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Ben Ó Ceallaigh Neoliberalism and Language Shift Contributions to the Sociology of Language Edited by Ofelia García Francis M. Hult Founding editor Joshua A. Fishman Volume 115 Ben Ó Ceallaigh Neoliberalism and Language Shift Lessons from the Republic of Ireland Post-2008 ISBN 978-3-11-076886-2 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-076890-9 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-076892-3 ISSN 1861-0676 Library of Congress Control Number: 2022938845 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2023 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover image: sculpies/shutterstock Typesetting: Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Contents List of figures List of tables Abbreviations IX XI XIII Part 1: Foundations 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.3.1 1.3.2 1.3.3 1.3.4 Introduction 3 Language loss and macro-level social change 3 Book structure 5 Methodology 8 My personal background in the Gaeltacht 8 Methodological overview: Changing conceptions of LPP 9 Research sites and participants 11 Analysis of policy documents and quantitative data 16 2 2.1 2.2 2.3 Irish, Ireland, neoliberalism: Some background 18 Introduction 18 Irish-English language shift: A historical overview 18 Early state policy and the institutionalisation of the Gaeltacht 21 State withdrawal from the revitalisation project 24 Language policy during the Celtic Tiger 30 Neoliberalism: The emergence of a global hegemony 33 The Great Recession 37 Economic development in the Republic of Ireland – peaks and troughs over recent decades 38 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 Part 2: Overt and covert Irish-language policy post-2008 3 3.1 3.2 Official Irish-language policy post-2008 43 Introduction 43 An Bord Snip Nua: The special group on public service numbers and expenditure programmes 44 VI 3.3 3.4 3.5 4 Contents The 20-year strategy for the Irish Language 2010–2030 The Gaeltacht Act 2012 50 Conclusion 60 47 4.6 Irish-language institutions: Covert policy and state retrenchment 62 Introduction 62 Údarás na Gaeltachta 63 The department of state responsible for the Gaeltacht 69 Foras na Gaeilge’s New Funding Model 71 Controversy surrounding the publication of the Nuashonrú ar an Staidéar Cuimsitheach Teangeolaíoch ar úsáid na Gaeilge sa Ghaeltacht: 2006–2011 75 Conclusion 77 5 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 Austerity and Irish-language media Introduction 79 Raidió na Gaeltachta 79 TG4 83 Print media 89 Conclusion 93 6 Neoliberalism and language policy in public and private spheres: Structural impediments 95 Introduction 95 New Public Management: Irish in the public service 95 Policy making under austerity 106 Neoliberalism and the formation of social attitudes 110 Conclusion 112 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 79 Part 3: Neoliberalism and the Gaeltacht – an ethnographic study 7 7.1 7.2 7.2.1 7.2.2 7.2.3 Quantitative background to Part 3 117 Introduction 117 Quantitative background 118 Demographic change 2006–2016 118 Irish-speaking demographics 2006–2016 Social class in the Gaeltacht 122 120 Contents 8 8.5.1 8.5.2 8.6 Effects of the post-2008 crisis on the Gaeltacht labour market 125 Construction 125 Deindustrialisation 127 The hospitality industry 131 Criticisms of the Foreign Direct Investment model Further implications of the decline in employment opportunities 140 Summer work for students 140 Community pride 141 Conclusion 142 9 9.1 9.2 9.2.1 9.3 9.4 Migration 144 Introduction 144 Out-migration 144 Education and out-migration In-migration 152 Conclusion 155 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 VII 133 150 10 Tourism and the Gaeltacht post-2008: Uneasy bedfellows 10.1 Introduction 158 10.2 Tourism in Galway 161 10.3 Tourism in Donegal 164 10.4 Linguistic tourism 167 10.4.1 Summer language schools 167 10.5 The linguistic landscape – shifting terrain 171 10.6 Conclusion 175 11 Community responses to austerity 177 11.1 Introduction: Organised opposition to state policies 11.2 Guth na Gaeltachta 179 11.3 Dearg le Fearg 183 11.4 Reform of island transport links 187 11.4.1 The Oileáin Árann air service 187 11.4.2 The Toraigh ferry service 190 11.5 “Corporate Social Responsibility” and the Gaeltacht – fighting neoliberalism with neoliberalism? 191 11.6 Conclusion 193 158 177 VIII 12 12.1 12.2 12.3 Contents Cuts to other community projects 195 Community co-operatives 195 Pléaráca 198 Conclusion 202 13 Further observations on language use 204 13.1 Introduction 204 13.2 Language practices of young people: A family vignette 13.3 Additional explanations of language shift 208 13.3.1 Information and communications technology 208 13.3.2 Irish-language competence of young people 213 13.3.3 Reconstruction of youth identities 215 13.4 Conclusion 217 205 Part 4: Conclusion 14 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 14.6 Summary and conclusion 223 Introduction 223 Summary of findings 223 International comparisons: Scottish Gaelic and Welsh The loss of the Gaeltacht and the threat of further recessions 232 The Covid pandemic 233 Conclusion: Language revitalisation in a time of crises Bibliography Index 285 239 229 236 List of figures Figure 1 Map of Ireland and the Gaeltacht 12 Figure 2 “English must be spoken at all times” – memo sent to staff in a factory in the Donegal Gaeltacht, 2021 136 Figure 3 “Ár nEisimircigh Ionúin” – the emigrants’ corner in a Donegal pub 147 Figure 4 A hotel in Galway, photographed first in 2015 and then again in 2016 171 Figure 5 A restaurant in Galway, bilingual in 2012 but English only in 2014 172 Figure 6 An official sign modified to include English 174 https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110768909-203 List of tables Table 1 Table 2 Table 3 Table 4 Table 5 Comparison of enterprise promotion agencies’ budgets 2008–2015 Population change in the Galway Gaeltacht 2006–2016 120 Population change in the Donegal Gaeltacht 2006–2016 120 Daily speakers of Irish in the Gaeltacht 2006–2016 121 Daily speakers of Irish on a national level 2006–2016 121 https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110768909-204 63 Part 4: Conclusion 14 Summary and conclusion 14.1 Introduction This book has sought to address a significant deficit in LPP research to date – our limited understanding of how exactly economic forces drive language loss, a phenomenon often alluded to in the literature, but rarely explained in detail. Examining the relationship between neoliberalism and the vitality of Irish, I have investigated how economic developments since 2008 have affected Irishspeaking communities and Irish-language policy in the Republic of Ireland. Through doing so, it has become apparent that even in a state which is ostensibly committed to language revitalisation, dominant economic orthodoxies play a key role in shaping language policies, a point seldom discussed by LPP scholars. This conclusion will offer an overview of the key findings that emerged from this research and examine some international parallels. I will reflect on the implications of these findings for language revitalisation in Ireland, explore how the Covid pandemic may alter or exacerbate the picture presented above, and offer some general thoughts on the intersection of language loss and economic forces in a time of immense social, political and economic upheaval. 14.2 Summary of findings Writing five years after the 2008 crash, Williams stated that the question to be asked is whether or not such minority language groups are experiencing disproportionally more cutbacks and more than their due share of pain at the expense of collective gain. That is, is there anything particular about the nature of language policies and programmes that make them particularly vulnerable to the fiscal demands of austerity and budget reduction. (Williams 2013: 10) This book has taken up Williams’ challenge and endeavoured to answer this question by examining the ways in which the Great Recession and its consequences resulted in significant reforms of both overt and covert Irish-language policy, and how the socioeconomic disruptions of this period affected Irishspeaking communities in Galway and Donegal. It has explained that the neoliberal hegemony which has dominated global economic development for decades rejects many of the principles on which language revitalisation has traditionally been premised, and it is this that leaves such efforts so vulnerable to disproportionate suffering in an era of capitalist retrenchment. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110768909-014 224 14 Summary and conclusion Adopting an expansive conception of ethnographic methodology, my fieldwork and interviews for this study were buttressed by policy analysis and use of extant quantitative data. This was described in Part 1, where I also presented an overview of Irish-English language shift and revitalisation efforts pre-2008 and discussed the nature of neoliberalism as an economic hegemony opposed to both social planning and redistributive economic policies – key components of almost all language revitalisation efforts. As was explained, the crisis of neoliberalism which began in 2008 was the second most severe in the history of industrial capitalism and was particularly bad in the Republic of Ireland, where all manner of public policy was rationalised as a result. In Part 2 I detailed the intense process of neoliberalisation that language revitalisation policies in the Republic underwent as a result of this crisis. Although having initially proposed many of the key reforms that were ultimately implemented in Irish-language policy since 2008, the report of An Bord Snip Nua – the main roadmap for the state’s austerity policies – has previously received very little attention in discussions of Irish LPP. As discussed in Chapter 3, this report and the Memorandum of Understanding agreed with the IMF, the European Central Bank and the European Commission “Troika” which supervised the running of the Irish economy between 2010–2013 fundamentally informed subsequent LPP developments. Indeed, two of the most significant reforms of overt Irish-language policy in the last several decades – the 20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010–2030 and the Gaeltacht Act 2012 – were both introduced while the economy was under the direction of the Troika, a fact which even literature most critical of these policies fails to address. These trying economic circumstances clearly affected both the content and implementation of these and other policies – with the 20-Year Strategy being largely unimplemented since its introduction and the Gaeltacht Act being voted through the Dáil by the governing coalition despite significant disapproval from language groups and opposition parties. Although over 150 amendments were proposed to the bill that became the Gaeltacht Act, all of these were rejected by the government. Given that this legislation constituted an official response to the well-documented sociolinguistic crisis facing the Gaeltacht, the lack of engagement with such proposals does not bode well for the long-term viability of the language in its heartland communities, particularly when combined with the fraught nature of the Act’s implementation, an account of which was offered in 3.4. As Chapters 4 and 5 detailed, such challenges regarding “overt” language policy have been exacerbated by developments in “covert” policy (Shohamy 2006), not least the severe, disproportionate budgetary cutbacks that many Gaeltacht institutions received, including the Gaeltacht development authority 14.2 Summary of findings 225 ÚnaG, which lost 73.7% of its budget between 2008–2015. Tellingly, comparable non-Gaeltacht institutions such as Enterprise Ireland and the IDA were not targeted in anything like the same manner during this time. Austerity also left its mark on numerous other language support structures, seeing the closure of 13 of 19 language promotion groups and very damaging cuts to Irish-language media funding. Raidió na Gaeltachta and TG4 each saw audience numbers decline, seemingly related to budgetary contraction, which prompted numerous scheduling issues. The majority of print media in Irish became defunct after 2008, and the remaining publications are continuing to have their funding cut as of the time of writing. Overall, by 2017 capital expenditure on the Gaeltacht and islands was €10.9 million, having fallen from €75.7 million in 2008. This was the case despite total public expenditure reaching 90% of its 2008 level by 2018. Furthermore, proposed expenditure in this area for 2018–2027 is only slightly more than half the 2006–2016 spend, the severe post-2008 cuts that occurred during this time notwithstanding. Irish, however, continues to be taught as a compulsory subject in schools throughout the state and it must be noted that this aspect of language revitalisation policy did not receive significant cutbacks, as education budgets, while reduced, were not cut as severely as other sectors. Regardless, figures regarding Gaeltacht-specific expenditure clearly highlight the extent of state “rollback” in the field of language policy in the Republic of Ireland, a development eminently characteristic of neoliberal policy regimes (Peck and Tickell 2002). Another area in which austerity had indirect, but very significant implications for top-down language policies was in public service reform, as described in Chapter 6. In recent years an oft-repeated discourse amongst Irish speakers is that significant numbers of public servants are “opposed” to Irish and thus work to render top-down language policies ineffective. Such opinions are expressed in both popular and academic commentary. Challenging this belief as being overly simplistic, I offered a detailed study of the neoliberal “New Public Management” rationalisation measures implemented in the public sector since 2008. In contrast to common individualist accounts, this “unprecedented change for the Irish public service” (MacCarthaigh 2017: 161) was proposed as being a much more plausible, structural explanation for the failure of policies such as the Official Languages Act. The nonimplementation of the Act has increased significantly since 2008 (Coimisinéir Teanga 2017b), seemingly due to increased workloads and reduced resources meaning public servants simply have more pressing concerns than implementing Irish-language schemes. As neoliberalism is a hegemonic ideological force which conditions behaviour at both the individual and state level, various other ways in which this 226 14 Summary and conclusion ideology conflicts with key requirements of language revitalisation were also discussed in Chapter 6. Not only is neoliberalism fundamentally opposed to social planning (cf. Hayek 2006 [1944]), of which language planning is, of course, a form, but it also actively dismantles the sort of redistributive economic policies that are so often necessary to sustain linguistic minorities. Furthermore, the precarious living conditions neoliberalism generates for so much of the world’s population tend to turn people away from the pluralist values that are fundamental to arguments in favour of defending cultural diversity, a point well documented in sociological and political science literature on attitude formation (e.g., Inglehart 2018: 173–199). Building on the policy analysis presented in Part 2, the results of extensive ethnographic fieldwork, including 52 interviews, conducted in some of the strongest remaining “category A” Gaeltacht areas in Galway and Donegal were detailed in Part 3. In addition to examining the micro-level consequences of many of the macro-level policy reforms documented in the preceding chapters, discussion also focused on various socioeconomic consequences of the crisis not related to language policy per se, but with distinct implications for language vitality. Chief amongst these, perhaps, were transformations in the labour market, particularly the collapse of the construction sector, deindustrialisation and the closure of businesses in the hospitality industry, as examined in Chapter 8. In addition to the rise in unemployment caused by such developments, the closure of pubs and hotels has led to an increase in young people socialising outside the Gaeltacht, a trend obviously detrimental for language reproduction. With emigration having increased enormously throughout Ireland as a result of the recession, particularly in rural areas, peripheral communities such as the Gaeltacht areas of Galway and Donegal inevitably experienced significant population loss post-2008, as was seen in Chapter 9. The disproportionate emigration of the young adult cohort which is most likely to form families (making them crucial for the continued intergenerational transmission of Irish) was one particularly negative consequence of the recession in terms of community and linguistic vitality which I discussed. The tourist industry was also hit hard by the recession, with attendance at summer language colleges in particular falling sharply as disposable incomes declined – a troubling development considering that such colleges are one of the few segments of the Gaeltacht economy that is explicitly language-based. Tensions between tourism and language promotion could be seen elsewhere, too: evidence was presented which suggests that the recent increase in the use of English in the “linguistic landscape” of various Gaeltacht communities occurred as part of an attempt to attract tourists in light of reduced employment opportunities and supports for other sectors. This, of course, belies much of the 14.2 Summary of findings 227 contemporary LPP literature on minoritised languages being used in the tourism sector as a source of profit due to their indexing of “authenticity”. While drastic, the reduction of funding for the Gaeltacht did not go unchallenged. As seen in Chapter 11, many communities attempted to resist state policies through the anti-austerity campaigns of groups such as Guth na Gaeltachta. Although met with some success, the state was quick to clamp down on these efforts and the organisation was thus relatively short-lived. Furthermore, Guth na Gaeltachta received little solidarity from official Irish-language promotion groups who, in a classic example of divide and rule tactics, were preoccupied with (and seemingly fearful of being abolished under) the process of rationalisation they were undergoing at the same time (see 4.4). The disbanding of the Pléaráca arts and social outreach group (discussed in 12.2) was a further example of both the effects of the cutbacks and how dissent against official policy measures is treated in the Gaeltacht – a phenomenon echoed throughout many other areas of Irish society during the era of cutbacks (Harvey 2014). With state support for the Gaeltacht having fallen so severely post-2008, many communities and groups I witnessed attempted to overcome the difficulties this caused via recourse to unorthodox measures such as “Corporate Social Responsibility” grants and crowdfunding campaigns. Despite being another way in which community agency was exercised positively in the face of the cuts, by conceding almost entirely to neoliberal notions of the role of the state and seeing the maintenance of rural communities as a matter for corporate charity, not concerted policy, this tendency potentially sees communities sow the seeds of their own destruction. According with the widespread disruption detailed in this study, the 2016 census reported an 11.2% decrease in daily speakers of Irish in the Gaeltacht outside the education system since 2011, a drop which dramatically contrasts with the modest growth in the same category shown in the previous census. While this decline in the vitality of Irish is to a large degree the continuation of centuries of marginalisation, the immense social turmoil caused by the recession in a short time frame clearly exacerbated this trend, with the 2016 figures providing quantitative demonstration of this fact. Chapter 13 discussed some of the additional ways in which language shift was visible during my fieldwork, as well as some further factors exacerbating it, including increased use of information and communication technology, the reduced Irish-language competence of many young Gaeltacht people, and the weakening of Irish as a key identity marker – phenomena discussed discretely for the sake of clarity, but which are clearly intimately connected. The vast majority of Irish society, of course, suffered under austerity. So extensive were the cuts to Gaeltacht support schemes, however, that Machiavelli’s 228 14 Summary and conclusion infamous advice that “injuries should be done all together” is brought to mind (2003: 38). Referring to work by Klein (2007), Mirowski (2013) and Krugman (2015), it was argued that the Great Recession presented an instance of “punctuated equilibrium” whereby the state had the opportunity to radically intensify an incrementalist process of withdrawal from the sphere of language revitalisation which had been taking place over the preceding decades. While the reduction in support for the Gaeltacht was both severe and rapid, rather than demonstrating a particularly anti-Irish sentiment on behalf of the political class, I have argued that these cuts reflect the extent of neoliberal hegemony. In order to maintain economic growth, the “competition states” (Kirby and Murphy 2011) neoliberalism produces are constantly forced to vie with each other to demonstrate their suitability for capitalist investment (Block 2020 [1977]), and therefore generally have little interest in such “culturalist” spheres as language revitalisation, which, at best, are of limited interest to major investors. The fact that much of the Gaeltacht population, particularly in stronger Irish-speaking areas, is on the lower end of the class scale made them all the more likely to be affected disproportionately by the cuts, with research both in Ireland and internationally showing austerity hits more vulnerable sections of society hardest (Bisset 2015: 175–177; Varoufakis 2016). This class bias is, of course, itself another aspect of the internal logic of neoliberalism described in 2.6, whereby facilitating the increased opulence of those in the upper sections of the economic strata is seen as the most efficient way of enhancing the conditions of the worse off, who, it is assumed, will reap the benefits of trickle-down economics in their turn. In reminding us of these dynamics which are so key to the way neoliberal states work, the Irish case thus clearly illustrates the precarious position that minoritised languages that are dependent on state support can find themselves in during times of financial crisis. Despite the communities I conducted my fieldwork in having had high concentrations of relative deprivation before 2008 (see 7.2.3), “[r]elative poverty”, as Harbert et al. note, “does not in itself lead to language death unless a disruptive factor comes into play” (2009: 11). The Great Recession, of course, offers an example par excellence of a disruptive factor, and one which exacerbated previous socioeconomic marginalisation, acting as an ultimate cause for many of the proximate causes of recent language shift discussed throughout this book. While much literature on Irish-language revitalisation since 2008 has focused on linguistic issues (e.g., Lenoach, Ó Giollagáin and Ó Curnáin 2012; Ó hIfearnáin and Walsh 2018), as Edwards has stated “failure to fully come to grips with external facts, pressures and attitudes is tantamount to treating language in isolation – the cardinal sin committed in so many treatments [of LPP]” (2007: 116). With the greatest economic crisis in the history of the state occurring in the years after 2008, I have attempted to move away from the tendency 14.3 International comparisons: Scottish Gaelic and Welsh 229 to look at Irish-language policy “in isolation” and examine the wider structural issues that are of crucial importance to the success of almost all efforts to reverse language shift. In doing so, I have sought to avoid what Beck, Bonss and Lau (2003: 23) have termed “methodological nationalism”, defined as an “insistence on interpreting every social phenomenon within . . . the frame of reference of the nation-state”. In examining the various links between macroeconomic disruption and micro-level social change, it has become clear that such is the totalising nature of capitalism in the 21st century that the actions of a relatively small number of individuals in the boardrooms of various banking conglomerates and the offices of Wall Street can have profound consequences for language vitality in remote communities thousands of miles away. Although attention has been drawn to the role of transnational economic forces in determining the success or failure of language revitalisation efforts, this is not to imply a totally deterministic reading of the sociology of language. As is well-documented, the success of language revitalisation efforts invariably depends on a multitude of elements (Fettes 1997). This work does, however, add empirical weight to the great many allusions in LPP literature to the centrality of economic forces in driving language loss and endangerment, some of which were referenced in section 1.1. In doing so, it has echoed Engels’ contention that it is not, as people try here and there conveniently to imagine, that the economic position produces an automatic effect. Men make their history themselves, only in given surroundings which condition it and on the basis of actual relations already existing, among which the economic relations, however much they may be influenced by the other political and ideological ones, are still ultimately the decisive ones. (Engels 1894) While the success of Irish-language policy is most undeniably dependent on a host of various factors, in light of the findings demonstrated in this work, Engels’ position would appear to be of distinct relevance to the field of Irish LPP. 14.3 International comparisons: Scottish Gaelic and Welsh Detailed comparison with international examples has, regrettably, not been possible in a work of this length. Nonetheless, the data presented here certainly have parallels in other contexts. Considering the international nature of the crisis which began in 2008 and the near-universal adoption of austerity measures as a response, many other linguistic minorities inevitably experienced at least some of the same challenges as Irish speakers did. While there is very little detailed research about other cases, some nearby examples – Scottish Gaelic and 230 14 Summary and conclusion Welsh, both members of the same Celtic language family as Irish – are nonetheless worthy of mention. As a speaker of each of these languages, and having lived and worked in both Scotland and Wales during the research of this book, I have some knowledge of their situations. Although the cuts for Irish-language expenditure have been more severe than in these or any of the other examples I have heard of, this can readily be explained as resulting from the vigour with which the Republic of Ireland adopted neoliberal policies since the early 1990s and the severity of the austerity that this produced. Scottish Gaelic makes for an easy comparison with Irish due to the close linguistic relationship of the languages, their geographic proximity and the fact that Gaelic too has a small speaker base (some 57,375 speakers – 1.1% of the Scottish population according to the 2011 census). Also similar to the Irish case is the fact that the remaining Gaelic-speaking communities are remote, rural areas on the west coast, particularly in the Western Isles, although even there the language is in an extremely precarious situation. Echoing many of the developments discussed in Part 2 of this work, between 2010–2017 the budget for Comhairle nan Eilean Siar, the Western Isles council, was cut more severely than any other local authority in Scotland, when its funding was reduced by 29% in real terms. It was consequently classed as one of the most deprived councils in Scotland in a government report (Comhairle nan Eilean Siar n.d.: 1; Gannon et al. 2016: 51), which is particularly concerning in light of the very weak nature of all local government in Scotland (Bort, McAlpine and Morgan 2012; Wightman 2014; Rae, Hamilton and Faulds 2019). 16% of council staff were laid off between 2011–2018, a blow which was very damaging for an area where public sector employment is of great importance (Press and Journal 2018). Furthermore, those who are employed in the Western Isles receive some of the lowest rates of remuneration in Scotland, with wages dropping there and in just one other local authority area between 2009–2016 (Skills Development Scotland 2017: 60–61). The area also has “by far the lowest level of permanent employment of all 32 local authorities” (National Health Service n.d.: 25). Despite expenditure on the Gaelic television station comprising the largest section of the Gaelic budget, the channel’s 2020/21 annual report noted it faces a “severe funding challenge” (MG Alba 2021: 8; Scottish Government 2022). The £12.8 million it receives from the devolved Scottish Government comprises the totality of its budget since the Westminster government cut 100% of its £1 million contribution in 2015. While ostensibly ringfenced for protection from funding cuts, when inflation is accounted for, the budget of national Gaelic promotion body Bòrd na Gàidhlig decreased by 30% between 2008–2019 (Misneachd 2021). Accordingly, the Bòrd stated in its 2018–2023 corporate plan that financial pressures “continue to be a major test of our resilience” (Bòrd na 14.3 International comparisons: Scottish Gaelic and Welsh 231 Gàidhlig 2018: 12), an issue further exacerbating what was already a very challenging situation for the Gaelic-speaking community. While Welsh has a significantly larger community of speakers than either Irish or Scottish Gaelic (562,000 speakers in Wales as of 2011 – 19% of the population), and consequently a much greater deal of official protection, austerity measures have affected the language’s heartland communities in similar ways to those discussed above, with many crucial local services being cut (Tomos 2021). Funding for language-specific supports was also reduced during the period discussed in this work. The Welsh for Adults programme, for instance, was forced to cut €700,000 in the space of just four weeks in 2014 (Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg 2014), and the Welsh-medium television channel, S4C, also experienced cuts of “at least 36%”, which were seen as “severe and disproportionate” by the parliamentary committee which oversees the station (Culture, Welsh Language and Communications Committee 2017: 10). In a statement from the station in 2014 it was noted that they had already lost 25% of their staff as a result of these reductions (S4C 2014: 2). Although a much larger body than its Irish equivalent, the Welsh Language Commissioner’s office experienced cuts similar to those faced by the office of the Coimisinéir Teanga (see 6.2; 11.3), receiving a cut of 23% between 2014–2020. This meant that by 2019 “budget and resources were the highest risk to the organisation”, with vacant positions being left unfilled due to budgetary pressures, thereby increasing workloads for the remaining staff (Welsh Language Commissioner 2020: 46; Culture, Welsh Language and Communications Committee 2020). Reminiscent of the issues discussed in section 9.4, the structural inequities in the housing market which are so characteristic of neoliberalism are the source of much contention in Welshspeaking communities, as they are in Scotland as well (Anwyl 2021; The Guardian 2022; Mac a’ Bhàillidh 2022). Despite there likely being many parallels with other languages further afield and outside the Celtic language family, the lack of research done on this topic means it is unfortunately impossible to make any further comparative comments (although, as noted in 5.3, one of the very few academic articles addressing austerity and minoritised languages explains that Basque and Catalan broadcasting also received significant cuts). With many language revitalisation programmes dependent on some form of state support, a deeper understanding of how major economic fluctuations, including those caused by Covid (see 14.5), affect this provision in contexts outside Ireland would surely give us a better appreciation of the challenges that linguistic minorities are likely to face in the near future. It is, of course, only by first understanding the nature of these challenges that we can have any hope of overcoming them. 232 14 Summary and conclusion 14.4 The loss of the Gaeltacht and the threat of further recessions Irish, as Fishman noted (1991: 122), is in many ways exceptional for a language of its size, having an institutional support network that few other minoritised languages can hope for. The years since 2008 have seen an immense weakening of these supports, however, as the state in the Republic moved ever closer to the laissez-faire disinterest which characterises so many states’ attitudes to the fate of linguistic minorities within their territories. Nonetheless, despite the extensiveness of recent reforms, Irish still has an array of supports that leave it in a stronger position than many other languages with similarly sized speaker populations. If the neoliberalisation of Irish-language policy which was explored in this work continues, however, Irish may be an exceptional case no longer, becoming instead yet another example of the inability of most nationstates to adequately support endangered language communities (cf. Fishman 1991: 3). While the economy in the Republic of Ireland had returned to rapid growth by 2016, the structural challenges which caused such disruption for Irish-language revitalisation continue to loom large over this field. Indeed, the continuation of the trend towards state rollback from supporting revitalisation measures is likely to be the case. Further to planned expenditure on the Gaeltacht for 2018–2027 being much lower than the amount spent between 2006–2016, further periods of economic turmoil will quite probably see further cuts to state expenditure on social policy. As the following section discusses, although the long-term economic outcomes of the Covid crisis remain to be seen at the time of writing, it may well be the case that the costs associated with the pandemic result in further austerity. Even if that is avoided, though, whenever the next economic downturn occurs – and it is well-established in economics that another major crash will undoubtedly occur in due course – further cuts to institutions such as ÚnaG or the department responsible for the Gaeltacht could well leave them essentially defunct, being that they are now so much weaker than they were in 2007. Indicating the troubles that may lie ahead, as early as 2018 the IMF was issuing warnings about the state of the global economy, as protectionist trade policies began to take effect globally and the increase in consumer debt that helped overcome the Great Recession approached unsustainable levels (IMF 2018; see also IMF 2022). Furthermore, with language shift continuing apace, were another economic crisis to befall the state, cuts to Gaeltacht expenditure will be all the easier to justify as we approach a “post-Gaeltacht” era in which such communities are not significantly distinct linguistically from the rest of Ireland. Such a development is unlikely to be met with increased state support for language revitalisation elsewhere in the country. 14.5 The Covid pandemic 233 Nonetheless, despite the extent of the forces which minoritised the language historically and the magnitude of the threats currently stacked against it, Irish continues to be transmitted within its heartland communities, albeit tenuously. Many Gaeltacht activists continue to do extremely valuable work to support the language and its speakers. Moreover, there are still tens of thousands of “new speakers” of the language throughout the rest of Ireland, although the challenges of the Gaeltacht have distinct repercussions for these as well. While recent research on new speakers shows that the Gaeltacht is not universally seen as essential, as Hindley has noted, “much of the romantic appeal for learning Irish will die with the Gaeltacht” (1990: 253; see also O’Rourke and Walsh 2020: 176). Further to the end of this “romantic appeal”, the loss of these distinct linguistic communities – surely a tragedy for all who care about the language, regardless of whether their view “challenges the Fishmanian paradigm” (Ó hIfearnáin 2018: 163) – will see a key opportunity to learn the language outside of a classroom setting disappear. Such extra-curricular experience in Irish-speaking communities has been vital to the creation of many tens of thousands of new speakers of Irish over the last century, this author included. Even the more positive developments regarding overt Irish LPP which occurred towards the end of the writing of this book, such as the EU adopting Irish as a full working language and the strengthening of the Official Languages Act, are unlikely to have any great impact on the intergenerational transmission of Irish (cf. Dunbar 2011: 63). Indeed, they amount to exactly the sort of “higher order props” that have been for so long favoured in Ireland and elsewhere (Fishman 1991: 143, 380). With there being few examples internationally of languages that continue to be transmitted on a substantial scale once they are no longer spoken as a vernacular in any bounded territorial community (see, however, Hornsby and McLeod 2022), the long-term prospects for the survival of Irish therefore remain far from certain. 14.5 The Covid pandemic The global pandemic caused by the Covid-19 virus is ongoing at the time of writing. While the long-term consequences of this are as yet unknown and further detailed research is required to fully understand how the pandemic affected the vitality of Irish, some points are worthy of mention. Coming on the tail of over a decade of austerity, these unprecedented events saw states rush to restrict economic activity, rather than revive it as was the case in previous crises. Shockingly, the immediate effects of the resulting economic disruption were even greater than after 2008, as “global output declined about three times as much as during the global financial crisis in half the time”, although the preservation of a 234 14 Summary and conclusion certain degree of financial stability has meant that the long-term “scarring” of this is expected to be less than during the Great Recession (IMF 2021: 43). Unlike the austerity measures so prominent previously, this crisis necessitated an enormous increase in state support policies in a very short period, with some commentators therefore believing that this moment may mark the emergence of a new phase in capitalism (Blakeley 2020). It must be remembered, though, that neoliberalism has always been committed to a strongly interventionist state, albeit one that operates to maintain capitalist social relations, and so these emergency intercessions are not necessarily the divergence that some have assumed (Šumonja 2021). As Covid restrictions began to relax in July 2021, the Irish government published its Economic Recovery Plan 2021, which politicians were anxious to announce as being the “opposite of austerity” (Irish Times 2021b). While this plan extended Pandemic Unemployment Payments for an additional six months, by the time they wind down the Central Bank estimated that some 100,000 people will have lost their jobs due to Covid (cf. 300,000 between 2008–2012). Although many of these were jobs likely to be lost over the coming years due to automation, the pandemic accelerated this trend greatly. Notable in the context of this study, the Economic Recovery Plan’s €3.5 billion stimulus includes an allocation of €0.2 billion “to address the significant impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the tourism, cultural, sport, Gaeltacht and media sectors” (Government of Ireland 2021: 59), although how this will be allocated is unclear. Of course, as with the rest of the world, the Gaeltacht has suffered a great deal as a result of this crisis, and while additional investment is undoubtedly to be welcomed, it is almost certain that the funding it will receive under the Economic Recovery Plan 2021 will be insufficient to compensate for previous cuts. It is significant, however, that interest in Irish seemingly increased during lockdown (Conradh na Gaeilge 2021: 14), with many people suddenly having free time and a certain level of income support which allowed them to pursue post-material interests. A similar pattern was also visible in Wales, where numbers registered for taster courses run by the government-funded body Dysgu Cymraeg/Learn Welsh in 2020 were greater than the three previous years combined (Culture, Welsh Language and Communications Committee 2020: 16). Such developments offer a glimpse of one of the ways in which policies such as Universal Basic Income and Universal Basic Services could support minoritised languages enormously, and offer a stark contrast to the effects of precarity discussed in sections 3.4 and 6.4. In terms of the Gaeltacht economy, however, many of the challenges discussed throughout this work were exacerbated by the Covid crash. Not least amongst these were the issues faced by the tourism sector, which totally shut 14.5 The Covid pandemic 235 down for most of 2020 and 2021. Courses run by the summer colleges which saw such a decline in attendance during the Great Recession were cancelled both years, and supports offered by the state for those in the industry were widely derided as being inadequate. While the newly-granted permission to work remotely meant some Gaeltacht people could avoid the long commutes or emigration discussed above, this also increased demand for housing from non-Irish speakers relocating to rural areas, exacerbating the housing crisis which is a source of such concern in so many communities (RTÉ 2021). The accelerated move towards online communication that emerged during lockdown may also impact the use of Irish as a vernacular language negatively, based on the precedents described in section 13.3.1. While many learners and language enthusiasts surely enjoyed the increased availability of Irish-language events online, the majority of Irish speakers in the Gaeltacht are very unlikely to have sought out events purely due to them being in Irish, and as such will likely have defaulted to engaging with the vastly greater quantity of English-language content online. Although no link was made with the pandemic during discussion of the matter in Irish-language media, or in the reports of the Coimisinéir Teanga, an additional consequence of Covid-induced financial pressures for language policy would seem to be that the reduced revenue for county councils contributed to their neglect of Irish-language provision, as discussed in 6.2. Another sad fact of a virus more dangerous to the elderly is that it has, of course, been more lethal to Irish speakers in the Gaeltacht, considering the agegraded patterns of language use detailed in Chapter 13, a fact which is surely equally true for a huge number of the world’s minoritised languages. Needless to say, the overall lethality of the virus was itself amplified by the cuts to healthcare budgets that had been implemented in so many countries before the pandemic began. Notably, despite their new found “opposite of austerity” rhetoric, the government in the Republic was deeply reluctant to commit to an increase in the corporate tax rate from 12.5% to 15%, the international minimum which was proposed by the G7 and OECD at the same time as the Economic Recovery Plan 2021 was launched (Irish Times 2021c). Nonetheless, under much international and popular pressure in light of the Pandora Papers’ leak (which exposed again the enormous, systemic scale of tax avoidance by transnational corporations and high wealth individuals), they were later forced to concede to this 15% figure for companies that make over €750 million a year – itself a very low rate in comparison with pre-neoliberal trends (Irish Times 2021d). Despite this small positive step, however, the overall trend towards maintaining pre-Covid economic arrangements on a global scale is apparent in research done by Oxfam, which notes that “84% of the IMF’s COVID-19 loans were encouraging, and in 236 14 Summary and conclusion some cases requiring, countries to adopt austerity measures in the aftermath of the health crisis” (Oxfam 2021: 26). It would seem that reports of neoliberalism’s death from coronavirus have so far, then, been exaggerated. Considering the trajectory of global economic development before the pandemic, none of this is overly surprising, despite much vaunted claims about “building back better” and opinion polls showing majorities in many parts of the world not wanting to return to the pre-Covid status quo. Unless there is a significant escalation of working-class organisation and militancy in coming years, it would seem likely that any discussion of a move away from neoliberalism’s “essence” as a “utopia of endless exploitation” (Bourdieu 1998) is sure to remain in the realm of fantasy, with attendant social and sociolinguistic consequences worldwide. Nonetheless, despite having increased the fortunes of the richest enormously, the fact that the pandemic saw the implementation of so many measures which seemed to contradict the economic logic of the previous decade may have opened the door to increased expectations with regard to health care, eviction moratoriums, minimum income guarantees and so on. Such expectations may yet prompt the sort of movement building that is so urgently needed. When combined with the other catastrophes which are threatening communities all over the world, the pandemic and the measures needed to curb its spread may yet be one factor leading to a resurgence of grassroots organising which resists neoliberal dictates (Ó Ceallaigh 2022: 41–43). 14.6 Conclusion: Language revitalisation in a time of crises The vast extent of language loss occurring throughout the 21st century which was discussed in 1.1 is, of course, far from the only drastic challenge facing humanity at this juncture. Indeed, we currently face enormous, existential threats to the very future of our species – with runaway climate change, loss of biodiversity, soil erosion and the risk of nuclear armageddon ranking high amongst these in the estimation of many analysts and international bodies. While the triumphalist ascendency of neoliberal capitalism was seriously challenged by the 2008 crash, and although policy makers have had to adopt some unprecedented measures in response to the Covid pandemic, neoliberalism remains dominant, albeit in an increasingly “zombified” form (Green and Lavery 2017: 79). International political developments since 2016, including Brexit and the resurgence of various nativist and fascist movements across the planet, have led commentators such as Blyth and Matthijs (2017: 218–219) to interpret the political crisis currently befalling neoliberalism as the lagged response to the economic 14.6 Conclusion: Language revitalisation in a time of crises 237 crisis of 2008. Indeed, the resultant tension between the economic compulsion of capitalism to globalise (cf. Friedman’s “golden straitjacket” [2000: 101–111]) and the political drive towards “neo-nationalism” which is currently present in many states (Blyth and Matthijs 2017: 222) is emerging as a fundamental conflict of our age. As many authors have described, the political turmoil resulting from this conflict is inherently linked not just to the Great Recession, but to the wider emergence of neoliberalism as a global hegemony over the last four decades (Blyth 2016; Inglehart 2018: 173–199). In the face of challenges of such immense proportions, the most powerful argument for being involved in language revitalisation is now surely that it requires us to challenge the “runaway civilization” (Fettes 1997; see also Giddens 2002) that is responsible for so many of the difficulties humanity currently faces. Without developing large-scale systemic solutions to our current crises as a matter of urgency, we face not just the continued loss of linguistic and ecological diversity on an extraordinary scale, but potentially the collapse of our very civilization. Unfortunately, a discussion of the sort of alternative political and economic models that may help overcome these major, totalising catastrophes as well as the challenges faced by speakers of minoritised languages has been beyond the scope of this work. Examples such as the “democratic confederalism” of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria offer a glimpse, however, of what a society based on direct democracy, environmentalism, feminism and explicit protection for linguistic minorities may look like (Jones 2018). In light of the findings of this study, it is clear that this topic is ripe for future research. Although language revitalisation is certainly a worthy cause in and of itself, as Audre Lorde reminds us “[t]here is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives” (2007 [1982]: 138), and so attempts to secure justice and recognition in the field of LPP will necessarily intersect with other areas of progressive social struggle. Indeed, without engaging with such wider struggles, as this work has attempted to show, the best efforts of language revitalisation advocates can have little hope of being effective long-term. Language revitalisation is therefore best understood as a “good problem” (Fishman 1991: 6), one whose resolution can contribute to solving the many other challenges we face. 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Aire Stáit na Gaeltachta chun aghaidh a thabhairt ar theip chóras earcaíochta Gaeilge an Stáit [Minister of State for the Gaeltacht to address failure of State’s Irish-language recruitment system]. http://tuairisc.ie/aire-stait-na-gaeltachtachun-aghaidh-a-thabhairt-ar-theip-choras-earcaiochta-gaeilge-an-stait/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017j. Níl Gaeilge líofa ag Ard-Rúnaí nua na Roinne Gaeltachta, ach socrú déanta cheana aici ‘chun líofacht a bhaint amach’ [New secretary of Gaeltacht Department cannot speak Irish, but has made decision ‘to achieve fluency’]. http://tuairisc.ie/nil-gaeilge- Bibliography 277 liofa-ag-ard-runai-nua-na-roinne-gaeltachta-ach-socru-deanta-cheana-aici-chun-liofachta-bhaint-amach/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017k. Físeán: Tá ag ‘éirí leis an Straitéis 20 Bliain’ a deir Aire Stáit na Gaeltachta, in ainneoin figiúirí daonáirimh [Video: ‘The 20-Year Strategy is succeeding’ says Minister of State for the Gaeltacht, despite census figures]. http://tuairisc.ie/fisean-ta-ag-eiri-leisan-straiteis-20-bliain-a-deir-aire-stait-na-gaeltachta-in-ainneoin-figiuiri-daonairimh/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017l. Na 10 gceantar Gaeltachta is measa as agus na 10 gceantar Gaeltachta is fearr as… [The 10 worst off and the 10 best off Gaeltacht areas… ]. https://tuairisc.ie/na10-gceantar-gaeltachta-is-measa-as-agus-na-10-gceantar-gaeltachta-is-fearr-as/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017m. Cé mhéad foirgneamh folamh atá ag Údarás na Gaeltachta, cá bhfuil siad agus cén fhad atá siad le ligean? 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Ardú den chéad uair le 10 mbliana anuas ar dheontas na ‘mná tí’ fógartha ag Kyne [Increase for the first time in 10 years for the grants for women who host summer college students announced by Kyne]. http://tuairisc.ie/ardu-den-chead-uair-le-10mbliana-anuas-ar-dheontas-na-mna-ti-fogartha-ag-kyne/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017o. ‘Táimid inár n-aonar, ag snámh in aghaidh easa’ – tuismitheoirí ag íoc iad féin as an tríú múinteoir do scoil Ghaeltachta [‘We’re on our own, swimming against the tide’ – parents paying themselves for third teacher in Gaeltacht school]. https://tuairisc. ie/taimid-inar-n-aonar-ag-snamh-in-aghaidh-easa-tuismitheoiri-ag-ioc-iad-fein-as-an-triumuinteoir-do-scoil-ghaeltachta/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017p. ‘Teipfidh ar na pleananna teanga cheal maoinithe agus ceannaireachta’ – Ollamh [‘Language plans will fail due to lack of funding and leadership’ – professor]. https://tuairisc.ie/teipfidh-ar-na-pleananna-teanga-cheal-maoinithe-agusceannaireachta-ollamh/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017q. Deimhnithe ag Roinn na Gaeltachta gur €100,00 a bheidh ar fáil do phleananna teanga [Department of the Gaeltacht confirm that €100,000 will be available for language plans]. https://tuairisc.ie/deimhnithe-ag-roinn-na-gaeltachta-gur-e100000a-bheidh-ar-fail-do-phleananna-teanga/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017r. Grúpaí pleanála teanga i dtrí cheantar Gaeltachta ag tacú leis an gcur chuige gan glacadh le maoiniú an Údaráis [Language planning groups in three Gaeltacht areas backing plan to refuse Údarás funding]. https://tuairisc.ie/diultu-no-glacadh-lemaoiniu-do-phlean-teanga-le-ple-i-ngaoth-dobhair-anocht/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017s. Iarracht Roinn na Gaeltachta géarchéim na pleanála teanga a réiteach á meas ag Fóram Chois Fharraige [Department of Gaeltacht’s efforts to resolve language planning crisis being assessed by Cois Fharraige forum]. https://tuairisc.ie/iarracht-roinnna-gaeltachta-gearcheim-na-pleanala-teanga-a-reiteach-a-meas-ag-foram-chois-fharraige/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017t. Ní chuirfidh an phleanáil teanga mar atá le saolré na Gaeilge sa Ghaeltacht – duine d’údair an Staidéir Theangeolaíoch [Language planning won’t add to lifespan of Irish in the Gaeltacht – one of the Linguistic Study’s authors]. https://tuairisc. 278 Bibliography ie/molta-ag-misneach-bliain-eiri-amach-na-ngael-a-dheanamh-de-bhliain-na-gaeilge/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2017u. Post fógartha ag an Roinn Talmhaíochta i gceartlár na Gaeltachta – ‘English essential, Irish desirable’ [Job announced by Department of Agriculture in heart of Gaeltacht – ‘English essential, Irish desirable’]. https://tuairisc.ie/post-fogartha-agan-roinn-talmhaiochta-i-gceartlar-na-gaeltachta-english-essential-irish-desirable/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2018a. Níl feidhm ar bith le haon chuid den struchtúr a bhí in ainm is an Straitéis 20 Bliain don Ghaeilge a chur i gcrích – taighde nua [None of the structures that were meant to implement the 20-Year Strategy operational – new research]. https://tuairisc.ie/ nil-feidhm-ar-bith-le-haon-chuid-den-struchtur-a-bhi-in-ainm-is-an-straiteis-20-bliain-don -ghaeilge-a-chur-i-gcrich-taighde-nua/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2018b. Gan aon chinneadh fós faoi cathain a thabharfar maoiniú breise d’Údarás na Gaeltachta [No decision yet regarding when extra funding will be given to Údarás na Gaeltachta]. https://tuairisc.ie/gan-aon-chinneadh-fos-faoi-cathain-a-thabharfar-maoiniu -breise-project-ireland-2040-dudaras-na-gaeltachta/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2018c. Leath an méid airgid bhreise a mheas siad a bhí ag teastáil don Ghaeilge a fuair Roinn na Gaeltachta do 2018 [Department of the Gaeltacht received half the amount they thought necessary in 2018]. https://tuairisc.ie/leath-an-meid-airgid-breise-a-mheassiad-a-bhi-ag-teastail-don-ghaeilge-a-fuair-roinn-na-gaeltachta-do-2018/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2018d. Deireadh le plé faoi chúrsaí nuachta am lóin ar Raidió na Gaeltachta agus ciorrú le déanamh ar ‘Nuacht a hAon’ [End to lunchtime discussion of news on Raidió na Gaeltachta as cuts are made to ‘News at One’]. https://tuairisc.ie/deireadh-le-ple-faoichursai-nuachta-am-loin-ar-raidio-na-gaeltachta-agus-ciorru-le-deanamh-ar-nuacht-ahaon/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2018e. ‘Tá earnáil na foilsitheoireachta Gaeilge an-leochaileach agus tá gá le réimse beart’ – Príomhfheidhmeannach Fhoras na Gaeilge [‘Irish-language publishing is very vulnerable and a selection of measures are needed’ – Foras na Gaeilge CEO]. https://tuairisc.ie/ta-earnail-na-foilsitheoireachta-gaeilge-an-leochaileach-agus-ta-ga-lereimse-beart-priomhfheidhmeannach-fhoras-na-gaeilge/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2018f. An Coimisinéir Teanga chun éirí as monatóireacht a dhéanamh ar scéimeanna teanga mar gur ‘cur amú acmhainní’ é [Language Commissioner to stop monitoring language schemes as it is a ‘waste of resources’]. https://tuairisc.ie/ancoimisineir-teanga-chun-eiri-as-monatoireacht-a-dheanamh-ar-sceimeanna-teanga-margur-cur-amu-acmhainni-e/ (Accessed 17 September 2021) Tuairisc.ie. 2018g. 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Index 20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010–2030 32, 47–50, 72, 78, 91, 96, 183 Acadamh na hOllscolaíochta Gaeilge [division of the National University of Ireland, Galway] 8, 13, 56, 86–87, 181 bail out, of banks 39, 53, 109–110, 150 Basque 88, 231 Brexit 131, 161, 236 broadband see internet Catalan 88, 142, 231 Catherine wheel model 84 Celtic Tiger, the – demographic change during and after 118–122 – growth and decline of 38–40 – language policy during 30–33 census – economic data 123–124 – Irish speakers 5, 11–12, 20, 22, 82, 120–122, 127 – population change 2006–2016 118–120 civic engagement 55–56, 183, 186, 196, 198, 200, 202 civil service see public service class 21, 34–35, 57, 107, 110, 122–124, 139, 142, 178, 210, 228 climate change see ecological crisis Coimisinéir Teanga, An [Language Commissioner, the] 31, 49, 53, 88, 95–106, 184, 187, 235 committee – Culture, Welsh Language and Communications 88, 231, 234 – for implementation of the 20-Year Strategy 50, 104 – for Public Accounts 81 – language planning 50–60 – local democracy in county council 201 – on Communications, Climate Action and Environment 84 https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110768909-016 – on the Future Funding of Public Service Broadcasting 81 – on the Irish language, the Gaeltacht and the Islands 82, 89 community power debate 109 commuting 134, 144, 149, 206 competition state 38, 133, 194, 203, 228 Comprehensive Linguistic Study of the Use of Irish in the Gaeltacht 32, 47–48, 50–51, 54, 75–77, 111, 219 Conradh na Gaeilge [The Gaelic League] 20, 74, 91, 95, 179, 186 Cork 209 county council 24, 47, 67–68, 102, 190, 201, 230 Covid 40, 102, 110, 128, 131, 135, 155, 161, 163, 169–170, 210, 231–236 democratic confederalism 237 democratic deficit 51, 67–68, 71, 74, 109, 190, 202 demography 118–122 Department – of Agriculture 59 – of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources 80 – of Education 28, 45, 62, 193 – of Finance 23, 25, 52, 70, 100 – of Public Expenditure and Reform 103 – of the Environment 101 – of the Taoiseach 49 Department responsible for the Gaeltacht – affects of austerity on 45–46, 52, 56, 69–71, 164, 169 – and island transport links 189 – and publication of the Nuashonrú ar an Staidéar Cuimsitheach Teangeolaíoch 75–76 – and use of Irish in the public service 49, 104 – changes to department portfolio 30, 69 – establishment of 24 – suppressing dissent 180 286 Index ecological crisis 157, 236–237 education 5, 21, 23, 28, 51, 62–63, 126, 138, 150–152, 167–170, 193 educational inequality 123, 125, 130, 151 European Central Bank, the see Troika, the European Commission, the see Troika, the European Union (EU) 12, 32, 49, 102, 129, 156, 160, 179, 233 evidence-based policy making 48, 54, 77 exogamy 133, 153, 207, 212 Fianna Fáil 44, 98 Fine Gael 44, 51, 67, 98 Foreign Direct Investment 38, 66, 109, 133–140, 195 Gaeltacht see also class; Department responsible for – Act 2012 50–60 – borders 24 – categories A, B, C 11 – Commission 1926 23 – Commission 2002 31 – numbers of Irish speakers in 120–122 – origin of concept 21 Gaeltarra Éireann 24, 27, 129, 144 gender 15, 81, 126–127, 168, 205–207 globalisation 9, 35, 40, 88, 129, 144, 147 grants see also Foreign Direct Investment; Scéim Labhairt na Gaeilge; training and scholarships, funding for – and control of dissent 201 – Corporate “Social Responsibility” 193 – dependence of Irish on 108 – for housing 46 – for print media 89–93 – for students studying in the Gaeltacht 87 – from ÚnaG for local businesses 139 – proposed by Gaeltacht Commission 1926 22 – ÚnaG expenditure on capital 127 Hayek, Friedrich 33–34, 106–107 housing 22, 38, 46, 51, 102, 125, 150, 153, 156–157, 231, 235 incrementalism 29, 60 industrial action 38, 178 Industrial Development Agency (IDA) 63–64, 137 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 37, 39, 61, 102, 127, 224, 232, 235 internet 91–92, 127–130, 147, 208–213 Kerry 29, 80, 159, 173 language attitudes see language ideologies Language Commissioner, the see Coimisinéir Teanga, An language ideologies 110–112, 160, 186, 217, 219 language management 112 language planning process 51–53, 55–60, 67, 185, 195 see also Gaeltacht Act 2012 literacy rates in Irish 170, 209 local authority see county council Meitheal Forbartha na Gaeltachta [the Gaeltacht development working group] 200 Misneach 92, 178, 187 mortgage repayments 150 National Development Plan 2018–2027 65, 77, 191 National University of Ireland 8, 21, 45, 56, 86, 103 new speakers 8, 156, 176, 217, 233 North of Ireland 4, 71, 91, 180, 184, 186 Ó Cadhain, Máirtín 122, 159 OECD 99, 102, 147, 178, 235 Official Languages Act 31–32, 56, 95–106, 183, 233 path dependence 44, 47, 109 pay differentials 80–81, 83, 230 post-materialism 55, 95, 110–112, 123, 142, 182, 186, 194, 218, 234 precarity 55, 57, 88, 95, 110–112, 122–124, 149, 206, 210, 218, 234 Index public service – and implementation of language policies 49, 53, 106 – Public Service Reform Plan 67 – suppressing dissent 76 punctuated equilibrium 5, 29, 43, 71, 113 Randox 135 recommendation fatigue 77 satisficing 54 Scéim Labhairt na Gaeilge [the Irishspeaking scheme] 23, 46, 71, 75 schools 19–23, 26, 44, 47, 51, 62–63, 150–152, 154, 167–170, 193, 199–200, 211–212, 218, 225 see also education Scotland 79, 123, 153, 156, 165, 198, 216, 229–231 second face of power, the 28, 68, 109 social Darwinism 111 social media 208–213 287 social partnership 38, 45, 177–178 strike see industrial action trade unions 38, 45, 47, 66, 81, 129, 133, 137, 178, 181 training and scholarships, funding for 56, 64, 86–87 Troika, the 39, 43–44, 48, 52–54, 100, 108–110 trust, levels of 100, 110–111 unemployment blackspots 124 Universal Basic Income & Services 234 urbanisation 130–131, 147–148 voluntarism see civic engagement Wales 86, 142, 155–156, 198, 229–231, 234 wealth distribution 33, 36–37, 110–111, 156 World Bank, the 25, 37, 127, 130