *y or with vowel-final stems. In the latter analysis the modern /y/ would be the result of epenthesis. A final interesting point is that none of the disyllabic forms have either of the liquids /l/ or /r/. Presumably, CV-liquid stems were directly incorporated into classes III and IV, and did not need to undergo the subsequent rounds of derivation that the disyllabic forms imply. In DN, by contrast, there is no trace of the old /u/ in the verbs themselves and the /u/ found in the adjectival forms is transparently the nominalizing affix -gu/ku/u. Note that if this suffix were bound to the old adjectival root directly, we would predict a different form. For example, we would predict that the nominalized form of ‘‘heavy’’ would be jyā-ku, parallel to ba=la-ku in Class II; however this is not correct, as the attested form is jyāta-u. In order to produce the DN modern adjectival verb stems, the old adjectival forms must have been suffixed by a morpheme which created an augment of the shape -ar- in the modern language. This morpheme clearly functioned as a derivational affix, producing Class III r-stem verbs. A likely etymological source for this morpheme is the verb yer- ‘‘come’’, itself an r-stem verb. There is considerable phonological variation in DN between [ya], [ye], and [e] (Genetti 2007: 47–9), so the lack of a perfect match in the vowel is not surprising. The loss of the /y/ follows the phonotactic patterns of the language; medial /Cy/ sequences occur only in Nepali loans. The result of this process then is the set of disyllabic DN adjectival verbs, all of Class III, as all have the same -ar- coda in the second syllable. Independent evidence of yer- being the source of the r-stem formative can be found in negation patterns. The negative morpheme in Newar is ma-. On monosyllabic verbs it occurs as a prefix, e.g. mo-on-gi ‘‘I didn’t go’’. Note that the prefix vowel undergoes vowel harmony with the vowel of the stem (Genetti 2007: 59–61). With disyllabic verbs the negative morpheme is infixed, attaching to the beginning of the second syllable, for example ba=lat- ‘‘good’’, ba=-ma-lat- ‘‘bad’’. In cases such as this, which are clearly derived from old compounds, the motivation for the pattern is transparent. The stem is bi-partite, with the initial syllable of the form originally being an old noun, so the negative morpheme prefixes to the verbal root, the second syllable. However, this pattern has now generalized and any disyllabic verb undergoes this negation pattern, regardless of its etymology. Hence the negative of hākar- ‘‘black’’ is hā-ma-ka. Note that the prefix, in targeting the second syllable, interrupts the morpheme hāk and is truly infixed within it. Interestingly, when the disyllabic adjectival verb has a medial /y/, both the vowel of the infix and the final vowel of the stem change from /a/ to /ā/, e.g. twāyar- ‘‘white’’ negates as twā-mā-yā and khā yar- ‘‘bitter’’ negates as khā-mā-yā. This shift in vowel quality is also found in the irregular negative inflection of yer- ‘‘come’’; contrast yer-a ‘‘s/he came’’ with its negative form mā-yā ‘‘s/he didn’t come’’. Again, the change in the vowel of the negative prefix follows regular vowel-harmony patterns; however, the change in the stem vowel from /a/ to /ā/ is idiosyncratic. The fact that both the verb yer- ‘‘come’’ and the disyllabic forms with medial /y/ 488 CAROL GENETTI share the same idiosyncratic negation pattern argues that they derive from a common etymological source. 4.6 Adjectival verbs with nasalization and their derived adjectives The forms in the final set of correspondences between the three linguistic varieties have either nasalized vowels or nasal consonants. The correspondence patterns are illustrated in Table 9. All of the forms in this pattern involve some sort of nasalization. There is a regular correspondence between forms with /n/ in CN, forms with the coda /Vũ/ in KN, and forms with a nasalized stem vowel in DN. Since the final /u/ in the KN and CN adjectives is clearly the same -u formative discussed in 14.5, we can reconstruct the original Proto-Newar forms with final *n:11 (9) *hyān *wān *khin *pan *khwān ‘‘red’’ (or possibly *hyan) ‘‘green’’ (or possibly *wan) ‘‘dark’’ ‘‘sour’’ ‘‘cold’’ (or possibly *khwan) When we compare the modern KN forms with the earlier CN, we can see that there appears to have been a process of syllable reduction, such that the CN disyllabic sequence /Vnu/ became /Ṽũ/, creating the unusual monosyllabic stems with nasalized diphthongs. This is true of both the Table 9. Adjectival verbs with nasalization and their derived adjectives Classical Newar ‘‘red’’ hyānu (adjective) hyānakam (causative) ˙ (DCN529) ‘‘green’’ wānu (adjective) (DCN461) ‘‘dark’’ khimnu (adjective) ˙ khinuye (infinitive) khinulo(past disjunct) (DCN75) ‘‘sour’’ panu (adjective) (DCN280) ‘‘cold’’ khvānu (adjective) khvānu-ye (infinitive) (DCN81) Kathmandu Newar Dolakha Newar hya=ũ,hyāmu (adjective ) hẽgar- (stem) hya=ũ-ye (infinitve) hẽga-u (NR1) wa= ũ (adjective) wa= ũ-ye (verb) khyũ,khimu: (adjective) khyũ-ye (infinitive) khyũl-a (past disjunct) wõgar- (stem) wõga-u (NR1) khi8gar- (stem) khi8ga-u (NR1) pa=ũ (adjective) pa=ũ-ye (infinitive) pa=ũl-a (past disjunct) khva=ũ; khvāmu (adjective) khva=ũ-ye (infinitive) khva=ũl-a (past disjunct) pẽgar- (stem) pẽga-u (NR1) khõgar- (stem) khõga-u (NR1) 11 Another possibility would be to reconstruct these forms with final *n, and posit a rule changing *n to /n/ before /u/ in Classical Newar. This is a phonetically plausible analysis. However, one would then have to account for why n-stem verbs, such as gan- ‘‘dry’’, did not receive the /u/ augment and undergo subsequent velarization. It is also clear that one must reconstruct *n for the proto-language and that *n merged with /n/ in Kanthmandu Newar (Genetti 1994: 38–9). The current analysis reconstructs adjectival stems with all three nasals for the proto-language. ADJECTIVAL VERBS IN NEWAR 489 adjectival and the verbal forms. It is interesting that for two of the adjectival forms modern KN has non-reduced variants of the old CN adjectives; in both cases, the nasal CN /n/ corresponds to KN /m/. Hence we find hyāmu ‘‘red’’, khimu ‘‘dark’’, and khvāmu ‘‘cold’’, existing alongside hya=ũ, khyũ, and khya=ũ.12 Since KN lost the phoneme /n/ entirely, we can see the change in the nasal as being the result of regular sound change, whereby *n -. m/ __ u. In Dolakha Newar, there is no trace of the -u adjectival suffix which is found in the CN and KN forms. In the modern DN verbs, we consistently find gar- as the final syllable. Assuming that these verbs were also formed by the addition of yer-, we may posit forms such as pān-(y)er- (etc.) which underwent regular phonological processes to produce pāngar- (etc.). These changes would involve the alternation of the stem vowel and glide, discussed above. Additionally, an epenthetic homorganic stop is inserted between the nasal consonant and the following oral glide, a common historical process. The nasalization would then have been reanalysed as coincident with the vowel, thus pān-(y)er- becomes pān-g-(y)er-, which in turn becomes the modern pāngar-. 5. Conclusions We have found six patterns of correspondence of adjectival verbs across Newar dialects. Four of these patterns involve monosyllabic stems which are attestations of the regular patterns of inflection corresponding to the four reconstructable Newar verb classes. We have no reason to think of these forms as anything other than regular Newar verbs, from which adjectives are derived through stative inflection in KN and through nominalization in DN. Two patterns, however, do not fit this mould, and both exhibit either disyllabic or heavy verb stems. The CN and KN forms are clearly morphologically complex, involving both an -u augment creating the adjectival forms and a ye- infinitive deriving r-stem verbs. In DN, however, there is no evidence of the -u, and the Class III derivational element shows a clear connection to the verb yer- ‘‘come’’. Although there were distinctly different paths of development, the result in both cases was uncharacteristic disyllabic stems (or, in the case of KN, stems with uncharacteristic nasalized diphthongs). We have seen that the facts support the reconstruction of adjectival forms for Proto-Newar of the shape C(C)VC, where the final C may be one of a wide number of syllable-final consonants. 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