Humanistica Lovaniensia Vol. 9, 1950 - Jerome de Busleyden FOUNDER OF THE LOUVAIN COLLEGIUM TRILINGUE HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS PDF

Jerome
Jerome de de
Busleyden
Busleyden
FOUNDER OF THE LOUVAIN
COLLEGIUM TRILINGUE
HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS
EDITED FOR THE FIRST TIME IN THEIR ENTIRETY
FROM THE ORIGINAL

ORIGINAL MANUSGRIPT
MANUSCRIPT
BY
Henry DE VOCHT
Dr. Ph. & Litt., Dr. Phil. Tartuensis ad. hon.

boti.
Professor in the University of Louvain
with the generous help of the Belgian

FONDATION UNIVERSITAIRE
TURNHOUT
AT THE BREPOLS PRESS

1950
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li HVMANISTICA LOVANIENSIA
Jerome de Busleyden
Jerome de Busleyden
FOUNDER OF THE LOUVAIN
COLLEGIUM TRILINGUE
EDITED FOR THE FIRST TIME IN THEIR ENTIRETY
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT
BY
Henry DE VOCHT
Dr. Ph. & Litt., Dr. Phil. Tartuensis ad. ho

Professor in the University of Louvain
with the generous help of the Belgian

FONDATION UNI VERSITAIRE
TURNHOUT
AT THE BREPOLS PRESS

1950
IN GRAT^M AC PJAM
Florentle Adê TASKER

MEMORIAM
Jerome de Busleyden
1470-1517
PREFACE
This book is intended as a respectful homage to the man

endowed Louvain University with the most famous of her in
and this country with one of the most beneficent sources of c
and prosperity. Busleyden's foundation was not the planting of a
small bed of flowers for a privileged few ; it was the broa.d and generous
swinging of the arm of a sower. The teaching was free and public,
and the professore both able and enthusiastic ; in so far that the
lecture hall, built for three hundred listeners, had to be enlarged to
double its size before ten years had elapsed. It made Louvain take
the lead as well for theological studies, for science and medecine, as for
linguistics ; and through the inftuence of clever workers on ali domains,
our provinces carne and remained at the head of ali nations in culture
and prosperity until invidiousness closed our access to the sea and,
consequently, to the wide world. Although comparatively ignored,
it appears that Busleyden, as councillor and ambassador, was one of
the first and ablest artisans of the welfare of this country; his splendid
mansion, stili adorningMechlin, shows that he was as great a protector
of arts as he was an experienced politician ; and his partiality for
literature results from every page of his writings. Although less clever
and less acerb than those by some of his contemporaries, they give
a most felicitous idea of the influence which humanism had on the
youth of the leading classes that up to then had been inaccessible
refined thought and manners ; if duly studied, his poems and lett
call up from the past a crowd of remarkable personages of ali rank
thus reconstructing the varied social and intellectual life in the fi
years of the most interesting XVIth Century, like those of Craneve
do for its twenties. When, from 1910, I was preparing this latter
correspondence for Publishing, I found an abundance of Informati
about teachers and students in the Louvain Trilingue, and about th
fine work that was going on there ; my researches during the fir
World-War in the archives of the Old Studium Generale, at Brssels,
of which I eventually made an Inventory (Louvain, 1927), allowed
me to check and to enlarge that Information far beyond ali expecta
tion : it ripened, and even developed further, in the years favoured
by peace, so that, from the beginning of the[ second World-War, I was
able to write a detailed and accurate history of ithe beginning and of
the development of Busleyden's institute up tot 1550. I should wish
to publish it as soon as circumstances will allow : to that ' History of
the Trilingue Lovaniense', this book is meant to serve as introduction,
representing the founder before explaining his admirable foundation.
*
* *
The greater part of the Inform

is based on his writings : during
copied out, and adorned with fr
a man than the historian Conrad
Vili
and to two Popes. That volume, now preserved as MS 15676-77 in

the Royal Library, Brssels, which throughout the centuries tempted
several editore 1), appeared highly interesting for the subject I was
investigating, in which I was heartily encouraged by the Conservator
of the Manuscript department, Mr. Eugne Bacha; on account of the
diflculties of heating and lighting the reading-room in the dire winters
of 1916 and T917, he graciously allowed me to take the precious
document to my rooms, where I had the advantage of examining it at
leisure. I soon found the solution of the puzzle of its disorderly state,
in the nearly invisible signatures on the lower edges of the pages (cp.
pp. 143, sq), and could compare the writing, the orthography and the
ink used on different pages, as well as that of the notes added at
various times. That, and other details enabled me to build up a
chronology, which is totally absent from the originai. The most wel
come loan also gave to my friend and hostess Mrs. Florence A.
Pessers-Tasker the occasion to make for me in 1917, during the end
less War days, a perfect replica of the document, reproducing the text
line by line and page by page, with the red borders and the orna
menting in blue, yellow and red colours, so as to give an exact idea
of the originai, with which it was duly collated. That 'beautiful
copy', as P. S. Allen called it in 1920, inspired by the sympathy
with Louvain scholars deprived of their precious Library in 1914, has
been of inestimable value to me, as it helped me constantly in my
studies (cp. MonHL, 134, 154, &c), explaining allusione and illustrating
personages. It allowed me to start the printing of this book in 1946,
and was most convenient in the correcting of the proofs so that the
final collations with the manuscript in Brssels were most efficient.
That copy is moreover highly precious as a remembrance of the most
beneficent atmosphere of cairn peace which I enjoyed in my hostess's
home ; it allowed me to conceive and bring to an and a good amount
of patient research work, in which she willingly helped : not only did
she read over and correct my English, but she assisted me in checking
the proofs. She made more fine copies of manuscripts : from 1918 to
1920, she reproduced the famous Epistolarium Stephani Vinandi
Pighii, 1557-1597, of the Brssels Archives (Cari. & Man., 187) ; she
also transcribed the crowded Fasti Academici of J. L. Bax (Royal
Library Brssels, MS. 22172-73) for the period that interested me.
She moreover rendered my research work both easier and securer,
by composing many indexes, as accurate as detailed : amongst them,
one for the histories of Louvain University by Nicolas Vernulaeus
and Valerius Andreas ; and one for the eighteen volumes of J. N.
Paquot's Mmoires. It is in deep gratitude for that, and for all her
unrecorded kindness, that I dedicate to her this book, to which she
greatly contributed ; unfortunately she was not even to see the be
ginning of the printing : broken by the endless and desponding War,
she lost conscience in the enthusiastic thanksgiving on hearing of
the first good piece of news, in the evening of September 8, 1943, and
passed away in the Mercy of the Lord two days later. Requiescat in
pace.
1) When this book was nearly finished, a transcript of it was found

in the Royal Library, Brssels, which reproduces the wrong order
(cp. pp. 143, sq) and is ascribed to the XVIIIth Century.
IX
Most hearty thanks are offered to my most reverend friend Mgr. Fr.
Tessens, dean, and to the Rt. Rev. Mgr. J. de Trannoy, canon-ar
chivist of St. Rombaut's Chapter, Mechlin, for allowing me to inspect
and use several most interesting documents under their care. Deep
gratitude is also expressed to the authorities and officials of the Royal
Library, Brssels, and of the University Library, Louvain, where
at any time I have found ready help, and where my requests have
always been granted. As journeying was still difficult when I was
preparing my manuscript, I have been most fortunate in finding
valuable assistance from various quarters. Tbus the Rt. Rev. J. de
Ladonchamps, parish priest of Marville, Meuse, gave me every avail
able detail about Jerome de Busleyden's family, and provided the
engraving of his mother's tombstone (on p. 3). Details were com
municated about Chancellor von Enschringen, by the Rt. Rev.
prof. . Ries, librarian of Treves Seminary, and about Senator
Zeigler, by Mr. Alph. Sprunck, of Luxemburg Library; a text about
Peter Jacobi, which was not available in Louvain, was most obligingly
ccpied by Miss Josphine Dackweiler, of Arlon. As to the Aire
Provostry, I was favoured with most welcome Information by the Aire
mayor, Mr. Auguste Bar, and by the historian C. le Prince, thanks
to the kind interference of the Rt. Rev. Alb. de Veer, of Lormoy
Institute, who also directed me to the Rt. Rev. Canon Coolen, of
St. Omer, who procured me J. Rouyer's study on the St. Peter's
Chapter of the venerable town. My Student Jos. Hinneman, of Nieu
port, has abundantly supplemented that Information by details
gathered from various town archives of the North of France, and on
the strnge domain of musical history I was guided by another of my
hearers, the Rt. Rev. Leop. Engels, of Antwerp, which allowed me to
identify the Nuremberg organ-builder.
My work has been largely improved in usefulness and in outward

appearance by the invaluable assistance of my friend the Rt. Rev.
A. Lourier, parish priest of Cressy, near Dieppe, who bestowed on
it the benefit of his exquisite art for severa! original drawings : I am
under the greatest Obligation to him, as well as to my secretary Miss
Charlotte Schaepman, who, for several months, has assisted me with
untiring and highly appreciated care and attention in the reading
of proof and revise.
The publishing of this book, finally, has been favoured not only by
the noble generosity of the Council of the Belgian 'Fondation Uni
versitaire' , but also by the most gratifying encouragement in my
undertaking, of which it is the unequivocal proof. Nor can I close
this long chapter of thanks without expressing my deep gratitude to
them, nor that which I feel for my kind well-wishers who recom
mended my work to the Brepols Press : the dear friend of olden
days, Director Mr. J. van Gestel, and Mr. Ed. van Baelen, who
introduced and patronized most eflectually my book, to the printing
of which Mr. H. van den Berghe bestowed the wealth of his careful
and most able craftsmanship.
ICONOGRAPHIC NOTE
The fine portrait of Jerome de Busleyden facing the title, rep

duces in part the photo which, several years ago, was supplie
Louvain University Library, and which represents the Councillo
the glory of his robes as well as his coat of arms. It offers strik
family likeness with Janus Secundus' medal of his nephew Giles
p. 27), and makes it evident that the Daniel of the Banquet ofBa
is devised as a likeness of the owner of the mansion (pp. 54-55). A
my endeavours to find the originai of that photo remained fru
I ventured to borrow merely the face, so as to join it to the edi
of his writings and to this study, so much the more as the photog
of the picture was exhibited in 1935 for days at the Royal Libra
Brssels, as n 56 of a display of documents aboutBrabant litera
It is recorded that a small painted portrait of Busleyden was be
queathed to his friend John Wyts (cp.p. 108), and that another adorned
one of the rooms of the Collegium Trilingue : possibly the present
reproduction may lead to the finding or to the identifying of those
lost pictures. In former centuries it was the custom that presidente
and professore, when they left Louvain at the approach of an invading
army, took some of the treasures of their institutes to save them from
danger : the objects thus preserved, often remained in the sheltering
homes of saie countries, like the Lige principality or the Rhine-lands,
and were lost sight of for a long time, until turned up by accident.
One of the instances I experienced, refers to the originai document
of Busleyden's Diploma of Doctcr (pp. 34, sq, 125, sq) : I bought it
in 1930 from the parish priest of Fize-le-Marsal, (16 kilom. to the
N. W. of Lige), the Rt. Rev. B. Charpentier : it had been given to
him as a charity by one of the inhabitants, in whose family it had
been for several generations. No doubt it had belonged to the
Trilingue College, and had been left in that forlorn country hamlet
by a refugee : a similar fate may have befallen to the portrait s :
possibly they are waiting for their hour of reappearance.
BUSLEYDEN's LIFE
1. ORIGIN AND FAMILY
Busleyden's Parente
1. The family of Busleyden was originary from the

place of that name Bauschleyden, Buschleyden, Busleyden,
Boulaide, a lordship situated within Bastogne provostry,
a few miles to the south-west of Wiltz, in the present Grand
Duchy of Luxemburg x). History records a John Lord of
Busleyden as early as 1282, as well as several descendants
whom he had by his wife Frances de Binsfeld 2) : thus squire
Baldwin (f 1366), married to Margaret de Malberch ; his son
Peter, Knight (f 1412), husband of Odile de Dobbelstein ;
and his grandson Henry (f 1459), husband of Margaret (or
Mary) von Elteren. That fliation, repeated by ali genealo
gists 3), with some variants in names and dates 4), is unable
to explain the respective connection of the many de Busleyden's,
l) There now exists a Low and a High Bauschleiden.

a) She was the daughter of Warnier, knight, lord of Binsfeld.
8) Antony d'Auxy, Christ, and Henry Butkens ; also Joseph
van den Leene, author of the Thtre de la Noblesse du Brabant : Lige,
1705 : 27g, sq. ; and colonel de Patoul, Genealogie de la Familie Bus
leyden, in La Noblesse Belge, Annuaire de 1892 : Brssels, 1892 : 3-4.
1) J. . Paquot sketched a genealogy in PF, I, 476, reproduced in
eveMm., 373-74, which reads Binsfeld as Brusfeld, Malberch as
aiboreh, Elteren as Etteren ; also Peter for Baldwin ; he makes Henry
die in 1419, as is also found in BrabNobl., 279.
2 .'s Life
mentioned in
Arlon and Lu
No doubt the
name, and th
2. For cert
nobility nor h
- his father Giles was called a commoner,
'homme frane', and described as issued from
good and notable people of ancient citizen
ship, when he was knighted in February 147
by Charles the Bold in Bruges 3). In the b
ginning (,viz. by 1476), his scutcheon was
azure with a rose gutes ; afterwards it w
azure a fesse gold, with a rose gutes, gold
tipped, in the middle base 4) ; it thus was borne
descendants 5).
3. He was most probably a native of Arlon, for in 1506

his three sons Jerome, Giles and Valerian, founded anniver
*) BuslGn., 4-5.
2) Thus the 'Joh. de Busleyd(en) de Lutzenburga' who, on. June 27,
1478, matriculated in arts in Cologne University (: he passed the
actus determinantiae under 'Mgr Herman Berchem' on November 23,
1479, before he went to Orleans University, where he was inscribed
in 1482 : Keussen, 43), may have been a relation, but was certainly
no brother to Jerome de Busleyden. The identity of names even
caused the wrong identifcation of a Francis and a Giles de Bus
leyden with his brother and his father : cp. further, 4. Another
instance is provided by the brothers John and Gabriel Deunius, born
at Bauschleiden, who studied in the Collegium Germano-Hungaricum,
in Rome, from 1581 tot 1587 ; John, who entered the Jesuit Order
and became the confessor and adviser of Duke Maximilian of Bavaria
and his wife, was always called Buslidius : Duhr, 1, 701-2 ; A. Stein -
huber, Geschichte des Kollegium Germanikum Hungaricum in Rom :
Freiburg i.B., 1906 : 1, 220, 236, 365, 11, 223.
3) Publications of the Historical Section of the Luxemburg Institut
Royal et Grand Ducal, xxxiv, 72 ; BuslGn., 6.
4) BuslGn., 3 ; the rose is pierced with gold and sinopie tipped in
BrabNobl., 284.
s) BruxHist., 11, planche vi.
His Parents 3
saries there in the

their deceased broth
son of Tilm
self up : he
Arlon from
from 1459
as secretar
and, from
vice-provo
State of Luxemburg. He
moreover served in Duke
Philip the Good's house
hold, and was Charles the
Bold's chamberlain ; on
September 7, 1473 he was
appointed attorney-general
of the duchy 2), and coun
cillorin 1474 ; atthe Duke's
disaster before Nancy in
1477, he saw to the safety
of the Luxemburg territory,
providing all strongholds
with men, ammunition and
provisions against any hos
tile invasion. It caused him
to be promoted afterwards
to the office of Warden of
the Charters. He had mar
ried Jane, or Elizabeth, de
pierre tombale dtsabelle de MussEv Musset, or Mussey, of Mar
PIERRE TOMBALE D'ISABELLE DE MUSSEY
ville, where she is buried under a stone with her effigy

and her and her husband's scutcheons3) ; he used his
*) Cp. further, 81.
2)' It is hardly believable that at that time he had
age to marry the 'Nicolas Haltfast', who is said to have
place in his favour : BuslGn., 6 ; it possibly refers to
namesake of Giles's son-in-law.
3) BuslGn., 6, refers to L. Germain, Notice sur la tombe d'Isabelle
de Musset, femme de Gilles Ier de Busleyden, Marville. - The monu
ment consists of a large slab of white stone, on which is carved in
high-relief the effigy of the deceased, lying down, with her rosary in
4 .'s. Life
growing authorit
for example, the l
although he evide
welfare of his children. He introduced his eldest son Giles,
born about 1465, into the Court of Philip the Fair, which
led to his appointment as receiver for the domains of
Luxemburg, Arlon and Thionville on March 20, 1490, and
receiver-general for Luxemburg, which offices he left to become
councillor, afterwards president, of the Audit-Office, Brssels.
Francis de Busleyden
4. The second son Francis went to study in Louvain

where he matriculated on January 22, 1482 x), and afterwards
her joined hards ; her head reposes on a cushion, and her feet, on
two Artois dogs. The richly adorned gothic framework, surmounted
on each side by a vase with a lobated cover, has highly ornamented
columns serving as niches to two statues, one above the other, on
either side, St. Christopher with the Divine Child, and St. Jerome
with a lion, on the right, St. Giles with a hind, and St. Michael with
the dragon, or the left. Over the lady's head are her and her husband's
scutcheons joined by a baldric. On the top of the frame and outside
of it, is cut hollowly the date 1411, which is spurious, as all the rest
of the carving is embossed ; moreover the design of the tombstone is
much younger than the date, which is not mentioned in the first
description of the monument in 1847, when the lady was identified
thanks to her husband's and her own crest : 'taill, de sable l'aigle
d'or, et de gueules'. The stone was found in 1842 when the iloor of
St. Hilary Chapel was restored : it had lain with the carved side
down, which explains its excellent conservation, although it is cracked
broadwise. Cp. the decriptions by H. Viasson-Pont, in Mmoires de
la Socit des Naiuralistes et Archologues duNord de la Mense : ,1898,
and F. Houzelle, in Bulletin des Naturalistes et Archologues du Nord
de la Meuse : x, 1907.
*) Liblntll, 162 : 'Franciscus de busleiden treuirens. dioc.'
Francis de Busleyden, second son of Giles, born between 1465 or
thereabouts, when his eldest brotherGiles was born,and 1470, when his
second brother Jerome carne into the world, cannot be identical with
the 'Franciscus Busleiden Trevir. dioc.', who matriculated in Cologne
University in the summer of 1468: Keussen, 1, 319, 12, and afterwards
studied at Dle and Paris, where he became B.A. in 1471-72, M.A.
in 1473, and took the degree of Dr. of Canon Law from the 'Collge
d'Italie' before going to Italy, where he obtained the same degree, it
seems, at Perugia : Allen, 1, 157, 69, and further, note 2 ; cp. 1, for
the ambiguous patronymic.
His Brother Francis 5
at some Italian University, mo

later sent his brother x). He pro
of Canon Law, on which he retu
entered the Service of the you
berlain and 'Maistre d'escole' 3
and ampie ecclesiastical prefe
1483 he was received as canon
St.-Lambert's, Lige 4) ; when
man Nicolas Ruter became pro
quently chancellor of the Un
took possession of it on his beh
become familiar with some of t
of his time. On December 23, 14
of provost of St. Donatian's, B
Haneron, and thus became Ch
it was not merely favour which
his Prince ; for about October
complained about inroads in Bra
clergy and on the rights of t
only to Philip and to his War
governor of his estates, but a
provost of Lige, with bitter rep
3) Cp. further, 26.

2) The memorial poem by Jerom
9-14, distinctly mentions his retur
wanted to work for the general we
motion, which must have taken p
cannot have been the 'Franciscus de
Oratio in funere Leonardi de Robore
the bishop of Coria, the Papal datar
that name to France, Spain and Gr
d'Hist. et Gogr. Eccls. (Paris, 1938
3) Moeller, 39, 107, 222.
*) He may have been recommend
de Berghes, Bishop of Cambrai, and
tancies at Lige and Coblentz ; he
Lige on February 26, 1483 : BuslG
Jacobi as provost of Lige cathedra
*) Vern., 41.
*) BrugSDon., 76-77 ; Haneron, Ch
Dee. 10, 1490.
6 .'s Life i
Roman Court
with earnest
respect of the
5. The inf
was as benefic
at least in the
lian : when,
reigning for h
two Regents,
Nobility, John
who was not
fidence which his Prince had in him for the welfare of the
country, by making him attentive to the Burgundian State,
which his maternal grandfather and great-grandfather had
been building up, and he thus prevented that the Netherlands
should become a mere tributary of Austria. Working according
to those views in the various embassies with which he was
entrusted 3), he tried by all means to steer free from the anti
French coalition concluded between Maximilian and Ferdi
nand of Aragon, sealed by the marriage of Philip with Jane
of Castile, which would ha ve exposed our provinces to the
horrors of the war4). Unfortunately, when in 1496 the young
Prince went to see Maximilian at Innsbruck, Busleyden could
not prevent the reacting influence of the father, with whom
he even carne to an open breach. Still, although the Emperor
decided in 1497 to divide the nomin ations to the Golden
Fleece between Austria and the Burgundian States in order
to secure an influence on the leading nobility 5), his son soon
showed clearly the decision to free himself from his father's
tutelage : on May 1, 1497, he issued from Bruges a new ar
rangement for his finances, by which he appointed his pre
ceptor as their 'Chief Principal', with the title of 'First
*) LigeDoc., , 51-52 ; Pastor, in, 506 ; GallChrist., in, 922.

2) Walther, 58 ; Moeller, 39 : Busleyden was entrusted, contrary
to ali custom, with the 'Privy', or the 'Small, Seal'.
3) He was one of Maximilian's delegates to arrange the conditions
of the Treaty of Frankfurt in 1489 : Brug&Fr., TvT, 92.
4) Walther, 3, 43 ; Pirenne, 111, 62-63.
') Gachard, Lettres de Maximilien, in CRH, 1852 : in, 279.
His Brother Francis
Master of Requests' x). It was as

on August 2, 1498, the treaty
Maximilian's desires, made him
as to secure peace for his es
remark that the young Archduk
were as French as Orleans win
gratitude, his former preceptor
Besangon on Septem. 12, 1498 3)
the office of dean of Our Lad
possession of on October 1 4),
ments had been enlarged meanw
by another in St. Peter's, Ander
treasurership, in St. Gudula
helped his old friends and, esp
privilege of Jurisdiction he ai
the Fair's decree about Cons
Notwithstanding those num
Busleyden was known for his
who may have made his acquai
bishop Henry de Berghes' Serv
to Peter Gillis on October 6, 15
he studied, never starting a n
finished with the other, and h
annotated in it ; nor even begin
having achieved the preceding
habit of noting down every day
so as to form chronicles for sev
) Walther, 59 44
a) . Ulmann, Kaiser Maximilian I : Stuttgart, 1884-91 : I, 610 ;
Pirenne, Iii, 63.
3) Walther, 43. The care of the diocese was entrusted in the Arch
bishop's absence to John Farei, a Dominican, bishop of Nazareth.
Cp. EnisRott., 106, mentioning the splendid entrance into Besanôn.
4) ^wfuDiercx., in, 218 ; AntvEpisc., 105, 107.
5) GallChrist., in, 922 ; BrabArchEcc., 1, 28, 67. He also owned a
canonry at St. Simon's, Treves ; it was given to his brother at his
death : cp. 30 ; Epp. 14, c, 19, b.
") ULDoc., 1, 469, sq.
') This is suggested in the letter to Peter Gillis, October 6, 1516 :
Allen, 11, 476, 39-51 : Noui qui hac diligentia plurimum profecerint ;
in primis egregius ille <Fc.
8 B.'s Life
6. Busley
managing of a
1501, Philip w
panied by Bu
Prince ghehe
Prince comple
Council, and s
after a quarre
Bishop of Cam
Fleece, he caus
from Spain, a
berlainship, a
dent.yet tena
in which his P
and to what w
did not see th
22, 1502, in t
when Alexand
ed him to the
buried in the
heart was take
celebrate the Services he rendered to the nation and to human
ity at large, in the cloister of the Louvain Charterhouse, one
of the religious Institutes which experienced his generosity 6) :
4) Henne, , 31, 34, 36, 37, 38 ; Walther, 3.

2) John of Naeldwyck's Chronicle : Brit. Mus. MS. Vitellius, F.
xv : 346 ; Alien, 1, 49, pr.
3) Moeller, 107 ; Walther, 144.
4) Dunod, Histoire de Besanpon : 1, 274-78 ; GallChrist., 111, v, xv ;
Pontus Heuterus, Rerum Belgicarum, xv, 254 ; E. Le Glay, Ngocia
tions Diplomatiques entre la France et l'Autriche 1500-1530 : 1, 1 ;
J. A. Buchon, Chroniques de Jean Molinet : Paris, 1827-29 : 318 ; M
moires pour servir l'Histoire de la Franche-Comt : 1839, 11 (catalogue
of archbishops of Besanfon) ; Alien, 1, 157, 59, 11, 476, 61 ; Joh. Bur
chardi Argentinensis, Capelle pontificie sacrorum rituum magistri,
Diarium 1483-1506 (ed. L. Thuasne) : Paris, 1883-85 : 11, 512,
5) NveMi'm., 375 : in his will his brother Jerome expressed the
wish to be buried in the same tomb if he should die in Spain or beyond
the Alps.
) Mol., 296 : he had founded in 1499 and richly endowed the prior's
celi ; the inscriptions are reproduced in SweMon., 236-237 ; BrabNobl.,
His Brother Francis
FRANCISCI
ARCHIEPISCOPI BISUNTINI
SVM Bisuntinus
Pacis opus,flamen Bvslidivs,
Martis hostis, almse
araorque Ducum.
Me Luxemburgum terris, Hispania Parcis
Addidit, ast claris facta decora viris.
Cor Bisuntinis misi, liqui ossa Toleti :
Fleuere exanimem Rex pius & patria.
QVOD magneti
Quod Martiadamas, Arnese
alma Venus, Aegeriafidus Achates,
atque Numse :
Hoc Franciscus erat patriae regique Philippo
Buslidivs, reparans fcedera, bella fugans.
Reddite iam cuncti laudes, & iusta sepulto,
Quem merito in patriam, quis neget esse patrern ?
SVM Luxemburgus patria,

Clarius hie nostro sum
lumin semineerit.
e lumen claro,
Ad mea Rex magnus lusit rudimenta Philippus
Austrius, Hispanum quem sequor vsque solum.
Composui Reges, digessi publica pacis,
Et Regi & patriae suasor opusque fui.
Mars sese pulsum queritur, Mors saeua querentem
Vindicat, hineque furens me rapit, ille redit. x)
The memory of the great Prelate was probably kept by

votive tablets given to those churches of which he had been
a dignitary. One, apparently offered to St. Donatian's , Bruges,
was saved from destruetion during the French Domination,
and presented to the Chapel of Our Lady of the Blind 2),
au old alms-house of that town, where it still adorns a side
aitar. 3) It is a finely carved and painted reredos, representing
282-83 ; LoMtiBoon, 461, a ;in StDonatian's, Bruges, he had founded

the chaplaincy of St. Jerome : Bruglnscr., 1, 12, b.
J) SweMon., 236-37.
2) It was given to that hospital in 1812 by doctor George Fisco.
3) Cp. W. H. James Weale, Bruges et ses Environs : Bruges, 1884 :
206 ; BrugHist., 287, 376 (with a print of the votive tablet), 511-512.
2
io .'s Life i
Christ on the
and two adori
kneeling, to
in prayer, and
the cross, wh
The painting
that this rem
brothers in t
soon after Fr
Erasmus inse
Epithalamium
supposed to b
an 'amcenum domicilium' to be erected for them in Louvain
by one hearing the 'toto orbe celebre Buslidianorum nomer'.

Alypius, the collocutor, then remarks :
Heroicum genus nominasti, & ornandis summorum

Principum aulis natum. Quis enim non veneratur
magnum illum Franciscum Buslidium Besontinae Ec
clesia praesulem, qui unus non unum Nestorem prae
stitit Philippo maximi Maximiliani flio, Caroli, qui
major futurus est, patri ? Mv. felices nos, nisi fata
virum illum terris invidissent ! Quantus erat ille
Maecenas honestorum studiorum, quam Candidus fautor
ingeniorum ! Sed reliquit fratres duos, /Egidium, ad
mirabili judicio prudentiaque virum, & Hieronymum 5).
Brothers and Sisters
7. Giles de Busleyden did not see the glorious ascent o

his second son : he and his wife died whilst the third son
was still a young boy. For when he praises his brother Francis
*) In the front Ornaments of the cope is the crest : 'd'azur la fasce

d'or, accompagne en pointe d'une rose de gueules' : cp. 2.
2) The drapery of Christ has the inscrption : 10 de valle pincxit
me D os in brvxelle. The artist, John van Dale, or Duval, was
still alive, it seems, in 1542 : BrugHist., 376.
3) In his Familiarium Colloquiorum Formulae, of August-September
1524 : cp. further, 85.
4) Gillis married Cornelia Sanders in that year : cp. Epp. 80, b.
6) EOO, 1, 747, B, . ; cp. further, 85.
His Brothers n
to his Prince a f
of him : qui a te
orbatum atque an
operam nauantem
a teneris ungui
the age,at the lea
that the parents
the boy had bee
in Louvain, pro
thoroughly with
tem 2) ; for the
as a son by his b
he had been away
is inadmissible th
office in 1498, a
not refer to that
unguiculi, sin ce
confusion with
1498 4) : for it
such wrong sta
Prince Philip, w
with the family
8. Without
affectionate care of the education and Instruction of his brother
Jerome, who, in his turn, contributed greatly to the honour
of the family by the founding of the Trilingue. He entered
the Archduke's service as soon as he fmished his studies 5),
and so had done, long before him, his youngest brother Va
lerian, who had joined him in the Lily, most probably for
the autumn term of 1488, for, according to custom, he was
') 5. 5-8
2) As the youngest son Valerian carne to Louvain in the autumn
of 1488, Jerome probahly had been there at least since 1485 or i486 ;
and the taking possession of St. Peter's provostry in the name of
Nicolas Ruter by Francis in June 1487, may have been occasioned by
his wish to go and visit his favourite brother at college : cp. before 4.
3) BuslGn., 6, gives June 20, 1499 as date of his death.
4) Viz., as receiver for Luxemburg, in favour of Valerian : cp. 8, 12.
6) Cp. further, 29.
12 .'s Life
inscribed in th
on February 2
erudite career
Giles in the f
cember 5, 1498
province of L
domains of Ar
their father's
appointed to a
became ordina
1501, in which
and March 150
Duke Charles
and other plac
Anne de Kemp
cis. He died be
his widow is r
son, filiolum e
only consolati
fundi mariti s
of that year, t
of his old pro
was canon of
9. That scho
residing at tim
no doubt, gave
great experien
1) Liblntlll, 23
2) BuslGen., 7-8
3) His account
Accounts, 2634
4) She was the s
de Goncourt, pr
6) An entry in t
the expense of
German into Fr
") Cp. Epp. 32, b
') Letter of John Becker to Erasmus, Arlon, January 4, 1515 :
Allen, 11, 320, n-23.
His Brother Valerian 13
another of Jerome's nephews, Corne

most honourable and advantageous, t
the elderly tutor, who, by the end o
by way of a change, to be sent wit
intellectual surroundings to a Burg
sity in the following summer ; for h
abandon the task he had assumed i
to his protector 2). Once again deat
ceptorate : Francis died in the sum
June 22, when his uncle Jerome m
expressing his fear of the boy's unti
any rate before the end of August, f
Valerian's son in the account of the execution of the will,
although if he had survived his uncle, one third of the Mechlin
mansion would have been bequeathed to him 4). At the latest
in October 1517, John Becker came to Louvain and resided
in the Lily, where Erasmus had settled on September 11 5) ;
biographers have wrongly concluded from it that the preceptor
had accompanied his pupil to the University 6). Yet the va
rious references in Erasmus' letters show that Becker was
then without employment : he was recommended on De
cember 12, 1517, to a nobleman, most probably John de
Berghes, as a fit preceptor for his son, having had several
years' practice : instituit enim, Erasmus wrote, nepotes re
uer endissimi D. Francisci Buslidii, episcopi Bizontini piae
memoriae, in which the verb instituit is in the past perfect ;
the nepotes meant are Cornelius Erdorf and Francis 7). On
March 26, 1518, Erasmus requests the Dean John Robbyns
to hasten and appoint John Becker in the new College, as he
%) Cp. further, n, 50, and Epp. 31, b-c.

2) Letter of John Becker to Erasmus, Arlon, November 22, 1515 :
Allen, 11, 370, 35-59.
3) Will, 116 : Et si forte (quod absit) contingat praefatum fran
ciscum nepotem meum diem suum extremum obire ante me...
4) NeveMe'm., 376.
5) Allen, hi, 643, 6, u-14> 651, 10-13 ; MonHL, 184, 186 ; in October
Erasmus wrote to Peter Gillis that Becker shared his table and society:
Allen, in, 687, 16-17.
) Allen, I, 291, pr ; cp. Epp. 32, c.
') Allen, in, 737, 7-12.
14 .'s Life
is the fittest man

to live in Louvain,
sedit, adeo vt cogat
even expresses his
deceased pupils mi
he writes to Robb
familiae vetus, no
All that proves th
was offered the La
to accept the plac
10. Valerian's w
of Guirsch against
at her son's death
law Giles 4). She is
of Jerome's will fo
stated to belong to
diamond point, wh
part of Valerian's
brother the Archb
to her by his will a
Allen, , 85, 13-19

2) Allen, ill, 794, 13. 8
Allen, , 849, 6-7,
*) BuslGen., 8.
5) Indeed there was n
be forfeited at Franc
was the case for the t
Item gevonden xv me
xix jngelschen een qu
medalien van silver
Valeriaenen des testatuers brueder affirmeerde die al te samen huer
toe behoirende soe zyn huer die doen leueren bij meester claese gou
uerneur ende rentmeester van meruille tot hueren behoef die dair
van quitantie gegeuen heeft: Rek., 3, r, , : these medals probably
constituted part, if not all, of the numismatic collection in Bus
leyden's mansion.
e) Will, 147, sq, 151, sq ; Item betaelt der weduwen wylen vale
riaens de busleyden na vutwijzen vanden codicille des testateurs voer
eenen Rinck met eenen poinct van dyamant der seluer weduwen toebe
hoirende ende den testatuer geleent ende tusschen weghen a spaignen
His Sisters 15
rings with him on h

lost by accident befo
the fact, and settled t
11 . Besides their f
de Musset had three
married Nicolas Halt
Elisabeth, or Lysbeth
lange, Lord of Elle,
heirs as her parents
Mary and Catherine a
Mary had married J
Lysvelt 4) ; Catherine
verloiren was de welck

doubt at Francis's death
was iij C : Reh., 24 r.
derwelcken hij gemaect
eenen steene van smarag
oick andere Ringhen ver
huer gecocht js geweest
sen iij jngelsschen ende elck onse betaelt xlvj stuuers geleuert
mr. gielise (om haer te sendene) : xlviij s : Rek. 24 r-25.
x) Cp. further, 82, 91.
2) The Account of the Succession, written by Jerome's chamberlain
and executor Bartholomew van Vessem, who must have known the
names of the relations, reads haltsast; still it may be a clerical error of
f for f : haltfast; BuslGen., 8, calls him : Haltvast, or Schellart, of
Bastogne.
3) J tem noch gesonden bij handen van Nicolas le gouuerneur, Rece
ueur de thionuille bernart de hondelaege Heere de Elle man ende
momboir van Juffrouwe lijsbeth haltsast dochter wijlen Jouffrouwen
Jaquelynen van busleyden outste zuster was van wijlen den testatuer
de some van hondert ende vijftich Rijnguldenen voer huer portie
gelijck dander vier nichten gehadt hebben. / hoe wel zij jnt testament
niet genoemt en was, dat gedaen es om te scouwen den twist die hij
nemen mochte mitten anderen nichten ende huer mans ter causen
vanden legaet voirscreuen : Rek. 24 v. The fact that Jacqueline's
daughter had not been mentioned in the will may perhaps be due to
the displeasure caused by the second marriage which she contracted
with Henry Hocclin, ^possibly Hoeklin : Mansfeld, 1, 30)., lord of
Birtingen, councillor-secretary of Luxemburg Council, as BuslGin.,
8, notes ; or, may be, 'lijsbeth's' husband was objected to.
4) Brug&Fr., 1, 302.
.'s Life i
one, possibly t
education the
had died in 15
represented in
daughters with
four nieces see
Hemstede, daug
married Flore
melles, memb
having been m
Giles de Busleyden
12. Thus by 1518, when the will of Jerome de Busleyden

was executed, there remained of the numerous family 5) of
which he was a member, only five nieces besides the household
of the eldest brother Giles, who was very prosperous. After
leaving the Luxemburg receivership to his brother Valerian
in 1498 6), he became master of the Board of Accounts in
) Epp. 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 51 ; it follows that Catherine and her
husband were dead by 1508, from the fact that Jerome took care of
the boy from 1505 ; when commenting on his failure in 1508 to Becker,
he did not as much as mention his mother : Epp. 51 ; their children
were, no doubt, the nepotuli, the wards of Jerome and Valerian,
mentioned in Epp. 53, 1(j-37.
Epp. 68, 3, sq.
3) Item betaelt ende gesonden den vier nichten wijlen des testa
teurs van twee wijlen zij susters Joufirouwe marie ende katrijnevan
busleyden nae vuytwijsen des testaments by quitantie van hueren
mannen... vj C : Rek., 24 v.
*) Brug&Fr., I, 302 : Florent de Griboval married Adrienne van
Halewyn at Mary van Busleyden's death ; Flandlll., 11, 186, b ;
HisTriLov., chapt. ix.
6) The BuslGen., 8, makes of Catherine a nun in St. Agnes convent,
Treves, and mentions another daughter of Giles, Margaret, who was
in the same convent; the account of Jerome's will shows the inanity
of the first statement, by which the second also falls. The 'M. Claese
de naue neue van den testateur', who received a large ring with a
turquoise : Rek., 99 v, was, no doubt, the son of his maternal aunt,
Nicolas de Naue or Naves : cp. 83.
e) Cp. before, 8. A deed of Philip the Fair and of his first Master
of the Requests Francis de Busleyden, granted on July 16, 1498,
His Brother Giles 17
Brussels, and, by 1510, first M

Council1). He had inherited fro
Bauschleyden and other rents
added in 1505 the jurisdiccion of
He married Adrienne deGondeval
chief house-steward of Charles t
viscount of Grimberghe 3), and
who had inherited from her m
of Horst with the jurisdiction
telke 4). They had a numerous
with great care, thanks to the es
their hands, and which were c
exchanges, like that of the Lo
half part in that of Aspelt 5), o
Ter-Tommen, Rumelingen, Ter
13. Their brother Jerome ha

part of his possessions 7); yet, al
household, Giles generously secon
by encouraging Erasmus in the
College 8) and, at any rate, by no
considerable portion of the herit
tion which was being made im
invested Giles de Busleyden with the quality of Brabant subject, so

as to be able to fulfil all functions there and on the rest of the left side
of the Meuse : LouvArch., I, 135-136.
4) ConPri., 1, 17 ; cp. ConPriT., 221.
2) Henne, 1, 63.
3) That viscountcy was bought in 1512 from Hercules of Enghien
de Kestergate : GramB, 35, a.
4) Cp. E. Gens, Ruines et ay sages en Belgique : Bruxelles, n. d. : 43,
sq.', E. Poullet, Sire Louis Pynnock, Patricien de Louvain : Louvain,
1864 : i, 336, sq.
') Cp. before, 10.
') Cp. Roy, 11, 27, sq ; A. Cosyn, Grimberghen : Brussels, 1909 :
46, 55-62, 99, 108. Amongst the rents of the Brussels Charterhouse,
there was one drawn up in 1535 for Giles de Busleyden on the lordships
of Breda, Diest, &c (probably on the family of Nassau) : BrabArchEcc.,
iv, 57
') Cp. further, 83.
8) Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. 111.
8 .'s Life i
of the very Un
He afterward
establishment
which Erasmu
colloquy Epith
it with the m
Amongst the f
sons : 'Francis
who matricula
brothers left t
boarder, and r
1527 6).
14. Three years later two other sons came to the Uni
versity, Giles and John, who were inscribed on the Matricula
tion Register on December 24, 1530 7) ; and on July 6, 1534,
was 'intitulatus' the last of the Councillor's sons, William8).
*) It has been said that Giles abandoned a large part of the heritage,
which has to be taken in the sense suggested here : for, on the one
hand, the family was entitled to the portion allotted to the Trilingue
if it proved impossible to realize it; and, on the other, the first ac
counts of the College do not mention the least amount which should
have been ceded by Giles ; on the contrary he is represented as
'tenax', even for what was only entrusted to his care : cp. further
15. 92.
2) Cp. HisTriLov., chapts. to vn ; Allen, hi, 686, pr.
3) There are several letters of Erasmus addressed to Giles de Bus
leyden in the most affectionate style and feeling : Allen, hi, 686, 691,
699, 804, 971, ix, 2588, ranging from October 1517 to December 1531,
chiefly about the management of the Trilingue. Such is Busleyden's
letter of July 1, 1524, in which he sympathizes with Erasmus, just
then beset by growing difficulties : FG, 30, 4-34 ; Allen, v, 1461. In
his letter of April 2, 1524, Erasmus requested Goclenius to transfer
the money deposited with him, to Dorp, to Giles de Busleyden or to
Martin Davidts in case death should overtake the Louvain professor :
Allen, v, 1437,149 ; cp. FG, 67, 23. In a letter of March 28, 1527, Max.
Transsylvanus calls Giles, Erasmus' 'strenuum propugnatorem' :
Allen, vii, 1802, 12-13 ; and in a letter of November 19, 1531, Davidts
announces to Erasmus : 'Buslidius... valet' : FG, 195, 30, 314.
4) EOO, i, 747, c ; cp. 6, 85.
s) Liblntlll, 254 r.
) HisTriLov., chapts. ,.
') LiblntIV, 30 ; cp. HisTriLov., chapt. xvi.
e) LiblntIV, 66 ; cp. HisTriLov., chapt. xvi.
No doubt they attended the lecture

their great Uncle, for which th
their elder brothers, by chosen tut
cus 4), and James Teyng, Ceratin
preciation of the eminent protectio
on the Trilingue that Rutger Resci
1529, dedicated to Giles de Bus
his printing-press, namely Xenop
Libri Quatuor, which was publis
MDXXIX 3). It was most probably
Giles promised, and actually pres
year 4) to a young friend of the fam
Secundus. In one of his Epistolae
effusion 5) for the gift :
Quae tibi promisso gratus Xen

Munera, Buslydise celeberrima g
He mentions that Giles continual

who devote themselves to the cult
his share to the glory which his de
conferred on Poetry and the Study
the glorious waters of the Pieru
'patrios... agros,
posuitque superbo
Marmore laurigeris habitacula
Lovanij decus, & terrae ornam
Quae nunc cum populis merito c
Audet, & ingeniis felix conten
Et sancta Haebraeorum myster
He predicts an immortal fame on t

for, as he says, all may happen
destroyed before
1) HisTriLov., chapt. ix ; ULDoc., i,

2) Cran., 218, a-d; HisTriLov., chapt
3) Iseghem, 339-40, 105, sq. ; NijKron.
4) Joannes Secundus declares in his Ep
the Xenophon, he had accomplished a f
cos, his eighteenth year : he was born i
*) He mentions the grains of sand, dr
Tot tibi sint, pluresque, dato pro mun
20 .'s Life
Buslydiae gen
Nomina, & ex
Besides the f
inscribed to G
seventh Ode t
for his success
to another son
joined in intim
for drawing an
15. Those c
fortunately pr
atmosphere of
given by Albr
end of August
tained by the
of his best fri
and the treasu
engraved in co
bag 6). One m
man Bartholomew Latomus, who, a few months before
he became lecturer in St. Barbara College, Paris, dedicated
from Treves, on February 14, 1531, a Carmen Gratulatorium
in Coronationem Regis Romanorum ad Invictissimos Carolum
Caesar em & Ferdinandum Regem, Fratres Augustos, to the
'Ornatissimo Viro Domino Egidio Buslidio... viro prima
rio & patrono suo colendiss.' 7). Not all the information
thus afforded is laudatory : the letters of Erasmus and Gocle
nius about that period, referring to the efforts to secure the
*) JSecOp., 189-191 : Epistola I Libri II.

2) JSecOp., 154-155 : 'Ad Nicolaum Buslydium'. Cp. further, 17.
3) JSecOp., 149-51 : 'Ad Aegydium Buslydium, juniorem' ; cp.
further, 21.
4) Treasurer of Charles V and Margaret of Austria : Cran., 140, e.
l) One of the house-stewards of Margaret of Austria : Cran., 127, a.
6) DiirerD, 65-66 : Darzu haben sich von ihn selbs geladen... der
Stadt Schatzmeister mit Namen von Puscleidis. Den schenket ich
ein Passion in Kupfer gestochen, und er hat mir wieder geschenkt eine
schwarze spanische Taschen, 3 fl. wert.
') HisTriLov., chapt. xn.
clever professor of Latin

ridiculously low wages,
executor : 'Aegidii Busle
alieno esse liberalis, ne
Still his interest in hi
flag : at the resigning of
to insist on asking Erasm
lawsuits he gave a ready h
roused the animosity of
a juridical text in Greek
same time Goclenius also
for an Antwerp prebend
was being debated at Cour
Menzia de Mendoza, inq
den, who introduced to h
palace, as having the lat
active part in the suit
way Goclenius could send
of Busleyden 6), in wha
he received from Braban
Humanist for more than
July 14, 1536 8). His wife
1) Letter of Goclenius, July

HisTriLov., chapt. xm.
2) HisTriLov., chapt. xv, xvi ; Allen, ix, 2587, 59, sq (to Goclenius),
2580 (to Busleyden) : Freiburg, 14 & 15 Dec. 1531.
3) HisTriLov., chapt. xvn.
4) HisTriLov., chapt. xv.
s) HisTriLov., chapts. xm, xiv, xvin.
) GoclE., 20 r, ; Allen, xi, 3111, 98, sq, le9.
') Erasmus' last letter to Goclenius of June 28, 1536 : EE, 1521,
A-i522, b, is the reply to that of Goclenius of March 21, 1536, which
brought him the news of the good end of his suit for the Antwerp
prebend.
8) The month-date is implied by the fact that his anniversary was
celebrated on July 14 : BuslGen., 9, which adds that he was buried in
the vault of Nicolas de Gondeval in St. Gudula's, near the chapel of
Our Lady of the Seven Dolours ; there may be a mixing up of the
churches, as his grandson Giles was buried in the chapel of Our Lady
of the Seven Dolours in St. Gery's : BrabNobl., 280-281.
e) BuslGen., 9 : the sharing of her estates and goods took place in
Brussels on July i, 1555.
22 .'s Life
16. Giles II
Francis, Lord of Guirsch, Horst, St. Peter's Rode and Cor
telke, had been bequeathed by his uncle Jerome with all his
musical books and instruments 4) ; he became Mary of Hun
gary's Great Falconer, Chamberlain and first Squire. He does
not seem to have been prosperous, as he had to sell most of
his possessions in Luxemburg. He made his will in the house
of Louis van den Berghe, Abbot of Pare, on July 20, 1554,
and died soon after, being buried in St. Peter's Rode Church.
His widow, Margaret van der Stappen 2), remarried; their son
Charles, Lord of Horst and of its dependencies, as well as of
Wespelaer, married Mary, daughter of the knight John
van den Tympel, Lady of Perck and Boortmeerbeek ; he
died in November 1578 at Mechlin, and was buried there in
St. Rombaut's. Their two sons, Charles and Anthony, lost
the Lordship of Horst in 1606, and as good as ended that
branch 3).
17. His brother Nicolas, viscount of Grimberghe, Lord

of Borcht and Ter Tommen, was Councillor of Brabant, and
continued in that capacity the protection and help to the
Trilingue which his father had started 4). He married in 1542
Philippote van der Noot, daughter of Adolphe, knight, coun
cillor and Chancellor of Brabant 5), and of Philippote de Water
mael, who possessed several rents and fees, some situated at
Herent and Waesmont. He died on March 30, 1559 > his wife
survived him until 1581. Their eldest son Giles, who was
underage at his father's death, studied in Louvain, where he
*) Item francisco den ouden zoen des voirs. M. gielis zijn gelaten
ende . gielisse geleuert alle de Jnstrumente musicalia van luyten,
fluyten, clauesimbelen &c. met oick vele boecken van musiken gelijck
die alle jnden Jnventaris jnt lange gespecifieert zijn by stucken ende
met hueren custodien : Rek., 99 v.
2) BrabNobl., 280, calls her Mary.
3) BuslGen., 10-12. A Christina van Poederbeke, widow of Charles
de Busleyden, and another lady Busleyden, widow, are recorded
living in Louvain in 1597-98 : LouvBoon, 358, b, 382, a ; Gestel, I,
210, 247, 249.
4) HisTriLov., chapts. ix and xxu.
6) BrabCon., 11, 513, with his coat of arms in colour.
His Brother's Family 23
matriculated in October 1562 *),

was in 1571. He married Catherine
of Leverghem and Doorne, daugh
friend Edward, knight, and Hel
Lord of Guirsch and became Lord
been repeatedly alderman and m
dubbed knight when Archduke
November 30, 1599 3). He died on J
on June 16, 1650; they were buried
of the Seven Dolours, in St. Gery's
Mary-Anne, Lady of Doorne and
Febr. 4, 1615, Louis Verreycken,
secretary of the Privy Council, a
The rest of Nicolas of Busleyden's f
much longer ; two daughters ent
the abbey of Val-Duc ; the other, Adrienne, that of La
Cambre 7) ; a third, Mary, married to Gaspard de Mol, died
without offspring on July 10, 1610 ; whereas their brother
William had died before Sept. 1, 1571. A third brother, the
J) LiblntIV, 385, r : Egidius Buslidius Bruxell. nobilis.

2) Cran., 139, h.
3) He was often alderman between 1585 and 1619, and mayor in
1592 and 1593 : BruxHist., 11, 18, 540-544 ; he accompanied Archduke
Albert to Louvain on Sept. 5-6, 1599 : LouvBoon, 402, a. Cp. BrabNobl.,
240, 280-82, (where it is said that he was the last of the Busleydens,
although he left a nephew Philip-Rene who became a Dominican);
BuslGen., 17, 19; Gestel, 1, 215; GramL, 35, b.
4) BuslGen., 16-18 ; with them is buried their second daughter
Philippine, who died unmarried in 1672.
6) Louis Verreycken was the son of Louis, councillor of the Arch
dukes Albert and Isabella, who died in 1621, and of Louise Micault
who followed him in 1622 : Gestel, 11, 97-98 ; BrabNobl., 239, 280-82 ;
ConPri., I, 265-67 ; ConPriT., 220-21 : he died on May 6, 1654, being
buried in O. L. 'de la Chapelle'.
) There still exist four deeds, provided with their seals, by which,
from 1724 to 1726, Albertine Josephine de Verreyken, Countess of
Sart, granted scholarchips in the Trilingue to two young men of
Arlon, to one of near Bauschleiden, and to one of Marville ; of 1728
there is a similar deed by which a scholarship was granted by Francis
Joseph de Varick, Count of Sart no doubt her son to a student
of Mabouge : FUL, 1463.
') Cp. BrabArchEcc., in, 101.
24 .'s Life
second son, Adolp

Tommen and of th
ghe x) : they had
can 2), and one da
and lordships 3), an
at his father Anton
18. Besides th
brother Giles left
three daughters :
ten, Lord of Schoonhoven and Heukelom. At her death, on
October 14, 1545, she left a son Henry de Schoonhoven,
and other children, who had several famous men amongst
their descendants 5) ; she was buried in Our Lady's at Aer
4) Adolphe died on March 3, 1614, and Philippote, his wife, on

October 19, 1656, outliving even her son-in-law James baron T'Ser
claes (J Sept. 29, 1639); they are buried in St. Catherine's, Brussels :
Gestel, 11, 69-70, ConPriT., 221 ; BuslGen., 18-19. About 1596 a con
testation arose between Giles and Adolphe de Busleyden, as heirs of
Francis d'Ayala, with Anne and Christine d'Ayala (cp. BrabNobl.,
301 ; AntvAnn., 11, 391-93 ; BruxBas., 1, 96 ; VAnd., 234 ; BibBelg.,
861), against the Faculty of Theology in Louvain in behalf of the Holy
Ghost Colleges on account of a house, that used to belong to William
Lombaerts, Knight, in the Orchard Street, now Chapel Hill, opposite
the gate of van Dieven College, to which the president Henry de Grave
had bought some rights in 1582. After several years of haggling, the
house was definitely sold in March-April 1624 to the president
William Merchier by Catherine van der Dilft, Giles's widow, and her
daughter Anne-Mary, with her husband Louis Verreycken, as well
as by Philippote van Oyenbrugge, Adolph's widow the rest of the
family of Nicolas de Busleyden having, no doubt, died out : FUL,
1519, 1797. 1798.
2) In 1623 he founded with his confrater Pierre Malphi the convent
of Dominicans at Vilvorde : BrabArchEcc., iv, 370.
3) An account book, about her children and family affairs, of Jane
de Busleyden is still preserved ; it was edited by viscount de Ghellinck
Vaernewyck : Le Livre de Raison de Jeanne de Busleyden : Antwerp,
1915. Cp. Gestel, 11, 70.
4) It seems that he had had twelve children : some died very young.
6) Viz., Maxmilian of Eynatten, Antwerp Scholaster and Sigillifer
(f 1631 : Paquot, V, 76-8) ; two Bishops of Ghent, the XHIth, 1694
1730, Philip Erard van der Noot (1638-1730), and the XVth, 1742
schot x). Of her sister Adrienne n

except her name. The third, Mary
knight Antony van Oss, Lord of
beek, who was Mayor of Brussels
1574 and 1585 2). They died ch
buried in St. John's, Mechlin 3).
19. The eldest of the other (4

Giles de Busleyden and Adrien
stayed some time in Louvain aft
left in 1526 4). He later on went to
1545 to 1547, he was active at th
wished, about that time, to secure f
of the confraternity of the nativ
S. Maria dell' Anima 6). He was P
was granted a canonry, besides t
died before January 19, 1559, wh
herited from his father, was div
The fifth son, John, licenciate in b
de Merode, daughter of Arnold,
Catherine de Gottignies 3); he prob
Great Council of Mechlin, in which
3,1556 9), leaving his widow who su
and a son under age, Giles,who mar
of Norderwyck, daughter of John
he died on January 17, 1596, leav
den, Lord of Norderwyck, and s
177. Maximilian-Antony van der No

their heraldic quarters Busleyden and
J) BuslGSn., 9; Gestel, 1, 241.
2) BruxHist., 11, 507, planche xx, 538
') BuslGen., 10.
4) Cp. before, 13.
) MMoell., 11, 114.
) The Congregatio decreed in reply :
tate, postea petat' : Anima, 381.
') BuslGen., 9-1.0.
8) Mallnscr., 63 ; BuslGen., 13 ; His
') He was buried in St. Rombaut's :
61, 230; Laenen, 11, 238.
3
26 .'s Life
being Margaret,'
governor of Gre
20. The sixth a

Adrienne de Go
in both laws, p
Great Council of
as maitre in the
he often discha
1574, when he di
had been purchas
owned the big f
Castle Boote, or,
of the Minimes i
one Elizabeth v
girl, Agnes, who
becoming licenc
King Philip on N
1594, Suzanne de
continued until f
most vivid inter
*) BuslGen., 13-15
van Mechelen : No
of Louis de Busleyd
of Norderwyck pa
leave any offsprin
married to James,
Francis T'Serclaes
") BruxHist., 11, 3
founding of the se
Common Life, Mar
gine de l'Imprimer
3) Cp. before, 16
his nephew Giles, husband of Catherine van der Dilft, who is called
by that title in 1585 in BruxHist., 11, 540.
*) It was left to his nephew Adolphe, husband of Philippote de
Oyenbrugge.
6) BuslGen., 20-28 ; William de Busleyden's descendants used the
family crest with a border silver and gules, as long as there were
Peter Pierius a Smenga for the lectu

bequeathed unto it a rent of 300 flo
February and in August, which was
of his Uncle's great foundation 2).
21. Strangely enough,

one son of Giles de Busleyden
and Adrienne de Gondeval
is never mentioned in the
genealogical lists, although
he was by far not the least
interesting, namely Giles,
the fourth son, who matri
culated in Louvain in 1530
with his younger brother
John 3). He was one of Janus G/ies
Giles x>e
de BusleYLEN
BusleyMN
Secundus' favourite friends;
the great poet addressed jram the.
jtam the n* eJLaALy
meaLa,! LyJ] $ccu/ndu.5
Secu/ndM.s
one of his Odes to him 4), and carved about 1530 his portrait
in a medal 5), inscribed :
descendants of the right branch ; his great-grandson Andrew-Giles

de Busleyden, 1634-1691, advocate, obtained for
him and his five brothers, on April 22, 1672, the
use of the simple scutcheon, notwithstanding
some contradiction : BuslGin., 20, 24; BrabNobl.,
282-295. That advocate Andrew-Giles is mentioned
in a lawsuit between the herald Maurissens and the
family T'Serhuyghs, in October 1672 : BrabNobl.,
390-91 He was lawyer in the Brabant Council Njjjjm .in J
when on Oct. 8, 1676 he was appointed councillor
and Procurator-general of that body ; he died in 1691 leaving posterity
from his wife, a de Coninck : BrabCon., ill, 859.
') eveMSm., 248, 373.
2) Inv., 26, r : kk : Eenen rentbrief van 300 gulden erffelijck gelega
teerd der Collegien van wijlen heer Willem van Busleyden bezegelt
met twe roode zeelen verschijnt in Augusto voor eenen termeyn ende
in Februario voor den anderen termeyn.
3) Cp. before, 14, and HisTriLov., chapt. xvi.
4) JSecOp., 149-51 (Ad Aegydium Buslydium, juniorem) ; cp.
before, 14.
5) Simonis, 59-61, reproduces the medal on Plate and dates it 1532.
28 .'s Life
7EGID. BVSLIDIVS. AN. AETATIS. XVI
Afterwards possibly after he had left the Netherlan

for Spain, or at any rate after he had left Louvain, Ja
Secundus mentioned that medal in the Ode written to beseech
his friend to return him for some time the portrait he carve
no doubt the die, so that he might make some casts fo
himself to enjoy continually the pleasure of his feature
he avails himself of the opportunity to praise his ability bo
in writing poetry and in sculpting and painting !). Giles
bably died long before his time, and but for Secundus' poem
and the portrait, as well as for the inscription in the Louva
Matriculation register, that gifted young nephew, in wh
Jerome would have glorified, would have been entirely f
gotten 2).
Busleyden Pedigree
22. The information about Jerome de Busleyden's

family, critically tested for as far as is possible, allows to
draw up the following pedigree extending over six generations;
the illegitimate branch is not worked out. Unless a surname
is added, all the names refer to Busleydens.
x) JSecOp., 149-51 : Ode 111; cp. before^ 14, and, for the interest
of this Ode in the history of Engraving, Simonis, 60-61.
2) Simonis, 62-63, judging from the very inexact genealogy com
posed by Henry de Barnaba in 1761, wrongly concludes that the
young Giles should have been a natural child of William de Busleyden,
son of Giles II. Nothing can be more absurd, for since that William,
born in 1519, went to the University in 1534, he should have met
there his 'natural son', who had matriculated there four years before
him. Giles must have been born either in 1514 or 1516, according to
whether his medal was made in 1530 or 1532. Secundus' ode calling
him 'AEgidius junior', evidently points him out as a son of Giles,
Jerome's brother; the entry in the Louvain matriculation register
leaves no doubt whatever on that head.
Pedigree 29

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3
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^ S3 > S
ig 'ftft s
51 sg
<x ^X

a
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a
<

C3
05
>
>% S

5
1 a S3

<
3
3
* 2
- - 52
>
si ^ b> ^
-
r(
^ W ^ d
>> (~~\
I/) ^ *ti "tj
*<
d >
Ku 3
fe'CSf^Sf
w . 3 2
> ^ -g > ^ W
2 I S S eis ^2^8
s
8 8o.
-Sa & If I d?e
sfc s s
X X x > >x <jx x < ^ OxCJm

Q, -*-> *

S > s
<
< < Ph 0
S C_ - e^< gLd

_ D rt w tD cti
^1 II 11 si I*
x 0XO fc A >xgxoX
<D
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2
tf> 3

30 .'s Life 2
2. STUDIES AND TRAINING
23. Jerome de Busleyden, who has been called one of the

most eminent men of his century 4), was born about 1470 at
Arlon, where his father was then residing as councillor 2). H
was the third son of the hard-working man who brought up
children with a due sense of the responsibilities of life. Unfo
nately with the staunch endurance and the indomitable ener
proper to the families of stubborn Ardenne, he could not end
them with a strong constitution, and his children and child'
children only exceptionally reached the fifties. Most probab
Jerome got his first instruction in his native town, from wh
he was sent as a very young man to be trained at a scho
in his letter to Prince Philip of Castile he relates that, at som
distance from home, he had already exerted himself at t
rei literaricB operant for some years when he lost his paren
before he had come out of childhood : a teneris unguiculi
utroque... parente orbatu<sy3). His brother Francis m
generously and affectionately took care of the young student
who in all likelihood, had been sent to Louvain by 1485.
24. As his brother Valerian was, by 1488, an inmate

the Lily 5), it looks most likely that Jerome, too, boarded a
studied there, and thus got thoroughly trained in Latin.
at the time of his studies, in the latter eighties and the firs
nineties, the Regent Leo Outers 6) had started checking t
grammatical rules of Alexander de Villa-Dei by the very tex
of the Latin authors of the best period, of which the marve
had been disclosed by Lodovico Bruni and the other Ital
literators, who had been teaching in Louvain since 1478
The movement was most enthusiastically taken up by h
') ErasRott., 26.

2) Guicc., 292.
3) Epp. 5, 5-6: CP before, 7.
*) Epp. 5, 7, sq.
5) Cp. before, 8.
e) MonHL., 125-26.
') HisTriLov., chapt. 11; MonHL, 125-127, 303-308.
Studies in Louvain 31
disciples John de Neve *) and G

which led to the famous treatises
of Brecht 3), and by John de Spou
from that atmosphere of eager
leyden derived that deep intere
which characterized him throug
the foundation which has rendered his name immortal. He
made there the acquaintance of several erudites, chief
amongst them John Becker of Borselen, who was one of the
most promising of the group of workers in the Lily by the end
of the fifteenth century 5). Jerome himself probably had then
left that pedagogy : for after his promotion in the Faculty of
Arts, he had started the study of jurisprudence, which he
continued for several years ; he thus was for a time a disciple
of Peter l'Apostole, who afterwards was his colleague and
friend at Mechlin Great Council6). That Peter l'Apostole
succeeded in 1492 to John Noyens, or Nouts, of Turnhout,
who had been professor from 1482 to his decease, September
14, 1492 ; he had amongst his colleagues Thierry van Groenen
dael, de Viridivalle, of Hilvarenbeek (1476-1501), Peter van
Thienen, a Thenis, of Louvain, president of St. Ivo College
(1485-1523), John Godefridi, of Wemeldingen (1487-1525),
and Walter de Leeuw, de Beka (1496-1517), who were the
most conspicuous members of the Faculties of Law at the
time of Busleyden's training 7).
25. His brother Francis, who was becoming one of the

most powerful personages in the country, knew from ex
perience what good could be derived from a stay abroad ;
he therefore sent Jerome to France. The young man attended
the lectures of jurisprudence in Orleans, and was still there in
*) Cran., 26, a-f; MelMoell., 11, 82-86.

2) Cran., 288, c, d; MonHL, 126.
3) Cran., xxxvii, 26, d, 288, c ; MonHL, 126; H. de Vocht, Gabriel
Mudaeus : Antwerp, 1940 : 5-8.
4) MonHL, 125-127 ; Cran., 288, c, d; Trit., 466.
") Cran., 12, e ; Epp. 32, 6-e.
*) Epp. 20, fc-c.
') VAnd., 155-156, 173-79.
32 B.'s Life 2
the summer of 15
the plague, took sh
Austin monk was
Antwerp 2) a grad
vain, had settled as
in what was then considered as one of the foremost universities
for jurisprudence ; later on he returned to Antwerp, where he
became pensionary on February 10, 1506 4), along with Adrian
Herbouts, whose acquaintance Busleyden may have made at
Orleans as well 5). For certain he met Erasmus there ; for,
seven months after his return to Paris, in his letter to Tutor of
July 17, 1501, the eager erudite, referring to his ineffective
longing for a visit to Italy in the following autumn, mentions,
that he has heard that the brother of the powerful Archbishop
of Besangon was leaving for that Promised Land of the Hu
manists ; he regrets that, but for his unfortunate ill-luck, he
might have found some cleft or other through which he might
have got into a familiar connection with the wealthy youth,
who, as he hears, protects scholars and erudites, and does not
judge at all unfavourably of his character6).
J) Allen, , 129, pr.

2) Allen, 1, 137, 31, sq, 147, 46, sq : he warmly recommends Vocht's
house for Dismas de Berghes to Antony of Luxemburg, steward of
Antony de Berghes, abbot of St. Bertin.
3) BN (C1477-29 Jan., 1541) ; Allen, 1, 152, pr, 147, 56, sq, naming as
pupils in Vocht's household Henry and William of Nassau, sons of
Count John of Nassau-Dillenburg, who at the death of his brother
Englebert of Nassau-Breda, May 31, 1504, inherited his estates of
Breda, Diest, &c. At their father's death in 1516, Henry (J 1538)
succeeded him for the estate of Breda, which, through his second
marriage, he enriched with the principality of Orange, whereas
William (J 1559), the father of William the Silent, got Dillenburg :
Moeller, 106, 256, 260, &c ; MonHL, 416, 476; cp. Epp. 23, b, 24, c.
*) In 1526 'Mgr. Jacques de Voight' Antwerp pensionary, was ap
pointed with Arnold van de Werve, mayor, to represent Antwerp at
the census of Louvain : Cuvelier, cel.
5) Epp. 23, b-c.
') Allen, 1, 157, 5g-63 : Audio Hieronymum... studiosos in precio
habere neque de meo quidem ingenio pessime sentire.
Studies in Padua 33
26. Jerome de Busleyden

mer of 1501 x), and went to
that time, the Juridical Facu
of those of Bologna, thank
attracting the best professor
even spurring them on by th
them 10 lire for each lecture g
At that University, where P
since 1495 the ken of philoso
succeeded Lorenzo da Camerino
Busleyden made the acquain
who had arrived there befo
doctor vtriusque juris ; betw
,longa familiaritate' with th
Prompted, no doubt, by the ex
excellent companions, Busleyd
tunity offered to him and acq
the Italian Renascence. He took a vivid interest in Latin
1) It is generally said that he studied and promoted in Bologna,

although no mention is made of him in Knod.
2) Prowe, i, 300-307 ; Young, I, 99, sq, 11, 153 ; Brown, 195 ; Fr.
Fiorentino, Pietro Pomponazzi : Florence, 1868 : 15, sq.
3) Cuthbert Tunstall, Tonstall, the natural son of a Yorkshire
nobleman, born in 1474, studied in Oxford and Cambridge before he
went to Italy in 1498-99, where he graduated doctor of laws in Padua.
By December 1506 he was back in England and had entered the
familia of Archbishop Warham, whose chancellor he became. He was
sent as ambassador to Charles of Austria in 1515, and spent several
months in the Netherlands. He was sent on other missions by Hen
ry VIII, who had him appointed Bishop of London in 1522, and
Bishop of Durham in 1530. He was deprived of his bishopric about
the end of Edward VI's reign, but it was restored under Queen Mary ;
he was deprived again of it under Elizabeth and died on November 18,
1:559. Cp. DNB ; Wood, 1, 97-98, 590, 65, 703 ; Cooper, 1, 198-202,
552 ; &c. Tunstall was an able statesman ; he was a faithful friend and
protector to Erasmus, and was greatly praised by Thomas More, to
whom he dedicated his De Arte Supputandi Libri Quatuor (London,
R. Pynson, 1522) : Stapleton, 24 ; Allen 1, 207, 22 ; Cran., 80, 5, &c. ;
MonHL, 4, 10, &c ; Trit., 445 ; Hamilton, 1, 71, 11, 223 ; Gough, 759 ;
Aubrey L. Moore, The Reformation : London, 1890 : 174, 201.
*) Brewer, 11, 1383. It is possible that when Tunstall met James
Lefevre d'Etaples in Italy, Busleyden, too, made his acquaintance :
Allen, in, 663, 53-56, 11, 315, pr. ; Epp. 46, b, c.
34 B.'s Life 2
Literature ; also in
as the most efficie
standing of the civ
That interest drew t
as the eager Chris
acquainted with his
nobleman', repute
Portuguese Andrew,
poems as an agreeab
ac seuera legum stud
27. Still his love o

applying himself st
the experienced guid
and Filippo Decio, li
After an examination
dency of Louis de Ru
of Peter Barocius, B
versity, acting in t
Rector of the body o
request of his prom
professors, the one
well as by the co-pr
Bagarotus, Jerome de Busleyden, who was then already
provost of Aire, promoted Doctor Vtriusque Juris on Wednes
day, February 8, 1503. The Privilegium Doctoratus that testi
fies to it is signed by the Bishop of Padua ; written on a large
parchment in a most ornate hand, with a big initial in minia
ture representing St. Jerome and the Busleyden coat of
arms 5), it contains a eulogy of Canon Law6), and describes
*) Epp. 2, 1-20.
2) Epp. 3, g-16.
3) Antonio Favaro, Lo Studio di Padova al tempo di Niccolo Copper
nico ('1503-1506J : Venice, 1880 : 33, sq ; Prowe, 1, 300, sq, 319, sq ;
Franklin, 57, 127 ; Trit., 365, 483 ; HisTriLov., chapt. 11.
4) Padua University had then, like the other Italian universities,
as head a Rector Scholarum, a student, representing the Ultramontane
and the Cismontane jurists, who nominated their professors : Kauf
mann, , 217-18.
5) Cp. its reproduction, p. 35 and its text, 98.
) LI 10 to 25 of the document : 98.
Busleyden's Privilegium Doctoratus
Padua, February 8, 1503
36 .'s Life 2
the putting on of t
ceremonies used in
of the new doctor's fellow-students and friends who witnessed
the function : amongst them two protonotaries : Roderick de
Carvajal, nephew of the Cardinal of the Holy Cross, Bernar
dino de Carvajal 2), and Raymond Bara.ille 'nepos Cardinalis
Gurgensis': no doubt Raymond Perauld, bishop of Gurk and
Cardinal of S. Maria Nova 3).
x) An item in van Vessem's account mentions Busleyden's doctorial

ring : Rek., 4 r : Item van een groot signet sonder de wapenen die vuyt
gedaen waeren weghende xvij3 Jngelschen Ende noch van eenen
Rinck sonder steene ende was des testateurs doctoirs Rinck wegende
xij Jngelsche 1 fierlinck den Jngelschen xvij st ontfaen tsamen
xxv s ix d.
a) Cp. Epp., 54, b-i ; Albergato, 24.
3) Raymond Perauld, Peraudi, a derelict boy of La Rochelle, be
came doctor of divinity in Paris : Imbart, I, 347, 11, 541 ; Pastor, ill,
223 ; he went to Italy, where he entered the Curia. He preached
indulgences for the building of the St. Peter's church of Saintes grant
ed in 1476 : PaulTefc., 9, 87, 161 ; Polain, 2099. By December i486
he was sent to Emperor Frederic, and managed to make him approve
of a crusade schemed by Innocent VIII, and proposed by his bull of
May 1487 : Pastor, 111, 220-21 ; Polain, 2082, sq. In the spring of
1488, he helped Chieregato to bring about an understanding between
Charles VIII and Maximilian, prisoner of Bruges, which town had
been laid under interdiction by the Archbishop of Cologne, instead
of by a French bishop : Pastor, 111, 223. He afterwards collected
money in Germany for a Crusade in preparation of the congress
convened for March 25, 1490 : Pastor, hi, 225, sq ; Paul Tetz., 9, 87,
99, 151 ; his virtuous life and his proved disinterestedness made an
excellent impression ; since, moreover, he had made peace between
the Emperor and King Matthew Corvinus, of Hungary, he was
appointed as bishop of Gurk, near Salzburg, and, recommended by
Maximilian, the newly elected Alexander VI created him Cardinalis
S. Mariae Novae on September 20, 1493: Pastor,.III, 65,220-21, 319-21;
Lang, 5. Sent by the Pope to placate Charles VIII in 1494, who was
said to have entered Italy to break the simoniac election, and to re
form the Church before starting to attack the Turk from Naples,
he rather joined the King, with whom he entered Rome on December
31, 1494 : Pastor, hi, 338, sq, 343, sq ; Renaudet, 210, 347 ; Savonarola,
I, 287. He bitterly remonstrated with Alexander, who had reinstated
him, though, in his dioceses : Savonarola, 1, 170, sq, 292, 496, 11, 1025 ;
Pastor, in, 373 ; he followed Charles VIII to Naples, and urged him
to start a crusade at once ; to help him, he had obtained, on Sept. 6,
Promotion in Padua 37
1494. from Andrew Paleologue, an ex

his claims on Constantinople. Still in
the East, the King was spilling his time and his forces, until the
Liga Santa of March 31, 1495, made him hurry home : Savonarola, I,
347, 350, sq. Perauld returned to his diocese, watching all the chances
of a Crusade : when, in 1500, it was finally decided, he prevented a
legate of Turkey to propose peace : Pastor, 111, 373, 464-66. In the
autumn of 1500, he was sent to preach the Jubilee-indulgence in
Germany and the Scandinavian North : Pastor, 111, 468-69 ; Geiler,
246, 248 ; WimpfLeb., 101 ; Gothein, 79, sq ; BeitSchlecht, 307 ; the pro
duce was to have served for the Holy War, which caused a temporary
disagreement with Maximilian, claiming his share : KkHutVag., 240 ;
CMH, i, 310-11. During his stay in Germany, Perauld had in his
service Jerome Emser : CorpCath., iv, 10, 94-5 ; WimpfLeb., 173 ; Beit
Schlecht, 337 , as well as John Wacker, Vigilius, afterwards Vicar-Ge
neral of Worms : KkHutRef., 580-81 ; Reuchlin, 43, sq ; ReuchlE, 61 ;
Paul Tetz., 6, 94,; he made the acquaintance of John Reuchlin; pro
moted Conrad Wimpina as Doctor : Reuchlin, 53, sq ; ReuchlE, 76
77, 79 ; Wimpina, 66, 78-85, 208-9 ; Scheel, 11, 346 ; and installed
the Wittenberg University consecrating its church : Kaufmann, 11,
573, sq ; Scheel, 11, 333, 340-44; FuggRom, 1, 67, sq; KkLuRPFor.,
63, 184. He contended courageously to save the large amounts he had
gathered from the cupidity of some of his officials, but especially from
that of ecclesiastical and civil authorities : KkHutVag., 259; Gothein,
90-91 ; unfortunately, he was unable to prevent them being used for
other things than for the Crusade he longed for ; FuggRom, 1, 41, sq,
185, sq. Still his labour was not lost, for he was before all an apostle :
he successfully directed all his efforts and sermons towards the moral
improvement of the people : PaulXefc., 125 ; he settled quarrels, re
formed convents, and renewed the religious spirit of town and country :
Pastor, ill, 513 ; Kk HutVag., 251 ; WimpfLeb., 175, 186, 340. He
gave an example of Christian charity and abnegation, in so far that
he generously left to others the preferments which the Papal Court
granted him : such was the Abbey of Our Lady of Middelburg, of
which he received the expectancy in 1499, and which he resigned to
Peter a Capella on April 29, 1504 : Brom, I, ii, 654, 658, 708 ; Fruin,
424. He returned to Rome from Germany in 1504 : FuggRom, 1, 259,
277, and, suffering for some time he died on September 5, 1505, in his
diocese ; as late as January 8, 1506, his decease was ignored at the
Papal Court. He was a glory of the Church in those dark days, and,
as Jules II said of him ; Erat... rectus et sedi apostolicae admodum
utilis : Pastor, 1x1, 65-66 ; A. Ciaconius, Res Gestae Pontific. & Cardina
lium ; Rome, 1677 : 111,172. Cp. J. Schneider, Die... Wirksamheit des
Legaten Raymond Peraudi 1486-1505 : Halle, 1882 ; . Gottlob, Der
Legat Raimund Peraudi : Munich, 1885 ; C. Bauch, Leipziger Frhhu
manismus : Leipzig, 1899 : 156-160 ; G. Mehring, Kardinal Raimund
Peraudi als Ablasskommissar 1500-1504 : Jena, 1915 (Festschrift
D. Schfers) ; 334-409 ; Anima, Iii, sq, 211, 255.
38 B.'s Life 2
28. There were further two archdeacons : one of Cam

brai, John de Moscheron, of Bruges J) ; the other, of Valen
ciennes, Balthasar de Cordes 2) ; also the Queen of England's
chaplain Robert Fisher 3), provost of the Collegiate Church of
'') Epp. 15, b, c, 77, a-b.

2) Balthasar de Cordes, on his return to his native country, entered
the service of the Bishop of Tournai whose Official he became; in that
capacity he was sent with the provost and the dean and other digni
taries on September 21, 1513, to Emperor Maximilian and King
Henry VIII, who had attacked Tournai : Henne, 11, 32, sq. In the
two deeds referring to an action of the Tournai official against an
unruly priest, September 4 and November 4, 1517, Corplnq., 11,
294-299, his name is not mentioned. Cp. Vos, 295, 392.
3) Robert Fisher, a kinsman of John, the Bishop, went to Paris in
the summer of 1497 for his studies ; there he met Erasmus, who tutored
him, and probably composed for him the small Latin Grammar based
on Valla's Elegantiae... intended as a help to a backward English
pupil. For certain he wrote for him De Conscribendis Epistolis, about
March 1498, in which he once more gave as aim the wish to aid
somebody's lack of proficiency in Latin : Allen, 1, 23, 106, 71, pr. Soon
after that date, Fisher proceeded to Italy, where he studied juris
prudence, in which he promoted doctor in Padua by 1502. Already
in December 1499, when Erasmus wrote to him from London to en
liven his zeal : Allen, 1, 118, e-8, he had started acting as agent ; by
1503 he was styled 'Doctor Fysher, the Kyng's solicitor at Rome' :
LPHj, iv, 5465. He did not stay many years, for on May 10, 1507,
he supplicated and, to all appearances, in vain to be incor
porated in Oxford as 'Doctor beyond the Sea' : Wood, 1, 646. The
King, whose chaplain he was, provided him on December 18, 1508,
with the parish of Chedsay (or Chedzoy) in the diocese of Bath and
Wells, Somersetshire : Wood, 1, 553 ; and nominated him canon and
prebendary of the chapel of St. George, Windsor, on May 18, Rector
of Gresforthe, St. Asaph diocese, on November 5, 1509, and provost
of the College of Stanethorp, Durham, on January 11, 1510 : Brewer,
i, 74, 638, 824. On January 24, 1511 he had resigned the church of
Chedsay: Brewer, 1, 1442, and on February 17 following, his canonry
at Windsor was given to Wolsey: which implies that he had died by
then : Allen, 1, 62, pr. He is evidently distinct from Bishop John
Fisher's brother, Robert, a layman, who survived the martyr : Ortroy,
50, 82, 104, 290, 326. As one of the small treatises written for
Robert Fisher was printed by J. Siberch, at Cambridge, in 1521,
Erasmus hastened to issue a revised De Conscribendis Epistolis at
Basle in 1522 : Allen, I, 71, pr ; of the Elegantiae an edition, more
worthy of the Great Man, was also prepared : it was published
in the Basle Opera of 1540 : EraBib., 1, 55, 152.
Mechlin Councillor 39
Hoveden, no doubt, Howden,

custos spiritualitatis of the Coll
and its territory namely, Hem
Howden ; finally there were tw
who became canon of Antwerp
Arras diocese 2) : with most of
witnessed his triumph, Busleyde
friendship.
3. APPOINTMENT AND PREFERMENTS
29.-A few months before his promotion, on August

1502, Busleyden lost his brother Francis 3) ; that untim
death deeply affected him, as results from the letters t
friends Ferry de Carondelet 4) and William of Enckenvoirt
who happened to be in Italy. Not only had the dece
proved an affectionate brother and a second father, ta
care of Jerome's instruction and education 6) : he certa
would have established him safely and prosperously in
In his destitution, the student of laws threw himself on t
generosity and gratitude of Archduke Philip, whom Fra
had served with utmost devotedness and skill 7) ; nor di
appeal in vain : soon after his return from Italy, the
doctor of laws was appointed councillor and Master of
quests in the Great Council of Mechlin 8), when it was
established by a decree of January 22, 1504, annulling
decree of February 11, 1477, by which Mary of Burgundy
been compelled to suppress it 9). It had as president J
*) Cp. Epp. 39, b-c.

2) Neither de Cordes nor Picquot are further mentioned in Bus
leyden's writings.
3) Cp. before, 4-6.
*) Epp. 7 & 8.
6) Epp. 6.
e) Epp. 5. 6. s?
') Epp. 5, 19, sq, 2e, sq.
8) MalConC, 38 ; he had been looking out most eagerly for an
appointment after his return, and had applied for help to his old
friends : Epp. 11, 14 ; Carm. xxu.
*) Henne, I, 49 ; that Council was to reside in Mechlin ; a smaller
one, intended to accompany the Prince, became the 'Privy Council'.
40 .'s Life 3
Pieters, and count

Vincent, provost o
Carondelet, 4. Geo
5. Jerome de Busle
Wielant, Thomas
Sucket, Peter l'A
le Gros, John Guill
Pierre Midi,as subs
30. About that

or at least decided o
having had at least
in grief 2), as he af
Adrian Herbouts3
decease, the Chapt
offered to him the
Treves, a canonry
cis, who, no doubt
of St. Peter's, at Ai
ally called during
wards his brother
ture : in the gener
he composed an ep
No doubt, he wish
1) MalConC, 11-13.
2) To that incidentm
account : Rek., 35,r
jnne de testatuer ge
gejnformeert was by
added the note about
Informatorum de cau
3) About the middle
*) Epp., 10,15-23. S
his death : the account mentions : Rek., 6, r : Item ontfaen van
adriaenen maroyen ontfangher van des testatuers prouenden ende
vander tresorien van bruessel de Reste van zijnder Rekeninghe be
ghinnende St. Jans[miss]e xvij die hy sculdich bleef xlvij iij s.
5) That Chapter had as Provost his protector Rudolf von Enschrin
gen, and one of the canons, Peter Jacobi, was his friend : cp. 5 ;
Epp. 14, c, 19, b.
') Carm. 1.
Prebends and Preferments 41
added a letter to request the reader x) t

ward form of the verses, but the brotherl
them. Maybe Jerome published along w
other epitaphs : one on the Bishop of Ar
court, who died on August 26, 1499 2) ;
Antonii, Vicar-General of Henry de B
Cambrai 3) ; they were no doubt two of
and protectors of the young jurispruden
31. Preferments came his way soon af

position as councillor : he was appointe
baut's, Mechlin 4), of St. Lambert's, Lieg
dis', Mns 6), and of Our Lady's, Cambrai7
the parish of Steenbergen, in North Br
') Epp. g.
") Carm. II, c, i.
3) Carm. II, b, ii.
4) Rek., 6 : 'Jtem noch ontfaen van ouden Resten diemen den tes
tatuer sculdich was van zijnder prouenden van mechelen van diuer
sen Jaeren tot St Jansmisse anno xvij xciiij vij s iiij d/ Jtem ont
faen dabsentie die hem compt ter causen vander seiner prouenden
vanden jaere beghinnende sint Jansmisse xvij. als hij Reysde ende
dair Jnne hij sterf gedraegende tsamen lxviij xviij s / Jtem ont
faen dabsentie vander seluer prouenden nade doot vanden testatuer
die hem schuldich was te volgene gedragende lxxj xix s vj d'.
5) Possibly the third part of 150 Rh. flor., which the town of Liege
owed yearly to Busleyden, may have been the pension due for the
canonry in St. Lambert's : Rek., 8 r.
*) Rek., 7 : 'Jtem vander prebenden van sinte wautruyt tot ber
ghen jn henegouwe dair van den testatuer quam na Rekeninghe
dairaf gehouden vanden jaeren xvij ende xviij ontfaen net ij C xxiij
ix s ix d'.
') Rek., 7 r : 'Jtem noch ontfaen vanden scolaster van camerijcke
meester Jan Wailpois ter causen vander prebenden van Camerijcke
de Reste comende den sterfhuise bij twee zijn Rekeninghen ouerge
sonden vanden jaeren xvj ende xvij van zijnen ontfanck ende vutge
uenen gedragende de selue Reste soet blijct bijder seluen Rekenin
ghen hier gethoent tot xix iij3d art'.
8) Rek., 5 v-6 r : 'Jtem ontfaen by mr. adriaen < Josel > jn afslach
vanden sculden diemen sculdich js der executien vander eueren van
steenberghen jerst - xxx . / Item by h. bertholomeeus < van Ves
sem> opte selue scult noch ij C . j Jtem ontfaen vander eueren
van steenberghen allet ghene desmen den testatuer sculdich js ge
bleken nae Rekeninghe gehouden van achterstel van zekeren jaeren
42 .'s Life 3
on November 27, 15
referred to him as
district of Brabant
1503 2), explains th
he is occasionelly d
preferments was h
leyden may be fitly
than the plurality
the Dean of Louva
spending more on a
tainly made as good
prebends, since the
as beneficent in its
The Mechlin Coun
disinterestedness,
most eager in the c
some preferment or
hangende aen diverse

gende nae vuytwijsen van eender compositien dairaf gemaect met
anthonijs van etten secretaris vander Stadt van steenberghen bouen
de betalinghe voirs. dair op gedaen ende quijtschellinghen van zeke
ren partijen oncrijchbaer de somme van iiij C lxxvj art'.
*) Louvain, November 27 <, 1503 > : Allen 1, 178, u-15 : archidiaco
nus Cameracensis : evidently meaning, not the district,but the diocese,
of Cambrai, which was divided into many archdeaconries.
2) CamChrist., 388.
3) Rek., 7 r-v : Vanden seluen scolaster (van camerijck meester jan
Wailpois > noch ontfaen een Reste vander prouenden van camerijck
vors, ende vanden archiadenscap van bruessel dairaf hy administracie
hadde jn dat quartier na vutwijs zynder Rekeninghen gedragende...
xx xij 5 viij d / J tern van heeren Jan van Ekelen prochiaen van
sinte Katherijnen tot mechelen vanden Jnstitutien bij hem geexpe
dieert alsvicarijs vanden testatuer archidiaken van bruessel... sindert...
mayo anno xvij... gedragende xlij xvj s / Vanden landdeken van
bruessel ontfaen dat bij sculdich bleef bij zijnder Rekeninghen ge
daen tot camerijck te bamesse anno xvij vanden emolumenten com
peterende den testatuer van ascentionis domini eodem anno totten
daghe van zijnder afliuicheit gelijck de vicarissen van camerijck die
getaxeert hebben opte voirs. Rekeninghe xiij iiij s j3 d'.
*) Cp. Epp. 21, b, sq.
5) Cran., 76, a-e, 81, a-c, 213, /, 258, 6; FUL, 2471, sq ; ULDoc.,
hi, 197 ; &c.
e) Cran., 118, b, 141, c-g, q, 228, /.
Provost of Aire 43
his title at least in two ca

Basin, canon of St. Donat
as his successor to the four
newly-appointed canon, h
favour of a house for the ch
to Louis Barradot, Dean of C
Anderlecht, who occupied i
7, 1500, the canons of Our
cessor to the provost Joh
January 25 before; unfor
February 5, ordered the C
his chaplain Louis de Vey
that effect on March 22. St
iginal choice ; it was Busley
resigned the provostry on
de Veyere, who in return
of the high altar in the or
which belonged to his ofhce
benefice there does not se
connection with the future Councillor's life.
32. The provostry of Aire, Busleyden's chief ecclesiasti

cal attribution, had been conferred upon him on February 17,
1500 by the Chapter, who generally chose a personage eminent
by his achievements or his family, and, most probably, the
influence of the Archbishop of Besangon had been conclusive 5).
He succeeded to John of Burgundy (1482-1500), the natural
son of Philip the Good, provost of Bruges and St. Omer 6).
Although he was not entitled to take part in the deliberations
of the Chapter, the provost of Aire enjoyed large powers : he
had a right to appoint the canons when a vacancy occurred
1) Receptum in receptione Mgri Jeronimi de Busleiden successoris

quondam D. Petri Basin xl s. gr. : 'Accounts of the Chorales 1495-97 :
Schrevel, 1, 45. 2) BrugSDon., 117.
3) Viz., ad majus altare Capelle domus seu curie comitis Flandriae,
4) Acta Capituli Beatae Mariae Virginis (Febr. 5 and 7, March 22
and November 10, 1500), Schrevel, 1, 260 ; Bruglnscr., II, xi.
6) Acta Capituli Sti. Petri (1500), 162, r ; 166, r : report of the elec
tion, sent for approval to Philip of Luxemburg, Bp of Therouanne.
6) AireSP., 82, 90 : Busleyden was succeeded by John Rickelin.
44 .'s Life 3
amongst the four

that privilege to a
The provost, as th
i,\.. i
llmiy
mmmm'
(>:/ '
rfs
j , wmm
Lq wim /C$!Jj| i
Sr. Pert#
Sr.PcTtt'SrJtlRE
the foremost place in al functions; he was expected to
of ic ate on the chief east in the year, and to admin ster the
last Sacraments to the canons and the other su-p osit of the
Chapter. He was, on the other hand, bound to give them
ev ry ear two meals, pastus, one on Palm Sunday and the
*) Van Vessem contemplated starting his residence at St. John's

feast 1518 : Rek., 29, r.
Provost of Aire 45
other on White Thursday; a

offer a cope to the church
part of his duty : so his h
50 x). Usually the provo
office in the Prince's serv
excuse ; yet he had a vicar
the provostry-house in go
John Derville, a scholar an
correspondence with his P
Netherlands 3).
33. No letters survive that refer to his connection with

the Aire Chapter ; yet it is more than likely that the Mechlin
Sr.?rEK'S,yilR
Sr.?TEK'S,JllR
Councillor was duly kept informed. The spirit of the communi
ty seems to have been very good, for, when in 1512 the priest
Fremault, entrusted with the care of one of the two parishes,
wanted to free himself from the Chapter's authority, because
he had been liberated of that of the Therouanne archdeacon,,
he was compelled to full obedience 4). The canons took great
care of the fine building that was St. Peter's : it wanted
*) AireSP., 84-85 ; P. Bertin, Aire-sur-la-Lys : Arras, 1947 : 81, sq.

2) Rek., 36, v. ; cp. further, 80, 88.
3) Epp. 13, b, and Epp. 17 and 18.
4) Possibly Fresnault: AireSP., 206-207.
.'s Life 3
repairing, so the
transport and ex
places, in order t
manuscript choir
to have a breviar
the preface said,
and the Chapter
friend the Dean t
bable that, in hi
went to Aire ; at
the big cross wh
bishop, and expr
for a relic of the
will from hearsa
aliquam particul
34. Different
den did not indul
that he did his w
As he was very y
his career, to en
that he had acqu
for his lack of e
His first letters,
but from the few
cultivated the ac
lifetime in the go
of Burgundy, Th
Prince, like Nicai
of Austria's hous
to deepen and w
knit up familia
Peter l'Apostole,
he borrowed 6), a
*) AireSP., 22g, 374

2) AireSP., 221-223
3) Will. 74, sq ; cp.
4) Cp. Epp., ix, b-
s) Cp. Epp., 4, b.
') Cp. Epp., 20, b, c
His Mentors 47
and criminal jurisprud

Wielant x).
35. Even more beneficent to him was the intimate affection
which connected him with two men of prudent sagacity
and deep insight in human affairs, the bishop of Arras, Nicolas
Ruterius 2), who had been his brother's great friend and pro
tector3), and the wary, wise dean of St. Rombaut's, John
Robbyns4). That there are no letters in his correspondence
from or to those two great mentors, is evidently due to the
circumstance that he met them day by day in Mechlin. From
the former he inherited his splendid Missal and Pontifical
perhaps an old present returned as keepsake 5) ; and the
latter is constantly mentioned in the account of his will for
having rendered great services both to the testator and
to his executors 6). Busleyden evidently intended his insti
tution to benefit fully by his friend's great experience when he
chose him as the chief artisan to build up the Trilingue ;
even after events precluded any acting as proper executor,
the incipient College largely profited by Robbyns' wisdom,
as its founder had done all along his career 7).
36. An example of Busleyden's eagerness in his pursuit

of knowledge and experience, is provided by his letter to
James de Blasere. This Councillor for Flanders pronounced
a most remarkable speech in Paris Parliament in the spring
*) Cp. Epp., 25, b, c.

') Cp. Epp., 17, b-d.
3) Cp. before, 4.
4) John Robbyns had been in Nicolas Ruterius' service when he
was appointed dean of Mechlin in 1501. He was the organiser of the
Arras College, which Ruterius founded in Louvain on Sept. 15, 1508,
and afterwards of the College which his intimate friend Adrian VI
established (Nov. 8, 1523). With his other intimate friend Erasmus,
he greatly assisted Busleyden's executors in the creation of the
THlingue. He died on December 28, 1532, making ample bequests to
the College of Arras and to the Trilingue : Cran., xlv-vi, 17, a-c, 20, a,
95, b ; FUL, 2401, 2732, &c; MonHL, 356, 390-91 ; HisTriLov.,
chapts. i, xvii; Allen, 1, 178, 7 ; cp. further, 53, 71, 76, 78, 80, 92.
6) Cp. Will, 197, sq ; and further, 43, 47, 82, 87.
e) E. g., Rek., 5, r, 20, v, 24, r, 28, r, 35, v.
7) Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. 1, sq ; Rek., 48, r-51, r, 88, r, ; Allen,
in, 805, pr; and further, 78, 88, 92.
48 .'s Life 3
of 1506 on the occ

as Count of Flande
some rights which
leyden requested
most interesting
beginning of his c
played his part in t
Philip the Fair on
father-in-law Ferdinand on the other, for the sake of the
peace and the security of his Burgundian states 2). The friend
ly alliance with Louis XII of France, which had crossed the
wishes of both parents, averted for a welcome time the danger
of hostile incursions by Charles of Gelderland, and gave at least
an expectation of tranquillity. Unfortunately the death of
Queen Isabel of Castile, November 24, 1504, completely
upset the situation. It brought Ferdinand into an alliance
with Louis XII of France and with Henry VII of England, in
the hope of securing the Kingdom of Castile where Philip
had hastened to have himself proclaimed as Isabel's successor:
for having up to then taken to heart only the interests of the
Netherlands, he now had to postpone them, at least for a time,
to make sure of the realm beyond the Pyrenees for which he
embarked on January 10, 1506 3).
37. A few weeks before, in the winter months of 1505

1506, Philip of Austria sent an embassy to Pope Julius II to
congratulate him on his election and coronation, and to ex
press his obedience. He had been prevented from doing so
before by his illness, by his mother-in-law's decease, and by the
various difficulties with which he had had to contend. Bus
leyden, one of the delegates, was entrusted with the honour of
delivering the formal speech before the Pope and the College
of Cardinals 4). He aptly used the very delay in sending the
legation of obedience as a concomitant proof of his Prince's
deepest and staunchest attachment to the Holy See 5).
) Epp. 37.
2) Moeller, 222.
3) Pirenne, in, 66-69 I Altamira, 11, 398, sq.
*) Or at. B.
6) Or at. B, 25-47 loe'iii'
i <0
-rar
BSLEVeiV MfWSlOiV tJ6AQ
... vvVV- > ^

^ o .#~v
\\^> s>
50 .'s Life 4
4. THE MECHLIN MANSION
38. Busleyden returned in the beginning of 1506 an

up once more his office as fifth ecclesiastical counc
the Great Council of Mechlin x). Settling in that to
the house which no doubt Francis de Busleyden had ac
he bought from his brothers the shares they had in
in that property, and some neighbouring ground fro
gers 2) ; he thus formed a site in St. John's Parish,
on Cow Street as well as on St. John Street, and ha
magnificent mansion built by Arnold de Wreede 3). T
of the building in Cow Street only showed a couple o
fronts, one on each side of the principal entrance. Th
advancing towards the South into a garden, was conce
a highly decorative style, having a gallery or a kind of
with balusters and a colonnade as well on the first, as o
ground, floor, unto which openend the doors of the
apartments. With the elegant gable flanking it on the l
with, behind it, an octogonal tower crowned by a b
from which rises a slender spire, the building evokes th
and lofty Italian monuments rather than the severe and
habitations of our sterner climate. The house was rea
furnished by 1507, at least the chief part, for it was aft
constantly enlarged by additions constructed on grou
cessively acquired : even a few weeks before he left on h
journey, Busleyden had bought not only two adjo
houses 4), but also a large amount of beams, rafters and
1) MalConC, 37 ; Moeller, 84-86. From the various ite

van Vessem's account it appears that as councillor, Busleyd
paid one pound, or 20 shillings, every day : Rek., 6 r : Jtemo
vuyt handen van meester lambrecht van der Ee griffier de gag
wijlen den testatuer als ordinaris Raidt jnden grooten Ra
mechelen van ix Januarij anno xvj totten xxiiijen dach Ju
xvij elcks sdaighs xx st. viz. afgetrocken xx st. voer den w
den Rentmeester ende st. voer den wijn vanden clerck des voirs.
griffirs jC lxv ^xs <viz.,fori67 days 167 less iîos= 165 10 s>.
2) Cp. Will, 103, sq.
3) That same able craftsman afterwards built the Collegium Tri
lingue in Louvain : HisTriLov., chapt. v.
4) Rek., 2 f-3z.
Mechlin Mansion 51
as ready materials *) ; and it

cution of his will that he wa
de Wreede for work recently
6.
#,>
-
w*C
:==~
#
io 7.
E>US1.YJ)E<V
E-USLEYDENMANSION
MAfVSlOlV
Soix-tJ^
Sow-tJ^ Fror^t
Frorst
heavily from the wear and tear of time, and, even, more, from
the 1914-1918 war, the mansion is still in use and is rightly
considered as one of the gems of architecture of the town 3).
*) They were bought by John, le Sauvage's widow, who purchased

the mansion : Rek., 2 v.
2) Rek., 28 r, 102 r.
3) MalGod., 340-345 ; Moeller, 38-39, 85, sq.
52 B.'s Life 4
39. It was natu

of his mansion in f
tectural features. From his cor
respondence it appears that, from
the very first, he endeavoured to
find such pieces of ornamental
furniture as would be worthy of
their surroundings. A fine chest in
the home of his friend the Abbot of
St. Bertin, Antony de Berghes J),
had caught his fancy, and he lost
no time in trying to secure it at
all costs, appealing for help to his
secretary and physician Sylvius
Italicus 2). To adorn his hospit
able table, he applied to Adrian
Sandelicus, his fellow-student of
^ . . the Padua days, who had become
busleyden MAN5I0JV dean of Our Lady's, Antwerp3),for
BUSlEYDetfMANilOjy
To+ch. Sou.lU
South a highly ornamented Bacchus-cup
to be ordered from an able craftsman, who kept him in eager
excitement for several months 4). The rest of the furniture was
evidently quite as
choice, judging
from the distichs
with which clock
and bed, looking
glass and table
were honoured 5),
and from the sev
eral artists men
tioned in the re
port of the execut
ors for not having
been paid for their.
exertions on Bus
BUSlEVEJV MANSION
leyden's behalf 6) : East
Busumw
EastZntrasnu.
ntrcssnct.
mamiow
those references in
*)
') Epp.
Epp. 45,
45, c.c.2)2)Epp.
Epp.45,
45,
13-23.
13-23.
3) Epp.
s) Epp.
39, 39,
b-c. b-c.
') Epp.
4) 39
Epp.
to 44.
39 to 44.
5) Carm.
Carm.xxi,
xxi,i-v.
i-v.
6) 6)
Cp.Cp.
further,
further,
46,
sq.
46, sq.
Mansion and Frescoes 53
the account of the inheritance o

prelate suggest that the works of
were far more nume
rous. Amongst them

rank foremost the fres
coes on the walls of his
hypocaustum: they no
doubt were inspired
by all that he had
seen and admired in
H ? v, Italy : for they had
Ii>
been entrusted to pain
ters who had been
schooled and trained
beyond the Alps, name
ly to John Gossart,
of Mabuse, and, most
probably, to James de
Barbari. One of those
frescoes represents
Baltasar's Banquet,
with Daniel explaining
the mysterious writing
ausifioewrwwsuw " * " " on the wall 1) xhe
bU5LflDiV MANSION
>U5LflDrt MftlVSlON
pom
Jiom
Jrom Court
Cou-rt Court '
three words written
and the hand that keeps the style at the last letter of PHARES,
are in the middle of the picture at the top, under the head of
'ivstin...jSAR s c' in a medallion of the frieze ; the part of
the wall on which they appear has a sconce and candle in
front, and is over a door, by which several persons are going
to enter. It is between a window giving a vista of a park with
a pond and an alley of trees, on one side, and, on the other,
a lofty recess where are stored highly ornamented vases,
candlesticks, chalices, cruets and plates, no doubt part of
the treasure robbed from the Temple : the linen cover on
which they stand has in front an inscription, of which only
J) It is the one on the northern wall of the room ; it is attr

to James de Barbari : cp. 46.
Frescoes in Hypocaustum 55
'revohia...' is visible : indeed the paint h

right side, so that only a column of the
of distant buildings with turrets are vague
40.A table, or rather a decorative counter, covered

with a white cloth, extends to the left ; it has several fine
vases besides some small
loaves and a knife. Behind
it the bearded Baltasar,
wearing a kind of tiara, is
standing between two splen
didly dressed ladies, looking
at the inscription ; two men
and another lady in fine
clothes are also the guests
at that table, in front of
which a page is seen carry
ing a high and narrow vase.
A little farther before the
table, a personage wearing
a hood and a mantle with
an ample train, evidently

meant to represent Daniel,
addresses Baltasar, and
moves hands and fingers in
his eager explanation. Next
to him stands a noble lady
-r , ,- pvrir hi \ * i^ a highly ornate robe and
Jerome
Jeromeole
Jerome cUBuSLEYDEN
le Ashaiuei , & -Q.
bubUYJ)tlYAS])a.nlel
Bl/SlEYDe IV .* Daniel
. ,, a long trading mantle, at
Frr* tu J>atfci4or ^ .
frem the.
from tht. >ouno^jd.
>ajnayjt oj
oj .Ba.tta-SO'r
>.&
most probably she represents the Queen, Baltasar's mothe

who, according to the Bible 2), entered the hall on hearin
of the strange event, and advised sending for Daniel : th
*) Below, almost on a level with the floor of the banqueting hall,

there is, to the right of the column, a white flat surface like that
of a table with a napkin, or of a thick slab ; near the right edg
personage is lying on it on his back, with his hands on his head an
the only leg visible pulled up: possibly Phaeton: Carm. xx, iv, 3; cp.
2) Daniel, v, 10, sq.
56 B.'s Life 4
artist apparently re
to her son and his
her white hood which is
adorned by a straight J ( .
black ribbon and a string zrc-=NK &<'
of pearls : that white jft !$&
hood joined to the pleated Jk, agfe
wimple, was the symbol Iff jmlr
of widowhood, which . >j, jjmjf ff 1
Margaret of Austria af- j ,,,,'1"
fected the whole of her '",'-'
life. Nor is there any
doubt about the likeness '' [ 1
of the Queen painted here
and Charles of Austria's '''A' Wi
aunt, especially as she is M
known from Gossart's or
d'Orley's picture, or those
adorning the stained-glass
windows of her wonder
ful church at Brou x).
That impersonating of m
Mechlin's well-beloved
Princess in the chief lady

JlargAret
_flarxrt
Jltirgiiret ofjlustriit
ofmtrioi *ihtKing'sftothtr
ojmtrioi ai> thtXing'sftolhtr
tht}ty'sflotlwr
of this fresco,from suggests
from tKe <xric^jt<iX
tkfc frent o^3allaia.r
3&ncpA<X <=|3<a.Ltaiar
o|3o.ltaSar
that, as a match, the first
male character may be expected to represent the features o
the master of the mansion : if a painter could fancy the pr
phet of Israel with the sharp chin, the deep lying eyes, an
the strongly marked cheek-bones, which characterize Bus
leyden as he is known from his fine portrait 2), it ca
certainly not be called an accident that the Daniel of the Bible
appears in the ample ermin bordered scarlet mantle and with
the heavy gold chain of the Mechlin Councillors 3).
') MargvOK, 203, 211.

*) The story of that portrait is related elsewhere.
*) Cp. p. 55
58 .'s Life 4
41. The second l

that of Baltasar's
uniformity and ab
heavier dresses and
faces. It represents
the gods, as his dire
at a good distance f
behind two column
ing. At the back in
Jupiter between J
deities sitting at t
sight of the conten
cipal personage,
prepared as a dish
leading up to the
roofs and turrets
desses with their attributes : Diana with darts and holster,
to the right, Mars with shield and spear, to the left. Half of
the foreground, right, is taken up by a kind of tank, of which
only a small corner subsists : it shows a hand fettered to a ring
in the border, and a small tree with apples no doubt, Tan
talus' punishment. To the left several gods are looking with
disdain at the cruel person in the tank : Mercury, Vulcan,
Apollo and others ; whereas to the right, behind the tank, are
several disgusted-looking goddesses, amongst whom Ceres and
the naked Venus with Cupid are easily identified. Both
those paintings are sadly damaged 2), but others are hardly
recognizable : from distichs which Busleyden composed on
them, 3) it follows that they comprized Scaevola burning his
hand, Phaeton falling from the chariot of the Sun, Demades
defying Dionysius the Tyrant : what remains of those glories
of the past was covered with whitewash and plaster, when
they were found by a happy accident in the spring of i860
when the building was restored : they set the minds of artists
*) Probably that of John de Mabuse : cp. p. 57.

") Carm. xx, iv, 1-2, n-14, xxiv.
3) Carm., xx, iv, 3-10.
The Organ 59
and critics at work.

the allusions in Busl
there were several
jects or inscriptions,
triclinium or dining
distichs, this latter
the five powers, of
is conquered in its
order : Love, Chast
is finally vanquished
victor. The six stru
the describing distic
Petrarca, to whose
Triumphs by Rena
Raphael. The sixth
dedicated to the Su
the number nine,
added, and one of
42.
One of the g
wasthe fine organ
theportal. It was o
made it a fit ornam
removed to after his death to serve for the Masses and services
of the Brethren of the Blessed Sacrament 4). It certainly ranked
*) . Coninckx, Les Fresques de Hotel Busleyden Malines :

Mechlin, 1899. A full-sized reproduction adorns the Museum of the
Cinquantenaire, Brussels.
2) Carm. xx, v, vi : the nine subjects on the windows of the tricli
nium may have been made after the patterns which, in return of
services, were offered to 'Henry in the Gilt Head', according to the
entry in van Vessem's account : Rek., 100, r : 'Item Henricke jnt
gulden hoot te mechlen voer zekere diensten gegeven negen patroonen
van glazen op doeck beworpen'.
2) Burckhardt, 132, 357-59, 370 ; K. Frster, Francesco Petrarca's
Canzonen, Sonette, Ballaten und Triumphe : Leipzig, 1833 : 494, sq.
*) Rek., 25 r : Item geleuert den brueders van den heylighen
Sacramente van sinte Rombouts te mechelen de orgelen des testa
tuers die jr zijn zale bouen tportael gemaect waeren der voirs brue
derscap gemaect by zijnen testamente met hondert gouden gldenen
dair toe om die af te doene ende inde kercke te stellen... Cp. further,
80.
6o .'s Life 4
very high in the est

of his chamberlain
his brother Arnold
able to play the inst
in his mansion, Busl
listen to the 'organ
mirificum, ita et m
dum' *). He added t
man of Nuremberg
niously and had cle
magno ingenio inu
Most probably the
'registrations' by
manipulate various s
through the mediu
new set of wooden p
of tone-colour,
builders take a natu
to have been any pr
first quarter of the
that organ through
the marshal of the
order for it for so
and again the deliver
for. Finally Busleyd
1506, to Cologne w
request the long pr
dabis', he wrote, 'r
ueranter a te mih
Hackenay, a native
the organ was conn
Suys, also called S
craft in the first t
was established at N
1) Epp. 35, 32-3fi

2) Epp. 35, 33-35.
3) Cp. Gregoir, 173.
4) Epp. 4, b, c.
5) Epp. 28, 17-19.
The Organ 61
logne. No doubt he
of the makers of th
nel. For certain his
Sandelicus, the dea
vided the huge, fin
probably finished in
year later, the or
unable to make the
taken to provide, t
of his Mechlin frie
1509 to provide the
deed that the pipes
and that he was to introduce new instruments and voices
never heard before in an organ 2). The final receipt of Oct. 20,
1514 expressed full satisfaction, and mentioned that Suys had
left Antwerp 3). The famous craftsman finished also a new
organ for St. Kunibert's, Cologne, in that same year, whereas
in 1516 he provided one for St. Nicholas', Kalkar, and was
also at work in Strassburg Cathedral4). The description of the
build of the instruments of Antwerp and Kalkar make it most
likely that Busleyden did not revel without reason in his
acquisition, although further information is lacking : it was
bequeathed to the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament
with the obligation of saying a prayer for his soul every time
it was used. It was provided with a fine screen adorned with
') Cp. 39, 83 ; Epp. 39 to 44.

2) Gregoir, 173, 182-183. The organ had been ordered in 1505 by
Diego de Haro and Carst van Estbeemden, 'masters' or managers
of the Guild of Our Lady, to Daniel van (der) Distelen for 650 gold
florins. As after four years the work was not executed, it was entrusted
to Hans Suys, who accepted it on June 7, 1509 ; a smithy and helpers,
as well as the necessary materials were placed at his disposal; he was
paid as the work advanced, and since it gave pleasure, he was offered
50 gold florins extra, as well as a present for his wife. Cp. Epp. 35, 33, sq.
3) J. A. Stellfeld, Bronnen tot de Geschiedenis der Antwerpsche Orgel
en Clavecimbel-bouwers in de XVe en XVIe Eeuw : Antwerp, 1942.
4) L.deBondt, Histoire de l'Orgue: Brussels, 1924; Grove,Dictionary of
Music ; Gregoir, 173, 182-183 ; A. Vente, Bouwstoffen tot de Geschiedenis
van het Nederlandse Orgel in de XVIe Eeuw : Utrecht, 1942 ; Nelsbach,
Studien zur Geschichte des Orgelbaus in Kln (in Zeit sehr, fr Instru
mentalbau : l).
62 .'s Life 4
the pyx held up b

it did not survive
43. Of all the

him, none was appa
of books stored in
crated by an insc
either on paper o
bound in silk, wit
such as the 'Missal
spondent Pontifica
Bishop of Arras 5).
was the set of Latin
brought from Ita
they became the
number and their
vellum were so num
trunk when they
several most impo
of Titus-Livius 9), t
1) Cp. further 80.

2) G. van Doorslaer,
Orgels in St. Rombout
3) Carm. xx, iii.
4) According to the p
beautiful manuscripts and the French books were sold along with
the furniture : cp. further, 87, sq.
5) Cp. Will, 197, sq ; also before, 35, and further, 47, 87.
e) In the account of the execution of the will is mentioned that
some books provided by Henry Bosbas, bookseller of Antwerp, were
still unpaid : 'Jtem betaelt henrick bosbas librier tot andwerpen dien
de testateur schuldich was van boecken van hem gehadt by certifi
cacie van M. adriaen Josel x|xs': Rek., 35, v.
') The printed books sent to Louvain at Busleyden's death filled
three large hampers : cp. further, 87, and HisTriLov., chapt. x.
) Rek. 98 r : 'Jtem betaelt van vrachte van een groete stercke
kiste den sterfhuys toebehoorende met allen den gescreuen boeken
jn perkement daerjnne gesloten te wagen besteet om tot louen te
vuerene int collegie.
) HisTriLov., chapt. xiv, xxiv.
10) HisTriLov., chapt. xxiv : this manuscript survived till August
1914, when it perished in the University Library at the famous fire.
Thomas More's Appreciation 63
Lucanus *), and even a Hebrew document 2),

became the subjects of studies by professors
who often refer in their works to the Codices B
There was finally a most remarkable collection o
chiefly coins and medals; it had been started
by Francis de Busleyden, and divided at his d
his brothers Jerome and Valerian ; at any rate,
queathed to Valerian's son without any cl
the bequest at the recipient's death : hence Va
claimed them, and they were handed to her at h
44. Busleyden's mansion and all its treas

good fortune to find an enthusiastic admirer in
who, later on, took it as an example, if not as a
he built himself his famous home at Chelsea
bassy to the Netherlands in the summer of
Busleyden's acquaintance and was his guest a
When on February 17, 1516, he wrote to Eras
don to express his great pleasure of having fulf
sion, he mentions that Tunstall's company w
things, which, he writes 'me impendio delecta
he continues,
'quod cum Buslidiano mihi intercessit amicit
& pro egregia fortuna sua magnifice, & p
r) HisTriLov., chapt. xxv.

2) HisTriLov., chapt. xxiv.
s) Polet, 140, 142, 158-9.
*) Rek., 3 r, : 'Jtem geuonden xv medalien van goude wegende
tsamen een onse ende xix jngelschen een quart de onse geschat op
xvij Rg. ende noch ij C medalien van siluer ongeschat, ende want de
weduwe van wijlen valeriaen des testatuers brueder affirmeerde die al
te samen huer toe te behoiren. soe zijn huer die doen leueren bij
meester clase gouuerneur ende Rentmeester van meruille tot hueren
behoef die dair van quitantie gegeuen heeft ergo hier dair van Nyet /
Item ontfaen van lxxxvj silueren legtpenningen vanden stuck iij st
x3 d.art. xvj xiij s iij d'. Those silver and gold medals were in the
chest that Adrian Josel took to Antwerp for safe keeping when
Busleyden left for Spain in June 1517 : Rek., 101, r, ; 88, 93, and
Epp. 24, d.
6) Allen, iv, 999, 133 ; MoreChamb., 178 ; Watson, Ixxiv, sq.
') MoreChamb., 120-21 ; cp. further, 61-64 JNeveRen., 112,133-34.
64 .'s Life 4
bonitate comiter
cio excultam, ta
ostendit : ad hae
me scis esse perc
tam bibliotheca
bliotheca referti
45. More wrot

describes the hous
AD BVSLIDIANVM
De Jsdibus Magnificis Mechliniae
CULTAOrnamenta
modo fixis dum
tuae contemplabar
Buslidiane domus, ocellis
Obitupui, quo nam exoratis carmine fatis
Tot rurfus ueteres nactus es artifices ?
Nam reor illuftres uafris ambagibus a des,
Non nifi Daedaleas sedificaffe manus.
Quod pictum est illic, pinxiffe uidetur Apelles :
Quod fcalptum, credas effe Myronis opus.
Plaitica quum uideo, Lyfippi fufpicor artem :
Quum ftatuas, doctum cogito Praxitelem.
Difticha, quodque notant opus, at quae difticha uellet,
Si non compofuit, compofuiffe Maro.
Organa tarn uarias modulis imitantia uoces, 3)
Sola tarnen ueteres, uel potuiffe negem.
Ergo domus tota est uel faecli nobile prifci,
Aut quod prifca nouum faecula uincat, opus.
At domus haec noua nunc, tarde feroque fenefcat,
Tunc uideat dominum, nec tarnen ufque fenem.
A second epigram celebrates the numismatic collection 4) :
J) MoreLuc., 460-61 ; Allen, 11, 388, 140-146 ; Sandys, 11, 212.

2) MoreLuc., 258-260; cp. Trit., 491.
3) No doubt the new organ with the recently invented system
of registration : cp. before, 42, and Epp. 35, 32, sq.
4) MoreLnc., 258-59.
Thomas More's Appreciation 65
De Nvmmis Antiqvis servatis

apud Hieronymvm Bvslidianvm
ROMATarn
tuis debent
olim ducibus quam debuit,
omnes Buslidiane tibi. illi
Roma fuis ducibus ieruata ett : ipfe reieruas
Romanos Roma praemoriente duces.
Nam quae caeiareos antiqua nomiimata uultus,
Aut referunt claros tumue priusue uiros :
Haec tu iaeclorum itudio quaeiita priorum
Congeris, & tolas has tibi ducis opes.
Cumque triumphaleis denfus cinis occulat arcus,
Ipfe triumphantum nomen & ora tenes.
Nec iam Pyramides procerum monumenta fuorum
Tarn funt, quam pyxis Buslidiane tua.
A third epigram discretely praises Busleyden's literary

work, and insistently advises to publish it :
Ad Evndem
ECQVID adhuc placidam

Tua coerces Capsula ? mi Buslidiane Camoenam
In tenebras abdis cur dignam luce, quid illi ?
Quid inuides mortalibus ?
Muiae fama tuae toto debetur ab orbe,
Quid huic repellis gloriam ?
Gratus ab hac fructus toti debetur & orbi,
Quid unus obftas omnibus ?
An tibi caita procul ccetu cohibenda uirili
Cohors uidetur uirginum ?
Sunt haec uirginibus fateor metuenda, fed illis
Deuirginari quae queunt.
Aede tuam intrepidus, pudor est inflexilis illi,
Nec ille rudis, aut ruiticus.
Vt tua non ipli ceiiura est uirgo Dianae,
Pudore grata lacteo :
Sic tua non ipsi ceiiura est uirgo Mineruae,
Seniu, lepore, gratia.
66 .'s Life 5
5. FRIENDS AND PROTGS
46. Long before Thomas More, Busleyden had invited

to his house all those who in his surroundings were interested
in art and erudition : so was the councillor and court physician
Luigi Marliano *), whom he requested repeatedly and in vain,
since the learned man did not like leaving his books. 2) He
also asked his old friend of the days spent in France, or per
haps in Italy, James Lefevre d'Etaples 3), to come to what
he called 'his own' house, the omnium literatorum... concilia
bulum 4). His desire to beautify his home made him acquainted
with several of the art practisers and lovers that were throng
ing Margaret of Austria's Court; not only the artists famous in
history, like John Gossart de Mabuse5), or James de Barbari6),
but also more modest craftsmen, whose work, maybe, was not
) Cp. Epp. 38, b-g.

Epp. 47, 48, 49, 50.
3) Epp. 46, b, c.
4) Epp. 46,10-12 ; in Epp. 47, 8-9, he calls it: hospitum amicitiarumque
conciliabulum.
5) Jean Gossart de Mabuse, born at Maubeuge about 1478, was
an able engraver as well as a painter. He visited Italy and introduced
the classic ornamentation into his pictures, which are remarkable
for the fine portraying : on the threshold of the new times, he treated
mythological as well as religious subjects. He served Philip of Bur
gundy before and after he was bishop of Utrecht, and was in great
favour with Margaret of Austria : at her request he painted her
niece Eleonore : Moeller, 97, 104, 193 ; Cartwright, 47, 53. He died
in Zeeland about 1535 : A. Segard, Jean Gossart dit Mabuse : Brussels,
1923 ; Cran., 10, 13 ; Thibaut, 83, 89, 95-96 ; GeldColl., liii, 73, 210,
233> 235. 24^ ; Geldenh., 42, 64 ; &c.
6) James de Barbari was born of a Flemish family at Venice by
1470 ; he was an erudite and a man of the three languages. He studied
painting and architecture, and not only made fine engravings and
paintings, like that of the mathematician Luca Pacioli, but became
actually the master of Diirer and several other contemporaries, in
cluding Mabuse, who made him come to this country. He was for a
time in Philip of Burgundy's service, and decorated his castle of
Souburg. He then became the 'bien aime painctre' of Margaret of
Austria, who often had him at her table, and appreciated him also as
musician. He spent his last years at Mechlin and died there about
1516 : Comte de Canditto, Jacob de Barbari : Brussels, 1881 ; Thibaut,
82, 86-90, 99 ; Floerke, 140.
Artists as Friends 67
any less remarkable than that o

leagues. From van Vessem's ac
than one painter was constantly
so far that, at his leaving for
warded yet for their industry : t
paid for a small picture of 'our
for a Turk's head 2) ; a third, 'H
afterwards painted the portrait
leyden on the wings added to the
memorial3), was offered nine
sketched on canvas in return for several unrewarded ser
vices4). The Provost of Aire was also connected since long with
the painter Henry de Bruyne 5), the sculptor John of Lou
vain 6) and the 'Emperor's embroiderer' Archangelo 7), who
were entrusted with some artistic work at his funeral.
*) Reh., 35, r : 'Jtem betaelt peeteren alamire van een clein tafereel
van onser Vrouwen dwelc soe hy affirmeerde de testatuer hem scul
dich was gebleuen te wetene iij ; he was, no doubt, identical with the
musician Alamire at Margaret's Court: Thibaut, 100, and further, 48.
James de Barbari is also praised for those two arts: cp. preceding note.
2) Rek. 37, r : 'Item betaelt henr. de kale schilder van... een torx
aensicht op geschildert ende vjm sommigen gherden te veruwen
welcke partije hij affirmeerde dat de testatuer hem sculdich was
gedragende xxx s'. That painting of the Turk's head : 'een aensicht
vanden turck', was hanging in the large front room or hall, and was
bought with tables and benches which were there too, by the widow
of the Chancellor Johnle Sauvage who purchased the house : Rek., 3, r.
s) Rek., 17 v, and further, 77 ; this artist, who lived on Cattle
Market, 'Veemerct' (IBM2, 295, r) named after the house he occupied,
may have been identical with the painter Henry de Bruyne, mentioned
six lines further : cp. 78.
4) Rek., 100 r : 'Item henricke jnt gulden hoot te mechlen voer
zekere diensten gegeuen negen patroonen van glazen op doeck be
worpen'. The accounts of Margaret of Austria mention such patterns
for stained-glass windows ; although they are only on paper, they
seem to be valued : Thibaut, 91-92. Cp. 41.
s) Rek., 17, v.
') Rek., 98, r : 'Jannen van louen'.
') Rek., 96, r. Cp. 77. 'Archangelo', an Italian, was probably
identical with the 'Arkangele' mentioned among the Fourriere of
the Emperor's train in 1521 : Gachard, 516, b.
68 .'s Life 5
47. Busleyden
museum x) : besid
and crystal, it co
representing subjec
in the bulrushes ; o
Turkey; further
work, figuring th
well as the three g
in one of his poem
sizes, with and w
Assumption and M
portraits of Marg
Great ; finally carv
or his patron-sain
sessed were the t
his friend Bishop N
possibly he himself
by one of the min
school, to serve as
Jerome as a souven
that is known abo
were of small size,
in velvet provided
they fetched at t
cannot but have be
from the hand of
Mechlin, to whom
time belonged 6).
') Several lists of Bu

are still extant in t
IBM2, 276, r-279, r (
hold goods and ornam
in silver and gold :
remainder of househo
February 15, 1519).
a) Cp. Carm. v, iii.
s) IBM2, 278, - 279
4) Will, 197-202 ; cp
') Rek., 4, r, : cp. b
) Thibaut, 99-100 :
at the Court of Henry VIII.
Music and Musicians 69
48. The interest which Busle

amply testified to by his receiving
as presents x); also by his connect
Premonstratensian canon Arnold van
his younger brother Bartholomew
art 2), so that he might be able, whe
service, to play the newly perfect
Nuremberg builder 3) ; also by the m
as lutes, flutes, clavichords &c. and o
bequeathed to his nephew Francis
his connection with two musicians : one was Peter Alamire,
a chorist of Prince Charles's chapel, mentioned as a limner for
a small picture of 'our Lady'which had remained unpaid5) ;
the other was Hans Nagel, or Nagle. Both of them were
known to Henri VIII: in May 1515, Alamire wrote news to the
King in musical notation, and sent him works of music, for
which Thomas Spinelly paid him 6) ; whereas Nagel had been
invited to come and sing at Court at Christmas 1515-1516 7).
Some mystery hovers over them, for they had dealings with
the 'White Rose', Richard de la Pole, exiled by Henry VII,
who lived in the Netherlands 8). One day, on his arrival at
Mechlin, de la Pole had been put into custody by the town
authorities on account of 'divers chevisaunces'; Nagle at once
applied on his behalf to Busleyden, who invited his former
fellow-student Tunstall9), then happening to be on mission
J) He offered a musical instrument to the Chancellor of Burgundy,

Thomas de Plaine, Epp. n, and requests Henry Zeigler, Luxemburg
senator, to obtain for him the fistulas which his illustrious master had
promised him since long : Epp. 12.
2) Cp. Epp. 35, a, b, 3, sq.
V Cp. Epp. 28, 15, sq ; 35, 33, sq.
*) Cp. further, 83.
5) C.p. before, 46; Thibaut, 100 ; Henne, , 104; MargvOK., 10.
) Brewer, 11, 541, 1478, 2419, 2673, App. 39.
') Brewer 11, 1478.
8) Richard de la Pole, son of John, wanted to become King of
England, and had to flee abroad in 1501 ; he was exempted from
Henry VIII's general pardon, but was recognized as King by
Louis XII. At the conclusion of the peace in 1514, he had to leave
France, and resided at Metz. He was killed at Pavia, where he was
fighting by Francis I's side (1525) : cp. DNB.
') Cp. before, 26 ; ErasRott., 34-35.
70 .'s Life 5
in Mechlin, and w
countryman. Tuns
whom he called t
Stanley, an Englis
of spying on him,
ture ; he complai
Pole and his friend
at Mechlin, one be
Tunstall adds that
1515 Nagle was in
at Christmas, he d
his dealings with d
to go to England
one of the train of
du Rceulx, and
repass safely. Willi
adds that Nagle w
Pole at Metz ; he ad
after Lent, as until
goes, the more new
49. Busleyden's
his great love for li
his poems there is
picture of Our Lady
nobilis pictor Hug
designed for a pic
tion7), whilst a thir
had to serve for a p
*) Brewer, Ii, 1383 :

2) Sir Edward Nevil
command in the army
coronation 1533 and a
he was suspected of
Tower-Hill, Decembe
tyrer : : Freiburg-i.
3) Brewer, 11, 3690;
*) See further, 66
6) Brewer, 11, 1478.
6) Carm. v, i.
') Carm. v, ii.
8) Carm. v, iii.
Literary Friends 71
did not need the incentive

on the days that he was not
cillorship, he naturally turn
religious events whose reme
days : during the Holy Week o
the sufferings of Our Lord o
to his friend, the Aix patri
Yule-tide of the same year h
sacre of the Innocents, which he inscribed to the dean of
Louvain, Adrian Florentii, the future Pope 2), and at the fol
lowing Easter he made a homily and a hymn on Resurrection,
offered to Beyssel 3). Several other pieces of poetry were com
posed, especially in the first years of his career as councillor 4),
when he even started with his friend Adrian Herbouts, pre
ceptor at Antwerp, and afterwards pensionary of that town5),
a poetic debate about the merits of their respective poems,
which soon turned into a discussion about man's worth and
his share in this world's fortune and prosperity 6).
50. Meanwhile Busleyden proved a real Maecenas by

his never-failing and effective interest in all those who were
distinguishing themselves as erudites and literators. The care
he took of the instruction cf his nephew Cornelius Erdorf 7),
brought him into close connection with his former friend John
Becker of Borselen 8), who first supervised the young man's
studies in the Lily and by 1507 became his private tutor at
Henry Viruli's house 9). Some time after the death of that
boy, whose education had proved a failure, the humanistic
erudite accepted the preceptorate of another nephew, (the son
of a deceased brother, Valerian), whose mother lived part of
*) Epp. 16 ; Carm. m.
') Epp. 2i ; Carm. xn.
a) Epp. 22 ; Carm. xiv ; Orat. A.
*) Such are the poems on the messages of the Angels to the Shepherds
on Nativity Night, Carm. iv, vu,; or to Our Lady, ibid., vi, .
*) Epp. 23, b, c.
*) Carm. xv.
') Epp. 31, b, c ; cp. before, 11.
>) Epp. 32, b-e.
) Epp. 30, b-d.
72 .'s Life 5
the year at Arlon,

the Provost of Ai
before he had revelled in the conversations on the visits of
the preceptor with his ward to Mechlin 2). He thus had been
kept informed about the intellectual life in Louvain and about
the advance in study and learning.
51. He soon heard, no doubt, of the brilliant lectures of

the young legens of the Lily, Martin van Dorp, who made his
students perform plays by Plautus, after they had been ex
plained in the lectures, and who, in 1508, composed a cata
strophe to the unfinished Aulularia ; through his former master
and friend John Becker, he became one of Busleyden's
favourites3). The influential Councillor helped the young
erudite to secure a preferment, and was honoured in return
by the dedication of the Tomus Aululariae, in the autumn
of 1513, as well as by copies of his other publications4).
Busleyden greatly appreciated Dorp's friendship : not merely
for the enjoyment of a hearty affection, but also as a constant
occasion for him to satisfy his eagerness for knowledge from
the abundant erudition of the young professor, to whom he
appealed in all his doubts 5). It was on Busleyden's repeatedly
expressed request 6), that Dorp had a sermon printed which
he had delivered on Assumption Day 1510 7) : it was highly
praised 8) and elicited the urgent recommendation of the older
confrater to the young professor to direct his further activity
towards theology and religion 9). Dorp was, for certain, a
frequent guest at the fine Mechlin mansion, where he was
expected to stay some time on every one of his journeys
between Louvain and his native Holland 10).
Epp 32, 36, 51

51. 39- s1
3) Epp 56, b, c, 72, 28-36 ; MonHL, 326-28, 330.
4) Epp 56 ; 72, 27, sq.
6) Epp 58, 74, sq, 74, 27, 57, 62, s?.
') Epp 73' 63 s9 74. i"26*
7) Concio de diue Virginis Assumptione : Louvain, Th. Martens,
Febr. 18, 1514 : Iseghem, 245-46.
8) Epp. 75.
') Epp. 73, 64, sq, 75, 19, sq.
10) Epp. 72, 34-36 ; cp. eveBusl., 29.
Conrad Vegerius 73
52. Another occasional v

fessor Adrian Barlandus 1)
letters, April 1516, gratefu
welcomed in the magnificent
days and wrote some poetry
the most welcome kind of g
That poetry was communicat
when Barlandus wrote leng
nymi Buslidii erga <se> beneuolentia', as he declared to
Erasmus on January 7, 1517, adding a copy of that 'epistola
longiuscula' in which he had eulogized his magnanimous
host 3). Unfortunately both letters, as well as the poem, seem
to be lost. That is also the fate of several other documents
testifying to the gratitude of liteiators and erudites to Bus
leyden for favours and protection received : it is only known
by chance that also the Antwerp secretary Cornelius Gra
pheus 4) enjoyed his patronage : amongst the poems which
he and Gerard Geldenhouwer 5) and Adrian Barlandus pub
lished in Louvain on June 13, 1515 in Thierry Martens'
office 6), the first, which provides the general title, the Carmen
Pastorale, or 'Polymelus' : In Qvo Admodvm Rvstice Hiesv
Christi Pastoris Op. Max. describitvr Nativitas', is dedicated
'Ad agnificentissimvm Hieronymvm Bvslidianvm : Prczpo
sitvm Ariensem : Consiliarivm Regivm. 7)
53. A remarkable example of gratitude to his protector

was given by Busleyden's countryman, Conrad Wecker,
*) Cran., 62, a-c, 256, a ; HisTriLov., chapt. 1x1, &c. ; Daxhelet,

12-14, 56, 267.
2) C. Plinij Secundi Epistole Famiiiares cum Barlandi Scholiis :
Louvain, Th. Martens, April 1516 : / m : (Carmine remitti) Quemad
modum ego nuper Mechliniae in aedibus Hieronimi Buslydii viri
laudem omnem supergressi me recreabam componendis versibus quos
ille plurimis atque ornatissimis verbis laudans dictu mirum est
quantum me incitauerit atque inflammauerit ad hoc Studium.
3) Allen, 11, 510, 7-u.
*) Cran., 179, b-d.
') Cran., 179, a, 240, a-i.
') Cornelii Graphei Alustensis Carmen Pastorale : Iseghem, 251-52 ;
GeldColl., xxix-xl; NijKron., 11, 3122.
') The poem occupies seven leaves ; cp. Massebieau, 140-142.
74 B.'s Life 6
Veccrius, or Vegeriu
Louvain, or, for cert
acquainted with th
Bishop of Arras, Nic
when the latter's fou
he was one of the f
as chief bursar, who
president or manag
Mechlin, John Rob
vice of Maximilian
parently through B
career which ended far too soon in Rome, where he was in
Adrian VI's and Clement VII's employ. As an enthusiastic
admirer of literature, he naturally was interested in the
poems, about which his protector felt some diffidence 4), and
it is quite obvious that the well trained literator should have
been requested to criticize them. At any rate Vegerius under
took to make a fair copy of the poems, of the letters, and af
terwards of the orations 5), and from their correspondence it
appears that he was expected to change at will, and correct
all that was amiss 6). That is the genesis of the Carmina, Epis
tolcB et Orationes of the Lusus printed here for the first time in
their entirety ; so pleased was the author with the result of
that arrangement that he wondered whether the compositions
could still be called his 7) ; to which scruple the Librarius
Vegerius replied with a most delicately-turned Envoy added
to the work when it was finished 8).
6. BUSLEYDEN AND ERASMUS
54. Of all the friendships that Busleyden made, n

one was as agreeable to him, and in the end as beneficen
1) Epp. 63, b-e.

2) Epp. 17, b-d.
3) MonHL, 356 ; Epp. 56,
') Cp. further, 164, sq.
s) Epp. 63, 65, 67, 68.
') Epp. 63, 2, sq, 65, 2, 57.
') Epp. 67, 5, s?.
8) Carm., xxvii.
Erasmus'Friendship 75
that of Erasmus. The connection

at Orleans x), was revived in the
his stay in Louvain, probably thr
had entrusted Erasmus with th
Philip the Fair with a solemn or
his visit to Spain 2). Either at an
a visit to Court, Busleyden had f
have a lengthy talk with the hu
that he would have been excellen
brother Francis, had he not died
almost natural that Jerome shou
intended by his brother, and he no
to Erasmus. When on November 27,
ing his speech to Archduke Philip
fellow William Herman that he had made friends with, or
rather, he said, had been made friends with by, Jerome de
Busleyden 4), archdeacon of Cambrai 5), brother of Francis,
the archbishop of Besangon, 'vir vtriusque linguae callentissi
mus'. He added that he had sent him a copy of William
Herman's rendering of Avianus' Apologi 6), together with a
letter in praise of the translator 7) ; it was probably in that
copy that Erasmus wrote the distich which Judocus Badius
inserted amongst his Epigrammata in the edition of January 8,
1507 8) :
In fronte libelli Buslidio dono missi.
Non ego Buslidise decus adfero Bibliothecae,

Sed decus apponit Bibliotheca mihi.
J) Cp. before, 25.

2) Erasmus delivered his Panegyricus in Brussels on Epiphany
day 1504 : Allen, 1, 179.
Allen, 1, 178, 13-15.
4) 'Conciliaui mihi, vel potius se mihi conciliauit Hieronymus
Buslidanus'.
5) Busleyden had been appointed on October 13, 1503, as arch

deacon of Brussels, one of the several archdeaconries of Cambrai
diocese : cp. before, 31.
e) 1502-1503 : no copy seems to have survived of that rendering :
Allen, 1, 33, pr, 172, 12, 178, 16-48.
') Allen, 1, 178, n-17 ; cp. Sandys, 11, 212.
8) The distich is reproduced in EOO, I, 1221, d.
76 .'s Life 6
55. Two years

had left Florence
translated a few v
them as a supplem
his book Luciani C
et Thoma Moro in
traduda, which Ju
ber 13, 1506 3). Th
logues, was added
they were dedicat
November 17, 1506
of Philip the Fair a
the news had just r
toll levied by Spai
loss for all, but esp
his friend. He adde
ad tantum tamque d
comitates venirent 5)
56. The corresp

unfortunately is no
which the Council
No doubt the fact o
whose fame was g
most gratifying t
that gratification
recommendation to
confidence he enj
in their literarily t
must have been a
and all humanists
*) Cp. Epp. 29, b, sq.

2) Ff. xlviii* to < lix >.
3) It was dedicated to Richard Fox : Allen, 1, 187, 264, 22-24 ;
EraBib., 11, 39 ; Iseghem, S, 16.
') Epp. 29, 36 ; Allen, 1, 205 ; Renaudet, 491-94.
*) Allen, 1, 205, 33-34 ; Epp. 29, 35-36.
e) Cp. Epp. 79,13-14 : Scribo , quod ante biduum scrip
serim.
Erasmus' Preferments 77
many a beneficent reform brought ab

archs, who, of course reaped all the
the gratitude as well from the lead
contemporaries, as from public opinion
the credit was entirely due to those
advisers, not through high birth or
but through their 'humanistic' culture
their prudent sagacity and their under
the consciousness of their steadily g
councillors like Nicolas Ruterius and J
de Busleyden and Mercurino de Gat
patrons and full-hearted protectors
owed their promotion, and, first and
champion of Humanism, Erasmus 4).
57. By 1506 the scholar was eage

preferment which would allow him
devote all his time to study. He had be
by Henry VII, as he announced to
April i, 1506, 2) and on that account
his situation regularized by Jules II's
irregularity of his birth, January 4, 1
to accept and to possess any ecclesiastica
Unfortunately the royal promise was n
left for Italy : and the chances of sett
to be decidly on the wane ; which may
a correspondence with Busleyden on
with a view to interest the Mechlin
spects4). As no letters survive, it can on
appointment to some benefice in ou
plated, at least until, at Henry VIII'
beyond the Channel, in their sanguine
in the Young King's Court, made him
Italy.
x) Moeller, 222.
2) Allen, 1, 189, 3-4.
3) Allen, 1, 187*.
4) Epp. 29.
78 .'s Life 6
58. That hope w

started waiting at
appointment which
preferment that fe
Kent, which Arch
1512, as successor
Allen *). As he coul
he was allowed to p
St. Martin's, Dove
exchange of a yearl
rum, on a total in
33.6.8 2) ; the dee
exception in favour
Grecis consummat
facundia velut sidu
England, in so far
Germany, and wish
of his life' 3). As T
replaced on Novem
Master, who, afte
his parishioner El
and condemned to b
59. Since the p

had hoped to find i
his eyes to his own
dependent means to
at for several year
sults from his lette
during which the
was dead, which co
!) Allen, , 244, 14.

2) Vischer, 8-15 ; Allen
3) Vischer, 13-14 ; Er
di : EOO, v, 811, E_F.
4) On May 5, 1534 : O
144-46; Constant, 1,
of his goods found in the rectory of Aldington was drawn up on
April 20, 1534 : Froude, 1, 41-44.
Erasmus' Advising 79
which Busleyden was laid up

fers to one in which Erasmus
about Kings and Princes, wh
blames as dangerous as it put
envious people, who are eve
announces that the scheme of p
the Netherlands, although no
satisfactorily ; it would go bett
his modesty to importune thos
in attaining what would be on
he had done towards the gener
meant especially the actual
Chancellor John le Sauvage, wh
1516 to Erasmus that a canon
ferred upon him, and that it w
to expect from King Charles
optima prebenda of which the
acquisition to Bruno Amerbach
favour granted by the Prince
Councillor, which followed a fe
account that, after having lef
of April 1517, 6), Erasmus stay
60. Among his truest frie

whose house he frequently r
numerous journeys to or fro
through Mechlin where he wa
visitor 7). He became so intim
*) Epp. 7i, a-c, 2-9.

2) Epp. 71 ; NeveBiis/., 34-35.
3) Allen, 11, 436, 5-7.
4) Allen, 11, 439, 3.
6) Beatus Rhenanus announced
Amerbach on November 8, 1520
yearly payment of 'iii C livres (gr
in the accounts of the Realm on October 1, 1520 ; it was repeated
from 1520 to 1536 r Henne, , 31.
) Allen, 11, 577.
') The town authorities are recorded to have offered him four
measures of Rhine wine at his arrival in 1519, probably March 17 :
Allen, in, 927, pr ; Henne, , 31.
8o .'s Life 7
he applied to him e
horses were too h
them to make up
clothes x). With al
for he derived gre
and advice 2), and i
he decided foundi
immortality.
7. BUSLEYDEN AND THOMAS MORE
61. The most eloquent proof of the friendship betwe

Erasmus and Busleyden, was provided in 1515, when Thom
More came to our provinces on the embassy which last
from the middle of May to the last days of October 3). He w
introduced by his friend the great Humanist to the Mech
Councillor, who welcomed him most heartily, and made h
stay for some time at his mansion. It has already been m
tioned that More admired its literary and numismatic treasur
composing an epigram in praise of that collection, an
second to extol the house and the works of art it contained as
the best in their various kinds. In a third he beseeches his
host not to hide his literary work like one does a virgin in a
closet : Musae jama tuae toto debetur ab orbe, he declares, and
judges that by not allowing his nymph, for mere shyness,
to come into the open and join Diana, he also deprives
Minerva of what can honour her by her intelligence, wit and
grace : sensu, leftore, gratia 4). Thus the verses which Busleyden
put up as inscriptions or as texts in the stained-glass windows
all over the mansion, pleased More to such extent that he
stated that
*) Letter of September 28, 1516 : Epp. 79, -9.

) It made the executors of Busleyden's will offer 25 to Erasmus :
'Jtem betaelt heeren Herasmo van diuerse diensten den testatuer
gedaen jn zijnen leuene ende nade doot... xxv ' : Ilek., 36, r.
3) Having been appointed ambassador on May 7, 1515, More started
on May 12, and reached Bruges on May 18 ; he was at Gravelines on
his way back on October 24 : Brewer, 11, 422, 473-4, 678, 1059, 1067.
4) Cp. before, 44.
More and his Utopia 81
Disticha, quodque notant opus,

Si non composuit, composuisse
The manuscript of the Lusus, as it

municated to him : before he let
added on the fly-leaf opposite the tit
what Busleyden wrote either in ve
him as a gloria rar a of his native c
in poems offered to his host that h
he did so about February 17, 1516
which he declared that, although
from his family during a lengthy em
pleased by several things of which o
up friendship with Busleyden, who
adorned by excellent workmansh
cellent furniture, with objects of
very fond, and with a well-stocked
mind is far much richer than any
his knowledge and experience seems
conversation most agreeable, as it o
familiarity, of brillant wit and o
were the characteristics of his pers
taste ennobled his riches and effe
opulence 4).
62. Evidently the erudite En

his host's knowledge and sagacity
conversation between the two gre
guessed from More's letters and
more than art and antique lore was
part given to Busleyden in the
*) Move Luc., 260; it is clear that M

being too true a friend, to suggest mor
sensible man would express : namely : t
could not do better.
2) Carm. xxvni.
') Allen, n, 388, 140-146; Stapleton, 72 ; AioreChamb., 120;
Brewer, 11, i, 1552 ; cp. before, 44.
4) ErasHott., 106-107.
82 .'s Life 7
politics and the ide

diplomatists, thos
mere matter of cou
statemanship was
who, in his introd
monwealth must un
in the ruler, Fort
private individual
book appeared in Lo
it was dedicated to
dated from Antwer
matter closed with
More 4), which Er
9, 1516, to polish :
lima tersissimi eloq
Busleyden often
does not prevent h
spirit of the Utopia
the scholars, of the
people whom the a
of the civilization a
could compare wit
days whom More sa
of the most intere
Mechlin host 6).
63. In a letter
time when the prin
proofs were sent ro
their opinion, Tho
about his appreciat
expresses his joy he
') MoreLwc., 162, sq

2) Allen, 11, 461, pr
3) Epp. 80.
4) Epp. 81. That lette
evidently written aft
cp. Stapleton, 45-46.
) Epp. 82, j2"i4 ' Alle
6) MoreChamb., 120,
More and his Utopia 83
his friend Peter Gillis ; and he adds

placere et mihi'. He then continues :
probet, an Buslydius, an Cancellari
betur supra votum est, hominibus ta
publicis suis primos ducant ordine
they favour the book because they a
a republic like Utopia, would certainl
now, in their dignities, great thou
are actually great, they have as colleagues and even
as superiors in authority and power, great humbugs, magnos
nebulones 2). Nor do I believe, More continues, that these
three men would be disappointed to have only few sub
jects, and no slaves at all in my Republic, since it is far more
honorable to rule over free men, 'ac longe absint tam boni viri
ab ea inuidia vt optent male esse aliis, quum sibi sit bene.
Spero igitur fore vt illis etiam placeat opus nostrum; quod
mirum in modum cupio' 3). It thus appears that Busleyden
was placed by a shrewd and discerning judge like More, on
one level with England's greatest statesman, and with the
Chancellor John le Sauvage, whom Prince Charles had just
entrusted with the first dignity of his immense empire 4).
And that More was not moved in the least by the pomp and
power which result from a monarch's favour, follows from the
conclusion of his remark, stating that if their present happy
condition should make those three highly esteemed men
disapprove of his book, he is abundantly compensated by
Erasmus' judgment. 'Nos duo', he tells him, 'turba sumus apud
animum meum ; qui mihi videor feliciter posse tecum in
solitudine viuere' 5).
64. Such an appreciation about the ability of a statesman,

not brought out in the glare of courtly formality, but in the
*) Allen, n, 481, 62-6

2) Allen, 11, 481, 68-70 : quum in suis <ordinibus> quanticumque sint
(sunt sane magni) magnos tarnen habeant nebulones authoritate et
potentia pares, vt ne dicam superiores.
) Allen, 11, 481, 70-75.
4) Cp. before, 26, for Tunstall, and further, 72, 73, 75, for
Sau vage.
) Allen, 11, 481, 75-79.
84 .'s Life 7
confidential secret o
More had greatly b
and the experience
new world, not so m
of policy, and econo
compare with that
It is very signific
great book, More d
elder colleague, Tuns
and, maybe, even its
by the 20th of that
Nusquaquam had be
seemed probable eno
It follows that the
and advice only to t
and that it is to th
the wish that his wo
laude, no doubt b
set a pluribus non litteratis modo, sed etiam his qui
sint ab administranda republica cele
brati'3). He evidently had in mind Busleyden
friends, no doubt, forestalled his own acknowledgm
they decided on dedicating the book to the Mechlin
by a letter from the very man to whomwas ascribed
occasion that led to show whence spring the evils of
If More had intended merely explaining his opinion
state of things in England, there had been no ne
further authority than that of his own experienc
generalized his principles, and extended his view f
the limits of his native isle, he made ample use of
and the information he had gathered during the
months he had spent on this side of the Channel.
it was the reason why, after the Utopia had app
asked Erasmus on January 13,1517, to convey his
*) Allen, n, 467, 20-21 : gestio scire an Tunstallo oste

saltern (quod fecisse puto) depinxeris ; cp. Hearnshaw, 136
a) Hearnshaw, 137-138.
3) Allen, 11, 467, 14-17.
4) Epp. 80.
Beneficent Service 85
Paludanus and even to Peter Gill

towards his book; but wrote himself to Busley
den : g i per epistolam Buslidio nostra
g r a t i a s Unfortunately that evidently most interesting
document is lost x). So are most probably the letters o
Busleyden which Thom. Stapleton quotes amongst his sources
for his Vita Thomae Mori 1588 : as such he mentions sever
autograph letters of the illustrious martyr, which were then
in the keeping of Dorothy Coly, John Harris's widow 2), and
the attestation of contemporary writers who sketched h
life 3), or referred to his works 4); to them he joins: 'varia
denique doctorum virorum epistolas, Gulielmi Budaei, B. Rh
nani, Hieronymi Buslidij, Petri /Egidij, Simonis Grinse
& aliorum' 5). Unless allusion is made by those epistolce to the
prefatory matter of the Utopia of 1516, and its two reprints
Paris, 1517 6), and Basle, 1518 7),which, however, would not
explain the reference to GrynseusStapleton's statement sug
gests that the originals, or at least copies, of letters from thos
great men to the famous English Statesman were then sti
preserved amongst the papers of his secretary John Harris 8)
8. PUBLIC ACTIVITY
65. Busleyden meanwhile continued discharging

duties of his office with all possible care and conscientio
and kept himself most obligingly at the disposal of the P
*) Allen, Ii, 513, 6-g ; Brewer, 11, 2773.

2) Cp. ActaMori, 69, 84-85, 112.
") Namely Erasmus in his Epistolae, enriched by those pub
in More/.mc., at Basle, 1563 ; further Paulus Jovius, in his de
Illustribus, and Gulielmus Paradinus 'in Exegemate de rebus
nicis' : Stapleton, 8-9.
*) Stapleton mentions 'Reginaldum Polum contra Henricum
Ioannem Cochlaeum contra Sampsonem': Stapleton, 9 ; ActaM
26-27, 87-88.
s) Stapleton, 9.
) Cp. prefaces to Epp. 81 and 82 ; Allen, 11, 461, pr, 111,
27. 785. H> sq.
') RhenE, 102-4; the only mention of Busleyden in RhenE
in the letter of Erasmus of August 23, 1517, announcing hi
ing left for Spain ; RhenE, 97.
8) Cran., Ixxxvi, 115, a, b.
86 .'s Life 8
and of the auth

as he, actually
Italy the spirit
was spreading,
left to the whim
rulers of the Ne
forward policy,
and prompted
and people. Th
sound modern
of councillors l
nots, who in th
to bear their ri
tion and that s
which their ch
The success of
glory and renow
never admitted
trusty clever h
and his colleagu
mention of som
half of July 15
the Provost of Aire was entrusted with the honour of wel
coming him by a speech in the Ducal Palace 2). Some weeks
later, in the first days of August, he was chosen to greet
in Prince Charles's name the papal Legate Cardinal Bernar
dino de Carvajal on his arrival in Mechlin 3) ; he even offered
the hospitality of his mansion, which that great personage
accepted and made use of for the whole length of his
stay 4) ; having received a letter from his eminent guest on
his return to Rome, Busleyden wrote to him in the latter half
of February 1509 5), as well as afterwards, in April 1512,
when he condoled with him for the loss of his title under
*) Moeller, 222; ErasRott., 106-107; MargvOK, 206, 227, 313, 318,57;

cp. further, 167.
2) Orat. C; cp. MargvOK, 314.
3) Orat. D ; Epp., 54, b-i ; cp. MargvOK, 314.
*) Epp. 70, 43. 6) Epp. 54.
Embassies 87
Jules II x) ; of the
congratulating him
66. Occasionally
was amongst the n
VIII on his accession
went to offer the w
when at the death o
I, 1515, he ascende
formal visits he wa
as can be deduced fr
does not seem to b
some damage was do
of Chimay, by the
France near Therou
was claimed from
who were just then
Provost of Aire', n
Governor of Artois,
lands 4), and Jerom
June 15, 1514, the
to Henry VIII, and
before to the amb
67. In February
to be sent to Henr
Charles of Austria,
'Sir Edward Ponyn
J) Epp. 60.
s) Epp. 70.
) Brewer, 1, 224, s
1509, Henry VIII marr
last wish, on June 11,
No doubt Erasmus ref
he mentioned to Wols
apud vos legatione fun
*) Cp. further, 90.
*) The Prince of Chi
gave little encouragem
de Themseke, ordina
plication for him : Bre
88 .'s Life 8
and Warden of
was sending on
du Roeulx 2), F
the next day, F
Netherlands, T
should be mad
Croy, Lord du
fellow', evid
sent on to visit
of which very
letter to Erasm
their common f
nunc ad Princip
68. Besides t
services to his P
1515, Charles w
of his estates : w
4, 1515, Busley
sance in the nam
he had become the eldest ecclesiastical councillor, named in
a list dated March 27, 1516 9), he was chosen as professional
') Sir Edward Poynings or Ponynges (1459-1521) : DNB.

2) Brewer, 11, 1541 and 1478 : cp. before, 48 ; also a few lines
further here.
3) Brewer, 11, 1539.

4) Ferry de Croy Lord 'du Roeulx', one of the chief noblemen of
the Netherlands, Knight of the Golden Fleece, owed his importance
to his office of 'Great and First Master of Charles of Austria's House
hold' ; he was, besides, Governor of the County of Artois, and Field
Marshal (marechal de l'ost, equivalent to the Connetable of France):
Moeller, 139, 330; Gachard, 503, 512 ; Walther, 63.
') Brewer, 11, 1541. Cp. before 48, and a few lines higher, here.
*) Allen, 11, 388, 147.
') Already in 1505 or 1506, he refers to his frequent displacings, in
so far that the precious books lent him by Abbot de Hondt are safer
chained up in the Abbey than free in his custody : 'quam apud me
diutius morando libertate frui, hucque nunc atque illuc mecum
uagari' : Epp. 26,10-13.
8) Orat. ; Henne, 11, 69-70, 92-93 ; Gachard, 14.
) MalConM, 40-41.
Embassies & Missions 89
Councillor together with Frederic o

the nearest prince of blood, to go
of the duchy of Luxemburg, and to
new Duke Charles, who did not w
Spain. They left Brussels on June 1
i, 1516 x). In December of that
sent on a mission to Utrecht : with
he fulfilled it, can be derived from
later, on August 4,1517, his confide
Josel, canon of Antwerp cathedral
Duurstede to see the Bishop so as
Busleyden and communicate his me
was not there, Josel journeyed on
heard that the Bishop Frederic I
there, and he wished to deliver the
At that time Busleyden himself
what was going to be his last journ
had namely been appointed as on
and ordinary masters of request o
Austria4), chosen to accompany
was going to take possession of the
') Moeller, 254-54 J Brewer, 11. 2635 ;

was not exactly a pleasure trip, for L
from the inroads of the French and their allies, in so far that in that
same year Busleyden's cousin, the receiver Nicolas de Naves, protecting
an estate and lordship coveted by the officers of France and Rethel,
was taken prisoner by a Gelderland captain, and only released against
a heavy ransom : cp. 83. On that account the Prince Palatine and
Busleyden had to be escorted by a strong body-guard : Henne, ix, 169.
2) Cp. further, 76, sq, 93.
3) Iiek., i^r.v. 'Jtem de selue Mr. adriaen <Josel> es gereyst geweest
na wijck iiija augustj vut last vanden testatuer jn zyne absentie met
zeker desselfs testatuers brieuen van credentien aen mynen heer van
vutrecht aldair hij vaceerde gaende staende en comende tsamen
daigen betaelt voor waghen ende cost vj / Jtem de selue m. adriaen
js gereyst jn persoen tot middelborch omde saken vanden testatuer
verbeydende aldair mijnen heer van vutrecht aldair liij was zoe int
Reysen zoe bliuende tsamen xj daghen ende verteert by hem tsamen
ix'.
4) Walter, 213 : le prevost d'Aire : list of the Prince's Council, dated
June 21, 1517. Thus Jerome left Mechlin Great Council, where
he was replaced on June 1 by Adrian de Roubaix, and entered
the Privy Council : cp. 74.
go .'s Life 9
9. THE LAST JOURNEY
Testament Signed
69. Though ready to comply with the wish of his Liege

Lord, the Councillor was afraid of meeting his fate in the
country where his brother had died fifteen years before.
On that account he wanted to secure and realize a scheme
which he had been contemplating for some time, namely the

founding of an institution that was to ensure stability to the
study and teaching of language and literature, which had been
his great joy and consolation throughout his life. Erasmus,
who had suggested that magnificent use of the wealth he had
gathered, probably also had pointed out the only form which
could afford vitality to such a foundation, namely that of well
established professorships in the University, besides the
necessary provision for scholars. As to the practical arrange
ment, he without doubt advised what to any unprejudiced
onlooker would have appeared as the most efficient solution,
namely grafting the foundation on the existing College of
St. Donatian's in Louvain *), which, for lack of means, was
sadly declining, and had not been able to keep anything like
the regular number of bursars for several years. That pitiful
state had obtruded itself to him during the time that he was
the guest of its president, his friend John Paludanus 2), from
1502 to 1504 ; and he still saw for himself what was going on
after twelve years of absence ; it looked as if any help offered to
save that College from its impending ruin, would be most
welcome. No doubt the advice was gratefully received, and
Busleyden applied to John Stercke 3), who was then president,
with the request to draw up a sketch of the rules of the found
ation, in the supposition that it was to be inserted on the old
institution.
70. John Stercke, one of Erasmus' staunch friends,

made the draft on the strength of his own experience of the
management of the College and of his acquaintance with Uni
') Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. hi.

s) Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. ; ULDoc., iv, 314-315.
3) Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. 1 ; and further, 71, 93.
Testament & Foundation 91
versity life; it was submitted toBusley

being copied out again, it was revised
time x), before it was finally inserte
Jerome de Busleyden dictated, signed
on June 22, 1517,0 the eve of starting
He was comparatively young yet, no
fifties, and he seems to have regretted
of larger means for his foundation. The
inherited from his father and his broth
had been enlarged by what his prefer
had been liberally used towards the buil
of his mansion. Although he hoped to
funds for the plan 3), he wanted to secu
case before he went on the journey
71. The will made on June 22,1517

ed of two very distinct parts : one ex
wishes about his burial and the disposal o
to his family, his friends and his servant
the founding and endowing of his instit
about the composition of his Collegiu
discipline, the financial standing and the
he prescribed 5). As executors Jerom
three staunch friends : his former fam
Josel6), canon of Our Lady's, Antwer
his confidential helper and assistant in m
he himself could not personally attend
Nicolas de Nispen, secretary of the Bi
1) The three subsequent texts written by N

(.Rek., 35 v), and corrected by Busleyden,
1434 ; they will be edited in HisTriLov., cha
2) NeveMe'm., 375-383. He provided in it
vants, especially his faithful footman Arno
his chaplain Philip Fourdin : Rek., 22 v.
3) Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. 1.
4) Viz., Will; cp. also further, 99.
6) Viz., Test. Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. 1.
) He signs his name 'Adrianus Joseph' ;
and probably had known Busleyden whe
cp. further, 93, and HisTriLov., chapt. 1.
92 .'s Life 9
nected with the Syn

and his faithful cham
he had had appoint
For the case that th
the College of Arras or on St. Do
natian's, it was stipulated that, as
fourth executor, should be taken either
the Dean of St. Rombaut's, John
Robbyns, 'provisor' of the former 3),or
John Stercke of Meerbeke, president of
the latter4). That will, dictated by
Jerome de Busleyden, was provided
with his subscription and his signature,
as well as with his ordinary seals : that
of Archdeacon of Cambrai, and the
oblong one of Provost of Aire in red
wax on a black silk cord. It was more
over authenticated by the apostolic
Seal
SaRLof
OFsML
fltR* of
f\ IR furs Provost
Provost
PROVOST
Cv.)
and imperial notary Walter de Ridder, CY->
Militis, in presence of the witnesses Henry van Haecht,
priest, Nicolas Wary of Marville, clericus of Treves diocese 5),
and Giles Cupere, clericus of Cambrai diocese and citizen
of Mechlin 6).
4) Busleyden, no doubt, made his acquaintance through his brother

the Archbishop of Besangon ; he was intimately connected with a
relative John van Nispen, who had become dean of St. Oedenrode :
cp. further, 93 ; Carm. II, d, iii; HisTriLov., chapt. 1.
2) Cp. Epp. 35, a, c ; and further, 76, sq, 93 ; also HisTriLov.,
chapts. I, sq.
Cp. before, 53.
4) Cp. before, 69.
5) He was a student of Louvain and seems to have been in connec
tion with Busleyden as a scribe, possibly as a dependant; most pro
bably he served as messenger and had brought to Mechlin the final
draught made by Stercke which was inserted in Busleyden's will :
he consequently is paid 5 philips, or 'vj s', by common consent of
the executors for several services rendered to the testator in various
ways ; also for writing his will and for other things : Rek. 35, v.
He succeeded Stercke as president of the Trilingue on January 21,
1526, and died in that office on November 30, 1529 : HisTriLov.,
chapts. i, xi-xiii.
a) Cp. further, 99.
John le Sauvage 93
Way to Spain
72. Whilst Charles of Austria with his retinue was waiting

for several weeks at Middelburg for a favourable wind to sail
to the country of which he had become king at the death of his
grandfather Ferdinand J, his trusty adviser, the Great Chan
cellor John le Sauvage, Sylvagius, was already on his way to
Spain to prepare things for his arrival. Born in 1455, that
John le Sauvage, Lord of Schoubeke, Itterbeek, Ligny 2), and,
since 1516, of Sterrebeek 3), had been first member and then
President of the Council of Flanders ; he had shown great
ability in preparing the treaty of Westminster, of May 1506,
favouring trade between England and the Netherlands4),
and was consequently promoted President of the Privy
Council on June 24, 1508 5). In October and November of the
same year, he was sent on a mission to England in view of the
Treaty of Cambrai that was scheming 6). On May 22, 1509 he
succeeded John van der Vorst as Chancellor of Brabant 7).
73. As a favourer of a pro-French policy, Sauvage was,

for several years, highly disliked by Margaret of Austria 8),
who wished him to resign either of his offices, and even
*) After taking leave of the States General at Ghent on June 16,1517,

Charles arrived by Bruges and Sluys at Middelburg on July 4, 1517,
but embarked only on September 7, 15x7 : Moeller, 289, sq, 311, sq.
2) He was the son of John and of Jacqueline de Boulongne ; he
married Antoinette d'Oignies, daughter of Francis, Lord of Ligny,
and of Marie, Lady of Herines, who died on June 17, 1531, leaving
a son John.
3) Henne 1, 64 : he bought in that year the high justice of that lord
ship from Philip van der Meeren.
4) Henne, 1, 87, by letters of April 4, 1506.
5) Henne, i, 194 ; Walther, 92, 101 : he succeeded Thomas de
Plaine.
) Henne, 1, 201; MargvOK, 316, 324.

') Henne, 1, 219 ; Cran., 66, 10.
8) That did not prevent that his son was amongst the few whose
poetry seems to have been agreeable to Margaret : in her Album
there is a small poem beginning : Tant de gens savaige en ce monde &c,
ascribed to 'sauvage fils du president de Brabant' : E. Gachet,
Albums et CEuvres Poetiques de Marguerite d'Autriche : Bruxelles,
1849 : xi, 55.
94 .'s Life 9
applied on that a
have Gerard de Plaine appointed ; still Sauvage was
merely replaced during his absence, and not before 1514
did he transmit his Chancellorship of Brabant to Jerome
van der Noot, Lord of Risoir1). At the emancipation of
Archduke Charles he rose again in favour : on January
I7. 1515, he became Great Chancellor of Burgundy, and,
in 1516, Chancellor of Castile. From then on he had a
leading part in all affairs. He negociated a convention,
Febr. 13, 1516, and a treaty, April 19, 1516, with the English
ambassadors, who had come in May 1515 to Bruges at the
veering of the policy of the House of Austria 2) : one of them,
Sir Thomas Spinelly described him on June 8, 1519, as :
man of great prudence and experience, plain and true, and
that had no fellow like him in all the King's country beyond
sea' 3). Still he then openly favoured a friendly policy with
France ; he attended the solemnizing of the Treaty of Noyon
with Francis I, at Brussels on January 26,1517, and was sent
to the interview of Cambrai in February, where a Treaty was
concluded on March 11, 15174). Some questions were still
hanging about the execution of those treaties when Charles
was ready to leave for Spain ; he therefore was sent in advance
to France, and left the Netherlands on June 19,1517. He was
to be rejoined there by the ecclesiastical councillor Jerome de
') Brewer, , 40-4660 ; Henne, 1, 219-20 ; Alexandre, 18 ; Walther,

92, 101 ; Cran., 114, a. Don Fray Prudencio de Sandoval, Hisioria de
la Vida del Emperador Carlos V : Pampeluna, 1618 : 1, ii, 40, 101, ac
cuses Sauvage of selling openly all offices and appointments through
Sucket : cp. further, 74, 95, sq ; no doubt, his political sympathies
displeased as much the Spaniards as they did Margaret. Still the
fact that Charles on his emancipation gave him unequivocal proofs
of great esteem, and the judgment of the English Royal agent Thomas
Spinelly, referred to in the following lines, make the accusation appear
greatly exaggerated, as the Spanish historian describes Sucket 'por
cuya mano se hazian estas ventas', as 'el conduto, y en nuestra
lengua, albnar de las immundicias, que quando ay tales tratos
corren' : Henne, 1, 220.
2) Henne, , 88, 150, 162, 163 ; Walther, 34, 101, 150, 212 ; Alexan
dre, 18 (his son), 21.
3) Brewer, 11, ii, 4218 (p 1309).
*) Henne, 11, 152, 174-77.
Antony Suchet 95
Busleyden, and by his frie

Antony Sucket, with both
way to Spain x).
74. This Antony Sucket

Mechlin physicians 2). His gr
of Rouen diocese,had come to
Arts of Paris University; h
ten years 5), but turned me
moted doctor in September
that branch on January 26
filled academic career 8) by a
1) Moeller, 253-54, 292 J MalCo

2) ., i6g ; ULDoc., 11, 1
Doctor ; his mother was Aleide
3) The name is also written Suc
*) ULMatr., 104, 12.
5) He was admitted by the Facu
as regens for 1431-32, and 1432-
38 ; in the meantime he may hav
at medecine ; at any rate on October 8, 1438, he requested to be
allowed teaching logic in his own house, which was granted, on con
dition to read once or twice a month 'pro forma in scolis consuetis' :
ULDoc., 11, 206, 208, 210, 214, 217-19, 273. He promoted licenciate in
medecine in 1441, which proves that he had studied that science for
several years.
) VAnd., 227. The Bishop of Cambrai, John VIII of Burgundy,
came to attend that promotion ; the Louvain authorities made him
a present in wine, and also contributed towards the banquet offered
by the new doctor : ULDoc., 11, 148.
') He is mentioned in the Town accounts for his lectures, as successor
to Henry van Oesterwyc, at the very low fees of fifty guilders a year,
from 1442 (January 26) to September 2, 1444 ; after that date no
lectures in medecine are mentioned in the town records until 1456,
probably as a result of the institution of two lectures paid by two
prebends in St. Peter's, decreed by Pope Eugene IV in 1443, which
caused the appointment of Adam Bogaert in 1444, and of John
Stockelpotin 1445 : VAnd., 221-2. No doubt Sucket continued tutoring,
occasionally lecturing, and, for certain, professing, medecine, re
maining a member of the Faculty : ULDoc, 11, 77-86, 193, 196-97.
8) Flaving passed from the Faculty of Arts to that of Medecine by
Febr. 1441, Sucket was appointed Dictator Universitatis on May 27,
1441, which function he resigned before June 17, 1447; his feesuna
libra grossorum being granted to him on June 22 ; the University
g6 .'s Life 9
cided on in Dec. 1547

at Mechlin 2). His g
on July 30, 1488 3),
no doubt, of law, h
councillor of the to
Walle, or Wale, d'Axp
were born in that to
until 1515 6). In that
and protector John
laborator of the Gr
Councillor, ordinar
Charles of Austria 8
one of the council t
Spain, and with his
directed to rejoin the
lords and officials,
had no end of trouble t

364. For the Faculty of
1441, as well as on Februarj' 28, 1447, and continued on May 27
following : ULAct., I, 402, 11, 66, 77, 352, 354 ; he often was chosen
as deputy for the rectorial elections and as Judex Appellationis, e. g,(
ULAct., 11, 2, 30, 48, 54, 56, &c. Cp, VAnd., 36-37, 50; Vern., 64,
238 ; ULDoc., I, 253, 2,55, 313.
*) ULAct., 11, 104, 119; he was still in Rome on May 24, 1448,
probably about a question of jurisdiction.
2) The acutus Suchet, who matriculated in 1447, and the Denis
Suchet, who was inscribed in 1450 : ULMatr., 31, 24, 190, 13 ; ULAct.,
11, 134, 197, may have been John's sons.
3) Excerpts, 90.
4) BrugSDon., 251 (de Walle dite Axpoele) ; Bruglnscr., 1, 140 (de
Waele dite Axpoele).
6) LiblntHI, 250 ; Charles was born about 1508.
6) BrugEst., 420, 448-49 (1512-1514) ; Henne, 11, 127 (1515).
') Evil tongues said that Sucket was used by Sauvage as go
between to hide a hideous traffic of offices and favours : Henne, 1,
220, 11, 201 ; cp. before, 73.
8) ConPri., I, 63-64 (with coat of arms) ; ConPriT., 65 ; Gachard,
509; Walther, 213; Henne, 11, 201 ; Alexandre, 18; Bergh, 11, 155,
sq ; MalConF, 33. Sucket bore as crest gules with a saltire, or, and
twelve bezants, silver, three and three.
") Moeller, 292 ; Brewer, 11, 3327, 3343, 3417 ; cp. before, 73, and
further, 95, sq.
Death and Burial 97
Barbier 1), they left on th

to prepare with the Chance
Austria in Spain 2). Erasmus
to his friend Beatus Rhena
pension as Imperial Councillo
Chancellor Sauvage, expres
the latter's journey to Spain,
escorted by two of his dea
Jerome de Busleyden 3).
Death at Bordeaux
75. Unfortunately Jerome de Busleyden was laid u

Bordeaux with pleurisy, which seems to have been epid
and he died there on August 27, 1517 4), after having ma
codicil to his will, adding to his executors the two colle
who were with him 5). The Chancellor Sauvage could
see to the dispositions taken at Bordeaux for the funer
his friend, since he himself fell ill in Spain 6), and di
Saragossa on June 7, 1518 7).
4) Cran., 8g, a-d ; Allen, ill, 628, 51-52, 695, 34 ; RhenE, 97-98
2) Busleyden was paid as Councillor until June 24 : Rek., 6
Adrian de Roubaix appears to have been nominated on June 1, 1
to take Busleyden's place at the Great Council : MalConR, 1
3) RhenE, 97-98 ; Allen, hi, 628, 49-62.
4) HisTriLov., chapt. 1 ; Moeller, 84-86, 292; EVAllen, 156-
MalConM, 28, 41 r, ; MalConR, 11-14.
5) The inventory of the documents of the Trilingue describes
under : Jtem eenen brief vander stadt van bourdeaulx beseghelt
met des Conincx zeghel ende onderteekent by Johannes Douzeau
clericus Maleastensis dioc., zijnde een codicil gemaect bijden voerscr.
fundateur jn walschen, van den date xv C xvij den xxvijen dach der
maent Augustj ; Inv., 1, r.
*) Brewer, 11, 2685, 2765.
') Brewer, 11, 4218, 4244 (Spinelly, 8 June : The Chancellor has fallen
sick of a hot fevre... he died yesterday to the regret of all). Cp. before
72_73 1 ConPri., 1, 19-21 (with armorial bearings); ConPriT., 61-62 ;
BrabCon., 1, 43-45 ; Le Glay ; SweABelg., 475 ; SweMon., 283, and
BruxBas., 1, 80-81 (both quoting his epitaph in St. Gudula's, Brussels) ;
Allen, 11, 410, pr ; Thibaut, 53 ; MalConC, 37 ; &c. Although some
what disappointed ( 59 ; Allen, ix, 2613, 8-15), Erasmus dedicated to
him, in gratitude for his protection, the new edition of Institutio Prin
cipis Christiani (Basle, July, 1518). Some of Sauvage's relatives are
mentioned in SwcMon., 284 ; BruxBas., 1, 47, 30.
98 .'s Life 9
76. As it was the wish of the deceased to be buried in

Mechlin in case he should die on this side the Pyrenees, it was
decided that his chamberlain Bartholomew van Vessem, who
had accompanied him, would take back the body, in a leaden
coffin *), as well as the smaller valuables. He was an executor
of the will, and consequently took in hand the management of
the affairs. With Sucket he made an inventory of what had
belonged to his master. With the help of the clerk of the
outlay in Busleyden's service, they drew up a list of the gold
and silver coins,of the jewels and of all the precious objects 2).
As it was not possible to take back to the Netherlands all the
belongings, three chests, filled with dresses and lighter goods,
were sent by sea from Bordeaux to Middelburg 3), whereas
the more cumbersome objects, comprising kitchen utensils,
a bed and its bedding, besides riding dresses and such com
modities as were likely to be helpful to the party that was to
continue the way to Spain, were entrusted to Antony Sucket4).
Meanwhile van Vessem started on the way back with Bus
leyden's servants and ten horses 5). With his sad trust, he
reached Mechlin on September 21, and appeared already on
the next day with his co-executor Adrian Josel and the notary
Walter Militis before the Dean John Robbyns 6) and the Chap
ter of St. Rombaut's in the capitular room, offering Bus
leyden's will; it was examined and recognized as authentic
1) Rek., \ \ ... vander dootscrijne...dair jnne dlijck metter loeten

kisten geset was...
2) Rek., r, : Jnden jersten stellen de voirs, testamenteurs voer
ontfanck alle de penningen van goude ende andere beuonden jn des
testatuers boegette tot bordeeus aldair hij afliuich werdt die heer
Anthonys sucket Ridder ende bartholomeeus van vessem aldair
deden Jnuentarieeren by henricken scellinck clerck des deepens des
voirs. testateurs met meer ander juwelen van ringhen ende dierge
lijcke... tsamen dese somme vanden ducaten vij C vj xi s vi d'.
s) Rek., 47, : Jtem den coopman galeeron vander vracht vanden
vors, drie cofieren <metten bagagien) gebracht tscepe van bordeaux
tot middelborch tsamen iiij Rg. vj st.
s) Cp. further, 95.
4) Rek., 16, r : Jtem betaelt voer de costen van thien peerden jnt
gemeyn van xxja septembris vors. dat zij quamen metten Lijcke tot
datse vercocht waeren...
*) Cp. further, 99.
Death and Burial 99
on the strength of his hand

attestation ; consequently i
fully effected, in presence o
John Jansen, Johannis, Ni
priests, and Simon Reys, ver
77. The first care of t

solemn funeral: after the Of
Mass, celebrated on Septem
baut's, draped in black, am
by mourners and friends,
candles 3), the body was lai
high altar 4). The grave was
with brass after a design by
pattern and worked out on
broiderer Archangel, an Ital
the polished stone in Antw
') MechlMS, r-2 ; cp. furth

2) Rek., 28, f-29, r ; cp. HisTr
3) Cp. further, 78.
4) V And-E#., 6 ; eveMem., 4
that the executors were not gr
they should have liked.
6) Rek., 96, r : Jtem mr. Jan
scriuen zeker patroonen ende t
serck dwelc hij heeft moeten h
gen die plaetse gecoren totten
begrepen zeker vciagien by hem
xxxvj Van Vessem made tw
the drawing, and another to 'sa
contenteeren', who probably
wanted ; a third visit was nece
brass from Antwerp to Brusse
) Rek., 96, r : Jtem archange
Keysers van te hebben geschre
nade ordinantie van mr. gielijs
account the brass plate was ta
returned with the drawing t
inlaid in the tombstone : Rek.,
') Rek., 96, : Jtem tot antwe
den voirs. sarck vander sepul
naede schilderye daerop gemaec
men sien mach elken voet om
.'s Life 9
instructions, one of
stone after two win
those wings the pa
of the (house known
coat of arms of the
on the one wing and
which Erasmus had c
in answer to Giles d
of making one or m
pleasure 3).
78. A few months later Erasmus sent to Giles a Greek

epitaph, and a corrected version of the first (Latin) one(=a),
to which one line was added (= ). The text, which was also
sent to John Robbyns, dean of Mechlin, on March 26, 1518,
is as follows4) :
seer groot js ende het gegraueert thien voeten jndelengde ende voe
ten jnde breyde houdt soe gedraecht de somme sonder de voirs.
schilderye j C lb.
4) Rek., 17, : Jtem betaelt Jan den scrijnmaker... van ij dueren
aent groot tauereel met hueren lijsten Jnden choire hangende byde
sepultuer... Jtem vanden slootken leekens ende een cremmeken aen
te sluyten tvoirs tauereel iij s. -Rek., 96, v. : Jtem van een slootken
gemaict ende geslagen opt tauereel nietten epitaphie staende jnde
muer byde sepultuir ende van tselue tauereel vast te doen maken
met yser metter Stoffen altsamen s.
2) Rek., 17, : 'Jtem henr. Jnt gulden hoot schilder van te hebben
gemaect binnen opte vors. dueren op deen zijde de figuer van den
testatuer ende op dander het epitaphie met gulden letteren ende
buyten eenen Jngel metten wapene sluyten... betaelt xxx . Cp. 46.
3) Allen, hi, 699, 19-29 : = ; the epitaph counts seven verses ;
for three words an equivalent is added.
4) The text of the Greek and of the Latin () epitaph, as quoted
here, is reproduced in EE, 377, F - 378, E ; bveMem., 45 ; Allen, 111
804, 18-42- A first draught of the Latin, with an equivalent for some
words, was sent by Erasmus to Giles de Busleyden about November
1517 : Allen, ill, 699, 22-30 (= a). The second and revised form
(without equivalents), reproduced in Allen, ill, 804, 34-42 (= ), is
quoted also by SweMon., 254-55, with the mention that it was added
to the picture representing the founder in the Trilingue.
Funeral Monument
Epitaphivm
Ad Pictam Imaginem Clarissimi Viri
Hieronymi Bvslidiani
Propositi Ariensis Et Consiliarii Regis Catholici
Fratris Reverendissimi Patris Ac Domini Francisci
Archiepiscopi Qvondam Bizontini
Qvi Lovanii Magnis Impendiis Institvit Collegivm
In Qvo Pvblice Tres Lingvo Doceantvr
Hebraica Gr.eca Latina
TPIMETPOI
,
" .
,
' .
,
,

' '
.
TROCHAICI TETRAMETRI
Nominis Buslidiani proximum primo decus,

Itane nos orbas virenti raptus aeuo, Hierany
Literse, genus, senatus, aula, plebs, ecclesia
Aut suum sydus requirunt aut patronuna flagi
Nescit interire quisquis vitam honeste iiniit :
Fama virtutum perennis viuet vsque posteri
Eruditio trilinguis triplici facundia
Te loquetur, cuius opibus restituta refloruit.
To this large picture, hung up near the grave,

painting was added representing Busleyden's coa
Textual Notes 2 Itane nos]; a Sic tuos 2 orbas]/

for choice, linquis 4 sydus]j8 ; adds lumen 5 Nescit.
abest in a 7 facundia]j8 ; a adds prseconio 8 restitu
diit ac
102 .'s Life 9
surmounted by his p
deBruyne, painter,
the Gilt Head, who p
Sixty years later the
brass over the tomb
soldiery 3).
79. The solemn funeral service in Mechlin, ending up in

the burial by the side of the altar, was marked by an exception
al generosity in the observation of the customary liberalities :
wax candles 4) and hangings were offered to the church 5) ;
loaves of bread and money, to the poor 6), and black dresses,
to the executors and friends, as well as to the servants and the
old retainers7),besides the copious repast to all those who took
part in the function 8). A few days later a second solemn
service was held in St. Gudula's, Brussels, where the deceased
had been canon and treasurer, at the request and for the
r) Rek., 17, : Item betaelt Henricke de bruyne schilder van een.

grooten wapen des testatuers gemaect jn een tauereel van houte
metten prothonotar. hoet hangende oick by de sepultuer iiij xv s.
Besides this large coat of arms 'the painter' who is not otherwise
named made six larger scutcheons to be hung on the pall during
the service, forty-one of the size of a 'blade', a leaf <possibly of an in
folio size) and 30 of half that size 'van eenen haluen blade', to
be attached to the torches : the amount for them was paid by Bar
tholomew (van Vessem) : Rek., 17, y.
2) Indeed, in the margin to / 17 of the Account, Rekening, only one
note mentioning the payment of the money : 'patet per quintanciam
jpsius henricj' (Rek. 17, v) is placed by the side of the second of two
items, one referring to 'Henricke de bruyne', and the other to 'henr.
Jnt gulden hoot'. Cp. 46.
3) Cp. Laenen, 1, 258, sq, 11, 126, sq.
4) Rek. 17, y, 43, r.
5) Rek., 20, y.
e) Rek., 18, r.
') Rek., 20, y-21, : 'Jtem tot Antwerpen gecocht zwert laken van
diuerse prijsen dair mede de dienaren des testatuers <and, amongst
them, even an old servant of the Archbishop of Besan<jon, Guillaume
Mahu) de executueren ende de vrienden gecleedt ende xxiiij tabbaer
den met cappruynen gemaect waeren'... &c ; black dresses were also
provided to poor men who carried torches in the funeral procession :
the cost amounted to over five hundred pounds.
8) Rek., 18, y, : the total expense came to nearly 333 pounds.
Legacies 103
benefit of his brot

been prevented
Meanwhile thirt
St. Rombaut's wi
each mass 2), and
dered by the will,
10. EXECUTION OF THE WILL
Legacies and Bequests
80. Most of the legacies to churches and convents were

executed at once : in St. Rombaut's an anniversary was found
ed as well as a solemn mass on St. Jerome's feastday 4) ;
one of Busleyden's robes in gold cloth was transformed into
two copes, each provided with his crest 5) ; the organ which
was in his large room over the portal was removed and placed
in the church at the expense of the succession 6), and a carver
adorned the screen with the figures of two angels holding up
a pyx 7) ; for services rendered the dean John Robbyns, who
was to have been one of the executors, was offered a silver
1) Rek., ig, r ; messenger had been sent to Brussels to invite Giles

to the funeral service : Rek., 39, v.
2) Rek., 19, r : Jtem noch by h. andries loorts ende h. philips fourdin
gedaen xxx missen jnden choire die telcken accedeerden de sepultuer
metten wijwater lesende eenen de profondis cum collecta voer de ziele
dair voer betaelt iiij .
3) Rek., 19, r : the sum of C was paid for those masses, viz.,
2 shillings each.
4) Rek., 23, : the amount came to 478 pounds.
s) Rek., 23, \ 12 pounds 12 shillings were spent on the arrangement.
) Rek., 25, r . the removing and placing cost 140 pounds : cp.
before, 42.
') Rek., 98, r : Jtem betaelt Jannen van louen van gemaict te heb
ben twee houten jngelen houdende een ciborie vanden sacramente
ende onder de wapenen des testateurs gestelt jnden stoel vanden
orgelen jn Ste Rombouts kerke byden testateur gegeuen iiij Ende
vanden seluen jnghelen te stofleeren ende te vergulden... tsamen
viij s. The organ in St. Rombaut's was destroyed at the sack
of 1580 ; when renewed, thirty years later, the case was once more
adorned by two angels carved in wood and painted : Laenen, 11,
307-308.
104 B-'s Life io
vessel1). To Busley
paid the three quires
which he had ordered
church of Aire, of w
remembered : an anniv
hundred pounds was g
enamelled 5), which
bishop, was bequeath
particle of the Holy
which the Church po
lics 7) : it is mention
weighing 14 marks an
it was used for the we
oldest relic of the H.
Alsace, which accordin
the treasurer John L
hebdomadal service 8
the funeral mass whic
substitute was fully p
') Rek., 24, r : to Jacob Robbynspossibly a brother of the

Dean were given a silver jug, gilt and enamelled, as well as six
'Rose nobles' for services rendered to the deceased, who had forgotten
to reward him, or to make him a legacy.
2) Rek., 37, r : Jtem betaeld van iij quaternen van den grooten
gescreuen sancboecken jnt perkament voer de kerke van Sint Jans
te mechelen... s.
3) Rek., 22, r : a sum of two hundred pounds was paid, besides ten
pounds for the anticipation of the first anniversary.
4) Rek., 22, r : the sum was paid in coins.
5) Rek., 22, r : blijct by quitancie van... een gulden cruys derseluer
kerke gelegateert ende jn specie geleuert : marginal note added
to the mention of the bequest of j C .
*) Cp. Will, 73, sq ; and before, 33.
') The Collegiate Church of Aire possessed a relic of the H. Cross in
a large silver shrine in the form of a Patriachal or Lorraine-cross;
it had been given by Count Philip of Alsace, to whom it was lent
again for his crusade; after his death before Ptolemais, in 1191, it
was brought back and returned. A second relic, in a gilt brass shrine,
was bestowed on St. Peter's in 1424 by Antony of Haveskerque
Lord of Fontaines and Flechin : AireSP., 75, 231-233.
8) AireSP., 234-35.
Bequests 105
caused by repairs
mansion x).
81 . To the parish-church of Steenbergen and to the other

churches of which Busleyden was canon, various bequests
were paid out 2), and so were those made to the Carmelite
convent of Arlon, where the three brothers had founded an
anniversary for their parents 3), as well as to the convent of
the same order at Marche, and to St. Martin's convent at
Treves4). The three begging orders in Mechlin were not for
gotten, nor was the Hanswyck community 5) ; still more liber
ally were treated the servants and the old servants, as well as
the child of one of them to whom the deceased had been god
father 6), whereas ample provision had been made already
during his life for the poor, of which the execution had been
entrusted to his confidential friend, the Antwerp canon Adrian
Josel 7).
82. The special bequests to Busleyden's relatives were

probably paid out without much delay : they comprized
the sum of 150 pounds stipulated to each of the four nieces,
daughters of his sisters Mary and Catherine 8), which was also
x) Reh., 36 : Jtem... een Rekeninghe... vanden seluen vicarijs...

van een vutuaert aldair gedaen ende van reparatien aender pros
dyen huys... ; cp. before, 32.
2) Rek., 22, r : one hundred pounds were paid to Steenbergen
church, thirty to the cathedral of Cambrai, twenty to St. Waudru's,
at Mns, twenty to St. Gudula's, Brussels, and twelve to St. Lambert's
of Liige.
3) Cp. before, 3 ; Rek., 22, : den conuente vanden Carmelieten
tot arelon... j C .
4) Rek., 23, r : the former received one hundred, the latter fifty
pounds.
5) Rek., 23, r : each order received ten pounds, Hanswyck seven,
measures of wine.
e) Rek., 22, , 23, r, 25 v.

') Will. 96, sq ; Rek., 22, : Josel had to distribute 300 pounds,
and was offered on that account fifty golden florins.
8) According to the Will, 136, sq, 600 florins were destined for the
daughters of the two younger sisters, and it was stipulated that each
should have 200 florins : no doubt the testator was mistaken, as they
were four : the executors paid 150 florins to each : Rek., 24, v.
6 .'s Life io
paid out to Bern

a fifth niece, Eliz
Jacqueline, who h
the son of his you
bequeathed one th
did not survive h
his dying before
sale of the mans
clause was not add
brass coins. On that account his mother is recorded to have
received the equivalent of a gold ring with an emerald4),
besides the fifteen golden, and the two hundred silver medals
and coins which she claimed as hers 5), and besides the gold
ring with a diamond point, which she had lent to Jerome.
Unfortunately both rings had been lost on the journey ;
on that account the dying prelate had added a codicil to his
will at Bordeaux to make up for them 6).
83. It thus happened that the chief, almost the exclusive,

heir amongst the relatives, wasBusleyden'seldestbrotherGiles.
To him was destined one third of the amount of the sale of the
mansion and of the houses in the testator's possession at his
departure for Spain 7), and so were several of the choice items
of his furniture. The ornate silver Bacchus cup, in which the
deceased had prided himself so much, was given to him 8) ; so
were several pieces of tapestry, cushion covers and mule
trappings worked in the family colours, gold, red and blue 9),
') Rek., 24, , and before, n.

2) Will, 109, sq.
3) Cp. before, 9.
*) Rek., 24, v-25, r; cp. before, 10.
5) Rek., 3, , ; and before, 10.
e) Rek., 24, r, and before, 10.
') Rek., 25 r, ; cp. further, 87.
8) Rek., 99, : Jnden yersten M. gielisse van busleyden brueder des
testateurs js by den testateur gelegateert ende hem geleuert geweest
Eenen zilueren cop binnen ende buyten vergult met bachus wegende
vier marck vj onchen'. That cup had been made in Antwerp under
Dean Adrian Sandelicus' supervision : cp. Epp. 39-44.
*) Rek., 99, : J tern den seluen M. gielisse zynen brueder gegeuen
end^ geleuert ter causen van diuerschen stucken daeromme de voirs.
wylen zyn brueder jn hem gehouden ende oick om diuersche diensten
Bequests 107
some draughts of
eleven napkins, a
dals and coins2).
gold ring with a d
eldest son Francis, all the 'instrumenta musicalia', as lutes,
flutes, clavichords, &c, besides several books of music 5).
A few objects were given to special friends : Busleyden's
cousin by his mother, Nicolas de Naue or Naves, of Marville,
then receiver for Luxemburg, was offered a big ring with a tur
quoise 6). For services rendered and not rewarded, a M. Jan
Beysier received a small picture of St. Anthony 'jn deserto' 7) ;
hem gedaen etc vyf stucken tappecheryen van saye root gheluwe
ende blauwe drie cussebladeren vanden seluen coleure geborduert
Rek., ioo, r : Jtem drie couertueren oft decxels van muylen van laken
vanden seluen coleuren metten wapenen etc.
1) Rek., ioo, r : Jtem M. gielisse voirs. gegeuen diuersche patroonen
jn papier Ende een altare portatile.
2) Rek., ioo, r : Jtem xj fyn seruietten een gegoten belle antique
met cornucopie ende zeker getalle van cooperen penningen oft
medalien.Those copper coins had been bequeathed with the golden
and silver ones to Francis, Valerianus' son ; but no doubt his mother
did not attach much value to them, or, maybe, she left them on
purpose for Giles.
3) Rek., 99, : eenen gouden Rinck met een taeffel van Dyamant.
') Rek., ioo, y : Jtem mynder Jouffrouwen zyner huysvrouwen
voirs. twee geheel Vellen van sabels.
5) Rek., 99, ; cp. before, 16.
') Rek., 99, : Jtem M. Claese de Naue Neue vanden testateur js
gelaten ende geleuert eenen grooten Rinck met eenen torquois : cp.
before, 12. This Nicolas de Naves, of Marville, J. V. L., receiver
for Luxemburg, had to protect the duchy against the troops of France
and her allies ; in 1516 he was taken prisoner by a Gelderland captain,
and only released agaivst a heavy ransom. He was one of the envoys
who in Juli 1525 renewed the truce of Heusden, and extended it to
Robert de la Marek. Charles V appointed him as president of the new
Luxemburg Council in 1531 ; as he had to defend the right to several
lordships against the Archbishop of Treves and the Count of Mander
scheidt, Mary of Hungary entrusted to him on October 24, 1541 the
Homagia Luxemburgice, which he vindicated until his death in 1546 :
Henne, 11, 169, iv, 51 ; Hoynck, 1, ii, 644 ; Mansfeld, 1, 103, 11, 30.
He left two sons called John : one, 1500-1547, was Imperial Vice
chancellor from 1540 to 1547 ; the other, 1524-1577, died as Don
Juan's councillor general of war : HisTriLov., chapts. 1, xix.
') Rek., 100, r : een tauereelken van sinte anthonis jn deserto.
8 .'s Life id
the painter 'He

canvas of subjec
Metten Ghelde
friend 'Philip B
remembrance, t
testator3), and
A last item wa
Busleyden's conf
faithful squire
son, until Charles Y created him Warden of the Waters and
Marshes of Flanders : he was given a painted portrait of
his deceased friend and protector 5).
*) Rek., ioo, r; cp. before, 46.

2) Rek.,100, r: een cleyn spiegelken. Janne Metten Ghelde had been
Busleydens servant: Will, 171, sq; with the dean John Robbyns, and
his father, he is stated to have received a new black dress as 'vrienden
des huys', friends of Busleyden's house: Rek., 20, v. In fact Jerome had
been godfather to "Jans dochter", who on that account was offered
'vj . Rek., 23, r. It appears that in faithful affection John metten
Ghelde was always ready to place himself at Busleyden's service, and
rendered him no end of help, in so far that the executors thought
that the bequest of xij made to him in the Will was insufficient, and
decided with Giles de Busleyden's consent to add 'xv : Rek., 23, r.
On March 28, 1519 he founded in memory of his wife, Cecilia Verhey
en, a Sunday Mass in St. Rombaut's at the altar of St. Anne, which
had been granted in 1510 to the use of the Guild of St. John, or 'de
Pioene', a 'Chambre de Rhetorique' : Laenen, 11, 296.
3) Rek., 100, r : een cleyn sceepken van houte met een custodiken
pro memoria want hyt den testateur gegeuen hadde ; cp. Epp., 24, b.
') Rek., 100, r : Jtem M. Adriane Josel coexecuteur zyns selfs effigie
weder ouer geleuert als bevonden ; cp. before, 71, 68, and 89.
6) John Wyts, son of John and Margaret van Wye, originary from
West Flanders, was lord of Berentrode, Wilrenburch and Wytfliet.
He had been employed at Court under Mary and Maximilian ; he
was appointed squire of the kitchen by Archduke Philip on April 11,
1493 ; having been pantler to his son Charles since July 13, 1518,
he was made 'Watergrave' and 'Moermeester' of Flanders, in which
office he was succeeded by his sons. He died in 1533, and was buried
in St. Rombaut's, Mechlin, in the chapel he had had constructed in
1529 in honour of the Holy Name with his wife Barbara Vrancx,
daughter of Giles, and Elizabeth van Duffele ; they had founded a
chaplaincy in that chapel, which they endowed on Sept. 12, 1530
and July 4, 1531 ; it subsisted to the French Revolution thanks to
the generosity of their descendants : in September 1914 a German
shell destroyed the last monuments of their bounty : Brug&Fr., 11,
Foundation praised 109
84. Besides those gifts, which

of the testator's mind, the execut
probably resulting from the hu
den had accepted ten Rhine florin
on behalf of the dean John Robby
received. For translating some documents from Italian
into French, Busleyden had been paid more by one Martin de
Samodio, than had been granted to him for it by the Great
Council, who consequently ordered the balance of 10 pounds
to be returned by the executors %). The latter also effected
through Mr. Melchior le Lormour, or Lormuor, secretary
to the Bishop of Cambrai, the promise made, one day, on a
visit to the Mother Superior of the hospital of Renaix.of main
taining a girl there 2) : the deceased had already made a
payment to that effect ; by mutual agreement, the affair was
concluded at the final expense of 12 pounds 3).
Realizing of the Foundation
85. The report of Busleyden's decease was not long in

reaching Louvain : on September 7, Erasmus announced it to
Antony Clava, of Ghent 4), adding by way of consolation that
their friend had almost deserved his fate, as he refused to
enjoy worldly goods, and was not discouraged by his brother's
418-19; Laenen, , 236, 11, 103, 278-80; Mallnscr., 31, 166, a. His
chaplain celebrated a series of 30 masses for Busleyden at the request
of the executors : Rek., 19, v, and 100, r : Jtem Janne Wyts des
testateurs effigie jn een tauereelken geschildert.
*) Rek., 35,' v.Jtem betaelt marten de samodio by ordinantie van
den hoghen Rade van dat de testateur meer ontfaen hadde van te
translateeren zeker scriftueren jn Ytaliaenssche tale gemaect jnt
walssche dan hem toegetaxeert was gedragende : Rek., 35, r.
, 2) That promise may have had some connection with 'lijsken van
bruessel' ; cp. before, 30 ; Rek., 35, r; if not a mere act of generos
ity towards a community that was not too well off.
3) Jtem der Vrouwen vanden gasthuise te Ronsse jn handen van
M. melchior le lormuor ter causen van zekeren geloeften gedaen bij
wijlen den testatuer aldair wesende der vors. Vrouwen om tonder
houden een meysen aldair dairop hy betalinghe gedaen hadde met
gemeynen accordt betaelt voer al ende dair mede quijt eens blij
kende bij quitancie [in margin : per quitan. dni. melchioris secretarij
dni. cameracensis] xij : Rek. 37, r.
4) Allen, 111, 650, 4-7 ; Reich, 236-37.
no .'s Life io
sad example. H
werp on Septem
and the heavy
ferred to in the
at Calais, as mo
in fact, he then
he expresses hi
'Buslidii, homin
amantis in nos
Gilles de Busley
iterated thp co
by word of mou
it the supcess d
tris... memoriae
beginning 4). In
incipient Trilin
sad event of his
to William Bu
humanist rem
est omnino et i
commisso scrib
as if the gener
conscience to E
cording to his
Barbirius : 'Mo
doleo, quod ante
de tribus lingu
announced both
ry Glareanus by
of Neuenahr, on
January 14,1518
') Allen, Iii, 658,

2) Allen, in, 654.
3) Allen, hi, 683,
*) Allen, in, 686
30 about the Hebr
s) Allen, 111, 689, 13. ) Allen, hi, 744, 64-65.
') Allen, in, 695, 3-6, 43. 8) Allen, in, 707, 6-9, 721, 5, sq.
*) Allen, in, 722, 9, sq. 10) Allen, in, 761, 62., 836, 4, sq.
Foundation praised hi
86. That great esteem for the

encouraged the executors in the
as they could, the estate and the
beginning of the Trilingue 1). A
started when the fame of the gro
spread throughout Western Eu
be looked upon as the most pro
started an endless series of eulogie
from the one which Thierry Mar
the reprint of the Disticha or a
allusion to the untimely decease
generosity which Erasmus inser
Epithalamium, composed for Pe
nelia Sanders, August 1514 4), w
auctarium of Familiarium Colloq
September 1524 5). In that collo
Louvain, tell Alypius, their colloc
there now, but will soon resort t
...post annos aliquot illuc com

revoluta seculorum periodus
vexit. Erit enim qui illic nobi
cilium, vel templum potius, qu
ac sanctius. Al. Non est fas scir
invecturus sit nostrse ditioni ? Mv. Tibi fas est, nostro
rum sacrorum mystae. Non dubium est, quin tibi notum
sit toto orbe celebre Buslidianorum nomen. Al.
Heroicum genus nominasti, & ornandis summorum
Principum aulis natum...
Alypius then praises the too soon deceased Francis, Arch

bishop of Besar.5on, in which the Muses join 7), adding that h
*) MonHL., 192.
2) Cp. Watson, xcviii, sq ; Rhetius, 5 ; /TrasDrum., 1, 380-81.
3) Iseghem, 157, sq, 289; also 301.
4) Cp. Epp. 80, b.
*) BB, e, 453 : the issue with the auctarium was printed first a
Basle by John Froben.
) EOO, i, 747, B, c.
') Cp. before, 6.
ii2 .'s Life io
left two worthy

remarks :
Hieronymum novimus, omni literarum genere perpoli

tum, omni virtutum genere decoratum. Mv. Nec eum
fata longasvum esse patientur, tametsi nemo dignior est
immortalitate. Al. Unde ista nostis ? Mv. Apollo
nobis denarravit. Al. Quaenam est ista fatorum invidia,
ut optima quaeque protinus subducant ? v. Id quidem
non est hujus temporis philosophari: sed Hieronymus
heic summa cum laude moriens, universas opes suas
destinabit instituendo Lovanii collegio, in quo gratis
& publicitus tres linguas eruditissimi viri profitebuntur.
Ea res magnum ornamentum adjunget & studiis, &
Caroli gloriae. Tum non illibenter versabimur Lovanii *).
87. As soon as the funeral rites were performed and the

most pressing bequests executed, Bartholomew van Vessem
started collecting outstanding debts and money due, which was
entrusted to the safe custody of van Nispen in Brussels 2).
The notary Walter de Ridder, Militis, made the inventory of
all the valuables, and sold them at various auctions, in so far
that the larger part was disposed of by April 1518. The house
hold then was reduced to van Vessem and one servant ;
on January 25-27,1519 3), the mansion itself was offered for
sale and acquired by the widow of the Great Chancellor John
le Sauvage 4), along with the two adjoining houses, for the sum
of six thousand pounds 5) ; she also purchased the timber
!) , , 747, C-D.
2) Rek., 39, r : Jtem betaelt van te doen vueren metten cordewagens
ten twee malen tgelt van den coope vanden huise te mechelen gelegen
geleuert jnt huis vander Cancelrije van brabant te bruessele van dair
ten huise van Nispen opten sauel dat al paiment was iiij 5.
3) Rek., 28, v, 29, r, 47, r.
*) Cp. before, 72, 73.
B) Rek., 2, : Jtem ontfaen vanden huise ende zijnen toebehoirten
wylen des testatuers te mechelen gelegen vercocht mer vrouwen de
weduwe wylen des grooten Cancelliers van onsen heeren den Coninck
heer van schoubeke gelyck hy die bewoont hadde tot dat hij Reysde
na spaengien : met oick twee andere huisen aende selue erue gelegen
verhuert wesende om de somme van vj Rgul. zuyuer goet zuyuer
Sale of Goods 113
that had already been bou

as well as a few stray piec
three hundred pounds 2
15-18, the goods that had
were brought under the h
furniture in the mansio
count of the sale was draw
in the house of Wouter M
88. The amounts rea

idea of the wealth accumu
hold plate produced 3682
furniture, including or
French manuscripts, s
brought in over 2152 pou
of the will, all Latin and
College to be founded :
scripts 6) were packed in a
gelt dairaf gecort alle de erf

by calculatie ende estimatie
pi. brab. Js net bleuen i
the houses, Rek., 38, r, v, 42,
*) The two neighbouring ho
2) The Chancellor's widow
van balken wormen scherbal
tvoirs. huys te volmakene m
staende jnde sale voer ende
ghende', for the sum of 'iij C
') Rek., 47, r. Cp. IBM2, 2
37. r - 43. L and 47.
4) Rek., 3, r : a chest with the plate, 'de kiste metten silueren
wercke,' which Adrian Josel had taken to Antwerp when Busleyden
left for Spain, was brought back to Mechlin to be disposed of :
Rek., 15, r, 101, r, ; Epp. 24, d ; 43, 93.
') Rek., 2, r. One manuscript is especially described in the In
ventory, IBM2, 295, r, as bound in velvet, with the pictures of Our
Lord and of Our Lady, and adorned with silver ; it was bought for
42 Rhine florins by 'My Lady of Ostend', possibly Mary Pots,
widow of William van Ostende, daughter of James and Mary van
Nispen : Brug&Fr., 1, 388.
e) HisTriLov., chapts. x, xiv, xxiv.
ii4 B-'s Life io
to Louvain x), wherea

books, were safely st
St. John's whilst the
veyed by the Dyle to
manuscripts inherit
Pontifical, bound in
fetched thirteen grea
Rhine florins) at the
was offered to solem
several gold rings wit
of gold medals 5) ;
plain gold doctorial ri
several bags in gold
rings and adorned wi
'instruments' on a ch
most precious of th
cellar with a lid ado
*) Rek., 98, r : Jtem b

kiste... met allen den ge
te wagen besteet om tot
2) Rek., 47, : Jtem v
te packen ende te loeuen te vueren alsmen thuys vercocht... Jtem
van den seluen boecken te hulpen packen... ende vanden voirs. iij
gepacte manden te vueren vuten huise tot des procliiaens huise van
St. Jans...
3) Cp. Will, 197-202 ; and before, 35, 43, 47.
*) Rek., 4 r, : Jtem van een Romsch missael gescreuen jn perke
ment jn cleyn forme ouertoghen met Auwel ende ghesloten met
silueren vergulden sloten Ende noch van een ponticael jnsgelix ge
screuen jn persement ende overtoghen met Auwel er.de met vergulden
sloten tsamen vercocht om xiij gro. vlem. dairaf getoghen een gelt
wijns van iiij3 st. verdroncken opte commescap ontfaen de Reste
gedragende lxxvij xv s vj d.
6) Rek., 3 : Giles de Busleyden bought, and paid 38 13 s 6 d for
'een braesselet van ix gouden medalien wegende tsamen twee onsen
v3 jngelschen donsse als voer te xvij Rg'.
) Rek., 4 r : Jtem een silueren orologie metten sande dair jnne
tsamen geschat op iiij onssen ende xiij jngelschen... vij viij s viij d.
') Rek., 3, r: Jtem van een soutuat van goude met eenen decsel met
steenen ende perlen verchiert weghende een marck ende iij onsen
vercocht ontfaen i C xxv art. On account of this jewel van Vessem
went to see Giles de Busleyden at Brussels : Rek., 98, v.
Amounts Due Recovered 115
%
jewels x), some of which were bought by Margaret of Austria's

purveyor, the well-known 'Rombout vanden dorpe goutsmet
te mechlen', 2) joined to the rest of the property and to the
money in the possession of the deceased, represented the net
amount of nineteen thousand and eight and a half pounds 3).
89. That considerable sum of money was continually

augmented by the payment of amounts due, or by the refund
ing of debts, which van Vessem 4), helped by Adrian Josel,
collected in the first months after their master's decease. The
wages of councillor still due were paid by the clerk of the
Great Council, Lambert vander Ee 5), and the fees for the
journey to Spain 6) by the King's 'argentier' or treasurer
Nicolas de Riffiart 7) ; the Cambrai scholaster John Wailpois
balanced the account for his 'confrater's prebend' 8), and that
of the Archdeaconry was regularized by the dean of Brussels
district, by the Cambrai 'sealer' in Brussels, Bricquet9),
and by the parish-priest of St. Catherine's, Mechlin, John van
Ekelen, who had acted as Busleyden's substitute 10). Similarly
was discharged what was still owing for the Mechlin prebend11)
and for that of St. Waldetrudis' atMons 12); van Vessem went to
*) Rek., 3, - 4 f.
2) Henne, iv, 357, , 97, 99 ; Thibaut, 98 ; e., 4, r; G. van Doors
laer, La Corporation et les Ouvrages des Orfdvres Malinois : Antwerp,
1935 : 96, sq. - Other purchasers were : John Pieters, president,
l'Apostole, Wielant and Auxtruyes, councillors, of the Great Council,
besides several of the artists mentioned in 46, sq : IBM2, 292, r,
294, r, 298, r ; Epp. 20, b, 25, b ; Cran., 71, 3 ; &c.
;) Rek., 4, : exactly : 'xix viij xj s j d art'.
4) A certificate of Mechlin town attested that, as an executor of
the will, he had the right to claim money due and give receipts :
Rek., 38, r. 6) Rek., 6, r.
*) Rek., 6, : they amounted to 120 art.
') Henne, in, 295, v, 108 : he died on May 9, 1531, as general
receiver of the County of Namur. Cp. Gestel, 1, 97 ; Brab obi., 296,
39, 213.
8) Rek., 7, r : cp. before, 31.
') He had lent to Busleyden a horse for his journey to Spain :
Rek., 39, v.
10) Rek., 7, r, ; cp. before, 31.
41) Rek., 5, v.
12) Rek., 7, v.
6 B.'s Life io
Aire to settle all

arrangements wit
Etten for the over
Adrian Maroyen,
due for the prebe
Pensions and rent
ships of Mechlin4)
and on Stabroeck
testator were coll
through dean Jo
philips 9) which M
the last house tha
mansion10), no
the responsibilitie
he left for Spain,
probably since it o
as well the servan
90. Several am
advanced, were r
dred ducats sent
had wished to use
Antony Sucket bro
tunate with anoth
tried in vain to p
'Mr. Air. Madoets'
also helped some o
J) Rek., 36, ; cp. b

3) Rek., 5, , 6, r, 40
2) Rek., 6, r.
4) Rek., 5, r, 9, r, d, 39, r.
5) Rek., 8, r : the payments were made by John Fervet.
6) Rek., 5, v.
') 5. f.
*8) Rek., 8, v, g, r.
9) Rek., 5, r.
10) Namely the house bought from the widow of Michael Cools :
Rek., 5, r, 13, r, v, 14, v, 33, r, 35, r, 38, r.
") Rek., 8, v.
12) Rek., 6, r, ; cp. further, 95.
ls) Rek., 38, y, ioo, v. debts still due in 1525: cp. Carm. xxvl, b.
Amounts Due Recovered 117
first noblemen of the country Ferry

Governor of Artois, chief-marshal of
who on March 7, 1500, at the baptis
had carried the alb before the godp
'Great Madam', duchess Margaret of
her arm. He was created Knight of th
burg on November 17,1505, and had v
Prince and country near Tirlemont
in 1513 2). To that councillor of Charl
had lent three hundred philips, whi
executors, and the plate which had
was returned 3). To his son Adria
raing, a brillant young nobleman, wh
er at the joust of All-Hallows' Day 1
of Brussels, attended by the young Ki
Eleonore 4), Busleyden had even l
need 5) ; still it was duly refunded, an
himself worthy of the kindness. He
his death, on June 27, 1524, in the
became one of Charles V's ablest c
defenders. He moreover served his Prince first as Governor
of Artois, and, later on, as Governor of Flanders : in reward
of what he had done, he was created Count of Rceulx on
February 24,1530, and Knight of the Golden Fleece in 1545 ;
although dangerously ill, he stayed at the head of his troops at
the siege of Therouanne, and died in the first days of May I5538)
J) Cp. before, 48, 66-67 J Bergh, I, 79, 87, 191, 201.

2) Henne, I, 25, 82, 162, sq, 11, 13, sq, 88, 135 ; Gachard, 503, 512.
His son Eustache, Bishop of Arras, 1525-38, was Busleyden's mediate
successor as Provost of Aire, from 1527 to 1538 : AireSP., 91 ; Belg
Chron., 378 ; Laenen, 1, 180 (: he was also Provost of St. Rombaut's
1534-38) ; another Eustache de Croy was Provost from 1539 to 1555,
when he re-entered civil life and even married twice : AireSP., 83, 91.
3) Rek., 6 : Ontfaen van mijnen heer van Reulx van geleenden
gelde op zeker percheelen van zeluer werck iij C phs gulden, viz.
iij C lxxv art.
4) Moeller, 262, sq ; that knightly feast has been described by the
Court poet Nicaise Ladam.
5) Rek., 5, r : Jtem van mijnen heer van beaureyns van geleenden
penninghen die wylen de testatuer hem geleent hadde jn zynder noot
ontfaen C phs. gulder.en. viz. vj C xxv .
') Henne, 11, 349, iv, 82, v, 117, sq, x, 41-42 ; AireSP., 391-396.
8 .'s Life io
Executors and Patrons
91 . The minute care bestowed by the executors o

collecting of all the money due to the testator, and o
disposing of his property as advantageously as possib
become an urgent necessity since the foundation wa
going to be grafted on an existing college, but had to sta
itself. Its building, its accommodation and its manage
was to be produced entirely from the fortune left by th
tor, who had counted on the ruinous condition of St. Do
or the generous hospitality of Arras College to reach his
For certaintheexisten.ee of the Trilingue is in a great me
the result of those executors' courageous tenacity to the
plan of their friend and master. They were seconded
family of the deceased : Giles de Busleyden helped them
his influence and his experience ; having charge of a num
family, he probably was pleased to accept the third p
the money realized by the sale of the mansion and of the
which were in Jerome's possession when he left for
without the taxes, it came to little less than sixteen hundred
and fifty-seven pounds 2). A similar amount had been be
queathed to Francis, Valerian's son 3); but as the testator had
stipulated for the event he should die before him, that amount
was added to the share of the foundation, just as for the
gilt cross offered to Aire church, and the robe in gold cloth,
to be changed into a cope for St. Rombaut's, he had express
ly mentioned that, in the case of any delay in accepting, or of
any objection, the goods offered were to go to the Trilingue 4).
He thus almost forclosed his own family for the sake of his
institution.
4) Cp. HisTHLov., chapts. I, hi. The College had started its regular
lectures already on September i, 1518.
') Rek., 25, r, ; the price of two houses added to the mansion
since Jerome's leaving, one being even bought after that time,
was deducted from the net price realized 5390 14 s 8 d (Rek., 2, ;
cp. before, 87), since to Giles was paid the sum of 1656 18 s 7 d 2 t.
3) Cp. before, 82.
4) Will, 82, 116, sq, 142.
Patrons 119
92. If the Bus

divest themselve
Aire to give them
some historians
appreciative of t
dering even befor
the Louvain Facu
hostility, doing w
of the planned Sc
University, they
unavoidable ruin
disinterest thems
age; when the Stu
ally reserved, fra
most natural and consistent for them to claim the considerable
amount of money and valuables that had been attributed to
professorships and scholarships which the University une
quivocally declined, since the faculty of teaching in public
was even denied to those connected with Busleyden's foun
dation. No court of justice, if applied to, would have refused
to adjudge to the family that part of the estate of which the
use thus appeared undesirable, and was even rendered impos
sible. Yet the relatives, far from availing themselves of the
opportunity to double and treble their bequests, full-heartedly
encouraged the executors to start an independent college for
the foundation when it proved impossible to have it accepted
in either of the institutions mentioned in the will, of which
one was on the brink of ruin. They actually helped them in
their struggle against the University, so as to save the great
scheme from the impending doom. That way the disinterested
ness of the family, and especially of Jerome's elder brother,
greatly contributed to the growth and welfare of Busleyden's
foundation, after being rejected by the trustees of St. Dona
tion's and of Arras College 3).
J) Cp. NeveMe'm., 51-53.

2) Cp. VAnd., 275-276 ; HisTriLov., chapts. iv, vi and vii.
3) Cp. before, 13.
120 .'s Life io
93. In conse
Trilingue foundati
John Stercke of
considered as exe
wishers and exper
practically reste
Josel and van Ve
with the money
Josel 4), who, dur
interests and had
he 6) endeavoured
for the College fu
by Bartholomew v
in Louvain so as t
buildings and the
ments 8). He was
tute, which he tr
in perfect workin
as the inaugurat
the professors, fo
94 . In the trou
of Busleyden's f
sagacious dealing
of which were w
make the most o
provided, as already mentioned, by Giles de Busleyden,
who considered his brother's plan as if it were his own, securing
for it a well-established and fully recognized free position 10) ;
J) Test., 78, 79.

2) Cp. before, 71.
3) Rek., 39, r, and before, 87.
') Cp. before, 68, 71, 83, 89 ; HisTriLov., chapt. 1.
5) Rek., 14, r, 15, r ; also 13, r, 16, r, 101, r, ; Epp. 24, d ; 43, 88.
) Inv., 20, v, 21, r, 23, r ; Rek., 40, r, 88, r, v, 98, v, 99, r, 105, r-v,
112, r ; cp. before, 71, 87.
') Rek., 5, i/, 13, r, 22, 28, v, 87, r, 89, r.
8) Rek., 88, v, 89, r, 98, v, 99 r; HisTriLov., chapts. 1, v, vni; cp.
before, 71, 76, s^, 87, 89.
) HisTriLov., chapt. vni.
I0) HisTriLov., chapts. 1, hi, ; cp. before, 15, 92.
Ant. Sucket's Help 121
he also ensured its regular working

growing too heavy for the chief e
professors, by having their emol
ranged with more equity and gener
of the executors on February 22,152
95. Equally helpful in his way,

the will and to the Trilingue, was t
the privy councillor Antony Su
proved most useful at Bordeaux,
whose district the death had occurred, claimed the best of
each of the various jewels and valuables ; the question was
brought before Court, 'parlement', where, thanks to Sucket's
argument, the claimant was nonsuited3). He further took charge
of several objects, too large for the three chests sent by sea 4),
and too cumbersome for the party returning with the body,
whereas they might prove useful on the journey to Spain and
on the way home. He saw them safe beyond the Pyrenees, and
back to Mechlin, and in return for the services rendered, they
were offered to him for reward 5). He further had claimed in
Spain and brought back an amount of five hundred ducats
which Busleyden had sent to one 'Diego de ghommele', a
Spaniard, intending to find them waiting for him on his ar
rival 6). On his return Sucket rendered what judicial and finan
*) HisTriLov., chapts. vm & ix ; Motjur., 10, 30, 61, 67, sq ;

., v.
8) Cp, before, 74.
3) Rek., 87, r : 'Jtem heer anthonys sucket... jnt bescudden van
allen den goeden tot bordeaux jnt parlement teghen den prochiaen
aldair pretenderende te hebbene van allen den Juwelen van elck
Sorte dbeste'.
4) Cp. before, 76 ; Rek., 47, v, referring to the three chests con
veyed by the merchant 'galeeron' from Bordeaux to Middelburg.
5) Rek., 87, r, v, gives a full list of the objects 'diemen hem wil
linchlijck dair voer gegunt ende gelaten heeft'.
*) Rek., 6, r, : 'Noch ontfaen doer handen h. anthonijs sucket
Raidt des conincs ende mede executuer C ducaten bij hem jn
spaingnien ontfaen die de testatuer hadde geleuert eenen geheeten
diego de ghommele spaignaert jn meininghen die te vinden ende te
ontfaen jn spaignen aldair hij niet en quam elcken ducaat te xxxix
stuuers geextimeert vz. ix C lxxv art.' Cp. before, 90. From
122 .'S Life io
cial help he could

especially, in ha
institute by the
days' presence in
executor, a sum
penses 4). In fac
coming home fro
1519, on a missio
Charles Duke of
ber, he took par
Utrecht and th
96. On his re
Antony Sucket h
settled in his native town Mechlin, where his elder brother
John8) who became a member of the Great Council on
other entries it appears that the amount was sent to Spain by two bills
of exchange, forwarded through the Secretary Charles Verderue who
was waiting- at Middelburg With .'the Court to take to sea ; the return
of that sum to the Netherlands afterwards necessitated the expense
of four ducats, or seven pounds sixteen shillings : Reh., 14, r, 36, v.
Sucket also had paid two ducats for Busleyden to ushers and 'foriers'
on their journey to Spain, which outlay was duly refunded : Reh., 37, r.
4) E. g., Reh., 25, , and 98, r : this latter refers to a 'certificacie'
delivered by Mechlin town, stating that 'h. anthonis sucket Raidt &c.
ende h. barth. van vessem testamenteurs syn vanden testateur om
daermede te heffene de Rente van hollant viij s'.
2) Cp. FUL, 1435 : ir; Reh., 36, , 49, r - 50, ; VAndEw,, 61-62,
68-70 ; HisTriLcv., chapts. iv-vn.
3) Reh., 49, r, 49, v, 50, v, 88, r : 'Jtem hierenbouen heeft hij noch
tot louen, tot mechelen ende tot bruessel jnde sake vander executien
ende vander collegie geuaceert tsamen xvj daighen ende vuer elcken
dach betaelt twee phs. vz. xl '.
4) Like the two other executors Nispen and Josel, Sucket was given
50 gold guilders as bequest (ij Cx^) : Rek., 23, v.
5) Bergh, 11, 155-216 ; Henne, 11, 276.
) Bergh, 11, 233 ; in November 1523 he was an arbiter at Bruges in
the question between the town with the Castle of Gravelines, and
the Venice merchants : BrugEst., 575.
') Cp. ConPri., 1, 63-64 (with armorial bearings) ; ConPriT., 65.
8) He matriculated in Louvain on July 31, 1474 : 'Johes Sucket de
mechlinia Camer. dioc.' : Liblntll, 106 v.
Ant. Sncket's Help 123
January 22,1504 *), had often re

a property near Hanswyck Con
extending to the town-wall, whic
the families Berthout and their descendants van Duffel;
he had enriched the house with a tower, and made it into the
'Hotel Sucket' 3). On November 22 and 23, 1519, John Sucket
had transferred that property to his brother Antony. When
he died, about the end of 1522 4), his liabilities far exceeded the
assets, in so far that his daughter Mary Sucket and her husband
John Vranckx van der Vorst, Court physician s), who yrere
disinherited, joined various creditors to call in question the
validity of the donation, and started a lawsuit before the Great
Council; it was concluded by the cancelling of the bequests
to Antony and his family on October 31, 1534, and by the
ordering, on March 24, 1535, of the sale of 'Berthout Court',
as it had been transferred unduly in 1519 in prejudice of the
owner's natural heirs as well as of his own pledge 6).VAntony
MalConM, 27-28, 40, 45 ; MalConC, 61 ; MalConR, 12 ; MalConF,

33 ; Gachard, I, 371; Henne, 11, 248. He had been sent as Charles V's
ambassador to Denmark on Oct. 23, 1519, and in 1521 to Stockholm
to offer Christiern II the collar of the Golden Fleece, some time before
misfortunes started for that monarch by the famous Stocfyfiolms
Blodbad : Altmeier, Relations Commerciales et DiplomafiquesidpsP.ays
Bas avec le Nord de l'Europe au X VIe Scle : Brussels, i840tJ;>64.
2) It results from a letter written to John Sucket in the first weeks
of 1525, when that man had been dead three years : Allen, \fJjKi556.
3) Cran, 204, a-c, Iviii ; /God., xxix, 216-219. John Sucket, who
already possessed some ground adjoining 'Berthout Hot', bought
that property in 1506 from the family van Duffel, and enlarged, the
mansion by the tower which was built on ground which had,Jje/sn his
before that purchase.' Berthout Hof, originally .palled;
situated between Old Brussels Street and Hanswyck Gate ; Sucket's
estate touched the premises of the famous canon-founder Poppen
ruyter.. Cp. /God., xxx, 216, 220-21.
*) John Sucket was succeeded in the Great Council by Engelbert
van den Daele, appointed on January 17, 1523 : Cran.,, 46, 31; EG, 15, 26
s) Cran., 204, a-c.
6) Cran., Iviii, 204, a-c ; MalGrCon., noS 824, 825 ; n 983 : 291, sq ;
n 313 : 116 v, 131 ; n 848 : 53-58. Mary Sucket and her husband,
finding out that the debts of their father exceeded his assets, had
disclaimed the heritage and, backed by the creditors, obtained from
the Great Council on Nov. 24, 1523, the decree by which the house
and estate were offered for sale on September 3, 152^, Antony .Spcket
124 B-'s "Life io
saw only the beginning of that lawsuit, for he died on

August 31, 1524, and was buried in St. Donatian's, Bruges,
to which town his widow with her family returned *).
97. Erasmus deplored Antony Sucket's death in a

letter of the first weeks of 1525 2), which he, most strangely,
addressed to John Sucket who had died three years before 3).
Still the mistake must have been found out in time, for it does
not seem as if the letter was ever sent off: it had as only date
1525 when found amongst Erasmus' papers, and it was print
ed at first in 1538 in the Opera Omnia 4). There can hardly
be any doubt about the addressee John Sucket, for Erasmus
mentions his neighbour, the 'bombardarum opifex' John
Poppenruyter, of Nuexmerkt, whose famous gun-foundry in
Old Brussels Street touched the premises of Hotel Sucket 5).
Besides his widow, who survived him until October 26,1533 6),
Sucket left three sons ; also a daughter whom Janus Secundus
mentioned in his funeral poem 7) on her brother Charles.
That Charles had studied laws in Louvain, Bourges and other
protested against that sale, declaring that they were his by dint of the
donation of Nov. 22-23, I5I9 i he claimed the bequests made in his
and his family's favour, and threw the responsibility of the debts on
Mary Sucket and her husband, who had taken a fur coat and other
objects out of John's house, thus showing themselves as the heirs
simple, accepting the succession. He died before the Council nonsuited
him on May 12, 1525. His widow and his sons continued the action,
taking as attorney Antony de Metz, late ambassador of Christiern
II : Alt Eel., 63; Henne, 11, 248 ; the lawsuit was finally decided in their
disfavour in 1535, on which the Hotel Sucket was sold to Frances of
Luxemburg, Countess of Egmont; after the execution of her son
Lamoral, Count of Egmont, it was confiscated : it became in 1569,
St. Hedwige's almshouse, the Puttery : /God., xxix, 216 ; MalMed.,
79 ; MalHist., 11, 270.
4) Bruglnscr., 1, 140 ; BrugSDonat., 251 ; Mallnscr., 402-3 ; Allen,
v, I33L 15
2) Allen, vi, 1556.
3) Peter Wichmans by his letter of March 22, 1523 had informed
Erasmus of the death of John Sucket : FG, 15, 26 ; Allen, v, 1351, 29.
4) Basle, H. Froben & N. Episcopius, 1538 : 111, 905.
') /God., 216-221 ; Allen, vi, 1556, 42.
") ConPri., I, 63-64 ; Bruglnscr., 1, 140 ; BrugSDon., 251 ; Hoynck,
11, i, 42.
') JSecOp., 224-26.
PDoct. 125
universities of France
Dole with Viglius, he
with him, a visit to the
at Turin, and died th
brother, John, probabl
third son Antony was
Council, Mechlin, un
the fourth, Francis, a n
Bruges and died there w
in 1540 4).
APPENDIX
11. PRIVILEGIUM DOCTORATUS
Padua, February 8, 1503.

98. The text of Busleyden's diploma attesting his promotion
to Doctor Vtriusque Iuris is reproduced from the original in the
possession of the author of this book. It is a document written out
on a large sheet Qf parchment measuring 45,5 centimeters by 65 cm ;
a strip of the lower part, 6.g centimeters wide, is folded over the
signatures of the Bishop and of the Chancellor ; the appended seal
which closed that fold has disappeared. The text covers a space of
21.5 centimeters by 45.5, not counting the signatures. The first line
is in large coloured capitals alternatively in sky-blue, amarant,
olive-green, violet and gold, and in the left margin is the initial J in
miniature, formed by a mermaid's head, trunk and twisted tail,
surrounding a picture of the bust of St. Jerome ; below the initial
is Busleyden's coat of arms supported by Faunus and Fauna ; the
remaining space of a rectangle measuring 6.5 by 17.8 centimeters, is
filled with flowers and ornaments. The document ') of which a
photogravure is supplied ), seems to have been part of various
1) Excerpts, 100 ; Allen, vm, 2191, pr, 2101, 25, 2135, 8, 2141, e,
2356, ix, 2373 ; FG, 427 ; Ent., 114 ; Hoynck, I, i, 74 ; II, i, 7, 28, 38-46,
116-124; JSecOp., 168, 194, 224-226; DelPoBel., iv, 225, 274, 294;
LipsE, 669, 728, 760-63 ; Bruglnscr., 1, 140 ; HisTriLov., chapt. ix.
2) He matriculated in Louvain on January 27, 1519 : Excerpts,
100 ; at his father's death he is not mentioned.
3) He had married Mary de Hane, who survived him until April
1589 : Mallnscr., 403, 402, 475 ; Bruglnscr., 1, 140 ; Hoynck, 11, i, 39 ;
MalGrCon., 847 : 438 ; MalHist., 11, 304, 305, 356.
*) Excerpts, 102 ; rug Wet, 200-202 ; he was 'chef-homme' in 1539,
alderman in 1538 and in 1540.
s) It is referred to before, in 27, 28.
') Cp. p. 35. '.
126 .'s Life ii
collections judging
ra,tus;Dni. Hierony
neath it has the nu
the Trilingue, to w
Later on was added
paduana 'fand' 1505'
the founder and hi
mark 'N 20' .may ,b
wards the 2 was cov
'e.', or, perhaps 'c.' i
is printed here wit
resolved, but are in
tinues in one body
here into various p
been numbered : th
the sigla : PDoct.
Text
JN- NOMINE
Vniuersis DOMINIpraesens
& singulis NOSTRIDoctoratus
HIESV CHRISTI AMEN.
priuilegium in
specturis aut legi audituris : Lvdovicvs De Rugerijs Decre
torum Doctor Canonicus petenen. ReuerendissimX in Christo
5 patris & Dni Dni Petri Barocij Dei & apostolicae sedis gratia,
Episcopi Paduani & Comitis Saccen.; Generalisqwr & priuile
giati ac antiquissimi & celeberrimi Gymnasij patauinj
aposfolici Cancellarij digm'ssimj Vicarius in spi'rz/ualibus
generalis, Salutem in eo qui est omnium uera salus.
10 Ivris Vtriusqwe scientia generi humano mirifice vtilis est :
per earn enim hominum societas conseruatur : & boni quidem
amort virtutis : mali uero, poenae formidine : partim recte
viuunt partim uero non praue : Ob quam causam qui ei dant
operam inter eos qui generi humano vtilitatis aliquid afferunt
15 praeeipuum Locum tenent : siue Iudicandi munus exerceant :
siue ijs qui illud exercent assistant : aut quid vt Iusticia fiat
fieri debeat Iudicibus consulentibus respondeant : siue op
pressor#! praecipue autem viduarw#! : orphanorum & puppil
lorum patrocinium vere Laudandum plurimiqwe faciendum
20 suscipiant; Quicquid enim horum exerceant in eorum numero
collocandi sunt : de quibus in Euangelio Dominus dicit. Beati
1 in capital letters, coloured ; J initial-in miniature with image of

St. Jerome and Busleyden's coat of arms. 1 Hiesv]
18 puppillorum] second added above the line.
PDoct. 127
qui esuriunt : et sitiunt

& De quibus ad Danielem
quasi splendor firmam
25 tos quasi stelln in per
Quae quum ita sint nem
dederint. plurimi facie
qui caeteros antecellun
Dnus Hieronymvs Busledianus EccBsiae Sancti Petri Arieii
30 sis, Praepositus : diu bonis litteris & vtrique Iuri deditus: post
longas lucubrationes : & scholasticos labores ab infranotatis
promotoribus viris clamstmis pro subeundo suo priuato
examine nobis oblatus : Quem nos Ludouicus Vicarius aucto
ritate praefato Reuerendissimo Dno Episcopo Paduano ex sua
35 pontificali dignitate competente tarn ex antiqua et appro
bata consuetudine studij praelibati quam vigore priuilegiorum
foelicis recordationis Onoium Vrbani Quarti : dementis
Sexti : & Eugenij Quarti : Summoram pontificum qua fungi
mur in hac parte : In Assistentia Spectabiiis Dni Thomae De
40 Brandis Almae Vniuersitatis Iuristarum Vltramontanorum
& citramontanorum florentissimi studij Paduani Rectoris :
Per Venerandum Collegium Iurisutriusqwe Doctormw eiusdem
gymnasij punctis ei vt fieri solet In vtroqwe lure praeassignatis
fecimus coram nobis diligenter & rigorose examinari. Ipse
45 uero in examine huiusmodi In recitandis punctis : Argumentis:
dubijs : & oppositionibus sibi factis qwarauis arduis : & obscu
ris : memoriter replicandis & Magistraliter soluendis talem ac
tantam Ingenij doc tri rue Memorise cseterarumque rerum quae
in consumatissimo Iureconsulto desiderari potius quam in
5o ueniri possunt experientiam fecit : Vt omnium eorum ex
pectation superata vnanimiter & concorditer ac eorum nemi
ne penitus dissentiente Idoneus ac sufficientissimus in vtroque
lure fuerit iudicatus : Sicut ex eorum votis secreto in scrutinio
nobis in scriptis porrectis constitit euidenter.
55 X TOS ergo, praefatam sequentes consuetudinem: & formam

1 priuilegiorum studij saepedicti :
Consideratis Scientia : facundia : modo legendi : Moribus i
2e Quae &c.] on continuous line with what precedes. '

66 Nos &c.] on continuous line with what precedes
57 Consideratis &c.] id.
128 .'s Life ii
& Virtutibus : q
optimum & omn
60 priuato & rig
De consilio Omni
tentium & Instantium
Pro tribunali sedentes eundem D. Hieronymum In Dei
nomine Approbauimus & licentiauimus. Pronunciantes : &
65 Declarantes : eum esse habilem Idoneum atque benemeritum
Exercitio : officio & honore : Doctoratus in Vtroqne Iure tarn
Canonico quam Ciuili
Ipsumque protinus Iurisutriusque Doctorem fecimus so
lenniter & creauimus ac facimus & creamus per praesentes.
70 Tribuentes ei sie Idoneo sufficienti : & hac promotione dignis
simo Licentiam ascendendi cathedram magistralem :& Insignia
Doctoratus a promotoribus suis petendi ac reeipiendi : Ac
ijsdem promotoribus ea illi conferendi : & Concedentes ei
plenam in Dfio facultatem vt De caetero libere possit in Vtraqw
75 Sapientia Canonica & Ciuili legere : repetere: Docere: dispu
tare : glosare: practicare : Interpretari: quaestiones terminare :
Scholas regere : Bachalarios constituere : Omnibusqwe &
singulis gaudere : & vti priuilegijs : praerogatiuis : Exemptioni
bus : Immunitatibus : libertatibus : Concessionibus : honori
80 bus : fauoribus : ac Indultis alijs quibuslibet quocunque
nomine censeantwr Quibus Romanae Curiae ; Parisien :
Oxoniefi : Bononiefi : & Salamantin. studiorum Doctores &
Magistri ex quibusuis aposfolicis & Imperialibus seu alijs ec
clesiasticis uel temporalibus concessionibus aut Indultis
85 alijs gaudent & utuntwr uti & gaudere possunt & poterunt
in futurum : Iuxta continentiam vim formam & tenorem :
priuilegiorum apostolicorum a memoratis olim Summis pon
tifieibus praefato studio paduano concessorum.
VIBVS Ita gestis Excellentes lurisutrusqwe Doctores

90
Q Dni Philippus Decius in Iure canonico: & Carolus Ruinus
in Iure ciuili publice legentes eius promotores suo : & Clan'ssf
morum Iurisconsultorm Dnorum Ioannis Campegij & Bertucij
Bagaroti Compromotorum suorum nomine Memoratum D.
Hieronymum petentem & facunde perorantem consuetis
89 Iurisutrusque]
PDoct. I2Q
95 ornamentis docto
decorarunt : Tribuen
& Ciuilis primo clau
capiti eius imponen
ac pacis osculum ei
Sic Itaqwe summa c
lOtiReuerendus D. H
tus Vtriusqwe Juris
IN fieri
QVORVM testimonium
Jussimus has patentesDni
& praefati Reuerendissim] priuilegij litteras
Episcopi pon
105tificalis sigilli appensione communiri.
Datum & Actum Paduae : In Episcoâli palatio in loco solito
examinum. Praesentibus Reuerendo D. Rhoderico De Caruaial
prothonotano Reuerendissimj D. D. Cardinalis Sanctae crucis
Nepote : Reuerendo D. Raymundo Baraille etiam prothonota
110no Reuerendissim.j D. D. Cardinalis Gurgen Nepote : ac Ven.
Dnis Joanne Moscheron Archidyachono Camerejij in ecchsia
Cameracen. Balthasare De Cordes Archidyacono Valencienn
in ecclesia. Cameracen. Roberto fischer praeposito ecclesiae Col
legiatae de houeden : ac Custode spmhialitatis ecclesiae Col
H5legiatae de hemewburg & territoriomm eiusdew ac Serenissimat
Reginae Angliae Capellano. Adriano Sandelico. & Michaele
picquot clerico Atrebaten. Paduae studentibus : Testibus ad
haec habitis. Anno Dominicae natiuitatis Millesimo quingen
tesimo tertio : Indictione sexta : Die Mercurij octaua februarij.
12oPntificatus Sawch'sstmj Dni nostri Dni Alexandri diuina
prouidentia .pp. VI Anno Vndecimo.
Petrus : e-piscopns paduanus : propria manu :

Melchior Lupatus : Cancell. manto. SC
Doctoratus Dni Hieronymi Busleyden

in utroque jure in universitate Paduana
1505
109 etiam] the ms has & with a ~ over it.

122 & 123 under the fold
124.12 on the back ; 125-126 are of later dates. Under that title was
first written 2 which is now hardly visible ; over 20 is written, in
much blacker ink, E.e. (possibly E. c.) ; below is the cipher xxviij in
an older ink and hand than that which wrote 125
130 .'s Life 12
12. WILL AND TESTAMENT
Mechlin, June 22, 1517.
99. The text of Busleyden's will, with the exception of the part
referring to the founding of the Collegium Trilingue *), is given here
from a copy authenticated by the Louvain notary Lucas Yaes 2),
made from another authenticated copy 3) belonging to the Trilingue.
That transcript by Yaes was made for the Chapter of St. Rombaut's,
Mechlin, where it still reposes amongst the archives. It is preceded
by the report of the opening on September 22, 1517 of Busleyden's
will, which is described as a paper deed provided with two seals of the
testator in red wax, one oblong, impressed on the paper and the black
silk cord, the other, also oblong, hanging on a similar cord :
it was offered by Adrian Josel and Bartholomew van Vessem to John
Robbyns, dean, and to the Chapter of St. Rombaut, gathered 'capi
tulariter', in presence of the notary Walter de Ridder, Militis, and
five witnesses ; after examination, it was declared to be authentic
and due to be executed 4). Then follows the report of the tradition
of the will by the testator to the notary Militis on June 23, 1517, in
presence of the witnesses Henry van Haecht, priest, and the clerici
Nicolas Wary of Marville and Giles Cupere, of Mechlin 5). It is followed
by the declaration of authenticity of the copy by the notaries Militis,
Persoens and Vaes e). The text of the will proper is printed here
with all possible exactness, even to the difference of the capitals used;
the abbreviations have been resolved, but have been indicated by
Italics ; only the marks of punctuation have been regularized. When
offering any difficulty, those changes and resolutions are recorded
in the textual notes based on a collation with other copies or repro
ductions of the will, such as that in the supplement added by P. Fop
pens to Aubert Miraeus' Diplomata Belgica : Brussels, 1748 : rv,
642-648 ').
]) The text of that part will be given with its history in HisTriLov.,
chapt. I (= Test.).
2) Lucas Vaes is mentioned as keeper of a manuel of censal
revenue and rents for the College of Arras from 1676 to 1685 : FUL,
2365
3) The copy from which L. Vaes made his transcript was
authenticated by the notary Robert Persoens.
4) MechlMS, ff 1, r-3, r ; cp. before, 76.
6) MechlMS, ff 3, r-4, r; cp. before, 71.
6) MechlMS, ff 29, r-30, r.
') It does not reproduce 11 120 to 208, as referring only to res domes
ticas. Other copies, or at least extracts, are found e.,g., in LouvArch.,
n 4095 ; FUL, 146, 160, 161.
Will 131
100. To this repri

rence is made by the s
Text of First Part
it In nomine Sanctae et jndiuiduae Trinitatis Patris et illij

spiritus Sancti, Amen.
QVONIAM cumquecaduca ethora

vocationis fragilis
jncerta,est
adeovita humna,
vt quo in loco, et cuius
quo tempore ea nos expectet nedum sciamus vtrum, jd satis
quidem prospicere nequimus. Ergo nos illam expectare omni
tempore, omni momento debemus, memores verbi apostoliei,
quia Ilia non tardat, et quae de terra sunt jn terram reuer
tuntur ; praeterea summa jniuria est diuturnioris vitae, non
10 dicam spe tantum, sed etiam securitate, de exitu non cogitare,
4d Rerum quoque exterarum dispensationem / jn jd potissimum
tempus differre jn quo mens grauata plurimis ad vnum aliquid
non est saepe ydonea : Quando tunc auget timor mortis, tor
quet jnfirmitas corporis, nosque saepe et subito nouoque desti
tuant omnis sensus et jntellectus. Quare vt, concedenie Deo
adhuc corpore sospes et mente sanus, jsta deuitem, et ad meum
non alienum arbitrium Rem omnem michi a Deo collatawi
provide disponam, transitoria scilicet in terna foelici quidem
commertio commutando, curaui jllud ysaye jmitari : dispone
20 domui tuae quia morieris et non viues ; formidansque jllud
Saluatoris : vigilate quia nescitis horam qua Dominus vester
venturus sit &c.
5r Ego, Jheronimus buslidius, Ariensts j Praepositus, statui

hoc testamentum condere, meo cirographo subscriptum et
sigillo munitum, cui jta vim esse volo, si quidem jpsum totum
vel eius partem ante mortem non reuocem S-c.
6 vtrum] var. verum

7 verbi apostoliei], iThess., v, 2; 11 Petr., iii, 10; Apoc., iii, 3, xvi, 15.
9 jniuria] var. incuria or justicia
13 auget] var. urget
14 nouoque] possibly supply modo ; var. momento
19 ysaye ] Isaias, xxxviii, 1. i
21 vigilate &c] Matth., xxiv, 42, xxv, 13 ; Mark
Luke, xxi, 36.
132 .'s Life 12
Et sequebatur :
Est vero huiusmodi

rem meum, jn manu
futuri de me judicij qu
30 dignus sim ; Speran
quibus nos visitauit ex
tem anim,am meam,
5v dentes jn vocem dep
cum seruo suo, ne ad
ceat potentiam suam
piat creaturam, et fa
collocanio animam h
sui hieronimi cum be
Deinde hoc vile cadau
40 contamination, qui
jdque minori quo fier
di, videlicet jn choro
sis, ad latus dextrum
6r ctione mea hispanica
ciae aut citra alpes. J
menti mei jnfigatur
domus meae ; et fiant
rum altera depingatu
batur Epitaphium a
50 hispania moriar, au
Bernardi juxta tollet
Archiepiscopus bisun
ordino et volo jbi p
6v Requie cum Anniu
celebranifam et fun
ornamenta ad haec n
30 visceribus cS-c] Luke

32 orans &c.] Psalm, cxx
42 in choro &c] MechlM
Cp. Rek., 16, v, sq ; an
47 jnfigatur tabella] Rek., 17, ; cp. 77. ;
46 duie alae] Rek., 17, ; cp. 77.
49 Epitaphium] 77-78.
62 Archiepiscopus] MechlMS, in margin Archiepiscopus Bisuntinus
frater testatoris.
Will 133
nominandis compa
nis hinc meae sing
quen tibus celebren
0 dotibus jn refrige
elargientur elemosi
mam ducentorum fl
sive. Jnsuper volo A
Ecclesia Diui Rumol
7r fratribus / Eccles
qualem dfis Carolu
Attrebatensis legau
cipandam et distri
ducentur Triginta se
70 ipso die Anniuer
missam facients. Jt
lego centum floren
anniuersarium meu
magnam aliquam p
noster pependit, es
7v auratam / magn
tini fratris mei orn
praefata particula di
90 mille missae] Reh.,

" elemosinae] Reh., 18, ; cp. 79.
93 Anniuersarium] Reh., 23, ; cp. 80.
' Diui Rumoldi &c] MechlMS, in margin anniuersarium in Eccl S
Rumol Mechlin.
66 Carclus de Ramcheicourt] the provost of Arras ; he was, r.o
doubt, a relation of Busleyden's friend and protector, Bishop Peter
de Ranchicourt, of Arras, at whose death, August 26, 1499, he wrote
an epitaph : cp. 30 ; Carm. 11, c, i. That Charles de Ranchicourt,
the son of Robert, knight, lord of the place of that name, and of
Catherine de Berghes-St.-Winoc (Brug&Fr., vi, 260-261), was ap
pointed member of the Privy Council in January 1504 : MalConR,
io-n ; MalConM, 40-41 ; Alexandre, 14-15. He helped to negociate
the Treaty of Blois, Sept. 22, 1504, with Louis XII and Maximilian
of Austria : Henne, 1, 51-52. As his name is not on the list of Charles
of Austria's house, Oct. 25, 1515 (Gachard, 491, sq), he had died
by then ; he probably was buried in St. Rombaut's, Mechlin.
99 deducentur] MechlMS, in margin Collecta.
71 Ecclesiae... Ariensi] Reh., 22, r ; cp. 30, 32, 33, 80.
75 crucem meam] Reh., 22, r; cp. 33, 80, 91.
134 B-'s Life 12
deuotionem meam
80 confratres meos,
deferri faciant, quod
Et casu quo jd facer
jn rem et vtilitatem
quibus jnfra dicetur.
dis apud montes Han
8r viginti: / Jtem fab
communes. Jtem Off
censfs decern Renens
Bruxellensfs vigint
90 Lamberti Leodiensf
chialis steenbergens
Jtem Conuentui Carm
Renenses communes
et hoc si constiterit
minus sufficientem,
dictae fundationis.
8 menses jmmediate
pro mea certa intent
Josel Canonicum A
lOOtrecentos Floreno
meam j Hi declarau
stari volo, sine aliqua alia magis specifica declaratione.
praeterea domum meam Mechliniae sitam, cuius fundum tam a
fraAibus quam ab alijs emi, et jllam propriis sumptibus con
84 Ecclesiae Sanctae Waldetrudis] Rek., 22, r ; cp. 31, 81.

86 Ecclesne Cameracen.] Rek., 22, r ; cp. 31, 81.
8' Officio elemosinae ejusdem Ecclesiae] Rek., 22, r; cp. 31, 81.
88 Ecclesiae Sanctae Gudulae] Rek., 22, r; cp. 30, 81.
89 Ecclesiae Sancti Lamberti] Rek., 22, r; cp. 31, 81 : only
twelve Rhine florins were paid.
91 Ecclesiae steenbergen.] Rek., 22, r ; cp. 31, 81'.
92 Conuentui Carmelitarum Areluniensi] Rek., 22, ; cp. 3, 81.
93 fundationis paternae] cp. 3, 81.
98 Adrianum Josel] Rek., 22, ; 8i.
403 domum Mechliniae] Rek., 2, ; cp. 87-89.
104 a fratribus] the property apparently had belonged to Francis
de Busleyden : it had an Old' house, and a stable near the garden :
he may have bought it to live in, or to use it as a site since the Court
and certainly Margaret of York intended leaving Bruges for
Will 135
struxi, vna cum a

stabulo jn jntroi
9r ordirio post m
et utilius fieri po
modi venditione
lloQuarwm prim
cisco Charissimo
mei; Tertia vero
nouae contiguis e
tis tarnen praef
plicabitur alumn
quibus latius jnf
sv praefatum fran
obire ante me, sin
venditionis praef
I20meis jnstituen
venditione domu
meum cncerne
Executoribus m
Redditus jn vtil
crescet bursarijs
mechliniae situata
itfrpretium et hon
cupio non possi
Executorum meo
I30ex annua locat
um connexarum
praefato francis
numismata mea
Francisco nepoti
musicalia et libr
Brabant; it was no
having the old bui
cp. 38 ; MargvOK
110 prima pars... E
1:0 secunda Francis
117 franciscum ne
132 francisco nepot
134 Francisco... mu
136 B.'s Life 12
Wyquibus infra cauetu

Catherina, omnibus s
florenos Renenses com
Renenses communes.
14oauream Ecclesise S
cum fimbrijs, quas E
jbi me jnsinuari cont
erunt bursarij mei. Jt
Antwerpienst, praedic
quaginta florenorum
iirdum me / amauit j
oret et orare faciat D
meae Clarissimae vxo
annulum meum cum
l5oannulum cum tabu
annulum cum turquos
vxori quondam Valeriani reddatur annulus cum puncto
magno adamantis quem ab ea habui. Item fratri meo Egidio,
pateram seu poculum meum auratum cui inscriptus est tri
riyumphus bachi. / Arnoldo vanden beken familiari meo,
Si mecum sit tempore vocationis meae, centum Renenses,
simul, sub qua quidem summa comprehendi volo salarium
quod jlli possum debere tempore mortis meae ; Si vero absens,
et non in obsequio, Triginta Renenses. Jtem domino philippo
I6ofourdyn familiari meo, quinquaginta Renenses communes et
vnam ex vestibus laneis, orando jllum vt quam diu viuat
jntercedat pro me quemadmodum jn eo confido. Jtem Johan
138 neptibus meis] Rek., 24, ; cp. 11 and (for number and be
quests) 82.
138 quilibet] MechlMS ; probably read cuilibet.
139 vestem auream... pro cappa] Rek., 23, ; cp. 80, 91.
143 Adriano Josel] Rek., 22, ; cp. 81, 89.
148 vxori quondam Valeriani] Rek., 24 v-25 r; cp. 10, 82, 91.
149 vxori Egidij] Rek., 99, ; cp. 12, 83.
150 ]\jjc (jg Naues] Rek., 99, ; cp. 12, 83.
15! reddatur annulus] Rek., 24, r; cp. 10, 82.
153 Egidio pateram] Rek., 99, ; cp. 83.
155 Arnoldo van den Beken] read... Veken. Cp. Rek., 22, v.
159 Domino philippo fourdyn familiari meo] Rek., 19, r (as a priest
he said some of the 30 masses near the grave), 22 v.
183 Johanni hansen stabulario] Rek., 23, r, 27, r, v.
Will 137
ni alias hansen stabulario meo, viginti Rener.ses. Jtem An

cillse meae "optimae et fidelissimae Catharinae lego quinqua.ginta
Renenses communes, casu quo vsque ad tempus mortis meae,
mecum habitauerit; si non, viginti Renenses tantum. Item
12ralteri Ancillae meae Christinae, sex Renenses communes, / quo
casu etiam jn seruitio meo permanserit. Jtem familiari meo
Colino si ad Religionem se dederit, quod opto, Centum Renen
I70ses communes; Si jn seculo permanserit, Triginta Renenses.
Johanni Meigherde, duodecim Renenses communes, et filiae
eius filiolae meae, vnam libram grossorum sex florenos com
munes. Jtem lego Conuentui Sti Martini jn Treueris quinqua
ginta florenos Renenses communes, et hoc cum onere centum
missarum de Requiem. Item lego tribus conuentibus mendi
cantium Opidi Mechliniensis, cuilibet eorum decern Renenses
communes. Item lego Conuentui Carmelitarum jn opido de
Marche, partim pro vitrina, partim pro alia Reparatione Ec
clesiae dictae conventus, centum Renenses communes, et hoc
i2wcum / onere centum missarum de Requiem. Libros meos scrip
l8itos gallicos, jn membranis vel in charta papirea, venumdari
vna cum mobilibus meis tota suppellectile superius non ex
pressa. Jtem organa mea, super poitale seu janu[am] aulae meae
Mechliniae, lego et dono fraternitati venerabilis Sacramenti
jn aede Diui Rumoldi, vt ibi ad altare dictae fraternitatis ap
plicentur ad honorem cultus Venerabilis Sacramenti : pro
cujus applicationis sumptibws et expenses necessarijs facien
dis, lego centum aureos florenos cum eo onere vt in fine qua
rumlibet missarum seu laudura jbi decantandarum, priusquam
1,4 Ancillae... Catharinae] Rek., 23, r, 28, r..

1.7 Ancillae meae Christinae] Rek., 27, v.
1.8 familiari meo Colino] viz., Colin Germain, the cook : Rek., 25,
V, 26, v, 27, r.
171 Johanni Meigherde (viz., Metten ghelde)] Rek., 23, r; cp. 83.
171 filiae eius filiolae meae] Rek., 23, r ; cp. 81, 83.
173 Conuentui Sti Martini jn Treuiris] Rek., 23, r ; cp. 81.
175 conuentibus mendicantium] Rek., 23, r ; cp. 81.
177 Conuentui Carmelitarum jn... Marche] Rek., 23, r ; cp. 81.
180 Libros meos scriptos gallicos] Rek., 2, r ; cp. 88.
485 organa mea] Rek., 25, r, 98, r; cp. 80.
188 priusquam &c] MechlMS, in margin : Nota pro confratern.Ven.
Sacram. in S. Rumoldi.
10
138 .'s Life 12
I90sacerdos ab altari
13/ de profundis, pat
sacerdote jn mei me
melius et expedienti
fraternitatis auisabu
mentio jn Registrose
petuis futuris tempo
vetur. Missale pulch
domino Attrebatens
cum alijs libellis opule
200manu jn membra
jn Rem et vtilitatem f
meae. Alios vero omn
i3yque sint facultatis
scriptos, volo jllos o
quo alumni seu bursar
vel executoribus mei
meis tarn mobilibus
liri vnum Collegium
Close of Deed
Volens insuper et desiderans vt si huiusmodi testame

210dispositio forte jure testamenti non sit valida, propter
personae praeteritionem, solemnitatum et legum vigofe
sitorum omissionem, quod id saltern iure codicilloru
donationis causa mortis, aut inter viuos, seu quomod
alias, vt vltimae defunctorum voluntates praecipue iux
tificij iuris sacctiones, valere possit et valeat, et pleni ro
firmitatem obtineat; Cassans praeterea, annulans et i
quoduis aliud testament um, seu codicillos a me quomo
conditos : saluo mihi semper iure addendi, diminuen
rigendi, mutandi.
220 Acta fuerunt hasc in domo mea Mechliniae, per me die
propria manu subscripta die xxij mensis Junij anno a
tate Domini millesimo quingentesimo decimo septim
180 ambono] MechlMS bono. 4 r t . >

187 Missale... a domino Attrebatensi] liek., 4/r, ; c
201 Alios omnes... libros] Rek., 98, r ; cp. 88.
Will 139
Sic scriptum :
Hec est voluntas me

Hieronymus testator
mortem meam per E
poterit commode ex
hac subscriptione mea
roborata.
Actum jn domo habitationis mese Mechliniae die xxij Junij

230anno millesimo quingentesimo decimo septimo.
Denuo sie subscriptum
jta est, vt supra Buslidius Ariensis Prsepositus Testator,

manu propria.
II
BUSLEYDEN's WRITINGS
1. INTRODUCTORY
101 . Besides his magnificent foundation, which Erasm

already highly praised before it was executed x), and wh
proved to be one of the chief glories of the University
Louvain, Busleyden left a volume of Lvsvs, consisting o
poems, orations and letters, which was copied out neat
by his friend Vegerius, no doubt for the author's perso
satisfaction. Although his timidity and diffidence prevente
him from publishing the fruit of his conscientious study a
painstaking efforts 2), he was deeply convinced that in s
matters the earnest intention and careful endeavours are as
meritorious as the highest success3). Notwithstanding his re
peated expressions of humility 4) and the consciousness of his
unrelenting efforts to imitate high standards of literature, his
poetry as well as his prose was praised unreservedly by Thomas
More5), whereas Erasmus encouraged him whole-heartedly6),
!) Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. ; Allen, hi, 804, 13, sq ; kveBusl., 35.

2) Cp. further, 164, sq.
3) He expressed that conviction in his letter to Dorp : Quarum...
opum altissima penetralia si minus daretur attingere, attamen pul
chrum erit hoc ita uoluisse : Ep-p. 58, 77-78 ; also 6, 38-40, 82, &-6 ; cp.
dag., 652, 4.
*) Cp. further, 165.
6) Cp. before, 61, and Carm. xxvm ; eveBusl., 24-25;
) Erasmus made him write a letter to More, which was to be
inserted in the Utopia : Epp. 81.
142 .'s Writings
and pronounced him as we

No wonder that Busleyden's
editor 2), since they do ho
and intellectual culture.
102. - His orations are very, effective and to the point;

although not .constituting a great enrichment to the "verse
literature of the sixteenth century 3), his poems are worth
more consideration than as proofs of his endeavours to van
quish the difficulties of lyric composition 4). His letters are
elegant; they testify to an excellent discernment ; and al
though at times formal, and conventional, they very often
develop a fine, vivid style, especially where the author forgets
that he has to take care of his dibtion 5). Even though laboured
rather than familiar6), his writings oifyr a rich wealth of in
formation about his time, with its enthusiasms and its crav
ings, with'its foibles and its outbreaks of glorious generosity,
provided they are thoroughly examined and connected
with the circumstances'that attended their composition : viz.,
with the events in which their author took such vivacious
interest and such active share that he could riot but refer and
allude to them in the occasional epigrams or artistically
>'U.
') Allen, , 178, u.-l4 : letter to William Herman, Nov. 23, <1503)
H. Bslidius... vir vtriusque linguae callentissimus.
*) Viz., Valerius Andreas and C.'F. de Nelis : cp. further, 127, sq.
*) 'NeveBiisli,'^. ' '. "
') Busleyden generally uses distichs or, as the MS. ha
Still he also employs other forms, as that of the Sanctor
which he calls Coriambicum carmen, no doubt on account of the
two choriambit whereas it might be classed more rightly as Asclepia
deum metrum tertium, : Carm. xiii ; also the
C.armen Alcbatcum (id., vi), the Carmen Sapphicum (id., ), the
Carmen Iambicum (id.,,'XXiv)( the Carmen trochaicum dimetrum qua
draturn catalecticum (id., in),-and a stanza: formed by four Asclepiads
(id., ) : in fact for all these forms he introduces changes,'or at>any
rate he differs from the models and from the prescriptions of the
manuals, as is indicated for each of the poems.
s) E. g..Epp. 73 ; eveBusl., 26, 27 ; Moeller, 85.
e) ErAllen, 157. . . ;i
The Manuscript 143
couched letters, with which h

ature during the rare hours o
It is the aim of the present s
possible of that information
2. MANUSCRIPT ORIGINAL
( '* . \>
103. The manus

preserved in the Ro
forms a small foli
leather back x), It
in pegjular spaces b
leave ample margin
side ;;it is ornamen
blue |nitials and ca
composed of sever
various kinds of wa
lilies, over a gothic
whereas the, rest o
it implies that the
but was made at in
started and contin
which afterwards
104. To that co
at least one hundr
ten 4), a title was a
first, page i *T
" V ) ,(i . i I
*) The pages measure 297

*) Cp. further, !ii8. > '' J. .>.
' *) A shield with a crwned1 capital between two' lilies is fbund
on the conjugate leaves e5, k2 and k3 and in the whole quire ; a
jug, on leaves I13, I14 and 115, and in quire i; another jug with an
ornamented lid, on leaves k4, A3 hd A5 ; a crowned empty shield
over a cpital and a minuscule b, on leaves A2, A4 and on the'eight
leaves of the last quire marked 1, 2, &c.
*) It was still in its original order, not bound up as now it is -
wheh it belonged to Oliver de Wree, who died in 1652 : cp. further,
127, 129.
144 B-'s Writings 2
Hieronymi Busli
J. U. D., Canonici Leodiens
Praepositi Ariensis, supremi Senatus
Collegii Trilinguis Lova
Carmina, Epistolae
It evidently is centuries y
it suggests some abnormali
were arranged when the boo
only the evident lack of sequ
state of some of the poems 2
with which the quires and th
another. Indeed, the original
letters or figures used as si
lower right hand corner of
unavoidable traces of the fin
are often hardly visible, -
taken account of when the
they have not been mention
105. Here is the list of th

with the pagination numbe
the signatures of the con
which, according to custom,
between brackets.
\pp I 3 5 7 9 II 13 15 17 19 quire b.
\ sign, bi b2 b3 b4 b5 b6 (by) (b8) (b9) (bio)
*) It seems to have been added by one of the former owners, possibly

C. van Hulthem, about 1813, and been inspired by the description in
BibBelg., 387 (1643) ; cp. further, 131.
2) Cp. further, 106.
3) It was the custom to place there the signatures in the ma
nuscripts of the Middle Ages ; it was followed for some time even
for the printed books : McKerrow, 74-75.
4) Usually the signature with the appropriate figure was added
as far as the first leaf of the second half of a gathering or quire :
McKcrrcw, 79.
Original Order 145
(Pp. 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39
quire c
j sign. C4 C5 c6 (07) ci C2 C3 (c8) (eg) (cio)
IPp. 41 43 45 47 49 51 53 55 57 59 \
Isign. abed, e f (g) (h) (i) (k) \q a~
^ Pp. 61 fly-leaf
I sign.
Ij sign.
pp. 631 65
2 367 696 71
4 5 (7) 73
(8) 75
(9)77 79J81
(10) H IO
\ pp. 83 85 87 89 91 93 95 97 99 101 )
I sign, di d2 d3 d4 d5 d6 (d7) (d8) (dg) (dio) j
iPp. 103
sign, ei105 107e4109
e2 e3 e5 hi
e6 113
(e7)115
(e8)117
(eg)119 121
(eio) I
11utre e
(Pp. 123 125 127 12g 131 133 135 137 13g 141 \-re ,
/ fi 12 f3 f4 5 6 (17) (f8) (fg) (fio) J q
(Pp. 143 145 147 149 151 153 155 157 159 161
quire g
/ sign. gi g2 g3 g4 g5 g6 (g7) (g8) (gg) (gio)
(Pp. 163 165 167 169 171 173 175 177 179 181 j .
( sign, hi h2 I13 14 h5 h6 (h7) (h8) (hg) (hio) ) 1ulye
(Pp. 183 185 187 189 191 193 195 197 199 201 I
) sign. ii 12 13 14 15 16 (17) (18) (ig) (iio) ) q 1
SPp.
sign.203 205k3
k k2 27
k429
k5211
k6 2I3
(k7)2I5
(k8)2I7 /
j qmre
(Pp. 219 221 223 225 227 229 231 233 235 237 )
j sign. A A2 A3 A4 A5 A6 (A7) (A8) (Ag) (A10) j 9mre
(Pp. 239 241 243 245 247 249 251 253 255 257 /
} sign. B2 B3 B4 B5 B6 (B7) (B8) (Bg) (Bio) $ q
I Pp. 259 261 263 265 267 269 271 273
quire 1-8
1 sign. 1 2 3 4 5 (6) (7) (8)
;Pp. 275
sign. I leaf
) added
(*9)
106. A glance at
gathering c, instea
in two half quires : c
title of page 35 (c 8
vantages of wine a
precedes in the ma
Pricardum, ridiculin
146 .'s Writings 2
only to shoot crows x). The ide

of distichs ad poculum Bacch
jokes 2),. which are found on p
immediately before, if the le
placed in their right order 3).
of four vferses evidently com
Diua parens, which, being wi
belong to jthe poem on p. 40, c
goddesses striving for the gold
added on ;the reverse of / c 10
Lady are on the obverse of the
No doubt they should follow th
with the same words Diua p
Virgini Christiferce, on the re
thering 1-10, p. 82, to which
\ 1 ; - : ' I ' I
3 '
107.
ly on q
is the v
leaf, p.
/ t : i - \
HIERO. BVSLIDII I
'? . .v. 1
ARIEN. PRAEPO. LVSVS.
) '1
A later han
in the left
to complete
al dispositi
*) BuslMS,
wards in a sp
precedes, as i
2) Cp. Epp. 3
3), Carm. xx
4) Carm. v, i
Wielant : cp,
6) Carm. x.
e) Cp. Epp. (),pr.
fTS
MHTKR
TEBJflM.TlV 3 LI DIX.
.-, J*

StTl,
UK
Ai M.TBJLLr
M.PR QJLY3V5 -
A>V?OJ.V.SVr>.
5tTJT,
i
Cad l cto r.e . _

.Art maK, .MM, JU &
V futfctm m
mpcAfaW ofPwtofttf
pLAhtmcptfttiîiiS, cfjza&is)
C*Anûtf
At""Hilf tt\LM#ty
t} Lfttvc, J?Agtnd
pijpnd nopxd
noprAJ.Qcet,
deceit,
*' pw n0ihmm m.
,? N ay^riMft. p.ttn nphmm. m.
m ihfj'jtilezAfitm
iifj'jiilezAhtm lyene'jict!tohjpiiFjf*Ahti0rt
bmrctfrhjptrtÂhej!}/
^&tH\mc'r>hw}ir)w
Ôf>Htr)C'r>hM]iniwmulhAj
mulhAj
ut tudfs*
at aides *
rtiifet?g<H)tui,
eiegA*)tvt,dnt
dntwarn
rami iirtvwjf
)netvoief>pJ*U&
Lko phdUrp
pktL^-r
Mtm. ffo/ ttiAisr.pia/ Opto.inform
indfix^lutd' g^fo irilarm.pi^t-^
'aolthit.^. LlbiitAnutAji a A in dltma

Amntkwc. QûatiJa w Otndbu êJ^MnLjad
P*
t5(hilm.mus....
iklmmUi, PtffAbuÛit
Jliitf ante*rr'
amoxc'
mjrrtmt^
myrimts.
mtxtnhr: etaptdhtiiime'ccnccnuAA
ccliitdic: et^vdhtnimC conccnaAAtrt
ui ,, hdaJL
kind i
tpjiidm mctdfd
upjiidm rwtiifriefV
ep-Lenocmui net.(>eif~>
LenocinU > j~en. ~,en.
hhrhLds^cdaxpcj^ R.bffyvtwt, Q^m jjitmsA
3a6leyd^tiju/iug
3u6leyde4t -SuauS
ofi<?*ivv^L titter
cm g' V VVC*-L titCfc-" |*^^ lê
148 .'s Writings 2
1650, when Oliver de Wree1

top corner of that page 'O
was put out of order when
time, without taking care
order; for it must have been
was shown to Thomas Mor
on the fourth page of a dou
wrote a Tetrastichon in pra
and prose, which is still faci
108. From all that can be

was originally composed a
I 52 I contain'n8
( sign. 1-10 a-k b-b
} pp 63-82 41-60 I-
ginning with the title
i
( pp 83-102 S
o" dl i contain
( sign, e-eio f-fio g-gro h-hio i-iio k-k8 )
/ pp 103-122 123-142 143-162 163-182 183-202 203-218)
[containing a first series of letters.
( sign. A-A10 B-Bio 1-8 1 bringing a second series

/ pp 219-238 239-258 259-274 ) of letters, and a fifth
[oration.
j Sl^n' I one leaf added, indicated as *9.

i 275 j 7
That original orde

left blank in the m
') Cp. further, 12

2) Oliver de Wree die
*) Cp. before, 61.
4) Carm., xxvin : o
on p. 63.
') Viz., p 60 (f k v),
Conrad Vegerius 149
of the documents, it helps to bu

sequence, which must have bee
indicated x) ; it also corroborat
disposition of this codex express
3. THE COPYIST AND HIS COPY
109. From Busleyden's correspondence it appear

the Mechlin Councillor found an encouraging appreciatio
his literary compositions, which may have naturally
sioned a desire to have them nicely written out for
sonal satisfaction. Being rather shy and diffident 2), he
would have preserved those pieces if he had not had
disposal the ready help of a young erudite, as willing to
and correct the style and language, as to provide a ne
ornate copy of his protector's writings. That young s
Conrad Wecker, Vecerius or Vegerius3), no doubt, h
joyed his powerful countryman's favour and help dur
studies, and had probably been appointed on his recomm
tion to the office of secretary at Court by 1512 4). Busl
attached great importance to the thorough revising o
fie had written, and he reminded his clever friend of
letter of the latter months of 1512, when thanking h
having started the copying 5) ; most probably the first
ment comprised the poem about his deceased brother
letter to the Reader6), along with some other epitap
religious verses composed in Italy, or soon after his
to the Netherlands. He further entrusted to Vegeriu
what he called : Nugas illas gerrasque meas... rudes ac
verse of the fly-leaf; p 218 (/ k 8 v), the end of the first se

letters ; p 276, the reverse of the leaf added for the end of th
series of letters ; cp. further, hi, sq.
J) Cp. further, 115, sq, and the lists at the end of this wor
4) Cp. further, 164, sq.
3) Cp. before, 53.
) Epp. 63, b-e.
s) Epp. 63, 3, sq, 15-17 : mallem te doctum... emaculatorem
industrium... notarium probare.
) Carm. 1; Epp. 9 , 63, 8-9.
150 .'s Writings 3
indigestas, announced in a le
probably the distichs abo
which had been jotted down
rather than composed painf
or they may have been his o
tion he gave : utque in buc
sent letters either in the r
in archetypa 5), or copies
unearthed from old papers
Martin van Dorp, Decembe
but one amongst the missive
or five years later. It s
of the letters that Busley
correspondence, as in some e
what he wrote some time
December 1510, he introdu
to Martin van Dorp which
ning of 1508 in his plea to L

110. Unfortunately neither place names, nor dates

were mentioned; still in the last days of 1512 or the first of
1513, Busleyden, expressing his satisfaction about the correct
ing, the copying and the adorning, of which he had received
a specimen, wrote to request Vegerius to come and see him
before continuing, so that he might be told the formula ipsa
et or do which he was expected to follow 8). In the first days of
March 1513, Busleyden reminded his young friend to observe
1) Epp., 65, v sq, u, sq.

2) E.g., Carm. xx and xxi.
3) Epp. 65, 2.
4) Epp. 68, 9.
') Epp. 68, 15.
*) Epp. 56 : BuslMS, 268-70 ; only one letter to Dorp follows in the
manuscript, Epp. 78, in which his name as addressee is not men
tioned.
') Cp. Epp. 47, 58, a. .-V . 1
8) Epp., 67, 18 ; that ordo was not neces
is rarely found in sixteenth century col
tial, at least as far as can be judged. ,,j - .1-.
Order of Copying 15 r
carefully Seriem et notam character

(ut uidebis) in primori fronte prcen
ters or figures added to the top.
some more exemplaria, one of w
letter by which Busleyden had i
dinner 2), and which, as he thou
already 3).
111. As the documents to be reproduced thus came

haphazard, Vegerius kept several quires into which he wrote
down the compositions that belonged together, and which
grew as the time went on. Judging from the title LVSVS writ
ten out on the first page of the gathering of 5 double leaves,
marked 1, 2, 3, &c., the first collection started with the epi
taph on Archbishop Francis de Busleyden preceded by the
accompanying letter to the Reader 4) ; it was followed by all
the poems on deceased friends or on religious subjects, which
were continued in a second quire, also of 5 double leaves,
marked ab c d e f, the last page being blank 5). Another quire
with the signature b (marked b1 to b6, in ten), was taken for
worldly poems ; the first which now begins the manuscript
is the poetic discussion between Busleyden and Adrian
Herbouts 6); amongst those which follow, are the short poems
about the peace of Cambrai, 1508 7), and about Busleyden's
*) Epp., 68, n"i5.

2) Epp, 47 ; in the manuscript it is followed by a letter to Ferry de
Carondelet, Epp. 27 ; he blames in it the spirit of lazy ignorance of
some of his noble countrymen, whilst in that to Marliano he inveighs
against their addictedness to feasting and revelry.
3) Epp., 68, j3-15.
*) BuslMS, 63 ; Carm. 1 ; Epp. 9.
6) Those two quires contain poems I to xiv, besides the letters to
the Reader, to Adrian of Utrecht, and to Josse von Beyssel: Epp.
9, 16, 21, 22. . :i.'.V-w >
') Carm. xv; BuslMS, 1-J.1. r'-X*: 7
') Carm. xix; BuslMS, 17-20; the monostich on
Austria's emancipation, 1515, Carm. xix,;vii, was eviden
later by Vegerius : cp. further, 116, 119. . 5
152 .'s Writings 3
house and furniture 1). They

the signature c (marked c1 t
of the last leaf Vegerius wr
copy to his protector 2) ; a
afterwards a letter to Phi
painting.
112.Another quire of five double leaves, d (marked

d^d6), was devoted to three of the five orations 4) ; on its last
page starts a series of letters, mostly to men in authority :
to Archduke Philip the Fair 5), to the Chapter of St. Gudula's,
Brussels, to Cardinal Bernardino de Carvajal, to John de
Moscheron, archdeacon of Cambrai, to Adrian Sandelicus,
dean of Antwerp, to the famous James Lefevre d'Etaples,
and others : they take up the quires e, f, g, h, i (in tens) and
k (in eight) 6);of this last gathering a little more than the three
last pages were left blank: on two of them and on the remain
ing space of k7 r, p 215, was crammed a letter to Dorp with
ananusual amount of abbreviations7), evidently after the rest
of the collection had been written.
113. A second group of two quires, each of ten pages,

with the signatures A (Ax-A6) and (B4-B6) was started for
letters to more humble personages, such as Busleyden's
fellow-students at Padua : Rainald of Tongres, the German
Frederic, Ferry de Carondelet,or to special friends8).
4) Carm. xx, xxi; BuslMS, 21-36. On the open space left under
the distich Mensa Buslidiana (BuslMS, 34, / c 3 v), Vegerius added
afterwards the epigram In Leonar. Pricardum, which title is preceded
by a paragraph in red, not blue, paint : Carm. xxvi; cp. further,
116, 119.
2) BuslMS, 39 : Carm. xxvn : Librarius.
3) BuslMS, 40 : Carm. v, iii; Epp. 25 ; cp. 115.
l) BuslMS, 83-102 : Orat. B, C, D.
s) BuslMS, 102-104 : Epp. 5.
) BuslMS, 104-215.
') BuslMS, 215-217 ; Epp. 57, belonging to the first months of
1510, - no doubt a document that had been overlooked, or handed
too late to Vegerius ; cp. further, 115.
8) BuslMS, 219-255.
Order of Copying 153
Of that section the three last page

space were squashed, at a later dat
enings, two letters : one to Dor
Bollart 2).
114. Finally, on a gathering of four double leaves

(marked 1 to 5) was started a third series of letters4), to which,
later on, was added the oration pronounced in the name of
Mechlin clergy at Charles of Austria's solemn entry into that
town on February 4, 1515 3). The remaining space, nearly two
pages, was used for a letter without name of addressee,
no doubt Martin van Dorp ; and since there was not room
enough, another leaf was added : it closes the volume 5).
115 . From the places occupied in the various quires by

the documents, and the different way in which they are writ
ten, either leisurely and regular, or hasty and cramped,
it follows that the bulk of them became part of the manuscript
in 1513. Some spaces were left at the bottom of the pages and,
evidently, at the end of each separate series : more recent
poems or letters, or those older ones which were found after
the greater part of their series had been copied out, were put,
somehow or other, into those blanks. Thus a poem for, and a
letter to, Philip Wielant were added on a page at the end of the
series of poems6) ; an epigram on Leonard Priccard was insert
ed on a space at the foot of a page amidst the distichs on
objects of Busleyden's household7). Another late addition
) 9 - r : BuslMS, 256-57 ; Epp. 75, of the last days of

February or the first of March 1514.
2) r, : BtislMS, 257-258 ; Epp. 76, of about March 1514 ; cp.
115'
3) BuslMS, 259-270 ; it contains the letters to Arnold van Vessem
(prob. 1507), to James de Blasere (1507), to Adrian Herbouts (1508),
and to Martin van Dorp (1509) : Epp. 35. 37, 52 and 56.
4) BuslMS, 270-273 ; Oral. ; cp. 116.
5) BuslMS, 273-275 ; Epp., 78. That letter, perhaps the last to be
added to the collection, belongs to October I5i5;cp.n6.
") BuslMS, 40 (/ c 10 : the end of the series of poems) : Carm. v,
iii; Epp. 25 ; cp. hi.
') BuslMS, 34 (/ c 3 v) : Carm. xxvi ; cp. further, 118.
11
154 ' Writings 3
was the letter to Bernardino

doubt from 1512, the period
written on two pages and a
purpose 3), between a first lett
one to John de Moscheron, of
to Martin van Dorp was cram
series of letters 6), and probabl
as the page after it is left op
to the same professor and one
were pressed into the three p
quires A and B, containing th
116. Still those late entries were made before the manu
script was quite ready, for the ornamentation peculiar to the
codex 9) is extended to them 10). Quite at last were added three
texts referring to events that happened in 1515 : a chrono
gram on Prince Charles of Austria's emancipation, in January
of that year, which found a place under two similar verses on
the Peace of Cambrai u). A speech delivered byBusleyden in
the name of Mechlin clergy at the solemn entry of Prince
Charles, on February 4, 1515, was copied after the third series
of letters 12), and it was followed by the text of an epistle,
presumably written in October 1515 to Martin van Dorp,
whose name is not added : they were the very last entries,
4) Epp. 54, pr. 2) BuslMS, 110-12 (ff e 4 v-e 5 v) : Epp. 60.

3) It shows an uncommon amount of abbreviations and a cramped
writing.
4) BuslMS, 107-110 (|e 3 r-e 4 v) : Epp. 54.
6) BuslMS, 113-114 (f e 6 r, v) : Epp. 59.
e) BuslMS, 215-17 k 7 r-k 8 r) : 57 ; cp. 112.
') BuslMS, 218 (/ k 8 v).
s) BuslMS, 256-57, and 257-58 (ff 9 - r, r, v) : Epp.
75. 76.
") Cp. further, 118.
,0) With the exception of the epigram on Priccard, p 34, of which
the title is not adorned with the regular blue paragraph, but with a
red one : cp. 111, and further, 118.
1J) BuslMS, 20 (/ b 10 v) : Carm. xix, vii : this chronogram has
the blue ornamentation, which shows that the decoration is younger
than January 1515 ; cp. before, 111.
12) BuslMS, 270-73 (ff 6 v-s r) : Orat. ; cp. further, 118.
Ornamentation 155

PfMIJtl 1* ' 1 ;
[\ < ' _, - *,
j cC
, i-.!.....
Jlw JuaameL...
j\lou... iM-iafihiLan^'..... J
i |lM III i
bm
bm trmurrn
trmnrrn (tril!fTrilai^fciiLLcrtL nr/mLnj
in jfiap rijyin ttin dellitpltltfit,i

>/piafiripta
JJ
IC ^^
X&clc^jfuaei

fat-s&s
fat-S&S (tJd&L
aJd&i y ThxrnA>$ty<7tuA y
f&e.
fe. & tLaf <d$ty- &**?<4
&u*i!ey)i*tiu<>aA '&
ttmt"*j^* rni
rfekenn fr/vre
jfAuJbt At
me* et- ttn"

vîmm * teg-rtrT>t*r
<<- kitri Jixnra
**>
*4>1n<iH4i e+ctnrxi, J?/ jW V'* -t'Anj
<*<, e+c> J
ft *
pi " ,
.
6.W
6U
;>W4^p tj>'m^>
M''
H,\jraA
^ ! \yVn*4i>
\j wn*44>f.\.-ir'AA
<>&./+ ci tyv>r>u*A JUfut/j ^ |

c&frvf <ll &***** Jk*W>
&$r. (U
te.Jr.cU Cu>WH&,
CvMumJtt, iorUvn..10,
^ 10. tf&4
?<? "J$)
5 .'s Writings 3
made after the transcriber

although spaces are left, the
as well as the titles in red i
117. Before these two las

the collection, it was subm
Thomas More, in the summ
visit to, and his stay at, B
sion made on the great man
fly-leaf 3) a fine tetrastic
written prose or verse on p
what Busleyden wrote, whom
No wonder that the inscript
the manuscript was bound :
ly just opposite of what was
HIERO. BVSLIDII... LVSVS5).
118. The text of the documents is copied out within a

frame of two red lines, leaving two good-sized margins6). A
few titles are written in letters in black imitating print, but
generally they are in minuscules in red ink. The initial of each
document extends over three or four lines below, and is paint
ed or drawn in a sky-blue tint, which colour is also used for
the paragraphs placed before each title and before each new
sentence in the text. That colour stuck at places on the oppo
site pages, so that either part of the writing disappeared,
or some of the blue peeled off 7), so as to produce some small
1) BuslMS, 273-75 (ff 8 r-9 ) : Epp. 78.

2) Cp. before, 44, sq ; maybe the collection was specially decor
ated on that occasion.
3) BuslMS, 62 : the obverse, p 61, is blank; the leaf must have
been double, for a small strip, or guard, is left, stuck to the preceding
leaf, viz., the last of the gathering a-k.
l) Carm. xxvm; cp. 61 and p. 155
) BuslMS, 63 (fir).
') Cp. the reproduction of BuslMS, 113 here in this book, p. 158 ;
also before, 103.
') E. g., pp. 233 (Epp. 3,15) qwantum ; 234-35 (Epp. 20,14) /otam ;
156 (Epp. 8, 29) humanitatis ; 139 (Epp. 33 4) A vdio ; &c.
Handwriting 157
blanks in title or text. M

by a small stroke or touc
the manuscript into a
were evidently added aft
was put on 1) : the spee
black ink, the last lett
ments there is left the u
not added ; neither are
the yellow lines for capi
Priccard, inserted after
black with a paragraph in
tributed by Thomas More
no colour is used 4), as
Lvsvs.
119. The writing of Busleyden's compositions betrays

Vegerius' hand ; it is quite identical with that of several
autograph letters of his, which are part of the Cranevelt
Collection5). Although there is naturally a difference in
the general aspect of what was written at considerable inter
vals and in various moods, that difference is not in the for
mation of the letters, in the peculiar form of the shafts that rise
above, or fall below the line 6), nor in the form or flourish of
capital letters 7), which particularities are not even abandoned
when an unusually large amount of text is to be crammed
into a very small space ; the forming of the characters was
1) The most recent document that has the regular ornamentation

in colours, is the chronogram on the emancipation of Prince Charles
of Austria, January 5, 1515 : Carm. xix, vii. The speech delivered
on his entering Mechlin, February 4 of the same year : Orat. E, lacks
the blue initial and the blue paragraphs, for which some space is left.
2) BuslMS, 270-275 ; Orat. ; Epp. 78 ; cp. before, 116.
3) BuslMS, 34 ; Carm. xxvi.
J) BuslMS, 62 (a page left blank) ; Carm. xxvm.
5) Cran., 12, 17, 68, 73, 77; cp. here p. 159.
e) The shafts are rather long ,and turn at their ends to the right if
they rise, to the left if they fall.
') Vegerius used either imitations of the printed capitals with pecu
liar hooks at the ends of the shafts ; or swash capitals like Italics,
with a long tail, e.g., for Q or R.
158 .'s Writings 3
~ rl
f.y.
( ^MmLhAj^b^xmceA^cûLamoL
(lo^nnLM.o|biijctijffii3ickii1
iDewrtfi*
n&04:%*%**++
eU*y* t*y<n f.f.
h*h*ficKt-ryf y!^
' QArmzAcejil,
CAmewapi, m ILs&ui Q.AmeracttL.Z'. m tatet Qjt
AM ifmmt
AtJtc mtpham
if mmi fojmkiin
cmfilmn ,
jhjmhm,.
iOMMmMMaim iutAmetl i
. tandem .mamlhsi {Hi Amt)fiM'ajf. m.. !
-Ml
.Jiff
ijhmtt
>jbmt jbtiietiitm
p&tmftuMi jimm
tjipfJih'.Attt juAm, |
mit m AuffttmL
t^timh ft/id
ft-stj Hmbilcum
nmkLrtmdtimftnL
dcmmdo negf-
negir !
tW.j/ttgtz+M&
tit .jiagifi+6.mt fftrjeutt
jxctfitti m ffif*iu>h
fsuet . nih
\jttUem
cjMtdfM cttnjtits
mnjxmstus tuts
tAndtm
Htubmjetf,
jbtf.ja
tu falirit
pilmtmtyr'*
mtpr'
HemdsdudA
twtiJu iajfti)&>/
ig, M-, c*tMuh.nt
fgt <W- cuplhm
euntnds,
m at (HPthm m- |
Hi 7W
Hi tt.mlti'
m (hI'mtj
wcjMmu .jtmtttiHtthui.,
Attmm fmkrmtimr,, |i
jttA mfxnms fifftni

jitx mpcttms mA, M umijtj'am
jvfpni meljuLum ijtj'dmfittrf,
pttttf,#/
ut{
*bj
4h' tr /xpidm,
exjetimt,uefjilujtuuUt
uelditjii/Htisa amf
mfjtoAjbm^Sck
ptAjhtl^Sai ]
,n. iimS
n- tj iimi fat'fttm, tm xetmttf
ht/ntf jhtdtffkf fhnjf-L tuMf fmLtjut femftt* ?
fiiCxtm, InHxtA udtfe ttbdst I
jiiCft'm, InHtM uiite tCkttC JpeturCf.pr.i^pj>eavtLK
Ifmmt,
b*Mr, Hmtt
timet teds
teim f/xtuuJe
fextumb fttmJti.
^mlts ulijm
.^Quad uittjm
efiiJta Ifrt4 jtopfijHah/tttm MhtiCit-j'Ufte fui>+ bLl p s
itlm
itltuiMatin
Catamr/Libita,
XMbm, ctdtM tern udm
cxsdtdi OuMas,
,ûem it jwdbt&ef
ttdmt
p tjm pr tXihUuif.
pj>t4Sftr uinfemtutH
txnu/Lif. lefhtrM cLtmcrrbtt
ulnptmtutn cLtmcndt.
*MA.
*Mk dbxeirir,
ULxemt, nhfe
shfe d ten
M M"
M"funic
fault.pAimtm,
pAiimtm,ad*Jnet
ttaf
usleydem. -Sua
jB usfeyd&H- Suit "3.
, j>-
. Hi
Hi
not changed although the letters of a word, and the words

of a line were placed as close to one another as possible, and
although ample use was made of abbreviations by contrac
tions, as well as of signs and symbols As can be expected the
aspect of the pages changes a little as the work advances :
1) Such as : coem nrm arum, for : communem nostrum animum ;

probetfor : probetur ; animor', for animorum ; qj or barred q, for :
que, quce (, quam) ; initial g for con- or com- ; and 9 for -us or -um at
the end of words ; e with a cedilla for ce \ &c.
Handwriting 159
j*
turn-trim
jMtnt aJ rtf j \nji-ar
aJ, j */
>?<<*/ /<*** j
f^ryc ijpl**rr*îfl
/> > "fc"1 jt* / ~-~.rJ.v r
Jititaj
Mt(> /**" JTCa^tmd*/rxmtim,
/ <*y ^ ejtmey 4wy
fitCertM
Mrrtf**""
MrnfMm ju< j^'dr**<j**<
- ^'tbrn K.V***S yi , fn/
aJmhA*
siJti*. I-Jt ijl 0(jri
Cifrt ^W**/
/**>*, ^ Si'jcnim
/-It- s0 ii-JCtt'Cr* 1-n~r>>M-*r
, /"/*
, /"ft -
^nrnh-f tVdt> y% >*>riy rtct-a-f . C;"t
H'*trnh-f /^>,"' ivdt-nt Jrner/ ha-At . (^**/**
*um"~rr'
t^rirm t-j( tW k/s **""" jSpT****
<u/>/*Af '
fy^h*-4* \ r xJ $i*JS>-
v> /rrfx>t< /***? *~*~*i*s
voLj/t^K ,^^
v*i:
V\a.-
' ( t* *7 -5'^
/&<**? - -a* **/.
ZKXttt,
*>. ^,; -
,. *
.1 /
V
>- * "V - * '. <>,* ' ' ' \'.*' V
*
* iwie/iff- a
s/**&9j/tf/- a
Letkrtf >na<uLle/juui
letter-cf & jkcUCtamwiL
(IwuuL ItfUMci (/ \?*{.
h Jr. <4 (ianvîdt (V j\Jt
Jtem+.jk^t S, (SXitSUi
Jlam..Au^ts, (C*o~.(Cro^..,6^
,) *:***&'*""'Q
_ ^ , _
" *** - v
<C5*ir f^L^S^^wvA! *r4i*Q- 4 *rh***Cc,
?0nM ir ^Cyy(jf*t*i'C{*~it*r
V"m *
rfl JJ) ff
tylMcibcK t
GiUi
G'tUri Ac 1 "f^
CU. 3ulyi&Ci|[v^Vtlif
^CCOWvU of It*of
J\ccou~Jt ,*M ,
I i*.e./LVuX<n*lTf~'-*A,
lSi5". 3t^..->oo.v
\Si5 iW^..-.
especially the later additions are slightly different from the

rest : the writing is a trifle larger ; the ink which is also
used for some of the corrections, is of a lighter shade *),
') The difference of the writing is e.g.,already visible on pp 259 and
following : Epp. 35, 52, 37, 56 ; it is similar, in its larger size and
lighter shade of brownish ink, to that of Epp. 49 (pp 175, sq) and the
corrections brought about e. g., in Epp. 27 (pp 169-175).
6 .'s Writings 4
and there are peculiar way

manuscript is in one and th
ly did not make use of Busl
librarius 2).
4. SPELLINGS, CORRECTIONS, ADDITIONS
120. In an ornate transcription of Latin composition

evidently devised for show, one would expect that the expert
copyist, who was so insistingly requested to correct and revis
the style, should also have regularized the orthograph
Instead of uniformity, the collection offers a strange var
ty of spellings : after short vowels the consonant is a
often double as simple : strennuus 3), relligio 4), rettuli
and, especially, litterce or literce with its derivatives 6)
an -h- is inserted or added 7), which Quintilian alread
pointed out as a fashion 8) ; whilst in many words th
-y- alternates with -i-9), and the -n- with -m-10). It eve
') Many words have small capital initials, not bigger than the
writing itself : Lectio, Oictio, voluptas, &c ; they are not marked by
yellow strokes ; cp. further, 120.
Epp. 63, 14, sq.
s) Cami. xv, 129.
4) Carm. I, 14, 11, ii, 8, xi, 55, xix, iv, 4 ; Orat. B, 10.
6) Epp. 76, 3.
6) In several cases the word is written in abbreviation : Irae ; yet
it occurs full out, e. g., with one -t-, on Epp. 1, 12, 2,15, 5, 6, 27, 19,103,
50, 99' 64> 29' 71' 15 ' With tw' EPP- 8' 128' 2I' 13' 20' 19' 4^, 8' 54 1
33' 5 6, 29' 5^, T> 60, 2, 5, 74 74 ' Earm- XXV, g.
') E.g., charus Carm. i, 10, xv, 98 ; hymber Carm. in, 2e ; gerrha
Epp. 65, n, 67,1 ; cathalogus Orat. B, 192 ; rheticulum Carm. xv, 58 ;
thricse Epp. 37,19.
8) Oratories Institutionis Liber 1, 5, also 7.
9) E. g., digytus Carm. xvni, 2e ; hymber Carm. ill, 26 ; hystrio
Carm. xv, 137 ; hyems Carm. xvni, 6, Orat. B, 64 ; syncasrus Epp. 17,
38, 27, 3 ; sydus Carm. xi, 2, Orat. B, lg9 ; lympidus Epp. 58, 58 ;
Clyentulus Epp. 71, 35 ; Hyspania Orat. B, 34, 104 ; hystoria Epp. 39,
24- 49, 163- Carm. xx, iv ; ocyus Epp. 41, 8, 44, 2e, 51, 40, 74, 16, Carm.
xxi, i, 6, Orat. D, 39 ; besides 'desyderium' and its derivatives nearly
on every page. On the other hand umbelicus, for umbilicus, occurs
on Epp. 5o, 87, 59, 3, 63, 3, 71, 25, 73, 46.
10) E.g., plaerunque Epp. 19, 7, 27, 65 ; nanque Carm. 1, 23, Epp. 69,6;
utcunque Epp. 57, 34, 65, 10, Orat. B, u ; and similar compounds ;
besides : inprimis.
Spelling 161
appears as if diffe
epochs at which
were entered the
given to archaism
and in constructio
with the prefix
career, neologism
iswritten -t-, in s
other similar wor
exceptionally in th
ca9), is far more f
and is found even where there is no connection at all with the
Greek , as in phramea 12). That also applies to the writing of
-e- as -CB-, which is sporadic in the beginning 13), but becomes
common in the later documents, especially in the letters in
J) E.g., terribule Or at. A, 18 ; secordia Epp. 31, 20 ; uorto Epp.

27> 59' 5b 2' 52. 32' 64> 24 dUUr VI1' 3' XI> 17' I5> 16' 5, 18,
74, 45, 54, 56 ; adulescens Epp. 56, 1. Cp. Quintilian, Instit. Orat., 1, 7.
2) E.g., aggrediunda Carm. xx, iii, 6 ; perferunda Epp. 6, u ; effi
ciundo Epp. 7, 23 ; experiundo Epp. 36, le ; conficiundo Epp. 39, 2,
44, u ; exscribundo Epp. 63, 3 ; siet Epp. 21, 22 ; assuescier Carm. xx,
v, 14 ; praesagierat Epp. 51, 4 ; omneis Epp. 73, 73.
3) E.g., qui cum (for : cum quo) Epp. 57, 3-4.
4) E.g., adfecerunt Epp. 15, 4; adsimulo Epp. 15, 16 ; adplico
Epp. 21, 6 ; adpono Epp. 22, 34, 38 ; adsequor Epp. 22, 13, 47, 63, 75, 31 ;
adsigno Epp. 57, 21 ; adsero Epp. 37, 10; adcumulo Epp. 39, 9; ad
plaudo Epp. 73, 23 ; adscribo Epp. 47, u ; adcaeptum Epp. 75, 34 ;
adsertor Epp. 35, 58 ; adsecla Epp. 73, s, Orat. A, 7. Yet, on the con
trary, is used exatiare : Carm. xv, 113.
o) Carm. xi, 32, xv, 157.
*) Epp. 49, 51, 72, 78, 80.
') E.g., offitium Epp. 57, 41; homuntio Orat. C, 10; suspitio Epp. 75,
4 ; benefitium Epp. 76, 17 ; otyus Epp. 75, 17 ; negotium Epp. 27, 72.
8) Epp. 9, 5, 15, 30 : the word phalerce follows in each case. Cp.
Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1, 5.
) Epp. 50, .
J0) Carm. xix, iv, 6; nephas Epp. 15,14, Orat. , 6 ; nepharius Carm.
xxiv, 10.
41) Epp. 58, 23, Carm. xx, vi, 9, Orat. B, 60.
12) Epp. 60, 30.
13) Viz., plasbeius Epp. 3, 8 ; plaerusque Epp. 8, 86, 13, u, 19, 7,
27' 65' 64' 32 ; syncaerus Epp. 9, 21, 17, 38, 27, 3, Orat. B, 21.
i62 .'s Writings 4
serted at the very last x), in w

apprcehendo 5), accceptum 6),
clcementia 10) and others,
warrant their use u). In
is occasionally employed i
quam, Vitalis, vt, &c., wher
used regularly.
121. After Vegerius had

compositions, it was subje
words are underlined or e
added, generally in the m
added in a poem, as if the d
author. That correction is different from the one which was
made at the very time of the copying, and is as an unavoidable
part of it: when, namely, a mistake is put right at once by the
copyist before proceeding any further 12). Indeed that final
correction does not refer so much to the language itself, as to
the very selecting of the word which, in a verse or in a prose
sentence, seems the fitter and more adequate expression of
*) Epp. 57 (inserted long after the regular order) 75,76, 78; cp. 115.
a) Epp. 57, 7, u, 24, 27, 31.
3) Epp. 57. 29
4) Epp. 57, 28.
5) Epp. 60, 20 ; similarly : succaessus, profaessus Epp. 57, p 21.
e) Epp. 62, j, 75, 34, 76 u, 17.
') Epp. 75, e, 19.
8) Epp. 57, 20.
*) Epp. 14, le, 60, 22, 69, 5, Carm. xv, 57, 66, 109, 115, xx, vi, 4.
10) Epp. 59, 14 ; Oral. , e5, 174, C, 4, 13, 22.
u) E.g. scaeptrum Carm. 1, 28, xx, iv, 9; caedo Carm. xx, iv, 9 ; caera
Carm. xv, 103 ; craeditus Epp. 57, v Carm. xix, vii; saero (sero) Epp.
57, j ; aedo, aesse Epp. 47, 58, Carm. xx, vi, 10 ; aedidi Epp. 81, u;
vastus, Epp. 57, 32 ; faelix Epp. 75, 6, 7 ; fraequens, Epp. 57, 32 ; aesu
riens Epp. 58, 20 ; raesigno Epp. 57, 14, 16, 37. That as is even found once
to replace the final -e of an adverb : aegrae feram : Epp. 47, 7 ; it is used
regularly for e in latum, latifer, latalis : Carm. xv, U5, xix, iii, 6,
xxi, i, s, Or at. B, 38.
12) Such corrections are marked by S (= Scriptor) in the textual
notes.
Additions 163
thought. Those alt

without any doubt
good as responsible
which he had und
hand 4), and the sha
identical with that
Some alterations, ho
himself, who was e
tion ; at any rate at
for him to fill out 3
they evidently wer
Some of those equiv
right hand margin
peculiar black ink,
at least, for as far a
sures in a manuscrip
yield a sufficient ev
them about.
122. It sounds most consistent that the Manuscript with

Jerome de Busleyden's works should have been part of his
brother Giles's heritage. If not, it may have been amongst
the books which between February 1 and December 1, 1529
the president of the Trilingue, Nicolas Wary of Marville, sold
him for fifty pounds5),possibly books which were more
worth to a brother as remembrances, than to a professor or
a student as a text or as a book of reference. At his death
in 1536, it probably descended to one of his sons, who after
wards gave it as a present, or at any rate, passed it on,
1) Those alterations are marked C (= Corrector) in the textual notes.

2) Such e.g., as the Epp. 75, 76 and 78.
3) Carm. xv, 29 : the verse is still incomplete.
4) E.g., pp 17 {Carm. xix, ii, 2), 32 (xxi, i, 34), 33 (xx, vi, 9, 10),
34 (xxi, iv, j), 37 (xxiii, j, ,), 38 (xxiv, 3), 43 (xi, 28), 64 {Epp. 9, 20) ;
those and other corrections or changes, apparently brought about
by Busleyden, are marked in the textual notes.
6) A ccMarvin, 2 r : Jtem noch heeft Meester Claes Marvilla ont
faen van Meester Gillis van Busleyden ter causen van seker boucken
der Collegien toebehoerende ende hem vercocht ofte ouergelaten 1 Rg.
164 .'s Writings 4
to a Canon of St. Donatian

few notes to the titles of so
names quoted, with the ev
script more interesting. To
Moscheron, Archdeacon o
Epp. 59 *), he added, in a lig
ing, in very black ink : Hie
num totus Sanctulus' 2). A
a note to the title of Epp.
Cornelio is inserted 'erdor
sorore', details which only
intimate friend could supply
written : Hie fuit tibi studi
borsalo. f Neuio. & Martino
123. Besides an intim

history, it thus shows a kno
of the recipient of the Man
Lily about 1506 or 1507, as E
evidently points out the C
John de Fevyn, who matr
vain University, along wit
of the Lily, on August 31,15
in Bologna where he prom
appointed Canon at Bruges
Louis de Moscheron's colleag
1523, and exercised a bene
) BuslMS, 113, (cp. the reprod

letter to Moscheron, to whom i
his return from Italy (1503-4).
a) That note sounds as if some
decease, which happened in 1
gave the Manuscript to the Bru
life ; his writing, or at least
different from the light traci
reproduced on p 159.
3) BuslMS, 134.
*) Liblntlll, 128 : Cornelius erfdorf de lusseburgo Traject. dioc.
I Johannes feuin de furnis Cameracensis dioc... lilienses diuites: ult.
aug. 1506.
5) Cp. before, 122, and Epp. 15, b, c.
John de Fevyn 165
School. He was an intimat

Dean Mark Laurin, but of Erasmus and Vives, of Cranevelt
and Hubert Barlandus, and of several other literators; he
himself was a scholar and a thorough humanist, devoting all
his time and efforts to the promoting of his ideals until his
death in 1555 *).
124. As he was most eager in tracing literary treasures

and in securing the help of all those who could further him in
his quest, it is likely that de Fevyn had become acquainted
with some member, at least, of the Busleyden family, and that
the Lusus of their famous uncle was offered to him. The
Manuscript was provided with some notes on that occasion ;
others may have been introduced before, as they do not suggest
any connection with the friend who was to become the posses
sor of the precious document. Some point out obvious allu
sions to Jules II and to Louis XII 2), to Charles V and to
Adrian VI 3) ; one styles the poet Remacle 'bibaculus' 4) ;
another calls Luigi Marliano 'Mediolanensis' 5); and two iden
tify Busleyden's copyist, 'Librarius',with Charles V's secretary
Conrad Vegerius 6). The note added to the Appendix ad Epi
taphium Episcopi Atrebatensis, namely : Nicolai Ruterij. qui
postea Louanij jnstituit / Collegium Attrebatense , is evidently
wrong 7) ; though joined to John van Nispen's, this epitaph
seems to belong to the period of Busleyden's 'debut' when he
wrote the poem on his brother's death ; indeed it would have
been most improbable that he should have praised his de
*) Cran., xci-xcix ; HisTriLov., chapt. vn. An epitaph praising

him as his Maecenas was composed by Franciscus Dryander, and
printed in Arnoldi Laurentii Berchemi Piorum Carminum Liber
{Antwerp, 1560 : 42 r, v), edited by Victor Ghiselini and dedicated to
George de Vriese, Friso, canon and de Fevyn's successor as Scholaster
in St. Donatian 's, Bruges (BrugSDon., 191).
2) BuslMS, 12 ; Carm. xvi : poem on Venice and her fickle fortune.
3) BuslMS, 47 ; Epp. 21 : letter to Adrian of Utrecht.
4) BuslMS, 81 ; Carm. vin : epigram to Remacle d' Ardenne.
5) BuslMS, 162 ; Epp. 47 : letter to Marliano.
e) BuslMS, 39, 195 ; Carm. xxvn : Vegerius' envoy ; Epp. 65 :
letter to Vegerius.
') BuslMS, 69 ; Carm. 11, ii.
66 .'s Writings 4
ceased friend Ruterius m

mention at all of the Colleg
125 . Another mistake is

title of letter 3 : 'Andrcsc
any rate, that Portuguese, c
with the poet Andrew Ange
lectures in the Trilingue ab
mus and of Janus Secundu
so that he can hardly have b
Padua University from 150
have been a second Andreas
annotator of the manuscript
by the two parts of the nam
Lusitanus.
126. A third wrong alteration is that of the title to

Epp. 27, which in the MS is addressed to Ferry de Carondelet:
the annotator crossed off that name on p. 168, and wrote on the
top of p. 169 'Marliano' 4) ; indeed, the letter is an urging
appeal for a more active life, addressed to a rich young man
who wastes his time and talents,neglecting all study and intel
lectual work, which did apply to Carondelet, but not to
Marliano, who constantly declined Busleyden's invitations to
a dinner or to a feast, preferring study, to which he had been
devoted from a youth5). It follows that those alterations
can hardly have been made by Giles de Busleyden, Jerome's
brother, who must have been aware of the inconsistencies
resulting from them : as a man acquainted with the leading
personages at Court, he cannot have addressed the severe
admonition to work to an overzealous scholar as the Prince's
physician, nor made a thirty years' mistake in guessing at
the age of the lively poet who,in Brussels, during the autumn of
x) BuslMS, 232 : Epp. 3 : this note seems to be in a different hand

from those which were added on BuslMS, 113 and 134.
2) HisTriLov., chapts. xii and xv.
3) Cp. before, 26, sq.
*) BuslMS, 168-169 ; Epp. 27, b ; the writing of this name seems
quite different from that on BuslMS, 113 and 134.
5) Cp. Epp. 47-50.
Oliver de Wree 167
1531, was a guest of the Po

renhas x). Most probably the
sons, belonging to another
constant family tradition,
Fevyn's acquaintance 2).
5. HISTORY OF THE MANUSCRIPT
127. The fact that Busleyden's codex, by the middle

the sixteenth century, was offered to the Bruges Scholaster
explains how, a century later, it belonged to an erudite of t
town Oliver de Wree. He communicated it to the Louvain
bibliographer Valerius Andreas for the corrected and enlarged
edition of his Bibliotheca Belgica of 1643. The name Oliuerj
Vredj' appears on the (very) right top corner of what was the
first page originally 3), which has the title as well as the letter
to the Reader prefixed to the memorial poem of Archbishop
Francis de Busleyden 4).
128. That Oliver de Wree, Vredius, was born on Sep

tember 28, 1596, at Bruges, where his father was a lawyer 5).
After a short time spent in the Jesuit noviciate, he went to
study laws at Douai, where he promoted licentiate. On No
vember 23, 1622, he was appointed barrister of the Council
of Flanders ; having settled at Bruges, he was repeatedly
appointed councillor, alderman and treasurer of that town
from 1624 on ; he was even mayor in 1643, and, besides ful
filling other public charges, he was warden of St. John's
') HisTriLov., chapt. xii : Resendius probably organized the

play produced during a well attended feast at the ambassador's
apartments, which was at least irksome to the Papal Legate Jerome
Aleander, one of the chief personalities invited : cp. MonHL, 615-16 ;
Lmmer, 92.
2) Cp. before, 122 ; it is always possible that the alteration was
made by a later owner.
3) BuslMS, 63 ; cp. before, hi, sq, and the reproduction, p 147.
4) Epp. 9 ; Carm. 1.
5) John de Wree, L.V.J. (1567-1607), was councillor of Bruges in
1593, and warden of the Bogard School in 1599 ; he had married Anne
van Praet (J 1634). The family de Wree, formerly de Wrede, was
originary from Westphalia : Brug&Fr., in, 290-92 ; Bruglnscr., 11,
190-191, 313.
68 .'s Writings 5
Hospital, which still prese

He was a man of great en
burdened by his office and
ment of his native town, h
ature and study ; he publi
ry 4) and a biography o
count of Bucquoy, baron o
history of the Counts of
plomas and chronicles. In
book, which now is much
preserves, though it was
Sigilla Comitum Flandrice
editorum, dedicated to Ph
lished Genealogia Comitum
ad Philippum IV 5), and he
Flandrice Libri Prodromi du
129. Through those w

rank of the historians of F
and sagacious erudition w
research and study. He en
canon Antony Sanders, S
publishing a description of
*) Mengeldichten, Fyge-snoep
Venushan : Bruges, 1625.
2) De vermaerde Oorlogstukken
de Longeval : Bruges, 1625.
3) Vredius complained that th
the costs of the setting up of a
4) This work, with recommen
Lambert de Vos, was published
1639; it was translated into
Cp. ULAnn., 1862 : 234.
6) J. B. & L. van den Kerch
appeared a French translatio
) Bruges, 1650.
7) Vredius printed several oth
documents of the early tim
Cp. Bruglnscr., 11, 293 ; Schre
8) Antonius Sanderus was born
at the Abbey of Afflighem on
Oliver de Wree 169
in 1641, the Flandria Illus

and practically helped to fin
draughtsmen and engravers
from Sanderus to Vredius a
latter on that noble work, w
continuing and perfecting y
Another collection of letters to Vredius from various eminent
persons 3), as well as stray epistles in the correspondence of
great contemporaries, such as Erycius Puteanus 4), give some
idea of the consideration he enjoyed. His house De Greene
Poorte 5), The Green Gate, in Short Square Street, was the
centre of a group of learned men 6), besides being famous for
a fine collection of medals and coins, as well as for his books 7)
and manuscripts 8) collected with great care and jugdment,
1) Cologne, Corn, von Egmond, for Henricus Hondius.

2) Royal Library Brussels, MS. II, 3015. That collection was
commented upon by H. Hosdey, Correspondance d'Antoine Sanderus
avec Olivier Vredius 1628-1647, a study which was finished in 1904,
but has never been published ; G. Caullet, De Gegraveerde Onuitgege
ven en Verloren geraakte Teekeningen voor Sanderus' 'Flandria II
lustrata' : Antwerp, 1908 : 2-3, 12-18, 31-36, 42, 61-63, 67, 78-9, 81.
3) Royal Library Brussels, MS. 11. 3016.
l) Erycii Puteani Epistolarum Apparatus... Centuria Quarta : Am
sterdam, 1646 : 1-2 : letter to Vredius, Louvain, February 20, 1626 ;
Erycii Puteani... Epistolarum Posthumarum Centuria III : Louvain,
1662 : 101-102 : letter to Vredius, February 27, 1640.
6) BrugHist., 526 ; before, Vredius used to live in Jerusalemstreet,
in a house of the family Adornes, by the side of the almshouse Jerusa
lem which was reconstructed by Peter and James Adornes in 1428 :
in that house he printed himself his Sigilla, 1639. He also possessed
a castle, Hoymakerscasteel, which Sanderus wanted to have drawn
for his Flandria : BrugHist., 559; G. Caullet, Teekeningen &c (cp.
note 4 of this paragraph) : 14.
e) Such as Lambert de Vos, Anselme de Boodt and John Lernutius.
When the Prince of Orange was going to attack Bruges on June 1,
1631, the inhabitants were roused to resistance by Oliver de Wree,
who formed, in a few hours, an army sufficiently strong to defend and
save the town, which he afterwards described in his chronogram :
AFR/ACFS BRFGAM 1/, VIDIT, AB//T.
') The copy of Alard of Amsterdam's edition of Rodolphi Agricolce
Opera : Cologne, 1539, in the Royal Library, Brussels, V. H. 10.764,
once belonged to 'Oliverius Vredius'.
8) Vredius seems to have had in his possession a collection of
12
170 .'s Writings 5
for he contended that hist

official documents, such as coaeval records and chronicles.
He died before his time on March 21, 1652 4) ; his son Oliver
and his stepson John Baptist Bonaert 2) erected a fine monu
ment in Our Lady's, Bruges, on his and his first wife's tomb3).
It was quite natural that a man of his style should secure
a document like Busleyden's Lusus, and communicate it
perhaps with others to Valerius Andreas, at work on the
second edition, 1643, of his Bibliotheca Belgica4). Having
mentioned the founding of an institute for the study of the
three languages, the bibliographer continues Busleyden's
praise : 'Plane virum fuisse in primis eloquentem & politioris
litteraturae amantem insigniterque peritum, testantur abunde
ingenii monumenta, ab eo relicta, nimirum Carmina, Oratio
nes, & Epistolce variae, quae mirum est latuisse hactenus. Le
guntur ea modo Lovanii, beneficio V. CL. Oliverij Vredij, qui
Brugis Flandrorum reperta ad nos misit' 5).
130 Nothing is known about the fate of the collection

during the next hundred years ; it seems to have remained at
Louvain6), where, between 1760 and 1768, one of Andreas'
Flemish manuscripts and antiquities gathered by Philip Wielant : cp.

Epp. 25, c.
*) BibBelg., 707-708; Bruglnscr., 11, 189; Brug&Fr., in, 292-94;
FlandOHR., 11, 283-89 ; BrugErVir., 64 ; Flandlll., 11, 34, 172, 414 ;
BN, s. v. Laurens, Guy & Marc.
2) Brug&Fr., 111, 294 : John Bapt. Bonaert, husband of Jane de
Wree, was pensionary of Ypres.
3) Bruglnscr., 11, 189 ; Vredius had married first Joanna Marrisael,
who was buried in Our Lady's; then Margaret van Woestwynckel,
and, finally, Catherine Peussin ; he had only one son, Oliver, and a
daughter, Jane, from his first wife : Brug&Fr., 111, 291-294.
4) The first edition, Louvain, 1623, of the Bibliotheca Belgica does
not mention Busleyden.
5) BibBelg., 386-87.
6) Oliver Vredius may have presented the document to a Louvain
College, possibly the Trilingue : either he, or his immediate heirs, even
seem to have bequeathed all his papers to some relative, or to an
intimate friend, or to some institution in the University town : at any
rate those papers were sold there on October 27-31, 1902. Amongst
them was a letter from Erasmus to Schets : Allen, vii, 2072, pr, which
may have strayed from the famous collection comprising 43 letters
C. F. de Nelis 171
successors as University
access to it ; for having
Sylloge 3) of literary text
University in former cen
to Schets which belonged to

sity of Louvain, Mgr. P. F. X
on May 14, 1865 : Allen, vi, pp 492-93. Most probably they were
documents which good friends had hidden after 1796, at the Suppres
sion of the Alma Mater, from the agents of the French Revolution;
they had remained in the hands of some family as a restoration of the
Alma Mater was hoped for, and they were naturally entrusted to the
Rector of the renascent University. His heirs, no doubt, treated those
restituted records as personal property, although it is hardly possible
to consider the immense amount of documents that were sold by them,
otherwise than as the archives of some of the old University Colleges ;
cp. FUL, xxxv-xxxvi,xl-xli.
*) BibBelg., 852-853 ; eveMem., 250-267.
2) Cornelius Francis de Nelis, born at Mechlin, June 5, 1736, was
most proficient in his studies in Louvain, where he was appointed
librarian in February 1758. He caused an academic printing-office to
be founded in 1759 with the help of Count de Neny, minister and royal
Commissary for Louvain University, whom he seconded in all his
efforts to subdue the old Alma Mater to the views of the Austrian
Government. In that spirit he suggested, and greatly contributed to,
the founding in 1769 of the Royal Academy. He was canon of St.
Peter's, Louvain,and of Tournai Cathedral. In 1785 he was nominated
Bishop of Antwerp, in which dignity he finally sacrificed the interests
of the Austrian regime to those of his country and of faith. He left his
diocese for the persecution under the French domination in 1794, and
died at Campo Malduli, near Florence, on Aug. 21, 1798 : GoetLed.,
in, 240-268; FUL, xxiii, 218-9, 227-9, 4350; TJLAnn., 1842, 215-18;
1848, 229-47 ; ULDoc., hi, 532-33 ; A. Verhaegen, Les 50 Dernidres
AnnPes de l'Universite de Louvain (T740-1797J : Liege, 1884 : 10, sq,
86, 105, 112, 135, 166, 173, 188, 199, 229, 380, 538.
3) He refers to it under that name in the first note of p 69 of the
first bundle, of which a letter is reproduced here as Epp. 72.
4) Probably from about 1764 (GoetLect., 111, 244), Nelis was having
printed three bundles of Sylloge ; they were never completed. Judging,
by a collection of the three fragments now in the University Library,
Louvain, the first, with the signatures A-M, was literary : it contains
Dorp's Oratio and his Tomus, P. Castellanus' Ludus, and (a fragment
of) E. Puteanus' Auspicia Bibliothects Lovaniensis (pp 1-192). A sec
ond, with the signatures Tom. I, Pars II, A-C, announces Viglius'
Dissertationes Historico-Pragmatices Quinque, of which the first is
given entirely, and the second only in part (pp 1-48). The third,
signatures Tom. II, A-L, said to have been printed only on six copies,
172 .'s Writings 5
Tomus Aulularice Plautince adj

It gave him the occasion to
Buslidius reliquit ingenii mo
vorsa oratione, hodiedum A
in hac nostra Sylloge proferem
131. By the end of the ei

script became the property of
'Syntax' at the Brussels Theres
acquired as salvage at the sup
Colleges of Louvain Universi
years of the Old Regime. Four
29, 1813, when he was at the
sold it for sixty francs to th
Hulthem. That man, who in 18
Royal Library, and in 1815, Pr
being invested with several ot
gathered an enormous amou
which at his death, on Decembe
Royal Library, Brussels : B
served there since, under th
132. Circumstances have

of the writings of the gener
Trilingue : his friend and Li
copied the manuscript, died
1526 or the first of 1527 ; his
and probably have perished 6
promises Tabula Publica Lovanie

to 1332 (pp 1-175). Cp. Neve Mem
issues belongs to the Royal Librar
*) Cp. Epp. 72.
z) NelisSy//., 69.
3) Baudewyns died in 1817, at th
4) GoetLect., iv, 325-361 : van Hu
1764 : BN.
5) In Van Hulthem's Catalogue, made after his death, it is marked
as n 9286.
e) In October 1529 and again in April and May 1530, his friend
Claud Cantiuncula mentioned his intention of publishing those works;
still nothing seems to have been issued : Cran., 225, a, b, 12, a-d.
Anecdota 173
hands the codex

as the deceased p
frequent expressio
positions 1); at any
of the chief glory
strangers' hands b
turmoil through
were sight off lost
tury one of Belgiu
excellence, and ex
hidden up to the
enterprising youn
tion of publishin
compositions : ye
that would-be ed
philological pursui
anecdota for anoth
133. Although
notices, they wer
sorily : namely,
Busleiden, Ecrivain
in 1873 5). To be t
are printed in th
from those docu
tation 6), in so fa
written as clearly
ed , but has as yet
the history of the
appears that som
identification for
to gross historical
ary Adrian Herbou
*) Cp. before, 122

2) Cp. before, 122
3) BibBelg., 386-87
4) NelisSy., 69.
5) Brussels, 1873 (ex
2nd series, xxxvi);
6) eveBusl., 24.
174 B-'s Writings 5
some time, considered to be the same as Adrian Barlandus,

a priest and canon, who filled a most busy career as professor
of Latin and Rhetorics in Louvain University ). That and
similar mistakes would have been avoided if Busleyden's
documents had been peremptorily placed in a well specified
time, so as to suggest the particular circumstances in which
they were composed. Unfortunately, hardly any poem or ora
tion is ostensibly connected with a well defined period, and not
one single letter bears a date ; they thus lack all testifying
power2), and constitute a continual danger, exposing to
errors and wrong constructions 3), in so far that an autho
rity on the matter pronounced them 'tantalizingly inexact as
material for literary history, from a complete absence of
dates' 4). That confusion is partly due to the chaos in which the
various quiies forming the collection were bound together,
as has been pointed out before 5) : not only were various
matters mixed up, or broken off, but even the four final lines
of one poem come exactly 41 pages before its very beginning 6).
It explains how the charming manuscript, which, at first
sight, it seems as easy to edit as to walk downhill, has, up to
now, discouraged all would-be editors that looked more care
fully into the matter 7). They possibly were also deterred by
the slighting estimate brought out by some critics who consider
them merely as literary exercises 8), whereas others regret that
the letter prefixed to More's Utopia 9) is Busleyden's only
composition available in print 10).
*) Cp. Edm. Reusens' biography in BN, and those by F. Neve in

ULAnn, 1874, 386-97; eveRen., 195-97, and eveBusl., 18, 29 ;
on the other hand, BB, b, 250, 14-15 ; Craw., 62, a; Daxhelet, 12.
2) Cp. eveBusl., 12, 13, 27, 31, 33, 34.
3) NeveBusl., 14, 30 ; cp. following note.
4) P. S. Allen, in his Trilingual Colleges of the Early Sixteenth Century,
a paper read on December ix, 1916 : VAllen, 157 ; he himself was led
to a wrong dating for one of the letters : cp. Epp. 71.
") Carm., : 11 to 16 are on p 82, 11 17-20 on p 41.
7) Cp. NeveBusl., 27-28.
8) eveBusl., 24, 26; Moeller, 85-86; cp. however, 61.
9) Epp. 81.
10) ErasBott,, 107.
Language and Constructions 175
6. LANGUAGE AND STYLE
134. It is quite possible that the lack of dates an

irregular composition of the manuscript were helped
scaring away of all potential editors, by the very lan
in which the documents are couched. The style frequ
causes diffidence by a want of spontaneousness; it giv
impression that the author thought less of communic
ideas and feelings, than of applying as many as poss
technical rules of ornate composition, so as to secure abo
a literary form and finish. Instead of representing a n
outflow of thoughts and emotions, Busleyden's writings
prove constrained and conventional, although painst
exercises of an overzealous student of literature. In his letter
to Luigi Marliano he owned that he composed his letters with
a view to learn Latin x) ; consequently the same style orna
ments and the same images are found everywhere : pleasures
are compared to ambrosia and nectar 2) ; new friends are in
scribed in an album or catalogue 3) ; benefits or promises re
ceived call up a phraseology connected with debt and cre
dit 4) ; moreover some proverbs5), and some incidental re
marks, whether bracketed or not, recur constantly6); whereas
several sentences are repeated in two or more letters7). Even
taking into consideration the disadvantage by which the cor
respondence of so rich and versatile an author as Erasmus is
harmed when his letters, intended for different persons, can
4) Epp. 50, 98, sq.

2) Epp., 3, 15, 15, 8, 24, 9, 27, 89, 47, 73-74, 4ik 423, 5^, 21- 64, 21 ; Carm.,
xi, 20, xv, 103. Cp. Martial, Epigramm., , 57 : Ad Severum : Jupiter
ambrosia satur est, et nectare vivit...
Epp., 27, 31, 46, u, 47, 64, 49, 66, 58, 41, 60, 8, 64, 16, 70, 7 ; Orat.
El 18' E, 44.
4) Epp. 38, 42-13, 42, 5-i2, 62, 3-7, 73, 57, sq, 76, 16, sq, 77, n, sq.
5) They are mostly derived from Erasmus' Adagia : cp. further,
151.
e) Such as : quod quum ita sit, hcsc qualicunque sint, and the various
parentheses indicating the novel interest of the writer or his friend in
the matter referred to : cp. further, 139, 140.
') E. g., Epp. 47, 44 = 58, 23 ; 47, 47 = 58, 32 ; 47, 58"63 = 5^, 34-40 '
47' 82"84 = 58, 22~24 ' 2' 29~31 = 41 1' ^ 5' 96"97 ' 3> 2~3 5' 87 ^
71 24~25' ^ 73> 46'
176 B.'s Writings 6
be laid out one by the side of

pondence can hardly be said
natural variety or of uncon
135. The language in wh

also have contributed to disc
only affects antiquated ortho
even in the XVIth century se
considered as proper 3) : thus
to the Utopia, 1516, was pro
quently, altered into mereri f
Even constructions are prefer
way, such as comparatives fol
such also the imperative est
with the meaning of etsi 7),
whose plays, on account of
copied and therefore had to
*) The presence of the same ideas

expressed in the same words, is o
Erasmus' letters : cp., e. g., Allen
2) Cp. before, 120.
3) Cp. further, 139.
4) Epp. 81, 6 ; cp. Thomae Mori L
3) E.g.,Epp. 23, 13 : magis in u
ungues ; 73, 74 : non tam doct
25. ic. 47. 2- 56, 18, 58, 13, 75. 17.
6) E. g., Epp. 76, 17 : magis an
benefitiorum pondus...
7) Epp. 71, 24 : Allen, i* 244s, 2
den also used esto on Epp. 49, 14
XV, 16 and 181. Further, on Epp. 8,
65> 7, 7, 74, 47, Carm. xx, vi,
8) Cp. Plautus, Poenulus, 1108 : Malum crudumque esto olidum
(est' olidum) : that reading, however, is no longer accepted. Another
example : Esto barbari extern ique ritus inuenerint &c, is ascribed to
Plautus in Thes., s. v. sum. The meaning of : 'etsi, quamquam',
given to esto, seems to have derived from that of : 'sit, concedo' :
cp. AEneis, iv, 35, vii, 313, &c ; Horace, Sat. 11, i, 83, ii, 30, &c.
It was commonly used in that sense with the Humanists : cp. Er A dag.,
1005, e> S1 ' Esto promus :... quasi dicas, esto dignitate Episcopus,
moribus vel canis, si libet 6-c, and may have been influenced by
the Greek: cp. ' ovtos ' Plut.,Mor.,987, b, 1072, d, <S-c.
Language and Constructions 177
ley den's youth. No doubt Plautus and the Lati

also suggested Busleyden to quote another exam
use of the infinitive mood with the meaning of the
ablative of the verbal noun, like the Greek infini
pose : 'agis tu non minus recte quam ipse egerim tem
impudenter illam efflagitasse' 2). That turn, wh
occurs in classical prose, may also have been imit
the mediaeval Church Latin, which frequently ex
aim or an intention by it 3). That same Ecclesiast
for certain, accounts for the subjective and object
with verbs in the indicative or the subjunctiv
replace the regularly classical accusative with the
construction after verbs expressing : saying, thinking
knowing, believing, commanding, and even ap
especially for words quoted from a speech. They wer
imitated from the Greek in the translating of the B
clauses with the conjunction were rendered b
began with quod, or its synonyms, quia, quoniam, an
Whereas Tertullian and Cyprian employ sparingl
classical construction, it is of frequent occurren
Jerome and the Vulgate 5). From them, no doubt,
derived the few sentences with quod, quia and ut
employs chiefly in connection with Holy Scrip
theological matters 6).
J) . g., Reddere hoc, non perdere, erus me misit: Plautus,

642 ; Nec dulces occurrent oscula nati / Praeripere : Lucretiu
Nos numerus sumus, et fruges consumere nati: Horace, Epis
s) Epp. 49, 166, sq.
2) Cp. Nunn, 48-49.
4) The construction uidetur tibi quod &c is called Rustican
et agrestis by Lorenzo Valla : De Lingua Latina Elegant
(Lyons, 1538 : 211-12).
5) Cp. H. Goelzer, La Latinitd de St. Jerome : Paris, 1884
375, sq ; Nunn, 51, sq, 63, sq.
e) Subjective clauses : Epp. 74, 48 (Videtur quod... null
suberat... ratio), el (uidetur absonum quod... supplicio t
objective clauses : Epp. 50, n (quod quam aegre... praeste
scio), 74, 42 (nunc cognoui quia tu times Deum), 43 (se cogno
quia Abraam timeat Deum); Or at. B, 26, sq (non tibi persuad
minus deuotus fuerit Rex, sed quod... distractus extiterit),
quod is Rex... inauguratus est); dependent commands (cp. Nu
178 .'s Writings 6
136. Nor did he ignore

appears to all evidence from
bundle of his writings : he
exercises ]) ; it was the unq
script bound in disorder 2
Orationes et Epistolce, whi
If his compositions seem u
count of that wrong title, in
brought out by Valerius An
conceived as Lusus. It is as
and gauged, and as such t
gestive for the history both
ment of mankind.
137. Busleyden's writings actually constitute precious

documents for the knowledge of the evolution of intellectual
and moral growth of culture5): they provide an excellent exam
ple of how Renascence and Humanism influenced the rising
generation, and shaped it into well-spoken and clear thinking
men, not to mention other beneficent effects. Indeed, if it
did not transform Busleyden into an author of genius, it
made him a protector of arts, a lover of literature and erudition
instead of a man who would just have enjoyed the sensuous
pleasures that his riches could provide. Instead of letting his
fortune run dry in the barren sand of nameless relatives, he
changed it into an everlasting well of science and culture, the
Collegium Trilingue.
138. Busleyden's compositions moreover show a con

scious effort to embellish language and style by every possible
ornament that would make it clearer and more effective, where
as up to then authors had had little care for the outward form
Epp. 60, 32 (hoc addiderim... ut memineris). Occasionally the con

junction is dropped : Epp. 70, 20. S1 ' uoluit <Deus> tua... persequutio,
nusquam fieret tibi... macula.
') Cp. before, 107, 127.
3) Cp. before, 104.
4) BibBelg., 387 ; cp. before, 127, 132.
6) Cp. before, 136.
Style and Character 179
in the expressing of their thoughts.

by an appropriate wording, and se
ornaments : the former produces
expression : the latter develops erudi
139 . The wording of all Busle

clear and correct; it endeavours to
well as the negligence and the humdr
mediaeval writings. That is done b
sible the terms used : choice words
duced Jj ; sentences are diversified b
the elements ; for example, by the po
of the pronoun or of the adverb 2)
forms or expressions, older 3) or less
ally employed. In the mediaeval
representation of thought dominated
compared and coordinated by conj
expressions, which offer a large vari
the cumulative and illative tum qu
concessive locutions quod quum ita...
or hcec qualicunque sint 8).
140. The personality of the au

that of the reader, which for centur
are referred to ; for statements are
x) Those synonyms constitute groups w

the style : Cp. further, 141.
2) E. g., Epp. 3, 13, 4, n, 7, 6, 11, 8 (... t
3 (... tuas quam aures...), 32, 32 (tantum
33. 5. 45. 35. 57. 3-4. &c
3) E.g., the old ablative qui for quo : Epp
Epp. 21, 22
') E.g., susque deque ferens : Epp. 49, 146 ; verum enimuero : Epp.
53. 5. 58, 66 ; cp. : before, 135.
5) Epp. 66, 13-14.
) Epp. 6, 14, 9, 27, 10, 28 13. 16" J4> 6- 22' 21" 27> 12' 25 * 32' 19" 33. 2'
35. is- 4. 9> 4^, 13. 5. 15. 5r> 23. 53. 32* 54.19. 66, u, 70, 26. 78,14 ; Orat.
28'
') Epp. 59, n.

8) Epp. 8, 123, 21, 22, 49, 13, 5o, 59. 95, 52, 15, 53, 57, 34. 6o- 16> 65
15, 7, 47. 81, 4' 63 ' Orat. A, 54.
8 .'s Writings 7
independent from them : it

way they impress : whether
ance or doubt, whether t
tient endurance or violent
connection of the writer w
by pointing out the sourc
in which he reproduces it. T
are expressed in numberle
tant {Epp. 2, 28"29> 47- 8
si lubet {Epp. 27, 14) ; inquie
27) ; ni fallor (Epp. 3, 14); si
possideo {Epp. 3, 6-7) ; ut, o
si quis sit (Epp. 47, 16) ; ut a
eam {Epp. 72, 20) ; ut paucis
dicam (Epp. 15, 8, 47, u), a
used so profusely that, in
on every four lines x), and
Orationes 2), even not count
by brackets 3). That profus
istic feature of the new sty
comparison between Erasm
at Busleyden's request, he
have it inserted in More's U
7. LITERARY ORNAMENTS
Parallelism and Antithesis
141. Amongst the literary ornaments there is none that

Busleyden used as frequently as the repetition of a word or
') E.g. Epp. 8, j, 13, 16, 23, 23, 24, 2g, 43, 44, 47, 50-52, 60, 101, 127 ; 15, 2,
11' 13' 18' 24' 33' 37' 43' 48' 51 27 4 10' 14' 20' 27 28' 36' 37' 38' 43' 45 47' 49' 5
57' 66' 71' 73' 78 83 105 ' 5 17' 25' 33' 42' 43' 46' 49' 50' 55' 59' 62' 64' 79' 80
100 ' 73. 2' 4 15 15' 22' 25' 29' 33' 39' 55' 59' 63' 64' 67' 76'
2) E.g., Orat. B, 4, 14, 38, 49, 52, 5g, 75, 10g, 114, 116, 126, 162, 163, lgl, 19g, 2
210' besides the three unmarked parentheses 45, 112, 188.
3) E.g., Epp. 45, 10, 47, 18, 74, 27 ;112'
Orat.
188* B, 43,
4) Epp. 29, 10, 27, and without brackets, 6, u, 13, 13, 21, 24, 31.
s) Epp. 81, 3, 4, 10, 3g, 3g, 43, 48, 54, e3, 6g, g4, ge : only the first and the
last but three (3, 63) of these parentheses are marked by brackets both
in the first edition of Utopia and in MoreLuc. ; the printers thus point
out only 2 on 12.
Parellelism 181
sentence in equiv
not only a clearer
description of it
synonymous const
and thus introduc
on the others by
first letters he writes that he tries to favour erudites and
students : ad quod ita faciundum, non tarn obuia uoluntas ducit,
quam uotum uel professio nos nostra trahit, stimulat, impellit 2).
He bewails his brother's loss, quippe qui..., he writes, non modo
fratris loco duxerit, uerum unico pro filiolo semper habuit, trac
tauit, fouit 3).
142 . Such groups are found in nearly all Busleyden's

prose compositions ; they recur most frequently : thus in his
letter to Ferry de Carondelet there are four such trilogies on
five lines 4) :
Qui uere amat, semper in amato est, illius salutis,
rei, accessionis anxius. Qui recte amat nusquam amicum
fallit, circumuenit, palpat ; qui syncsere amat, interpel
lat, arguit, castigat quern amat. Quorsum (inquies)
huiusmodi tarn abrupta, subitaria, tumultuaria ?
Ten other of such trilogies occur in that same letter dating
from the time of Busleyden's embassy in Rome in the win ter
of 1505-1506 5), and as many are found in a letter that is ten
years younger, that to More, of the first days of November
1516 6), whereas they are hardly less frequent in his speeches 7).
On some occasions that ornament is extended, and instead
of three, four synonyms are gathered, as in the letter to
Vegerius 8) :
x) A few instances are found in which only one synonym is added :

Epp. 8, 31, 33, 24, 5, 15, 16 ; maybe it was used spontaneously, without
being intended as a style ornament.
2) Epp. 2, 18-20 ; cp. 49, 36-49.
3) Epp. 5, 4, sq.
l) Epp. 27, j-5.
') Epp. 27, 44, 19, 26, 28, 3g, 39, 34, g6, gg, 92
) Epp. 81, j, 5, 22, 23, 29, 31, 37, 39, 99, 95.
') E.g., his Sermon on Easter Sunday : Orat. A, 9, 12, le, 17, 20, 28, 30,
32' 40' 41 "42' 47 50' 55'
8) Epp. 65, 4-4.
i82 .'s Writings 7
Nugas illas... tua uelim

reconcinnes, expendas, r
also in that to Martin van
Profecto tanto adsertor
preconi sacerrimas jntem
and in several other letter
143. Still the most inter

ment of style is less its e
a terse repetition : Fac prec
Philip of Austria 3), it bl
thought and figure, as in t
futurus tunc certe tuus..
bile bonum semel agnou
cultum seruaueris.
and into brilliant amplifications, such as that in the Sermon
on Easter Day 5), where it is said that Christ shows :
quantse esset uirtutis eius omnipotentia, quanti uigoris
essentia, quanta bonitatis suae in humanum genus
abundantia ; qua inprimis uoluit, nostrae carnis ergas
tulo assumpto, hominem agere humanum : cuius infir
mitas nostra foret sanitas ; cuius passio, nostra con
solatio ; cuius gloriosa a morte respiratio, certissimam
fidem... uniuersali resurrection! adferret.
144. Besides parallelism, Busleyden's style frequently

offers examples of antithetic comparisons, showing contrast
or opposition between two beings or two ideas. That contrast,
indeed, points out differences between two objects or two sets
of material circumstances : < fortuna > te uarie nunc in portu,
nunc in salo exercuit 6) ; or between sets of ideologic circum
*) Epp. 75, 21*33'

2) Epp. 22, 27, 8i, 36-37 ; Orat. , 22"27' D> 22> s7
3) Epp. 5, 23
') Epp. 27, 1I0-113.
5) Orat. A, 9-15.
*) Epp. 49, 26*27'
Antithesis 183
stances : tuum erat i

meanings of one an
quam quum solus2)
maxime otiosi 3) ;
periculo, feci 4) ; -
words : non eo se uiu
uiuant 5).
145 . The opposition very often hardly exceeds the mere

difference between two correlative conceptions, expressed
each of them in nearly similar terms : tu scilicet impetrando
quod cupis, ego autem curando ut cupitum impetres 6) ; or :
munus tarn te donante dignum quam mihi donato gratissimum 7) ;
it thus naturally expands into a balancing of two ideas, as it
has been called 8), with, in either of them, a similar syntactic
construction of similar words, or of such that are of the same
family, or have nearly the same sound : conscius inprimis
imperitice simul et ignauice mece, quorum unum minus nouit,
alter urn minus potest9). The harmony of those balancing
structures encouraged its frequent use, even when the oppo
sition is merely apparent, and seems as a different expression
of the same thing : as, where Busleyden ends his letter to
James de Blasere by addressing him as : bonorum doctissime,
doctorum optime 10) ; or writes to Abbot Bollart : quo tibi ju
cundius, illi gratius huiusmodi munus obueniret & ornatius
a me proficisceretur, lubens illi remisi... debita 11) ; or when he
*) Epp. 66, 12-13.

2) Epp. 49, 52 ; 27, 22.
3) Epp. 27, 22-23 ; 17.5~6*
*) Epp. 71, 22-23, 52, 19.
') Epp. 47, 58-5g, 58, 54-35.
) Epp. 59, 5-6 ; also : quando pungendo iocaris, iocandoque pungas :
Epp. 15, 5 ; de otio negotium, de negotio facientes otium : Epp. 27, 23-24
') Epp. 52, 2-3.
8) A. Feuillerat, John Lyly : Cambridge, 1910 : 452, sq.
') Epp. 55, 8-10, cp. 23, 9-10 : prudenti diligentia et diligenti pruden
tia.
10) Epp. 37, 30-31.

11) Epp. 76, 7-10 ; also : quum inter honoratos sis honoratissimus,
inter spectatos iuxta spectatissimus : Epp. 27, 61-62.
184 .'s Writings 7
suggests to More : continue

latum Uli perpetuitatem, tibi i
146. A new direction to that ornamental construction

is given by comparison : as where the embassador of Philip
the Fair declares to Pope Julius II the degree of his master's
devotedness to the Roman See : nescio an aque quisquam,
certe nemo magis est ei addictus 2) ; or where he blames Ferry
de Carondelet's remissness in studying : vtpote ad maiora nato,
maioribus exercendo, et maximis decorando 3). Similar compari
sons are used, e. g., in that same letter, stating that about his
affection : te agre uideat, cegerrime ferat, extraria ista et tem
poraria tantopere curare 4) ; in that to More, whose erudite
writings are called : Mira profecto raraque fcelicitas, ac plane
eo rarior, quo magis ipsa sese inuidens plurimis non prcebet
nisi raris 5) ; or where he tells Dorp that Our Lord will consider
as done in His honour what is done to His Mother : gratus
Filius, quicquid tu gratissimus gratissimce ac pientissima
Parenti impenderis 6) ; finally where he declares to Cardinal
de Carvajal that Prince Charles appreciates his loyalty and
affection : multo quidem amore, maiore pietati, maxima animi
gratitudine <tey prosequitur 7).
147. A special group consists of antithetic structures in

which various compounds of the same root are used in their
different meanings ; thus : quem uelim audias, et si opus sit,
exaudias 8) ; mora ipsa, qua alijs scepe dispendium, sum
mum nobis compendium (aêrty 9) ; meritis non tarn merita
quam muneribus merita <adstruerey 10) ; si ijsdem essent
') Epp. 81, 96-97.

2) Or at. B, 28-29 ; cp. Epp. 49, 52-53, 50, 8-9.
3) Epp. 27, 98-99.
4) Epp. 27, ,-8.
5) Epp. 81, 20-22.
') Epp. 75, 34-36.
') Orat. D, 34~32*
8) Epp. 59, 13-14 ; cp. 32, 26 praeesse... nedum adesse.
') Epp. 49, 14-12.
10) Epp. 24, 4-5.
Ornamented Style 185
auspicijs auspicates <Reipubliccey

tus sortem 2). It leads to witty s
me quum maxime uelis 3); and a
repeatedly appear under various
They were, no doubt, echoes of
erudite literators : thus in his de
gua Latince Elegantia Libri Sex to
cubicularius Apostolicus', Lore
opimum praemium generoso an
laudari a laudato uiro ? ut ille a
abs te laudari pater, laudato uir
1 18. In that eager pursuit of

as in the readiness of accepting
nascence, Busleyden had a worth
whose English style already ga
XVIth century, an idea of wha
the 'balancement lylien' 6). No do
same school, and if circumstance
to either of them, they had m
far sooner the advance in intel
had understood the meaning and
their contemporaries.
149 .The peculiar ornamenta

may have suggested the set of
in which one enounces the oppo
') Epp. 81, 35.

2) Epp. 8l, 42"43
3) Epp. 58, 81-82> 74. 18"19> 4' 22
4) Epp. 50, 32, 158' S1' 78,
38,15 18, 8-9, 49,
6) Laurentii Vallae de Lingvae Latinae Elegantia Libri Sex : Lyons,
Seb. Gryphius, 1538 : ff a 1 -a 2 r. Erasmus used that expression in
his first letter to John Colet, in October 1499 : 'laetarer profecto...
laudari abs te, viro omnium facile laudatissimo' ; and he refers to it
in a following letter, of the same month : 'lafiabar antea... laudari a
viro omnium laudatissimo' : Allen, 1, 107, 3, 108, 14-15.
e) Delcourt, 302-303; F.Th. Visser, A Syntax of the English Language
of St. Thomas More : Louvain, 1946 : v, sq.
13
86 .'s Writings 7
form, in the same verse and

They seem to have grown fr
which, instead of comprisin
two and more verse lines. B
Deprecatio Calamitatum Be
Almae Pads 2). In two distich
wise identical, the advantag
houses built are pointed out
Busleyden's castum torum, ca
sleep and rest invited 4); sim
natio Vini are enounced in
so are the results of the love
between which Hercules is m
Comparisons and Classic Lore
150 . For the sake both of a more graphic representation

and of ornament, Busleyden frequently resorted to compari
sons. Some of them are inspired by nature : by the self-com
placency of the hedge-sparrow7),by the blindness of the owl8),
by the longevity of crows and stags 9), and by the fertility
of the soil10). Others are derived from human life and society :
beneficent learning is compared to a mother's breasts 11) ;
the greatness of study and erudition, with the subsequent
eternal fame, is represented by contrast with the enjoyment
*) Cp. before, 144, sq.

2) Carm. xix, iii and iv.
3) Carm. xx, i : In Mdifcantem.
4) Carm. xxi, iii.
s) Carm. xxi, vii Laus Vini; viii Damnatio Vini ; vi : a distich on
a poculum Baccho sacrum, in which on thirteen words there are six
which have a double, and opposite, term : read with one series of
those six, the verses describe the good effects of a glass of wine on
Muses and men and feasts ; read with the second, they picture the
cold and languid results of its absence.
6) Carm. xxni.
') Epp. 49, 2.
8) Epp. 22, 20.
9) Epp. 49, 5j.
10) Epp. 62, 3-5 ; he refers to the lectores post messores on Epp. 22, 35.
41) Epp. 58, 46-47.
Proverbial Sayings 187
of feasting and revelry *) ; the

Vegerius is illustrated by the tou
picture by an able painter 2), a
Dorp should publish his Sermon o
to the effort of children who ke
though not encouraged by a sin
have promised a letter or a vis
and Busleyden threatens to pro
tor 4) ; on the other hand, he con
of all his well-wishers 5), whom
creditors, since he is unable to
fancies that his debtors are all
like the names of friends are entered into his amicorum al
bum 8) or his catalogus 9), of which he promises the first place

to those he likes best, whereas he wants it for himself on
theirs 10).
151. Busleyden's writings are further rendered more

graphic and lively by proverbs and proverbial sayings. They
are occasionally borrowed from the popular talk : for example
the mala... ansulis sese continentia, based on the widespread
belief that an evil never comes by itself11). Still they generally
are derived from the rich store of adages of antiquity which
Erasmus had collected from Greek and Latin literary docu
') Epp. 47- 38- 58, 22- sq, 36, sq.

Epp. 67, 8-12.
3) 74-
4) Epp. 38, 10-13. 5- 93~94- 58 , 6
6) Epp. 42, 5-u ; a similar idea is developed by Erasmus in his
letter to Antony de Berghes, January 14, 1518 : Habebis debitorem
neque malae fidei neque ingratum : Allen, 111, 761, 55-56.
e) Epp. 24, J4-26- 62, 5-7, 73, 58, sq, 76, le-18, 77-10- s1
') Cp. in albo debitorum : Epp. 38,13-14.
) Epp. 27, 31, 46, u, 47, 64, 49, 66, 58, , 60, 8, 64,16, 70, 7 ; Orat. E, u.
9) Orat. C, 18.
10) Epp. 46,14, 47, 64, 49, 17-18, 60, 8. ^
41) Orat. B, 38-39.
i88 B.'s Writings 7
ments 1). Some of those pr

or genre plusquam Syculce
Busleyden's writings ; wh
those which were not writt
but rather as an occasion
actually abound 4) : they ar
but most effectually inter
confer great vivacity, ap
brilliancy.
152. That same result was also obtained by another

constant motif of ornamentation, the frequent allusions to
facts and personages of Greek and Roman history and my
thology. That group comprises the often recurring comparisons
with ambrosia and nectar for all agreable things 5), and with
the Mcevii and Bavii for all imperfect literators, amongst
whom he was humble enough to include himself 6). The allu
sions rank from the trite mentions of Bacchus 7) or Hercules 8),
to Prometheus' pyxis and Calliopes 9), to Lucullus', Apicius'
*) The Adagia appeared as Veterum maximeque Insignium Paroe

miarum, id est Adagiorum Collectanea, in Paris in 1500, and were re
printed eleven times before 1516 : BB, e, 54-65 ; they were consider
ably enriched during Erasmus' stay in Italy, where Aldus Manutius
printed them at Yenice in September 1508 as : Adagiorum Chiliades
Tres, Ac Centuriae Fere Totidem\ the book was reproduced three times
before a third, once more enlarged, issue (3411 adages) was brought
out by J. Froben, at Basle in 1515 : BB, e, 89-93. In two instances
Busleyden quoted one after another two adagia also following each
other in Erasmus' collection, which evidently proves that it was used :
cp. further, 163.
2) Epp >, 33. 15, 3i' 7. 39> 15 Carm. xix, iii, 7, iv, 7, 14.
3) Epp. 49, 478
4) Thus in the 101 lines of Epp. 50 there are nineteen (6, 10, u, 17,
42 45' 53' 53' 55' 55' 56' 60' 66' 74' 79' 83' 86' 97' loo)' QP Epp. 15, 8, lg, 2Q, 2g, 31,
42' 51 ' 47. IS' 20' 41' 70 > 49, 15, 30. 144' 170' 171' 172' 173 178*
5) Cp. before, 134.
o) Epp. 49, 4, 73, 53.
') Epp. 39, 28-30, 40, M, sq, 41, 5, (42, 3), 43, u, (44, u, sq) ; Carm.
XXI, V.
8) Epp. 52, j, sq ; Carm. xxin.

) Carm. xv, 29, 75.
Renascence Culture 189
and Cleopatra's luxury It is not su

reminiscences in the writings of a M
lus placed on the top of his house, an
and windows with the legend of Tan
sentences from the lives of Sertoriu
and Lycurgus 2). That they were not
knew from hearing them repeated, r
he often refers to, or reproduces, sen
great authors of antiquity : not mer
of Hellas' great philosophers which
versity 3), but sayings and quotat
Plutarch, Homer, Hippias and Athe
Elder or Suetone s), as well as ver
Virgil, Horace and Martial6), from
from Persius, Catullus and Terence
nected with Cicero and Quintilian 8
Renascence Culture.
153. Those richly adorned prose documents, which

occasionally embellished with an initial or closing distich
quatrain 9), give an excellent idea of the way in which, in t
first years of the sixteenth century, young scholars w
trained after the new fashion. They show the means by wh
the mastery of Latin, which up to then had been the m
poly of a few erudites, was imparted to all those who want
to share the distinction valued so highly by the new civ
tion ; thus replacing most advantageously the long year
useless drudgery formerly spent on the speculative rather th
1) Epp. 47, 44, sq, 83, sq, 49, 117, 58, 23, sq.
2) Carm. xx, xxiv.
3) E.g., Aristotle : Epp. 49, 72; Orat. , 2 ; Plato : Epp. 49, 85, 73,
15' 8, 48 ; Socrates : Carm. xxi, ii, 4-8 ; the Stoics : Epp. 49, 68.
4) Epp. 8, 133, 47, 4e, 83, 50, 69, 57, 32.
6) Epp. 17, 35 ; Carm. xxvi.
) Epp. 2, 30, 15, 5, 18, 27~29> 5' 97' 58, 12. 42- 43 49. 179! Carm.
xvn, 10 ; Epp. 47, 68, 98, 49, 4, Carm. x, xv, c, 10, 24, xx, xxi,
and 134.
') Epp. 18, 23, 28, 10, 47,19, 70, 49, 2, 176, 50, 10.
8) Epp. 8, 107, sq, 17, 42, 27, 47, 50, 67, 64, 35.
) Epp. 9, 4-2, 38-41, 58, 4-4, 93-96.
190 .'s Writings 7
grammatical meaning of the

It produced the clear and ex
inating and yet elegant, sty
tions are couched 2) : even t
ceptions, nor recondite info
most welcome specimens of
most important periods of its
to bring the expression on th
making familiar letters and
joyments by their exquisite f
154. That form, to be tru

and constrained, as all good
lack of taste and spontaneity
benefit which the refined ex
intellectual, and even on soc
may be gauged by comparin
some of the chief contempo
like Dorp, Barlandus, and even
convey far richer ideas, th
couth compared to those of
he never intended that his le
any one except by the frien
Nor did the extreme care he b
from making the most of th
example the arguments in
ornaments are cleverly turne
of his purpose 3). He thus p
great intellectual and cultur
education on the threshold of
to be the start of the great
shaping the modern times 4).
x) Sandys, , 665-669 ; cp. Fr. Za

Leipzig, 1854 : 346, sq.
2) As examples might be quoted
74, 74-80, or letters like Epp. 75.
3) E.g., Orat. B, 43-47.
4) Burckhardt, 178, 199, sq, 203
Renascence Culture 191
155 . Indeed, already a quarter

intellectual education had becom
over the civilized world that the benefit was extended to a
much wider range by the use of modern languages, on which
were adapted the methods employed with so great success for
Latin. In 1529 Don Antonio de Guevara', archbishop of Mon
dohedo and Cadiz, published his Libro llamado Relox de
Principes x), which applied to Spanish the Renascence style,
ornamented with choice words and sentences, with parallels
and antitheses, with comparisons and allusions to antique
history and mythology. That treatise of education for princes
was so welcome that, within a few years, it was translated in
all European languages. Bertaut de la Grise made, in the same
year, a rendering in heavy, dark and unharmonious French 2),
which was used by Thomas North for The Diall of Princes,
1557. In the evolution which followed, both for Latin and
modern languages, the style ornaments were systematically
expanded and worked out : alliteration and other embellish
ments were introduced, as the humanists took up the fashion.
156. It developed to mention only English literature

into the flowery language of A Petite Pallace of Pettie his
Pleasure, of 1576 3), and it was elaborated still more exquis
itely by John Lyly in his Euphues, The Anatomy of Wyt, of
1578. This work gave the name Euphuism4) to the over
ornate style, which is neither the direct outcome of Guevara's
book, nor of North's rendering, but the natural development
of the literary language as it was renewed by the Renascence
erudites and the Humanists, as is illustrated by a comparison
with Busleyden's writings. Not only the sententious spirit,
for which the Anatomy vividly recalls the Uncle's precepts to
his wayward nephew5),but also, and especially, all the
x) Schck, in, 334, 489.

2) Liure dore de Marc Aurle : Paris, 1531 ; it was revised for the
edition of 1540 : Lorloge des Princes.
3) Edition by I. Gollancz : London, 1908 : 1, ix, sq.
l) R. Warwick Bond, The Complete Works of John Lyly : Oxford,
1902 : i, 119-148 ; A. Feuillerat, John Lyly : Cambridge, 1910 : 411
475 ; Eraslnvl., 92, sq.
6) Epp. 31, 19, sq.
192 .'s Writings 8
structural devices and orna

the bud in Busleyden's Lnsn
ber and simple when comp
is as the zenith, from whi
scended : Shakespeare imit
hardly ten years elapsed b
excess in his Hamlet. Yet,
work, and is still doing it
8. BUSLEYDEN AND HUMANISM
Principles and Purpose
157.Busleyden's writings provide an evident testimony

of his addictedness to humanism, not only through their lan
guage and style, but also through the ideas expressed. The
Mechlin Councillor was very pious as his poems show 1), and
as he declared to Martin van Dorp 2), whom he insistingly
urged to tackle religious and devotional subjects 3). Yet, with
all that, he uses pagan terminology : even when referring to
God, he talks of the dii, and mentions the ira deorum 4). In
the very poem that celebrates the Lord's Resurrection, he
introduces the Sibylls, calls hell by the heathen names Avernus
and Acheron, and praises that most important day in Christian
economy by the typical expression of pagan superstition :
dies meliore notanda lapillo 5) ! That strange terminology
was not at all the result of any doubt, but the natural sequel
of the sincere wish of any intellectually and culturally de
veloped XVIth century man, to lift up talk and conversation
from low, slovenly routine by what was considered as the
chief source of ornamentation, classic lore. Not only solemn
teaching, but even the ordinary social intercourse was then
changing from terse and vulgar statements into an intellectual,
x) Carm. in, vi, , xi, xiv, &c ; Epp. 16.

2) Epp. 73, 67 : pietatem (cuius sum studiosus) ; cp. aesuriens pietas
nostra : Epp. 22, 33.
3) Epp. 73, e3, sq ; 75, 19, sq.
4) Epp. 50, 7g ; also 2, 24, 23, g, 27, 107, 28, 21, 39. 9. 43. i> 47. 52 86'
&c. Marliano also writes about dii boni : Epp. 48, 75 ; NeveBwil., 23.
6) Carm. xiv, 2. 5. 15 references to the Manes and Elysii occur
in Epp. 8, 82, 17, 30, 68, 5.
Zeal for Study 193
if not a literary, enjoyme

expected from the highly o
Busleyden, whose conversati
and interesting than his cho
a judge as Thomas More 2).
statement, the letters and c
to any attentive reader the
wit and humour, of the hospi
Ferry de Carondelet against
and Canon Priccard against be
or where he feelingly cuts sh
account of the recipient's b
threatens all avaricious people
158.-A more peculiar cha

is Busleyden's full understand
he never misses an opportunit
occasion of the education of
when referring to the indi
young nobleman : it made him
to his friend Ferry de Caron
and his opportunities in idlen
a life of study as the only r
above all enjoyment of feas
it by word and example : 'pl
quam vini ad mensam ingurgit
peace and happiness of the mi
which it procures amply ma
is an apt reward for all effo
') Cp. Burckhardt, 328, sq, 333,

2) Cp. 61, 62, 163.
3) Carm. xxv, xxvi.
4) Or at. D, 45, sq ; Carm. ,
bitter at times, is implied by his
6) Epp. 31,32, 51 and especially 3
new suit only on the condition
by Terence (r24).
e) Epp. 27.
') Epp. 47, 52, sq, 58, 22, sq. Cp.
8) Epp. 58, 26, 36> 47, 59, 60.
) Epp. 17, 26, sq, 47, 62-63, 54, 38
194 B-'s Writings 8
posterity is said to be the on

our life : Te vixisse probet po
159. Still, before all, it is

any study that Busleyden sh
ist. He proclaims the princip
one should not limit onesel
been found out and enounced
and enlarge that knowledg
humanistic work, as the sour
the thorough acquaintance
to acquire, Busleyden decla
graceful as useless, tarn turp
with the existing comments
semper ex commentarijs sa
superaddere, quasi natura i
rit 2). And he directs that int
transcendent aim of all huma
of man, the humanizing him
'quo... non tam doctior ac mel
160. True to the genuine

did not try to attain moral p
wished to share with his fellow-men whatever he valued
as an improvement to himself. Instead of revelling in intel
lectual pursuits, or in the possession of artistic and literary
documents, he turned them, if not directly, at least mediately
to the good of mankind in general. He thus realized the lofty
principle that all knowlegde and erudition should be directed,
not to the glory and pleasure of one man, but to the welfare
J) Carm. xxi, i, 27-28. Cp. Burckhard, 178, 498, quoting Poggio's

statement (De Avaritia : Opera, 1513 : 2) that only those who had
written learned and eloquent Latin books, or who had translated
Greek into Latin, could say 'se vixisse'. When writing to Antony
de Berghes, Abbot of St. Bertin, on December 13, 1517, Erasmus
urges that prelate to favour him because he deserves it : 'quod
fortassis extincto me posteritas rectius iudicabit; quanquam nec
hac tte desint qui perspiciant : Allen, m, 739, 25-26.
Epp. 58, 58, sq, 74, 62-71, &c.
3) Epp. 73, 74-75.
Generous Aim 195
and,not in the least degree, to

of humanity at large x). That
in his writings, not merely ab
the wisdom of life : wheneve
do good to his neighbour :
feasts as occasions to exercis
to one's friends and fellow-m
sults of experience, and of
He advocates criticizing and
ions, tempora et mores, wh
countrymen, not to blaze t
deplore and amend them : ut
rem, quam aliqua ex parte no
that sound and beneficent
teristic of humanism in the
excelled 4). He thus claimed t
friend 5) ; he warns another
iers 6) ; he prescribes a mora
cates the mourning for the
conscience of a corresponden
attend friendly feasts and me
to communicate beneficent in
advantages to man 9), thus
to the welfare of humanity i
it an intelligent man's duty t
of his brethren, realizing and
he put into his brother's m
mihi natum, Sed potius cha
*) Epp. 47, 60-63 ; 49, 124-7, 132

scire, hoc sciat alter.
2) Epp. 49, 9g, sq, 124, sq, 81, 24, sq.
3) Epp. 49, 135, sq.
4) Cp. ActaMori, 81-82.
6) Epp. 50, 23, sq, 27, 71-72.
) Epp. 56, 16, sq.
') Epp. 31, 19-30.
8) Epp. 8, 83, sq.
*) Epp. 47, 21, si, e7, s?, 49, 59~i32
10) Epp. 49, l3|"132'
) Carm., 1, 9-10; cp. Epp. 49, e8, si, 124, si, 81, 24-25.
196 .'s Writings 8
Study and Research
161 . As a natural result

study, Busleyden professes
as well as for erudition an
acquire it, books and man
example of the care to be be
ry and literature, and who
who shared that noble pas
was famous for his literary
known to him. Thirty years
still remembered for it, as
ist George Cassander 2), wh
Pliny the Younger's De Vi
Councillor John Wouters,
Meerendree, who had been
that of Erasmus 4) ; referri
books, Cassander mentions t
de Busleyden had declared
might be others who had as
but that it would be very d
umes were nicer, more orn
testimony is provided by
monishes his old professor a
enjoins him to take more
other hand, he is for ever
codices which, true to the t
to free from darkness and ve
*) Epp. 2, 14-17.
) HisTriLov., chapt. xvn; Sch
3) Cologne, Mart. Gymnicus, 1
4) VO, vii, 172, 216-17; Allen
) Cassander (1513-1566) mus
ately as in 1543, he started a jo
son Corneille, canon of St. Do
IX, XVII.
e) Cui quidem ut numero parem nonnulli, aliqui etiam ea in

structiorem <bibliothecam>, certe cultu, elegantia, ornatuque confe
rendam haud facile quisquam alibi reperiat. Id quod Hieronymum
Buslidium aliquando apud te professum audiui: HumLov., ill, 7,10, 71.
') Epp. 20.
8) Epp. 20 8-10. Cp. Symonds, 73-74, 132, sq.
Love of Books 197
He bought whatever litera

and highly treasured them
anticipated our modern bib
made of all the items in a r
used by scholars, such as h
Arnhem William Heda x). H
collection at the disposal o
from Erasmus' letter of De
gilius, author of a collection
ac Sacra 2) ; the great Hum
that book throughout dif
Alps, finally had found a co
friend : 'tandem', he writes,
clarissimi viri Hieronymi Bu
rum emacissimus, ex Italia se
162. Erasmus' remark, w

Busleyden took in books, s
late's readiness to place the
he gathered, at his friends' d
than a book-lover, more tha
itions and manuscripts jeal
dragon. He was a scholar him
make use of his books. He
early youth, and it is quite
sent of Martial's poems to a
Not only was he interested
the pictures that adorned on
tions on different parts of
J) Ep. 55, e, 12, sq, 26, sq, 41-42

a 'uenator, sed uel magnus... uorator helluoque' of books, manu
scripts and learning.
2) Yenice, Chr. de Pensis (2nd edition) : November 6, 1500.
3) Allen, iv, 1175, 50-53 ; Sandys, 11, 212. Erasmus probably saw
that book at Mechlin after his return from England, by 1515 or
1516 : cp. Allen, 11, 531, 408-4U
4) He refers to his desire to investigate philosophy : Epp. 58, 58, sq,
68 s?> 82> s1- Amongst his belongings were found a globe, sphera,
and two astrolabes, which at the sale were purchased by Dean John
Robbyns : IBM2, 298, r.
5) Epp. 3, n-14.
ig8 .'s Writings 8
iar with Petrarca's writings x

the subject of one of his poem
of his hy-pocaustum 2). Throu
eagerness for literature : in
Pczana by the Bruges poet Ch
vius Italicus 3). The study o
were equally attractive to him
Vergilius' Adagia4), and f
Martin van Dorp a copy of B
it was published 5). His inqu
for which Dorp 6) was to hel
his interest extended far b
which also follows from the
Moscheron offered him a b
icus7). In a word, he emine
of the modern spirit which,
ledgment of his limitations,
tenuitas nostra doceri semper
163. Thomas More, who

conversation of an erudite and a scholar, and considered it
more interesting than his splendid collection of books8),
praised his poems and compositions unconditionally10). Indeed,
the writings of the venerable Prelate testify to a most refined
culture and a great command of Latin Literature. From the
fact that on two occasions, two proverbs follow on each other
as well in his letters as in Erasmus' great collection of Adagia,
it is evident that he was familiarized with that work of his
great friend u); and it is most probable that he purchased
x) Carm. xx, vi.

2) Carm. xxiv; cp. before, 41.
Epp. 45, 25, sq.
4) Allen, iv, 1175, 50-53 ; cp. before, 161.
6) Epp. 78, 27~34*
e) Epp. 74. He also made a present of Lefevre's Quincuplex Psalte
rium (1509) to the St. Matthias Abbey of Treves : cp. Epp. 46, c.
') Epp. 77, 13-15.
8) Epp. 74, 71-72
*) Cp. before, 61, 62.
10) Cp. before, 44, and Carm. xxvui.
") Epp. 49, 170-171, 50, 53 ; cp. before, 151.
Longing for Improvement 199
and perused all the writings of the famous Hum

as ever they were published.
Personal Character
164. If Busleyden did not publish his writings, it wa

not so much on account of the principle enounced by Marlian
on eadem est ratio scribendi & edendi 4), as of his own dee
sense of humility and his diffidence about the value of h
Lusus 2). He merely had them copied out, no doubt, as a p
sonal remembrance of the joy he had felt in the composition
of each particular poem or letter. Still he was not devoid
due self-esteem ; at times he insists on not being an hum
repen[s\, inglorious]., illaudat\us] uir, and on having some cla
on literary value 3). Yet, when he mentions his writings,
always feels the necessity of apologizing for them : not only
when writing to a clever author like Luigi Marliano4), b
even to a young man just home from the University, his 'pr
tege' Conrad Vegerius, whom he thanks for revising and copy
ing his compositions 5), as if that gave them their only value6
Notwithstanding that apparent lack of assurance, he neve
refused, when asked, to make a poem or an oration, ready to
endanger his literary reputation, he said, rather than to d
appoint a friend or to shrink his duty 7). He welcomed mo
heartily such occasions of practising composition and poet
so as to get a complete mastery over the language 8). Th
constant connecting of all his efforts to the final aim inspir
him no doubt the often recurring thought that earnest an
actual attempts at realizing great things are most praise
J) Epp. 48, 104, sq, 49, 183"170

a) Cp. before, 109, sq, and Epp. 21, a ; he expresses that timidity
e.g., in Epp. 22, 24-38 49 3"79 an(^ > he repeatedly compares hi
self to a raucus inconcinnusque anser : Epp. 2, 30, 41, 4, 50, 97
alluding no doubt to the adagium Anser inter olores, signifying : in
doctus inter doctos : ErAdag., 270, c.
3) Epp. 50, 37-51.
4) Epp. 49, x, sq, 50, 41, sq.
5) Epp. 63, 4, sq, 65, 7, sq, 67, v sq, 68, v sq.
e) Epp. 65, j, sq, 67, 4, s?.
') Epp. 9, 33-34, 25, 4-6 ; 82, 6-10; Orat. , 60-el.
8) Epp. 50, 56-58.
200 .'s Writings 8
worthy 4) ; yet beside

discouraging apprehensi
which explains his unr
of his accomplishment
165. That timorou

'reach' for perfection,
to his various friends 2)
less attention to the exp
feelings that he wishe
make him very shy :
result of the leisure of
tions them otherwise
does not represent them
only to be burnt or to s
In his oration to Juliu
accepted that office w
voiced throughout his
sound principle that t
glory 9), as well as to
and to a deep feeling o
That gratitude finds a
deceased brother 10), in
written to condoling f
of the praise bestowed
) Epp. 6, 39, 58, 78-78, 82

2) Epp. 49, 3-4, 170, sq, 50,
85"88> 73 53 S1> 74 71 si>
3) Epp. 21, 19-21, 22, 32-38
') Epp. 16, j, sq, 2T, j, s?,
Epp. 21, v 22 ; 8, 123, 50
tale quale ; on Epp. 63, 5,
the name of opus.
) Epp. 45, 29
') Epp. 47, 98, sq.
8) Orat. B, 58_60
*) Epp. 58, 67-78, 74 is S1
10) Carm. I.
11) Epp. 4, a, 5, a, 3-18, 28-32, 6-12, 14.
12) Epp. 6, 2, sq, 10, 6, sq, 12, 12, 14, 13-17, 17, 9, s?> 18 3, sq.
Gratitude and Friendship 201
166. In many letters he professes h

spondents' debtor, declaring that he has no
to repay what he owes 4), and either pro
vanquished in kindness, he is not in gratitu
most precious thing he possesses, his ani
thus realizing, as a true humanist, the ol
Roman Respublica, when an insolvent deb
his creditors' slave 4). That gratitude was
cordial friendship which was not different
great humanists, whose name is often fo
as owners of their books followed by th
tion : ... et amicorum5). Busleyden indee
of each of his friends6), and shared with
had 7) : in so far that he called his house th
were all lovers of art and literature, he
enthusiastic pride : an 'hospitum amicit
studiosorum omnium literatorum conciliab
1) Epp. 24, 10"21 ^2, 5~7' 77' 11' 29' s?

2) Epp. 77, 29-31
3) Epp. 3, 7, 62, , 73, el, 76, 16-17, 78, 24,
4) Epp. 39, u, 57, 42,5, s?, 69,16, 73, 61, s?, Owf.
5) As an example may serve the copy of the
Civilis in Grcecam Linguam per Theophilum Ant
ac... explicates... cura... Viglii Zuichemi... denuo
cognites, adiectis... Petri Nannii annotatiunculis (Louvain, Rutger
Rescius, Jan. 5, 1536), preserved in the Brussels Royal Library :
shelf mark 11, 60922 (NijKron., I, 2002 ; Polet, 127-134). That copy
was presented by the editor to his friend Francis de Cranevelt,
Mechlin councillor, as results from the inscription below the date on
the title-page : 'Dono Rescij pa Aprilis a 1536'. Cranevelt added to
it in his own hand : 'Francisci Craneueldij & amicoru'. Cp. Cran.,
150, i. It was as the putting into practice of the first of Erasmus'
Adagia : Amicorum Communia Omnia : : Er A dag.,
I3' -4. 9 i Terence, Adelphoe, 804 ; cp. Epp. 7, 8.
) Epp. 23, 3, 77, 35 ; Busleyden also advocates the 'pectora fenestrata
amicorum' Epp. 15, 222> 5> 1-30 ' he was quite frank with them,
too, as follows from his letters to Carvajal, Carondelet and Moscheron :
Epp. 70, 27 and 15.
') Epp. 7, 8.
8) Epp. 46, 9, sq.
') Epp. 46, 9-12, 47, 8, sq.
14
202 .'s Writings 8
167. That ideal frie

in studies, and, conse
society, was not limite
it included all erudit
as to be as wide as hum
ing for the solution of
one ideal state ruled
maneness, uniting al
standing, excluding all
all wars. It would rea
Plato had evoked so ma
ideal dream of Erasmu
of Thomas More, wh
preached sympathy a
Unfortunately the bea
happiness, for which
yearned, was never act
it undoubtedly secur
numerous humanists who entered the councils of all rulers
as secretaries and advisers, replacing many narrow-minded,
prejudiced and often unqualified predecessors, introducing
humaneness and justice, where, up to then, covetousness or
brutal force and tyranny had prevailed 2). It is especially in
that respect that Jerome de Busleyden, following his brother's
admirable example, proved to be an eminent humanist by
doing his full share of the shaping of the old method of govern
ing into a policy that is more worthy of the dignity and of the
higher aspirations of humanity.
J) Cp. D. Bendemann, Staats- und Sozialauffassung des Thomas

Morus : Charlottenburg, 1928 : 76, sq.
2) Cp. before, 65 ; also d'Avoine, Essai Historique sur Marguerite
d'Autriche : Anvers, 1849 : 8, sq, 24, sq.
Edition of Manuscript 203
9. EDITION OF THE TEXT
168. This edition of Busleyden's writings atte

reproducing the original manuscript with fully reliab
ness. The text is represented with meticulous care. Th
graphy is reproduced as adequately as possible,
alteration being the solution of the abbreviations
very form which the writer may be considered to hav
ed. That applies to the frequent abbreviation Iris, w
expanded as Uteris since that form is generally fou
written out entirely ; although in those letters or doc
in which the form litteris occurs, the double tt is use
expanding of the other shortened writings x). The
ce of the Manuscript is regularly represented by a
the writer clearly intends by it the junction of a and
for 0 end e he generally uses two separate letters :
poena, coena, coepio, &c. ; if those words occur with a
in which the 0 is distinctly formed, they are prin
ce : ccelum, coepio. Indistinct letters are pointed ou
textual notes, which, however, do not indicate the small
blanks caused by the sticking of the blue paint of the opposite
pages, as they hardly cause any trouble to the reader 2) ;
nor is any notice taken of the small spaces left open at the end
of some lines, especially the first or the last of a page3), ap
parently to adapt the text to the space. Some words which
are regularly written together in the Manuscript, are always
printed as such : adhuc, iampridem, indies, inprimis, nonnullus,
nonnunquam, quandoquidem, quominus, siquidem, tamdiu, &c ;
the enclitic -ne and -ue are added to the preceding word, al
though in a few cases the transcriber wrote them apart.
On the other hand words such as : in ceternum, in posterum,
opera pretium, paulo ante, plus quam, post hac, procul dubio,
proh dolor, quam ob rem, quam primum, ubi primum, usu
x) Cp. before, 120 ; that evidently applies to all other forms or

derivatives : literas, litem, literarius, obliterandus, &c.
2) Cp. before, 118.
3) E.g., the first lines of pp 199, 201, 244, 253, 261, 262, 264, 265,
and the last of pp 176, 183, 185, 195, 200, 259, 264, and several
lines on pp 199, 201, 203, 207, 209-15, 219-23.
204 .'s Writings 9
uenit, verum enimuero, &c

only exceptionally as joined
169. Though mostly reprod
or copyist, the punctuation
scripts are supposed to adap
when they are printed, unles
With a view to adorn the pa
lowed by big blue paragraph
majuscule initials, moreover
this plain reprint the perio
or semicolons when the sentences are not finished ; conse
quently, many upper-case initials are replaced by ordinary
letters. Common words within a sentence which are written
with a capital initial, are printed with lower-case initials; yet
to words like Deus, big first letters are given. No punc
tuation marks have been kept at the end of titles except to
indicate abbreviations
170. Long letters have been divided into paragraphs,

and verses, instead of following one another in a straight row,
are printed with some space in front when the metre is evi
dently shorter. All changes and alterations brought about
are carefully indicated : what seems to be the author's choice
is printed in the text, and the modifications introduced by the
copyist or the corrector, by the author or by subsequent own
ers are described in the textual notes or in the introductions,
so as to give a fair and complete idea of each case. Words that
have been underlined in the Manuscript, or such as are pointed
out by small slanting strokes or obelisks in the left margin,
are also indicated in the Textual Notes 2).
x) For many letters the title ends in two or three periods followed
by a macron (~) : they are normalized into (...) three dots.
2) As abbreviations are used : exp (expunged) ; cr (crossed off); chd
(changed); underl (underlined); corr (corrected) ; rmg, Img, (right, left
margin); r (please read). If possible, the corrections are attributed
to S (scriptor, whilst writing), C (corrector, viz., the copyist at a later
date) or (Busleyden) : cp. before, 121, sq. is meant for : Title.
III
HIERONYMI BVSLIDII
ARIENSIS PRAEPOSITI
LVSVS
L C ARM IN A
BuslMS, 66-68 (2 11-3 ) <End of i502>
I. EPITAPH ON HIS BROTHER FRANCIS
ARCHBISHOP OF BESANQON
This epitaph with the two distichs, one preceding, the other follow
ing, was destined to be engraved, or at least placed, over the heart of
the deceased laid at rest in Besancon Cathedral: I 36. It has as preface
a letter Ad Lectorem, also preceded and followed by distichs, Epp. 9,
which probably dates from the first months after Francis de Busley
den's death, viz., the end of 1502. It may have been printed some
months later, possibly with one, maybe two of the three other epi
taphs, so as to form a small bundle : for it seems superfluous to intro
duce the memorial poem about his brother to the 'general reader',,
if it were only passed round amongst his nearest friends and relatives
in a manuscript copy.
Incomparabilis Fraternt: Pietatis

In Fratrem Vita Functum Perpetuum Monumentum
QVIS, qualis, cuias fuerim, rescire laboras ?

Paucis te moneo : siste uiator iter.
FRANCISCO nomen, gens

Nobile Lucenburg, estcara
patria Buslidia
mihi. clara,
sAnnis a teneris me sedula cura parentum
Artibus ornauit, moribus instituit.
26 Carm. I
His tandem im
Laurea docto
Hinc animo r
10 Sed potiu
Ergo Senatum
Communisqu
Iustitiam seru
Et fidei cust
150rator Cele
Finibus e pa
Et male conc
Pace bona, e
Austrius a no
20 Accipiens, dextram supposuit ferulae :
A quo cura, fides, labor, obseruantia nostra
Tandem pro meritis praemia digna tulit.
Munere nanque eius, studio, pietate, fauore,
Magnis et pulchris emicui titulis,
25Atque alios inter, sedes Vesontio sacra
Laetata est, nacto me sibi Pontifice.
Regna ad Hibera meum quum prosequor usque Philippum
Poscentem Regni debita scaeptra sibi,
Sextus Alexander me, Pastor maximus orbis,
30 Inter Cardineos vult numerare patres.
Sed fera mors, nimium successibus inuida nostris,
Me rapit e medio, proh dolor, ante diem.
15 Orator dye.] on 67 31 nostris] underlined and crossed off : replaced by tantis C
8. Laurea] probably at Padua. made it possible for his master to

15. Orator] namely in France follow an independant policy for
and Germany : cp. before, 5, sq. the good of his country ; he,
16. bella fugo] whereas Maxi- moreover, averted from him the
milian by the very marriage of displeasure of his father and of his
his son with a Spanish Princess father-in-law : cp. before, 5, 6.
sealed his anti-French policy, 25. sedes Vesontio sacra] the
Francis de Busleyden, as one of archbishopric of Besanfon, 1498.
the chief councillors, made Philip 28. Regni debita scaeptra] Philip
the Fair strike a path of his own, went to Spain to assert the rights
so as to keep war from our pro- he had on Castile through his
vinces, and to prevent them wife.
from becoming mere tributaries 31. fera mors] August 22, 1502
to Austria, even in their connec- in the Monastery of St. Bernard,
tion with the neighbouring coun- near Toledo, where he was buried;
tries : cp. before, 5. his heart was taken to the Cathe
18. Pace bona &c.] Busleyden dral of Besanion.
Epitaphs 207
Tunc sibi sublatum

Lugens me multi
35Tolleti moriens, Bernardi condor in aede :
Ac sacer iste locus nobile cor retinet.
Perge, uiator iter, monitus satis : ecce repente

Qui fueram tantus, sum cinis, umbra. Vale.
Dysthycon
Hieronymus lugens cari cita funera fratris,

40 Manibus haec eius dat monumenta pijs.
BuslMS, 68-71 (3 v-5 r)
II. THREE EPITAPHS
a These three epitaphs recall the memory of Busleyden's early

and well-wishers, whose acquaintance he probably made throu
brother at Court; one of them dates of the time of his studies, and
may have been issued in print with the poem in memory of the Arch
bishop of Besanfon (1) ; the third is of a later composition.
b The first epitaph is that of James Antonii, Anthonisz, Middelburgus,

a native of Middelburg, in Zeeland, Doctor of Canon Law. He had
been almoner in Duke Philip the Good's service : on September 3,
1472, Laurent Boucqueri, clericus of Duke Charles the Bold's Chapel,
gave to him, 'Jacobus Anthonius' zoon', procuration to resign pre
ferments : Fruin, 358. He was 'cantor in St. Gudula's, Brussels, and
also chaplain of St. Ann in the Domburg church, about whose dowry
he had to start a lawsuit in 1494 (Fruin, 97, 409). He was also the
canon 'phonascus' in Cambrai cathedral, and became Vicar-General
of Bishop Henry de Berghes, which made him acquainted with
Erasmus. He had written a treatise De Prcscellentia Potestatis Impera
torice, dated Brussels,'October 31, 1500, which was dedicated to his
Bishop, who greatly admired it and undertook to have it printed.
Erasmus was requested to arrange the publication in Paris by the
middle of 1501 ; still it was only brought out on April 1, 1503 in
Antwerp by Thierry Martens, with an elegy by Erasmus on Bishop
Henry (J Oct. 7, 1502), addressed to his brother Antony, Abbot of
St. Bertin's (NijKron., 1, 120 ; Epp. 45, c-f ; Allen, 1, 153, 7-14) ; it also
contained a letter to the author, dated Louvain, February 13, 1503,
in which Erasmus greatly praises the book written 'in aetate tam
grandi', and mentions that he himself only lightly touched up the
wording ; he expresses a doubt about whether the letter of Leonardo
Aretino to his friend Cyriacus, which is criticized, is really Aretino's :
35 Tolleti &c. ] on p. 68 38. Dysthycon] corr into Dystichon
36. sacer iste locus] Besangon Cathedral.
28 Carm. IX
Allen, I, 173. That letter entitled : Regis nomen maius esse quam
dictatoris, dictatoris autem prasstantius imperatoris nomine fuisse do
cet, the seventh of book vi, is found amongst the Epistolarum
Leonardi Aretini Libri Odo, e.g., in the edition of August 1535,
Basle, Henricus Petri : 265-272. The author, no doubt, is identical
with the 'Jacobus Antonij,' aged 76, who is recorded to have resigned
against a pension part of the revenue of the parish of Koudekerke,
near Middelburg, January 24, 1504 (Brom, 1, ii, 653) ; the year of his
death is not known : Allen, 1, 153, pr ; HEpM, 25, b; >Allen, 116.
c The second poem is an Appendix ad Epitaphium defundi Episcopi

Atrebatensis. This was, no doubt, Peter de Ranchicourt, Ranchicur
tius, 43rd bishop of Arras, a most virtuous and able spiritual director,
who was protonotary and first chancellor of the town Amiens when,
in 1462, he was promoted to the see of Arras. He managed that
bishopric with great prudence and success during thirty-seven years,
several of which were made most troublesome through wars and
hostile incursions. On July 7, 1484 he dedicated his cathedral church,
in which he was buried under a marble monument. At his death, on
August 26, 1499, the see, attributed to John Gavet, remained vacant
on account of the dispute of Louis XII and Philip of Austria for the
ownership of the town. In 1501 it was occupied by Nicolas Ruterius,
Busleyden's friend and countryman (BelgChron., 376 ; Berliere, 135 ;
GallChrist., 111, 345-46), to whom, quite wrongly, a note by one of the
first possessors of this manuscript attributed this Epitaph, adding
to 'Episcopi Atrebatensis' the words : 'Nicolai Ruterij, qui postea
Louanij jnstituit / Collegium Attrebatense' ; cp. before, 35.
d The third epitaph celebrates the memory of John van Nispen, or

Nyspen, who was issued of a noble family of Breda x). He had gone
to study, or to continue his training at Bologna, where he, no doubt,
promoted doctor of Canon Law ; for certain he was elected Rector of
the Ultramontane Students Corporation in the University in 1474
1475 2), on which occasion he granted a bounty to the Natio Germanica
of that academic republic 3). When he returned to the Netherlands,
he was provided with several preferments : he was canon of Breda,
dean of St. Oedenrode, North-Brabant; also dean of Hilvarenbeek,
which dignity he exchanged in 1508 with John van der Vorst for that
of provost of Cambrai Cathedral. The two latter offices are not recorded
in Busleyden's epitaph, which mentions, on the contrary, the pil
grimage to the Holy Land, which gave him the title of Knight of
Jerusalem4); as well as his eloquence, his spirit of faith and his
devotion. He was an old and intimate friend of Busleyden's, and so
') Cp. for his parents and family, HisTriLov., ch. I.

2) Kaufmann, , 184-190 ; F. Schulze & P. Ssymank, Das Deutsche
Studenteritum : Munich, 1932 : 32-33.
3) Knod, 203 : 1474 a nobili et generosod. Johanne de Hispen huius
almi gymnasii Bononiensis rectore dignissimo I flor. Renensem, alias
postulatum et cognominatum. 1474-75 D. Johannes de Nispen vel
de Hispen, de Breda, Scholarium Utriusque Universitatis Rector. Cp.
C. Malagola, Monogr. Storiche : 172 ; Dallari, Rotuli : 94.
4) Coppens, in, i, 130.
Epitaphs 209
was his younger bro

brai 2). It was, no do
this poem when Joh
November 14, 1511 3
EPITAPHIUM D
EPISCOPI CAMERACENSIS VICARIJ
LECTOR,
Quemnosse iuuat
lapis iste fuerit
tegit quis,
: haec qualis etlege.
monumenta unde,
Hunc genuit uasto Celebris Zelandia ponto,
Obtigit huic nomen diue Iacobe tuum.
Artibus exculto pulchris, Iurisque perito,
Est data doctrinse laurea digna suae.
Prospiciens miseris pietas Ducis alma Philippi,
Illi nummosos crediderat loculos,
Quos pie distribuens, multa pietate studebat
Multorum duram tollere pauperiem.
Huius Canonicus sacrae Phonascus et aedis,
Doctus psallentum ducere rite chorum.
Hunc Cameracensis Praesul sibi seligit unum,
Cui recte proprias crederet usque uices.
Quod munus peragens mira probitate fideque,
Humanis tandem, proh dolor, eximitur.
Corpus humum inhabitat, coelum mens, gloria mundum.
Vita caduca acta est : perpetua fruitur.
7 Prospiciens &c.] on 69
17 coelum mens] in inverse order, with corrective marks
*) It is quite possible that Nicolas was to John only a nephew,

instead of a brother.
2) Cp. before 71 and 93 ; HisTriLov., ch. . 'Nicolaus nispen
de roda leod. dioc.' matriculated 'in artibus' in Louvain on October 9,
1472 : Liblntll, 95, r. possibly the Nicolas de Nyspen, Prsemonstra
tensian of Tongerloo, who worked as parish priest at Hapert (1507),
Loon (1514) and Westerloo where he died on Dec 31, 1523 : Tong
Necrol., 263. An 'Adrianus de nispen, Leod. dyoc.' also matriculated
'jn artibus' on Aug. 31, 1473 : Liblntll, 101, r. A few months before,
on February 27, 1473, 'Cornelius Nispen' probably a farther rel
ative, was inscribed amongst the inmates of the Pore : Liblntll,
97 v. By the middle of the following century a John and a Cornelius
van Nispen are recorded as business men in Antwerp where a Bal
tasar van Nispen, in 1643, founded the Hospice van Nispen in the
Short Squire Street : AntvAnn., 11, 375, 390 ; AntwHist., vi, 97.
Amongst her benefactors Tongerloo Abbey recalled every Sept. 30,
the memory of Ava de Nispen : TongNecrol., 198.
3) The Necrologium Ecclesice B. Maria de Breda records for Nov. 14 :
210 Carm. II
APPENDIX AD EPITAPHIUM DEFUNCTI
EPISCOPI ATREBATENSIS
VC qui concedis,
Tantisper celeremsaluus sissiste
te rogo hospes amice :
gradum,
Aurea dum cernas pulchrae monumenta tabellae,
Quae tibi, quod passim commemoras, referent.
Scilicet aeternum uiuens per saecula nomen
Attrebatensis Flaminis eximij :
Qui uita hac functus, fruitur meliore, pararunt
Quam sibi culta fides, relligio, pietas.
I nunc, et coeptum peragas iter, hospes amice,
Quando datum est oculis satque superque tuis.
EPITAPHIUM D. IOANNIS NIJSPEN
IURIS CANONICI DOCTORIS, DECANI RODENSIS
VCNumina
quicunque pia concedis
culturus, quae loca mente uiator
sacra fouent,
Siste, precor, gressum, neque te mora terreat ulla,
Quo minus agnoscas, cuius hic ossa cubant.
5 Est prope maiores Nispen situs ecce Ioannes,
Cui data diuini laurea Juris erat.
Alma Rodensis eo fuit aedes recta Decano,
Eloquio claro, relligione, fide.
Oras ad Solymas multa pietate profectus,
10 Inuisit ueri Sancta Sepulchra Dei.
Occupat (hinc migrans morbis confectus et annis)
Coelum mens, orbem gloria, corpus humum.
Carpe uiator iter, monitus sat sis, memor usque
Te fore mortalem : prospice, uita fugit.
5. Scilicet 6-c.] on p. 70
4 cuius] underlined 4 hic] added over line G 12 Coelum &c.] on p. 71
Obitus magistri Johannis de Nyspen quondam Decani Bekensis Capi

tulo xi] st et Capellanis totidem anno 1511 : Hoynck, m, i, 415, 358;
Coppens, hi, i, 130.
Christ Crucified 211
BuslMS, 72-74 (5 v-6 ) < Passion Week 1504)
III. CHRIST ON THE CROSS

The poet considers with sadness the sufferings of a crucified God
and prays for a constant memory of, and a share taken in, those p
accepted out of love. He dedicated this poem to his friend, the Ai
patrician Judocus von Beyssel, by a letter which most probably w
written in the Holy Week of 1504, March 31-April 6 : Epp. 16.
Disthycon, summam complectens sequentis carminis
In cruce pendentem lugens flet Naenia Christum

Pro nobis diram qui tulit ecce necem.
Carmen trochaicum dimetrum quadratum catalecticum archiloicum
eurypudium quod quandoque spondcsum admittat. Ode dicolos distrop
SINT procul
Gaudia sales iocique
et tripudia.
5 Plausus ononis hinc facessat,
Risus et modi chords.
Fistula absit et sonora,
Dulce concinens melos.
Moeror et dolor profundus

10 Corda nunc premant pia.
Squalor ora fuscet ater,
Fletus irriget genas :
Vox gemens lamenta ructet
Naeniasque eiulet.
15 Tempus instat en dolendum :

Flebilis dies redit,
Quo uolens salutis author
Nostra ferre crimina,
Accipit plagas cruentas,
20 Dira sustinens probra.
Spineam caput coronam
Fert cruore profluam.
Actus in crucem potatur
Felle : trux latus ferit
25 Miles, hinc aquae et cruoris
Largus hymber effluit.
21"1 Title eurypudium] corr. into euripideum archiloicum] corr into Archi- C
12 Fletus &c.] on p. 73
212 CARM. IV
Sol suum iuba

In tenebris occnlit ;
Terra mota contremiscit,
30 Vela templi concidunt,
Obstupendo fata dura
Conditoris omnium.
Si solum, et polus doloris

Tanta signa praeferunt,
35Num magis decet dolere,
Quos amore prosequens
Sanguinis sui talento
Asserit Deus sibi.
Vt memor tui doloris
40 Sim, Creator Optime,

Vberes fletus ministra,
Moesta redde pectora :
Da mihi tecum dolere,
Flere, compati, mori.
Amen.
BuslMS, 75-76 (7 r-vj

IV. MESSAGE OF THE ANGELS
TO THE SHEPHERDS ON CHRISTMAS NIGHT
This poem, a paraphrase of Luke, ii, 8-14, describes the Chri

Night message of the Angels to the shepherds, but not the imp
felt by the latter, as the title implies.
CARMEN SAPPHICUM BUSLIDIJ

super euangelio Lucae,
PASTORES LOQUEBANTUR AD INVICEM
NOCTE
In quum multauigilant
solo herboso pecorum magistri,
cubantes,
Vt greges diuo caperent aperto
Pascua laeta :
Angelus pads uolitans superne,
Quern chorus multus superum coronat,
Luce flagranti pepulit profundae
Nubila noctis.
29 Terra &c.] on p. 74
Poems to Pictures 213
Vnde pastores nouitate tan

10 Quid sibi hsec uellent, dubij manentes,
Obstupent ualde, trepidantque multo
Corda pauore.
Este securi, metus omnis absit,
Angelus dicens : Animis fauete :
15 En fero uobis populoque cuncto
Gaudia magna.
Natus est uobis hodie salutis
Auctor, humani generis redemptor
Christus, illustres habet eius ortus
20 Regia Dauid.
Cuius in signum properate uisum
Lacteum foeno positum puellum :
Quem fouet Virgo niuei pudoris,
Vbere pleno.
25 Haec vbi dixit sacer Angelorum
Ordo, caelestes remeans ad arces,
Concinit Christum, genitumque laudant
Organa Diuum.
Gaudio miro superum cohortes
30 Excipit coelum reduces triumphans :
Totus hinc plaudens modulos sequentes
Personat arther.
Gloria et uirtus, honor ac potestas
Sit Deo soli, dominanti in altis :
35 Pax et in terris, quibus est uoluntas,
Mens quoque recta.
BuslMS, 77, 78 (8 r, v), 40 (c 10 v)
V. POEMS ADDED TO PICTURES
a These three poems were designed as inscriptions to pictures : th

two first of religious subjects, the third, no doubt posterior, of
mythological event.
b The first poem was, no doubt, to be painted on the outside of th

wings of a triptych belonging to Busleyden, representing Our Lady
and the Divine Child, surrounded by prophets and sibyls who ha
18 Auctor 6-c.] on p. 76
214 Carm.'v
foresaid the Birth, Passion and Resurrection of her Son. The Hugo
nobilis pictor is most probably the famous Hugh van der Goes, born
Our LfiDr
LfiDr
siyotme FREDicrio/ri
Predicdo/m
/imbrue B6(rSor(t.5J)
U HnJfo*e ,0('+.55) r
* pr&tMy Hu^xYAnd^riOtS
fiwîviniiiii-rSoES
at Bruges in 1366, a pupil of the van Eycks, author of several delicate

and charmingly coloured oilpaintings, who died in 1427. The picture
mentioned here is not known ; it has been surmised that it served
as model to two imitations, one by Ambrose Benson (f 1550), now in
Antwerp Museum ; the other, a miniature of the Flemish School,
ascribed to Simon Bening (ft. 1530), found in a Book of Hours of Mu
nich Library. Both paintings are similar, and evidently reproduce
one prototype. They represent, however, only the middle part of the
original, namely, Our Lady with the Child on her arm, over a group
of three men Solomon, Isaias and Barlaam between two sibyls
the one, of Cumaea, the other, ascribed to Persia by Filippo Barbieri.
These five personages carry strips on which there are texts referring
to the Nativity. It is believed that on the wings were similar vates
and prophets announcing the Passion, to the left, and the Resurrec
tion, to the right, which would make the picture answer this poem. That
is suggested by four angels painted on the sides of Our Lady. The two
Poems to Pictures 215
on her right show fear and trouble

left, joy and admiration, which se
predictions they are supposed to h
de Hugo van der Goes ; and A propo
Bull, de la Classe des Beaux-Arts, B
doubt the outside of the wings was
of the owner in ornate lettering..
The third picture represented, no
Aphrodite and Athena, the three g
apple which Paris was to attribute
to the judge, hospes, and from the
pointed out. Jean Lemaire de Be
poet, gives, in his Illustrations, a
beauties waiting for the judgmen
which may well have been those o
possessed a representation of the
cloth : IBM2, 295, r.
Carmen appendicium ad alas tabellce, ah Hugone nobili pictore

depictcB, Virginem Deiparam Vnicum fouentem Puellum repre
sentantis, Circundantibus illam Vatibus, Prophetis et Sibyllis,
Ortum illius, Supplicium, Resurrectionem, multa ante scecula
prcedicentibus
VIRGINE matrenatus,
In Bethlem satus,mihi
Dauidis vocor
nomen inclyta
Christus Iesus. proles,
Natales nostros, gentem, cunabula, stirpem,
Supplicium, tormenta,crucem,probra,uulnera, mortem,
Praeterea et darum superata morte triumphum,
Iamdudum ueterum resonant oracula Vatum,
Sacra prophetarum celebrant monumenta uirorum,
Carmina praesagae referunt tibi prisca Sybillae.
ii
Ad pedem tabellce depletes, in qua Christi Natiuitas, Epiphania,

Purificatio reprcesentantur Tetrasthycon
QVEM non immensi

Virgine capit
Matre satum, tenetardua machina
hoc praesepe puellummundi
:
Hunc vario sacri venerantur munere Magi,
Et stringit cupidis Symeon iustissimus vlnis.
i Carmen &c.] on p. 77 6. ueterum] before it et is exp S
ii Ad pedem <S-c.] on p. 78 Tetrasthycon] corr. sthichon 3 Magi] underl
(V. ii. title) tabellae] judging tetrastichs were intended also for
from the three subjects, these a triptych.
2l6 Carm. vi
Item aliud Tetrasth.
NASCITUR insub
Paupere Bethlem de virgine
tecto, angusto conditor
prsesepe orbis
locatus :
Lucida quem Magis ostendit Stella sacratis,
Oblatumque pijs Symeon complectitur ulnis.
iii
Carmen -pro tabula picta
RES sumus (en hospes)

Quis decor praestanti
est noster, corpore
corpora nuda Nymphse.
docent.
Si magis e tribus una placet tibi, tolle placentem :
At prius id tentes, dispice quam tuleris.
Nam quamuis nostras asquat par gratia formas,
Morum disparitas non sinit esse pares.
BuslMS, 78-80 (8 -g v)
VI. TO THE HOLY VIRGIN, MOTHER OF GOD

This poem in honour of Saint Mary the Virgin is written, according
to the note added to the title, as a Carmen Alchaicum. Still it does not
represent at all the metrum Alcaicum, , as it
appears in Horace's Carmina : instead of having only two Alcaic
lines of eleven syllables each, formed i by one iamb or one spondee,
2 another iamb, followed 30 by a long syllable and two dactyls :
it repeats that verse four times, and, in two stanzas, six times, ap
parently without any intentional change.
Ad diuam Virginem Deiparam

Carmen Alchaicum
OMATRE pulchra,
matre sancta, filia pulchrior
filia sanctior ; :
Mater colenda a matribus omnibus,
Laudanda castis usque puellulis.
ii 7 Magis] underl
iii Carmen 6-c.] on p. 40
1 matre &c.] on p. 79
(V, iii, title) tabula picta] it verses; they were sent to him
belonged to Philip Wielant, who along with Epp. 25, probably in
had requested his colleague Bus- 1505 or 1506. Cp. before, 34,
leyden to adorn it with some 115.
Nativity Night 217
sQute facta parens, Virgo pu

Omnis uirilis seminis insc
Sacris fouendo uisceribus Deum
Nusquam relinquis uirgineum decus.
Sponsam sibi quam cunctipotens Deus

10 Prse caeteris legit mulieribus,
ventre cuius (factus homo Deus)
Mundi Redemptor prodijt inclytus,
Mortem sua qui morte repelleret,
Vitam ut pijs perpetuam daret.
150 quam beata es, Virgo pijssima,

Et matre digna, filia dignior :
Candore uincens lilia Candida,
Mortalium spes, uita, salus, uia,
Lapsis leuamen, presidium bonis,
20 Fons gratiae semper miseris patens.
Patrona me mitissima respice,

Immensa moles quern scelerum premit :
Audi clientem me miserum pia,
Audi gementem noxia crimina :
25Fac donet ilia iam precibus tuis
Qui natus ex te est, unicus filius.
BuslMS, 80 (g )
VII. NATIVITY NIGHT

This hexastich on the night of Nativity is in the form of a poetical
epistle to 'Ludovicum Ponsanum, amicum incomparabilem'. This
Ponsanus.a. good friend of Busleyden's and a man famous asliterator,
as he is called here, was one of his colleagues by 1507, wherf he asked
him to induce Francis Friscobaldi to share John Becker of Borselen's
tuition with Cornelius Erdorf, as he wrote to his nephew : cp. Epp.
34- b, 9-11.
18 Mortalium <5*c.] on p. 80
xo. mllerlbs] the -e- is taken hoc, me (Fortunatus, vin, 6bla, 65).
as a long syllable, against the 14. Vitam ut pijs] here the
general acceptance, on the author- second foot is evidently a trochee
ity of the Christian poets Fortu- instead of an iamb ; it may have
natus and Dracontius : bene- been intended for : Vitm1 pijs l
dicta inter mlieres, nde mihi ut1 ...
15
2l8 Carm. VIII
De Nocte Natali Christi

Hexasthycon
ad Ludovicum Ponsanum Amicum Incomparabilem
MI Ludouice, animse
Inter littratos salue
gloria parsuiros,
prima maxima nostrae,
Die age, quur noctis nomen sibi uendicat atrae,
Nox ea, quae lucem, non tenebras habuit ?
Mira quidem res est, hanc noctem dicere noctem,
Ouae pot ait clarum uincere luce diem !
Vale.
BuslMS, 81 (T r)
VIII. TO THE POET REMACLE D'ARDENNE
a This decastich was composed in reply to a poem on.Our Lady's

Seven Dolours, which Remacle had offered to Busleyden, either by
1509 when he was in Louis Vacca's service, or after 1512 when he was
one of Charles of Austria's secretaries. One of the first owners of
Busleyden's Manuscript added to his name 'Remaclum poetam' the
word 'bibaculum'.
b Remacle D'Ardenne, born about 1480 at Florennes q, Florenas,

studied Arts in Louvain, and made there the acquaintance of Nicolas
Everardi, the erudite jurisprudent whose Topica of 1516 he after
wards praised (Iseghem, 258; Cran., 123, d; NijKron., 1, 911). He
entered the service of John de Homes, Bishop of Liege, in whose
court he found time and opportunity of thoroughly studying Latin
language and literature. It came him in good stead at his master's
decease, January 15, 1505 (BelgChron., 241-42), as it allowed him to
tutor young men of rich families, like the Francesco Friscobaldi of
Epp. 33, . He accompanied one of his pupils to France, probably in
1507, though he did not stay there very long, for in that same year he
went to Cologne where he issued, in 1507, a bundle of poems, Epi
grammatum Libri Tres, dedicated to George Koeler, a Breslau patri
cian !), wjho, no doubt, was his protector, as also may have been the
Hexastycon] corr. into - stichon C 2 littratos]
4. Nox ea &c.~] this sounds as Liturgy of the Saturday before

an adaptation of some of the in- Easter,
vocations of the Exultet of the
>) Hubert Thomas, or of Liege, also a native of Florennes, praises

his countryman in his book De Tungris et Eburonibus : Antwerp,
Chr. Plantin, 1584 : 129. Cp. BN.
2) Possibly the father of a fellow-student Matthew Koler, of Breslau,
who matriculated on Oct. 30, 1496 : Keussen, 413.
To Remacle d'Ardenne 219
Cologne canon Reinhard Count of Linnyn

(Keussen, 598), to whom one of the poem
Hutten, who studied in Cologne in 1505 a
probably got to know Remacle (Hutten, 28, 54, 509), praised those
poems in his elegy Ad Poetas Germanos (Hutten, 49-50 ; HutO, 111,74) -
Et non vulgari peregrinus laude Remaclus,
Cuius pauca quidem, sed bona, visa mihi.
For certain, Remacle knew Ortwin Graes, Gratius, teacher of the
Bursa Cucana, whose Quodlibeta, 1508, he praised in an Epigramma
(Gratius, 7, 22, 88-89 ; Keussen, 513 ; Muther, 109, 392-93) ; he met
there as well the famous Italian jurist Peter of Ravenna 1), who
advised him to study law (Keussen, 598 ; Gratius, 19-28 ; Muther,
104, sq, 392) ; further, the latter's student, William Harris Mela, of
London (Keussen 621 ; Gratius, 22), and his friend John Dobneck, of
Wendelstein 2), whose name he made into Cochlceus3), and whose book
Musica, 1507, he recommended by an hexasticon (CochlHum., 9-11).
By 1509 Remacle returned to Brabant, and successively served
Charles of Austria's tutor Louis Vacca4), and his physician Luigi
Marliano (cp. Epp. 38 b-g); finally the Brabant councillor Alois Bont,
whom he followed in February 1510 on his embassy to Scotland
(Brewer, 1, 924), at least as far as London where he taught in a school.
On January 1, 1512 he dated the dedicatory letter5) of his drama
') Remacle wrote a Hendecasyllabon for the title-page of Ravenna's

Compendium in Vsus Feudorum (Cologne, Quentell, 1508) : Muther,392.
2) Keussen, 557 : 'Joh. Doebner de Wendelsteyn, Eystedensis d.'
matriculated in arts April 26, 1504 ; 'determinavit' June 3, 1505, pro
moted licenciate March 13, 1507, master, May 12, 1509, and was ad
mitted to the Council of the Faculty and appointed examinator on
May 18, 1509 ; in that same year he was professor at the Bursa Mon
tana : UniKln, 511. A licenciate 'Joh. Doebner' was the 56th on 81,
and a note in the margin of the Dean's Register, points out that,,
notwithstanding that indifferent result, he afterwards became a
famous divine : CocAZSpahn, 5-6 : it, possibly, was a mistake, as there
was a namesake at Cologne (Keussen, 639): another "Joh. Dobneck de
Wyndelsteyc, Eistettensis d'. is recorded to have matriculated in
arts on May 26, 1509 and to have started the actus determinantice on
December 4, 1509. That detail, and the fact that John Cochlaeus al
ready in 1510 started teaching as master of St. Laurence's, Nuremberg,
show that they were different persons although relatives, uncle and
nephew : CochlHum., 5, sq ; CocAZSpahn, 5-6; Allen, vn, 1863, pr ; cp.
FG, 328-29 ; CorpCath., Ill, xv, , xvni ; BeitSchlecht., 179, 290
98, 302, 335, sq, 347.
') Cp. Cochlaeus' letter to Erasmus, March 13, 1529 : Nomen hoc
non amo... Inditum est mihi Colonise olim a Remaclo poeta, quem tibi
notum esse arbitror. Harrisius autem Anglus vocabat me Wendelsti
num quod gratius esset...: Allen, vm, 2120, 81, sq ; CochlHum., 1-2, 7 ;
CocAZSpahn, 11 ; HutO, in, 74.
4) Louis Cabeza de Vaca, Vacca, of Jaen, (c 1465-1550), was ap
pointed bishop of the Canary Islands on October 14, 1523 ; he after
wards was removed to the see of Salamanca in 1530, and to that of
Palencia in 1537 : Allen, vn, 184.7, 91; Moeller, 43, 53, 87 ; Walther, 213.
s) Palamedes, a 1 v-a. 2 r ; it is dated 'ex musaeo nostro exiguo Lon
don.' This Alois Bont may be identical with the Bonnet of the letters
of R. Wingfield and Spinelly who was leaving for England in February
1510, and again in August 1514, and sent Margaret of Austria news
from France in May 1513 : Brewer, 1, 924, 4091, 5327, 5341.
220 CARM. VIII
Palamedes to Peter
the papal receipts in England 4) : the praise he bestowed on the
latter's merits, family and generosity, was no doubt calculated to
bring about for himself what he wrote in his play (/ c 2 r) :
si fortuna spem poscis meliorem
Alpheum Griphum tibi quere per aera qui te
Vnguibus inuictis uehat : e pontoque receptum
Ad fati gremium transportet tybridis vrbem.
Remade, however, was not invited to Italy ; he saw his Palamedes
with two books of poems on Our Lord's passion through the press in
1512 in Paris (Gilles de Gourmont. : Paquot, xi, 44-45), where he may
have gained the title of Licenciate of Both Laws, mentioned on his
epitaph, unless it was granted him as a favour, perhaps by the
Legate Aleander. In the following year he published there also his
Amorum Libri (John Parvus & Jud. Badius : March 13, 1513) : that
collection of erotic poems, - which probably were imitated, and,
for certain, overshadowed, by Janus Secundus' Basia, is dedicated
to George of Halewyn, Haloinus, Count of Comines 2), by a letter
dated from Paris, Febr. 28, 1513 ; it contains verses to friends, like
Peter Griphus, and Philip-John de Friscobaldi, of Florence, no
doubt a relative of his former pupil, and about some of his former
mistresses, like Margaret Halesbone, as well as an earnest warning
on the subject by Ortwin Gratius. He returned soon afterwards to
Brabant, where, through his former employer Bont, he was appointed
as one of Archduke Charles's secretaries (Gachard, 11, 494 ; Walther,
213). A poem on Margaret of Austria, in which he alluded to the
mystic meaning of her name, and which was published in Palamedes,
secured the Archduchess's favour (Thibaut, 124), at whose Court he
probably met Erasmus, who, on June 1, 1516, wrote to him from
Antwerp on his arrival from Basle for the case they should not meet
in Brussels, and requested to greet Luigi Marliano in his name : Allen,
11, 411, iv, p. xxv 3).
On July 23, 1517, Remacle was appointed as secretary to the Privy
Council, created to replace Charles during his visit to Spain : Alexan
dre, 18 ; in March 1518 he was suffering from a skin disease, making
him non admodum osculabilis, as Erasmus remarked to Peter Barbi
rius : Allen, 111, 803, e-7. On July 1, 1519 and again on October 19,
1520, he is recorded as one of the secretaries of Margaret of Austria's
council (Walther, 139, 213 ; Henne, 11, 200-202, 322-24, hi, 242-45) ;
also as Charles V's historiographer 4). When in September 1520, Jerome
Aleander, papal legate, arrived in the Netherlands to repress Luther's
*) Peter Griphus, Gryphus, of Pisa was appointed bishop of Forli

in 1512, whilst he was still in England ; he left for Italy, where he be
came the Pope's referendary ; he died in Rome in 1516 : cp. preface of
James Mazochius to the Latin translation of St. Basil's Hexameron :
Rome, Dec. 21, 1515 ; Allen, 1, 243, 60 ; 249, 19-20, 250, 21-22 ; Brewer,
I, 1403, 1457, 3838, 4756.
2) Cp. Cran., 56, d, &c. ; Allen, in, 641.
3) Letter of March 26, 1518 : Allen, 111, 803, 3-5; cp. CantE, 31.
4) Remacle was appointed as 'indiciaire et historiographe' of
Charles V, with six solidi per day as wages, by letter of September 28,
1520 : Henne, , 46.
To Remacle d'Ardenne 221
rebellion, and to meet the newly-elected Emperor, he found help

and sympathy with Remacle, who accompanied him to the Diet of
Worms, 1521 (CantE, 31). That readiness to second the unpopular
Legate entailed a malevolent mention in the Acta Academics Lova
niensis contra Lutherum, written about 1520 by William Nesen, who
remarks that this new apostle of the good cause was himself a 'notae
improbitatis ganeo' (ActAcLov., 110-111 ; cp. KkAlgLu., 20, sq ;
KkMiltiz., 20 ), which explains the note which a later hand added
in Busleyden's manuscript to his name 'Remaclum poetam', 'biba
culum'. In his letter to Aleander, Mechlin, April 10, 1521, Remacle
refers to that slander of the Acta Academics, and complains that he
has been 'procacissime laceratus' ; he glorifies in having Luther's
books burnt everywhere on the Emperor's order, and in writing an
'expeditio literaria' against the innovator's errors, which, judging
from Erasmus' reference in his Spongia *), was actually published.
Still his letter to Aleander proves that Remacle did not at all accept
disinterestedly what he described as 'graves... labores', exposing him
self to 'maledicorum ventilationi atque exagitationi', and getting
involved 'in hoc publicum incendium' : he supposes that he is above
all reproach because he does not request any money for himself : yet
he wants to secure in return for his services, the abbey of Mont-St.
Eloi to his nephew Jean de Feucy, whilst keeping that of Hennin
Lietard, which he had been enjoying since 1515 (KkAlgLu., 21-23 ;
AleaE, 76-78). Nor did Remacle himself lose by his zealous endea
vours, for he was paid and indemnified for the part he took in the
measures against those who were accused or suspected of Lutheran
ism 2), and owed to it his appointment as the Emperor's historian 3).
That new preoccupation soon supplanted his poetical aspirations;
yet, many years before, his poems had gained him the friendship of
Jerome de Busleyden who made a comment on one describing the
Seven Dolours of Our Lady; later on, they probably secured him the
protection of John Dantiscus4), to whom he wrote at least one
letter 5), and who mentioned him in one of his own, from Cracow,
August 6, 1523, to the Bishop of Posen'). A few months later, on
May 13, 1524, Remacle died at Mechlin, long before his time, being
only forty-four ; he was buried in the old church of SS. Peter and Paul
under a tombstone, which mentioned his title of licenciate in both
x) An hie commemorem quam multi scripserint in Lutherum ?...

Ex aula... Rimaclus Caesaris a Secretis : EOO, x, 1652, c.
2) Henne, iv, 329 (1520) ; Corplnq., iv, 33, 135.
3) J. J. Altmeier 'Marguerite d'Autriche, sa Vie, sa Politique et sa
Cour : Liege 1840 : 171.
*) They no doubt met at Margaret of Austria's Court.
s) Remacle writes a note at Mechlin, on June 11, 1521 or 1522, to
excuse him for not calling on Dantiscus, being prevented by a violent
and noisy quarrel for trifles between Prussians, Lbeck men and
Danes, which he had to interpret to Margaret. He promises to come
at any rate at once after dinner : BBCzart., MS. 1599 : 1173-74.
6) Dantiscus writing from CracowtoTomiczki, Bpof Posen, Chancellor
of Poland, on August 8, 1523, relates that Remacle, the secretary, had
given him Carondelet's reply before he left Mechlin and the Nether
lands : BBUpps., MS 155 : igi.
222 CARM. IX
laws and the name

survived him until October n, 1531 (Mallnscr., 395). Antoinette,
one of their daughters, married to John Yranx, died probably in 1562,
leaving several children ; another, Margaret, became the wife, first
ot Antony Loose, advocate of Mechlin Great Council (f December 27,
1540), and afterwards of captain Philip le Clercq, mayor of the town
(February 17, 1565) : she herself followed them on March 4, 1587 2).
Cp. BibBelg., 791 ; Paquot, xi, 42-49 ; ConPriT., 178 ; Cran., Ivii,
56, d, 141, m, 154, b, 217, 43 ; Allen, 11, 411, pr; HisTriLov., chapts.
I, XII, XXIII.
AD Remaclum Poetam
Decasthycon
FLORENS
Nos atque fluens,
recreat emunctum,
carmen, nobile,tuum
docte Remade, tersum,
:
Quando hoc, septenos quos pertulit Alma dolores
Mentibus usque pijs, tu pius usque refers ;
Quumque fi.de tanta referas, pietate, nitore
Quos habuit uarios Virgo beata pathos.
Non hoc Castalidum sacro de fonte Sororum,
Innata potius de pietate fluit.
Quod quum res pia sit, carmenque pium, et pius author,
Nil mirum est, hominum si pia corda facit.
BuslMS, 81 (10 r)
IX. ON St. ADRIAN & NATALIA
These two distichs celebrate the Roman captain martyrized unde

Maximinian at Nicomedia on the 8th of September, as is related fo
that date in the Breviary, or for March 4 by Laurent Surius ; h
Christian wife Natalia is said to have urged him on to his death.
Busleyden possessed a painted picture of S. Adrian : IBM2, 295, r.
1. Florens] no doubt a pun on Epp. 9, 3e; Statius, Theb., 1, 565;

Remacle's native town Florennes. Auson., 399, 3 ; Elucid., 88.
2. carmen] a poem on the 9. pius author] the note added
Seven Dolours of our Lady. to his name in the MS. was per
7. Non hoc Castalidum cS-c.] cp. haps a protest against that attri
bute : cp. pr. e.
*) Catherine de Langhe had to prosecute an action before the Great

Council against a Louis van den Dycke in 1525 : MalGrCons., n 313.
2) Mallnscr., 68, 395, 405 ; NobPB, 450, 2053-54.
Diva Parens 223
Ditto Hadriano et
EN Hadrianus
Oppetij duramego.
pro
Item
EN Hadrianus
Confessus ego : mecum
Christum, estcum
uitam Natalia coniunx;
sanguine fudi.
BuslMS, 82, 41 (10 and a r)
X. HYMN TO THE VIRGIN MOTHER OF GOD
The form of this Paean may have been inspired by a poem in praise
of Hermes by Martial, Epigramm., , 24 : De Hermete, in which each
of the fifteen lines of which it is composed begins with the invocation
'Hermes', followed by choice appositions. Similar repetitions are
frequently found either at the beginning or the end of the lines of
some of that poet's poems (cp. Carm. xiv, xv, d)\ the two lines of Ad
Ctssarem (vi, 87) also begin with the almost identical words : Di tibi
dent... Di mihi dent... The address Ad Ponticum, vn, 100, has five
lines on ten, starting : Pontice,... A similar construction is found in
Qulern velit Amicam (ix, 33, with four times 'Hanc volo' on six lines),
In Hedylum (ix, 58, with eleven verses beginning with Nil, Non or
Nec, on thirteen), In Ccecilium (xi, 31), &c.
Paean Virgini Christiferae
DIUA parens
Diua salue,
parens, quam
nostra: totus
porta suspicit
salutis, Aue. orbis.
Diua parens salue, cunctis radiantior astris.
Diua parens salue, lucida stella freti.
5 Diua parens salue, rutilo fulgentior auro.
Diua parens salue, lux, uia, scala poli.
Diua parens salue, templum tu Pneumatis almi.
Diua parens salue, Candida Sponsa Dei.
Diua parens salue, quae casta concipis aluo.
10 Diua parens salue, quae paris ipsa Deum.
Diua parens salue, quam gratia plena uenustat.
Diua parens salue, cui decor omnis inest.
Diua parens salue, specimen totius honesti.
Diua parens, niuei norma pudoris, Aue.
uxorj] corr. from uxore S
224 Carm. XI
15 Diua parens salu

Diua parens salu
Diua parens salue,
Diua parens, sum
20 ' parens,
L/ Dignare aethe
BuslMS, 42-46 (a v-c v
XI. TO HIS PATRON-SAINT St. JEROME

This poem celebrates the life and works of the great Student of
the Bible according to Marianus Victorius and other hagiographs, to
which is added the story of the wounded lion, which is generally
attributed to Androclus, or Androdus, as Aulus Gellius relates it
(Nodes Attica, v, xiv), quoting Appion Polyhistor as authority ; it is
also found amongst AEsop's Fabula and as chapter civ in the Gesta
Romanorum, without any name added. That story, also attributed to
legendary heroes, was no doubt ascribed to St. Jerome on account
of the lion with which he is represented ; still the lion is only the
symbol of the desert, in which the Holy Man spent a large part of his
lifetime : cp. Joh. Molanus, De Historia SS. Imaginum et Picturarum
L. IV : in, 42 (Lyons, 1619 : 439-41). Busleyden possessed a statue,
carved in wood, representing St. Jerome ; it was acquired by van
Vessem for 8 Rfl. 5 s : IBM2, 295, r.
This poem is written in stanzas of four Asclepiads each : but instead
of the regular two dactyls that form the second hemistich, there is
here a dactyl and a trochee, so that the line consists of a spondee, a
dactyl and a long syllable, a dactyl and a trochee :
From the seventh stanza on, there are several alterations in the
verse-scheme adhered to up to then : in the first hemistich the dactyl
often precedes the spondee (11 29, 30, 31, 33, 35, &c.) ; on ether lines
the dactyl is replaced by a second spondee (11 36, 39, 46, 48, 55, 59,
62) ; on three other lines there are two dactyls (1128, 52, 53) and on more
than one verse, the last foot is a spondee instead of a trochee.
Incomparabili patrono Diuo Hieronymo

Hymnus,
ab addicto clientulo Buslidio pie cantatus
QUAM mirifica
Doctor syderealuce
sederefulges
triumphans,
Coelum quem patria beta recepit
Tandem corporea mole solutum.
17 Diua... profugis &c.] on p. 41
To St. Jerome
5 Multorum superas coeligenarum

Coetus, multiplici dote refertus :
Nil mirum, pretium sit meritorum
Decernente Dei lege repensum.
Quod si mens fuerit commemorare

10 lam quae suspicimus, te celebrantes :
Succumbens oneri lingua fatiscet
Tantarum minime conscia rerum.
Adsit quare hominum balbutientum

Linguas efficiens ipse disertas :
l5Expellat tenebras mentis opacae
Fulgor clarificans Pneumatis almi.
Quo fulgente can am, gloria quur nam

Expers tristitiae, nescia finis,
Isthic te recreat usque fruentem
20 Coelesti ambrosia, nectare diuum.
Legem quod Domini mente profunda

Altius adgressus dogmate culto
Pandisti nobis mystica multa
Priscis codicibus eruta sacris.
25Assertor fidei strenuus extans

Prauae destructor impietatis,
Haereseum uirus saepe fugasti
Matris ab Ecclesiae finibus almae.
Ne mala fallacis noxia saecli

30 Ambitus et luxus te macularent,
Horrida uasta eremi lustra subisti,
Serpentum sotius atque ferarum.
13 Adsit &c. ] on p. 43 balbutientum] underl.
28 Matris] between lines ab is added 28 Ecclesiae] underlined
29 Ne mala &c.] on p. 44 31 eremi] underlined
20. ambrosia, nectare] one of Epig. 79, 9, and Christian poets.

Busleyden's favourite ornaments: 31. eremi] Busleyden evidently
cp. before, 134 and 152. makes a long syllable of the
28. eccleslffi] the second is niitial e-; so he does on I 46.
accounted as short, as is done 32. sotius] the last syllable -us
by Fortunatus, 11, 3, 8, Ennodius, should be long.
Carm.
Corporis effoeti languida membra

Nuda fouet placido terra sopore :
35 Hie epulas confert herba salubres,
Atque sitim satiat lympidus amnis.
Alta confixum de Cruce Christum

Contemplans oculis iugiter vdis,
Duro contundis pectora saxo,
40 Diram adeo mortem commiseratus.
Ad te confugiens sautius ipse

Mansuetus subito trux leo factus,
Spinas ungue ferens sanguine tinctas,
Orat dimoueas, uulnera curans.
45Exactis obiter quattuor annis

Eremi linquens auia late,
Et natale solum uisere Christi
Adfectans, sanctam Bethlem adisti.
Ad prsesepe sacrum dulcis Iesu

50 Perdius ac pernox sistere gaudens :
Obsequium prsestas instar aselli
Atque bouis, Dominum rite colendo.
Hie reliquum statuens degere uitae,

Indutus monachum numine plenus,
55 Sacram fulsisti relligionem,
Scripto, opere, ore, fide, turn pietate.
His Sanctis studijs deditus usque,

Illud quod superest transigis asui,
Terrena donee fsece piatum
60 Empyrei caperet te plaga cceli.
45 Exactis 6-c.] on p. 45 48 Bethlem] underlined
56. Scripto', pgre', org, fidg, 60. empyrei] the second e

tum pigtte] this seems quite seems superfluous : probably
corrupt or imperfect. Busleyden tcok ei for i.
Massacre of the Innocents 227
Te quo scandente, concio tota

Aulse coelestis obuia surgit,
Exultans iubilat uoce sonora :
Expectatus ades glorificandus.
BuslMS, 48-50 [d v-e v) <December 28, I504>
XII. THE MASSACRE OF THE INNOCENTS
This poem, dedicated to Adrian of Utrecht, Dean of Louvain,

by a letter most probably written at Yule-tide 1504 : cp. Epp. 21, a,
was conceived and composed in all probability on December 28,
1504, or on any of the days following.
QVID Et
non liuor
misera edax mortalia
ambitio, ? quid pectora
non uesana
cogant cupido
? ?
Hoc hodie Herodis rabies truculenta nefandi
Impietate sua patefecit : flectere solus
5 Dum uult terreni nimium moderamina regni,
In Christum natum, coelum terras moderantem
(Proh scelus infandum) mortem molitur iniquam :
Ob natum hunc unum, natorum millia perdens,
Vbera adhuc tenerum lactantia dulcia matrum.
to Quis furor immanis ? quaenam dementia tanta

Ad tantum facinus potuit te ferre sceleste !
Auctorem ut uitae tentares perdere morte,
Quo tibi uita data est, omnis collata potestas.
scelus inuisum, cunctis damnabile saeclis !

15 Infans angustis quern stringit fascia cunis,
Inque sinu carae requiescens pusio matris,
Tollitur e medio, uitam cum sanguine fundens.
feritas funesta nimis, sitibunda cruoris !

Reddens tot matres carorum cladibus orbas,
20 A qua non potuit pietas lachrymosa parentum
61 Te quo &c.] on p. 46 63 iubilat] exp., over it resonat S
63 sonora] so exp., replaced by ca S (canora) 10 Quis luror &c.J on p. 49
6i. scandente] the final -e 3. Herodis] Matth., ii, 16-18.

should be long, and is probably
meant for -i.
228 Carm. XIII
Pignoribus caris
Quo minus innocu
Arriperet, teneb
fortunati nimi
25 Qui nondum ex
Quorum pes nond
Os tenerum nondu
Regem hodie nat
Occumbunt pulch
30 Plaudite felices
Immaculatum Ag
Virginitas quibus
BuslMS, 50-51 (e v-f r)
XIII. IN PRAISE OF VIRTUE
This poem is written in what is called Asclepiadeum metrum tert

; it is used by Horace ; a more recent exam
is the Hymn for the Vespers of the Office of several Martyrs, Sa
rum meritis (Albin, 404-407). It is composed of three Asclepiads
spondee and one dactyl, followed by one long syllable and two
dactyls), and one Glyconic (one spondee and two dactyls). It is pr
bably called Coriambicum in the title as the Asclepiads can be con
sidered as two choriambi ( ) preceded by two long, and follo
by two short, syllables :
The Glyconic, too, may be taken as one choriamb preceded by

long, and followed by two short syllables
Buslidij Carmen Coriambicum,

jnstar hymni Sanctorum meritis
QVID Auri
iactas
quidueterum stemmata
cumulas pondera millia ? plurima ?
Terrae quid numeras iugera plurima ?
Et solus pecus omnium ?
26 Quorum &c.] on p. 50
31. Agnum... (32) pudoris] Apocal., xiv, 4, 5.
Easter Day 229
5Hsec flocci (sapiens

Nusquam suscipiens
Spes uanas hominum
Luduntque uota in
Ergo si sapias, selige

10 Solum quse reput
Si tu perpetua uiuer
Semper post cinere
lis dantur merito tal

Oblectat Studium q
15 Et uirtutis amor de
Ornantes animum bonis.
BuslMS, 58-59 (i v-k r) <March 23, 1505)
XIV. HYMN ON EASTER DAY
This poem, accompanying the Homilia in Die Resurrectionis,

Orat. A, was dedicated to the Aix patrician J udocus von Beyssel at
Easter time of 1505 by a letter (Epp. 22, a) ; most likely it was com
posed on Easter Day, March 23, 1505. In the manuscript there are
after the Homily, and before the poem, a few lines which serve as
introduction to the poem : they are reproduced at the end of the
Homily : Orat. A, 52-59. The construction of this poem was probably
suggested by Martial's Epigrams : cp. Carm. x, pr.
CELEBRATISSIM/E Solennitatis Salutifer.e
RESURRECTIONIS DOMINICA:
Votiva Gratulatio
EXPECTATA dies,priscis
Expectata dies, sacriscantata
memorata prophetis,
Sibyllis :
Expectata dies, interna sede locatis,
9 Ergo si 6*c.] on p. 51 resurrectionis] in MS -rectoTs
2. Sibyllis] it is strange to hear (115) : cp. Erasmus, Album calcu

the name of the sibyl in a hymn lum addere, Alba faba, Cr eta no
for Easter, stranger even to hear tare, Carbone notare (Er A dag.,
hell indicated by terms like Aver- 202, B-203, B : in which is quoted :
nus (I 5) and Acheron (18). Even 'Hunc, Macrine diem, numera We
the day is praised by the essen- liore lapillo', the first line of
tially classic superstition of anti- Persius Flaccus' second Satira.)
quity : dies meliore notanda lapillo Cp. 157.
230 Carm. XV
Illuxit tandem m
5 (Adsertis patri
Post triduum su
Haec est festa die

Haec est clara di
Haec est laeta di
10 Haec est faust
Haecque dies fide
Qua Christus, di
Nos semel extinc
Felix ergo dies, t

15 Felix ergo dies
Felix et populus
Felix culpa fuit,
Felix mors nimiu
Felix uita, cui Mors haud dominabitur ultra.
BuslMS, i-n (b r-b 6 r)
XV. DEBATE ABOUT WORTH & FORTUNE
between Herbouts and Busleyden

a This debate consists of a series of eight poems, each of w
reply to the one that precedes. It is started by Adrian Her
friend of the Orleans days (Epp. 23, be), who is active as t
as preceptor at Antwerp, but earns hardly enough to keep
family. He is looking out for a more remunerative position when
Busleyden returns to Brabant and offers him the welcome help of
his influence, which proves successful : Epp. 23, 2-5. As both friends
are fond of literature and poetry, it is only natural that they send
poems to one another, whereby Herbouts apologizes for the lack of
refinement in his verses, pleading want of leisure, and expresses his
admiration for his friend's metrical compositions.
b The movement of the debate may be summarized as follows :
I. 1-8 : Herbouts regrets that his poetry is not what it should be on
account of household cares and insufficient fees.
II. 9-22 : Busleyden praises Herbouts' poetry notwithstanding those
household cares, and hopes for a more lucrative living
for him.
hi. 23-38 : Herbouts praises Busleyden's poetry, and says that he
himself is vainly beating bushes for hares.
Iv- 39-56 : Busleyden recommends patience as indispensable in every
hunt and in every pursuit.
15 Felix ergo &c.] on p. 59
Worth and Reward 231
v. 57-76 : Herbouts knows that hunti

from untoward accidents ; he th
VI. 77-128 : Busleyden praises hope as
ing ; since Herbouts is known f
has every right to expect the b
VII. 129-144 : Herbouts remarks that
suffering often goes to others t
or suffer.
viii. 145-196 : Busleyden replies that, even then, those who strive and
suffer, enjoy the happy conscience of their own good
ness, and of their being beneficent to others ; virtue
is a reward in itself.
c The first parts of this debate were written soon after Busleyden's
return to Brabant, 1503, as results from the fact that Herbouts did
not know that his friend wrote poetry [11 31-32), of which he certainly
would have been aware after one or two interviews, which seem
to have been frequent. After the last reply Herbouts was appointed
pensionary, or juridical councillor, of Antwerp, 1505, for which Bus
leyden congratulated him by a letter : Epp. 23, a.
d The spirit, and for certain the form, of Busleyden's first reply to
his friend's despondent opinion of his poems, was most probably
suggested by one of Martial's Epigrammata (11, 7), In Attalum, in
which he states that, in his opinion, that man does everything nicely,
belle, but not well, not bene ; the two first lines
Declamas belle ; causas agis, Attale, belle.
Historias bellas, carmina bella facis.
are certainly imitated in 11 9 and 10 :
Etsi mole graui curarum et pondere rerum
Assiduo opprimeris, carmina docta facis...
at least for the three last words : that closing assertion is repeated
three more times in that second poem and three times in Herbouts'
reply:// 24-2S.That device of using the same words to insist on an idea
is often used by Martial : thus in his De Charino (i, 78) he closes each
of the six verses with the words : 'et tarnen pallet'. In the epigram
De Filo (ascribed epigr., 4), he repeats three times on 16 lines : 'Et
tarnen est Filus paupere pauperior'. Similar iterations are found in In
Candidum (ill, 26), In Blattaram (xi, 47), De Hermogene Fure (xn,
29). Cp. Carm. x, xiv, pr ; and, for another epigram on writing poetry,
Martial, Epigr. vi, 14.
I. Hadrianvs Bvslidio

CARMINA nostra,
Carmina precor,
quse uena ridenti
pauperiore perlege uultu,
fluunt.
Non bene tornatos potis est nunc cudere uersus,
Agmine curarum qui nimis opprimitur :
5Hinc natie, hinc infans, hinc cura domestica surgit,
Turbat et ingenium murmure paruus Hylas.
I. 5. Hinc natae... (6) Hylas] daughters, a young son, the Hylas,

from these two lines it appears and an infans.
that Herbouts had at least two
232 Carm. XV
At bona spes supere

Sed bonus et iustus
II. Bvslidivs Hadriano
ETSI Assiduo
mole graui curarum
opprimeris, et pondere
carmina rerum
docta facis.
Sit licet arcta domi res, sitque uxoria cura,
Prolis et ingenuae, carmina docta facis :
Et carae repetens puer ubera lactea matris
Nocte strepat tota, carmina docta facis.
15 Esto iuuentutem studijs modereris honestis,
Carmine tu dignus : carmina docta facis.
Ergo inter fluctusque, inter molimina rerum,
Diuite si uena carmina proueniunt :
Fallere, tornatos te non bene cudere uersus,
20 Qui tibi de uena pauperiore fluant.
Quare age, fac pergas, laturus foenore multo
Quae te pro meritis praemia certa manent.
III. Hadrianvs Bvslidio
FALLERE : nec
Digna ego uersu: dignus,
compono carmina nec carmina
docta facis. lau
25Arida ieiuno mea Musa poemate torpens
Serpit humi : sed tu carmina docta facis.
Conuena Phoebaeum non pulsas limen, ut hospes,
Nec Tyro Apollineus : carmina digna facis.
13 Et carae 6-c.] on p. 2
7. spes] namely the hope on a bouts was just then empl

good office to provide for his Antwerp.
family, since he is only a teacher 19. tornatos te <S-c.] refers to
or tutor, as results from what Herbouts's own words, I 3.
Busleyden writes to him (/ 15). 20. de vena pauperiore] Her
8. iustus uir perit interea] cp. bouts had written of his poems :
the proverb : Whilst the grass Carmina quce uena pauperiore
grows, the horse dies. fluunt (I 2).
II. 10. carmina... facis] cp. III. 23. nec uersu... (24) corn
er, c. pono] reply to what Busleyden
15. Esto] cp. further, 1181, and says on every ot
135 14. &c.
15. iuuentutem... modereris] 24. carmina... facis] cp. pr, c.
evidently the work at which Her
Non tu Calliopen <imitas luden

30 Viuida sed toto pectore Clio nitet.
Attamen hsec si sint primi experimenta laboris,
Tu mihi uel Flaccus uel Maro doctus eris.
Grata, sed incerto promittis tempore nobis

Praemia : protrahitur crastinus usque dies.
35 Ipse ego squalentes ullo sine semine sentes
Discutio : lepores unus et alter habet.
Ast pergam : tandem mea carbasa spero secundos
Ingressura sinus. Dulcis amice uale.
IV. BVSLIDIVS HADRIANO
VEPRIBVS incultis
Est uenatori et petita
saepe densisfera.
sentibus, acri
Euentus quod si remoretur uota sequentis,
Et penetret casses praeda petita suos :
Non subito exspes fila leuat, nec rhetia soluit,
Nec sistunt alacres cornua rauca canes :
45 Quin coeptis instans, procul abdita lustra ferarum
Pressius explorat lumine, uoce, cane ;
Acer equo uolitat, patiens algoris et aestus :
Nec reuocat gressum quam fera prensa cadat.
Hoc ubi contigerit, laetis successibus auctus,
50 Ille domum repetit, spolia opima ferens.
Sed tu quum praedae cupidus, uenaris opacis
Syluis, et mirum te alma Diana iuuat.
29 Calliopen] a space is left open

30 Viuida 6-c.] on p. 3 42 petita] lined oft ; in right margin : reperta C
48 reuocat gressum] inverted order in MS, corr. by marks S
48 Nec reuocat &c.] on p. 4
29. Calliopen] this verse was ble after B's return from Italy,
not completed as possibly the 35. ullo sine semine] probably :
scribe doubted about the text, without my sowing, without my
and the gap was overlooked : it doing anything to deserve it; he
might be completed by : <imitas namely thinks of the office he
ludens sequerisque,) or by : <ad- wants to secure through Busley
mirans unquam adulas,) or <tan- den's influence ; evidently an allu
tum reducem retegisti,). sion to Matth., xxv, 24, 26 : Do
31. si sint primi experimenta mine, scio quia... metis ubi non
laboris] it seems as if the verses seminasti, &c. ; cp. pr.
9-22, were the first by Busleyden IV. 41. Euentus cS-c.] namely
that Herbouts ever saw : which Herbouts' appointment, repre
prompts a date as early as possi- sented as an unsuccessful hunt.
16
234 Carm. xv
Haec quandoque tuu

At que expers pras
55 Spes bona te fou
Succedet pluuijs u
V. HADRIANVS BVSLIDIO
TVRGIDA contextis
Rheticulum, suspendit
muscas prendat utaranea taelis
arte suas :
Saepe tarnen casses ancilla uenustula textos
60 Dissecat, ut niteat faece piata domus ;
Saepe etiam ignaui crabrones stamina rumpunt,
Pendula palladium uespaque turbat opus :
Non tamen ilia sedet, repetitum at sedula gyram
Ampliat, et medio corpus in orbe gerit,
65Nexibus illaqueans uolitantem circa rapinam.
Nostraque fulmineus taela reflectit aper :
Aerius instabo : cupidis retinacla molossis
Dissoluam abrupto libera colla iugo,
Atque pedes uel equo, aut mancus uel mutilus usque,
70 Extremae experiar mobile sortis iter.
Malo equidem ambiguum quod me fortuna teneret,
Quam sub instabili uolueret usque rota,
Quam quod in aduersis misero tarn tempore rebus
Haec foret optati meta suprema boni :
75Tota licet rueret Promethei pyxis et in me,
Non languebo tamen : spe meliore fruar.
VI. BVSLIDIVS HADRIANO
GAUDEO teprobasse
Atque monitus nunc
meum admisisse
denique salubres,
consilium.
Quando procellosis speret mercator in undis,
80 Naufragus insanas (spe duce) uitat aquas ;
Spes fouet infames tenebroso carcere clausos,
Compedibus uinctos spes recreat miseros ;
Miles et infestus, collatis undique signis,
65 Nexibus tS-c.] on p. 5
83 Miles &c.] on p. 6 83 infestus] u corr. from i S
V. 75. Promethei pyxis] evi- vised as part of Prometheus' pun

dently the box of Pandora, de- ishment.
Spe multa fretus, strennuus

85 Dimicat et media sperans glad
Spe sine doctiloqui Rhetoris
Recte non animos mulcet, neq
Orator Celebris, ni bona spes
Horrida membra tegens ueteri c
90 Spes stypis et modicse paup
Marcidus, effoetus, morbisque g
Spe meliore fruens, fit senior
Rebus in aduersis prudens spe
Spe moriens uiuit ; spem qu
95 Et ualidos potis est bona spe
Saepe leuat lassum spes, stim
Spes firmat trepidum, miserum
Spe charae sobolis fit pater e
Almae spes Cereris, flauae spes
100 Colla boum grauido supp
Solibus exustus, quod uinitor i
Vitibus : hoc grati spesque l
Ccerae spes liquidae, ambrosij sp
Fecit apes pulchris fundere m
105 Infima despiciens solum caele
Contemptor mundi fit subito
Sperans optatos gallina educer
Candida sub tenero continet oua sinu.
Spe stimulante suas orditur aranea taelas,
110 Ignauis muscis ut struat insidias.
Vnguibus accipiter, rostro et truculentus adunco
Sperans, innocuas persequitur uolucres.
Sperans carne famem lupus exatiare diurnam
Cladibus innumeris aificit omne pecus.
115 Sperans lsetiferis dum percitus undique taelis
Occidat ore ferox, dente cruentus aper.
Et timidos dammas et ceruos cornibus altis
Spes docuit rabida effugere ora canum.
Quod noua sub ueteri coalescat plantula trunco,
120 Spes facit ut citius dulcia mala ferat.
Sperandum est uiuis : sua spes est atque sepultis.
90 modicae] underlined ; in left margin exiguae C
103 Ccerae &c.] on p. 7 105 sperans] corrected from sperens S
117 altis] corr. from altos S 118 whole line underlined
23$ Carm. XV
Spe lucri, facilis f

Perpetua fruitur s
Nec cito spem po
125 Omnia quum spe
Sitque datum nulli
Quid tu non speres
Extulerit celebrem
VII. HADRIANVS BVSLIDIO
STRENNUUS in medios
Vulnera nunc mille, acmiles quinulla
prsemia se obijcit
capit : hostes
Vix merita assequitur uario stipendia casu :
Nil nisi bellator quam bene pugnat habet.
Si quis Apollineo uates compunctus oestro
Aspera sublimi carmine bella canat,
135 Exagitetque suo feruentia praelia cantu :
Nil tarnen et prseterquam bene dixit habet.
Hystrio et impudens meriti nunc scurra poetae,
Aut palpo, aut sciolus praemia iniqua tenet :
Claraque in obscuris uirtus occlusa tenebris
140 Nunc latitat : causa est, nil datur ingenijs ;
Doctori nihil est hac tempestate relictum,
Pestifer indigna heu lucra susurro capit.
Res non parua quidem, praeclarum nomen habere,
Sed clarum insigni munere nomen eget.
VIII. BUSLIDIVS HADRIANO
QVEMUli
recreare solet tua dulcis epistola amicum,
nunc tristis ualde et acerba uenit :
Quod uideat monitus nondum admisisse salubres,
Et male te coepto pergere proposito.
Tarn mala ne rectam peruertat opinio mentem,
150 Seducatque bonum noxia consilium,
Hanc procul explodas, monitusque amplectere sanctos,
Qui tibi Buslidia de pietate fluunt.
Spe solida expectans, peperit quae uiuida uirtus,
Emeritumque diu te indubitata manent :
155 Scilicet aeternum uiuens per saecula nomen,
123 Perpetua &.)] on p. 8 140 Nunc latitat &c.] on p. 9
Inmortale decus, gloria, laus, et

Ii sunt uirtutis comites sotijque p
Praemia grata bonis, inuidiosa m
Omnia uirtuti debentur, et omnia
160 Possidet, atque amplum est il
Non opis externse indiga. Vulgi ig
Miratur nusquam : conscia sola
Sola bonis contenta suis, fruitur
Sola sibi constans, et sibi sola p
165 Infima non curans, sublimis ad
Illecebras, luxus, delitiasque fug
Viribus aucta suis, trepidantia pe
Degeneresque animos fortis ad
Saepe beatque suos studiosos incly
170 Fit subito Croesus qui modo
Insipidus, prudens ; inglorius, un
Indoctus, doctus ; squalidus, et
Lasciuus, castusque ; infamis, ubi
Nobilis, obscurus ; sedulus, ant
175 Nec sperare iubet nisi quod sper
Nec quodcunque lubet, sed dec
Te fortuna ridens, medium tibi po
Tuta, tuas fraudes cauet et insidia
Militet usque licet miles uictricibus
180 Attamen haud semper spolia ab hoste refert.
Zoilus esto ferat magnorum praemia uatum :
Qualis et ante fuit, Zoilus usque manet.
Haec male si priscis respondent tempora saeclis,
Orbis id assidua mobilitate uenit.
185 Si latitet uirtus tenebris adoperta profundis,
lis tandem pulsis, clarior ilia micat.
Qualis mundi oculus, fax caeli, caereus orbis,
Sol, reparans almum luce calore diem.
Pallidulus subito radiantia lumina condit
190 Imbribus immersus nube sepultus atra.

157 Ii sunt 6-c] on p. 10
177 Te fortuna &c.] on p. 11
177 ridens 178 cauet 180 spolia] underlined and pointed out in Img
190 atra] underlined and pointed out in Img
VIII. 177. medium &c] cp. Epp. 544, E, quoting Martial,Epigr. 11,
70, 38; EOO, iv, 176, A; ErA dag., 28, and Juvenal, Sat. x, 53.
238 Carm. XVI
lis ubi depulsis redi

Clarius irradians : tunc redit alma dies.
Ergo si quando fortuna uolubilis errat,
Praemia uirtutum non meritis tribuens,
195 Sustine, nec moueat te ludus sortis iniquse :
Tandem aderit Virtus, quae meliora dabit.
BuslMS, 12-13 6 v-b 7 r)
XVI. VENICE AND HER FICKLE FORTUNE
This poem draws the attention on the tragic example of Venic

fortune : after having risen in power to the zenith of splendour b
middle of the xvth century, when she was mistress of the mar
empire of the Levant, and had extended her land power far i
Italy, she was visited by reverses in her struggle against the Tu
and ruined by her victories over her neighbours on land, until
latter, brought together by Julius II, formed against her the Le
of Cambrai, December 10, 1508, assented to by the Pope on March
1509 : it proved disastrous to the proud Republic : she soon ceas
rank as first-class power, especially when the trade with the Ea
passed to Lisbon. In the left margin, one of the first possessor
the Manuscript added near I 10: 'Julius.2.papa./Maximilianus
Ludovic9 Gall. Rex./ferdind9 Hispa. rex'.
DE VICISSITUDINE ReRUM ET MUTATIONE DeXTR.-E ExCELSjE

IN Venetos
Buslidij carmen
QVAMQuanta
sint uel
resexcelsse
hominum fluxie,dextrae
possit mutatio uariae, instabilesque !
Infima quae summis, commutat tristia laetis !
Res Veneta exemplo est, nongentos aucta per annos,
5 Diues opum, Imperium terris sortita marique :
Crescit in immensum spectans fastigia rerum :
Ambitiosa suos dum uult protendere fines,
195 Sustine] underl, pointed out Img
7 uult] 1 added later, in lighter ink
7. protendere fines] Venice had been occupied, which roused

gained Brescia and Bergamo, against her not only the Italian
Crema and Treviglio and their neighbours and the Pope, but
territories in her wars with Milan; also the Kings of France and
she had changed into ownership Spain and the Emperor, on
her guardianship of Ravenna, account of territories connected
which was part of the States of with Milan or Naples (Pastor, hi,
the Church; Ferrara, Padua, 628, sq).
Bologna and other places had
The Good Helmsman 239
Inque suam tentat ditionem cunc

Inuidiosa nimis, nimiumque inimica
10 Regibus efficitur, iunctis qui ui
Partiti, imperio, regnis, opibus spo
Auctor ad Lector em
NUNC, et rebus nimium ne crede secundis

I Dispice quam uarios subeant mortalia casus,
Quando superba, potens, pulchris ornata trophaeis,
15 Totque fluens opibus, Celebris Respublica paulo
Momento, ex alto praeceps ad infima fertur.
BuslMS, 13-14 (b 7 r-v)
XVII. THE STORM POINTS OUT THE GOOD

HELMSMAN
This poem was probably treated as a poetical exercice : it enounces

in prose the subject to be treated : cp. Epp. 70, 34.
Argumentum propositum in Carmen uertendum
QVILIBET nautarum
vbi autem in tranquillo
saeua tempestas orta est, acmari gubernare
turbato mari potest;
uento rapitur nauis : turn uiro ac gubernatore opus est. Nunc
non tranquillo nauigamus, sed iam procellis aliquot pene sum
mersi sumus. Itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat, summa cura
prouidendum est.
Buslidii Carmen
STAT quando placidum

Exoriturque Zephyris
polo tota spirantibus
serena dies : aequor,
Tunc cuiuis facile est fragiles seruare carinas,
Fluxa per immensum pandere uela fretum.
14 quando&c.] on p. 13 16 praeceps ad] underl.
3 carinas] corr. from camoenas S 4 Fluxa &c. ] on p. 14
9-IO. sacratis Regibus] viz., the of Agnadello on May 14, 1509 :

properly crowned Monarchs and Pastor, in, 639.
the Popes, who claimed Ravenna 1. Stat (S-c.] the same idea is
and Bologna : Pastor, ill, 629-639. developed by Busleyden in his
10. iunctis... uiribus] by the letter to Cardinal Bernardino de
League of Cambrai. Carvajal,in the summer of 1513 :
11. spoliarunt] Venice was de- Epp. 70, S4, sq.
feated completely at the battle
240 Carm. XVIII
5 At quum tempestas r
Ingruit, et darum no
Tum gnaro rectore opu
Vela, statim teneat li
Quod qui prsestiterit,
10 Laudatur felix, omnia puncta ferens.
Nos et adhuc sseuis errantes fluctibus alti,
Qui modo praesentem scimus adesse necem,
Ardua protensas tollamus ad sethera palmas,
Testando uotis numina summa pijs.
15 Nostra habeat talem Respublica naufraga nautam,
Ferre salutiferam qui cito possit opem.
BuslMS, 15-16 (b 8 r-v)
XVIII. DANGERS IN SEAFARING
RUN BY TRADERS
This poem with its "envoy" tries to discourage merchants

risking their lives and goods on the sea for the sake of som
was written at a time when actual seafaring was only in its
on this side of Europe. It is as an echo of two passages in
Saturce : in Satura xn, 17, sq, the poet, alluding to Catullus' recent
shipwreck, describes the danger of entrusting one's life and belongings
to a ship ; in Satura xiv, 284-297, he compares an avaricious man,
who imperils himself in a vessel for the sake of some gain, to the
raving Orestes and the wild Aias in Euripides' and Sophocles' dramas ;
he suggests that although such a man does not tear his clothes, he
deserves to be placed under guardianship as devoid of all sense : non
unus mentes agitat furor.
in Cupidos Nimis et Avaros Negotiatores
Nota Buslidij
ROH dolor,
Atque in quantos
procellosas non praeceps
bene uitatruit aequoris aestus
aquas,
Diuitias solas sitienti pectore flagrans,
Pauper, inops, querulus, semper auarus, egens.
5 Quern non turbo furens, Boreas, Aquilo, Nothus, Eurus,
Turbidus at Auster, non glacialis hyems,
5 Nothus] h added over line S
10. omnia puncta ferens] Horace, Ep. ad Pisones, 343.
On Political Persons 241
Non freta latrantis Scyllse, non o

Non Syrtes, scopuli, non uada,
Quo minus immenso pandat sua
10 Et longo acquoreas remige s
At quum tempestas oritur, quum
Terrificum fulmen, quum tonat
Tunc miser incassum testatur num
Uli ut presentem non refragent
15 Sed sero moerens patrios liquiss
Insanis tandem fluctibus obruitur.
A uctor ad Lectorem
NVMAcfuit insanus,
nimium temerarius,
uitse prodigus improbus, audax,
ipse suae
Qui prior est ausus tenui se credere ligno,
20 Et uada cserulei lata secare freti ?
Crede mihi, furor est, summa est uesania mentis,
Natis posthabitis dulcibus atque focis,
Caram uelle animam leuibus committere uentis,
Et dubio cursu certa pericla sequi,
25 Quum uitae mortisque uias discriminat arcto
Vix digyti spatio, fluctibus acta ratis.
BuslMS, 17-20 (b 9 r-10 )
XIX. POEMS ON POLITICAL PERSONS AND

EVENTS
Under this heading are gathered smaller poems and chronograms

on Emperor Maximilian (i), on Margaret of Austria (ii), on the longing
for peace (iii, iv), and on the Treaty of Cambrai, December 10, 1508
(v, vi), with which all the foregoing poems of this section are connected.
One monosticon-chronogram announces the coming into power of
Charles of Austria, 1515 (vii).
10 sulcet] e corrected C (with small e over line)
16/17 Auctor ad &c] on p. 16 21 (2nd) est] changed by C into et (over line)
21. furor est <S-c.] cp. Juvenal, digitis a morte remotus / quattuor
Satura xiv, 284-297. aut septem, si sit latissima taeda ;
25-26. arcto Vix digyti &c.~\ Diogenes Laertes, 1, viii, 5 (Ana
Juvenal, Satura xiv, 289 : tabula charsis Apophthegmata) :
distinguitur unda ; Satura XII, tc'tt thai TO
57"59 ; i nunc et ventis animam ,
committe dolato / confisus ligno, .
242 Carm. XIX
. Ad, diuum Casar em Maximilianum
VI sacri Imperij iustas moderatur habenas,

Q Caesar adest, Martis gloria, Pacis honos.
II. Ad diuam Margaritam Augusti Filiam
INTER uernantes
Margaris flores,
Augusti, gloriagemmasque nitentes
prima manet.
Ad eandem
ARGARIS ecce nitens, sum Caesaris inclyta proles,

Romanis Aquilis quae Candida Lilia iunxi.
hi. Oeprecatio calamitatum Belli
Irrequies, discordia, bella, tumultus,

Impietas, incendia, praeda, rapinae,
Absint i Seditio, uiolentia, uincula, career,
I Arma, furor, metus, irae, et praelia, caedes,
Incursus, uastatio, damna, ruinae,
Dira fames, laetalis pestis, egestas :
Ecce triumphanti Mars Paci porrigit herbam.
iv. Gratulatio donorum alma Pacis
Laeta quies, pax florida et otia longa,

Liberias, amor, unio, copia rerum,
Adsint
Iustitia, et pietas, concordia, foedus,
Relligio, probitas, pudor, aurea saecla,
Spesque, fides, ius, phas, respectus honesti,
Virtutum cultus, Reuerentia legum :
Ecce triumphanti Mars Paci porrigit herbam.
ii manet] underl.; in right margin : veil micat
iii Deprecatio &c.] on p. 18 iii 6 pestis,] added over line S
i, 2. Caesar adest] Maximilian of his representative the Cardinal of

Austria was in the Netherlands Rouen to make a coalition with
in 1508 (cp. Epp. 54, b, c ; Orat. Maximilian, Roman King and
C, July 1508), although he did not Emperor-Elect, against Venice,
take personally part in the mak- in spite of her own quarrels and
ing of the Treaty of Cambrai. lifelong antipathy: argvOK, 313,
ii, 4. Romanis Aquilis... Lilia] 322.
It was Margaret of Austria in her iii, 7. porrigit herbam] also iv,
desire to protect the Netherlands, 7, 14; cp. Epp. 6, 33, &c.
who persuaded Louis XII through
On Political Persons 243
Alia Gratulatio
GAUDIA tristitiam
Lsetitia gemitum.tollant, solamina
concordia luctum,:
bella, tumultum
Spes secura metum, requies tranquilla laborem :
Vita necem, lamenta ioci, suspiria risus,
Et curas somnus, lux nubila, copia rerum
Pauperiem. Redeunt en otia, festa, triumphi,
Quando triumphanti Paci Mars porrigit herbam.
v. In almce Pads Gratulationem
Disthyca
Flamma, furor Martis ualeant, cruor, arma, rapinse :

Pacis laeta quies, otia longa dabit.
Aliud
En redeunt requies, pax, otia, gaudia, festa,

Tempora laeta simul : Mars truculente uale.
Aliud
Mars truculente uale : pereant tua fulmina belli :

En bona Pax nobis aurea saecla feret.
Vi. Disthycon complectens annum, locum et prcecipuum A uctorem

confectce Pacis
F/orida pax oritur Ca.mera.ci : bella. fwgantwr

Gurcensis studio finibws ex patriae.
Monosthycon in se continens annum, diem et locum inita Pacis
Pacts perpetwae Conceptio stat Ca.mera.ci.

Alia gratulatio <5-c.] on p. 19
Disthyca] lined out vi Disthycon <5-c.] on p. 20
vi & vii the letters which represent figure are marked with a dot below ;
they are Italicized here : d is not used for a number : cp. MemAss., 226.
v. alma Pacis gratulatio] name- Italian Republics, with Spain and

ly the Treaty of Cambrai. France, with England and Hun
vi, i. Cameraci] the Treaty was gary ; he was the great promotor
signed there on December , of the League of Cambrai, at the
1508 : MargvOK, 321 333. proceedings of which he took a
2. Gurcensis] Matthew Lang, most active part : Lang, 4, sq ;
Bishop of Gurk, Gurcensis, was Pastor, in, 629 ; Bergh, 1, 126,
Maximilian's chief adviser ; he 134, 158, 269, sq, 277, 11, 63, 125 ;
had led, on his master's behalf, MargvOK, 254, 289, 310, 324-333.
most of the negociations with the
244 Carm. xx
Vii. Monosthicon com

chiducis Caroli
Carole clare weni tibi craxh'ta iam tone sceptra.
BuslMS, 22-27, 32"34 (c 2 f-c 7 r)
XX. ON BUSLEYDEN'S MANSION
This group of small poems, mostly distichs, are connected with

fine house which the Provost of Aire had built at Mechlin : cp. be
38, sq. Cp. Martial, Epigramm., xii, 50 : In habentem Amoenas
AEdes; the example of that master of epigrams, especially Lib. xin
and xiv, may have inspired the form of the distichs chosen for the
description of the mansion, as well as that of the furniture, Carm. xxi.
In A)des Bvslidianas
I. In cedificantem
/Edificas ? aderunt sumptus, dispendia, curs.

Item
Perdere uis nummos ? grauibus te subdere curis ?

Ac maiora pati ? continuo axliflca.
Item
Parcere uis nummis ? grauibus te soluere curis ?

Atque minora pati ? tu aedificare caue.
11. Romulus in fastigio cedium
Martia progenies, Romani nominis auctor,

Hie mico conspicuus, culmina summa tenens.
hi. regione ingressus bibliothecce Buslidiance

Disthycon
Me reuerenter adi : sedeo hie tutela bonorum,

Et uindex scelerum, legum imperiosa potestas.
i & ii on p. 27 (c 7 r)
iii on p. 22 (c 4 v) iii 6 et] added over line C
vii, . Carole] Charles of right, on January 5, 1515 :

Austria was solemnly emaneip- Henne, 11, 69-70 ; cp. before,
ated, and consequently became iii, 116.
master of his estates in his own iii, 1-2. Me cS-r.] This seems to
On his Mansion 245
In eandem, Tetrasthycon
HOSPES
Et si certum
iurare lubensest
in Sophise
sua uerbadare
uenis,nomina clarae,
Me pete : multiplices quos suppeto uolue libellos,
Aggrediunda tibi qui et fugienda notant.
IV. Inscriptiones fabularum et hystoriarum qua parietibus

hypocausti Buslidiani depictce sunt
antalus
En aeterna sitis profluis me torquet in undis :

Et renouant diram subdita poma famem.
Phaeton
Ecce miser Phaeton qui magnis excidit ausis,

Flectere dum patrios temere tentat equos.
Item
En ego dum coeli plagas temerarius intro,

Stelligero praeceps aethere ad ima ruo.
Scceuola
Quam mea cara mihi fuerit Respublica cordi,

Sat probat igniuomis dextera adusta focis.
Demades Dionysio
Caedo scaeptra tibi Dionysi, caedo et honores :

Sat mihi sit curis libera uita. Vale.
iv Inscriptiones &c.] on p. 24 (c 5 ) 4. temere 5 plagas] underl, marked in Img

Scaeuola &c.] on p. 25 (c 6 r)
apply, not to the Library, but to siderable parts have been pre
a statue or to a picture of Themis, served; the three other subjects
Justitia, or possibly Sophia, which referred to here,to which has to
may have been placed, or hung, be added, that of Judith killing
in front of the entrance to the Holophernes, probably did not
Library. occupy a large space, and may
iv, hypocausti] namely the been have used rather a
room with a stove or fireplace, ornaments : or as separat
the 'drawing-room', not the din- little seems to have been
ing-room. Of the first and the last them.
scenes indicated here, Tantalus' Tantalus] cp. Carm. xxiv.
history and Daniel's prophecy at iv, 9. Demades] cp. Plutarch,
the banquet of Balthasar, con- Vita Demosthenis, , xv, &c.
246 Carm. XX
Conuiua Balthasar : Daniel, c.
Balthasarem sacris miscentem pocula uasis

Morte ferit celeri uindicis ira Dei.
Item
Quanta profanantes maneat res ultio sacras,

Praesagus tandem me Daniel docuit.
v. Argumenta rerum qua in fenestris eiusdem loci depictce

sunt
In primam hystoriam de <Dioscurisy

Ivnctus amor, fraterna fides, concordia rerum
Dant stabile, et tutum regibus Imperium.
Item
Vnanimes fratres, Concors quos gratia firmat,

Impetus haud facile frangere, uisque potest.
In secundum hystoriam de Sertorio
5 Ingenium superat uires, industria robur,

Ardua sedulitas, armaque consilium.
Item
Quod labor, arma negant, uiresque, potentia, robur,

Vincitur ingenio, tempore et arte, dolo.
Item
Viribus haud semper, neque robore magna geruntur:

10 At magis ingenio, tempore, consilio.
on p. 25 (c 6 r) hystoriam <ie] after it the name is lacking.
(first) Item &c. on p. 26 (c 6 v)
v. In primam hystoriam de] the sagacious politician and clever

possibly of the Dioscuri, Castor et strategist, victoriously organized
Pollux, who jointly undertook and defended Spain against Sylla
and brought to a good end the and Pompey, until he fell by the
rescuing of their sister Helen, by treason of his officer Perperna in
attacking Athens ; also the found- 72 B. C. His biography is amongst
ing of Dioscurias during the expe- Plutarch's Lives, who compares
dition of the Argonauts; and him to Eumenes. Maybe the
finally the battle against Idas and hystoria represented the fawn
Lynceus, sons of Aphareus. May- which had been given as a pres
be reference is made to the well- ent by the natives, and which
known story of the dying father Sertorius tamed and made into
teaching his sons unity by a bundle a constant companion : it would
of sticks. be quite in keeping with Lycur
4/5. Sertorio] Quintus Sertorius, gus' dogs.
On his Mansion 247
Item
Quod, nequeunt uires, labor

Prouida sedulitas, et dies
In tertiam hystoriam de Lycu
Intersit quantum teneris
Hie geminos catulos offa
VI. Disthyca per triclinij B

subscripta
Traductaque ex Petrarch. Triumphis
Imago Cupidinis
Blandulus emitto dulci lita tsela ueneno :
Sunt mihi praeda homines, sunt mihi prseda dei.
Pudicitia
Quern, nisi te foueat, superas, incoeste Cupido ?

Vincere te didici sobrietate, fuga.
Mors
5 Quid iuuat aligeri uicisse Cupidinis arcum,

Quum te falce mea, Vita pudica, metam ?
Fama
Me bona uita parit ; per me post fata sepulti

Viuunt : hinc merito, Mors fera, te supero.
Tempus
Gloria quid cineri ? quid phamae uentulus umbris
10 Proderit ? esto iuuet, me tarnen aesa perit.
Item Quod nequeunt &c.]this distich was squashed in afterwards into the space left open
vi : on p. 32 (c 2 ) 4/5 Mors &c.] on p. 33 (c 3 r)
9 phamae] underl in rmg fame si placet 10 aesa] under in rmg ille si placet
12-13. Lycurgo] namely the way gods; Laura, or Chastity, over

in which Lycurgus taught the comes him, but is vanquished by
love of work by two young dogs, Death, over which, in its turn,
one running to a plate with meat, Fame gets the victory ; the Sun,
the other to the hare : Erasmus, or Time, prevails over Celebrity,
Apophthegmata : EOO, iv, 124, to be mastered in the final trionfo
vi. Petrarchce Triumphis] the by Eternity, God. The seventh
first six distichs (111-12) represent distich on God, and the ninth, on
the main ideas of Petrarca's six the poet, are also suggested by the
Trionfi : Cupid, or Love, triumphs Trionfi. Cp. before, 41.
over the poet, over men and
248 Carm. XXI
Aeternitas
Csecus amor, niueusque pudor, mors, gloria, tempus

Praeterit : ergo Deum quaere perenne bonum.
Summurn bonum
En ego uera salus, intermina uita beatis

Ciuibus : omnigenis affluo delitijs.
Diuus Hieronymus
15 Si saperes quam sit super omnia dulcis Iesus,
Mundi falsus amor, uerus amaror er it.
Franciscus Petrarcha
Ne tibi sola oculos pictura, lector, inani

Pasee : sed aeternum mente capesse bonum.
BuslMS, 21-36 (c r-c 8 v)
XXI ON BUSLEYDEN'S FURNITURE
This group of short poems mostly distichs, probably in im

of Martial: cp. Carm. xx, pr, illustrate some pieces of his fur
In Svpellectilem Bvslidianam
I. In horologium
disthyca Buslidij
Ne fugiant uolucris properantia curricula aeui,
Assiduus monitor, tempora fluxa noto.
Horas et numerum, momenta, et singula puncta

Adnoto : dispenses parcius ipse dies.
Aliud
Viue memor laeti, duros tolerando labores :

Ocyor ecce uolat non reditura dies.
14/15 Diuus dye.] on p. 34 (c 3 v) 16 amaror] corrected from amor on right side of
verse xxi, i, In horologium &c.] on p. 29 (c 1 r)
16. amor... amaror] cp. Virgil, as well as a wooden 'orologie' :

Ecloga in, 109-110 (quisquis amo- IBM2, 292, r, 295, r. Amongst
res... experietur amaros), Georg., his valuables, entrusted to Josel
11, 247. on June 23, 1517, was 'vne petite
i, - horologium] the lists of orloge d'argent Aiant du sabelon
Busleyden's furniture mention a dedens, serree en vne boiste de
silver 'orologium' placed on high bois' : cp. Rek., 47, r, 101, ;
pillars or feet (sold at 34 Rfl 15 s); 93 ; Epp. 24, d.
On his Furniture 249
Aliud
Tempora cara noto, celeri labentia cursu :

Artificis facit hoc ingeniosa manus.
Aliud
Ne cita te fugiant spatia irreuocabilis seui,

10 Nuntius horarum sedulus admoneo.
A Hud
Tempore quseque suo peragat sua munia prudens :

Horarum spatijs tempora dinumero.
Aliud
Ecce fugax aetas, mors proxima, uita caduca :

Viue hodie, moneo : crastina uita nihil.
Aliud
15 Omnia tempus habent. Apto sine tempore rectum

Nil fit. Quicquid agas, consule me, et sequere.
Aliud
Si breuis setas, ars longa, experientia fallax :

Num. pudet ad nostrum stertere, stulte, sonum ?
Aliud
Me frustra incusas si terque quaterque uocatus,

20 Intermissa diu non reuocas studia.
Aliud
Fare age. Quum opibus pelago terraque paratis

Parcis ? si caros prodigis usque dies.
Allied
Cura hominum reperit me. Ars perficit, approbat usus.

Tu quoque si sapias, fac prober ipse tibi.
Aliud
25 Audieris modo me, fragilis cita tempora uitse :

Protendes meritis tempus in omne tuis.
Aliud
Sit licet angusti breuior tibi terminus seui,

Te uixisse probet posteritas, moneo.
xxi, i, 11 Tempore -c.] on p. 30 (c 1 v) 13 setas] added over line S
19 ter] changed into terque C 21 Fare &c.} on p. 31 (c 2 r)
i, 27-28. Sit... moneo] This with the spirit of humanism : it

warning for the good use of time is also expressed in Epp. 17,
so as to deserve the praise of 2e, sq.
posterity, is quite in harmony
250 Carm. XXI
Aliud
Tempora dinumero, doceoque uolubilis aeui

30 Fluxos esse'dies : te uigilare uelim.
Aliud
Quum perstent surdae, longent data stamina Parese :

Obserues si me, sat tibi longa dabo.
Aliud
Vita nihil quum sit, nisi commentatio mortis,

Dum uacat atque licet, censeo : Disce mori.
Ii Speculum Buslidij ad spectatorem

ex sententia S oeratis
Ne uitijs temeres, tibi sit si gratia formae.

Quae si defuerit, uirtutibus excole pulchris.
Item
Forma placet ? caueas, ulla hanc infamia foedet.

Displicet haec ? studijs damna repende bonis.
Item
5 Forma negata tibi ? ingenio et probitate repende ;

Haec data si fuerit, crimine non macules.
Item
Forma si placeas, uitijs maculare caueto.

Si minus hac placeas, moribus ipse place.
Aliud, ex sententia Buslidij
En tibi sola hominum facies referentur et ora :
10 Nosse animos cupies ? me latet, ipse uide.

Aliud
Nil agis, ex me animos hominum rescireque mores :

Ouando sola datum est ora referre tibi.
xxi, i, 31 Quum &c. ] on p. 32 (c 2 v) 34 censeo] underl. in rmg vel consulo

xxi, ii Speculum &c.] on p. 21 (c 4 r) xxi, ii, 8 Aliud &c, | on p. 22 (c 4 )
ii, , , sq.ex sententia Socratis] EOO, iv, 160, In other apo

This refers to the maxim which phthegmata quoted by Erasmus,
Socrates gives when he advises Socrates constantly advises his
juvenes ad speculum se conti- fellow-men to take more care of
nuerent subinde : si pulchri, ne the mind's beauty than of that
quid indignum forma egregia of the body : EOO, iv, 91, 155,
committerent; si non, ut anima 160, B, 161, T, 162, , 163, ,
sit pulchra, si non corpus : 172, .
On his Furniture 251
ill. Ad castum torum B

Disthycum
Blanda quies habito hie, placido comitata sopore,

Dulci quae somno languida membra leuo.
A liud
Anxia cura, uale : placido concede sopori,

Alto dum somno corpora fessa iuuat.
Aliud,
5 Blanda quies, placidusque sopor, somnusque beatus,

Hoc reparant nitido corpora lassa toro.
A liud
Sint procul hinc lacerae curae, strepitusque rriolesti,

Artus defessos dum fouet alma quies.
Aliud
Auree somne ueni. Repara sub nocte silenti

10 Artus, lassauit quos operosa dies.
Item
Lectule nostrorum requies tranquilla laborum,

Defesso domino iam rogo pande sinum.
iv. Mensa Buslidiana
En ego pasco oculos, palatum iuuo, mulceo et aures

Pictura, dapibus, dulcibus atque sonis.
V. Ad poculum Baccho sacrum

Disthycon
Adsum laetitiae Bacchus dator : exue curas,
Indulge genio, laetus mea munera liba.
xxi, iii, ad castum <So.] on p. 23 (c 5 r) 2 leuo] corr. from noto
xxi, iii, 11 Item Lectule &c.] on p. 24 (c 5 v) xxi, iv, Mensa &c.] on p. 34 (c 3 o)
palatum] underl.; in rmg linguam, gustum
ad poculum eS-c.] on p. 28 (c 7 )
v. poculum Baccho sacrum] this to the first of 1508, since the

is, no doubt, the ornamented cup silversmith postponed the finish
which Busleyden had had made ing of the eagerly desired piece
at Antwerp through the special of art. It is no doubt identical
care of dean Adrian Sandelicus, with the one which was be
to whom several letters, Epp. 39 queathed by Jerome de Busley
to 44, were written probably den to his brother Giles : it is
from the latter months of 1507 described as a silver cup, gilded
252 Carm. XXI
Aliud
Cultores saluete mei. Mea munera laeti

Carpite, libantes pocula plena mero.
Disthycon aliud
5 Abstemios odi, quibus est sat lympidus amnis,

Spernentes nostri dona beata meri.
Monosthycon
Pocula miscentes, uos Baccho incumbite laeti.

Aliud
Vina coronantes, Baccho benedicite uestro.
In idem, Tetrasthycon
,, (sine, /,, (silet, . ' . . (facessunt,
Me { Musa Charitesque locique , .
(prope,) (canit,) /triumphant,
, (algent,) _ . (jacet, ) . . (languent.
Corda 1 , , ConuiuajJ Conuiuia { .
10 I calent, ) {saht, ) (feruent.
Qui uersus coniuncti, et in ordinem redacti, sic
Me sine, Musa silet, Charitesque iociq

Corda algent, Conuiua iacet, Conuiuia l
Contra
15 Me prope, Musa canit, Charitesque iocique triumphant,

Corda calent, Conuiua salit, Conuiuia feruent.
Laus Vini
Exhylarant animum tria : Musica, Foemina,

Gaudia, spem, somnumque animos, dat nobile ^ vinvm.
Si te cura, metus, moeror macerant, bibe
Damnatio Vini
20 Eneruant animos tria : Musica, Foemina,

Si placeant furor, arma, cruor, caedes, bibe ^ vinvm.
Subsequitur Venus, ebrietas, infamia
8 In idem &c.] on p. 35 (c 8 r) 17 Laus &c.] on p. 36 (c 8 )
inside and out, adorned with a ounces, about 1.160 kg; cp.
Bacchus hence its name ; it 83.
weighed four 'marks' and six
Hercules Choosing 253
BuslMS, 36 (c 8 v)
XXII. TO A MAECENAS
This poem evidently a repeated request to a patron to obtain

certain advantage from Emperor Maximilian, suggests the pe
following the leaving of Philip the Fair for Spain, when Maximi
took in hand the management of the country as tutor of Prince
Charles. That patron was either Thomas de Plaine, the Great Chan
cellor of Burgundy, to whom Busleyden had offered a musical instru
ment by 1503, soon after his coming home from Padua (Epp. n,b,c);
or the Councillor, John le Sauvage, who certainly was one of his
well-wishers : cp. before, 72, sq.
CUIDAM MOECENATI
IMPORTUNUS egoiterum
Improbus en totiestegrauis atque molestus,
peto Hieronymus,
Vt tandem faciles Inuicti Caesaris aures
Ad mea contendas flectere uota, preces :
Quod si prasstiteris Moecenas atque patronus,
Omnia cui referam, tu mihi solus eris.
BuslMS, 37 (c 9 r) <Last weeks of 1513)
XXIII. HERCULES' CHOICE
These four distichs were inspired by Martin van Dorp's Dialogus

in quo Venus & Cupido omnes adhibent versutias ui Herculem animi
ancipitem in suam Militiam inuita Virtute perpellant, which he com
posed and had acted by his students in 1509, and which he published
in the last months of 1513 : Epp. 72, a-c. Busleyden remarks upon it
in his letter of the latter half of November 1513, as if it was the first
time he had read it : Epp. 73, This poem consequently belongs,
for certain, to the last weeks of 1513.
Herculem ambigentem qualem uiuendi uiam ingrederetur,

Virtus et Voluntas ita compellant
Virtus Herculem
Vis mea castra sequi ? Aerumnse, labor, sestus, et algor

Sunt obeunda tibi. Sic super astra uoles.
Voluptas Herculem
Delitiae, illecebrae, risus, lasciuia, luxus
Passim te recreent, signa sequendo mea.
254 Carm. xxiv
Hercules ad Virtutem
Vt liceat pulchris uitam protendere factis,

Te sequor, Virtus, qua duce clarus ero !
Hercules ad Voluptatem
Illecebras offerre tuas, male suada Voluptas,
Desine : Virtuti milito : dura iuuant !
BuslMS, 38-39 (c 9 v-c 10 r)
XXIV. TANTALUS' WICKEDNESS AND

PUNISHMENT
Busleyden describes in five four-line stanzas the subject of part

one of the large pictures on the walls of his hypocaustum ; he brief
sketched it by a distich, Carm. xx, iv, probably as this poem w
already in existence. The metre of this Carmen is the versus iambic
dimeter acatalectus or quaternarius, in four similar verses ; althou
the second and the fourth foot have to be iambs, spondees frequent
occur in those pair-numbered feet, as is seen in the first stanza :
2nd foot of the first line and the last of the fourth are spondees.
TANTALUS
ex Bocatio de geneologia Deorum Libro duodeuigesimo

Carmen Iambicum
A VARUS hospes Tantalus

Diuos frequentcs accipit.
Horum probans et numina
Coctum ministrat infantem.
5 Hoc horrido cibo dato
Deterriti dij, manus

Et ora continent, scelus
Ferentes aegre patratum.
Tarn noxio piaculo
10 Et crimini nephario,
Poenam repensuri parem,
Hoc Tantalum mulctant malo,
Quod semper undis profluis
Mersum sitis coquat grauis ;
5 Hercules ad Virtutem 7 ... ad Voluptatem] ad added over lines
3 et] added over line
Bocatio de geneologia Deorum 1. xvin.] Cp. Polain, 1, 712-14.
To Leonard Priccard 255
15 Quem dira torqueat fames,

Pomis labrum fallentibus.
Quisquis paratis abstinet
Diues, neque audet ijs frui,
Hie Tantalum recte refert :
20 Dignus fame et siti mori.
BuslMS, 39 (c 10 r) <Spring I5i3>
XXV. TO FERRY DE CARONDELET
This little poem was evidently meant as a welcome when his

friend was recalled from Italy in the month of May 1513 to beco
the author's colleague as member of the Great Council of Mechlin
he did not stay very long, though, and soon returned to beyond
Alps : cp. Epp. 7, b, c.
Ferrico, incomparabili Amico
INTER collegas
Et doctos intersalue,
gloriaFerrice, probatos,
prima uiros.
Sat mare, sat terras lustrasti, flumina et urbes ;
Sat mores hominum, sat quoque Iura tenes.
Sat tibi prospectum, quem multa accessio ditat
Rerum, littrarum, laudis, honoris, opum.
Ergo stare domi, uti partis, uiuere liber :
Hoc tibi si certum est, nonne beatus eris ?
BuslMS, 34 (c 3 v)
XXVI. ON LEONARD PRICCARD
a In this quatrain evidently inserted in the collection at the very

last') Busleyden makes fun of one of his acquaintances attributi
to him a habit as queer as that ascribed to the Emperor T. Flavi
Domitianus.
b That Leonard Priccard, or Prickert, probably a native of Aix2),

studied in Paris, promoting B. A. in 1492, and M. A. in 1493. He
17 Quisquis &c.] on p. 39 6 littrarum]
1) Cp. before, hi, 115, 116, 118.

2) The 'Reyn. Prijcardus', who matriculated for the study of arts in
Cologne University on April 13, 1495, but did not pay any dues on
account of well testified poverty, was also 'Aquensis, dioc. Leodien
sis' : Keussen, 369 ; he may have been Leonard's relative.
256 Carm. XXVI
entered the Liege clergy,

Aix, as well as three chaplaincies gathered into one in the parish
church of Krrenzig, within the collation of St. Adalbert's Chapter,
where he-her Pryckert zu Aich is recorded on June 28, 1533,
for having as 'altarist' one Godart Kerff *). He does not seem to have
been very prosperous, for he borrowed money from Busleyden,
whom he may have met in France ; when after the latter's death, his
executors gathered all outstanding debts, they did not succeed in
realizing their claims on Priccard, who at the closing of their account,
January 24, 1525, still owed over 14 Rhine florins 2).
In September 1518, Erasmus, returning from Basle to Louvain,
made Priccard's acquaintance at Aix ; on a following visit, in Novem
ber 1520, coming back from Cologne, and bound for Louvain, he was
heartily welcomed, and stayed several days at his house 3) : the dies
Dominica which could not keep him any more from starting the
journey than the bad weather or the urging requests of his host and
the friends he had gathered4), was not November 186), but, no
doubt, the feast of St. Catherine, Sunday November 25, which
explains the festivity at Aix, as well as his absence from Louvain on
that day on which a Dominican had slandered him in his sermon e).
Erasmus greatly esteemed Priccard, describing him as : homo homi
num qui vivunt humanissimws 7), and praising him in the preface
to his edition of the Qucestiones TusculancB, October 1523 8). He kept
up a correspondence with him 9), and sent him a copy of his Vidua
Christiana in March 1529 through the dean of St. Mary's, at Aix,
John Schoenrad : FG, 1x7, 22 Allen, vin, 2130, U5. Priccard was still
in St. Adalbert's in 1535 : Allen, ill, 972, pr ; O. R. Redlich, Zeit
schrift des Bergischen Geschichtvereins, xli : 1908 : 170, n.
In Leonardum Pricardum
SAEPEEst stili mucrone

solitus, ieues ut figere
solus Domitianus agens : muscas
Sic solus pulchris spatians Leonardus in hortis,
Balista coruos conlicit usque truces.
1-2. figere muscas... Domitianus] : Suetonius, Vita Domitiani, 3.
1) Redlich, Ii, i, 123-124 ; Aachener Zeitschrift, iv, 348, sq.

2) 'Een obligacie van . Lenaert piccaert Canonick van Aken van
xiiij R. st.' : Rek., 100, v.
3) Allen, in, 904, 8, iv, 1169, 6-12.
*) Allen, iv, 1169, 9-13.
5) As is suggested in Allen, iv, 1155, pr., 1169, 12.
6) Allen, iv, 1164, 53.
') Allen, iv, 1169, 8.
8) Allen, v, 1390, 134-139 : vir et eruditione varia et morum integritate,
et multo rerum vsu consultissimus.
*) There is hardly any need to identify him with the Leonardas,
who with JEgidius keeps up part of the Domestica Confabulatio (EOO,
X, 636, a-d), as is suggested in PreSmith, 7.
More's Praise 257
BuslMS, 39 (c 10 r)
XXVII. VEGERIUS' ENVOY
These four lines were added by Conrad Vegerius (Epp. 63, b-e ) to
manuscript copy of Busleyden's compositions *), which he had
corrected, copied out and adorned ; with great delicacy, he joins the
gratitude of the 'alumnus', the guest, to the smallness of the service
rendered, which brings him to utter the wish that Busleyden's work
in his handwriting may last for ever : cp. before, 53, hi.
To those lines one of the first owners of this collection added to
the right of 'Librarius' : Hie fuit Conradus Veccrius. primus prefectus
Collegij I Attrebaten. Louanij. postea a / Secretis pape Hadriani Sexti.
Librarius
QVAS Grato
tibi sume
conscripsit, mittitque
animo, Buslidiane, notas : dicatus alumnus,
Contigerisque radem quoties absentis opellam,
Perstet in aeternum Veccria, posce, manus.
BuslMS, 62 (fly-leaf, )
THOMAS MORE'S RECOMMENDATION
No less a person than Thomas More perused one of the first

Busleyden's compositions as Vegerius had written them out, and o
the last page of the fly-leaves, he wrote himself 2) the following f
verses to praise his friend as well for his prose as for his 'poetry
he had already done in one of his epigrams (cp. before, 117)
turned it into a eulogy of Busleyden's devotion and erudition, cal
him a fine glory of his native country. Cp. p 155.
Thome Mori Tetrasthicon
SEU Si
numeris astricta
pia scripta tibi, siprobas, seuplacent,
tibi docta libera uerba,
Haec lege, quae musis, quae plenus Apolline scripsit
Buslidius, patrij gloria rara soli.
Title. Librarius] the word is meus est error : nocuit librarius

used here, no doubt, in the sense illis, / Dum properat versus an
of : copyist : cp. Martial, Epi- numerare tibi.
gramm. 11, 8 : Ad Leetorem : Non
J) The hand is much larger than that of the documents copied in

the beginning, and the ink is lighter and almost brown. Cp. p 159.
2) The title and the four lines show the characteristic peculiarities
of More's writing as they appear in his autograph letters, Cran.,
115, 156, 177 and 242. Cp. p 155.
2* ORATIONES
BuslMS, 54-58 (g v- v) <Mechlin, March 23, i505>
A. HOMILY ON EASTER DAY
This Homily, together with the poem on the same subject, Car
xiv, was dedicated to the Aix Patrician Judocus v. Beyssel by Ep
22 ; most likely it was composed for Easter Sunday, March 23, 1
(cp. preface to the dedicatory letter). It is followed by a few lin
A, 52-59, an introduction to the Hymn on Easter Day, Carm. xiv,
here joined to the text of this Homily.
HOMILIA IN DIE RESURRECTIONIS
SAC mysterium,
RATI S SI MiE diei Resurrectionis
gloriosum Dominicasquis
triumphum pie recolentes, altum
nam est illius qui aut altitudinem aut excellentiam recte
queat uel lingua aequare, uel liter is consequi ? Maxime quo
5 pientissimus Jesus Christus,dirissima morte exanclata,diruptis
Erebi obicibus, opimo hinc spolio relato, tandem post triduum
redux a mortuis rediuiuus, victoria clarus, adseclis suis incly
te apparuit, corporea sua manifestatione, re ipsa ostendens,
quantae esset uirtutis eius omnipotentia, quanti uigoris es
10 sentia, quanta bonitatis suae in humanum genus abundantia,
qua inprimis uoluit, nostrae carnis ergastulo adsumpto, ho
minem agere humanum : cuius infirmitas nostra foret sanitas ;
cuius passio, nostra consolatio ; cuius gloriosa a morte respi
ratio, certissimam fidem (ne dicam confessum argumentum)
15 universali resurrectioni futurae adferret.
ergo inscrutabilis diuinae sapientiae prouidentia ! mira
potentia dexterae uirtutis excelsae ! extentum brachium Dei
altissimi, fidelibus praesidium, terribile gentibus, Judaeis
flagellum ; qui nimia peruicatia ducti, inuidia tabescentes,
20 odio perciti : maleuolentia surnmum bonum, calumnia uerita
tem, rabie agnum innocuum persequuti sunt : quorum tamen
truculentam immanitatem Christus animo aequo sustinuit, vt
nobis patientiam commendaret ; temporariam mortem uolens
resurrectionis] in MS Resurrectois 8 ipsa 6-c.] on p. 55 15 adferret]
Easter Homily 259
obijt, ut aeternae nos uitae a

25 monumentum custodiam
tiam argueret ; a mortuis d
functis resurgendi quoque f
Quod quum ita sit, nunquid
creatorem; plasmati, tantu
30 pium redemptorem non
cemus ? praesertim hoc laeti
qui pijs ac bene institutis me
publicae lsetitias, insignis gr
vtpote quem (si Scripturae
35 pulcherrimo admirabilis
uniuerso pene orbi memora
maioribus nostris annua memoria olim celebrandum statuit
ob incomparabile beneficium ipsis eo die impensum, jucundis
simae scilicet liberationis a durissimo iugo /Egyptiacae serui
40 tutis, quo annos quam plurimos, procul a penatibus et focis,
dulci patria, uagi, palantes, extorres, grauissimam luebant
seruitutem.
Jta et nos hodie praesentaneo remedio mirificae resuscitatio
nis suae liberauit, quos iamdudum noxialis ille reatus proto
45 parentis, diraque eius praeuaricationis lues in posteros trans
fusa, tyrannidi diaboli (tenebrarum principis) subiecerat.
Vnde laus, honor, gloria sit Christo gloriose resurgenti, nos
qui perpetuae seruituti mancipatos, morti sempiternae ob
noxios, talento sui sanguinis pretiosissimo et intercedente tam
50 mirificae resurrectionis mysterio, sublata seruitute, liberta
tem, extincta morte, uitam repromisit aeternam.
Jn cuius tanti (idque incomparabilis) beneficij gratulatio

nem, gratitudinemque subiectum (ut potuimus) cecinimus
Carmen : quod qualecunque sit, velim tu, candide lector, le
55 gens boni consulas, nusquam in eo quaerendo lenocinia uerbo
rum aut fucos rhetorum, aut aurium illecebras delicatarum
(quibus minus studuimus), sed unam satius pietatem atque
gratitudinem : cuius modo uestigium aliquod in eo appareat,
sat nobis erit si uel caetera (quae longe magis probares) desint.
25 custodiam dye.] on p. 56
30 glorificabimus] bi added over line S 41 grauissimam -c.] on p. 57
44 proto-] lined out, in Img replaced by primi
54 lector legens] in MS Legtor lined out, legens ruled through
58 appareat dye.] on p. 58
200 Orat.
BuslMS, 83-96 (d r-d 7 v) (Rome, Winter of 55-56>
B. GRATULATORY ORATION
TO POPE JULIUS II
OBEDIENCE EMBASSY
In the last weeks of 1505, Busleyden was sent as one of a

delegates by Philip the Fair to Pope Julius II to congratulate him
on his election and coronation, as well as to express his obedience
(11. 20, 62, no, 200, 208) and his most reverend wishes to the new
Pontiff. He was entrusted with the formal oration to be delivered to
the Pope attended by the College of Cardinals, in which he also
touched upon the circumstances that had caused the long delay. The
embassy returned in the beginning of 1506. Cp. NeveBws/., 11, 41, sq.
<ORATIO HABITA)
APVD IVLIVM II. PONT. MAX.
SI Philosophi illi sagacissimi

eos Aristoteles, acerrimo uirrerum
ingenio,indagatores, atque inter
optimam putauere
administrandae uniuersitati Monarchiam, id est unius princi
patum ; si praeterea in ueteri lege (quum omnia essent figuris
5 quibusdam adumbrata) Dei populo unus fuit Dux, unus Rex,
unus Sacerdos summus, cui nephas erat et grande piaculum
non in omnibus paruisse : quanto iustius ac aequius credas,
Beatissime Pater, a Christo institutum, ut Ecclesia haec
militans, instar triumphantis in coelis Ecclesiae ordinata, uni
10 subsit Pontifici, uno regatur Moderatore, cui relligiosissime
obtemperent quicunque Christiano nomine censentur.
Vnde non sine ratione et coelesti quadam prouidentia multa
iam saecula inoleuit, quoties ex humanis sublato Romano Pon
tifici (qui nimirum Summus habetur) alius est surrogatus,
15 prouinciatim ac opidatim mittantur Oratores nouo Pontifici
gratulatum, qui Cardinalium uota comprobent, et quasi pu
blica uoce Principum populique gaudia una cum obedientiae
12 Vnde &c.} on p. 84
IVLIVM II] Jules II was 2. Aristoteles] In his Politics

elected as successor to Pius III in Aristotle does not propose any
the conclave of October 31, 1503 special form of government but
after a few hours' deliberation ; he condemns whatever forgoes
he was proclaimed as Pope on the general welfare for private or
the next morning : Pastor, 111, particular advantage.
563-65.
To Julius II 261
delatione testentur. A
instituto ne discedere censeatur Catholicus Castellae Rex,
20 Sanctitatis Tuse obsequentissimus filius, nos ad Te misit Ora
tores. Venimus itaque Regio iussu, sincseram deuotionem ac
perpetuam eius in Te fidem, pietatem, obseruantiam deferen
tes. Venimus, inquam, Te indubitatum Christi Vicarium, in
hoc augustissimo throno sedentem de more ueneraturi.
25 Quod si id serius ac decuit, non inde profectum esse Tibi
persuadeas, quod hac in re aut negligentior caeteris Christianis
Principibus, aut huic Sacrae Sedi minus deuotus fuerit Rex
noster Serenissimus, quo nescio an aeque quisquam, certe
nemo magis est ei addictus; sed, contra, quod negotijs non
30 tam arduis quam uel prorsus necessarijs interea distractus
extiterit, quae in aliud tempus non sine et suo et suorum peri
culo differri poterant. Quippe ubi primum istius diuinae uoca
tionis Tuae iucundissimum nuntiumincrebruit,nondum bien
nalem illam triumphalemque Hyspaniarum, Galliarum et Ger
35 maniae peragrationem absoluerat, in qua Gallos Hyspanis
saeuo bello dissidentes,pacis legibus confoederauit. Inde autem
uixdum reuersum at que in Gallijs adhuc agentem ualetudo
aduersa, et ea fere laetalis excepit. Mox (ut sunt mala, quibus
dam quasi ansulis sese continentia) sequuta est immatura ilia
40 et inopinata mors parentis suae Clarissimae Hyspaniarum Re
ginae. Post haec Sicambrorum oborta defectio alio Regium
26 aut] over line 28 quo nescio -c.] on p. 85 39 quasi] over line S
25. serius] although delegations Mechlin) 1503 (Henne, 1, 37-48) :

or missions of obedience generally Erasmus pronounced the speech
follow shortly on the accession or of welcome on Jan. 6, 1504.
the nomination of a new pope, a 36. pacis legibus] the treaty
delay of more than two years had elaborated at the meeting of
passed before Philip of Austria's Lyons, on March 22, 1503, was
homage reached Julius II. signed there on April 5 (Henne,
33-35. biennalem... peregrina- 1, 42-43).
tionem] Philip the Fair left Brus- 37. ualetudo aduersa] Philip
sels on November 4, 1501, with had fallen ill in the Spring of
his wife Juana of Castile, passing 1503, and spent some time at
through France ; after having Bourges in his convalescence
been very well received in Castile, (Henne, 1, 47).
he returned by himself on Decern- 40. mors parentis] Isabella of
ber 22, 1502, and negociated a Castile died on November 24,
treaty with Louis XII ; he met 1504 (Altamira, 11, 397).
his father at Innsbruck, and left 41. Sicambrorum... defectio]
him on October 6 ; he was back Charles of Egmont started hos
in this country in the first days tilities in the autumn of 1504
of November (8 in Louvain, 9 at (Henne, 1, 58-61).
202 OrAT.
animum abdu
cui gerendo
Beatissime Pa
45 remorata a
fectus et deu
temporis.
Quam tarnen deuotionem nolim Tua Sanctitas sterili ora
tione mea explicandam expectet, quin satius existimet (id
50 quod est) tarn meo animo uerbadeesse, quam uel animus ipsi
rei deest. Dicam tarnen de ea non nihil: inde laudibus ali
quot Tuis summatim decursis (ut commisso Legationis mu
nere defungamur) Sanctitatem Tuam ultronea obedientia ue
nerabimur : quae obsecro Tu, Beatissime Pater, uosque fir
55 missimi Rei Christianae Cardines, ut soletis, benignis acci
piatis auribus, at que ut semper alijs, ita nunc mihi hoc in
celeberrimo coetu uerba facturo estote faciles, quandoquidem
hoc orandi munus non mihi desumpsi (quod quidem fuisset
arrogantissimum), uerum reluctans omnino, ne dicam inuitus
60 suscepi : minus malum esse ratus adire periculum phamae
quam tarn iustis et Sanctis Regijs mandatis non paruisse.
Hunc igitur Regem nostrum Sacrosanctae huic Sedi iampri
dem deuotum esse, citra alia argumenta, liquido testatur
haec Legatio, quae uel hoc aspero et difficilimo itinere, hyeme
65 tarn inclaementi, ut primum per negotia licuit, ad Te uenit.
Quam autem firma sit et rata futura, coniectabit facile quis
quis maiorum eius in eandem merita, quisquis studia pres
sius, penitiusque perspexerit. Siquidem in genere paterno, id
est augustissima et nobilissima Austriae domo, clarissimus ille
70 Rodolphus Imperator Bononim amplissimam Italiae ciuita
tem, ac totam Flamineam Romanae Ecclesiae addidit. Albertus
Hussitas, ferocissimos Bohemiae populos, non minus Ecclesiae
44 urgentissima &c.] on p. 86
62 Regem &c.] on p. 87 71 Flamineam] 1 added afterwards C
64. aspero... itinere] As the the Church the territory of Ro

journey was undertaken at the mandiola and the Exarchate of
very end of the year, bad weather Ravenna, as the Italian wars had
increased the difficulties of the been disastrous to Germany :
long road : ChronMet., 115. Iconlmp., 320.
70. Rodolphus] viz., Rudolph 72. Hussitas] Albert II, emper
II (1273-1294) : Iconlmp., 314-20. or from 1438 to 1439, waged war
70. Bononiam... ac Flamineam] against the Hussites, before his
in 1285 Rudolph II returned to election : Iconlmp., 354-357.
To Julius II 263
huic quam uel Religion

fligauit. Et Foedericus
75 prsestantior, pluri
bus astris) pro Ecclesi
conuentu illo quem m
nam conuocauerat.
uictoriosus prout inu
80 omnibus lectus Imp
suis in Romanam Ecc
torio nomine dignum,
reddat illustriorem,
plar uirtutum exhib
85 haer edit ate, gloria
speramus propediem
aditurum, a qua Imp
humetae sectatoribus,
uiribus moueat.
90 In materno quoque Burgundionum genere Principes flo
ruere quam plurimi de fide Catholica et Ecclesia Romana
optime meriti. quibus Philippus, nostri proauus, in schis
mate illo quod sub Eugenio Quarto perniciosissime serpsit,
adeo Apostolic Sedis partes tutatus est, ut Eugenio fauerit
95 potius Pontifici quam Felici, sibi sanguinis necessitudine
coniuncto. Reliquit et apud Rhodios ualidissimam arcem,
78 Maximilianus 6-c.] on p. 88
96 Reliquit :.] on p. 89
75. non satis faventibus astris] crowned : Epp. 54, c ; MargvOK,

Frederic IV, elected emperor in 285, sq.
1440, had to contend with several 95. Felici] Amedee of Savoy,
difficulties and revolts during his proclaimed (anti)pope on Novem
reign, which lasted till his death ber 5, 1439 by a ridiculously
in 1493 : Iconlmp., 358-361. small group of prelates at the
77. Ratisponam] the meeting of Synod of Basle, took the name of
Ratisbon, convened for April 23, Felix V; Philip the Good was
1454, was to deliberate about the one of the staunchest supporters
resistance against the Turks : of Eugene IV : Pastor, 1, 254,257.
very few princes attended it; even 96. Rhodios] Philip the Good
Frederic himself was represented was one of the most ardent pro
by delegates : Pastor, I, 480-81 ; motors of the Crusade; in 1451 he
other meetings convened by Fre- sent a mission to Rome to organ
deric IV were not more success- ize an expedition and was one of
ful : Iconlmp., 360. the few who attended the Ra
87. Imperiali diademate] it was tisbon meeting convened for that
not given yet in 1507, when Pope purpose ; on December 1455, after
Julius II dissuaded Maximilian the fall of Constantinople, he took
from coming to Italy to be the cross with great solemnity;
264 Orat.
quam orthodox
immanissimorum
posuit. Cuius pa
looartibus iuxta p
pro domo Israhe
dimicans, trucul
Turcis, contigit
noster tribus Hy
lOSratus est, cuius
religionis, unam
ut hoc argument
riter uendicauer
oculis peruiderit
llOpropensissim
crescente aetate
yet Pope Calixtus complained by Hungary in 1396 against Baja

December 1457 that the money zet I, who crushed them at Nico
which he had collected, and that polis on September 28 : with a
which he had promised to con- few companions John was ran
tribute himself, was still exspect- somed, as is related in James de
ed and claimed in vain (Pastor, Meyere's Commentarii, sive Anna
I, 521, 523, 540, 580, 585, 685). He les Rerum Flandricarum (Antwerp
actually accepted to take part in 1561) : 213, b - 215, a.
the crusade prepared by Pius II, 101 Fortissime <S-c] the arro
and rigged out a big ship at St. gant French knights attacked be
Bernard's, near Antwerp ; still in fore their army was ready, and
February 1464, he let himself be sent back their horses to fight
influenced by King Louis XI, and theTurks with equal arms: taken
he apologized to the Pope for not as a sign of defeat, it caused a
coming in person. He sent his general rout : FlandAnn., 213, b.
natural son Antony with 3000 104. tribus Hyspaniae Regnis]
men : the latter resented the cold the realms of Castile, Leon and
reception at Venice ; at the death Granada, of which Philip was
of Pius II at Ancona, August 14, proclaimed Kirg after the funeral
1464, they disbanded without service of Isabella of Castile, at
having done anything worth St. Rombaut's, Mechlin, on Ja
commemorating : Pastor, 11, 50, nuary 14, 1505 : Henne, 1, 62 ;
sq, 187, 221-244, 257 ; AntvAnn., Altamira, 11, 397.
II, 65; G. Doutrepont, La Croi- 107. Catholicorum] the title first
sade projetee par Philippe le Bon granted to King Recaredo in a
contre les Turcs ('in Notices et Ex- Council of Toledo of about 588,
traits des Manuscrits de la Bibl. was given to Ferdinand and
Nation. : MS. franf. 11.594 : xli, Isabella by Alexander VI, it
1923) : 1-28 ; Burckhardt, 358, seems, for their struggle against
524. ; AltRel., 40, sq. the Moors : Altamira, 1, 177, sq,
99. Joannes Dux] as a youth 11, 378, sq.
Duke John the Fearless of Bur- 108. lynceis... oculis] Erasmus :
gundy was sent at the head of a Lynceo perspicacior : ErAdag.,
French army to help Siegmund of 427, E.
To Julius II 265
Verum ne suscepti m
cum uidear decantare, missa haec faciam, et de tuis diuinis
laudibus (quod me secundo facturum receperam) dicam non
H5nihil, Pontifex Maxime. Quam prouinciam uideo me coepisse
durissimam, cui nedum mea (quae admodum tenuis est) ora
tio, cseterum uix aut Demosthenis aut Ciceronis or a doctiloqua
satisfacerent. Deterret quoque non tam Tua maiestas au
gustissima, quam admirabilis modestia, qui aequiore animo
I20alienas laudes audis quam Tuas ; nec eas quidem in Te
agnoscis quae sunt omnibus perspectissimae. Sed da, oro, ue
niam, si more eorum qui obedientiam afferunt, ex immenso
agmine paucissima quaedam quum huius almae Sedis, turn
Tuae Sanctitatis precoma obiter delibauero. Tradit euangelica
I25ueritas Christum, humani generis adsertorem, ascensurum ad
Patrem, Petro Apostolorum vertici (cui ab hac re Cephae
cognomentum fuit) suas oues pascendas credidisse, immensa
ilia tradita potestate, quicquid in terris solueret, solutum in
ccelis, quicquid hie alligaret, illic foret alligatum. Quam po
l3otestatem Petrus, Hierosolymis et Antiochia posthabitis, hue
attulit, hie exercuit, poster is suis reliquit exercendam. Quare
haud dubie Sedes haec Petri primaria semper et summa fuit, a
summo maximo Deo instituta, summa potestate praedita, hoc
celeberrimo orbis terrarum loco collocata, cui submittunt sua
l35colla, incuruant genua Principes terrae, vtpote coram qua
procidunt ZEthiopes et inimici terram lingunt; super quam
fundata est Domini Ecclesia, tot Sanctorum Martyrum sa
crata sanguine, tot sanctissimis administrata Pontificibus ;
vnde tam multae sanctiones, tam salutaria decreta in anima
I40rum salutem prodiere ; quae schismatibus, haeresibus, sectis
reprobis et infinitis ferme tyrannorum insultibus oppugnata
non succubuit ; sed instar palmae arboris quo uehementius
est pressa, eo surrexit ualidior, substitit infractior, effloruit
laetior.
112 Regi <5c.] on p. 90 119 augustissima] - ssi - over line S

129 quicquid &c.] on p. 91 142 uehementius] first e not clear
136. procidunt... lingunt] 142. instar palmae &c] Aulus

Psalm. LXXI, 9 : Coram illo pro- Gellius, Noctes Attica, in, vi.
cident /Ethiopes : et inimici ejus
terram lingent.
18
266 Orat.
145 Quorsum
laudem faciu
huic solio tri
ita ei comit
illa, non ign
lOantiqua e
cauit : duo c
citamenta, qu
tum doctrina
ac nuper du
l55tissimos s
liberalibus indefesso labore incumbens, dextrum illud uirtu
tum iter peruasisti, quod difficilem aditum primum spectan
tibus offert, sed requiem praebet fessis in uertice summo. At
que inde ubi primum per aetatem licuit, res maximas et prae
I60clarissimas obeundo, et multas regiones peragrando, Vlys
seam quandam, id est uiuam sapientiam tibi parasti, sicque
145 nisi &c.] on p. 92
146 Iulie... Maxime] in MS Iuli. II Pont. Max.
148. Saona] Julius II, Giuliano was the second. No doubt Bus
deila Rovere, was born at Albiz- leyden recalls here their prede
zola, near Savona, in Liguria, on cessor Nicolas V, Tommaso Pa
December 5, 1443 ; he greatly rentucelli, of Sarzana, Liguria,
appreciated his native country (1447-1455), their countryman,
(Pastor, 11, 428, hi, 565). who offered great similitude for
150. Ruuerensium familia] cp. the earnestness of character, and
Pastor, hi, 282, sq. for the protection bestowed on
153. non paucos Cardinales] arts and erudition : it was he who
under the pontificate of Sixtus IV started the collection of classical
were created Cardinals, on De- manuscripts in the Vatican Li
cember 16, 1471, Giuliano della brary, which Sixtus IV and Julius
Rovere and his cousin Pietro II greatly enriched ; Nicolas also
Riario ; on December 10, 1477, began adorning Rome and the
three other cousins : Cristoforo \7atican, to which the della Ro
della Rovere, Girolamo Basso vere's contributed the wonders of
della Rovere and Raffaello San- the Sixtina Chapel, and the
soni Riario ; at Alexander VI's magnificent works of Raphael and
election there was another Cardi- Michael Angelo : Pastor n, 412
nal-cousin, Domenico della Ro- 563, 564, sq ; Sandys, 11, 65, &c.
vere : Pastor, 11, 424-28, 550-51, 160. multas regiones pera
582, hi, 292, 295, 358, &c. grando] Giuliano della Rovere
154. nuper duos produxere fulfilled many missions under the
Pontifices Maximos] Francesco pontificate of his uncle, not only
della Rovere, a native of Savona, in Italy, but in France in 1476,
became Pope Sixtus IV on and in France and the Nether
August 9, 1471, and died on lands as Papal Legate from 1480
August 12, 1484 : he was the first to 1482 : Pastor, 11, 445, sq, 488
pope of that family; Julius II 89, 496-99, 501-08, 572.
To Julius II 267
cunctarum uirtutum (
absoluisti, in tantum, u
quaternis manibus ac t
I65mas quam uerissime
audieris, quin etiam g
ternis Apollinis auri
bant.
Inde nimirum in hoc
i7oin tarn augusto pri
maiestas ut neque com
officiat gratise ; quin s
nihil habet te uno ma
nihil clsementius, sub
I75res illse dotes Tuse,
tibus charum reddunt
tium, triplici te coron
huius decoris parens fel
peruigili pastore a lu
leoChristiana Respubli
posthac in utramuis
faustum ilium feli
Sancto, authore Sacro
Principibus, applauden
i85tiatus es, et ab uniuer
ac uere aureum hoc ss
fides, pietas, simplici
ssecli seges uirtutum
162 omni &c.]on p. 93 166 prseclariora]-cla- indistinct 179Exultet &c.]on p. 94
180 Respublica] e indistinct 188 and 202 Iulie II] in MS Iuli. II.
162. circulum &c] cp. Er A dag., mire] Er A dag., 307, ; Terence,

609, E. Hauton Timorumenos, 342.
163. Apollinem... Lacedsemonij 182. auspice Spiritu Sancto]
fingebant] cp. J.Pierio Yaleriano, of course Busleyden would not
Bolzanius, of Belluno, Hierogly- have mentioned this detail if he
phica (ed. Cselius Augustinus Cu- had known what the records now
rio) : Basle, 1567 : 237 : Quatuor reveal : Pastor, m, 564.
vero aures, manusque totidem, 185-86. fortunatum... sseculum]
quibus Lacedsemonij simulacrum few popes had bitterer enemies,
Apollinis prseditum esse volue- and their hatred poured out ven
runt... nihil aliud significabant, omous libels at his decease :
nisi sapientiam, cuius Deus ille such as the grim dialogue at
symbolum esset. Heaven's gate, Libellus de Obitu
181. in utramuis... aurem dor- Iulii P. M. : Pastor, in, 731, sq ;
HutO, iv, 427 ; &c.
268 Orat.
lie II, sydus

i90Petri naui
tura secundos.
Sed quid pergo laudum tuarum cathalogum texere, qua in

re prius me dies hie, quam argumentum deficeret ? Video
quoque quod quum pro re nimis pauca, certe pro tua mo
I95destia nimis multa dixerim. Tsedet enim iam te quantum
coniectare possum laudis huius, qui sola benefactorum con
scientia fretus, ne id quidem agnoscis quod nemo non praedi
cat. Quare tandem receptui canens, finem faciam orationi, si
modo (qua potissimum causa hue uenimus) demandatam no
200bis obedientiam Regio nomine praestiterimus. Catholicus ita
que Castellae Rex Philippus, una cum coniuge serenissima, li
berisque dulcissimis, Te, Iulie II, unicum coelestis Regni
clauigerum, Te certum sanctorum Euangeliorum Interpretern
agnoscit, Te legitimum Petri successorem profitetur, Iesu
205Christi in terris uices gerentem. Quam ob rem non modo
omnes fortunas, opes, uiresque suas (quas iampridem tua
sunt), uerum semet totum offert atque dicat, et denique quic
quid id est quo obedientia Romano Pontifici debita cumula
tissime praestari potest. Quod si serius id quam decuit, non
2ioeius uoluntati (alioquin obsequentissimae), sed temporum
adscribatur conditioni, quam, precatur, tandem benignus
haud aegre admittas. Nosque eius hie personam gerentes iden
tidem precamur Tuis ijs sanctissimis pedibus suppliciter ad
uoluti. Reliquum est Deum Optimum Maximum communibus
2l5uotis obtestemur Pontificatum istum < Tibi faustum, Rei
Christianae utilem, et sibi gratum administres.
Dixi.
192 cathalogum] h exp 198 Quare <~c.] on p. 95

214 Deum &c.] on p. 96
189. sydus illud Iulium] Ho- to Joshua, x, 12-14 >' Cicero also
race, Carm. 1, xi'i, 47 : uses the expression : dies deficiat,
micat inter omnes si... : IV Verr., 21, 52 ; Rose. Am.,
Iulium sidus, velut inter ignes 32, 89 ; cp. Epp. 75, le.
Luna minores. 198. receptui canens] cp. Epp.
193. prius me dies hie quam 59, 19.
argumentum deficeret] an allusion
To Maximilian I 269
BuslMS, 100-102 (d 9 v-d 10 ) (Brussels, July 1508^
C. ORATION TO MAXIMILIAN I
EMPEROR-ELECT
on his arrival in Brussels
This oration of obedience and welcome was pronounced in the

Palace of Brussels to the King of the Romans Maximilian of Austria,
Emperor-elect, on his arrival into our provinces in the last half of
July 1508, when he reached the Netherlands, as he wanted to ward
off the war with Louis XII of France, and conduct an effective
opposition against Charles, duke of Gelderland, who threatened his
grandson's estates : Moeller, 41 ; Henne, 1,185, sq ; MargvOK, 314. He
therefore urgently required financial and military assistence from the
'States' or province Councils, and spent several weeks in the endangered
regions organizing and inspecting the defence and planning an assault
on Gelderland. As the Councils of the various provinces did not evince
much eagerness in offering help in warriors and contributions, he
allowed his daughter Margaret to try and arrange an understanding
with Louis XII. On his return to Brabant in the first days of Septem
ber, that solution seemed very precarious, notwithstanding the en
couragement of Cardinal de Carvajal, the Papal Legate, who proposed
forming a League against Venice (Epp. 54, c, l-n). On his way back to
Holland, the Emperor was informed of Louis XII's readiness to come
to terms, by a letter that reached him at Turnhout; he consequently
gave Margaret, on October 8, full power to meet the King or his dele
gates, as it was first arranged, and to treat with him of what became
the League of Cambrai, of December 10, 1508 (Henne, I, 191, sq ;
MargvOK, 313-17).
<ORATIO>
MAXIMILIANO CAESARI
DICTA J REGIA BRUXELLENSI
R
EGIA ilia, immo satius Caesarea, idque augustissima,
Maiestas tua, Rex inuicte prout uictoriosissime, quae
regia bruxellensi] no doubt, count of the war with Gelderland,

the palace of the Dukes of Brabant he did not come, probably still
on Coudenberg (AlbHist., 101 ; bearing a grudge for the dismal
BruxHist., I, 26,96,247,111,318, mutiny and pillage of the Flemish
sq), where Erasmus, on Janu- and Brabant towns in the first
ary 6, 1504, had pronounced the years of his marriage with Mary
welcome to Philip the Fair, on his of Burgundy. It is recorded that
return from Spain (cp. Epp. 17, in 1508 the people of Brussels,
d). When a few years earlier Ma- feeling his discontent, requested
ximilian was invited to preside him t > come and besought him to
at the baptism of princess Eleo- have 'mercy, en offrant grands
nore, on November 30, 1498, deniers' : Moeller, 7.
being near at hand, also on ac
270 Orat. C
inter cseteras ill

alios quosuis Reg
5 ac mansuetudin
praecellit, non m
alloquendse potes
Serenitatis Suse o
auferens a me e
10 homontioni so
mus conspectus
uel merito debeb
incomparabilis cl
sua uel eminentis
15 magis innata
simul et libertate
exhibet, tandem
admittat gratiam
diario teneat col
20 ciunt aut alacr
aliquo uel maxim
clsementiam. P
quiequid nunc es
fidei, quiequid in
25 fortunarum,su
possideo aut mai
dedo: interea eor
negligendo in q
non tarn accusar
30 derare posset,
perio qui tuo ta
adsit et fauens,
aeeipiat: Teque a
nominis splendor
35 tum factis tuis
bus, morituris n
Dixi.
5 magnamitate] r magnanimitate
14 sed <:.] on p. 101 19 diario] before it dialogo is lined out
32 incrementum &c.] on p. 102
7-8. uisendae...olimdesyderium] King yet, nor Emperor, and was

apparently Busleyden, on a visit still to start being invictus and
at his brother's at Court, had met victoriosus.
Maximilian, who was then neither
To Cardinal de Carvajal 271
BuslMS, 97-99 (d 8 r-d 9 r) <Mechlin, begin
D. WELCOME Card. Leg. Bernard

in the name of Prince CHARLES of AUSTRIA
This speech was delivered in the name of Prince Charles to

Papal Legate Cardinal Bernardino Lopez de Carvajal on his reach
Mechlin in the first days of August 1508 ; he was met most sole
by the town authorities, and led under a canopy in procession
Church of St. Rombaut, whilst all the bells were ringing ; he t
officiated pontifically. A few weeks later, probably on the fea
the Nativity or of the following Sunday, dedicated to theName
Lady, he pontificated and preached there, in presence of the Em
Maximilian, of Prince Charles, of Margaret of Austria and of the
Court. The Legate, who resided at Busleyden's house, stayed till,
October ; before he left, he administered Confirmation to Charles and
his two sisters : cp. Epp. 54, k-m, 37, n.
<ORATIO>
BERNARDINO CARDINALI SANCTtE CRUCIS

LEGATO APOSTOLICO
ETSI
um felix iste, auspicatissimusque
iampridem aduentus
uotis expectatus, hie tuus,n
sit omnibus
solum maximo ornamento quam uel incredibili gaudio futu
tamen inter caeteros quosuis hinc gaudentes ac maxime gra
5 lantes, nemo (mihi crede) tarn ardenter, tarn enixe huic a
dit gratulaturque quam unus Princeps noster serenissim
huius eminentissimae dignitatis tuae intimus necessarius at
affinis pientissimus. Qui quum primum audito illo lae
festiuissimo tui ad se aduentus nuntio, totus gestiens
10 tia, in gaudium effusus, de more ueneraturus te, atqu
alterum parentem) dulciter amplexurus, hucusque pro
sisset, modo hoc ita illi.tum per aetatem,adhuc satis (ut pr
nosti) teneriusculam, turn rerum discrimina, temporu
3 futurus] added in img C
6. Princeps] Charles of Austria ; 7. intimus necessarius &c.]

the fact that Busleyden said the Legate of the Pope,
solemn welcome to Carvajal in 8. affinis pientissimus] probab
the Prince's name, suggests that Carvajal was related to the royal
Adrian of Utrecht had not started family of Castile or Aragon,
his preceptorate yet, as he would 12. aetatem] Charles was then
have been the proper man to only eight years, six months and
deliver the speech on behalf of a few days old.
his pupil : cp. Epp. 21, /. 13. rerum discrimine] no doubt,
272 Orat. D
praesentium con
15 fectum in te
tuit praestare, n
simae dignitati o
relaturos, adplic
mi laetitiam sim
20 parabilem.
Cuius quidem tam Sanctis mandatis nos, ut par est, morem
gerentes, venimus hue ad te, Pater Amplissime. Venimus, in
quam, deuotis animis salutantes te, ac eo quo decet nosque
possumus, honoris genere, cultu pietatis excepturi; obiter
25 hoc unum tibi asserentes Principi nostro Serenissimo totique
eius ditioni nihil hac tempestate aut antiquius aut honorificen
tius aduenire potuisse : te uno tum literarum claritate, tum
generis nobilitate, et uitae sanctimonia uiro integerrimo, cla
rissimo, eminentissimo : maxime quem Princeps noster, non
30 modo pro tua spectata in se fide atque arctissima ilia (qua sibi
iunctus es) necessitudine, multo quidem amore, maiore pie
tate, maxima animi gratitudine prosequitur : verum etiam,
quod longe maius est, te ut Sacrosanctae Sedis Apostolicae Le
gatum Cardinalem merentissimum mirifice colit, suspicit, ue
35 neratur. Quod quidem ita fore reipsa turn maxime probabis
intelligesque, ubi primum datum fuerit intueri ilium, audire,
et summam eius erga te fidem, pietatem, obseruantiam cu
mulatius coram experiri. Quorum sic omnium tu aliquando
(idque ocyus ac poteris) periculum facias, nos hie eius perso
40 nam (licet immeriti) agentes, tarn uehementer optamus quam
uel ardentibus animis abs te contendimus.
Interea finem facientes orationi, quam, partim pro nostri
15 animi &c.] on p. 98
32 animi] over line 33 Legatum &c.] on p. 99
Maximilian was staying at Lierre, half a day, as would have been

and Prince Charles was residing the case, had he resided at
with his grandfather when Card. Mechlin. Probably that meeting
Carvajal reached Mechlin (Moel- took place on or soon after Sep
ler, 42), as seems implied by the tember 4, when Maximilian re
fact that further in the speech turned to Brabant; for certain
(11 36 : ubi primum datum fuerit he and Charles were present at
intueri ilium &-.), Busleyden did the Pontifical Mass and the ser
not refer to the meeting of the mon in St. Rombaut's in the first
Prince and the Legate as some- half of September : cp. Epp. 54,
thing that was going to happen in ; MarevOK, 205, 314-5.
a few hours or, at the utmost, in
magnitudine gaudij, partimque pro ius

tione amplissimse auctoritatis tuae,iam
45 sinunt praesens locus, angustia tempo
secus (ut uereor) nunc audiendo fes
itinere emenso lassus totus ac plane fat
Dixi.
BuslMS, 270-273 (6 v-S r) <Mechlin, February 4, I5i5>
E. ORATION TO ARCHDUKE CHARLES
IN THE NAME OF MECHLIN CLERGY
This oration was delivered to Archduke Charles when, after his

emancipation, he made his solemn entrance in various towns, and
took the oath of fidelity to the privileges in the capitals of the various
dominions. Mechlin formed a lordship, and after having been received
in Brussels, he entered Mechlin on February 4, 1515. The speech was
delivered most probably at one of the gates of the town, where the
Prince was greeted by the various town authorities ; the clergy met
him in surplice, singing psalms (1111, sq), and in their name, Busleyden
expressed obedience and congratulation to the new Ruler, as well
as the wish to have religion promoted and privileges protected :
Henne, 11, 92-93.
ORATIO
CAROLO CASTELLiE PRINCIPI

ADUENTANTI DICTA PRO CLERO MECCHLINIENSI
A DUENIS tandem toties desyderatus, toties omnium uotis

(idque urgentissimis) iamdudum expetitus, Iucundissime
45 angustia] i over line S mecchliniensi]
45. praesens locus] probably January 13 ; on January 23 he

the street or town gate of Mechlin. took the oath for Brabant at the
I. Aduenis tandem] Archduke Priory of Terbank, and made his
Charles had left Mechlin on May solemn entry into the old capital
23, 1514, and after staying till (Gachard, 11, 14, 519-523) ; on
May 30 in Louvain, he had gone January 28, he made his entrance
to reside in Brussels from June 1, into Brussels, and repeated the
1514 to January 12, 1515. As by oath on the following day. On
his grandfather's desire he had February 3, he was at Vilvorde,
been declared of age on January and on February 4 he made his
5, 1515 at the meeting of the solemn entry into Mechlin (Ga
States-General (Henne, 11, 69- chard, 11, 13-14), where he was
70), the young Prince had to take most enthusiastically received
his oath in the capitals of his with feasts and presents by the
various provinces, beginning with authorities and the people (Hen
Louvain. He was in that town, ne, 11, 92-93).
or at least at Heverle, from
274 Orat.
Princeps, tuorum
abunde leuaturus
5 missus : nobis no
fortunatius est) t
rentissimis regn
mari imperaturu
patus tui felicissi
10 te olim propen
excipiunt. In quo
currit laetabundu
uniuersus ordo ec
patriae parentem
15 dicem, laetis an
excepturus. Sub c
moderamine aequ
turbinibus, secur
tranquillius uacar
20 dubio pollicen
(qua es a teneris
liari in rem Chris
Maiores tui, pulc
Principum nome
25 titi. Quam inco
in te unum cumulatissime transfusam, deuotus hie clerus
sperat te imperante, tecum quoque ex aequo imperaturam.
Quo fit, hinc sibi facile persuadeat sua omnia (quibus donatus
est) jura, priuilegia te adsertore, te rerum gubernacula tenen
30 te, ei salua et incolumia fore. Quod te ita ex sententia prae
stante, profecto faustus fortunatus, auspicatissimus is tuus
principatus tibi cedet auspicatius, florebit laetius, perstabit
diutius, largiente id quidem Regum Rege, Principum Prin
cipe, Dominantium Domino, Optimo Maximo Deo, jn cuius
35 manu cor regis, salus est principis, maxime per quem reges
regnant, principes imperant, potentes decernunt iustitiam...
Dixi.
6 tot tantis <S-c. ] on p. 271

20 auita <?<:.] on p. 272 35 principis &c. ] on p. 273
ii. In quorum albo] cp. Epp. in Mechlin until February 6,

46, u, &c. when he left for Berchem and
16. excepturus] Charles stayed Antwerp (Gachard, 11, 1
3, EPISTOLAE
BuslMS, 219-220 ( r, v) <Padua, before September 1502)
i. TO RAIN ALDUS of TONGRES
This letter to an apparently unknown countryman, who, after

studying at Padua, had left for Rome, no doubt belongs to 1502, as
no mention is made of Francis de Busleyden's decease of which news
reached Italy in the first days of September. In the collection it is
entitled 'Raynaldo Tungrensi,'.
POST tuam
accepi ad Vrbem
: quibus illicoprofectionem unas solumoperae
acceptis, respondendum abs te
pretium duxi, prout inprimis tua sibi flagitabant uota,
nostraque facere solita sit diligentia. Caeterum non satis
5 apud me constat qua ratione id potissimum abs te effectum
fuerit, ut indiligentiam .. ', contribulis nostri, dili
gentiae praetuleris meae ; quippe cuius melior ac potior ta
cendo prorsus conditio quam nostra fuit scribendo. Mira pro
fecto res, te rescribere non rescribentibus, et ad te scribere
10 paratis, non esse paratum rescribere ! Vtinam igitur huius
modi insignis conditio tua prius nobis comperta fuisset : non
equidem iam carerem tuis luculentissimis Uteris ; vtpote
quas non uerbis aut Uteris, uerum magis silentio et incuria
me oportuit impetrare. Caeterum, quicquid sit, tanto desyde
15 rio tuarum hucusque frustratus, cauebo in posterum ne
nostra nobis diligentia obsit, quae alias prodesse, plurimum
que conferre solebat : adeo ut si quandoque me tuis cordatis
Uteris conueneris, experieris procul dubio ilium prorsus mu
tum et elinguem fore, nimium qui antea fuit uocalis. Vale.
BuslMS, 220-222 ( v-A 2 v) <Padua, before September 1502)
2. To FREDERIC, a Noble German Erudite

a This letter, entitled 'Friderico Germano, / Nobili uiro...', was
addressed to a nobleman who had been a tutor to Christopher Fraun
berger, Busleyden's fellow-student in laws at Padua, and who enjoyed
the fame of literature and erudition. It probably belongs to the
summer of 1502, like Epp. 1.
11 conditio tua] cr., repl. by mos tuus in rmg G comperta] chd. into -tus G
15 in posterum &c.] on p. 220
276 Epist. 2
Christopher Fraun
von Suchten, a canon of Frauenburg, the Cathedral Chapter of
Ermeland, for the students of which diocese Padua was a familiar
haunt, amongst them, from 1501 to 1503, the great Coppernicus :
Prowe, i, 295, sq. When the latter entered that Chapter in 1512, von
Suchten was in Rome with the Dean and a third canon : with them
he protested from there against the prejudice caused to their body
by the iniquitous agreement made at Petrikau between King Sigis
mond of Poland and the weak-minded Bishop of Ermeland Fabian
Tettinger von Lossianen : Prowe, I, 210, 11, 25, 38-39. Two letters from
von Suchten to Bishop Fabian, 1515-1516, are preserved at Cracow :
BbCzart., 1615 : 167 ; 1624 : 17 ; CatCzart., 11, 268, 274. Christopher
von Suchten, of Dantzig, is further recorded as an alchemist : he was
of the Curia under Leo X, and became afterwards professor in Leipzig :
Fr. Gldner, Jacob Questenberg : Wernigerode, 1905: 6; HutO.iii, 276.
CHRISTOPHORUS Fraunberger,
iamque noster ijsdem tuus olim
(quibus nostrum discipulus,
desudat inge
nium) studijs comes assiduus, tuarum aliquot ad se litera
rum nobis quandoque copiam fecit ; quarum tersus, nitidus,
5 beneque emunctus stilus, mira quadam facilitate prasditus,
sententijs grauissimis et antiquitate quadam conspicuis, facile
quidem nobis persuasit, id quod iamdiu de incomparabili eru
ditione, tuaque multifaria doctrina, constans sibi fama
passim uulgauit. Quod quum ita esset et confessum apud nos
10 foret, ego itaque rudis adhuc et inglorius tyrunculus, cele
bratissimae opinionis nominisque tui laudatissimi splendore
captus atque genuina humanitate tua fretus, non potui non
aliquid ad te literarum dare ; quibus hoc unum inprimis
rescires, me tuum quantuluscunque sim esse, maxime qui ad
15 uirtutes literasque (ut reor) natus, ijsque alitus et educatus,
illarum non tarn professoribus quam studiosis me meaque
omnia iampridem deuouerim. Vnde nequicquam mireris si id
tantopere demum efficere cupiam : porro ad quod ita faciun
dum, non tarn obuia uoluntas ducit, quam uel uotum uel
20 professio nos nostra trahit, stimulat, impellit.
Patient er igitur minusque asgre inter ea feres si, priusquam
tibi aut satis cogniti, aut quicquam de te bene meriti simus,
tuam affectantes amicitiam, contendamus adscribi diario illo
tuorum studiosorum. Quod ut sic abs te liberius efflagitare
25 mus, nulla mihi crede temeritas, uerum potius propensio
amoris nostri in te ardentissimi effecit. Quare, mi cordatissime
11 nominisque &c.] on p. 221
To Andreas of Portugal 277
uir, fac demum intelligam an huiusmo

tissimas tuas aures offenderim : quod s
tamen dij auertant) accuratius in poste
30 raucus inconcinnusque anser coram
olore posthac ridiculum quid obstrepa
BuslMS, 232-233 (A 7 v-A 8 r) <Padua, before September 1502)
3. To Andreas LUSITANUS
To the title of this letter : 'Andrcece Lusitano, / Commilitoni suo,'
a later hand added most preposterously after Andrcece : 'Resendio',
since Andrew de Resende was born only about 1500, and this letter
evidently belongs to Busleyden's Padua days, the summer of 1502
at latest. Cp. before, 125.
Andrea mi Suauissime
BELLARIA ilia tua, una

cept : gratissimum cum epistolio
profecto nobis, teluculentissimo
quoque donantea
dignissimum utrur.que munus : vtpote quorum unum non
minus animum pauit quam alterum nostrum ad palatum
5 fecit. Quare quum iam non habeam unde paria tecum agend
uicissim in officio respondeam, saltern hunc nostrum (quo nil
maius possideo) animum in pignus tarn pulcherrimi muneri
accipe. Quern ut interea uel plsebeio aliquo munusculo magi
apud te testatum facerem, hac te Lucernula dono, quae
10 adiuuare aliquando possit tetrica ilia ac seuera legum studi
a quibus quum nonnunquam feriari uisum fuerit, te Martiali,
poetarum omnium lepidissimo, uolui donatum, vt penes t
esset qui cum recreari, cuiusque urbana dicteria, sales, sco
mata gustare posses : tuum obiter (ni fallar) tantum delectura
15 ingenium, tua quantum ambrosia nectareaque bellaria no
strum demulserunt palatum. Vale.
28 offenderim <S-c.I on p. 222 7 )animum] MS ) 13 scomata]
14 delectura 6-c.] on p. 233 15 nectareaque] second a over line
30. ueluti... anser <S-c.] Virgil, terms on Epp. 46, 18, sq, 52, 2-3,
Egloga, ix, 36 : sed argutos inter 62, x-2, 72, 37-39, 76, 8-9, 17-18, 77,
strepere anser olores ; also Geor- 15-18.
gica, i, 119 : improbus anser. Cp. 11. Martiali] possibly a copy of
Epp. 41, x, 50, 97. the first Aldine edition of the
2-3. gratissimum nobis &c.] the works of that poet printed Vene
contrast of the giver and the tiis in cedibus Aldi, mense Decem
pleasure produced by his gift is bri, 1501', a small octavo,
treated in similar, yet variant,
278 Epist. 4
BuslMS, 233-234 (A 8 r, v) <Padua, before September 1502)
4. To Nicasius HACKENAY
a This letter entitled only: 'Nicasio suo,..', was most likely addressed
to the Nicasius (de) Hackenay, provost of the household of the Prince
of Castile, to whom Epp. 28 is directed. From its place in the collection,
as well as from the wording, it appears to belong to the Padua period,
which is also suggested by the absence of any reference to his brother's
decease, a fact which weighed for a long time on Busleyden's mind, and
which would have been mentioned quite naturally in this stoical piece
of advice to a friend visited by disease : cp. Epp. 7, 21, sq.
b Nicasius Hackenay, or Hackeney (from the place Hacheney, near

Hrde and Dortmund), was a native of Cologne, where he attended
the University lectures : he matriculated on September 21, 1479,
passed the proof of the determinatio on November 20,1480, and started
the test for the mastership on March 26, 1482 under Magister Ego de
Driel (UniKln, 494), promoting Master of Arts between 1483 and
1485 ; until as late as August 8, 1498, he was considered as Clericus
Coloniensis : Keussen, 67. He had meanwhile been accepted to serve
at the Court of Maximilian of Austria and his son Philip, where he
made the acquaintance of Francis de Busleyden and of his brother
Jerome. He rose in favour and eventually became chief master of the
household of Philip and of his son Charles, no doubt through his great
ability and his devotion. It procured him the honour of being dubbed
a knight. He was one of the select few, whom the Emperor Maximi
lian appointed on December 14, 1514, to invest his grandson with
the administration of the countries he had inherited from his father,
which was done on January 5, 1515 : Henne, 11, 68-70. In December
of that year, he was sent with William of Chievres and John le Sau
vage, to go and hear what proposals Francis I's envoys had brought
to Brussels : Henne, 11, 152. In de following year, on November 3,
1516, Charles, on leaving for Spain, appointed Hackenay as a member
of the Privy Council, instituted to manage the affairs and to govern
the estates during his absence ; he finally was created Master of the
Finances and died in 1518. He was succeeded as 'Maistre d'Ostel'
by his brother George whose name occurs in that capacity on the lists
of 1517 and 1521, after having been, at least since January 27, 1502,
army paymaster : 'penninck maistre et commis pour le payement
des gens de guerre' Cp. ConPri., x, 18 ; ConPriT., 60; Alexandre, 18 ;
Henne, 11, 200-202 ; Gachard, 503, 512 ; Keussen, 67 ; J.J. Merlo, Die
Familie Hackeney : Cologne : 21-59.
c Nicasius Hackenay naturally had kept in connection with his native
town Cologne, to which he paid a visit in 1506 whilst his Prince had
left for Spain ; on that occasion Busleyden had secured his help for
the purchase and conveyance of an up-to-date organ from a Nurem
berg builder, Hans Suys : Epp. 28. - He left a natural son in Cologne,
and his grandson, Jasper, losing his father and soon after him his
mother, entered the household of Hermann Weinsberg as servant boy
on Sept. 18, 1563, notwithstanding his youth and weak health, but
left it on August 18, 1567 to turn 'Schrder', tailor : he afterwards
To Nicasius Hackenay 279
became Austin friar, taking the cowl on Ju

126, 283, , 56, 64. Possibly in order to make up for a false
step, and certainly in gratitute towards his native town, Nicasius had
paid the toll of his prosperity to the Church of Our Lady in Capitolio,
adorning its organ loft by the Lettner, a railing in carved stone, the
work of a Mechlin artist, which was finished in 1523-24. He also
generously endowed the Charterhouse of St. Barbara, near the Ulre
Gate. Still the most famous of the monuments he left was a fine man
sion on the New Market, at the corner of Richmod-Street. The site
and the old house on it had been given to him by the Emperor
Maximilian, and Charles V had contributed to the rebuilding with
some of the money gathered for the indulgences : that gave it a name,
'Kaiser Hof' besides 'Herr Nicasius Hof. Until recently (1928-29) it
showed its antique splendour, and, especially, the two horse's heads,
said to recall the legend of Richmodi von der Aducht, which may
well be a memorial of the rebuilders, the two Hackenay brothers, who
had a white hackney in their crest. As Nicasius died without legal
offspring, his brother George inherited the house and left it to his
three daughters and their families, the Lyskirchens and the Klep
pincks, with all its treasures, amongst which was shown as late as 1588
a golden rose, which was said to have been a pope's present. It was
honoured by the Emperor Charles V and by Ferdinand his brother,
who resided there when they passed through Cologne. Cp.H. Ulmann,
Kaiser Maximilian I : Stuttgart, 1884-91 : 1, 821, 822 ; Klner Stadt
archiv : Heft 11; Weinsberg, 1, 126, in, 353, 373-74, iv, 22-23;
J. Greven, Die Klner Kartause : Munster, 1935 : 11-12.
ISTA haec
certe ualetudo
uulnus qua
; idque manus
plenum Domini tetigit
acerbissimi doloriste, ingens
nobis in
fligeret, nisi iampridem tarn fortem et constantem te nouis
sem uirum, qui huiusmodi aduersa haud secus leniter per
5 ferres quam modeste semper secunda et prospera tuleris.
Quod ita iam facturum te ardenter speramus et procul
dubio confidimus, maxime quum immobile et inconcussum
robur uirilis et bene instituti animi,praesertim durisin rebus
et extremis probetur : vnde te uelim aequo animo admittere,
10 tibi si quid praeter opinionem acciderit, meque adhuc eum
erga te esse, atque, dijs bene iuuantibus, fore, antea qui sem
per fuerim : scilicet quem neque, ut scribis, ubertas rerum,
neque feliciores (si qui sint) successus a iucunda et suauissima
recordatione tui aliquando poterunt diuellere. Vale, et ut
15 recte ualere possis, spera, abstine, patere.
11 iuuantibus &c.] ort p. 234
4. leniter] cp. Ovid, Heroid., 5, 7 : leniter ferre.
28 Epist. 5
BuslMS, 102-104
5. To Philip of AUSTRIA, Prince of CASTILE

This letter, entitled 'PHILIPPO CASTEL/LAE PRINCIPI/AR
CHIDVCI/AVSTRIAE', is the first of a series referring to the un
expected death of Francis de Busleyden, Archbishop of Besangon, at
Toledo, on August 22, 1502, which deprived Jerome of a second
father and of a most powerful protector. Different to the preceding
letters, which do not mention the ominous event, and therefore
must have been written before the end of August 1502, this, and
several of the following (Epp. 6 to 10), were written from September
to December : this one probably soon followed up the news that
reached Jerome about Francis's death the first days of September.
ONquam
putoacerbo
te latere,
doloreInclyte acincomparabilem
affectus Magnanime Princeps,
iacturam
fecerim, insperata uidelicet nimiumque matura morte Reue
rendissimj Domini Bisontini, fratris nostri pientissimi: quippe
5 qui a teneris (ut aiunt) unguiculis utroque me parente orba
tum, atque annos iam aliquot procul a patria rei literarise
operam nauantem, non modo fratris loco duxerit, uerum
unico pro filiolo semper habuit, tractauit, fouit : adeo qui
dem ut secundum te unum Principem, dominumque benefi
10 centissimum, ille nobis in posterum alterum asylum, firmum
que presidium futurus esset, vt cuius salute ac incolumitate
tota et spes salusque nostra penderet. Qui quum iam (heuheu)
malignantibus fatis, pauperculo mihi adeo praemature huma
nis ademptus sit, profecto iam totus huic profundissimo dolori
15 prorsus succumbens, me miserum omnium desolatissimumque
perpetuo luctu conficerem, nisi ab eo proposito experta prius
quam cognita (qua afflictos fermeque consternatos releuare
soles) pietas nos tua deterreret.
Quam ob rem, indulgentissime ac claementissime Princeps,
20 quum tu Superis bene fauentibus unus nobis supersis, qui
non tarn auctoritate possis quam uel innata claementia de
beas, nostris tam plane fessis ac prope labentibus rebus suc
5 parente &c.] on p. 103 12 et] over line 22 fessis] e ind
4. Dni. Bisontini] Francis de been sent to Louvain already

Busleyden died at St. Bernard's, about 1485; he afterwards studied
near Toledo on August 22, 1502 : for some time in France, especial -
cp. before, 4-6. ly at Orleans, before he left for
5. a teneris... unguiculis] Er- Italy in the summer of 1501 : cp.
Adag., 283, A. Cp. 7. before 23-26.
6. procul a patria] Jerome had
To William of Enckenvoirt 281
currere : fac precor, oro, obtestor, vt pleno

cumulatissime assequar id quod de peculia
25 beranti tua gratia fauoreque prsesentan
iamdudum pollicetur. Ad quod ita efficiu
huiusmodi grauissima calamitas nostra te
ueat, illud saltern ad hoc accedat : recordatio uidelicet ac
memoria fratris nostri, qui (ut caetera eius in te merita obiter
30 praeteream) pro augendo, confirmando, tuendoque Imperio
tuo, nec laboribus ullis pepercisset, nec mori si qua res ur
geret, recusasset. Vale interea, -Princeps Illustrissime.
BuslMS, 237-240 (A 10 r-B 1 v) <Padua, September 1502)
6. To William of ENCKENVOIRT
a This letter entitled 'Vuilhelmo Enckenuort,', was evidently

to an epistle of condolence sent from Rome soon after the news
decease of Francis de Busleyden became known : it conseque
belongs to September 1502 ; Enckenvoirt, as procurator residin
the Curia, had certainly been in connection with the deceas
therefore expressed his condolence to Jerome, who was likely t
into his brother's traces.
b William of Enckenvoirt, Enckevoort, born in 1464 at Mierlo, near

Eindhoven, studied at the Pore in Louvain, and promoted licenciate
of laws : Vera, 133. He went to Rome, and was already at work as
procurator before 1489 : Fruin, 395. By 1497 he was 'familiaris' of
Alexander VI, and under the reign of his successors Jules II and
Leo X, he became chamberlain, apostolic secretary, and protonotary :
AdriB urm., 96, 149 ; el oell., 11, 102, 112 ; Fruin, 458 ; Kk AnfNied.,
I, 92 ; KkAlgLu., 22, 69, 81 ; MatttlAnal., 179 ; AleaE, 82 ; Marck
Chartr., 71, 124 ; &c. He secured many preferments, but used the
emoluments to promote general welfare : he became the manager
and great benefactor of the hospice and confraternity founded in
Rome by, and for, his countrymen, and largely contributed to the
rebuilding and adorning of its church, the Santa Maria dell' Anima :
Anima, 210-16, 264-272, &c. When Adrian of Utrecht, whose procura
tor he had been for some time (Sanuto, xxxiii, 79 ; Pastor, iv, ii, 35,
56, 723), became pope, he found a most welcome helper in his wise,
prudent and earnestly pious countryman, whom he appointed Datary
and his successor as bishop of Tortosa, and whom he created Cardinal
just before his untimely death. Enckenvoirt executed the foundation
24 de peculiari &c.] on p. 104
23. pleno... cornu] cp. Epp. 18, cornu ; also Carmina, 1, xvii, 15
le, 67,5; Horace, Carmen Sceculare 16, Epistolae, 1, xii, 29.
60 : apparetque beata pleno Copia 28. recordatio cS-c.] cp. 5, 6.
19
282 Epist. 6
of Adrian VI's C
own prefermen
2713-27. On October 1, 1529, he was elected bishop of Utrecht, al
though he stayed in Italy, where he had helped to bring about the
understanding between Clement VII and Charles V, at whose corona
tion at Bologna, on February 24, 1530, he assisted. He died in Rome
on July 19, 1534, leaving the larger part of his possessions to the Ani
ma ; he also founded almshouses at Mierlo, and endowed churches,
amongst them St. Rombaut's of Mechlin, of which he was provost,
and where his portrait still adorns the Chapter Room. Cp. Cran.,
141, k-o, and references quoted ; Bergh, 1, 227 ; HEpU, 31; AntvEpisc.,
107 ; Albergato, 11-12 ; HisTriLov., chapt. vni.
RID
duoIE tuas accepi
deflere literasfratrem
pientissimum nos plane certiorantes
nostrum te assi
uita functum,
quem ita mihi mature nimium ereptum, ego maxime lacry
mis testari et uellem et deberem.modo ijs inuidafata quando
5 que ad nostra flecti et cogi uota possent. Verum enimuero
quum ea omnis pietatis expertia, inexorabilia, surda ac plus
quam implacabilia per stent, adeo ut ullis neque mouenda
affectibus, nec mitiganda fletibus, res omnis humanas ex libi
dine temperent, suoque moderentur et regant arbitrio, restat
10 infracto fortique simus animo ad ea quidem omnia tum stre
nue obeunda, tumque constanter perferunda, ad quae illorum
perpetua atque irrefragabilis lex quicquid humanum est non
tarn admonet quam uel urget, stimulat, impellit.
Quod quum ita plusquam confessum sit, ianram absque
15 mora assumendus ualidus est clypeus inuictae durisque gau
dentis patientiae. Accingendus praeterea impenetrabilis thorax
fortitudinis inconcussae, obijciendus fatorum taelis turbinibus
que fortunae uniuersis, ne eorum me aduersus flatus iam pro
fundius iactando deprimat, quem aliquando dum adhuc pla
20 cide spiraret (plus quam par foret) supra se tollere non pote
rat. Quod ita a me factum Deo inprimis Optimo Maximo,
deinde et bonis Uteris acceptum fero quae me plane hoc qui
dem a teneris docuere quam aerumnarum plena hie forent
omnia; quam fallax, lubricus, instabilis esset mortalium sta
25 tus ; quam minime credendum et fidendum illi, vtpote quern
tot et tantae subito idque inopinatae rerum uicissitudines undi
que premerent et ueluti coacto agmine quotidie adorirentur.
7 ut ullis dye.] on p. 238 8 omnis] 20 par] over line 24 omnia dye.] on p. 239
15-16. clypeus... thorax] Sapientia, v, 19-20.
To Ferry de Carondelet 283
Quod quidem quam uerum sit, iam s

prsesenti uulnere meo, quod hac tempe
30 fatorum necessitas inflixit, in nobis
occasionem prsestans nunc experiend
quod olim dumtaxat coniectabar exali
tarn profundo uulneri cedam, turpit
porrigam, iam hoc in durissimo ca
35 strenue imitabor quorum constant
burque uirilis et bene instituti animi
fuerim admiratus. Quos si itaque ad u
bitur, attamen hoc sic tentasse pulch
non carebit, quando sat sit in summis
40 eo haud usque attigeris. Vale.
BuslMS, 222-224 (A 2 v-F 3 v) <Padua, Sep
7. To Ferry de CARONDELET
a This letter, entitled 'Ferrico Carondeleto,' probably dates from
September or October 1502, as it is an answer to a complaint of his
intimate friend Ferry de Carondelet, then at study in Bologna, about
having been informed with great delay of the death of Francis de
Busleyden.
b Ferry de Carondelet was the fifth son of John de Charonde, or de

Carondelet, Chancellor of Burgundy, Lord of Champvans (f 1501),
and of Margaret de Chassey ; he was born at Mechlin about 1473, and
studied at Dle, where he matriculated on September 21, 1498. He
entered the service of the Emperor Maximilian, and married Digna
de Baux about March 1501. Still he continued studying and applied
himself to laws at Bologna, where he was in the beginning of 1502
when John de Pins, of Toulouse, addressed to him, on March 31, an
epigram about Urceus Codrus, a professor, who died in 1500, and whose
Orationes were edited in 1502 by Philip Beroaldo the younger, with
contributions by Bartholomew Bianchini and John de Pins : Dolet
62-63 > Allen, ill, 928, 36. Judging from this letter, Ferry was still at
Bologna in the last months of that year, and no doubt paid occasional
visits to Padua to call on his good friend Jerome de Busleyden : Epp.
8, x. His wife died on October 18, 1503, leaving him a son Paul (1501
1581); he therefore resumed his studies, and promoted doctor of
laws, after which he went to Rome where he met Erasmus in 1509,
39 uoluisse &c.] on p. 240
33. herbam porrigam] Erasmus: 39. sat... in summis... uoluis

Herbam dare : ErA dag., 360, E, se] cp. Erasmus : In magnis & vo
sq ; cp. Epp. 15, 31, 70, 38-39, 81, luisse sat est : ErAdag., 652,
15, Carm. xix, iii, 8, iv, 14. and Epp. 58, ,8, 82, 5-e; cp. 165.
284 Epist. 7
and conceived for

1523, he declared to
John : Allen, v, 13
c Meanwhile he ha
entered the Church, he became Archdeacon of Besanfon in 1504 ;
and at the appointment of his brother John to the Privy Council
(Alexandre, 24, sq), he was nominated as his successor to an ecclesiasti
cal seat in the Great Council of Mechlin by letters patent of Margaret
of Austria, dated from Grave, July 27, 1508. In that capacity he
was addressed as colleague by his friend Busleyden : Carm. xxv.
Still he resided in Rome as procurator at the Papal Court for Maximi
lian and Prince Charles : MelMoell., 11, 114. On <( April) 20, 1512 he
wrote to Margaret of Austria about an agreement of her father with
the Pope, and the interdict on Charles of Egmont (Bergh, 11, 63
65 ; Pastor, hi, 713). He had been appointed abbot of Mont-St. Benoit
in July 1511, and provost of St. Walburgis, Furnes, on November 16,
1514. In May 1513, he was recalled to Brabant, but he soon returned
to Italy, where he lived at Viterbo until, by May 1520, he went to
reside in his Abbey, which he restored most liberally. Erasmus visited
him in 1524 at Besanfon, and dedicated to him, in 1528, his edition
of Faustus Regius' De Gratia Dei (Basle, Joh. Faber Emmeus). Ferry
died in that same year, on June 27, 1528. Raphael painted his portrait,
and Fra Bartolomeo della Porta introduced his effigy in 'The Virgin
of the Carondelets', which, in 1517 or 1518, was given to the Cathedral
of St. Stephen, Besanfon, in which Ferry had built a magnificent
chapel; his brother John raised there to him a fine mausoleum.
Ferry showed a great similitude with his friend Jerome de Busleyden,
generously patronizing art and literature : Allen, v, 1350, 21 ; Mal
ConM, 55 ; MelMoell., 11, 114 ; GallChrist., xv, 233 ; L. de la Briere,
in Bull. Hist, et Philol. du Comite des Travaux Historiques et Scienti
ftques : Paris, 1895 : 97-134, with 21 missives to Margaret of Austria,
1510-12, about the events in Italy : one is printed in Bergh, 11, 63-65
April) 20, 1512) ; EVAUen, 15, 195-98.
Ferrice, Amor et Delitlr nostra, animitus

SALUE.
QUODserius
tibisignificarim,
mortem Domini Bisontini
jn causa fuit Fratris
ratio ancipitis ac nonNostri
dum (ut rebar) stabilitae ualetudinis tuse, vtpote quam adeo
tristi et insperato nuntio male afficere nolui, quando satis su
5 perque sciebam te praesenti calamitate nostra non secus angi,
torqueri, turbari quam olim nobis afflante aura sereniori
mirifice gaudebas, gratulabarisque. Neque id mirum, porro
quum amicorum sit, omne id sibi commune putare quicquid
1 Domini... Nostri] in MS D. b. f. n.
8. amicorum... omne... commu- (the first of the Adagia). Cp. be

ne] Erasmus : Amicorum commu- fore, 166.
nia omnia : ErAdag., 6, E, 13, r
alteri eorum contingat, et data occasione uel lsetari uel

10 tristari tantum quantum se mutuo amauerint. Jnter quos
quum te unum habeam, quem etsi amore nemini praeferam,
nolim tarnen te accepta hac grauissima iactura nostra tan
tum dolere, quantum nos semper amasti, ne si forte iuxta
magnitudinem tui erga me amoris dolorem metiri tentares,
15 dolor meus tuo ita coniunctus, duplicatus fieret, qui prius
mihi singularis fuisset.
Quod si demum faceres, moerorem dolori, doloremque me
rori accumulares, potius quam eum aliqua ex parte tolleres,
aut saltern leuares. Cseterum illud unum nobis sat erit, te
20 constanter in amore pergere, atque eo nos arctius iam et
diligere et amplecti, quanto magis secundus nos successus
deserit, et rerum uicissitudo una cum malignante fortuna
acrius premit : hoc equidem ita efficiundo, praestabis legiti
mum amicum ; quern in posterum propterea non solum colere
25 uelim, uerum apud me pro summo decore et singulari speci
mine incomparabilis amicitiae semper habere. Vale.
BuslMS, 154-162 (g 6 v-10 v) /Padua, November-December 1502)
This letter, entitled 'Ferrico suo, Archidiac. Bisontino...', as it

still refers to the sadness caused by the news of Francis de Busleyden's
death, seems to belong to November or December 1502, for the
title of Archdeacon of Besamjon which Ferry only received in 1504,
was added when it was copied in this collection. It certainly precedes
the death of Ferry's wife October 18, 1503. It was no doubt sug
gested by a remark of his made on a visit of condolence at Padua,
where he occasionally called on his friend ; the latter thus found a fit
occasion for a formal memoir in favour of the mourning for a departed
relative or dear friend.
QVUMmoestissimo
nuper me domi
luctu (ut quandoque
desyderati soles)
fratris confectum inuisens,
offen
der es, proinde nos multis, quae tua humanitas est, consolando :
inter alia multa ad rem facientia, hoc unum adieceris : Omnes
5 quidem, tua sententia, stultos esse qui morte suorum con
tristarentur, eos maxime quos post actam recte uitam, nequa
quam aut casus aut supplicium, caeterum uis ipsa ineuitabi
10 tristari &c.] on p. 223 26 -bilis &c.] on p. 224
4 adieceris &c.] on p. 155
286 Epist. 8
lis morbi
m e
tametsi non
o
10 turn docti
apud me sum
tentiam tuam
(quod pace t
alienam fore
15 prse caster
mus. Qua enim
manuni praes
humanos ipso
stultos, a cult
20 ita uelle ad
commercio at
condolentiae
der e ? Qua s
nis ipsis incu
25 pathos nom
omnino exuer
res caderet, u
mortales rect
manitatis nom
30 stultum ex
flere, lugere,
tarn permitte
sit, uide et di
quem insita C
35 ad officium
barbarus, eff
tumuis saxeu
non emolliat
Quod si nihi
40 obstantibu
22 -lentiae <S-c.] on p. 156 39 Quod si <5-c.] on p. 157
9. uiri quum grauissimi, turn attain a more spectacular result,

doctissimi] Ferry de Carondelet whilst the earnest and slow-going
was two or three years younger Busleyden felt diffident, being
than his friend, but he may have probably conscious of his contin
been more proficient at his stud- uous endeavours, and looked up
ies and applied himself more admiringly at his brilliant com
zealously, so as to promote and panion.
ipse electionis, Paulus, suos ad charit

ret, cum gaudentibus gaudendum ess
bus ? Quod si (te quidem censore) nih
respondeas uelim, ad quid ipsa lugens
45 noluit) filios deperditos plorasset
ipsum ? ad quid Dauid suum Absalon
Nunquid hi omnes, subinde alij (quos
multi, tali ut sic dicam compassion
ueniant recte censendi ? Profecto m
50 intemerata, in aeternum benedicta
summi Patris sapientia, altitudo diuit
resedit) stultitise notam non euaderet,
quo unicum pignus dulcissimum des
prosequuta est, adeo ut prae magn
55 luctus dolor is gladius eius uirgineu
praesciret ilium spontanea morte uit
deinde post triduum superata morte r
et toti orbi appariturum.
Verum enimuero ne hac in re tarn c
60 laborantes, diutius per mendicam (u
mur, vnus ad firmandam tuendamq
sat sit, rerum omnium author Christ
actio nostra fuerit institutio: qui sacr
risisse nunquam, flesse uero luxisseq
65 tur : videlicet uaticinando miserand
bat, vrbis Hierosolymarum excidium
uitam ipsum Lazarum, quatriduo iam
sarcophago conditum; ob quam commi
lachrymas, nonne foret impium, a
70 Christum, apud quem quaeuis mund
stultitia ?
Caeterum si haec obiter a me adducta, tuam non mutent
46 Amonque] r Amnonque 55 esto &c.] on p. 158 59 confessa] e corr over
42. cum gaudentibus <S"C.]Rm. 50. uirgo Deipara (S-c.] Luc.,

xii, 15. 11, 35 ; Joann., xix, 25-27.
44. lugens Rachel <S<c.]Matth., 65. uaticinando &c.] Matth.,
11, 18. xxiii, 37, sq ; Luc., xm, 34, sq,
45. Samuel Saul] 1 Reg., xv, 35. (especially) xix
46. David suum Absalon, Am- 66. reuocando ad uitam... La
<n>onque] 11 Reg., xm, 31, 37, zarum] Joann., xi, 33-38.
xviii, 33, xix, 1-4.
288 Epist. 8
sententiam, ag
ritus suos et
75 pridem rec
mortuum Ch
seruandumq
Praeterea non
adeo ut foemi
80 infamia pe
functis mari
brae apud Ma
duntur. Adde
ceptum, ubi
85 nuare luct
necessitudine
nationes mos
squalido sub p
di incedentes
90 domi occlus
oratorem ins
done prosequ
ad luctum, fle
sunt et alij q
95 dicta merc
tini 'praefica
quidem cadau
dum humiqu
bres, querula
loocrines lacerant, naenias eiulant, ac demum luctu suo, fletu,
planctu, ululatu, gemitu, coelum (ut ita dicam) terramque
miscentes omnia complent.
Postremo si adhuc inflexibilis in ea tua maneas haeresi,
uidelicet hominis insani atque stulti esse luctum agere : quod
I05si ita ut sentis foret, nequicquam tantopere clarissimis suis
74 ipsa &c.] on p. 159 92 lugendorum &c. ] on p. 160
75. annuo... luctu] viz., the R. Menard and C. Sauvageot, La

liturgy of Good Friday. Familie dans I'Antiquite 1 : Paris,
77. Ius... Pontificum &c.] prob. w. d. : 225, sq.
by the celebrating of Good Fri- 101. coelum...terramque miscen
day as chief feast day. tes] Erasmus : Mare ccelo miscere :
95. turbas... foeminarum <S-c.] ErAdag., 142, A.
nusquam intermorituris monimentis

suspicerentque Q<uinti> Metelli felic
ut raram et admirabilem posteritati
luerunt, quia idem Metellus e uita mi
llOsuperstitibus, grauissimis ordinis S
ad rogum usque solenni funer is pomp
stultum existimassent luctum agere,
que praedicandae felicitatis nequaquam
Postremo, ut interea epistolam, cui
ll5serim, claudam: quo id sic praestem, o
sententia aurea Diui Aurelii Augustin
quandam nobis innatam esse tristitiam
simus quando nos moriendo deserun
quia etsi nouimus eos non in aeternu
I20sed aliquantulum praecedere sequut
quam natura refugit, ubi occupat di
nobis ipsius dilectionis affectum.
Vale. Haec tandem qualiacunque si
duxi, non tarnen eo consilio quod putar
I25quae nostra probabilior est sententi
absit, explodere ; sed contra magis, q
satis probato studio, ijs actis ferijs
litteris mortem tradunt) effugerem
111 -neris pompa &c, I on p. 161
107. Q. Metelli felicitatem <S-c.] to four in his edition of 1522 (and

reference is made to Q. Caecilius 1529 : Basle, Froben).
Metellus Macedonicus, who is 116. sententia... Diui... Augus
described as an example of a tini] Busleyden quotes verbatim
homo felix by C. Plinius Secundus, some lines from the first chapter
in his Naturalis Historia, vii, 44, of the Sermo CLXXII (1 Thess.,
142, and by Valerius Maximus, iv, 12) of the Sermones de Scriptu
Dictorum FactorumMemorabilium ris : necesse... affectum, U 117
Libri IX : vii, i (De Felicitate), 1 ; 122 : AugO, v, 936.
he is also mentioned as such, e. 127. ijs actis ferijs] possibly
g., by Cicero, Tuscul., 1, 85, De the letter was written after the
Finibus, v, 27, 28 : Velleius, 1, feast of All Saints and All Souls'
11, 6-7; St. Augustine, De Civitate Day.
Dei, 11, 23 : AugO, vii, 71. 127-28. otium... sine litteris
109. tribus liberis superstitibus] mortem] cp. Seneca, Epistules
the number of surviving children Morales, xi, iii (Ep. 82), 3: 'otium
differs : Pliny mentions four sons sine Uteris morsest et hominis vivi
who took their father's body to sepultura' ; it has no doubt given
the pyre ; so does Valerius Maxi- rise to the remark which Busley
mus, who adds that there were den often makes : Nusquam mi
also three married daughters left; nus otiosi quam cum otiosi : cp.
St. Augustine refers to five sons, Epp. 27, 22~23
which number Vives changed
2go Epist.
strum quo angor, luctum leuarem; aut, si minus, te saltern

I30ad rescribendum meliora lacesserem. Quod si ita te gratifi
cante assequutus fuero, ut te procul dubio facturum spero,
talem hoc commercio permutationem fecero, qualem, ut est
apud Homerum, Glaucus et Diomedes inter se faciunt, dissi
milia permutantes : scis satis quid uelim. Rursum uale.
BuslMS, 63-65 (1 r-i r) <Padua, end of I502>
9. To the READER
This letter is entitled 'AD LECTOREM.', in black ink capitals, over
which there is in red ink the general title of the collection of Busley
den's poetry hiero. bvslidii/arien. praepo lvsvs : cp. before 107.
This letter is conceived as a preface addressed to the reader of the
poem written in memory of his brother, which Busleyden thought
of publishing, and may have published along with other epitaphs
and poems. In the manuscript it precedes the poem Incomparabilis
fraternce Pietatis... Monumentum (Carm. 1), which evidently belongs
to the first months after Francis de Busleyden's death, and was
intended to be at the head of the collection : cp. 107, 108 ; Carm. 1,
pr. The title and II i-n are reproduced on p. 147.
Qvam fuerim in fratrem gratus, pius, officiosus,

Candide te, Lector, pagina nostra docet.
EN, Uir Ornatissime,

ficentissimum pium nostrum
fratrem in desyderatum
Monumentum, bene
non multa, ut
5 uides, aut elegantia, aut inani uerborum phuco phaleratum,
sed magis, quod opto, insigni pietate et gratitudine refertum.
Quod modo in hoc probetur, minus laboramus si uel in altero
damnetur, quando non ornatui, sed uni magis studuimus
pietati, quae amore inprimis, caritate et gratitudine concomi
10 tata, haud usquam morata est lenocinia uerborum, senten
tias coloresque rhetorum : quin satius, uiribus contisa suis, id
quod uoluit et potuit fratri demortuo impendit. Hoc in officio
anxia magis et sollicita quomodo re ipsa pia esset quam quod
eleganter aut diserte diceret : plus sibi laudis statuens et me
129 leuarem &c.] on p. 162
3 Uir Ornatissime] cr. 3 in] written twice 3 desyderatum] chd into desid
5 phuco] chd. into fuco 11 uiribus &c.] on p. 64
I33 apud Homerum &>c.] viz., medis &> Glauci permutatio : cp.
Ilias, vi, 234-36 ; Erasmus : Dio- UrAdag., 68, B, sq.
To St. Gudula Chapter 291
15 riti hac liberali et obuia praestatione

ostentatione affectatae eloquentiae. Q
per) tum maxime explodenda uenit q
gens, causam suam dicit, amor peror
tur, illam solum adornans opere et fi
20 aut eloquij dulcedine : mentes hom
malens pie, syncaere mouere, quam h
mentis immorari diutius : solum cand
citate sua contenta, nihil elata, nulli iniuria, nemini odiosa,
omnibus amabilis ac aeque chara, vtpote de Deo, patria, pa
25 rentibus, amicis, necessarijs iandudum optime et praeclare
merita : vnde iure meritoque omnium sibi tulit puncta et suf
fragia meruit. Quod quum ita sit, hoc te unum, Candide
Lector, inprimis obtestatum uelim, hsec qualiacunque sint,
eo perlegas candore qua exarata sunt pietate. Quibus si quid
30 aut desit (ut uereor) quod desyderes, aut occurrat quod
minus probes, id totum qualecunque fuerit ipsi condones
pietati, quando longe maluerit hoc unum subire discrimen
quam in defunctum fratrem de se bene merit urn haud fuisse
pium. Jnterea bellissime vale : hsec nostra, qualiacunque sint,
35 boni consule...
Disthycon
Non hsec Castalidum sacro de fonte Sororum :
Fraterna potius de pietate fluunt.
Disthycum Aliud
40 Non uos, Eloquium, euro, dulcesque Camcenas :
Jn fratrem modo sim gratus et usque pius.
BuslMS, 104-107 (e v-e 3 r) <Padua, end of 1502)
10. To the Chapter of St. GUDULA's, Brussels
This letter, addressed in the manuscript 'Ad Collegium diuce Gudileej

Bruxellen.', thanks the Chapter of Brussels for having appointed the
writer in the place of his deceased brother as treasurer. Since that
appointment was made as soon as the news of the Archbishop's
decease reached Brabant (cp. II 15-20), this letter was evidently
20 -que aflectus] added in rmg 25 et praeclare] over line 26 et suffragia Ac]
on 65 36 Disthycon] chd. into Dystichon 39 Disthycum] cr.
26. tulit puncta S-c.] cp. Hor- 36. Non... fluunt (37)] cp.
ace, Ep. ad Pisones, 343. Carm. vin, 7,8.
292 Epist. 10
written in the last m

message from Spain
Cp. before, 30, sq
SI unquam adsuorum
uehemens pias lachrymas moestissimumque
desyderium quempiam mouerit,luctum
ego
iam totus in flebiles gemitus luctusque perpetuos ruere in
primis ac procumbere debeo : maxime quum hoc identidem
5 me facere pietas non tarn suadeat humana quam uel neces
situdo imperet fraterna. Ereptum equidem mihi inuida iam
morte, proh dolor, uideo sacerrimum ilium ac nunquam obli
terandae memoriae Bisontinum Archipraesulem, fratrem pien
tissimum, a quo ego (modo illi per crudelia fata licuisset)
10 ultra ea quae fratri a fratre debentur officia, etiam studiorum
nostrorum uberrima assequutus essem praemia. Quae quidem
iam nobis prorsus sublata pariterque cum eo erepta omnino
forent, nisi insignis ilia in me beneficentia, uestraque in de
functum fratrem gratitudo, nostrae tam grandi occurrisset
15 calamitati : quippe ubi primum pientissimi fratris tristissi
mum mortis accepistis nuntium, congregati omnes ex in
dustria consulturi quemnam potissimum in illius subrogare
tis locum, subito omnes incredibili animorum consensu, ma
nibus, ut aiunt, pedibusque in eandem euntes sententiam,
20 uestra in me absentem tulistis uota, emisistis suffragia :
dignum me obiter ac idoneum censentes qui hoc incompara
bili beneficio, studium in me propensissimum uestrum non
tarn sentirem quam re ipsa cumulatissime experirer. Quo uno
beneficio quid, per deos immortales, uel iucundius nobis uel
25 nostris accedere uotis optabilius poterat quam nunc hoc in
honestissimo consortio, uestroque sacrosancto connumera
tum iri Collegio, tot scilicet eruditissimis uiris integerrimisque
patribus undique referto. Quod quum ita sit, totus profecto
mutus, elinguis, stupidusque haereo quoties pro tam immortali
30 beneficio uestro gratias agere cogito : gratias, inquam, quae
et dignitati huius ornatissimi Collegij responderent, simulque
nostram in se deuotionem magis ac magis arguerent. In qua
re etsi neque expectationi de me uestrae, neque meae erga uos
5 suadeat <S-c.] on p. 105 23 re ipsa &c.] ort p. 106 24 quid] corr. from quod
18-19. manibus... pedibusque] ErAdag., 157, B, 931, 4.
To Thomas de Plaine 293
gratitudini iam facile satisfacer

35 uestri in me meriti magnitudine
destitutus eloquentiae. Attamen
tum agam, eas uobis omnibus et
mens complecti, ingenium supp
depromere ; praeterea pares post
40 tuna melior, luxque serenior n
quae quidem ubi primum apparu
praestare conabor qualem uos m
aliquando esse desydero : videlic
sim praetermissurus quaecunque
45 ac priuatum cuiusque commodu
ornamentum, immunitatem, em
bratissimae (cuius et pars sumus) E
BuslMS, 240 ( v) <Mechlin, 1503)
Ii. To Thomas de PLAINE
Chancellor of Burgundy
a This letter, which in the collection is inscribed as 'Cancellario Bur

gundies,', was probably written at Mechlin where Jerome de Busleyden
was looking for an appointment, and trying to secure the favour of
the influent officials at Court. Knowing of the Chancellor's interest
in music, he made him a present, accompanying this letter, in 1503,
or at any rate soon after, his arrival from Italy. Probably to him
Busleyden also addressed his poem Cuidam Mcecenati : Carm. xxii,
insisting on a request, made before, to recommend him for a fit office.
b Thomas de Plaine (Pleine, or Plaines), Lord of Maigny, belonged

to a family of Franche-Comte, in which the bent for jurisprudence
was hereditary : Moeller, 167. After having been a member of the
Great Council of Mechlin under Charles the Bold (Walther, 29), he
became Great Chancellor of Burgundy in 1496 under Philip the Fair
(Walther, 21, 23-25, 85-6, 150), and was one of the six members of the
council presided by Engelbert II, Count of Nassau, entrusted, on
September 4, 1501, with the management of affairs during the Arch
duke's journey to Spain : Henne, 1, 35. By the order of October 31,
I50i,he was chosen with the Lady of Ravenstein to help the Duchess
Dowager of Burgundy Margaret of York to take care of Princess
Eleonore and her brother Charles in her mansion of Mechlin, where
she died on November 23, 1503 : Moeller, 14, 39 ; Henne, 1, 36, Mal
God., 246, sq, 256, sq. When, on September 26, 1501, was celebrated
the marriage between Margaret of Austria and Duke Philibert 11 of
Savoy, he was one of those who signed the deed : Henne, 1, 36.
41 talem <5c.] on p. 107
294 EPIST. 12
c At the meeting of the States General at Mechlin after the death of

Philip the Fair (Burgos, Sept. 25, 1506), the Great Chancellor made,
on October 18, a report about the journey of their deceased Prince
to Spain ; he requested protection for his children and for the arrange
ment of the affairs ; he then proceeded to the opening and the reading
of Philip's will of January 2, 1506, and suggested the measures appro
priate to the circumstances : Henne, I, 126, sq. He did not survive
very long : he died on March 20, 1507 (Walther, 92), leaving a widow,
Jane'de Gros, who, in 1517, bought the jurisdiction and rights of do
minion of Querbs from William 't Serclaes : Henne, I, 65. They had
several children : their son Gerard, Lord of la Roche, who was already
Master of Requests at his father's death, became chancellor of Brabant
and member of the Privy Council on March 18, 1509 : Cran., 114, a,
&c.; Walther, 23, &c. ; Henne, 1, 219 ; another son was the Hubert
de Plaine, Lord of Mai.gny, whose daughter Catherine, Lady of Nor
derwyck and Gestel, was the second wife of the Mechlin councillor
Francis de Cranevelt : cp. Cran.,lxvij, and references ; Allen, 1,76, 43 ;
Dunod, Histoire du Comtd de Bourgogne : 1740 : 163 ; La Maison de
Plaine, ses Alliances, Pierres Sepulchrales et autres memoires la regar
dant : MS of MechlinTown Archives, DD, Si, xx ; NobPB, 11, 1559-61.
QVONIAM
ijsqueintellexi
propterearebus te musicis
operam miriiice
quandoque dareoblectari,
uelle, vt
earum harmonia captus laborem non tarn falleres quam ani
mum assiduis tot curis et meditationibus obrutum, leuare non
5 nunquam atque excitare posses : quod tuum consilium
quum sic maxime approbem, simulque in eo te constanter
pergere uelim : musico hoc te donatum uolui jnstrumento,
tuorum quod laborum dulce non solum lenimen foret, verum
et meae in te obseruantiae pignus et amoris clarissimum argu
10 mentum. Vale.
BuslMS, 198-199 (i 8 v-i 9 r) <Mechlin, 1503)
12. To Henry ZEIGLER
Luxemburg Senator
a The letter, indicated in the collection as addressed to 'Henrico
Zeigler I.V.Boct.jSenatori Luceburgeh.', no doubt belongs to 1503,
namely, the first months after Jerome de Busleyden's return to the
Netherlands, as results from the reference to the decease of his
brother which is still grieving him.
b Henry Zeigler, Doctor Utriusque Juris and Luxemburg Senator,

was at least for a time in the service of a nobleman, protector of Je
rome de Busleyden to whom, as a lover of music he had promised
a set of flutes or flageolets, fstulcB, which evidently were late in being
To Dean Derville 295
delivered. Most probably Zeigler, or Zeygler had been one of

Busleyden's fellow-students in Louvain, where he did not get his
degree, though, as his name is not on the lists. Nor was he a senator
when this letter was written: he was provisionally appointed councillor
for Luxemburg at the salary of 50 florins, by patent letters dated
Mechlin, February 6, 1506, and he took the oath before the Lord
of Maigny, Thomas de Plaine, Great Chancellor (Epp. 11, b). He was
confirmed in his office on February 5, 1509 and on October 1, 1515 ;
he became ordinary councillor by letters patent dated Brussels,
August 24, 15x9. He died in April 1530. Cp. N. van Werveke, in
Recueil de Memoires... du $me Centenaire de... I'AMnee : Luxemburg,
1904 : 231.
FISTULAS
toties utillas
nostiab Illustri Domino
repromissas, tuo, patrono
impetraturum meo,
quandoque
me prorsus desperassem, nisi summa fiducia nostra in tua erga
nos fide et candore olim reposita, me adhuc spe bona durare
5 iuberet. Qua subinde fretus, etsi longior illarum expectatio
toties fefellit expectantem, ceptam tarnen inde spem non
dum posui: jnterea nobis persuadens receptarum fistularum
elegantiam tarditatem prsestationis illarum aliquando facile
compensaturam. Quod ut iuxta uotum meum et nostram de
10 te exspectationem ocyus fiat, probe curabis : rem profecto
facturus tarn fidei tuae respondentem quam nobis iucundam :
qua inprimis altum doloris uulnus, quod pientissimi fratris
immatura mors fecit, si non omnino curare, saltern quandoque
lenire queam. Vale.
BuslMS, 136-137 (f 7 v-i 8 r) <Mechlin, 1503-1504)
13. To John DERVILLE, Dean of Aire

a This letter, which has as title 'Decano Arien,', is evidently a reply
to a message, expressing dutiful respect and affection, of the Dean of
Aire to his Provost. It was the more welcome as it gave evident proof
of literary taste and ability [11 14-16), as well as of a genuine kindness
(II4-5). Busleyden had been elected provost on February 17,1500 whilst
he was in France, and on account of his subsequent stay in Italy
he had been prevented from taking possession personally of that
dignity: no doubt the Dean availed himself of an opportunity to enter
into connection with him soon after his return from the Transalpine
University where he promoted Doctor of Laws : it thus appears that
this letter was written in 1503 or 1504.
b The name of the dignitary referred to here, was John Derville.

He had only been appointed recently, since at the close of the xvth
1 Fistulas &c.] on p. 199
296 Epist. 13
century James Braqu

recorded to have att
1502, after which yea
Archives : 813, i-3. M
ville, who had known
bishop of Besanfon,
was acquainted with
Busleyden was on mo
that the Dean of Aire wanted to make friendly advances to the
Provost whom he had to replace during his absence, which, after
January 22, 1504, his office at the Prince's Court fully justified :
AireSP., 86-87. He thus had to celebrate solemn masses at certain
festivities, and to confer the last Sacraments to the members of the
Chapter, whereas the nomination of new canons did not require
personal presence : AireSP., 82, sq.
Scanty information subsists about Aire Chapter in the first decads
of the xvith century : the register of the Acta Capitularia for the period
extending from 1502 to 1566 had already disappeared before the
French Revolution possibly on account of some touchy points
referred to ; the recent wars made further havoc amongst the records.
During Derville's management a breviary for the use of the Chapter
was printed about 1514 : AireSP., 219-223 ; the reconstruction of the
decaying church, started in 1492, was actively continued, so that the
choir was finished about 1531 : AireSP., 256-257. In order to collect
money for the building, several of the relics of the church were en
trusted by 1515 to four clerici, to be exposed in the parishes throughout
the diocese : AireSP., 229, 374-375 : amongst those clerici there was
one 'John Derviller', who, judging from the nearly similar name, may
have been of the Dean's family. Nothing seems to indicate how long
Busleyden's friend was head of the Chapter : Peter Fremault or
Fresnault,parish priest of Our Lady's, is mentioned in 1512 as Decanus
Christianitatis of Aire, but that office is different from that of Decanus
Capitularis : Aire Town Records, MS. 11312. Derville was succeeded,
possibly mediately, by dean James de Crocq, who, in, 1531 obtained
from Clement VII the power to unite the two portions of the parish
priest of St. Peter's to the fabrica ecclesics in order to help to defray
the cost of building ; he died before March 1541 : AireSP., 257 ; Aire
Town Records, MS. 11.312 : / 62 ; Arras Records : Baillage d'Aire,
Contrats de 1541 : / 1.
MIRUM est quantum

epistola me docta
tua, quae quidem mihiet cordata
tuam recreauit
(qua in omnes
afficeris) repraesentauit humanitatem, praesertim quae nulla
nostri notione ducta, neque aliquo (quod sciam) merito
5 nostro aut beneficio prouocata, tarn eleganti et suaui est me
dignata scriptione, adeo mihi iucunda atque grata, ut magis
magisque placeat, nosque oblectat decies repetita quam
semel tantum lecta. Proinde locaturus illam posthac et habi
4 notione] before it dnoct is lined off
To Peter Jacobi of Avion 297
turus inter summa rerum mearum orn

10 pignoris auspicandse mutuae inter nos a
te facile admittendum, etsi plseraeque rat
geant, tarnen ex tarn multis ea una (idque
praestandum nos mouet : candor scilice
assidua cultura bonarum literarum, qu
15 lere tum constanti phama multorum,
doctissimarum literarum tuarum cogn
sit, admodum gaudeo at que mihi ipsi g
tum me nactum amicum, maxime in qu
tarn pulchra consonantia et morum et l
BuslMS, 230-231 (A 6 v-A 7 r) <Mechlin, i503-i504>
14. To PETER JACOBI of ARLON,

Provost of Backnang
a This letter, addressed in the collection : 'Petro Aralunensi, I. V. Df
Prceposito Backnangeh,', evidently belongs to one of the first months
after Busleyden's return to our Provinces, when he sent a few lines,
paucula, to this old friend who had loved him as a father, and whom
he thus gently compelled to write to him, so as to alleviate and linder
the sadness that was still weighing on him on account of his brother's
death.
b Peter Jacobi, born in 1459 at Arlon, Arlunensis, went in 1474

to study in France, possibly in Italy, and entered by 1480 the service
of the clever patron of learning Count Eberhard with the Beard, of
Wiirtemberg, as preceptor of his natural son Louis of Wrtemberg.
In February 1482 he went with the Count on his journey to Italy ;
amongst those who accompanied were Gabriel Biel, the last, yet one
of the most important, of the Scolastic erudites, professor at Tubin
gen; his colleage, the historian John Vergenhans, Nauklerus; as well
as the famous student of languages John Capnio, Reuchlin. They
visited Florence and Rome, and had returned by 1484 : Chr. F. v.
Stalin, Wirtembergische Geschichte : Stuttgart, 1856 : hi, 591, sq;
Reuchlin, 22, 23, sq. Still Jacobi returned to, or maybe remained in,
Italy, probably with his pupil, and studied at Pavia, from where he
sent a letter to Reuchlin on January 1, 1488 about Pliny, Strabo and
Livius, whose works he had promised to provide. On March 1, 1488
he regretted that he could not add any item to Reuchlin's list of
Greek books, which George Merula pronounced most complete. On
the first of September following he complained about Reuchlin's
10 -candae cS-c.] on p. 137
15. phama] Derville was no doubt known as poet: cp. Epp. 17, s, sq.
20
298 Epist. 14
silence, and once more p

like : ReuchlE, 13, 21. D
moted Doctor Vtriusque
with some Italian erudites, such as Gabriel Bossus of Mantua, who in
the spring of 1491 sent through him some translations from Homer
to Reuchlin : ReuchlE, 28 ; in the summer of 1498, Jacobi congratu
lated his friend, the famous Hebraist, for his oration to Alexander VI
on August 7 of that year : ReuchlE, 57 ; Trit., 375, 383, 470.
c Meanwhile Jacobi had become a priest and had been made a canon
at St. Simon's, Treves, also at Stuttgart, as well as provost of Back
nang, near Heilbronn, and parish priest of Waiblingen. When his
preceptorship ended, he was appointed councillor of Count Eberhard,
who availed himself of his ability as jurist, theologian and linguist
for several missions and embassies. Thus his master took him in 1495
to the Diet of Worms, where from Count, he was promoted to Duke
of Wiirtemberg by Maximilian I. At his death in 1497, he was succeeded
by a nephew, Eberhard the Young, who, after a year, was deposited,
and replaced by another nephew, Ulrich I. As this prince was only
eleven, he was entrusted to the care of Peter Jacobi as preceptor :
L. F. Heyd, Ulrich Herzog zu Wiirtemberg : Tubingen, 1841-44 : 1,
44-90.
d Notwithstanding that new charge, Jacobi continued his work as

ducal councillor, senator and ambassador, and was even ennobled
by Maximilian I in 1505 for services rendered. He also kept in close
touch with studies and erudites whom he patronized ; amongst them,
the Tubingen Professor Henry Bebel, 1472-1518 (HutOS, 11, 306 ; Trit.,
459), who inscribed to him his Apologia pro suis Commentaries de Abu
sione Lingua Latincs1). On May 10, 1506 Bebel dedicated a first book
of Facetia to his highly esteemed friend and patron, who was then
restoring his health by the Therma Ferina sive Hercyniana, at Wild
bad, and made the book into the present which it was then the
custom with the 'Suevi' to offer to convalescents at the baths2). A
second series of Facetia was dedicated on September 8, 1508 (G. Beber
meyer, Heinrich Bebels Facetien. Leipzig, 1931 : 3, 4, 45-47, 103, 175)
to the kind and erudite protector, to whom Bebel applied as an um
pire in a controversy which, seconded by Michael Kchlin, Coccinius,
and his brother Wolfgang Bebel, he was sustaining against Conrad
Celtis, who had taken as a personal insult his assertion that the Ital
ians surpassed the Germans in the purity of their Latin and in their
eloquence : J. Fr. Schrder, Das Wiederaufblhen der Klassischen Stu
dien in Deutschland : Halle, 1864 : 237-241. Jacobi did not see the end
of that polemic : he died as an imperial delegate at the Diet of
Worms on May 13, 1509, leaving a grateful memory which did not
') Ad clarissimum virum atque disertissimum Petrum Iacobum Ar

lunensem praepositum Backnangensem Canonicum Stuttgardianum,
oratorem atque iurisconsultum ducalemque senatorem : printed in the
Commentaria Epistolarum Conficiendarum Henrici Bebeiii : Pforzheim,
1510 : cxxxi, sq\ W.H.D. Suringar, Heinrich Bebel's Proverbia Germa
nica : Leyden, 1879 : xviii.
2) The book begins with eight verses 'ad dominum Petrum Iacobi
Arlunensem balneantem'.
To Peter Jacobi of Arlon 299
want the epitaph he had composed for himself : Bene

pauca reliqui, amicis benefecijHic iaceo tectus. Deum
legis pro me ora. His magnificent collection of b
nephew Matthias Held (Hoynck, 1, i, 96, sq ; FG, 369
where Bartholomew Latomus, Held's nephew, saw
before it was taken into Germany when his uncle
Vice-Chancellor, as he mentions in his dedicatory le
Held, Paris, May 1, 1539, of his Oratio Cic.ronis p
cum Enarrationibus : Paris, Fr. Gryphius, 1539. Ju
letter, Jerome de Busleyden had made Jacobi's acqua
the lifetime of his brother Francis, most probably at
their elder townsman had been sent on a mission. C
Heinrich Bebels Schrnke : Tubingen, 1907 : 1, 1
Die Anfnge der Universitt Tubingen : Tubingen, 1
247 ; J. P. Walzing : Petrus Jacobi Arlunensis 1459-15
Alfr. Bertrang, Histoire d'Arlon : Arlon, 1940 : 206,
Geographie Litteraire du Luxembourg : Liege, 1942 : 9
Salue, iterumque Salue, Amor

Amoenitas et Deliti, Nostra
JNTER caeteras
tempore nostras
sint uel (si quaeuoluptates,
esse possint) mihi hoc turbulentissimo
nulla equidem
aut cumulatior aut iucundior nostro occurrerit animo quam
suauissima illa ac nusquam intermissa recordatio propensis
5 simi affectus erga me tui, quo me semper ut filium com
plexus, totum me tibi iamdudum uendicans asseruisti. Quod
quum ita sit, haec paucula ad te dare operae pretium duxi,
quibus obnoxij nostri in te animi deuotionem, fidem, pieta
tem agnosceres, simulque ad officium rescribendi (ubi aliquan
10 do adesset otium) te inuitarem: quod iuxta nostrum desyde
rium aliquando praestes, hortatum te ac, si pateris, uehemen
tissime oratum uelim.
Quod ita praestando, iustum illum dolorem quo ob mor
tem pientissimi fratris angimur et prope conficimur multum
15 leuabis, teque obiter eum praestabis qui iam deserto, destituto,
fortunaeque taelis ferme obruto, tuo Hieronymo non minus
studere uelis quam olim feceris : scilicet quum adhuc nequa
quam nouercante fortuna, sed arridente, in uado esset, secun
dis (ut aiunt) uelis portum tenens : quo nunc, proh dolor,
14 angimur &c.] on p. 231
18. secundis... uelis] Ovid. vela secunda; Pont., i, 8, 71; also

(Thes., s. v. velum) : Des ingenio ineis, in, 683, vii, 23.
300 Epist. 15
20 amisso, per tot

tandem miser nim
tempestatibus, se
rebus succurrit a
qui mihi patientia
25 prosperis diutu
lium tendunt uota,
BuslMS, 127-130 (f 3 r-i 4 v) <Mechlin, February-April 1504)
15. To John-Louis de MOSCHERON

Archdeacon of Cambrai
o> This letter, entitled . Moschoroneo Archid. Cam.', seems to

belong to the earliest months of Jerome de Busleyden's career as
councillor since he pointedly mentions as a reason of his delay in
answering a letter, munus hie meum (cui addictus sum) publicum :
which sounds as a fact to which he is not yet accustomed, and of
which his friend may not be aware.
b John Louis de Moscheron (Mo[u]scron) belonged to a powerful
family of traders established both in Bruges and in Rome : Cr an.,
243, a, &c. ; Allen, vi, 1594, 48, 1650, 35-4e ; Brug&-Fr., 1, 153, 158,
167, &c. ; BrugSDon., 124 ; AnlvAnn., II, 388. John Louis studied
law at Padua, attending the same lectures as Busleyden, and knit
up there with him a lifelong friendship, which, although occasionally
clouded by discontent and lack of patience, as that shown in this
letter, was still vivid and beneficent in the Spring of 1515 : Epp.
77, 1. sq, 21, sq. He became Doctor of Laws, and attended the function
of Busleyden's promotion as a witness on February 8, 1503 : from his
mention on the deed it appears that by that time he had already
secured the office of archdeacon of Cambrai : cp. before, 28, 98 ;
to it was joined, in 1507, that of canon of the seventh prebend of
St. Donatian's, Bruges (BrugSDon., 126). He did not fulfil its duties
at once, for he resided in Rome until, at least, the middle of 1509, as
results from a letter of June 30 of that year, in which the Hungarian
ambassador James Borsody Piso appeals to his testimony and to that
of another close friend of theirs, Thomas, probably Inghirami, the
librarian of the Vatican, when asserting that he had been so busy
that he could not have written before (Allen, 1, 216,19-2i ; Nolhac, 71).
c Two years later, Moscheron was appointed ecclesiastical councillor

of the Great Council of Mechlin by letters patent signed at Hertogen
bosch, October 16, 1511, replacing Richard de la Chapelle, de
ceased. Still he did not stay long in that office, as John Gnnet, or
Jonnet, was nominated his succcessor by letters patent of March 20,
1513 : MdlConM, 59, 62 ; MalConR, 15 ; MalConC, 17. He went to live
at Bruges, as is implied by a note added to the address of Epp. 59,
mentioning that he enjoyed the fame of holiness : Hie fuit tibi <the
To Archdeacon de Moscheron 301
possessor of this MSy Collega apud S. Donatianum

(Epp. 59, a). There he met Erasmus in the spring of
on most familiar terms with him : Epp. 77, 32-41 H
was succeeded as Archidiaconus major Cameracensis a
St. Donatian's by his nephew Antony-Mark de Moscron, who, for
some time, had been his co-adjutor in the latter office : ugSDon.,
126. Another John de Moscron, Mosscheroen, 'pastor plumbeae por
tionis' of Our Lady's, Bruges, was canon in St. Donation's from 1520
to 1526, when he became parish priest of St. Giles's, Bruges :
BrugSDon., 124.
QVODremorata
serius acsuntuelles
: munustuis
hie respondeo, duo me
meum (cui addictus sum)uel inuitum
publicum ; deinde summa perplexitas tuarum quae me uarie
adfecerunt liter arum : in quibus nunc amaror dulcori, nunc
5 intyba successit Ambrosiae, quando pungendo iocaris,iocando
que pungas, miscendo scommata leporibus, et dentem sali
bus : adeo ut nondum uix licuit animum in ijs deprendere
tuum, haud secus ac anguillam (ut ita dicam) desultoriam sua
lubricitate captantum manus fallentem : quo tit non sat mihi
10 constet qualem nunc responsurus personam induam, depre
cantisne, an (quod magis uelim) fatentis inustam abs te mihi
notam. Quod si nuper licentiosa nostra quae frontem perfricuit
epistola te forte (quod admodum uereor) offenderit, quid tam
frigide hinc nobis succenses, et non satius in tantum nephas,
15 totus indignabundus insurgas, intonas, fulminas ? Sin uero
minus offenderit, quid est quur tantopere te laesum adsimulas,
scilicet dolendo prius ac uapules ? Die, amabo, quid cum
amico antiquo (qui cum iam salis modium consumpseris) tam
simulanter et indulgenter agis ? Miror profecto et plane de
20 miror ! An te fugit amicorum pect or a fenestrata, illustria et
undecunque perspicua esse debere, in quorum uel penitissimis
6 leporibus &c.\ on p. 128 9 captantum] 11 quod] corr. from quid
2. munus] Busleyden evidently Salem & mensam ne preetereas.

had just been appointed as coun- Sal & mensa : Er A dag., 225, s,
cillor : cp. 29. 1160, E; Esdras, i, iv, 14.
5. intyba] Virgil, Georg., 1, 120 : 20. amicorum pectora fenestra
amaris intyba fibris / Officiunt; ta] Erasmus : A per to pectore : Al
iv, 120, and Moretum, 85 : Quae- lusum est... ad Momi dictum,
que trahunt acri vultus nasturcia qui fenestras in hominum pectore
morsu / Intibaque & venerem, desiderasse fingitur, quo liceret
reuocans eruca morantem. inspicere, quidnam in specubus
8. anguillam] Erasmus : Cauda illis reconditum esset : ErAdag.,
tenes anguillam : ErAdag., 179, r. 836, .
18. salis modium] Erasmus :
302 Epist. 15
recessibus scelus
Prseterea si legitim
libertas or net et
25 nius sentiendum
sic committendo
inescatam hamis
senti causa tam b
uiribus confisa su
30 es colores, tro
dem qui causae ce
ingenue admissam
uantissimo : sed m
meo impatienti a
35 urgenti imperi
licentius ac par e
amor is imperio
amori condonare,
quam de sua uel
40 quandoquidem
quantum in te co
csecutiens tota, ut
tua saluberrima (t
mematibusque fu
45 procul dubio p
inprimis habitur
oporteat. Interea
quam prsescriber
culpam) ad te sc
50 tuum. Quo sic
parabit, hoc inp
labra suas habeant lactucas. Vale et me ama.
23 maxime 6-c.] on p. 129 40 sentit on p. 130
26-27 dulcibus inescatam ha- 42. tota... uia errauerit] Eras

mis] in Erasmus' Adagia, Inesca- mus : Tota erras via : ErA dag.,
re homines and Vorare hamum 47, ; cp. Epp. 27, 43.
follow each other (73 and 72 of 51. quseque labra &c.] Eras
Chil. 11, cent, v) : ErAdag., 573, mus : Similes habent labra lactu
e 574, cp. 151, 163. cas : ErAdag., 386, b.
31. herbam porrigam] cp. Epp.
6, 33, n.
To Judocus v. Beyssel 303
BuslMS, 71 (5 r) <Mechlin, March 31-April 6, i5c>4>
16. To Judocus von BEYSSEL, of AIX

a This letter, addressed to 'Iodoco Beysellio Patritio Aquisgraneh.',
serves as dedicatory epistle to a poem describing the sufferings of
Christ on the Cross, Carm. hi. Busleyden mentions that he wrote that
Carmen during the sanctissimcs ferics, no doubt Holy Week of 1504,
March 31, Palm Sunday, to April 6, Saturday before Easter.
b Judocus von Beyssel, Beisselius, was born of a patrician family

of Aix about the middle of the fifteenth century ; he went to study at
Cologne, where he matriculated in the first months of 1471 : Keussen,
I, 330, 141 ; he soon removed to Louvain, where he started studying
jurisprudence, promoting licenciate in Civil Law in 1474, and in
Canon Law on December 12, 1476. No doubt he was a great admirer
of Robert van den Poel, a Lacu, professor of Canon Law, founder of
the College of the Jurists, at whose death, June 26, 1483, he composed
an epitaph : VAnd., 165 ; ULDoc., in, 102, sq. ; Polain, I, 636.
Although he did not enter orders, and even married afterwards, he
took a great interest in moral theology and its professor John de
Beetz, a Carmelite, who, after seven years' teaching died on July 17,
1476, leaving, amongst others, a work on the Decalogue : Mol., 504 ;
VAnd., 90-91 ; de Jongh, 79, 97-98 ; PF, I, 58 ; ULDoc., v, 351-55.
Beyssel edited that book under the title : Commentum super decern
Prcsceptis Decalogi, dedicating it to Arnold de Bost, of Vaernewyck,
Ghent Carmelite (BostE, 225-36), Erasmus' correspondent by 1497,
who died on April 4, 1499 : Allen, I, 53, pr. It was printed in Louvain
by Giles van der Heerstraeten, and issued on April 19, i486, in two
varieties : Polain, 1, 551-551* ; it contains a biography provided by
the Liber de Viris Illustribus of the Carmelite order, and the dedicatory
letter dated from Ghent, October [1485]. Cp. Trit., 347, 389.
c That letter styles Beyssel 'illustrissimi ducis Austrie consiliarius' :

indeed Archduke Maximilian had taken him into his service on account,
it seems, of his legal science, possibly also of his bent for literature
and art, which explains several of the connections he made at Court.
First among them is that which bound him to the faithful and erudite
secretary Antony Haneron, Provost of St. Donatian's, Bruges, whose
death on December 10, 1490, he memorized by four distichs : Polain,
I, 636; HisTriLov., chapt. 11; ULDoc., 111, 122, sq. He there also made
the acquaintance of the clever musician James Barbiriau, Barbiria
nus, and probably through him, of his friend the famous Rodolph Agri
cola who, in 1481, spent several months at Maximilian's Court on an
embassy : on November 1,1482, Agricola wrote to Barbiriau, praising
Beyssel as 'humanissimum & ornatissimum hominem, & ornamentum
Musarum, omnisque eruditionis' : AgricO, 11, 211 ; Trit., 359; and
he added to his translation of Plato's Axiochus, printed by John of
Paderborn in Louvain about 1483, some verses addressed to him :
Polain, 111, 3192. The high esteem which Beyssel seems to have
enjoyed, greatly impressed Jerome de Busleyden, who, probably
made his acquaintance during his stays at Court; he appears to have
taken him as his model, not only for his taste for literary letters
304 Epist. i6
and devotional poems, for music and art in general, but also for
his readiness to create connections with all erudites and artists.
I Beyssel soon settled at Aix, where he continued his studies and his
literary work. He had composed a metrical Rosarium de S. Anna,
which he had dedicated to John Trithemius, the Abbot of Spanheim,
by whom edited it was on July 21,1494, at Mayence (Peter of Friedberg),
along with his De Laudibus S. Anna : Polain, iv, 3813-14. About
that time B. published his Rosacea Christifera Maria Corona at Ant
werp (Gov. Back, w. d.) ; also a metrical composition which was dedic
ated to fratrem Dominicum Gelrensem, and followed by several other
devotional poems ; he also added his epitaphs on Robert de Lacu, on
Antony Haneron and on James Barbiriau, and those composed by
Hermolaus Barbaras on Rodolph Agricola, who had died at Heidel
berg on October 28, 1485 : Polain, 1, 636. On January 16, 1495, G. Back
printed at Antwerp his Tria Rosacea Coronamenta Anna, Maria,
Jesu, the two first with their dedicatory letters, the third, the Rosa
ceum Exuperantissimo Altaris Sacramento, inscribed to Peter Dorian -
dus, the Carthusian author : Polain, 1, 637 ; those Rosacea, which
were reprinted as late as 1618 and 1623, no doubt prompted Busleyden
to imitate them and to dedicate in his turn some of his composi
tions to the Patritius Aquensis. The latter further published M.
Tullii Ciceronis conversi Commentarius de Christiano Ambitu, id est, de
Petitione Ccelestis Eminentia, followed by an Epitome Stimuli Divini
Amoris.
Beyssel seems to have resided for some time at St. Omer in 1500
as results from a letter of his, copied in MS 1565 of the Bibliotheque
Mazarine without the name of the month in the date. In September
of that year Erasmus intended writing to him and to his host, the
Abbot of St. Bertin's, Antony de Berghes, probably to recommend
his former servant-boy, whom he sent to him through James Batt in
November : Allen, 1, 129, 48, 135, 33. Beyssel seems to have died soon
after Busleyden sent him his letter of March 23, 1505, accompanying
his Homily and his hymn on Easter Day : Epp. 22; Carm. xiv; Orat.,
A ; for on July 8, 1505, abbot Trithemius, in a letter dated from Co
logne, gathered praises about him by several famous men. - Beyssel
left in manuscript some epistles, poems and orations, -like Busleyden,
- as well as a treatise De Optimo Genere Musicorum Liber unus; also
an essay on (Flanders) history, de Seditione Gandensi, inscribed to
Carolus Viruli, regent of the Lily : with the rest of whose books and
papers, it was bequeathed to St. Martin's Priory, Louvain. Cp.
Trit., 394 ; SweABel., 490 ; BibBelg., 590 ; Paquot, vn, 349-52 I
eveBusl., 25.
QVUMdicia,
ijs rebus
sanctissimis ferijs, ipsi
eliminatis externis, munerum
mihi uacans,uacatione
ac in
mecum, ut aiunt, habitando, rei sacra; pijsque studijs totus
incumberem, meditanti mihi inter caetera multa recepta et
2 ac] over line 3 pijsque] -que added C
i. ijs sanctissimis ferijs] cp. 3. mecum... habitando] Er

Epp. 21, 1; ,-12, 22, 3. Adag., 255, d : Tecum habita.
To Dean Dervitte 305
5 sancta, altum illud ac ineff

manae quo ut nos sibi adser
Vnigenito non pepercit: quo
probris, contumelijs, plagis
morte exanclata, pro omnib
10 Cuius incomparabili erga n
potui non summe contristat
quem iustum dolorem nostru
tibi, ualde religioso uiro, du
BuslMS, 224-226 (A 3 v-A 4 v) <Mechlin, Spring of i504>

a This letter is entitled 'Johanni Deruilliano./Decano Arien,' ; it
dates most likely from the first months of Busleyden's settlement as
Mechlin councillor, since the memory of his brother is still very vivid ;
it is an evident sequel to Epp. 13, by means of a visit paid by one of
his friends to the Bishop of Arras, Nicolas Ruterius.
b Nicolas le Ruistre, Ruystre, de Rhutere, Ruter, Ruterius, was born
in Luxemburg about 1442 ; he entered the service at the Court of Bur
gundy as a boy, and grew up
to the dignity of Master of
Em Requests and of Councillor,
which he obtained under the
reign of Charles the Bold,
and kept under those of
Mary of Burgundy and Phil
ip the Fair. On December
26, 1487, he was appointed
IB as one of the three secretaries

of the Board of Finances
(Walther, 55, i93"95). and
W when, on March 14, 1497,
Philip the Fair changed the
-BishopWicclas
Bishop NicolasftUTER
HuTER
0*"-
j-j.Ohv
j-LOv -tkfc { i/y
ike. tnecLa-i
m.ecLa-4 four
fyJ",
J-de treasurers
clc C<vvAtU>.
&, "commis et
tresoriers ayans la charge et conduite desdites finances" (Wa
When, on January 22, 1504, Philip the Fair arranged the b
Masters of Requests in such a way that fourteen of them we
follow any longer the movements of the Court, but were 'ar
Mechlin to see to the execution of jurisdictionthe Great C
he kept four Masters of Requests to remain at Court with th
to form the Privy Council with the Chancellor Thomas de
three elder and very experienced councillors, namely N
Ruter, the Provost of Utrecht Philibert le Naturel, and Ge
5 ac] added in rmg 13 con-] over line
3o6 Epist. 17
Plaine, Lord of la Roch

c Meanwhile Nicolas had entered holy Orders and had secured
several preferments : he thus obtained in 1484 the tenth canonry in
St. Donatian's, Bruges : BrugSDon., 137 ; on December 4, 1484, the
archdeaconship of Brabant; in 1485, the perpetual commendatary
provostry of St. Bavo's, Haarlem ; a canonry in St. Gudula's, Brussels ;
the tenth canonry of St. Gummarus', Lierre, and a canonry at Our
Lady's, Termonde ; he also secured a prebend at Courtrai, a chaplaincy
at Flobeck and the 'personatus' of Brecht. On June 10 , 1487, van
quishing the opposition of a competitor, George de Wolcesceyn (FUL,
2239), he was appointed Provost of St. Peter's, Louvain, and thus
became Chancellor of the University, of which two dignities Francis
de Busleyden, provost of Liege, took possession on his behalf. In
1501 he was nominated (45th) Bishop of Arras, and consecrated on
August 7, 1502 in his Church of St. Peter's, Louvain : Glay, I, 217
19 ; Mol., 130 ; BelgChron., 376 ; GallChrist., hi, 346; MemAss., 226-28.
d The trust of his Prince in him became greater as years advanced :
he was one of the envoys who made, with Louis XII, the treaty of
Lyons of August 10, 1501, and drew up at Blois, on December 12,
1501, the act of interpretation of the treaty of Trente : Henne, , 30,
38. Before Philip the Fair left for Spain, in the beginning of 1506, he
entrusted, on December 26, 1505, the management of our provinces
to six men, of whom the Bishop of Arras was one : Henne, 1, 82-83.
Ruterius made a most judicious use of his wealth and his power ;
he was Erasmus' staunch protector, and it was to him that the great
scholar owed his chance of becoming a favourite at the Court of Philip
the Fair and of his son, by entrusting to him the honour or welcoming
his Prince on his return from Spain by the Pancsgyricus of January 6,
1504 : Allen, I, 177, 179 ; to him were dedicated on November 17,
1503, (Libanii) Aliquot Declamatiunculce (Louvain, July 1519).
e Ruterius founded a cell in the Louvain Charterhouse, and in his
admiration for the order, he wished to start a new convent, when his
confidential friend John Robbyns, the dean of St. Rombaut's, Mechlin,
advised him to create rather a new college for students in Louvain :
Mol., 297 ; SweMon., 239-40. He followed that counsel most generously:
he obtained the necessary grants from the Emperor Maximilian and
from the legate Bernardino Cardinal de Carvajal (Epp. 54, m), and
founded the College of Arras on September 15, 1508, in the mansion
he had bought from the van Ranshem family, in Provost Street, with
its large garden, celebrated by Barlandus in his De Laudibus Louanii
(SweMon., 201 ; Daxhelet, 220). It was destined for sixteen bursars,
and was endowed with the revenue of the Haarlem provostry and
the personatus of Brecht, besides rents and several rich farms. The
new College, which was to have a chapel with a bell-tower, was
constructed at once : the contract for masonry and carpentry was
made on Nov. 8,1508, and the community actually started on Sept. 27,
1509 (FUL, 2243, 2333) under the supervision of Ruterius' intimate
friends and the executors of his will, John Robbyns and Adrian of
Utrecht : it soon became one of the most prosperous institutes of
the University. Ruter only saw the beginning of his foundation : he
died at Mechlin on November 15, 1509 ; he was buried in St. Peter's
choir, Louvain. Cp. Guicc., 292; Mol., 641 ; BatavMart., 172 ; Vern.,
To Dean Derville 307
41, 216; VAnd., 301, 398; FUL, 2237-2245; SweMow., 204,240; Con
Pri., i, 256 ; ULDoc., I, 390-91, ill, 155, sq. ; Caullet, 49 ; Henne, IV,
285 ; Allen, -1, 177. Ruterius was Jerome de Busleyden's mentor
and affectionate friend : he gave him the lofty example of turning to
the general welfare the wealth supplied by offices and prebends :
cp. Anal., xvi, 258, 278.
INSIGNIS cantor
Atrebatensi sacrae
Praesule Morinensis
et hospitio hodieaedis a sacerrimo
et conuiuio illo
acceptus,
mihi de ualetudine tuorumque studiorum et rerum conditione
roganti respondit: te serio semper triumphantem recte qui
5 dem ualere, at que in literario otio nunquam minus otiosum
(quam quum maxime otiosus sis) esse. Quo quidem nuntio
ubi mirifice oblectatum et me recreatum agnosceret, obiter
addidit ijs proximis diebus inter caetera non tam luculenter
quam erudite abs te edita, etiam ex literaria ilia tua offi
10 cina opibus inprimis eloquentiae referta, emanasse episto
lium aliquod jn quo demortui iam (proh dolor) fratris, Bison
tini Archipraesulis merentissimi, bene actam uitam, praeclara
gesta, suaque in Rempublicam merita tuis celebrando monu
mentis, illius auxisti gloriam, nomenque suum nullo unquam
15 aeuo periturum, ab omni iniuria temporum perpetuo uindi
casti : pro qua pietate, tuaque incomparabili in desyderatum
fratrem gratitudine, quam obnoxium me tibi et deuinctum
reddideris, f acilius est me cogitare quam posse dicere; quando
quidem qui satis superque sciam hinc tibi quantum debeam
20 ac quanta me deberi uelim ; verum aut quomodo, aut quando
ea persoluam, nihil est quod magis nesciam.
Confundor equidem et obruor pondere tam inmensi bene
ficij, vtpote quo praeclara desyderati fratris fama apud nepo
tes et posteros aeternum uiuet, simulque inmortalitate (qua
25 excellentius aut gloriosum magis dari potest nihil), tandem
procul dubio donabitur : quae inmortalitas, quum ea una et
sola sit, in qua non tam uirtus ipsa quam quaecunque egregia
12 praeclara &C.] on p. 225
1.Morinensis aedis] Therouanne. thanks for it by Epp. 18 ; most

2. Atrebatensi praesule] Nicolas probably that document is lost.
Ruter : cp. pr. 26. inmortalitas dtc.] immortal
5. literario otio &c."\ cp. Epp. fame is also represented as t
127-128 aim and reward of erudites in
10. epistolium] it was communi- Carm. xxi, i, 28.
cated, and Busleyden returned
3o8 Epist. 18
clarissimorum uiro
mia metiantur: eff
30 rum rerum aliqu
ut aiunt, Campos c
ad superos euocat
auctoritate graui
quentiae, uelles, sc
35 aedax tempus co
Alexandri imagin
riae aeternitate tu
syncaero et uero t
aut tumultuarias,
40 beatitudinis uo
et gloriati et rec
Luceio, Moecenas
facinorum idoneis
BuslMS, 227-228 (A 5 r, v) <Mechlin, Spring of i504>

This letter, entitled 'Eidem...', namely 'Iohanni Deruilliano', to
whom the preceding is addressed, serves as an expression of thanks
for the document referred to in Epp. 17, which had been despatched
soon after that missive reached Aire.
HAUD facile
simum dictunostrum
moerorem est quam abundeet solatus
humanissima cordata fueris iustis
epistola ad me tua, vtpote qua non tarn eleganter quam pie
desyderati fratris nostri immortales laudes immortalibus
5 scriptorum tuorum monumentis posteritati commendasti.
Quo fit, cui uestrum propterea magis gratulari uelim, non
28 et finem &c.) on p. 226 29 (non... modo] MS non... (modo
35. Lysippum, Apellemque] Cicero : who wrote a history of

Pliny, Nat. Hist., vii, 125 : contemporary Rome,commencing
[Alexander] edixit ne quis ipsum with the Social or Marsic war ;
alius quam Apelles pingeret, he was requested by the great
quam Pyrgoteles scalperet, quam orator to write his life, and, if
Lysippus ex aere duceret ; cp. necessary, to embellish it. He was
Erasmus, Similia : EOO, 1, an unsuccessful candidate for the
597. consulate along with Julius Caesar
41-42. L. Luceio] L. Lucceius, in 60 b.c.
the old friend and neighbour of
To Chancellor v. Enschringen 309
dum apud me certum sit, demortuone fratri

ipsi; fratri, scilicet, cui obtinere contigit te
laudatissimum laudatorem, rerumque illustrium tarn il
10 lustrem illustratorem ; tibi uero, qui honestam inde occa
sionem una cum locupletissimo argumento assumpseris, quo
maxime ueluti in latissimo et amplissimo campo consumma
tissima tua eloquentia omnifarias spargeret amoenitates, to
tasque suas effunderet gratias, veneres, delitias.
15 Quse quidem omnia quum in ea epistola tam affatim ac
pleno (ut aiunt) cornu effuderis, restat teipsum, quern prius
duntaxat admirabar, nunc plane suspiciam : tale (nescio)
quid de te obiter concipiendo, ad cuius explicationem nulla
quantumcunque prodiga epistola aut iustum uolumen par
20 esse aliquando posset. Quo etiam efficitur, qui ita mortalium
immortalitati studes, immortalis denique ex mortali tu quoque
fias : scilicet, cum foenore compensaturus cumulatissime, id
quod non parca (ut dicunt) manu abs te impensum est illis ;
jllis, inquam, quorum nomen, gloria et fama tuo nusquam
25 obliterando beneficio perpetuata, te pariter cum ijs seternum
uicturum, in eorum te albo tandem constituent, quos (ut
Poeta asserit)
aequus amauit
Juppiter, ardensque euexit ad sydera Virtus.
30 Vale.
BuslMS, 228-229 (A 5 v-A 6 r) <Mechlin, before May 1504)
19. To Ludolf von ENSCHRINGEN

Chancellor of the Archbishop of TREVES
a This letter, addressed to 'Cancellario Archiepi Treuiren', accom
panied a book which Busleyden lent to, or, more probably even,
15 Quse quidem &c.] on p. 228
9. laudatissimum laudatorem] 16. pleno... cornu] cp. Epp. 5,23.

an allusion to a passage in Loren- 23. non parca... manu] Tibul
zo Valla's letter to John Tortel- lus, Eleg. v, 68 : plena... manu,
lius dedicatory to the De Lingua 27. Poeta] Virgil, JEneis, vi,
Latinee Elegantia (Lyons, 1538 : 129-130 : the second line is gener
a v) : opimum premium... lau- ally worded : Jupiter, aut ar
dari a laudato uiro ; cp. before, dens evexit ad Ecthera virtus...
147 ; also Epp. 50, sg, 78, 15, &c.
3io Epist. 19
had purchased for,

leaves no room for
as a present. The p
(between Epp. 18 an
to that of Epp. 20, w
22, 1504 ; it was dis
b The tone of this m

subject, authoris
terum elegantiam,
the nicest ears as th
Treves Chancellor was as great a book lover as Busleyden. That
dignitary was, no doubt, Ludolf von Enschringen, a great protector
of learning, and pro-chancellor of Treves University. He was a native
of Bitburg, whereas his parents were originary from the Luxemburg
place that gave him his name. He was appointed Chancellor of the
Archbishop in 1482, and remained in function at least until 1501.
He seems to have resigned by 1503, when the Treves see was occupied
by James II of Baden, who ruled the diocese from February 27, 1503,
to his death, April 27, 1511 : cp. Gams. Still he apparently kept his
title until his decease, in May 1504. The date of appointment of his
successor, Heymannus Frank, Dr. Decret., late dean of St. Simon's,
Treves (1474-1494), does not seem to be known ; by 1505 he was al
ready replaced by a Dr. Dangen, who is mentioned as late as 1515 :
Hontheim, 11,332, a, 521,554. Yet it is as good as certain that Enschrin
gen was the recipient of this letter : from 1490 he was Provost of
St. Simon's, where Francis de Busleyden possessed a prebend, which,
at his death, was transferred to Jerome in 1502 : it may well have been
in gratitude for that preferment that he lent or procured the accom
panying book to his protector : cp. 5, 30, and Epp. 14, c.
EN tandem tuuscharacterum
tatem, tum ad te it libellus, quumnon
elegantiam ob authoris digni
tam oculos
allecturus, tuas quam aures oblectaturus delicatissimas : qui
si paulo serius ac expectaueris, inter ueniendum commorans
5 testudineo (ut aiunt) gressu fuerit usus, nihil sit quod pro
pterea ilium asperneris, maxime quum eundem praestet ha
bere aliquando quam nunquam, et pkerunque ea sese iucun
dius offerant, et longe cariora obueniant, nostraque diutius
morantur uota, suspensaque trahant desyderia. Quare uelim
to eum trepide ad te uenientem et morae pcenitentem suae,
haud aegre excipias, caeterum uenienti occurrens applaudas :
ilium tuis nedum in delicijs, sed et maximis habiturus orna
mentis. Vale.
1 En tandem &c.] on p. 229
To Peter l'Apostole 311
BuslMS, 234-235 (A 8 v-A 9 r) (Mechlin, Spring of i504>
20. To Peter l'APOSTOLE, Mechlin Councillor
a This letter, addressed 'Petro Apostol, I. V. Doct. / Colleges ornatiss.',

sounds in part as an echo to Epp. 19, as which it has a similar opening
sentence : it probably belongs to the same time. Its tone proves that
Busleyden had become a most familiar friend of the colleague who,
probably, had been his professor of Law in Louvain.
b Peter I'Apostole, Apostolius, of Tournai, studied in Louvain where

he matriculated as minorennis and inmate of the Lily, with his brother
Antonius, on February 26, 1479 : Liblntll, 140 r, and promoted
Doctor Utriusque Juris on October 15, 1492 (Liblntlll, 35, r, 80, ;
VAnd., 176). He was appointed professor of the Institutes in September
1492, and Primary professor of Canon Law in 1496 ; he was elected
Rector in February 1496 and 1501. During his second rectorate he
married Mary de la Garde, daughter of Lopez, the Portuguese physician
of Maximilan of Austria, and of Margaret Breydel (Brug&Fr., 111, 19).
He eventually was made Master of Requests and juridical councillor,
although he still continued lecturing in Louvain, where, from July 18
to November 5, 1502, he delivered the primary lesson of civil law.
When on January 22, 1504, the Mechlin Great Council was organized,
he was appointed to the fifth lay place, and, being an eminent scholar,
he was as able as councillor as he had been brilliant as professor.
c He was not only intimately acquainted with Busleyden, but also

with Vives, who was his guest whenever he staid in Mechlin, even
after his alter ego, Cranevelt, had settled there. Vives refers to his
twin sons, John and Peter, whom not even their mother could distin
guish from one another (De Civitate Dei : Paris, 1636 : 1602). He had,
besides, a daughter Mary, and two other sons, who went to study in
Louvain : Jerome matriculated on Aug. 3, 1517 and Maximilian was
inscribed as minorennis on Febr. 6, 1532 (Liblntlll, 234 r, 261 v,
LiblntIV, 41 v). He often was invited by the University to attend
solemn promotions in the Faculties of Law : VAnd., 176, 184-85. He
resigned his office in the'Council on February 3, 1528 in favour of his
son Jerome ; but as he died in the following year, the father was re
appointed by imperial decree of November 10, 1529. Having once more
resigned on account of his age in 1531, he died at Mechlin on April 20,
1532, and was buried there in St. Catherine's : MalConF, 34, 73;
MalConM, 46, 84, 86 ; MalConR, 12-19 ; MalConC, 65, MalConA, 23,
58 ; MalConB, 10 ; Mallnscr., 493 ; Cran., 30, a, 261, 45. Cp. 88.
EN nudus, horridulus,
obductus, tuus ad te squalidus, multo
redit libellus situinquam,
; redit, et longa
mancarie
cus totus at que mutilatus, miseram hanc suam non tam aegre
ferens sortem, quam grauiter ob id tuam destestans impieta
5 tem, quippe qui a candidatis olim et excellenti doctrina uiris
summo honor e r euer enter semper habitus, ab ijsque passim
312 Epist. 21
in maximis deliti
sc.elus) turpiter d
tenebris occlusus
10 que rixam, tand
addictus. Qua una
tingere nihil ind
trari crudelius. Q
et abs te luendam
15 expungere possi
sua, authorisque
reuerenter excipias
amissum nitorem
nequaquam ita im
20 esse, sed potius
gisse veluti grati
tuo et uindice acerrimo. Vale.
BuslMS, 47-48 (d, r, vj <Mechlin, Dec. 28, 1504-first days of 1505)
21. To ADRIAN FLORENTII of UTRECHT
Preceptor of Prince Charles of Austria
a This letter was written on Innocents' day, or on one of the f

holidays, and served as dedicatory address of the poem on the C
of Bethleem slaughtered by Herodes : Carm. xn. Judging from
title of this letter it seems as if it had been written in the yea
to 1514, when Adrian Florisz was preceptor to Charles of Austr
Busleyden's poems apparently were mostly composed durin
stay in Italy or very soon after his return to our provinces,
those about his house or his furniture, which are very short, a
hardly have interfered with his official duty. The ideas enounc
(113, sq, 10, 17, sq, 19) and their very expression (11 lt 10,17,19 : cp
suggest timidity and lack of experience; they resemble those
two letters to Judocus von Beissel, Easter 1504 and 1505 : E
and 22, in so far that the three seem to have been written without
long intervals. This letter is the most circumstantial in the explaining
of the occasion in which Busleyden indulged in making verses, and of
the pious feeling that inspired them; consequently it appears more
recent than Epp. 16 ; he mentions the writing of poetry on holidays
as soleo : I 4, as an antiquum... institutum: I llt which proves that there
had been some holidays to create a 'custom'. Maybe he had filled some
office at Court before his appointment of councillor on January 22,
1504, which helped towards the 'custom', although the word sounds
8 et ita <S-c.j on p. 235 13 patrari] t over line C 19 a] over line S
To Adrian of Utrecht 313
rather exaggerated, as he promoted only

rate by Yule tide 1505, he was in Italy (cp
have written much poetry after his retur
Adrian of Utrecht, nothing proves that
doubt Vegerius, copying it out by 1513, i
Busleyden, for certain, should have men
owned it when these lines were written. When, later on, the manu
script left the author's family (cp. before, 122, sq), the too gener
ous donor wrote in black ink in the right margin next to the title :
Hie postea fuit Papa / Hadrianus. vj. Over the word Principis was
added 'Caroli.' A later owner further illustrated that name by a note
over it : Hie Carolus Quintus. postea CcBsar Augustus', no doubt,
when the Great Campaigner was not any longer amongst the living.
b Adrian Florisz, Florentii, of Utrecht, was born in that town on
March 1, 1459 ; his father was Floris Boeyens, a shipwright ; his
mother Gertrude, who was already a widow in 1469 (AdriBurm.,
2-4), sent him, after his training at Zwolle by the Brethren of the
Common Life, to Louvain, where he matriculated on June 1, 1576 :
Liblntll, 120 ; AdriPeus., ix. He was a student of the Pore, and was
so proficient that he was the first of the promotion of 1478 : VAnd.,
244 ; ULPromRs., 59. He then started the study of theology, which
did not prevent him from getting acquainted with jurisprudence,
especially with canon law ; it helped him in many questions sub
mitted to him, so that he soon became known as one of the cleverest
and most erudite divines. He moreover taught philosophy in his
pedagogy ; it gave him the name of 'Meester Adriane int Verken',
which he kept long after he had left that institute. On October 1,
1488, he entered the Academic Senate as a member of the Faculty of
Arts, and by that time he seems to have resided in the College of the
Holy Ghost, where seven students in Divinity lived and boarded,
thanks to the generosity of Louis de Rycke and of his wife Judoca
van den Putte, who had offered their house and fortune to the Faculty
of Theology (FUL, 1465-76 ; ULDoc., in, 9, sq); their foundation had
started at the death of the widow de Rycke on July 6, 1478, and one
of the seven inmates was entrusted with the presidency, although the
title was only used from 1513 at the bequeathing of a house for the
president by Catherine Pynnock, widow of Libert of Meldert: MonHL,
152.
c Adrian was entrusted with that charge, which did not prevent him
from delivering his lectures of philosophy in the Pore x), and also in
the Falcon 2), in those years when, on account of epidemics or politi
cal trouble, the total number of students who promoted for the four
pedagogies varied between 25 and 60 (ULPromRs., 60-64). About
1490 the town authorities appointed him as Anselmus Woelmont's
successor, to the chief lecture of theology connected with the canonry
') ActArtV, 10 , Adrian was then Bachelor in Divinity, 12,

27 r, 33 r, 55 r, 71 r, 79 v, 85 r.
2) That is attested by Gerard Morinck (Adr iBurm., 9) who drew his
information from personal knowledge, or from Thierry Hezius, who
was an old student of the Falcon and Adrian's friend and secretary :
MonHL, 515 ; Cran., 228, a-e ; VAnd., 266 ; FUL, 1377.
21
314 Epist. 2i
of St. Andrew's,
pointment the Ch
to him the capellan
As he was fulfillin
person for the ye
and the right to th
him, on June 30,
the agreement of
Chapter, so that h
Chapter. The 'begu
Court, naturally a
servant : she died
d No doubt Adrian
was over, and he r
where he continue
as one of the foremost of the scholars of Louvain. When Hermolaus
Barbaras, on a mission for Venice to Maximilian, who was then in
our provinces, visited Louvain, and requested to be introduced to
one with whom he might talk about his own special subject, philosophy,
he made the acquaintance of Adrian. The impression produced was so
excellent that the Italian scholar frequently returned to Louvain to
have a talk with the young divine, and wanted to know all about his
family, so that he wrote when finally leaving : 'Nativitatem tuam,
quam pollicitus es, prestolatur Hermolaus' (AdriHurm., io-n). That
thorough insight, which Adrian showed for philosophy, and which
made it quite natural that he was wanted as lecturer by more than
one pedagogy, also characterized him for theology : Mol., 583, 588 ;
VAnd., 347, 351, 356. Yet his natural reserve, duly attested by Hermo
laus Barbarus, might have prevented him from gaining a public
testimony, if Charles the Bold's widow, Margaret of York, who
took as great an interest in the welfare of her adopted country as in
that of her family, had not paid the expenses of the solemn doctorate
of divinity for the brilliant student. He promoted on June 21, 1491
(VAnd., 95-96) and started the way to greatness : in 1497, at the
resigning of John van der Heyden, a Thy mo, he was elected Dean of
St. Peter's Chapter by his colleagues, thus becoming the Vice-Chan
cellor of the University, which, in the regular absence of the Provost,
was the highest office after that of the Rector, than which it was even
more permanent : Mol., 136, 482, sq, 486-92 ; ULDoc., 1, 413 ; VAnd.,
56-57. He was elected Rector for the Faculty of divinity on February
28, 1493, and again on August 31,1500 : Mol., 881; ULDoc., 1, 260-61.
e His fame grew as years went on, both for his professoral teaching
and for his wise advice. He continued his frugal and simple life,
although affluence had started, and prebends and preferments fell to
his lot. He bought a site, and built a large house in Old Mint Street,
opposite the school of the Pore, which excited the admiration of the
Papal Legate Bernardino de Carvajal, Cardinal of the Holy Cross (cp.
Epp. 54, b-i), not only for the stately building, but especially for its
purpose, the creation of a College for students of theology, who were
to remedy by their science the moral ailments of Church and Society :
FUL, 2188,2478-80, 3333 ; Mol., 625. So great was the influence of the
Dean of Louvain that when a preceptor was wanted for the young
Archduke Charles, Maximilian of Austri

chose him : he left his familiar work to enter the Court, where he
taught Latin and arts, religion and wisdom to the Prince, whom
William of Chievres trained in strategy and military exercise. He per
formed his duty with so much zeal and wisdom that between him and
his pupil there sprung up a deep affection, which lasted throughout
life. The Emperor, who was not a scholar, gratefully attributed in after
times to his master whatever he knew, and on many occasions he
showed the moral influence received in his youth, which seemed to
strengthen as years went forward : cp. Moeller, 40, 86-88 ; AdriBurm.,
29-31 ; HdnPas., 21 ; AdriLe-p., 40 ; Henne, 11, 100 ; MonHL, 119-120 ;
AdriTteus., xv ; Adri Bau., 16-19 ; . Gossart, Notes pour... le Regne de
Charles V : BelgAcM., lv (1898), 10, sq ; MargvOK, 204-5 (Margaret
made herself a church ornament for Adrian).
It is difficult to state exactly when Adrian's preceptorate began.

It certainly did not start in 1507, when the young Prince was entrusted
for his instruction to Louis de Vacca, a Spaniard, who succeeded in
the short-lived office of John d'Anchiata, and was paid 12 solidi every
day : Moeller, 43, 53, 87. It is moreover sure that in August 1508,
he was not appointed yet, as otherwise he would have been commis
sioned to welcome the Papal Legate Cardinal de Carvajal on his arrival
at Mechlin in the first days of that month, in the name of the Prince,
which welcome was entrusted to Jerome de Busleyden : Oral. D, a,
6. It results from the references copied from the fifth volume of the
Acta Universitatis 1495-1522, destroyed with Louvain Library in
August 1914 (FUL, 54), that, both in the months of August and of
November 1508, Adrian was assigned by the Faculty of Theology to
represent them at the following rectorial election; on December 22,
1508 he was chosen as University Receiver, which office lasted one
year; and for August 1509, the Acta incidentally call him (semestrial)
Decanus pro tempore Facultatis Theologicez : AdriReus., xiv ; de Jongh,
39*, sq. These three functions, deputy for the rectorial election, re
ceiver, and Faculty dean, especially the two latter cannot be con
ceived without a constant and regular presence in Louvain, which
makes a preceptorate in Mechlin Keysershof absolutely impossible.
A fourth reference, on the contrary, only implies a short visit to
Louvain : at the University meeting of November 8, 1511 the Rector
Peter Zelle, or Winckel, of Herenthals, related that on the
Thursday before, viz., November 6, Adrian, Dean of St. Peter's and
Chancellor of the University, had handed to him at a function in the
School of Theology, the credentials as Inquisitor for himself and for
'Mgr. Francis van der Hlst', which had been read out there and then
after the function, in presence of many doctors of Divinity, of Laws,
and of Medecine, and many Masters of Art (AdriReus., xv). That
function, actus, was, no doubt, a promotion to licenciate, to which
Adrian had been invited, or which just happened when he was in Lou
vain, possibly to impart to the Rector and to the Academic Senate
the news of his and van der Hulst's appointment, which concerned the
University. The presence in Louvain for one day is quite consistent
with the task of preceptor in Mechlin ; even the way in which mention
is made of that presence, suggests that it is an exception, and that
Adrian was regularly absent. His wages at Court are only indicated
3i6 Epist. 2i
as far as is known
him : Moeller, 87
preceptorate in th
contrary the fact
Maximilian of Hom
James de Vocht, an
with the town auth
shows that he was at the time in the service of the Court.
Two documents of Margaret of Austria's correspondence show

that the Dean of Lou vain was tutoring her nephew long before 1512.
One is a request dated September 29, 1511, by which Adrian asks the
Archiduchess to remind King Ferdinand of Aragon of the promise he
made to grant him the first vacancy in his country that would be in
his gift : Bergh, 1, 341-42. As Margaret had obtained that promise, it
seems that nothing could create in the Spanish King an interest in
a Louvain professor, distinguished and well intentioned though he
may have been, except services rendered to his grandson ; nor does
there appear to be any other consideration that might have prompted
Margaret to further that request, and to propose even a clergyman
of the Netherlands to a rich benefice beyond the Pyrenees. It thus
looks as if, in September 1511, Adrian had already a long stretch of
preceptorate behind him. That is also implied by the second docu
ment, a letter of Margaret to Cardinal de Carjaval. During his stay
for some months in this country as Legate, from August 1508 (cp.
Epp. 54, c), the latter had had frequent occasions to meet Adrian of
Utrecht; he had been in his new house, and he had even praised so
much his sagacity and erudition in his reports that Julius II had
invited him to Rome, which invitation would have been accepted if
the preceptorate had not prevented any stay abroad : AdriBuim.,
24-25. On Carvajal's recommendation the Pope had granted the
'accessus' to the provostry of St. Saviour's, Utrecht, to Adrian ; but
since that accessus was in danger to be foiled, the Archduchess applied
to Carvajal to see that the favour granted by the Pope to 'pedagogo
carissimi nepotis nostri Hispaniarum principis et Austriae archiducis',
on her nephew's and on her own entreaties, should not be forestalled,
but rather revalidated and caused to 'ossibus hominis herere' :
Bergh, 1, 226-27. That letter which reached its aim, - for Adria
succeeded William of Montfoort as provost at his death, May 26,1
LibNomI, 86 r; Hoynck, hi, i, 198-99, 200-205, ' has at its end
figures 'cx', which, judging by other letters in the same collectio
which many abbreviations occur, were originally written, or at
meant, for 'xv c x', 1510. That year is consistent with all facts,
especially with the complete absence of all references to a lengt
stay in Louvain of so important a man, namely, the chief profe
of the first Faculty who, besides, was Vice-Chancellor, the virtual
head of the University, and, moreover, the organiser and practical
manager of four important colleges founded about that time : that
of John Standonck, in 1499, that of Arnold Trot, in 1500, that of
Nicolas Ruterius, in 1508, and that of Houterle, in 1510 : Mol., 637,
638 ; FUL, 1003, 2026, 2173, 2244, 2446 ; Vern., 132-3 ; VAnd., 256,
269, 301, 329. All thaf combines to make it most probable that if
Adrian had executed those functions in proper person, there must
have been several references to him : their

that he had entered on his duties as the Pri
as 1510, if not already in the last months o
That preceptorate took an end when, on

was emancipated ; he appointed his master as
on January 17, 1515 (Henne, 11, 69, sq, 89),
as envoy (Hoynck, 1, i, 61). It was to his sag
help when the startling news reached him th
Ferdinand, had made a will in July 1515, by
to Queen Jane, but nominated Prince Ferdin
head of the three powerful military Spanis
prevent that his brother thus should be invested with what was his
own due, Charles sent his trusty Adrian, under pretence of consulting
his grandfather about a marriage with a French princess. With
prudence and caution, and with Ximenes' assistance, the astute Fer
dinand was gradually brought to concern himself in Charles, and to
understand his interests and circumstances, in so far that he accepted
the scheme of a mutual arrangement for a reconciliation, in which the
pro-French policy of the Lord of Chievres was sacrificed, and Mar
garet's influence was prescribed. In December 1515, Adrian advised
his young master of the Convention he had thus prepared, which
secured real advantages at the price of some illusory concessions,
since they were only to have effect until the King's death, which was
visibly nearing. When the conditions were known in this country,
Chievres and his partisans gave vent to their animosity, which the
straightforward Adrian tried to mitigate, offering to come and ex
plain at once. He had, however, been ordered, to take possession of
the power if the King should die, which happened on January 23,
1316. Although the Convention projected had no binding obligation
since it had not been accepted, yet so great had been Adrian's in
fluence on the Old Monarch, that he had made another will, in which
he nominated Jane and Charles his heirs. Thus the old preceptor
had saved the rights of his pupil, as afterwards he even saved for him
his Spanish realm : AdriLep., 45-46 ; Ximenes, 436-40 ; &c. Adrian's
further life is described in XrfnBurm. ; AdriReu ; Adri Hf, Adri
Pas. ; Pastor, iv, ii, 1-157 ; Albergato, 8-34 ; VAnd., 95-7, 380, 402-3,
Mol., 249, 509, 872 ; BibBelg., 19-21 ; Vern., 269-70, 289 ; AdriE, pr ;
Bergh, 11, 92, 136-37 ; Allen, 1, 171, 12 ; Brom, 1 & 11 passim; FUL,
2471-73, 2731, 2737 ; Cran., 25, 28, 73, pr, &c. ; MonHL, 112-120,
484-86, &c. ; UI.Doc., in, 197, sq ; AntvEpisc., 105-7 > Young, 1, 12,
sq, 515
D. Hadriano Florentio Moderatori Principis

INSTRUCTISS. BUSLIDIUS GAUDERE BN AGERE
QVOTIES a publicis muneribus

sim uendicantibus) uacare contingit,(me sibi
festis quantuluscunque
scilicet cele
brioribus, Deo inprimis et religioni sacratis intercedentibus,
i. Quoties <S-c.] cp. further II 1. quantuluscunque sim] cp.

7-12, and Epp. 16, v 22, 3. I 22, and Epp. 8, 123, &c.
3l8 Epist. 22
soleo tunc, csete

5 diuinas animum
uel stilum adplica
maxime ad piet
instituto meo u
legendo, turn lec
10 tarn mentem
iuxta antiquum n
tum actis ijs testi
multa litteris pr
tionem qua prof
15 candidatorum i
suo sollicitus natu
cessorem futuru
tis impietatis pr
crabili saeuitia ind
20 de stili elegan
(quem ars aut n
quem qualiscunqu
sule. Vale.
BuslMS, 52-54 (/ v-g v) -(Mechlin, March 23 1505])
22. To Judocus von BEYSSEL, of AIX

This letter addressed 'Iodoco Beysellio, Patritio Aquisgranen.',
dedicating to him a Homilia in Die Resurrectionis and a Votiva Gra
tulatio : Carm. xiv, Oral. A, belongs to B.'s earlier years as Beyssel died
about June 1505 ; its beginning (I 3) also recalls the wording of
that addressed to Adrian of Utrecht during the Yule tide of 1504
and of the first letter to Beyssel of Holy Week 1504 (Epp. 16, 21)
about the use he made of the vacation from his work at Court; its
end also resembles thac of the letter to Adrian (1133-38) ; it uses expres
sions found in all the epistles of the first years (l 21, also Or at. A, 28, 54),
and it mentions its author as uix ultra primas literas progressus (I 26).
It follows that this letter with the Homily and the poem were written
for Easter Sunday, March 23, 1505, as in 1504 Busleyden had already
9 reflciant] possibly -ciat 15 vt inter &c.] on p. 48 21 indignatio] corr. S
4. soleo] this verb, confirmed tween Busleyden's appointment

by : iuxta antiquum nostrum... on January 22 and the Yule tide
institutum on I u, applies, rather of that same year 1504.
hyperbolically, to the five or six 19-21. haud... uersum] cp. Epp.
feastdays which had come be- 22, 33-38.
To Judocus v. Beyssel 319
written another letter and poem to Bey

sides, in 150, he was returning from his
38.
Salue Uir Ornatissime
VT pensum
tandemsuauissimi
tibi, quumotijdoctissimo, tum
mei, simul et pientissim
rationem aliqu
studiorum (quae actis proximis ferijs munerum uacatio
dicia excoluimus) ederem, mitto ad te Homiliam, atqu
5 quale carmen nostrum, quod tunc de ineffabili myster
tentis ac triumphalis Dominicse Resurrectionis obiter
coepi. Quod tarnen si forte (ut uereor) tanto mysterio
rendo longe impar sit et inferius quam illius aut altitud
maiestas postulat, nihil sit quod propterea uel labores
10 mireris, quand'o in eo commemorando iampridem tot
datorum eloquentissimorum uirorum studuit pietas, l
rauit facundia, desudarint ingenia : quibus tarnen nusq
sunt adsequuta quod inprimis tanti (idque incompar
mysterij) dignitatem, excellentiam, altitudinem prorsu
15 attingeret aut aequaret : caeterum contra multum in
illius magnitudinem, profunditatem, sublimitatem sub
tia, sat ostenderunt quam longissimo interuallo ilia fue
subsequuta. Neque mirum. Quae enim ratio inferiorem
coelestia ? Quaeue comparatio naturalium ad supernatur
20 Quid noctuae obtutus ad radiantissimum iubar fulgent
solis ? Sane nihil. Quod quum ita sit, quis tarn temerariu
qui diuina, inaccessa, inscrutabilia Dei sensa, consilia, iu
opera tandem tentet humano captu, ingenio, ore perseq
Quod quum adhuc uel omnibus ita negatum, uel quam
25 simis fuerit concessum, nunquid ego', futilis homuntio (h
adhuc repens, veruecum in patria, crassoque sub aere n
4 excoluimus)] MS) , 9 nihil] ill over line S 14 aut] crossed of) C
15 aut] chd. into nedum C 15 multum &c. ] on p. 53
3. ierijs munerum uacatione 26. veruecum... natus] Busley

&c.] cp .Epp. 16, ! (ijs sanctissimis den no doubt alludes to his native
ferijs munerum uacatione in- country, the hilly South-West
dicta), 21, j, sq. part of Luxemburg where flocks
6. Dominicse Resurrectionis] of sheep were reared ; and quotes
in 1505 Easter Sunday fell on a line of Juvenal's Satura X, 50 :
March 23. vervecum in patria crassoque sub
21. Quod quum ita sit] cp. be- aere nasci <monstrat summos
fore 139. posse viros...>.
320 Epist. 23
uix ultra primas

remota, recondit
Quando id alioqui
30 gigantum more
inmensas undas
Quare in hoc proba
superque fuit aes
degustamentum t
35 post tot candid
lubens impertij
modo illud aliorum
solum adpositum
BuslMS, 240-242 ( p-B 2 v) <Mechlin, end of 1505)
23. To Adrian HERBOUTS

Antwerp Pensionary
a This letter, inscribed 'Hadriano Herberio, / Pensionario Aniuerp.',
refers to the appointment which happened in 1505, probably to
wards the end of that year, a few days after a visit paid to Bus
leyden, who, no doubt, had recommended his old friend for that no
mination.
b Adrian Herbouts, Herberius, as Busleyden calls him, or Herbert

sen (Genard, in Antwerpsch Archievenblad, vi, 395), had promoted
Doctor Vtriusque Iuris, probably at Orleans University where Jerome
de Busleyden knit up with him a hearty friendship. He served for
some time in a war (Epp. 52, 23), and, on his return to Antwerp, he
tutored young boys (Carm. xv, 15-16), which, however, did not provide
him the means to maintain his growing family : Carm. xv, 6-6, &c.
Evidently Busleyden took his friend's welfare to heart, and seconded
him in his efforts to secure the office of pensionary, or juridical coun
cillor, of Antwerp, which was granted to him at the same time as to
James de Vocht, Tutor, by 1.505 : he took the oath on February 8, 1506
and his colleague did two days later (BN, s.v. Tutor, James) : they
are mentioned together as Masters of the Guild of the Circumcision :
AntwHist., vii, 614. - Herbouts filled his post for 41 years ; he is
recorded in that character in several deeds : on April 22, 1514, he
attended as pensionary the erection of the Convent of Austin Friars
32 et pio &c.] on p. 54 38 saperet] corr. from sapieret S
30-31. tenui pugillo &c.] allu- 32-38. sat superque fuit...

sion to the legend of St. Au- saperet] cp. Epp. 21, 19-21.
gustine trying to comprehend the
mystery of Holy Trinity.
To Adrian Herbouts 321
(AntwHist., iv, 26 : Hermbouts), an

nessed in St. Gudula's, Brussels, the re
James Proost, accused of Lutheran
publicly before the papal legate Jero
cellor Jerome van der Noot, and the
Aernouts, or Arnouts, bishop of Ros
Hist., iv, 34; Corplnq., iv, 95 ; Berlier
in July 1532, Pierre Boisot proceede
Mendez in the name of the Brabant C
Portugal wrote a friendly letter to He
trouble which a sentence on the weal
Emperor's finances : Goris, 565. W
he is recorded on April 10, 1540 in t
Brussels Court against the authorit
fused the extradition of an Antwerp
1526 he was commissioned for the cen
ccli. Cp. AntwWet., 61, v, 88, v.
c These and other functions of his office, together with the care
bestowed on his family, did not prevent Herbouts from studying and
practising literature, as results from the poems which greatly pleased
Busleyden : Carm. xv ; he occasionally presented his friend the Coun
cillor with some object of art: Epp. 52. He died on January 10, 1546 ;
his wife Elizabeth Nilis had preceded him on August 9, 1533 : they
were laid to rest in St. Clara's, Antwerp, together with their daughter
Levina, wife of Nicolas van der Heyden, who died in childbed on
March 24, 1527 : SweMon., 181. The 'Hadrianus Hadriani' of Antwerp,
who matriculated in Louvain in July 1536 (LiblntIV, 86 v) may have
been his son. P. Genard, in his Notes Biographiques concernant Corn.
Dup. de Schepper, edits several letters from Herbouts to that great
statesman : pp. 602-618, sq.
Hadriane mi Suauissime, Salue
ACCESSIO dignitatis
cordi mihi fuit et tuae,
curae, quantum
certe hodiehie te tantum
nobis nuper attulit
uersante
gaudij : totum id scilicet (amore tui, qui mihi alter ego sis,
esque futurus semper) in me collatum existimans, quicquid
5 non tarn rei quam dignitatis tibi bene merentissimo contigerit.
Dij itaque bene uortant : atque feliciter auspicatae dignitati
tuae tarn fauentes praesentesque adsint : ilia tibi tum decori,
tumque tuae (cui te addixeris) Reipublicae usui cedat.
HADRIANE <S-C.J 0 p. 241
I. dignitatis] the function of bitioned and obtained, probably'

pensionary or juridical councillor with Busleyden's help,
of Antwerp which Herbouts am
*) AntvOieicx., , 349, 350, and Corplnq., iv, 89, erroneously call

Adrian Herbouts 'suflraganeus Cameracensis', mixing up the names.
322 Epist. 24
Quod ut tandem
10 genti prudenti
primis salutem res
quae tibi esse tam
in uotis ducas, ac
rentem, studio tu
15 prout facile ita
bitas tua simul e
sedulitate coniun
animi dotes quum
animo, jn suscept
20 mento honoris e
esse qualis coeper
BuslMS, 242-244 (B 2 v-B 3 v) <Mechlin, 1505-7)
24. To Philip de BEUCKELAER, Antwerp

This letter, entitled 'Philippo Bucklerio / Antuerpicn,', is an
acknowledgment for the present of some dried fish, pisciculi passuli,
- and confectionary opipare condita mellitissimaque bellaria,
and other small items for which the writer could hardly offer anything
in return. As no date could be derived from the contents, the place in
the collection, between a letter of 1505, to Adrian Herbouts (Epp. 23)
and another of the middle of 1507 to Henry Viruli {Epp. 30), may be
taken as a suggestion.
b Philip Buckelerius no doubt de Beuckelaer, most probably

was an Antwerp merchant, who may have been Busleyden's fellow
student in Louvain, and later on occasionally wanted to please his old
friend by some delicacy or some speciality in the trade. Reference
is made to his recent marriage in the letter to their common friend
Adrian Herbouts, Epp. 52, as well as to a small vessel in wood,
with a little case or cover , probably a model in miniature, which
Busleyden received from him as present, and which was returned to
him at his death'). He probably was the son of Aerd or Arnold de
Beukeleer, who was Secretary of Antwerp in the second half of the
xvth century, AntvAnn., 11, 49 (1457), 140; AntwHist., 111, 158
(1456) ; and is mentioned in a lawsuit on Nov. 24, 1474 ; he after
wards, probably went into business and died in 1508 during his office
as mayor. 'Mr. Philip de Beuckeler' himself was mayor in 1518; he is
12 debet] over line S 15 prout facile] cr. 15 probitas <S-c.] on p. 242

20 talis,] MS talis/
*) 'Item . Philipo bokele' gegeven een cleyn sceepken van houte

met een custodiken <the case) pro memoria want hijt den testat1
gegeven hadde' : Rett., 100 r.
To Philip de Beuckelaer 323
recorded as Master of the Guild of the Circumcision with Aerd and

with the treasurer 'Mr. Claes de Beuckeier' : AntwHist., hi, 158, vn,
614, viii, *232-33.
c This Nicolas de Beuckelaer, Canon and Treasurer of Our Lady's, no
doubt, Philip's brother, was one of Erasmus' friends at Antwerp,
as results from a letter from Leonard Casembroot, writing on August
25, 1525, from Padua about the six countrymen, his pupils, with
whom he had just then taken a house (Cran., 53, a). 'Postremo sextus',
he wrote, 'est Carolus Buclerius Antuerpianus, cm patruus quoque est
ille Buclerius Antuerpiensis, canonicus pariter et tibi familiariter
notus' : Allen, vi, 1594, 50, sq. The Nicolas de Beuckelaer (Boeke
laer), Canon and Treasurer of Our Lady's (AntwHist., iv, 29 : 1514),
left by his will the wherewithal to found a Gerontocomium, an alms
house, for twelve poor old men with a chaplain, but as the Emperor
stipulated conditions which the executors and the heirs could not
accept, the bequest was changed on February 1, 1549 into the
foundation for the seven canonic hours in St. Andrew's Church with
the consent of the Chapter of Our Lady and of the Town Council :
yf (Dierex., iv, 117-18. Some ol the property of Charles and this
Nicolas de Beukelaer was situated in what has become the 'Rich de
Beuckeleeren Street' ; it was partly disposed of on June 17, 1544 by
the heirs of their two nieces, 'Jehanne de Beuckeleeren', wife of Henry
van de Werve, and her sister Catherine, married to Hubert van
Wyck, and sold to the wine gauger James de Voocht, probably a
son of Tutor, the pensionary (25) : F. Donnet, La Maison des Dames
d'Honneur de Marie Stuart : Antwerp, 1902 : 5-6.
d Both Philip and Nicolas de Beuckelaer were staunch friends of
Busleyden : for when he left for Spain, he entrusted on June 23, 1517,
a chest with silver and valuables to Adrian Josel who was to hand it
'es mains de maistre Nicole boeuckele'. et maistre phlippe son frere',
who were to keep it until his return : the first is called 'canoine ddvers' ;
the other 'eschevin dudit avers' : cp. 43, 88, 93 ; Carm. xxi, i, T ;
Rek., lor, r, v. Philip, who had been taken as successor to Lewis
Happaert, an alderman of Antwerp who died in office in 1511, is
mentioned as scabinus from 1512 to 1514 and from 1516 to 1522 ;
he was treasurer of the town from 1524 to 1526 ; that his name does
not occur after that year implies either that he retired from public
life, or that he died long before his time : AntwWet., 64, r - 73, v.
ON officio
fuit satis, mi suauissime
et propensissimo studio, Philippe,
iampridem pro tuonosin
crebris me
tuis et pulcherrimis ornasse muneribus et deuinxisse meritis,
nisi magis magisque in eo instituto indies pergendo, meritis
5 non tarn merita quam muneribus meritaadstruerescumulares
que. Quod etsi ssepius olim ita, tarnen id nunc cumulatissime
prsestitisti, scilicet destinatis ad me pisciculis passulis et opi
pare illis conditis mellitissimisque bellarijs, omnem facile
ambrosiam nectarque superantibus.
8 mellitissimisque &c.] on p. 243
324 Epist. 25
10 Pro quibus omn

referre tibi, sed s
coaceruata illorum
nunc prorsus hae
quo pacto ego totu
15 deuinctus,tam in
atque exoluam, m
nisi quantocyus fo
stypem a prsetere
Quod ne ita demu
20 sed magis ut fa
diem adhuc aliqua
Jnterea non tarn
uel (modo sic res e
corrasurus ; quo si
25 leuare, et integ
atque redimere qu
BuslMS, 40 (c 10 v) <Mechlin, 1505-06)
25. To Philip WIELANT, Mechlin Councillor

a This short letter, addressed 'Philippo suo, Colleges ornatiss...', no
doubt the famous jurisprudent Philip Wielant, accompanied a poem
of six lines, Carm. v, iii, which Busleyden had made at his request
to be added to a picture of the three goddesses standing in front of
Paris, the hospes, who was to award to one of them Eris' golden apple.
b Philip Wielant, lord of Landeghem, son of John secretary ofPhilip
the Good and councillor of Flanders, who died at Ghent on June 1,
1473, and of Catherine de la Kethulle (t May 22, 1472), was born at
Ghent about 1440 ; he studied in Louvain, where he promoted licen
tiate of Laws on December 5, 1464 ; after some years spent in practice
and study, he was appointed Master of Requests and Councillor of
Mechlin Parliament, created by Charles the Bold's decree of Thion
ville in December 1473 : FlandAnn., 360, r. In 1477, at Charles's
death, that central court of jurisdiction had to be abandoned for the
local and traditional jurisdiction in the various estates, and Wielant
was made Councillor, succeeding in 1488, Paul de Baenst as President,
of Flanders Council (FlandCon., 168). When on January 22, 1504, the
10 ne] MS (ne 11 tibi] MS tibi) 16 atque exoluam] cr.

25 (quod <S-C.J on p. 244
14. totus in aere tuus &>c.] cp. 19. rigidus... exactor] cp. exac
Epp. 38, 10-14, 50, 93, and before, lor durus : Epp. 38, 12-13, &c.
150, 166.
To Philip Wielant 325
Great Council of Mechlin was re-inst

as member, occupying the first Lay
to replace the president in his absence [Cran., lv ; MalConM, 28).
In September 1505, he was sent with John of Luxemburg and other
diplomatists to Louis XII to settle some difficulties about the rights
to the counties of Flanders, Artois and Charolais, signing the Con
vention with the French commissaries, October 25, 1505, on which
occasion his thorough knowledge of feudal law was abundantly made
use of (Henne, 1,73). Ten years later, in May 1515, Wielant was one of
the embassy that had to negociate with the English envoys, Cuthbert
Tunstall, Richard Sampson, Sir Thomas Spinelly and Thomas More,
sent to secure commercial advantages and to prepare a political alli
ance ; he took an important share in the conferences which terminated
in a most satisfactory treaty signed in Brussels, on April, 19, 1516
(Henne, 11, 150, 161-62). Cp. 88.
c Wielant had married Jane of Halewyn, daughter of John, who
brought him the lordship of Eversbeke, and died at Mechlin, April 20,
1510. He followed her on March 2, 1520. Of their seven children, few
survived him : a son, Philip, born April 25, 1488, is said to have died
already on May 25, 1489 : Paquot, x, 50-53 ; still the lists of the mem
bers of the Great Council of Mechlin mention a Philip, in whose favour
the father resigned his seat in 1508 : he is reported to be born in Ghent,
to have been a Knight, as well as Lord of Eversbeke and Landeghem,
and to have married Margaret Villain, daughter of Philip Lord of
Moerkerke, Great Bailiff of the County and Country of Alost. He is
said to have died at the latest in 1521 x) : MalConM, 56 ; MalConR,
15 ; Cran., lv, Brug&Fr., 1, 228-229 Butkens, Trophees du Brabant :
II, 295-97. His sister Philippote, born 1480, and married to Ferry
le Gros, lord of Oyghem, Nieuwlande, &c., died at Bruges on December
i, 1521, leaving a numerous offspring ; an elder sister, Florence (Sep
tember 6, 1479-Dec 22, 1506) married to Stephen de Liedekerke,
Lord of Heestert and Zulte (Brug&Fr., in, 210, 11, 317), was, besides
her, the only one to leave descendants : cp. Paquot, xv, 50, 51 ;
Brug&-Fr., 1, 208, m, 44, sq.iv, 1167; Bruglnscr., 11, 334, b ; MalConM,
21, 28, 30, 42.
d Far greater fame came to Wielant by his own relentless work and
study. At a time when juridical practice was most bewildering on
account of the multiplicity of customs, especially for feudal rights,
he wrote a clear and yet complete treatise of the matter for Flanders :
Tractaet van den Leenrechten naer de Hoven van Vlaenderen, 1492,
which was printed in 1555, and translated into Latin in 1664. He also
composed two small handbooks describing the course of civil, and
that of criminal, procedure, in which he placed at his countrymen's
disposal the treasure of his experience and of his deep and discriminat
ing insight : the first was printed in the original Flemish in 1558, and
reedited in 1573, with corrections and additions by Antony van 't
Sestich, advocate of the Great Council. Josse de Damhouder, whose
Enchiridion Rerum Criminalism, of 1555 may have suggested Wie
lant's heirs to edit his manuscript works, used the framework and some
parts as foundation for the Praxis Rerum Civilium which he issued
J) The date March n, 1520/21 is given.
326 Epist. 26
in 156g : HisTriLov.,
was kept in manus
Flanders, which is supposed to have been in Oliver de Wree's1)
possession, as well as other works on Flemish nobility and on
Flemish juridical custom : although not ignored by bibliographers,
they would have been infinitely more useful it they had been pub
lished at the time, and not in our days, merely as interesting wit
nesses of the past. The writings which actually were published made
Denis Hardouin repeat about him what Pliny the Younger wrote of
his uncle (Ep. vi, 16) : Equidem beatos puto quibus deorum munere
datum est aut facere scribenda, aut scribere legenda, beatissimos vero
quibus utrumque : Cp. BibBelg., 780-81 ; MalConM, 21, 28, 30, 40,
42, 56 ; MalConR, n-13 ; Paquot, xv, 48-57 ; SweABelg., 648 ; Gand
ErVir., 115-116; MalConC, 42, 56; Nijkron., 11, 2226; De Smet,
Recueil des Chroniques de Flandre : iv : Antiquites de Flandres, de
Ph. Wielanc : Brussels, 1864 ; BCRH, v, vi, 293 ; Walther, 12, sq,
17, 21, sq, 28, sq, 39, 84-86, 104, 127, sq, 137, sq. Wielant's portrait
with his Patron-Saint is found on the wing of the picture of the Presen
tation in St. Saviour's, Bruges, in St. Barbara's chapel, attributed to
Adrian Isenbrant, pupil of Gerard David ; the other wing represents
his wife Jane of Halewyn, with St. John the Evangelist : BrugHist.,
470.
Philippo suo, College Ornatissimo
EN tenes Epigramma
si minus meum
placeat (quod abs tefuturum
omnino tantopere efflagitatum
puto), tu ipse :
uideris ; at tibi imputa qui tarn rancido poetse id negotij
dederis; qui nihilominus ut se tibi officiosum praestaret, ma
5 luit in hac praestanda obsequela subire dispendium famae
quam tibi (cui maiora debet) minus aliquando paruisse.
Quare recte posthac egeris, si ipsum qualecunque fuerit epi
gramma, boni consulas ; deinde tali obeundo muneri re
ceptum aliquem magisque idoneum poetam accommodes, qui
to tandem accuratius (ac ipse fecerim) sciat tam famae suae quam
uotis tuis satisfacere. Vale.
BuslMS, 236-237 (A 9 v-A 10 r) (Mechlin, I505-o6>
26. To Christian de HONDT
Abbot of the DOWNS
a This letter, entitled 'Abbati Dunensi...', treats the same subject

as Epp. 19 and 20, and in the same spirit; it seems to belong to the
10 suae] over line S
J) Cp. before, 128, sq.
To Philip Wielant 327
same period, 1505-1506, perhaps

a little later than those two mes
sages, on account of the 'tandem'
with which, after several admon
itions, the delayed return of the
books to the Abbey is humbly
excused.
b The abbot of Our Lady of the
Downs about that time was Chris
tian de Hondt, a native of Bruges,
who from supprior was elected as
successor to abbot J ames de Wever,
Textoris, in 1495, and filled that
dignity until he resigned it in 1509,
a little while before his decease.
His portrait, painted by a Bruges
Master in 1499, now in Antwerp
Museum, represents the xxxth
Abbot of the 'Dunes' in his living
room, kneeling on his prayer
stool in front of an opened
manuscript, thus corroborating his
love for books referred to in chrlitUn. dede.
Christian
Christian
<4 Hon/DT
Hoivur
JibboC
JibboC
this letter : AlbHist., 97; cp. jtbbot of of
of DowtvS
DowtvS
FlandIIL, 11, 97. h' by
byaaBruges
* Bruges jÂste^HW
HONESTO ut tuo tandem

nostro gratificandi parerem
satisfacerem desyder
studio, tanto
desyderata tibi iam mittantur uolumina ; volu
non tarn antiquitate quadam ac vetustate uen
5 Sanctarum Scripturarum dignitate et characte
certe mirifica. Quibus ubi primum adeundi t
ciens, commeatum dedi, alacritate sane incredibili uisa sunt
antiquum suum ad dominum remeare, quandoquidem ingenue
profitentia: longe malle sese in bibliotheca ilia tua ornatissima
10 uinculis et compedibus perpetuo mancipatum iri quam apud
me diutius morando libertate frui, hucque nunc atque illuc
mecum uagari. Quod quum ita plusquam exploratum et con
fessum sit, tuam propterea praestantiam admonitam, ac (si
pateris) obnixius oratam uelim : volumina ilia, tanta alacri
15 tte suum te ueterem patronum adeuntia comiter excipias,
14 oratam &c.] on p. 237
5. Sanctarum Scripturarum] desks in the Abbey ; being of

no doubt manuscript Bible vol- frequent use, they were requested
umes, which were regularly fast- back by the Abbot,
ened by chains (I 10) to the library 11. hucque &c] cp. 68.
328 Epist. 27
sicque excipiendo p
refertissima biblio
pensius omnes int
et antiquitatis stu
20 hospitem concil
BuslMS, 168-175 (h 3 t
(Rome, last days

Archdeacon of Besangon
a This letter is entitled, in red ink as generally, 'Ferrico suo, Archid.
Bisont.', viz., Ferry de Carondelet, appointed archdeacon of Besan
50 in 1504 : Epp. 7, c, 8, a. This friend of Busleyden's had entered
orders (I 96), and was acting in Rome as an agent for his Princes,
which gave him the-title of vir senatorius (I 97). Sent on embassy to
congratulate Pope Jules II on his election and coronation, Jerome
reached the Eternal City on the last days of 1505, with the other
envoys and their train, and pronounced the oration before the Pope,
of which the text is preserved in his manuscript : Orat. B. On the
occasion of his stay in Rome, no doubt, he found that his dear friend
had abandoned all study and was not even occupied by any serious
avocation ; in his ardent zeal for learning and study, he wrote to him
this admonitory letter, which, consequently, has to be dated at the
end of 1505, or, which is more probable, in the beginning of 1506,
before the return of the embassy.
b The title to this letter on p 168 of the manuscript, indicating Ferry

de Carondelet as the friend to whom it was addressed, was crossed
off with black lines, and on the top of p 169, where the letter begins,
a later hand (which evidently did the crossing off), wrote in the right
margin at the top in black ink : 'Marliano' meaning, no doubt, the
Italian physician of the Princes Philip and Charles, Luigi Marliano
(cp. Epp. 38, b-g). That alteration due to one ot the earlier owners of
Busleyden's manuscript, is an evident mistake for, far from wanting
incentives to study, Marliano even declined all invitations to feasts
and to intimate meals on account of his attachment to his old friends
the books, as clearly results from the letters 47 and 49, immediately
preceding and following this present one in the collection ('pp 162 to
186) : Busleyden advocates there in vain an exceptional relaxation
with some good friend, rather than blaming gently, though firmly,
an idle and dissipated life as he does here. Cp. before, 158.
Salue Spectatissime
UI uere amat, semper in amato est, illius salutis, r

Q accessionis anxius. Qui recte amat, nusquam amicu
Salue &c.] on p. 169
fallit, circumuenit, palpat ; qui sync

arguit, castigat quem amat. Quorsum
5 tam abrupta, subitaria, tumultuaria
quando hsec qualiacunque sint, non ta
impatientia nostri in te amoris dictat
segerrime ferat extraria ista et tempor
contra autem uera animi bona, aeternum nos concomitantia
10 (quae nusquam sat excolueris) prorsus negligere, a quibus ma
xime serenitas mentis, tranquillitas animi, institutio uitae
beatae recte auspicaretur. Quae uero aut qualia ea sint, abs te
hucusque parum curata, unde tot et tanta obueniant expe
tenda, paucis (si lubet) praescribam, tametsi ea putem tibi
15 magis ac ungues tuos fore nota. Quare age, an nondum sat
compertum habeas quantam inprimis notionem Dei, quan
tam cognitionem imbecillitatis nostra;, deinde quantum
prosperis ornamenti, aduersis solatij adferat dulcissimum
otium literarium ? quo qui semel allecti occupantur, fruuntur,
20 tenentur, nonne plus quam fortunatissimi, in ipso Jouis (ut
ita dicam) gremio suauissime quiescent es, uitam uiuunt bea
tam : nusquam minus soli quam quum soli; neque minus
otiosi quam quum sint maxime otiosi, vtpote de otio nego
tium, de negotio facientes otium.
25 Quod quum ita sit, quid ergo causae est quod ab illorum
instituto, nusquam satis laudato te adeo terreat, tamdiu re
moretur, tam procul auocat: ad quod, contra (si saperes) totis
neruis, omni conatu, uelisque (ut aiunt) et equis tibi foret
contendendum anhelandumque ? Proinde paucis tandem, age?
30 Quid obiter aut excusare mauis aut incusare quo minus in
illorum uel albo appareas, uel arena contendas, uel stadio
17 cognitionem] in rmg is added sui 17 imbecillitatis nostrse] first words
on p. 170, cr. 27 auocat]
15. ungues... nota] Erasmus : 8, 127-i28 an(f before 144 : there

Ad unguem : Er A dag., 216, T. is here a word-play on otiosus
20. in... gremio... quiescentes] esse, viz. to take repose from
cp. Virgil, Mneis, 1, 689-95, IX- work ordered by duty, and otio
261, &c. sus esse, not work at all : cp. Er
22. nusquam minus soli (S-c.] A dag., 861, B (Nihil
cp. Epp. 49, 52 : L. A. Seneca, 1207, (Liber non est
Fragmenta, 57 : nunquam minus quando nihil agit).
solus erit quam quum solus fue- 28. uelisque... et
rit. mus : Velis equisque : Er A dag.,
22-23. neque minus otiosi quam 57
quum... maxime otiosi] cp. Epp.
22
330 Epist. 27
decurras ? An for
yderas quum Croe
minime: quando ne
35 rum ampla ads
minimus assequen
Quum ergo per for
(ut uellemus) obti
ment!, aut auocam
40 obstare existim
tum literarum id
aut effluam plena
profecto, totaque
induxeris, qui tam
45 (ut aiunt) horas
ditus, quae abs te
palaestra exercita
adstypulante) sum
Quamobrem rurs
50 senti deest, cui
time obijcere posse
uel magistratus c
ambitum ipsum a
ac nauita in mar
55 ueris, non igna
gruere, neque ead
bitu perciti ducu
postulat bonarum
nunc isthuc trans
60 dijs inpetuntur
ambitionem non e
honoratissimus, i
subinde condition
debes, contentus :
34 nequaquam &c.] on p. 171
51 ambitumne <S-c.] on p. 172 57 perciti] last i corr. S
43. tota... aberras uia] cp. Epp. 47. Cicerone adstypulante] cp.
15, 12 : ErAdag., 47, ,. Quintilian, Instit. Orat., 11, 4, 7,
44-45. ad omnes... horas natus] xi, 2.
Erasmus : Omnium horarum ho- 53. a teneris... unguiculis] Er
mo : Er.Adag., 144, ; cp. Epp. Adag., 283, .
49. 144
65 spectabili, meritis tuis iampridem d

solet, pecunia redempta, sed magis
bent) parta ; quae quidem quum te m
darum et famigeratum reddat : quid
quod tibi tarn, expetendum otium in
70 Quod si forte pudore ductus, ingen
sinas saltern id ipse audeam. Quod si
debes) id nullo negotio uel paucis abso
cet quam amice, idque sine ullo (ut ai
magis candidum amicum probet, nil aeq
75 amicitiam deceat, ac una libertas. Qu
cionem simultatis quam notam iuste
amico libere sentias, liberius et eloq
etiamsi una secum in tenebris (ut fertu
amico de te liberius sentienti: non irascere dicta tua aut facta
80 ad trutinam expendenti; admitte consilium legitimi et can
didi amici, qui turn maxime amare probatur quum maxime
castigare uidetur.
Verum quo tandem eo (unde sim digressus) redeam : jn
patienter audio, aegre uideo, aegerrime ut dixi, fero, te mi
85 nutioribus, aduentitijs, precarijs rebus tarn diu auocatum,
distractum animum omnino despondere, mentem prorsus
auertere a suauissimo illo ubique expetendo literario otio,
cuius Studium omne studium, voluptas quamuis uoluptatem,
sapor et gustus omne nectar, quamcumque ambrosiam su
90 perat. Quare non mirum si tibi succenseam, si hinc male in te
afficiar, ubi audio et uideo te tot et tantis bonis quibus et
melior et doctior euaderes posthabitis, tanta curarum turba,
tanta negotiorum mole, tanto externarum rerum studio quo
tidie obrui; adeo ut te ipsum, deinde actiones, consilia ac
95 denique cogitationes tuas tibi eripiant, sibi uendicent. Quod
quidem quantum sit te libero homine indignum, sacris ini
tiato indecens, uiro senatorio turpe, nemo est qui ambigat,
vtpote ad maiora nato, maioribus exercendo, et maximis deco
rando.
68 famigeratum 6-c.] on p. 173
84 dixi] after it uideo is cr. 85 tarn diu 6-c.] on p. 174
87 expetendo] corr. from expendendo
73. sine ullo... dente] Er A dag., mus: Dignus, qui cum in tenebris
865, e, 466, f. mices : ErAdag., 308, .
78. in tenebris... rnices] Eras
332 Epist. 28
100 Quare bene,

implicatissimo n
que patenti cura
lum placidissimum
commercium cum
I05cum Musis, a
dolendum est) ab
urgente, sic ocyu
uoluptas manebi
tas animi recrea
liobonis studijs p
juris, felix, liber
bonum semel ag
ris. Vale.
BuslMS, 137-139 (f 8 r-f 9 r) ^Mechlin, Summer of 1506)
28. To Nicasius HACKENAY
Chief Steward of Prince Philip

a The letter is entitled : 'Magnifico ac Splendido uiro Nicasio/ Ha
guencso Prcefecto domus Principis Castellce.', which probably was the
address written on the reverse of the paper leaf. It shows to all evidence
that the message was sent to Cologne before October 1506, when the
news of Philip the Fair's decease reached these provinces ; the voyage
of the Archduke to Spain, on which he embarked on January 10, 1506
(Epp. 29, 21), makes it most likely that this missive belongs to 1506,
as it gave to Hackenay the occasion to pay a visit to his native town
Cologne, whilst off duty as Chief Steward : Epp. 4, b, c. If it had been
written in 1505, mention would have been made of the Diet which
Maximilian had convened in that town : Janssen, 1, 542, sq, 605, and
which would have made as good as impossible the tumultus referred
to on II 3, sq, as strong military forces would have been provided for
that great event.
b The tumultus to which this letter refers seems to have been

chronic in Cologne from 1500 to 1512 : there were important and pe
nacious upheavals from the crafts and guilds in those years agains
the town authorities belonging to the patrician families : Janssen,
444, sq. From 1505 to 1507 measures were taken against some men
who had attempted murdering the burgomasters John von Berche
and Conrad Schiirenfels, pretendedly on the suggestion of archiepis
pal officials at Poppelsdorf and Bonn. The trouble came to a climax
in December 1512, when riots broke out, leading to a revolt which,
103 portum &c.] on p. 175
To Nicasius Hackenay 333
January 1513, caused the downfall of the Council. On January 11,

John von Berchem was executed, and in the following days his
colleague John von Reidt and several councillors, also fell victims in
the ruthless struggle : Annalen des Historischen Vereins fr den Nie
derrhein : 26-27 : 220, sq ; J. Kuckhoff, Johannes Rhetius : Dusseldorf,
1929 : 8 ; L. Ennen, Geschichte der Stadt Kln : Cologne, 1875 : in, 678,
sq. To those troubles was added that caused by epidemics : in Decem
ber 1506, the Quodlibet disputations were prevented by an outbreak
of the pest : UniKln, 339.
MAGNA profecto
et me ne quidsollicitudo
forte iam tui
tibitenet
(quod hie spectatos
absit) aduersi tuos
obuenerit populari hoc tumultu et motu Coloniae in magistra
tus grassante. Verum quum contra, mente reuoluimus auram
5 populrem bonorumque ciuium praesentem gratiam (quam
tibi iampridem sapientia tua, humanitate et obuia in omnes
liberalitate conciliasti), continuo cessat atque facessit omnis
sollicitudo, timoreque omni posito iubet nos bona spe perdu
rare : videlicet tibi adhuc bene esse, teque nullius culpae
10 conscium in utranque (ut fertur) aurem altum dormire. Quo
fit minore anxietate, licet desyderio maiore, reditum ad nos
tuum praestolemur : quern ut aliquando (quantum per res et
negotia licuerit) matures uehementer rogamus, reducem te
summa animorum alacritate, lsetitia, festiuitate excepturi.
15 Sed ut animis non solum exultantibus, uerum etiam organis
suaue personantibus aduentum tuum cebrare possimus, mitto
eum quern uides, hominem fidum cui ad me deferendum dabis
regale illud Organum toties et tarn perseueranter a te mihi
promissum : semper apud me hoc habiturus in testimonium
20 tuse erga me beneficentiae, quam aliquando uel maiori benefi
cio demereri curabo, dijs bene iuuantibus. Vale.
Magnifico ac Splendido uiro Nicasio Haguenseo,

Praefecto domus Principis Castellae.
1 tuos] prob, supply amicos

4 mente S-c.] on p. 138
16 cebrare] r celebrare 17 fidum] u corr. c 21 demereri <~c.] on p. 139
3. hoc tumultu] cp. pr, b. organ in Busleyden's mansion,

10. in utranque... aurem... dor- praised to Arnold van Vessem as
mire] cp. Or at. b, 181 ; Terence, having been invented and built
Hauton Timorumenos, 342 : in by a Germane Norico, Hans Suys,
aurem utramvis... ut dormias ; Epp. 35,33-34, had been bought
Juvenal, 1, 17 ; ErAdag., 307, . through his friend Hackenay : cp.
18. regale illud Organum] the 42.
334 Epist. 29
Luciani Opuscula (Par

Allen, 1, 205 Bologna, November 17, 1506
29. Desiderius ERASMUS J. de BUSLEYDEN

a This letter served as preface and as dedicatory address to the
translations of some of Lucian's dialogues added as supplement on
p xlviii2 to some copies of the Luciani Compluria Opuscula... ab
Erasmo Roterodamo et Thoma Moro... in Latinorum Linguam traducta,
printed in Paris by Josse Badius, November 13, 1506 ; the original
collection counted liii leaves. The first of the eighteen short colloquies
added, Dialogus Cnemonis & Damippi, starts on f xlviii ; the addition
extends to f lxi[lix]. Those dialogues dedicated to Busleyden, with
this letter (Renaudet, 491, 493), were printed separately in 1521 by
Alb. Pafraet, at Deventer : Decern et octo Breues Lvciani Dialogi a
Desiderio Erasmo... in Latinum conuersi : NijKron., 1, 1399. They
were reprinted with this letter in Barlandus' edition of the Luciani...
Opuscula (of 1506) by Th. Martens, Louvain, as Complures Luciani
Dialogi, on August 14, 1512, and again in 1515 : Allen, 1, 187 pr,
205, pr ; EraBib., 11, 39; Iseghem, 234, 257, S 15-16; NijKron., 11,
3434- 3435
b The text is based on that of the edition of Luciani... Opuscula of
1506 (a); it was reprinted 'ex posteriori recognitione' in the edition
of December 1517 by Jerome Froben at Basle (), who re-edited it
in August 1521 with some alterations (y) : it is reproduced in EOO, 1,
311, and in Allen, 1, 205 ; but was left out with the other prefaces in
Judocus Badius' issue of June, 1, 1514.
c At the news of the approach of the armies of the Pope, Erasmus

and his companions, the brothers Boerio, left Bologna in a hurry, and
sheltered during six weeks in Florence, where the translations of
Lucian's dialogues were made. On November 4, at the news of Giov.
Bentivoglio's flight and of the submission of the town, he decided to
return to Bologna ; he arrived soon enough to witness Julius IPs
entrance on November 11 : Allen 1, 200, 1-7, 203, 7-12 ; Nolhac, 11-17 ;
Renaudet, 493.
Hieronymo Bvslidiano Pr^posito Ariensi

Consiliario Regio Erasmus Roterodamus S. P. D.
RVMOR iampridem
verum hie perseuerat
esse libeat credere, acerbior
sed constantior tarnenquam
quam vt
vt vanus credi possit, Philippvm Principem nostrum e viuis
3. Philippum] Philip the Fair tennis ; being hot, he drank very

at an entertainment offered by cold water, which a few hours
his favourite Don Juan Manuel, later caused a fever from which
whom he had promoted to Gover- he died after a few days, on Sep
nor of Burgos, had ridden some tember 25, 1506 : Henne, 1,
of his host's horses and played at 118-119.
From Erasmus 335
excessisse. Quid querar, m

5 incusem hominumue deu
quae huic tam atroci vuln
constitistis Hispaniae, qua
dianum, archiepiscopum B
tanti viri iactura contentae
10 quo (si viuere modo licu
neque maius neque melius
etiam adolescenti, nisi vti
Sed 0 dirum fortunae ludu
mors quam iniqua, tam et
15 ma quaeque quam ocy
ostensa protinus subducis
deplorem ? MAXiMiLiANi
quem vnum multis etiam
rum magis quibus aetate t
pater ? an patriae potius cu
gaudium.tam praeproperus
20 vniuersi cui tarn singu
ante diem ? Hoc, nimiru
medio e cursu in Britanni
licet fatis ilium palam ab
Panegyrico qualicunque la
25 Deus, quot mihi Panegy
5 tragoedia] ; (EOO, I, 311) tam
7. Franciscum Buslidianum]
Cp. before, 6; the journey
Spain was also to be fatal to 162-5.
Jerome de Busleyden. 24. Panegyrico] Erasmus pro
21. tempestas ilia fatalis] Philip nounced his speech of welcome,
the Fair and the Archduchess Jane Panagyricus, to Philip the Fair
put to sea at Flushing on Janu- on his return from Spain on Ja
ary 10, 1506 with 43 ships, which nuary 6, 1504 at the Palace of
had to return to-harbour on ac- Brussels : it was printed by Th.
count of a sudden storm. When Martens, Antwerp, 1504, with a
they left Flushing for the second letter to Bishop Nicolas Ruterius
time, they were caught in a storm (February 1504) to whom were
which lasted from January 15 to also inscribed the [Libanii] Ali
26; the vessel Juliana, with the quot Declamatiunculce, Novem
Princes, was driven to land at ber, 17, 1503, printed by Th.
Weymouth on January 17 ; they Martens, Louvain, in July 1519:
at once advised Henry VII, who Allen, 1, 177, 179; cp. Epp. 17,
invited them to Windsor, which b-d; Henne, 1, 48 ; Iseghem, 221,
they reached on January 31. sq, 298, sq ; NijKron., 1, 837,1367.
They set out again from Fal
336 Epist. 29
en repente comm
(nunc) nos homunc
etiam pro sua lib
viuere tantopere o
30 Sed quid ego,
tuum exhulcero ?
pitiiliberis patern
rici viuacitate co
randis illis fraternos successus, sed vitam fraterna diutur
35 niorem. Literis his, ne ad tantum tamque doctum amicum
nullo literario munusculo comitatse venirent, Dialogos ali
quot Luciani comites addidi; quos pauculis his diebus, dum
obsidionis metu Florentiam profugeremus, Latinos feci: hoc
nimirum agens ne nihil agerem. Nam in prsesentia quidem in
40 Italia mire frigent studia, feruent bella. Summus Pontifex
Iulius belligeratur, vincit, triunphat, planeque Iulium agit.
Vale, et amplissimo patri Nicolao Ruterio, episcopo Atreba
tensi, etiam atque etiam Erasmum commendato.
Bononias, xv. Cal. Decemb. D VI.
26. epitaphium] it was then had been issued on November

the custom to compose an epi- 13, 1506, according to the colo
taph when hearing of the decease phon ; the supplement had no
of one's friend or of some out- colophon.
standing personage, and send it 38. obsidionis metu] Pope Ju
if possible to adorn the hearse at lius II had decided to put an end
the funeral. to the tyrannical rule of Giovanni
32. diui Federici viuacitate] Bentivoglio, in Bologna, and to
Philip the Fair's grandfather, that of Gianpaolo Baglione, in
Emperor Frederic IV. of Austria, Perugia, by joining those towns
died at Lintz on August 20, 1493 and their territories to the Papal
at the age of seventy-eight, after States : he left Rome on Aug. 26
a reign of fifty-three years and and, having submitted Perugia,
four months. he marched from there to Bo
33. in moderandis illis] evident- logna on Sep
ly as Councillor and Master of ber 6, near Modena, he was told
Requests. of Philip the Fair's death ; he
36. Dialogos... Luciani] cp. a-b ; reached Bologna on
they probably were printed about from which Ben
that time, or, at any rate, soon on All Souls' Day : Pastor, in,
after the date of this letter so as 605-618.
to be added to, and sold with, the 42. Ruterio] Nicolas Ruterius,
Luciani Compluria Opuscula that Bishop of Arras : Epp. 17, b-e.
To Henry Viruli 337
BuslMS, 244-245 ( 3 - 4 r) <Mechlin, middle of 1507^
30. To Henry VIRULI

Louvain
a This letter is entitled 'Henr. Virulo.' ; it announces as new boarders

in his house, Cornelius Erdorf and his tutor, in 1507, after that the
stay in the Lily, where the boy matriculated on August 31, 1506, had
proved a failure ; cp. Epp. 31, b and 11 8, 17 ; the allusions to the
sadness caused by that nephew's complete absence of interest in all
studies, suggest at least a few months of vain efforts to induce the
young man to work.
b Henry Viruli was one of the four sons left at his death, on May 13,
1493, by Charles Menneken(s), Viruli, who after promoting Master of
Arts in 1435, became the Regens of the padagogium Lilij in 1537, and
managed it most successfully during 56 years : Mol., 631, 588, 840;
Vern., 129-130 ; VAnd., 261 ; FUL, 1136-38, 1223 ; BaxH, vii, 143, sq ;
BaxF, iii, 40, sq ; ULDoc., iv, 168-176 ; MonHL, 180, sq. He himself
had trained his sons in his own institute : thus his third son Henry
matriculated 'in artibus' on January 1, 1480, and his fourth, John (who
did not survive his father), on February 24, 1480 : LiblntH, 146 v,
147 r; Henry became Master of Arts, as also did Godefroid, the
youngest brother, whereas Robert Viruli, another brother who had
matriculated on February 23, 1576 *), promoted licentiate in both
laws. It was the eldest, Nicolas, who stepped in his father's track. He
took an active part in the management of the pedagogy, and he
showed a great spirit of initiative by abandoning the methods of
teaching Latin which his father had applied in his Epistolares Formu
la, printed for the first time in 1476. He was so zealous in attending
the lectures of the Italian professors of the newly-founded chair of
'poetry', that on November 24, 1487, he stood warrant for Cornelius
Vitellius, binding himself to refund the wages paid in advance, in
case of decease or departure before the money was earned : MonHL,
I25> 35- It was to this son Nicolas and to the faithful legens Leo
Outers, or Wouters, of Hondschoote, his baculum senectutis, that Char
les Viruli bequeathed by equal parts the profits of the pedagogy by
his will and codicil, January 16 and February 6, 1493 (FUL, 1136-37).
Nicolas sold out his share to Outers, who thus by 1494 was the only
Regens [ActArtV, 109 v, 121 r). Yet, Nicolas kept in touch with the
Faculty of Arts, for he was one of the first to avail himself of the
Privilege of Nominations of that Faculty in June 1515 ; he is recorded
at that date as a priest, and as already having been a legens and
re gens during thirty years; he was appointed successively to vacancies
at the collation of the provost of St. Donatian's, Bruges, of the per
sonatus of Hasselt and Herenthals, and of the abbot of St. Gertrude,
1) Liblntll, 118, r. Their relative Lottinus Viruli, Master of Arts

was elected Rector of the University on August 31, 1477 : Liblntll
129, v, 132, r.; he then was canon of St. Peter's, professor in the Lily
and, since May 28, 1473, Dictator of the University. Cp. VAnd., 39,
50, 262 ; ULDoc., i, 259, 313, iv, 244.
338 Epist. 30
Louvain (June 1515 t

'Magister Nicolas Vir
on August 29, 1515 :
have been a grandson
c The three younger

Godefroid, seem to h
called the servant wh
The old man attested
and before death in h
with a considerable l
sons. He denied to th
which he bequeathed
and to Outers, in equal shares, the profits and rights due to the
Regens. He did not disinherit them, though, for he divided amongst
his children a fortune which was so abundant that he indicated the
rents and revenues by series, as they were written down in his
register ; he moreover gave them either the property or the usufruct
of houses where they had probably been installed. As they had enjoyed
both their father's example, and a careful training, they probably
started boarding institutes for well-to-do students in their houses.
Thus it is recorded that, in February 1527, Robert Viruli had as
contubernales Maximilian, the son of Adolph of Beveren, Lord of
Veere, and his preceptor John Becker of Borselen: Allen, vi, 1787,
16*47- That Robert had married Catherine van Winckele, daughter of
John, the founder of the College of that name (TJLDoc., Ill, 144), and
at her death he took, on March 24, 1507 as second wife, the widow of
Golinus van 't Sestich, Catherine van Vlaenderen : TJLDoc., iv, 176 ;
HisTriLov., chapt. xvn. The William Viruli, and Joannes Mannekens
recorded about 1550 as Antwerp business men (AntvAnn., 11, 386,
390), were probably relatives.
d Henry Viruli had received for his part the usufruct of a house
situated in "de Backelaine", a street outside the inner walls of the town,
from Diest Street to Cow Street, with wide grounds, where, according
to this letter, he also kept students. The 'Johannes de Nassouwe fi
lius ade de nassouwe', a 'minorennis', for whom he took the oath at
the matriculation, between April 6 and 12, 1499 (LiblntI11, 73 v), was
most likely one of his boarders. It is probable that it was to Henry
Viruli's house that John Becker repaired with his charge, Adolphe
of Beveren's fliolus Maximilian, when he came first with him to Lou
vain about the end of September 1522 : on November 23, 1522, he
announced to Erasmus (Allen, v, 1321, 27-32) that he lived opposite
Dorp's house : Vicini sumus proximi Dorpio, e regione edium illius
habitantes, the house, namely, of which Barlandus mentions the
orchard in his Historia Ducum Brabantics, chapter 184, (MonHL,
245), and in which Viglius boarded for some time with Michael van
Doom, Dorna, who had taken it after Dorp's death (Hoynck, 1, i,
8, 68). It is quite consistent that John Becker, after having been
Henry Viruli's inmate, should have gone to his brother's house when
returning to Louvain after several years : possibly his former host
lacked accommodation, or did no longer take boarders.
To Cornelius Erdorf 339
MVLTIFARI/E doctrinae
constanti fama atque
allectus, nepotul
comitatum ad te mitto erudiendum, scilicet abs te non tam
liberalibus disciplinis quam uel candidis ingenuisque forman
5 dum moribus : quibus ita ocyus, idque haud multo negotio
assequendis, satis super que (mihi crede) habet acrimoniae,
ingenij, memoriae, jlle modo uelit, minusque sibi ipsi desit,
utpote cuius uel maxime intererit si aliquando nihil magis
quam ipse sibi defuisse censeatur. Quod ne sic illi quandoque
10 contingat, tui muneris erit: eum si te audierit, uerbis et exem
plis ad amorem bonarum artium inuitare. Sin minus auscul
tauerit, nolentem ferula impelle, reluctantem calcaribus ur
geas, quo saltern animaduersionis metu, id tandem amet atque
discat quod prius aut amare sponte aut suapte peruicacia
15 discere renuit : alioqui tu illi seu prorsus nihil, seu parum
certe profuturus. Quare fac, quseso, labora ; ille te audiat,
reuereatur, amet, timeatque : amet, inquam, ne te offendat ;
timeat, tuum in se amorem haud perdat. Vale.
BuslMS, 134-136 (f 6 v-i 7 v) <Mechlin, Summer of 1507)
31. To Cornelius ERDORF

a This letter was written some time after Epp. 30, probably in the
summer of 1507. It is entitled 'Cornelio nepoti suo...', to which a
later hand added : "(Cornelio) erdorfio (nepoti suo) ex sorore'. The
same hand probably one of Egide de Busleyden's sons wrote in
the left margin, next to that title : 'Hie fuit tibi studiorum comesfS
socius. Sub Jone borsalo./Neuio. & Martino Dorpio Louanij.' That
note was addressed to the recipient of this manuscript, a canon of
St. Donatian's of Bruges, as results from what is added to the title
of Epp. 59, without doubt, John de Fevyn, who also matriculated
as rich student of the Lily on the same day as Erdorf : cp. 122-123.
b Cornelius Erdorf was the son of Catherine de Busleyden, the sister

of Jerome, who took a very great interest in his instruction and educa
tion, after the boy, by 1505, had lost his father, possibly even his
mother, who, at any rate, did not survive her brother (cp. before,
11, 50). Cornelius was sent to Louvain where he matriculated, 'Cor
nelius Erfdorf de Lussenburgo', as one of the rich students of the Lily
on August 31, 1506, along with John de Fevyn, as just mentioned :
12 ierula <S-c.] on p. 245
2. nepotulum] Cornelius Er- 2. paedagogo] John Becker of

dorf : cp. Epp. 31, b, c. Borselen : cp. Epp. 32, b-e.
340 Epist. 31
Liblntlll, 128 ; Cran

in the pedagogy, nor
notwithstanding the endeavours of as clever and experienced an
educator as John Becker of Borselen (cp. Epp. 32, b-e), who was still
at the Lily, and had been engaged by his old fellow-student Busleyden
to become his nephew's mentor. Most naturally a change of at
mosphere was advised, so much the more since the young student did
not enjoy a good health in the crowded pedagogy : probably by the
middle of 1507 the removal to Henry Viruli's boarding house was
decided on, and John Becker was prevailed upon to follow his charge
in the new surroundings. From the letter to Viruli, Epp. 30, it follows
that Jerome's expectations had dwindled to the acquisition of nice
and freeborn manners, to the formation of a fine society man, for
which all means, even the ferula were to be used (11 ti-15). In the full
air and calm of Viruli's house outside the inner town-wall (Epp. 30, d),
the young man felt better than in the Lily, in the very centre of a busy,
crowded town, and thanks to that beneficent change, he applied him
self with such zeal to study that his Uncle expressed his satisfaction
at his letter, accompanied by a good testimony from his host.
c A few days later Cornelius announced to his uncle that his friend, a
son of the banker Friscobaldi, whose preceptor, Remacle d'Ardenne
(Epp. 33), had left him to go to France, wished to share Erdorfs
board and lodging and Becker's lessons ; Jerome de Busleyden con
sidered it as an excellent means to make his nephews's life in Louvain
attractive, as well as to provide a new source of profit for Becker, who
lost the advantage of private tutoring in the Lily ; he therefore
readily seconded that project; he urged it on the father and wrote to
the son a letter (Epp. 33), which he sent with further instructions
through his nephew (Epp. 34). Whether the project was put into
execution does not appear; still Jerome sent to John Becker, to
whom he had already communicated his joy at the change (Epp. 32),
a most substantial present for his nephew, to reward and encourage
his endeavours (Epp. 36). Unfortunately Erdorfs good dispositions
did not last long, and things soon came to a crisis (Epp. 51), which
may have been the result less of ill nature than of a weakly consti
tution, which broke down a few years later and took the young
man to an untimely grave (Epp. 68, 3, sq).Jerome de Busleyden did
not only take care of his orphaned nephew's instruction ; with his
brother Valerian he upheld his rights against a powerful adversary
as far as the Court of Rome, provided Cornelius Erdorf is one of the
nepotum referred to in the letter to John Gritz of 1508 : Epp. 53,
18-34 : the other nepos or nepotes were most probably one or more sisters,
who are mentioned amongst the heirs of their uncle, namely his
four nieces, daughters ot his sisters Mary and Catherine, with their
respective husbands : Rek., 24, ; cp. before, 11, 82; and Epp. 53,
18~34*
EXPEC.TATA diu haud

de te hospitis epistola tua, simulnobis
contemnenda, et commendatio
non tam mul tui
tum gaudij quam plurimum spei attulit, quandoquidem qui
illius lectione et huius assertione, nunc plane intelligam bonas
To John Becker 341
5 literas earumque studia m

tibi cordi esse, teque ad am
tidie accendi. Quo quidem i
recreatus quam olim totus
earum studia te minus oble
10 que bene uelis consultum i
terea aliquando auunculum
(hortor), labora, contende,
bili instituto constanter pe
studijs doctior et bonis mo
15 (mea quidem sententia) f
ingenium modo et animum
iuxta uotum nostrum, turn
tam spem de te nostram, ita
taria tene praecepta. Inpr
20 time. Praeceptores obseru
desidiam, languorem fuge
tere. Ex doctis doctiores
cognitus. Nemini odiosus,
quidem sic praestando, quod
25 gratulans, mecum gloriab
tulo me fore auctum, prese
gijs non degenerans,uirtutem
sequutus quam denique illam
uale ; stude et profice : qu
30 quam poenitebit.
BuslMS, 245-247 (B 4 r- 5 r) <Mechlin, Summer of 1507)
32. To John BECKER, of BORSELEN

a This letter, inscribed . Borsalo', is evidently contemporary
with Epp. 31.
b John Becker, whom Erasmus praises as one of the glories of Lou
vain in his Epithalamium Petri AEgidii (EOO, I, 749, A), was called
Borsalus being born at Borselen, a town in South-Beveland which was
8 -status &c.] on p. 135 17 deperditam] corr. from desper- S

24 uelis] e indistinct 25 nepotulo &c.] on p. 136
8. olim] probably at the time 17. obm] cp. I 8.

when Erdorf still resided in the
Lily.
342 Epist. 32
swamped in 1532 wi
in Louvain where, on
of the Lily (LiblntH
on December 4, 1498
146 , 157 r, 162 r).
of Latin grammar started by John de Neve and Leo Outers, and
continued by their pupils Gerard Cannyf, of Meuwen, John Ceusters,
of Brecht, and John de Spouter, of Ninove (MonHL, 125-127). He was
entrusted with teaching in the Lily, being admitted to the Council of
the Faculty of Arts on Dec. 22, 1502 (ActArtV, 189 v), and soon
gained a name as excellent Latinist : it brought him Erasmus' ac
quaintance and staunch affection (MonHL, 138). He also tutored boys
of wealthy families, and by 1507 he was taken up with the instruction
of Cornelius Erdorf, with whom he left the Lily to go and board
with him at the house of Henry Viruli.
c After the complete failure of that boy's studies in Louvain, Becker

may have accompanied his charge for a time to Luxemburg. In the
Spring of 1513 he was appointed canon in Middelburg, thanks to Philip
van Spangen's interference, and he resided in Zeeland, from where
he wrote to Erasmus on April 19, 1514 (Allen, 1, 291). In compliance
with Jerome de Busleyden's request, - who may have recommended
him to the Middelburg sacerdotium, he accepted about November
1514 to go to Arlon to tutor another nephew, the son of the recently
deceased Valerian de Busleyden ; for the mother of the young boy
could not separate herself from the only consolation for her departed
husband : Allen, 11, 320, n-23 *). Becker did not like being so very far
from all intellectual intercourse, nor did the climate of Arlon and
of Luxemburg, where the family occasionally resided, agree with him
as he announced to Erasmus (January 4 & November 22, 1515: Allen,
11, 320, 370, 4o, sq). It is possible that he accompanied his pupil to
Louvain, although there is no record to materialize that sup
position, and the complete absence of all reference to a son of Valerian
in the accounts of Jerome de Busleyden's succession is a proof that
he, too, died prematurely like his father and his cousin Erdorf. At
any rate Becker, who was delighted to share the hospitality of the
Lily with Erasmus in the last months of 1517, was recommended by
him as tutor for John de Berghes' son in Louvain, on December 12,
1517 : he had exercised that office, the letter says, for several years
already : 'instituit enim nepotes reuerendissimi D. Francisci Buslidii,
episcopi Bizontini piae memoriae' viz., Cornelius Erdorf and Valerian
de Busleyden's son : cp. before, 9-11 ; Allen, 111, 717, 21-23 737
7-12
d Meanwhile Erasmus had made up his mind to have Becker ap

pointed as professor of Latin in the institute to be founded with
Busleyden's bequest (Allen, hi, 794, l3), and on March 26, 1518, he
even suggested to John Robbyns, the most active of the group of
protectors, to let him begin teaching, like the Hebrew professor had
x) Nondum enim mulieri persuaderi potest vt filiolum aetate adhuc

ten era, vnicum defuncti mariti solatium ab se ableget : it is evident,
there can be no question here of Erdorf, who had matriculated in Lou
vain in 1506 : ULAnn., 1874, 399-409 ; Allen, 11, 320, 15, n.
To John Becker 343
done : it only wanted a decent sal

appointment in Louvain, and he
offer ; whereas his light should shine much further if he staid in
Louvain ; he himself, he said, placed all his books and papers at
Becker's disposal during his trips to Basle (Allen, 111, 805, -24) Un
fortunately what Erasmus dreaded, happened whilst he was away ;
tired from the long inaction, Becker accepted the office of Dean of the
Collegiate church in the ancient castle of Zandenburg, near Veere,
which was in the gift of Adolphe, Lord of Veere ; by June 19, he had
passed through Antwerp and seen Peter Gillis (Allen, 111, 849, 6-7), and
on March 28, 1519, he wrote from Veere to Erasmus, reminding him
of the promise made the preceding winter of writing a Ratio Con
cionandi, just as he had composed manuals for the Christian Soldier,
for the Christian Prince and for the Christian Teacher (Allen, 111, 932,
le, sq) ; in reply the great Man sketched, on April 24, 1519, his own
wonderiul activity, and remarked that his friend did not want a Ratio
Concionandi for himself (Allen, ill, 952, 40-42) Three years later
Becker had been elected Dean of Middelburg by his colleagues, but
the place was contested, as it had been disposed of by the Emperor's
privilege of the Primaries Preces ; his patron tried to indemnify him
by granting him the personatus of Brouwershaven, as he wished him
to go to Louvain as tutor of his weakly son Maximilian. With his new
charge, Becker reached Louvain about the end of September 1522,
and staid most probably at Henry Viruli's house; at any rate, opposite
Dorp's, as he wrote to Erasmus on November 23, 1522 : Allen, v,
1321, 31
Through Dorp, as also through Barlandus, Erasmus sent an

occasional greeting (Allen, vi, 1584, 27), but some trouble, or at least a
certain coolness, had come on their connection, for Erasmus heard
from Dorp that Becker had listened a whole hour to the slander of one
of his chief enemies (Allen, vii, 1851, -26, 1860,7-4).After a year and
a half's absence in Zeeland, where he was in October 1524 (Cran., 121,
e), Becker returned with Maximilian to Louvain, and went to live at
Robert Viruli's, where in the summer of 1526 he was so ill, that his
death was announced to Erasmus, who wrote a most honorific report
about him to Barlandus. Becker thanked him for it on February 27,
1527, when he also advised him to adopt a strictly chronologic order
in the editing of his letters (Allen, vi, 1787). In reply to Becker's re
quest of July 28,1527, Erasmus wrote on August 24 following, a letter
to his pupil Maximilian of Beveren, who was probably then attending
the lectures of the Trilingue (Allen, vii, 1851, 37-40 i860, 5-7). As the
letter to the young man went astray (letter of Nov. 6, 1527 : Allen,
vii, 1898, -16), another was written, which, with a dedicated copy of
De Recta Pronunciations, reached Louvain as, a few days later, on
March 25, 1528, Becker announced ; he added that he was leaving for
Zeeland to show them to the boy's father, who had decided on leng
thening their stay in Louvain : Allen, vii, 1984, x, sq, 29, sq. By 1536
he had returned to his deanery at Veere, when Barlandus dedicated to
him his last work, De A mplifecatione, as he had gratefully inscribed to
him his first, Pluscule AEsopi, 1511, as well as his Lihelli Tres of 1520
(Daxhelet, 238-41, 273-76, 330-31, &c). Geldenhouwer put his name
to two of his Satyrcs Octo, 1515 (GeldColl., 171, 173), and John Rei
344 Epist. 32
gersberg indicates B
the sources for his C
12,e, and sources ind
333> 354. 43 &c Pa
lOANNES MI SP
FELIX UIUE
QILE proxime,
pueri literis ex Atrebatibus
cognouerim, rediens,
sane omnia tarnactuis quam
nobis grata
periucunda fuere : jnprimis spes ilia certa toties (ut nosti) a
me desyderata quam de credito tibi puero nuperrime concae
5 peris : qui una hoc cum ccelo mutato, animum quoque literas
prius auersum, planeque fastidientem prorsus commutauerit,
adeo ut accinctus iam totus et expeditus illas anhelat arden
tius, resumat alacrius: ad Studium quarum oscitantem paulo
ante ilium et omnino nauseabundum ferula oportuit urgere
10 atque additis calcaribus acrius accendere. Quae quidem muta
tio uoluntatis, siue suopte ingenio, siue ab aura permutata
(qua ut saspe compertum est atque usu uenit animorum habi
tus nonnunquam uariantur) contigerit, certe undecunque tan
dem processerit, mihi iucunda uenit tarn laeta, tam expectata,
15 quam illi utilis et summe necessaria : quando tantus sit af
fectus, item pietas : tanta erga ilium propensio nostra, ut pul
chra illius institutione, receptorumque morum profectu, nil
aeque cogitem, nec efflictius quicquam in uotis ducam.
Quod quum ita sit, enixius contendendum tibi est, impen
20 siusque elaborandum, ilium quem mihi affirmas aliquantulum
iam resipiscere, frugi esse, speique multum probitatis futurae
de se repromittere : jn tarn sancto instituto et cursu pulcher
rimo confirmes, adusque contineas, quo et tandem et melior
euadat, et se quotidie magis atque magis proficere haud peni
25 teat. Quod ex animi sententia nostri tum demum sic continget,
modo illi uerbo et exemplo tu adsis, praeesse illi quern, nedum
5 qui una &c. ] on p. 246 21 multum &c. ] on p. 247
2. pueri] viz., Cornelius Erdorf. fields, whilst the Lily was inside
4-5. concaeperis] viz., at the a block of houses belonging to
removal to Viruli 's house. four streets - Oppendorp Street,
5. coelo mutato] cp. 1. 11 aura New Street, Penny Street and
permutata : Viruli's house was St. Peter's cemetery,
outside the inner wall of the' 9. ferula] Cp. Epp. 30, 12.
town, and amongst gardens and
To Francis Friscobaldi 345
adesse uolui, vtpote cuius prseceptis

que institutis, rudis adhuc totus ac
tur, jn alterumque hominem (ut ita
30 nem scilicet ingenuis tarn morib
quentia singulari praeditum. Quib
super his roges sententiam) tantum
quantum ratione bruto. Vale.
BuslMS, 139-140 (f 9 c, ) <Mechlin, Summer of 1507)
33. To Francis FRISCOBALDI

a This letter, inscribed 'Francisco Friscobaldo.', was evidently written
a short while aftet Epp. 31 and 32, and was sent to Erdorf with an
other from Louis Ponzanus (Epp. 34, 9), to be handed to the addressee,
so as to make him leave the Lily for Henry Viruli's house, and share
John Becker's lessons, as he intended doing.
b Francis Friscobaldi, no doubt, belonged to the powerful family

of Florentine bankers and merchants Frisco- or Frescobaldi, who had
established branch offices at Bruges and Antwerp. He probably was
a son of Jerome Friscobaldi, born about 1448 at Florence, who was
already carrying on business with Bruges merchants in 1474, at times
through the ministry of the procurator Antonio Gualterotti: BrugEst.,
222, 282, 287 ; FuggZeit., 1, 278 ; Goris, 619. He soon established in
Bruges, and, by 1507, he bought a site for a house in Antwerp : in fact,
it was here in the Netherlands that his firm became powerful (BrugEst.,
374; FuggZeit., i, 278). From 1489 on, he frequently lent money to
the Burgundian Court, and at Tommaso Portinari's death, he held for
a time the famous pawn : 'il riccho fiordalisio di Borgogna', which
provided him with advantages, such as, for 1498, the entrance duties
of English wool and the taxes of Gravelingen (FuggZeit., 1, 277-79,
289,11, 38). In Antwerp he did not merely speculate on ordinary goods
in-trade or landed property (Goris, 374, 393), but launched out on
spices and foreign produce, chiefly provided by the Portuguese (Fugg
Zeit, I, 272, 278; BrugEst., 391; Goris, 230-31). He bought large
quantities of alun from the countries under the Sultan, which reached
him through England, and thus brought down on him in 1507, the
resentment of the Pope, whose monopoly was upheld by interdict and
excommunications; the Court remonstrated, though most gently,
with Jerome, whilst James IV of Scotland urged Louis XII to help
him to intercede on his behalf with Julius II (Goris, 205-207; BrugEst.,
387)
c From 1509 dates a most busy connection with the Court of England :
FuggZeit., i, 279 ; he supplied even cargoes of weapons and ammuni
tion, such as that which was seized at Hamburg in 1512, and which
he freed by using reprisals on vessels of the Easterlings : BrugEst.,
409-434. Indeed he enjoyed a great ascendency over Maximilian, to
whom he lent money in 1510, 1512 and again in 1515 ; in the latter
23
346 Epist. 33
year, he obtained from Henry VIII a large credit to finance the

Emperor's war in Italy ; since, however, Jerome's means in Italy
were not ample enough to provide the large amount wanted, he had
to transfer the necessary coin ; it caused an unfortunate delay in the
military operations which was not prevented in time by the help re
quested from the Fuggers : FuggZeit., I, 96, 279, 289 ; Goris, 393. If
Jerome Friscobaldi had become reconciled with the Papal Court, in
so far that, in 1515 and 1516, he was requested to gather and send to
Rome the produce of the pardon and of the indulgence granted by
Leo X (BrugEst., 465 ; FuggRom., I, 172, 11, 198), he became suspected
of having caused a delay in the army's progress so as to help France ;
he consequently lost all credit and favour with Maximilian, which he
was unable to recuperate, for he died by the end of 1517 ; his five sons,
who continued the business, could not stave off the failure of the once
so powerful concern (May-June 1518). Still after paying off the debts,
they managed to rebuild a society on joint account with the help of
some friends, like Cardinals Campegio and Wolsey, under the firm of
Lienard, or Leonard, Friscobaldi and Company, Leonard being the
eldest son, the others Philip, John, Francesco and Peter [BrugEst.,
413, 465, 492 ; FuggZeit., 1, 278-80; FuggRom, 11, 228 ; Brewer, ill,
54. PP- 1530. 1546, iv, p.
d Francesco or Francisque Friscobaldi, after his initial training in

his family, was entrusted to the care of the future favourite at the
Court of Margaret of Austria, Remacle d'Ardenne (cp. Carm. vin).
As the latter availed himself of the opportunity to accompany one or
more pupils to France, Francesco had, by the end of 1506 or in the
beginning of 1507, to go and study at the Lily, where he made Cor
nelius Erdorfs acquaintance, and was soon gained to the scheme of
sharing with his friend both Becker's tutoring and Viruli's house and
board. Jerome de Busleyden was not remiss in seconding what he
considered a move which, besides being a sign of gratitude of the boy
to his master, was to produce pleasure to his nephew, and encourage
him in the course of the earnest study that he seemed to have started.
He therefore advised Francesco Friscobaldi, who was free to dispose
of the matter himself (Epp. 34, 15-17) to join Erdorf for his board and
his lessons ; he added even an encouraging letter to that effect from
Louis Ponzanus, a friend of the Friscobaldi family.
e After his training in Louvain, Francesco entered his father's business

and spent some years in England, making there several friends.By
1517 he was in Florence (Brewer, 11, 2953), and after his father's death
he gave, on January 29, 1518, procuration to his brother John to pay
some of the debts by a deed passed before Jehan de Gayes, notary
apostolic in Rome [BrugEst., 492-93). On May 28, 1521, his brothers
Leonard and John borrowed, in their name as well as in his and in
that of their brother Philip, a sum of money, but on December 10 of
that same year, as well as on July 4, 1522, Francesco was in Bruges
and one of the parties present at the sale of his father's house to
Count Francis de Melun, constable of Flanders : BrugEst., 543, 547
48, 555 When about 1529, Lionardo, the eldest brother, who had been
Wolsey's favourite, died, Francesco applied to the Cardinal with the
request that he might continue to protect the concern, as he had done
in the time of his father and of Lionardo (Brewer, iv, 5974-75). It is
To Francis Friscobaldi 347
not known whether Wolsey still had the ti

Matteo Bandello, the novelist (Novelle, , 34)
England, relates how Francesco Friscobaldi, in his misfortune, tried
to realize there an outstanding debt of fifteen thousand ducats.
Having gone there one day to claim that apparently hopeless title, he
was recognized by Thomas Cromwell for the patrician who had taken
pity on him when, some years before, being at Florence, he was in
utter destitution, and who had generously helped him. On learning
the plight of his old benefactor, the then powerful successor of Wolsey
took him up in his house, helped him to recover his claim, and offered
him a large capital to start a bank in London. But Francesco, who is
praised by Bandello for his nice and liberal mind, preferred a quiet
life and returned to Florence where he, soon after, died : FuggZeit.,
i, 271, 280-81.
/ It might be surmised that the Francesco Friscobaldi referred to here,

should have been identical with the chaplain of St. Donatian's Bruges,
of that name, who is recorded to have been wounded by a confrater,
'D. Guillelmus Richafort, musicus eximius'; as the latter humbly re
quested to be forgiven, the Chapter pardoned him on December 2,
1532, but did not allow him to say Mass, though, or to come to the choir
(Schrevel, 1,199, 195, sq). Still it is far more probable that this chaplain
was the son of the Antony Friscobaldi, a relative of Jerome, who had
settled at Bruges as early as 1489, and who died at Antwerp in
1533 (FuggZeit., i, 276 ; Goris, 361) ; the 'Friscobaldi fratres quatuor',
prosecuted at Bruges on account of a failure in June 1523 (Cran., 60,
I2"i3) may have been his sons, and the brothers of that chaplain
Francesco.
AVDIO Remaclum
Galliam paedagogum,
profectum, te alteri
operam suam tandem posthabito,
locauisse : quod in
si ita est, e reque tua putes futurum in absentis locum alium
surrogari, consuetudine cuius at que institutione melior euadas
5 et doctior ; est Ioannes Borsalus, excellentis uir ingenij, pru
dentise singular is, moribus ornatus, multifaria doctrina prse
ditus, ad huiusmodi munus feliciter obeundum maxime ido
neus, vtpote annos iam multos in docendis bonis artibus, for
mandisque atque excolendis ingenijs uersatus. Qua in re ma
10 ximam sibi apud doctos comparauit laudem : est assequutus
gloriam, testante et comprobante florentissimo (in quo iam
agis) Louaniensi gymnasio, cui ipse Borsalus magno fuit de
5 est] MS Est with a doube curl, like an between and s
12 magno 6-c.] on p. 140
i. Remaclum] Remade d'Ar- 8. annos iam multos] ever

denne : cp. Carm., vm, -/. since 1498.
5. Ioannes Borsalus] Cp. John 12. gymnasio] the Lily.
Becker of Borselen : cp. Epp. 32,
b-e.
348 Epist. 33
cori at que ornajm

superuacaneum p
15 passim in liter
iudicia, extollunt s
ipse uideris an i
uelis ; quod si tib
Quo sic cognito, p
20 honesta quidem
acceptante haud i
praeclare tecum a
ram non aegre adm
illam complectere
BuslMS, 140-141 (f 9 v-i 10 r) <Mechlin, Summer of 1507^
34. To Cornelius ERDORF

a This letter addressed 'Cornelio suo, Sororis filio,', was written on the
same day as Epp. 33, which it accompanied, as the boy was re
quested to hand it to his friend Friscobaldi, together with another
from Louis Ponzanus, a member of one of the Councils. The three
concern the same subject, the finding of a new pupil lor Becker and
thus securing a means to encourage Erdorf in his good purpose : cp.
Epp. 31, b-c.
b The 'Ludouicus Ponzanus' mentioned in this letter is for certain
identical with the so-called Louis Bouzan or Bouran, whose name
occurs amongst the members of the Great Council of Mechlin. He was
appointed as successor to Nicolas Everardi on his promotion to the
Presidency of the Holland Council, and his letters patent were signed
in Brussels on October 6, 1509. He was a Genoese, and had promoted
doctor of laws. In 1515 he was appointed councillor attached to the
person of Archduke Charles, King of Spain, and was replaced at
Mechlin by Richard Reyngher, or Rogier, Knight, by letters patent
of December 18, 1515. It is more than likely that his name was
Ponzani or Ponzano, as it was written twice by Vegerius, and not
altered by Busleyden, who evidently knew him personally : MalConM,
57, 64 ; MalconR, 15-16 : to him is inscribed the hexastich De Node
Natali Christi : Carrn., vu : ad Ludo. Ponsanum Amicu.
c VRAM et Studium tuum (ne dicam officium aut pieta

tem) in rem Borsali mirifice laudo atque probo. Est enim
15. candidatorum] Becker was nephew was an evident proof,

most successful in his teaching, 23. obuijs... manibus] Eras
which no doubt his students did mus: Obviis ulnis.Obviismanibus:
not fail to proclaim ; Busleyden's ErAdag., 675, .
To Arnold van Vessem 349
indicium legitimi gratique discipuli erga

praeceptorem, cui raro uel nunquam q
5 satisfacere. Quod quum ita sit, tantae
meam accumulatam uolui, ut ita duplic
Borsalum gratior et Franciscum eff
nostra sic coniuncta nimium uiribus su
dem existeret, necessarium duxi operam
10 ornatissimi College,subiungere,quod eum
apud Franciscum et fide posse et auctorit
Quas nostras quoque comitantur, vtras
redditurus est tibi; eas tu porro Franci
monendo atque urgendo hominem ut q
15 net, non tarn uotis nostris uelit satisfa
consulere ; maxime quum id ei sic ex sen
(ut audio) prorsus in manu eius situm
patre. Vale.
BuslMS, 259-263 (1 T-3 1) <Mechlin, Summer of i507>
35. To Frater ARNOLD <van VESSEM>

of Tongerloo
a This letter inscribed : 'Fri Arnoldo Tongerolen.', belongs, no doubt,
to the latter half of 1507 : perhaps the summer, as it refers to an organ
recently installed in his mansion : I 32, sq. That organ, built by (a
Nuremberg organ-builder, probably Hans Suys, - had already been
ordered some time before, as Busleyden wrote in the summer of 1506
to Nicasius Hackenay, through whose medium the instrument was
bought, mentioning it as 'toties et tam perseveranter... promissum'
(Epp. 28, 17-ls). Judging from his eagerness, it is not likely that
Busleyden would have waited long before having the organ installed
in his mansion, and, no doubt, he, at once, invited the able musician
of Tongerloo Abbey, who for some time had been training his younger
brother, who was to enter his service as soon as he was efficiently
taught. The time that Bartholomew, the brother, had spent in the
Abbey as a guest, was so considerable already that it had given some
3 indicium &c. 1 on p. 141 14 urgendo] before it objurgan is lined out S

15 non] second non cr
i. Curam &c.] viz. the kindness 7. Franciscum] Friscobaldi: cp.

and gratitude he showed to his Epp. 33, b-f.
preceptor to whom he tried to 9. Ludovici Ponzani] cp.
procure another pupil : cp. Epp. Carm. vu, pr.
31 c
350 Epist. 35
uneasiness or scrupl
Premonstratensian O
on the other, as it caused a too large expense to his future master,
who, no doubt, had to provide for him. It looks as if recently Busleyden
had been told by Arnold that there seemed to be some perfidy or
falsehood in keeping the young man much longer there under a
wrong pretext: 11 19-21. He therefore wished to take him at once
into his familia. That circumstance suggests as early a date as possible
for this letter, for the fraterculus, who was cetatis... adhuc satis... tene
riusculcB (11 3, 22-23), when this letter was written, was so full-grown in
body and character in September 1517, that he brought back the
mortal rests of his master from Bordeaux to Mechlin, besides con
veying the most important part of his belongings and managing the
servants (Rek., 17 cp.before, 76,sq\ HisTriLov., chapts. 1, 111);
he afterwards conducted the affairs of the heritage, and spent several
years in working for the interests, both financial and material, of the
Trilingue : HisTriLov., chapts. v-vin.
b 'Frater Arnold', an old friend(/53), was, to all probability, identical
with the "Winand Vessem' recorded in the Necrologium of Our Lady
of Tongerloo, the Premonstratensian Abbey between Herenthals and
Westerloo : a second Christian name is given to the members at their
entry in the order. Arnold Winand van Vessem probably originary
from Tilburg, was priest and canon already by 1503, when he was
appointed pitantiarius, master of the food of the community ; in 1526
he was entrusted with the parish of Little Zundert, about 15 kilometers
S.W. from Breda. He devoted there all his care to his flock until his
death on February 13, 1536. Of his ability as musician hardly any
mention seems to be made except in this letter. He did not only leave
the memory of a pious and kind character, but also the means to
continue his charity after his death : on February 3, 1536, he be
queathed, with the licence of his Abbot, several goods to the Masters
of the H. Ghost to help them to clothe every year the two poorest of
Zundert, and to have a Mass and an evening service celebrated there in
honour of Our Lady on Sundays and feast days : TongNecrol., 31.
Most likely it was on account of those foundations, to which the
Tongerloo Abbot was the collator, as well as of the experience gained
under an elder relation, that as his successor was appointed, in the
same month of February 1536 *), his nephew 'Arnold de Vessem, alias
van Loet or Loedt', born in 1496, also at Tilburg, who had taken the
white Premonstratensian habit on June 23, 1520 after having studied
at Orleans ; he made his profession on June 9 (or 19) 1522, became
priest and canon, and had served his brethren as cellarer from June
24, 1527, as 'pistor' and 'camerarius' from July 16, 1530. Through his
religious zeal he made some enemies, who cruelly tortured and
murdered him in his presbytery on July 19/20, 1557, thus becoming
one of the three martyrs amongst the Tongerloo brethren in those
troublesome years. In later times another nephew, John van Vessem,
alias Vervloet, of Tilburg who had made his profession at Tongerloo
on April 25, 1565, worked from November 28, 1580 to his death,
') That appointment was approved of by the Bishop of Liege on

June 2i, 1536 : Coppens, hi, ii, 180.
To Arnold van Vessem 351
April 4, 1606, in the same parish as his un

Necrol., 141, 64 ; Tongerloo, 323-24 ; Copp
xvuth century another Arnold of Vessem
same family was Abbot of the Premonstr
bosch : J. B. Gramaye, Taxandria : Louvain
c The frater taught music by Arnold, Bartholomew van Vessem

served his master most faithfully ; at his death he bestowed all his
affection and devotion to what had been Busleyden's chief preoccupa
tion in his last years, his Collegium. Trilingue. For several years lie
worked with conscientious care and sagacious experience at the
realization of that great scheme, instead of enjoying a peaceful life
provided by the canonry at Aire which his master had secured for
him. His great friend John Robbyns, dean of St. Rombaut's, Mechlin,
obtained for him a canonry in that church : unfortunately he did not
enjoy it very long, for he died much before his time on April 29, 1538,
even before he was ordained, according to the epitaph on his tomb
in St. Rombaut's : Hie jacet sepultus Onus Bartolomeus Vessem
Subdiac. & Canonic, hujus Eccltae qui obiit an0 Dni xv. C. xxxvin
penultima mensis Aprilis R. i. p. (Mallnscr. 65). On April 30, 1538,
the notary Robert Persoens made, at the request of the executors,
an inventory of all the goods in his house in the Heembeemd : IBM3,
121, - 124, r. On June 18, 1517, on the eve of accompanying his
master to Spain, he gave, in presence of the notary Walter Militis,
procuration to Philip Fourdain, or Fourdin, Busleyden's chaplain,
and to other friends, to see to his interests, and even to sustain law
suits for him in his absence : he was then only a 'clericus leodiensis' :
RegNot., 307. Cp. HisTriLov., chapt. 1 and xxi.
Salue, Serue Dei, mi Frater Arnolde
ACCEPI literas
testes tuas propensissimae
luculentissimas erga
; quibus, inter me hoc
cetera, pietatis
unum tuse
quod imprimis placuit agnoui, scilicet fraterculum ilium tuum
arti musicae iampridem operam strenue mandantem, tandem
5 te duce et auspice clarissimum euasisse, maxime temperandis,
moderandisque (quibus cantantium chorus iuuatur) organis ;
quam pulchram institutionem suam, et felicem in ea arte suc
cessum ille tibi uni (post Deum Optimum Maximum) ferre
debet acceptum. Prseterea et tantum beneficium propensiori
10 studio demereri, qui eum in tarn laudabili et expetendo insti
tuto, non tarn recte formaueris, quam uel plane confirmaueris :
videlicet ultra praxim iamdudum traditam, addendo illi
ipsius artis theoricam uniuersam, occasionem hinc illi ho
4 mandantem] d cr 13 uniuersam] after it some space occasionem &c] on 260
3. fraterculum] Bartholomew van Vessem.
352 Epist. 35
nestam et pulche
15 nonnunquam f
uitare otia foment
nis et cymbalis b
et orgia diuum. Q
quod dubites te a
20 guam, quod is f
dum destinatae, u
et laudo et probo
satis, ut nosti, te
cepta, is nondum
25 xime fretus illi
sine doctore aliqu
semel audiam, co
fecit, quantum ca
dexterrimum, ex
30 nis quotidie ses
Abbatem sic liceat, hinc ad dies octo una cum fratre hie
adsis, ambo mecum audituri, non sine summa uoluptate Or
gana ilia praeclara, nuperrime in asdibus nostris, a Germano
quodam Norico magno ingenio inuenta, mira arte faberrime
16 fomenta omnium malorum] order reversed by a and b C
18 est] 28 arte &c] on p. 261
19. arguam <S-c] viz., for pro- 33-34 Germano quodam Nori
tracting unduly the time of the co] most probably the Nurenberg
youth's teaching, which was at organ-builder Hans Suys, who
Busleyden's charge. had also a shop or an office in
20. religioni <Src] it has always Cologne : cp. 42 ; Epp. 28, 15,
been a custom in bigger abbeys 34. inuenta] Suys took the en
to offer liberal hospitality to gagement in 1509 to provide for
young men desirous of entering Our Lady's in Antwerp : Eengen
the order, so as to get acquainted Orgele voort eengen Doeve van
with the life they are to lead. drie Manieren, ende een Cibele
31. Abbatem] Tongerloo Abbey van drie manieren : nog twee ma
had at that time as Abbot Anto- nieren van fluiten ende Hoelpy
ny TsGrooten,born at Oosterwyk pen, nog Wegelen, Walthornen,
in 1460, who made his profession Scheelpypen, Trompetten, Schal
on July 11, 1482 ; he was elected meyen, sincken Royspypen ende
Abbot on August 28, 1504 and Tamboureynen ende nog meer
died on April 14, 1530, after a andere selsame stemmen die
most beneficent management as nooyt in orgelen geweest en zyn...
well for the intellectual and mate- Gregoir, 173, 182, 183. It is
rial wants as for the religious di- most probable that Busleyden's
rection of his Abbey, which he organ, too, had some novel
enlarged by new buildings and arrangements and new sets of
enriched by a library : Tongerloo, tones.
283-85, 288-304.
To John Becker 353
35 absoluta. Opus sane uti ra

sententia passim memoran
tractando audiendoque non
cere manus, aures pascere
praestabilius est, licebit int
40 illius harmonise obiter m
reficiuntur, fouentur beati
animse,quarum multiplex ch
decachordo, Neomenia tuba,
chordis, organis, cymbalis, c
45 canentes, tarn suaue melos
dem symphoniam, inexhau
unquam nec auris audiuit,
pro dignitate memorare p
itidem detur nobis, illorum
50 nostra tendunt uota) con
In quo sic assequendo qui a
sus, uelim tu me iuua, mun
uotis, charitate inprimis (q
bus, scilicet apud Ilium qu
55 bonitas, pietas, amor est
quandoque saluos fore, uit
animam olim suam ponens, i
acerrimi Adsertoris, perpe
nomenclaturam sortitus. Dig
60 tanto beneficio condigna
aut maius, aut carius, aut e
fuit, unquam erit. Vale.
BuslMS, 248-250 (B 5 w-B 6 v
36. To John BECK

This letter, inscribed . Bor
34, marking a continuation of
the tutor had wished to rewa
written in the last months of t
43 tubis 6-c.] on p. 262

57 animam] over line S 58 est &c.] on p. 263
354 Epist. 36
Saluus sis, mi Dulcissime Ioannes
VT tandem tibi,
consilio tuo nedum quam
parerem, non morem gererem
tantopere quam
efflagitasti uel
cocci
neam mitto infulam, una cum duplici materia, conficiendis in
usum pueri duabus (quas diploides uocant) interulis : vnam
5 scilicet diebus testis atque sestate,alteram uero feriatis hyeme
que accommodandam ; quae interim ne compressae, nimiumue
coartatae puero, aut inutiles fiant aut molestae, sed satius
iuxta corporis modum habitumque dimensae, legitimam suam
accipiant formam atque mensuram, etiam atque etiam cura
10 bis. Hanc tarnen infulam, nolim illi quamprimum concedas :
caeterum ardens pueri uotum certa impetrandi spe tarndiu
pasces atque eo protrahes quo tibi tandem unam ex Terentia
nis Comoedijs integram memoriter fideliterque reddiderit.
Solent quidem liberalium ingeniorum liberorum ingenia non
15 nunquam plus moueri blandicijs, ac quibusdam propositis
praemijs ad studia excitari uehementius quam rugosa fronte,
saeueroque supercilio uerbera quotidie atque plagas inferente.
Quod quidem ita sit necne, illius nunc data occasione pericu
lum tibi licebit facere : sic obiter experiundo, utrum istorum
20 in puero plus ualeat ; juxta quod (ubi id demum expertus sis)
ipsius ingenium quoties remissum fuerit aut languidum, du
cere in tua (quo uelis) uota, ac minori negotio flectere possis :
jn quo uno (mihi crede) summum inprimis officium ac primae
partes optimi praeceptoris nimirum consistunt uersanturque.
25 Cuius rationem facile crediderim tarn te hucusque habuisse
quam sperauerim post hac habiturum esse, adeo ut ex insti
tuto, diligentia tua intercedente et cura, una cum pueri doci
litate, ingenij acumine et felici memoria iam pene nobis per
suasum sit eum tandem cumulatissime responsurum suae
30 spectatae indoli, tuo labori, expectationi meae; atque (ut paucis
absoluam)utriusque nostrum suorumqueomniumgloriae: quam
ita sibi parentes (quo nomine nec ipsi praeceptores defraudan
tur) haud iniuria uendicant ex liberis liberaliter institutis,
probatis scilicet moribus et bonis literis undecunque ornatis
11 tamdiu] over line S 14 Solent 6-c.] on p. 249 22 tua] corr. from tuam
29 responsurum &c.] on p. 250
4. pueri] Cornelius Erdorf. 31. suorumque] i. e.,
To James de Blasere 355
35 simis. Jnterea uale, inter probat

ex dilectis maxime probate ; hos
at que humanissimas literas accep
salutaturus.
BuslMS, 265-267 (4 r-5 ) <Mechlin, latter part of 1507^
37. To James de BLASERE

Flanders Councillor
a This letter, inscribed 'lacobo Blaser, Consiliario Flandrics.', refers

to a plea which the addressee had pronounced in Paris Parliament in
the Spring of 1506 ; Busleyden had heard so much praise about it that
he requested the text, to have it copied. He returned it with much
delay, which he ascribed to the copyist. The letter, which was sent
with the document, shows the author's sincere desire to gather all
possible information and all documents that might be useful for his
work as juridical councillor : art and literature did not make him
forgo in the least his stern duty.
b James de Blasere, member of the Council of Flanders, a native
of Bruges, was the son of John de Blasere, who from 1458 to 1478
had filled there several times the office of 'chef-homme', and once that
of councillor of the town : he married Catherine de Joncheere, who
died on Sept. 5, 1493 : he followed her on July 3, 1512, being buried
in the St. George Chapel of Our Lady's, Bruges fBostE, x; Brug&-Fr.,
i, 285 ; Bruglnscr., 11, 359, 474, 479, 37, 452). James, his second son,
matriculated as a student of the Lily in Louvain on August 31, 1478
(Liblntll, 136) ; he afterwards became pensionary of his native town,
and then First Councillor in the Council of Flanders : FlandCon., 213
14. He certainly will have" put there to good use the knowledge and
the experience gained by the office he had filled at Bruges. Judging
from this letter, he had defended in Paris Parliament the right of the
Count of Flanders Philip the Fair, or that of his son Charles, against
the encroachments of the centralizing Louis XII.
c It happened probably as a sequel of the veering in the policy of the

untrustworthy French King, who resented the bad treatment which
had been given in the Spring of 1505 to a royal sergeant sent with a
writ of justice to Flanders ; six commissaries had been dispatched,
who on August 23, 1505, summoned Philip the Fair to make amends,
and as it produced no result, Paris Parliament summoned him to come
and hear them pronounce that Flanders, Artois and Charolais was
going to be seized and kept by the King until satisfaction should be
given for his complaints. Being ready to leave for Spain, Philip sent five
envoys to Louis XII, amongst them John of Luxemburg and
Philip Wielant; they left Brussels on September 16, 1505. Grievances
which had been forgotten since centuries, were brought up, such as the
36. hospitem] Henry Viruli: cp. Epp. 30, b-d.
356 Epist. 37
royal rights on vacan

ship of the Land of
the territory of Os
French estates, as th
demanded for them.
at Coutres, according
of the vacant see of
to plead the matter o
monde and Ostrevant
in that suit, which was ventilated in the summer of 1506, that de
Blasere pronounced a plea which was famous for its effectiveness, at
least in the opinion of people in these provinces 1); for in the hostile
atmosphere which then weighed on France's King and government,
the Flemish rights and traditions had little chance of being recognized
and acknowledged : the question was even only solved provisionally
at the Treaty of Cambrai on December 10, 1508, stipulating that
Charles of Austria was not to do homage for the estates he held from
France before he was twenty : Henne, 1, 71-75, 206-208 ; MargvOK,
236, sq.
d On June 10, 1500, James de Blasere married Adrienne de Vo=,

or, des Riches , Lady-heiress of Ydewalle and Beaupre (f Dec.
14, 1539), daughter of James, Lord of Ydewalle, and Isabeau of Hale
wyn ; he died on October 2, 1534, arid was buried in the oratory of the
Dominicans in Ghent (Brug&'Fr., 1, 285-86, 412-15, 11, 363-65, 371).
They left several children : their son James, Lord of Walle, his suc
cessor as councillor, Sept. 27, 1534, and afterwards vice-president of
Flanders, married Jane de Bets, or Bette, and died at Ghent on June
9, 1557 (BelgDom., 41 ; FlandCon., 114, 213-14, 225 ; Brug&'Fr., 1,
288, vi, 239, 246 ; Bruglnscr., 11, 404, 407) ; their daughter Adrienne
married Josse of Halewyn, Knight, Lord of Merckem (Brug&'Fr., 1,
286, 391, 224, 11, 410, v, 10, vi, 245) ; their second daughter Barbara,
lady of Beaupre, became the wife of John de Vos, Lord of Herlebout
or Heurlebout (Brug&'Fr., I, 286, 457, ill, 87) ; whereas John de Bla
sere, the second son 2), was a member, and afterwards President, of
Flanders Council, and from December 18, 1562 to 1583, a member
of the Great Council of Mechlin : Matthieu, 238,243. He married first
Anne, daughter of Rooert Hellin3), and afterwards Jane van Erp ;
he died on August 17, 1587 at Tournai, where he was buried in St.
Peter's (Brug&'Fr., 1, 287-88). Cp. MalConM, 124 ; and Liblntll, 74, r
(James de Blasere, Sept. 18, 1469), 103, (Adr. de Blasere de Geraldi
monte, Jan. 26, 1474) ; GandErVir., 18, 47, 76, 94, 117.
*) FlandCon., 213-214, mentions as a 'fait remarquable' quoted by

J. L'Espinoy (Recherches de Flandre, p. 936) that James de Blasere,
summoned by the King of France before his Paris Parliament and
questioned about the rights and claims of the County of Flanders,
answered so fitly and peremptorily that it pleased and satisfied Par
liament.
2) He was classed the 9th at the promotion of March 30, 1546 :
Joannes de Blasere, Gandavensis : ULPromRs., 135.
3) Robert Hellin was the son of Robert no doubt the Bruges
Pensionary, Cranevelt's colleague and John de Fevyn's brother-in-law :
Cran., xlvij, xciii, xcvi, 51, a, 221, 28, &c. ; BelgDom., 42-43.
To James de Blasere 357
REDDIT/E sunt mihi ilia

cum luculentissima nuper doctissim
actione qua tu pro liter tu,
summa tua una
in Comitem fide, frequenti Parisiorum Senatu iustissimas
ipsius Comitis partes, simul et insignia iura latissim ditionis
5 eius, es (ut audio) et acerrime prosequutus et feliciter tutatus,
scilicet contra inuisos olim suos (quos iampridem probe nosti)
uitilitigatores: quibus nil magis animo sedet, nil que inuotis
est quam florentissimam dominationem eius, simul et amplis
simam qua pollet auctoritatem, suis dolis, technis, imposturis
10 et iniquis usurpationibus indies labefactare, sibi adserere.
Quo quidem honesto studio laudatissim actionis tu, non
minus tua in Principem spectata fides, quam uel memoria
citandis authoribus, uel ingenium retorquendis malignantium
tlis, clarissime emicuit : argumentum sane plusquam con
15 fessum, idque nunquam intermoriturum, eximi probitatis
tu, fidei et doctrin. Qu quidem in tarn iusta causa, in
tarn spatiosissimo dicendi campo, etsi parum apud quos
judices, adeo uires suas ostendit, neruos omnes intendit ut
tandem ijs facile calumniantium conatus, aduersantium thri
20 c, machin, spicula irrita cesserint, in ipsos suos unde uibrata
erant authores retorta. Qu actio si forte serius ac speraueras,
5 et acerrime <S-c.] on p. 266 11 studio] before it desyd is crossed off
19 thrica I r tri- 20 in ipsos &c.] on p. 267
3. Comitem] Philip the Fair as passed into Louis XII's service,

Count of Flanders. who placed him at the head of the
6. invisos olim suos] no doubt commissaries sent to urge satis
the deceitful Louis XII, and faction for the bad treatment of a
especially Engelbert of Cleves, French royal sergeant in Flan
Count of Nevers, Auxerre, Etam- ders ; on August 23, 1505, he took
pes and Rethel, who had been a act of the Archduke's refusal to
friend, councillor, and ambassa- make amends, and threatened
dor of Philip the Fair, on Au- him with the penalties that
gust 10, 1501, he was one of those would follow : Henne, 1, 31, 71-72.
who signed the treaty of Lyons, 17-18. parum apud aequos judi
by which Charles of Austria and ces] no doubt the will of the
Claude of France were to be tyrannical King weighed heavy
joined in marriage. He became a on the French jurisprudents of
most dangerous enemy on account those days, when, at least in
of a quarrel about some claims, France, it was considered
such as those on his county of quite natural that old traditions
Etampes, which had been, he and even solemn treaties were
said, unrighteously divided in overlooked, since the territory of
1401 by their common ancester the kingdom was considered as
Philip the Bold, and seized by inalienable, as was declared at
Charles the Bold ; he started a the meeting of the States-General
lawsuit against Philip, of which at Tours in 1506 : W. H. Hudson,
neither of them saw the end. He France : London, 1917 : 228.
358 Epist. 38
ego quoque destin

mihi succenseas.
qualecunque sit, p
25 bendam credide
pensioni simul et b
me adeo expetend
fuerit : cuius quid
praestare imitator
30 rator et laudato
sime, bonorum do
BuslMS, 142 (f 10 v) (Mechlin, latter part of 1507)
38. To Luigi MARLIANO

a This letter, entitled 'Aloysio Marliano Medico Princ.', was written
from Busleyden's mansion, which was ready in 1507, in favour
of a nephew who was then staying with him ; having fallen ill, he had
been treated by the Court physician. It aimed at getting the recipe
for a preservative which had been promised, as well as the favour
of a letter from the Italian erudite, who had recently returned from
Spain whereto he had accompanied Philip the Fair. It may be dated
in the second half of 1507, possibly in 1508.
b Luigi, or Aloisius, Marliano was born from a noble family in
Milan : he may have been the son of John Francis Marliani, senator
of Milan, ambassador of Duke John Galeas Mary Sforza to Innocent
VIII in 1485 >) : Polain, 111, 2616, 1, 282 ; perhaps a brother to John
Albert Marliani, patrician of Milan : Polain, 111, 3199. He studied
medecine, and entered the service of Lodovico and Massimiliano Sforza,
after having been received as a member of the College of Physicians
of his native town in 1484. He came to our provinces with the young
Prince Maximilian, and at his leaving, was engaged as councillor and
physician by Philip the Fair, whom he served for several years :
Daniel and John-Antony de Marlian, recorded as squires of the
Stables of the Archduke in 1517 and 1521 (Gachard, 505, 513), were
probably his sons 2). At the death of his wife, Marliano entered orders,
and received several preferments, although residing at Court, where
he devoted to study the time that was not taken up by his office 3).
3) His Oratio was printed without name or date (probably by

Stephen Plannck, in Rome) under the title : Jo. Francisci Marliani Me
diolanensis : Magnifici Antonij filij : Illustrissimi Ducis Mediolani
legati : oratio habita apud Innocentium Octavum Pontificem maximum :
Anno dni. M. cccc. Ixxxv, tertio. calendas quintiles. Cp. Polain, in, 2616.
2) One of them is referred to in Spinelly's letter to Wolsey, April 11,
1521, as 'the son of the bishop of Toy', who expressed great regret at
Chievres' inclination to the French : Brewer, in, 1223.
3) In 1509 he had for a time as secretary Remacle d'Ardenne
(Carm. vm, c), through whom Erasmus sent him his greetings on June
i, 1516 : Allen, 11, 411, 8, in, 803, 3.
To Luigi Marliano 359
In the first days of 1506 he accom

Spain, which he described in an E
in England he probably made there the acquaintance of Erasmus'
friend and protector Andrew Ammonius (Allen, I, 189, 218). At
Philip's decease, he became the physician of his son Charles, with
whom he was a very great favourite. He suggested to him the famous
device of the two columns of Hercules with the words Plus Oultre,
putting right the belief of antiquity that those columns were the
nec plus ultra of the inhabited world, not only alluding to the newly
discovered America, but also presaging the centuries of progress and
intellectual development inaugurated by humanism. Charles was so
pleased with that device that, about August 1516, he rewarded Marlia
no with the see of Tuy in Galicia, saying : 'Je vous donne plus oultre
que vous me dites' (Moeller, 250).
He became a most influential member of Charles's Council, in so far
that his kinsman Pietro Vermigli Martyr called him CcBsaris semi
anima. On October 27, 1516, he preached the opening sermon to the
Chapter of the Golden Fleece celebrated in Brussels (published pro
bably in 1517 : NijKron., 1, 1495, and reprinted in Basle : P. Gengen
bach, June 1517) ; he accompanied his master to Spain in 1517 as
private secretary, and afterwards assisted at his coronation, and at
the diet of Worms. There he held an Oratio in Martinum Luterum,
which distinguishes itself from the rest of the polemic literature by its
mildness and its choice form. He points out how many of the German
humanists had impaired their emulation of Italy into a malevolent
criticism of Church and Pope ; he states that the defects of the
ministers of a really good thing do not spoil it, and he tried to help
and make more acceptable the teaching about indulgences, about
Roman primacy and about confession, which evidently had frightened
Luther into his opposition (BeitClem., 111, 4-9; Lauchert, 226-29).
That Oratio and its author were at the time much admired by the
Papal Nuntio Jerome Aleander, who wrote most appreciatingly about
them in his reports to Rome (Balan, 28, 55, 78, 82), but he mixed
them with slander on Erasmus. Thus on February 12, 1521 he once
again expresses his surprise that the great humanist made such a good
impression in Rome, although he writes worse things than Luther ;
many of the leading men, and especially the Bishop of Tuy, he adds,
consider that some of Martin's worst books, were written by Erasmus,
and hold that those which go under the humanist's name, are filled
with most dangerous errors (BalanR, 55). No doubt, Aleander wanted
to make it appear as if his reports were not disfigured by personal
hatred (BalanR, 55), and he therefore was pleased to quote Marliano's
opinion ; nor did his move escape the eye of Erasmus' friends, who
were not remiss in letting him know, so much the more since, no
doubt, owing to Aleander's influence, the Oratio was understood to
insinuate that Luther's worst errors were to be attributed to the
Humanist, suspected of instigating the whole disturbance. Although
not being correspondents, the latter and Marliano had always been on
*) Epistola de Calamitosa Philippi Hispanice Regis in Hispaniam

Navigatione : Strassburg, 1514 ; Vienna, 1514 : Trit., 425 ; Lauchert,
223 ; Epp. 48, 102, n.
360 Epist. 38
friendly terms, as re
which one Alvar sent
bishop of Tuy for h
treated Marliano mo
made d'Ardenne to
wards, when Marlia
requested to fulfil th
3-5), to which is allu
Ulrich von Hutten on
e No doubt Erasmus was annoyed at the slander that was spreading
about favouring Luther and about being the author of libels like the
Acta Academics Lovaniensis and the Vita S. Nicolai (MonHL, 207
213), as well as of some of the writings that went under the name of
the Wittenberg monk. He therefore wrote a most peremptory letter
to Marliano dated from Louvain, March 25, 1521, in which he strongly
denied having ever helped Luther in his works, or having meddled
with him otherwise than with the aim of putting a satisfactory end to
his revolt, which had been, he thought, preposterously dealt with.
Expressing his diffidence about Aleander's feelings towards him
(MonHL, 251), he decidedly assured that not even death would
separate him a finger's width from the Roman Catholic Church
(Allen, IV, 1195).
f That letter made an excellent impression on Marliano ; for in his
reply of April 7, 1521, dated from Worms, he recalls how, through Bar
birius, he had advised him not to lose his time answering contradictors
who only wish to gain renown by being vanquished by Erasmus ; also
how on his return he had requested him not to have anything in com
mon with Luther, which was more than granted. He also declares that
Aleander never said, in his hearing, a disobliging word about Erasmus,
and he owns that he himself does not approve, any more than
Erasmus, of the method of repression which made Luther wild instead
of healing him. He would have added to his letter the text of two
Orationes against Luther, the second being much sterner than the
first, if he were not making ready for returning ; he hoped to have the
opportunity before long of talking about many things which he now
neither would nor could mention (Allen, iv, 1198). Unfortunately that
hope never realized ; if Marliano received Erasmus' reply of April 15,
to his most welcome letter (Allen, iv, 1199), he did not survive very
long, as he was laid up with the pest that raged at Worms, and died in
the night between May 10 and 11, 1521, so that he certainly did not
receive the letter by which Leo X thanked him, on May 4, 1521, for
what he had done in the struggle against Luther {ReichstAkt., 11, 903,
907 ; Balan, 212 ; Lmmer, 9). Cp. Lauchert, 221-229 ; Allen, 11,
411, 8, in, p. xxv, iv, p. xxv ; ReichstAkt., 11, 461, 520, sq.; Balan., 55,
223-24; BeitClem., Iii, 4-9; KkErLuFrie., 75-77; KkAlDep., 56;
Brieger, 24, 60, 72, 79 ; Tiraboschi, vn, ii, 1009, sq.
g The first In Martinum Lutherum Oratio was printed several times ;
the second may have been the 'In Lutherum Oratio ad Princip. & D.
x) Allen, II, 506 ; EE, 1857, c, sq, quoting Alvar's poem on Mar
liano:in that letter there is no 'sneering' in the mention of the anathe
ma (KkErLuFrie., 76), as it is part of the contrast with Assculapius.
Georg. Saxonies Due.', issued in Le

volume prevents stating whether i
Oratio dedicated to Duke George of
together (Lauchert, 224-226). That same incertitude hovers over
other writings ascribed to Marliano, which possibly only exist in some
lists of rare and out-of-the-way books : amongst them a Silva de For
tuna, of 1503 ; De Batavice Laudibus, of 1511 (cp. Epp. 48), and the
letter describing Philip the Fair's ill-omened voyage to Spain, of
1514 {Epp. 47, 89-90, 48, 102, nn ; Lauchert, 223). Thus little remains
of the work of this zealous and untirable erudite, on whom no friend
could prevail to leave his study for a cosy talk over a comfortable
meal, as Busleyden experienced : Epp. 47, 48, 49. He left a manuscript
in-folio entitled : Epistoles ad diversos Principes, also containing Di
versa Opuscula : in 1640 it belonged to Groenendael Abbey (BibBelg
Man., 11, 137) and has since then disappeared. That loss seems sad,
considering the interest of the few letters of Marliano preserved
accidentally in the correspondence of his countryman Peter Vermigli
Martyr (Opus Epistolarum : Amsterdam, 1670), or the one dated from
Ghent, October 27, 1513 which serves as preface to Symph. Champerii
Symphonia Platonis (Paris, J. Badius, April 18, 1516), or the one
addressed to Busleyden, which, on account of its hearty praise of Hol
land, was quoted in Cornelius Gerard's Batavia, edited by Bonaventura
Vulcanius in 1586 : cp. Epp. 48.
EPOS noster
promissa opeualetudinarius,
respirans,pristinipost unum
uigoris Deum in tua
appetentissimus,
uel exiguae morse (ut aegroti solent) impatiens, puerum hunc
nostrum ad te mittit, qui schaedam illam antidotariam referat
5 quam nobis tantopere efflagitantibus, breui praescribere rece
pisti; quod ut non tarn iuxta nostrum quam ipsius male ha
bentis uotum ocyus praestes, non est opus te pluribus moneam,
quando iampridem tuam sat nouimus fidem, tarn prouidam,
scilicet, ut aegre falli possit : tarn spectatam, ut fallere nemi
10 nem uelit. Praeterea iamdudum debitor es mihi unius (ut
nosti) epistolae : velim aliquando debitum expungas, alioqui
magno aliquo malo tuo tandem probabis quam sim exactor
durus : quare dum licet, caue ne diutius maneas in albo
nostrorum nominum, nomen tu ipse primum. Vale ; ex aedi
15 bus nostris.
i. Nepos] Either Cornelius 10-14. debitor es mihi 6-c.] cp.

Erdorf, on a holiday (cp. Epp. 31, Epp. 24, 14, sq, 50, 93.
b, c) or one of Giles de Busley- 12-13. exactor durus] cp. Epp.
den's sons, the eldest of whom, 50, 93and 58, ; rigidus... exactor :
Francis, seems to have been his Epp. 24, 19.
uncle Jerome's favourite : cp. 14. nomen... primum] a similar
before, 16. expression occurs oh Epp. 39, 13.
24
362 Epist. 39
BuslMS, 114-116 (e 6 v-e 7 v) <(Mechlin, last months of I507>
39. - To Adrian SANDELICUS

Dean of Antwerp
a This letter is entitled 'Hadr. Sandelico Antuerpi Decano.'', it is
contemporary with Epp. 38 (cp. I 13, ) and belongs, no doubt, to
the last months of 1507, since Sandelicus was appointed Dean in that
year ; moreover, Busleyden was looking forward to the delivery of
the famous cup (which he later on illustrated with several verses,
Carm. ,) to complete his mansion and supellex made ready by
1507. The five letters following were no doubt despatched at some
intervals during a few months {Epp. 44,14), as the silversmith did not
finish the work which Busleyden was waiting for most impatiently.
b Adrian Sandelicus (possibly Sandelyn) was one of Busleyden's
fellow-students at Padua, where he acted as witness at his promotion
to Doctor of Laws on February 8, 1503 (PDoct., 116). On his return
to our provinces, he was appointed canon of Our Lady's, Antwerp,
and in 1507 he was elected Dean of the Chapter, of which office he
took possession on October 7 of that year {AntvOiercx., ill, 266). He
thus succeeded Gismund Hofweger, who had been installed on Nov. 19,
1502, in the place of Francis de Busleyden who had held that post,
at least by name, from Oct. 1, 1498 until his death : cp. before 5, 6.
During Sandelicus' tenure several great improvements were started :
not only the new organ, which Hans Suys of Nuremberg was to build
cp .Epp., 28, 18, 35, a, and 42 ; but the largest bell, to be baptized
under the name of Carolus ; it was not hung up before October 1519.
c Dean Sandelicus did not stay long in office since he died prema
turily on November 18, 1512 ; he was buried in Our Lady's Church :
his friend the secretary Peter Gillis adorned his tomb with these
verses :
Hoc tumulo Musae, Charites, Astrasa quiescunt

Quo sua Sandelicvs membra Adrianvs habet.
suggesting that the deceased was remarkable for his literature, his
kindness and his justice (SweMon., 59) ; it indicates the studies he
pursued at the University, and explains the frienship that linked him
with the Mechlin Councillor. At the subsequent election, Adrian of
Utrecht, Dean of Louvain and Prince Charles's preceptor, was chosen
as his successor, but he yielded that office to a competitor, James de
Bannissiis, secretary of the Emperor Maximilian, probably when he
was sent to Spain : AntvDiercx., 111, 266-267 ; AntvEpisc., 105 ;
AntwHist., i, 559, iv, 8, vii, 614.
CCEPI tuas quibus (quod alias semper) agnoui egregiam

operant quam poculo ex sententia conficiundo impendis ;
2. poculo] no doubt a drinking monostichs ad Poculum Baccho

cup which was afterwards cele- Sacrum : Carm. xxx, v.
brated by three distichs and two
To Dean Sandelicus 363
quo in officio id sane praestas quod

uirum scilicet tum officiosum, tur
5 intentum, adeo ut quum hac in pa
mihi, abundo satisfacias, tibi ip
tanta siquidem in omnes tua est
posita humanitas, ut nihil tibi
adhuc ofhcio benehcium, beneficio
10 faxint, si minus (quod timeo) to
meritorum particulam aliquando
me totum in aere tuo habeas loca
nomen primum, pro quo paulatim
uendo extanti aliquid indulseris m
15 decoquam, uel misere stypem e
de ijs interim satis.
Reliquum est te si pateris oratu
moras nectentem, ac semper aliq
probe causantem, ad auspicatum
20 idaeam elegantem et formulam
ad rem ipsam faciat, antiquitatem
simulque intuentium oculos sua
neat : non tarn in ea suspicientes s
hystoriam, quam uel ipsius nobil
25 industriam, qui uel hinc tibi p
tutum opus, non solum auspicijs
(quod maius est) ductu tuo,ne line
amussim formauit. Quo aliquando c
tes, bene poti, laetum paeana can
30 bimus, una tecum, Corculo meo, simul N. et . ,
nostris olim commilitonibus et Bacchi deuotis cultoribus : qui
bus omnibus bene esse opto, teque cum ijs recte ualere et
serio semper triumphare. Vale.
11 meritorum &c.] on p. 115 13 nisi mihi] in MS between brackets

27 trans-/siliendo] 30 simul -c.] on p. 116
13. nomen primum &c.] a similar idea is expressed in Epp. 38,13-14.
364 Epist. 41
BuslMS, 116-117 (e 7 v-e 8 r) <Mechlin, last weeks of 1507^
40. To Dean Adrian SANDELICUS

This letter, addressed 'Hadr. Sandelico Antuer. decano...', was
probably written in 1507, a short while after Epp. 39, as it refers to
the Bacchi Poculum ordered in Antwerp through the Dean.
NISI semper
adhuc esses ac alter
fueras, perseuerantissime perdurares,
scilicet ego, nusquam qui
certe com
mitterem tibi toties rerum nostrarum impositione molestus
essem. Qua in re si forte (quod tuum sit iudicium) pec
5 cauerim, doleo quidem, idque vehementer : inter caetera
unum ob hoc, nil aeque excusans ac amorem nimium in me
tuum, qui quotidie tot et tanta (taceo iampridem collata)
mihi pollicetur ut nihil sit quod non continuo impetrem,
modo id aliquando aut sperare aut optare ausim. Quod quum
10 ita sit, tuque sic fieri uelis, adeo ut non sat sit tibi precanti
gratificari amico, nisi et uota eius praeueneris gratificando,
restat ut personam precantis exuens, iubentis induam, quae
tibi iure suo imperet, exactam operam naues, conflando scili
cet atque caelando amici poculo : ne breuis illius quern opta
15 mus successus, nos longo maceret uoto. Quare ambiendus est
tibi quum otium datur, sollicitandusque faber atque calcaribus
(si res postulet) adigendus opus ipsum maturet et dexterrime
absoluat; alioquin inter spem et metum positi, desyderio eius
dubij et anxij manebimus. Quod ne ita contingat, tu unus
20 prospicias a quo solo pendemus, in manu cuius spei nostrae
summa consistit. Interea felix uale, et fabrum urge quantum
potes : poteris autem tum plurimum ubi uoles. Iterum uale.
BuslMS, 117-118 (e 8 r, v) <(Mechlin, end of 1507, beginning of 1508)

The address of this letter is : 'Hadr. Sandelico Antuerp. decano...' ;
it mentions the Bacchi poculum referred to in Epp. 39 and 40, than
which this one is a few weeks later.
7 tuum] before it meum is crossed off 12 restat &c.} on p. 117
22. poteris... uoles] cp. Epp. 58, 81-82, 74,
EN iterum
probus inconcinnis anser
aurem uellicat tibi(quod
: neque obstrepit et precator
impudentius est) im
modum uellicandi facere uult nisi uel improbitate sua id quod
tarn, pertinacissime iamdudum cupit, tandem abs te impe
5 trauerit, scilicet illud tuis auspicijs coeptum poculum Baccho
sacrum ; quo quidem nos tecum aliquando laetos et festiuos
conuiuas agentes, dulcia miscere et uina (ut poeta ait) coro
nare possimus. Quod ut iuxta datam nobis Mem, ocyus exo
remus, te inprimis appello, atque si pateris, per sacra Bacchi
10 sanctissime adiuro : alioqui hoc ita, aut prorsus negligente, aut
minus curante te, caue tibi sentias aduersum, tuum nedum
Buslidium, cseterum uel ipsum Bacchum. Quo prouocato
semel et irritato adeo in se peccantes fur it, saeuit, debaccha
tur, ut tandem Argos caecos, cordatos uecordes, sanos plane
15 insanos reddat. Quare (ut paucis absoluam) tanti numinis
horrendam animaduersionem iugi diligentia (si sapis) depre
ceris, et interea quid de ipso poculo sperandum sit, mihi
(quum licuerit) rescribe. Interea uale.
BuslMS, 120 (e 9 v) <Mechlin, beginning of i5o8>

This letter, entitled : 'Hadr. Sandelico, Ant. Deca.no.', the third
about the poculum, probably belongs to 1508 being a few weeks
younger than Epp. 41 ; the words used on U 5, sq, which are the same
as in that to Luigi Marliano, Epp. 38,10-14 and in the first missive to
Sandelicus, Epp. 39, 13, sq, indicate that they belong to one and
the same period.
APUERO hoc tuo

recrearunt, tuas
quum accepi
quod literastibi
nuntiarent quae meesse,
bene mirumtum
nostrum (cuius desyderio prope confrcimur) poculum iam fer
me ex sententia absolutum fore. Quo sane nuntio, ut optatius
4 abs te &c.] on p. 118 8 ocyus] corr. from ocyius C

13 peccantes] lined out, over it laedentes is written G
1. anser] cp. Epp. 2, 30, 50, 7. poeta] Virgil, JEneis, I, 724 :

2. aurem vellicat] Erasmus : vina coronant.
Aurem vellere : Er A dag., 277, 0. 3 poculum] cp. Epp. 39, 2, 40,
5. poculum Baccho sacrum] 14, 41, 5 ; Carm. xxi, v.
Epp. 39, 2, 40, 14 ; Carm. xxi, v.
366 Epist. 43
5 nihil, ita nil nobi

gratiam (quum sol
earn semel uel cum
et quantus iampri
tibi deuinctus mane
10 rem probaturum,
tunis, gratus anim
debentis ; qui quali
est ; quem tibi int
tuo mancipatum u
BuslMS, I2i (e io r) <Mechlin, first months of i5o8>

This letter, addressed 'Hadr. Sandelico, Dec. Ant.', also refers to
the Bacchi poculum of Epp. 39, 40, 41 and 42, and was probably
written in 1508, some time after Epp. 42.
ROH deum
nam agamhominumque
? Quid dicam fidem ! Quohsereo.
? Turbatus me uertam ? Quid
Nisi quod
coruos pasturus in malam abeat crucem falsus ille nebulo,
ueterator, furcifer faber, qui datam fefellit fidem, spem lusit
5 nostram, simulque oleum et operam frustratus est tuam.
Quod quum ita sit, reliquum est exspes totus post hac, fidem
nusquam tutam esse arbitrer, maxime quum impudentissimus
ille prseuaricator hac in re tarn futili haud ueritus est tantam
tuam (cui omnia debet) ludere auctoritatem, ridere dignita
10 tern. Testor deos tanta iniuria, tamque grande commissum,
inferos superosque uindices sentiat : inter cseteros Bacchum
ipsum, qui potis est hominum eripere mentem et addere furo
rem. Interea uale.
(42) 8 sum]
5. debitam -c.] cp. Epp. 38, 3. nebulo] the silversmith who

10, sq. did not finish the poculum at the
9. rigidum creditorem] cp. day stated.
Epp. 38, 12-13 : exactor durus. 9. cui omnia debet] probably
14. mancipatum] in Rome in- the Dean had saved the faber
solvent debtors became their from some serious trouble,
creditors' slaves : cp. Epp. 73, 61. 12-13. Bacchum... qui potis est
(43) 3. coruos] Erasmus: Ad cor- cS-c.] At Argos, Dionysus, return
vos : Er A dag., 446, . ing from India, punished the
3. in malam... crucem] Plautus, women with frenzy, becausb they
Mostell., in, ii, 163 ; Menech., did not recognize him as a god.
n> 53 : Abi in malam crucem.
BuslMS, 124-125 (f v-t 2 r) (Mechlin, first months of 1508)
This letter, entitled 'Hadr. Sandelico. Antuerp. Dec.', is the sixth,

and last, that refers to the Bacchi Poculum which Busleyden caused
to he made in Antwerp. It probaoly dates from 1508, some time
after Epp. 43.
CERTUM
coramest mihilitteris
alloqui, absente te, inuisere,
saepius quem non datursemper
ijs tecum (ut uellem)
aliquid tale agendo, quo et doctiores et meliores effecti, quis
que nostrum efficacius possit suo officio satisfacere. Quod qui
5 dem ego quo ties sic uolens prsestare, animum ad hoc et stilum
adplico, continuo et de repente nescio quid aliunde intercedit
negotij quod tarn pulchrum institutum interturbat, simulque
exarantis manum alio quam destinauerat uel reluctantem
diuertit. Quod si quaeris quidnam aut quale id sit negotij quo
10 auocati, aliud ab instituto aggrediamur, quserenti pro multis
hoc unum sat sit tibi : negotium scilicet conficiundi (quod in
ter manus est) poculi : cuius desyderio iam tot momenta,
horas, dies, menses enixe laborantes, parum hucusque profe
cimus. Quod quum nobis non minus curae est ac cordi, nil
15 rnirum si hoc sese aliud uel meditanti mihi uel scribenti in
gerat, obijeiat, ostentet : adeo ut illi solum uacando atque il
lius quicquid conemur dumtaxat memores aliorum quorum
cumque omnium obliuiscamur necesse est. Quae quid em res
quum tanto sui desyderio sibi omnes cogitationes nostras, ne
20 dicam actiones uendicet, in tantum ut non agere quid uelim,
et tarnen agere quae nolim, me cogat. Rogo, oro, obtestor,
hanc meam misertus sortem me tali ac tanto desyderio (aut si
mauis, taedio) liberes : quod quidem sic tibi integrum ac plane
in manu tua positum est, si modo cunctantem et moras quo
25 tidie nectentem fabrum urgere pergas : scilicet ut auspicato
poculo supremam manum adijeiens, ocyus eum (quern opta
mus finem) imponat. Vale.
13 horas Ac.] on p. 125 24 moras] a corr from e
12. poculi] cp. Epp. 39, 2. 4. 14. 41 5. 42> 3Carm. xxi, v.
368 Epist. 45
BuslMS, 122-124 (e 1
45. To Sylvius ITALICUS
a This letter, entitled 'Syluio suo.', seems to belong to the end of 1507
or to 1508, judging from the place it takes up in the collection, and
especially from the contents : the eagerness with which Busleyden
looks forward to the possession 01 a particular chest or cabinet, suggests
that he is furnishing his recently built mansion.
b The Sylvius Italicus, no doubt a secretary, to whom this letter and

Epp. 69 are addressed, is not otherwise recorded ; from the second
missive it seems that he was a personal attendant, if not the physi
cian, to whom Busleyden urgently recommends the recovery of their
common friend Antony. It further is manifest that this Antony, no
doubt his employer, became known to Busleyden through Sylvius,
who had also undertaken to see that a piece of furniture in his master's
possession, should be made over to the Mechlin Councillor. Most
probably that Antonius is Antony of Berghes, abbot of St. Trudo's,
at St. Trond, and of St. Bertin's, at St. Omer, who since the middle of
1501 had been Councillor of the Archduke, and Sylvius, a secretary
and possibly a physician J), was one of Busleyden's fellow-students
at Padua, or at least an acquaintance of the Italian days. Through him
Busleyden knit up a hearty friendship with the Abbot Antony, whom
he just may have met during the life of his brother the Archbishop.
Maybe on a visit to St. Bertin's, he saw the armarium which exactly
answered his wishes and his plans of decorating the rooms of his new
mansion, and thus became the occasion of this letter.
c Antony de Berghes, born on July 14, 1455, was the fourth son of
the powerful John de Berghes, 5th Lord of Glimes and Bergen-op
Zoom, who died on September 7,1494, and the brother of the Bishop
of Cambrai, Henry de Berghes, 1480-Oct. 7, 1502, who was Erasmus'
protector. Through the influence of his family he secured the dignity
of Abbot of the Cistercian Abbey of Mont-Ste. Marie in Burgundy
(GallChrist., xv, 306) ; in 1483 he was elected 57th Abbot of St. Trudo's,
St. Trond (GallChrist., in, 964-5). This Abbey suffered greatly during
the troublesome years marked by the slaughter of Bishop Louis of
Bourbon, August 30,1482, and the subsequent revenge on William de la
*) In the correspondence (1499-1501) of Erasmus with his friends

James Batt and Antony of Luxemburg, steward of the Abbot Antony,
reference is made to the town-physician of St. Omer, Ghisbertus Hes
sels : Allen, 1, 95, n, 161, 5S, 288, 132, iv, 1211, 120. He became Charles
of Austria's 'cbirurgeon' in January 1504 (Gachard, I, 364; Le Glay,
11, 132 ; &c.). As he was also the physician of the Abbey, it is quite
possible that he had been replaced, at least for a time by Sylvius, who
may have been engaged as a kind of secretary or special attendant
of the Abbot. By 1512 Ghysbert had returned to his practice in
St. Omer, as Erasmus refers to his testimony on February 6 in his letter
to the Abbot : quemadmodum optime nouit D. Ghisbertus, medicus
tuus : Allen, 1, 252, 13.
To Sylvins Italiens 369
Marek, Lord of Lummen ; as Anton

Homes, his abbey was ransacked by
self imprisoned by Liege revolters
only on the payment of a heavy ran
could not afford the wherewithal to
abbot, he settled in Louvain, where he pretended studying at the
University : Allen, m, 761, 50 ; he was provided for, in part, by his
brother John de Berg hes, Lord of Walhain, until, at the death of John de
Lannoy, on November 27, 1492, his other brother, Bishop Henry of
Cambrai, and Philip the Fair managed to have him appointed in
July 1493 as 67th Abbot of St. Bertin's, at St.-Omer (GallChrist.,
"h 505)
d In that rich abbey he is said to have composed a History of the

Order of the Golden Fleece, in which several members of his family
had distinguished themselves (BibBelg62). For certain he adorned
St.Bertin's, completing in 1520 its church, of which only most imposing
ruins remain. In May and June 1500 he received there Philip the
Fair, and was appointed his Councillor : on September 26, 1501, he
was one of the personages who witnessed the agreement of the mar
riage of Margaret of Austria and Philibert II, Duke of Savoy, in Brus
sels, and who signed the deed (Henne, 1, 36) ; he also accompanied the
bride on her way to her bridegroom through Burgundy. In December
he was one of the envoys who negociated the treaty with Louis XII,
signed at Blois on December 12, 1501 (Henne, 1, 38). On November
7, 1503 he received most sumptuously Philip the Fair at St. Trudo's
on his return from Spain (Gachard, 1, 336) ; he resigned the dignity of
abbot there, in 1516 in favour of William Bollart, or Bollais, of Brussels,
who had been the secretary of his brother Henry the Bishop : cp.
pp. 76, b-d. With his brother John, he continued to take, a
large share in public events, thus influencing the policy of his Princes,
until his death on January 12, 1532. Peter de Ponte, of Bruges
inscribed to him his Bertinias, a poem on St. Bertin's (Paris, 1510).
e Erasmus, who no doubt knew Antony from the time that he was
in his brother's service, wrote to him in September 1500 at the sug
gestion of his friend James Batt, and accepted to find a preceptor for
his brother Dismas (Allen, 1, 130, in5, 137,12, 3i-62> 71-78 He wrote again
to him on January 14, 1501, praising him for his handsome figure and
his attractive character, and related to him the story of sacrilegious
sorcerers of Meung-sur-Loire and Orleans (Allen, 1, 143) ; two months
later, he refers again to necromancers, and announces his joy in
studying Greek (Allen, I, 149). He evidently wanted the rich Abbot
to take an interest in his work, but, although on July 30, 1501 he
wrote a letter for him to John de' Medici, the future Leo X, who had
been his guest at the Abbey (Allen, 1,162), and although he had even
a friend in his service, his steward Antony of Luxemburg (Allen, 1,
137. Pr> &c), he did not succeed. He may have occasionally called
at the Abbey, as results from his letters of Febr. 6, 1512 and March
14, 1514, in which he inveighs against warfare (Allen, 1, 252, 288) ; in
April 1515 he stayed a few days at St. Omer with the Abbot and dated
from there his Enavyatio in Pyimum Psalmum to Beatus Rhenanus, on
April 13 (Allen, 11, 327, 332, 4-s ; still he failed to get the help he sought.
370 Epist. 46
/ On December 13, 151

Moria Encomium, whi
January 14, 1518 (Alle
appointed through th
tium which lay in the Abbot's gift, and which had already been
bestowed by him to another : Erasmus requested him to approve of
the agreement made between the two candidates, out of love for his
old nutrix, the Alma Mater, who was just then taking care of two of
his nephews. With one of those, Antony, Vives' pupil, Erasmus was
on friendly footing, as results from his letter to the nephew and from
that to the uncle : Allen, ill, 760, 761, 51 ; Daxhelet, 247-48, 16, &c.
To the latter, Erasmus mentions, as further ties, his alter ego Thomas
More, who had been a guest in St. Bertin's ; as well as the Abbot's
successor at St. Trond, William Bollart, of Brussels, who had been
his fellow-servant in Bishop Henry de Berghes' family, and was then
residing in Louvain (Allen, in, 761, j-5, 40 ; 671, 672, 720 ; MonHL,
475). Cp. MorinckMS., 179 -183 r ; Daris, v, 147 ; de Laplane, Les
Abbes de St. Bertin : St. Omer, 1854-5 : n> 59-88 ; GoetHist., 1, 85-94,
38 (for Antony's share in the chronicle history of St. Trond) ; Allen,
i, 143, pr; MonHL, 476 (where, owing to the dropping of one line
of the text when printing, is wrongly stated that Antony spent his
last years at Corsendonck : that detail refers to Arnold a Domo, a
monk, Antony's steward at St. Trudo's, who was discharged with an
ample pension).
ACCEPI
ras,tuas candoris,
quibus pietatis
inter caetera et officij
iucunda, plenissimas
hoc unum iucundissi litte
mum agnoui,spem illam certam qua me pascis,potiundiscilicet
armarij tantopere a nobis desyderati, cuius desyderio iam tot
5 dies laborantes anxij adhuc prope conficimur. Nosti satis
quam uel breuis morula (euentu dubio pendentibus) longa
uideatur atque ingrata : quo fit te non tarn licentius quam
saepius interpellem; qua in re necesse est impudentiam fateor
meam quae sic temere frontem perfricuit et pudorem (si quis
10 fuit) posuit. Quamquidem, qualiscunque fuerit, tuae in omnes
obuiae humanitati condonabis, huic quae causam dedit, fomi
tem ministrauit. Sed de ijs sat superque.
Tentaui ea de re, mentem tuj Antonij, quam non usquequa
que ut speraueram nostro huic uoto praesentem atque fauen
15 tern comperi: causantem inprimis nescio quid impensae recon
cinnando dicto armario factae. Respondi quicquid earn in rem
impensum esset, id me ei quantumcumque fuerit resarturum.
t7 -sum esset &c.] on p. 123
13. Antonij] no doubt Sylvius' rium ; he is further mentioned on

master, and owner of the arma- 11. 31-37.
To Sylvius Italiens 371
Tandem ait, etsi satis frigide,se

armarium seque pulchrum et
20 quod haberet mihi daturum. C
nil duxi replicandum, sed solum
facit, spei reliquum locandum
stare apud me certum est. Int
Cur a simul et prospice ne mea
25 apud me concepta existimat
Deiparae Virgini dicatum a Car
Musico suae aetatis clarissimo,e
cessit carmen tale quale nostr
magis ut rideas quam probes,
30 male collocare uoles.
Antonius heri uesperi apud me diuertit : quern comiter (ut
alias semper) excepi. Hodie quartana sua oppressus, lectulo
decumbit. Accerso medicum; pharmaca porrigo; iacenti ad
sto ; dolenti condoleo ; tristantem solor ; minus speranti ani
35 mos addo. Vide quantum is mereatur, ea qui omnia laboranti
amico, non tarn officiose quam pientissime impendit : quod
uni tibi dictum sit. Vale.
25 Pseana] 31 apud] chd into ad 36 tam &c.] on p. 124
25. Pseana] most probably a the University in 1492. On No

manuscript copy of a poem. vember 13, 1492 he entered the
26. Carolo Brugensi caeco] this abbey of Chezal-Benoit, left it for
Charles Fernand was born in St. Vincent du Mans, and died
Bruges about 1450 ; he promoted there on June 10, probably 1517 ;
in Paris, where he lectured in the he wrote several poems, treatises
University on Terence and on on monastic life and letters. His
the Latin Poets ; he became the five years younger brother John,
first musician of the Chapel of who was blind, also taught in
Charles VIII ; he visited Rome in Paris, and has passed on the
1484 with the embassy of obedi- epithet corns to Charles: BibBelg.,
ence. In 1489, when Robert Ga- 120-21, 500; Renaudet, 118-20,
guin published his poem De Mun- 133, 189, 272, &c. ; Imbart, 11,
dissimo Virginis Mario Conceptu 350, 365, 378-79, 435 ; GoetLect.,
adversus Vincentium de Castrono- 1, 33-37 ; BrugErVir., 23, 24, 50 ;
vo (Paris, 1489: BB, g, 268), Fer- Bude, 19-22, 25, 42 ; Polain, 11,
nand enriched it with sixty pages 2405, 1471 ; Trit., 391-92.
of commentary. He was Rector of 28. carmen] Carm. vi or x.
372 Epist. 46
BuslMS, 125-127 (f 2 r-f 3 r) <Mechlin, Spring of 15087
46. To James LEFEVRE d'ETAPLES

a This letter, headed 'Iacobo Fabro Stapulensi, ph.', which renews
an old friendship and invites the great French erudite to spend
some time in Busleyden's mansion, was evidently written very soon
after the house was furnished and adorned : its constructing having
lasted till 1507, it may be safely assumed that this invitation was sent
out in the spring or summer of 1508. Cp. JAbveBusl., 33.
b James Lefevre, born about 1455 at Etaples, in Picardy, Faber
Stapulensis, studied in Paris, and seems to have taught at the College
of Cardinal Lemoine. He applied himself to the various branches of
the Trivium and the Quadrivium, trying to reach the exact meaning
and doctrine of Aristotle. By 1490 he went to Italy to study under
Hermolaus Barbarus, the great authority on Aristotle, and to be
initiated in Pico della Mirandola's mystic interpretation of Plato. On
his return he started editing treatises on the seven Aries, which show
an admirable advance by a constant desire to do away with all un
necessary comments, to realize correctness and precision, and to ex
plain Aristotle by Aristotle, interpreting his philosophy by his funda
mental principles. He also attempted editing unquestionable texts,but
as his knowledge of Greek was superficial, he had to rely on the
translations of Leonardo Bruni, Argyropoulos, or Bessarion, which
he, at times, had the audacity to alter, evidently without due author
ity, and to which he often joined the vulgate mediaeval rendering, as
if he were afraid to bewilder students. Those defects provided weap
ons to his enemies ; still his good innovations were readily accepted
by many disciples who hailed him as their leader, and upon whom he
exercised a great influence. If not in Italy, where about 1500 also
Tunstall made his acquaintance (cp. before, 26), Busleyden met him
in Paris, and attended some of his lectures.
c Lefevre entered the service of Bishop William Briijonnet about

1504, and, after acting for a time as his secretary, was allowed to
study. He then resided first in his Abbey of St. Germain-des-Pres ;
and, from 1520, at Meaux, his patron's new see. Since long he had left
Aristotle for Holy Scripture : in 1509 he published a Psalterium
Quincuplex ; in 1512 a Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles ; in 1521,
one on the Gospels, after which he made a French translation of the
Bible printed in Antwerp from 1524 to 1532 (Nijkron, 11,2503-04). He
was hardly qualified for those Scripture studies, as he had not had
any training in theology : his insufficient knowledge of Greek, not to
mention Hebrew, naturally exposed him both to the criticisms of
Erasmus (BB, e, 298-300), and to the attacks by the Sorbonne.
Several of his comments were condemned by the Paris divines for
Lutheranism in 1521 and 1523; fortunately he was shielded by
Bishop and by King Francis ; he died in 1536. Cp. Bude,
45-54 ; Renaudet, 130-159, &c. ; BB, l, 56o(-598) ; Allen, 11, 315 ;
FG, 351-52 ; Imbart, ill, 109-153, &c. ; Cran., 173, a-c, &c ; Polain,
I, 294, II, 1457-59. 2306-7, 2323 ; BudERep., 21, 30, 31, 45, 59, 88, 190 ;
Trit., 411-12 ; &c.
To James Lefevre d'Eta-ples 373
d That Busleyden took a great interest in his friend's w

from the fact that on April 18 <,i5ii>, he made a
Quincuplex Psalterium... cum Commentariis (Paris, 1
Matthias Abbey at Treves, as results from the ma
the library catalogue started in that abbey in 1525 ;
domini Jheronimi Buysleidii, with the, evidently w
,MDCXI' : Archives of Treves Archbishopric.
INTERMISSAM diutinam
satius aliquando hanc nostram
quam nunquam, uel hac ad te scriptionem,
breui Laconica
resartiendam duxi, praesertim oblata hac tabellarij occasione,
cuius fides tarn olim tibi spectata quam integritas iamdudum
5 mihi cognita : facile coram aperiet pietatem in te meam, simul
et uisendi tui cupiditatem incredibilem, vtpote nil magis in
uotis ducens quam te dulciter amplectendo, antiquae nostrae
nusquam oblitterandae consuetudinis adhuc semel meminisse,
scilicet hie tecum in aedibus Buslidijs, tarn tuis ac meis.
to Quid meis ? quin magis tuis, quas studiosorum omnium litte
ratorum (in quorum albo tu unus occurris nominatissimus)
conciliabulum dicaui : quod aduentanti tibi adplaudens ut
hospiti amico, patebit etiam ut patrono. Quod quum ita futu
rum sit, te per contractam inter nos semper uicturam amici
15 tiam sanctissime adiuro,quum primumlicuerit, hue concedas :
illam quam iamdiu expectamus fruendi tui facturus po
testatem, futurus certe nobis hospes inter iucundos omnium
iucundissimus. Quod ita praestando, praestabis sane rem te
dignam, mihi gratam, et communibus amicis desyderatissi
20 mam, quibus omnibus in tua uerba mecum iuratis at que in te
tanquam in suum scopum tendentibus, tu unus bene beateque
uiuendi normula superes. Quam sic aliquando utinam ex sen
tentia assequamur, adeo ut tua signa sequentibus, tibi orna
mento, illis gloriae accedat, te auspice inprimis atque duce
25 uirtutis summum tenuisse. Vale.
1 Intermissam &c.] on p. 126 2 quam nunquam] before quam is a sign possibly

meaning that uel... Laconica should precede 18 Quod ita <S-c.] on p. 127
i. Intermissam... scriptionem] 10-12. studiosorum omnium...

besides making Lefvre's ac- conciliabulum] Cp. Epp. 47, 8-9.
quaintance, Busleyden had even 11. in quorum albo] cp. Epp.
been in correspondence with him 47, <4, 58, 41, 60, 64, 16, 70, 7 ;
for some time. Orat. E, u. Cp. Erasmus : Non
9. in aedibus Buslidijs] cp. be- eras in hoc albo : ErAdag.,
fore, 38, sq. E, sq.
9. tarn tuis ac meis] Cp. be- 18. praestabis <S-e.] cp. Epp. 3,
fore, 166. 2-3, &c.
374 Epist. 47
BuslMS, 162-168 (g 10 v-h 3 v) <Mechlin, first months of 15087

This letter is addressed 'Aloysio Marliano Principis Medico.' : a
later hand added in black ink : Mediolanensi after Marliano. Bus
leyden had repeatedly invited Marliano to a meal after his mansion
was made ready, as he evidently wanted to show its wonders to the
famous erudite. Although 'toties amice vocatus', the physician had not
answered the invitation : no doubt this letter followed Epp. 38 after
a not too long delay, as tone and style amply suggest : it may be
ascribed in all probability to the beginning of 1508. It seems to have
been written about the same time as Epp. 46 with which it has a
clause in common : in quorum albo tu unus occurris nominatissimus :
46, , 47, 64"65
QVODtua
congressu
ssepius ac honestissimo et expetenda
uolo caream, faciunt consuetudine
hoc utriusque
nostrum legitimse occupationes : quae partim te, uirum in
primis medicum, ualetudini Principis intentum; partimque
5 me et ciuilibus et forensibus actionibus implicitum, a mutuo
nos cultu et alterno officio auocant ; quod alioqui molestum,
esto minus hinc aegrae feram,nescio tarnen quid praeterea potis
simum incusem, quod ad mensam nostram (hospitum amici
tiarumque conciliabulum) toties amice uocatus, nusquam
10 compareas. Quod tarnen temere a me nimis aut arrogantiae
aut alicui (ut ita dicam) morositati adscribere sat foret ini
quum, tametsi iam aliud nil habeam quod ob hoc inprimis
incusem, nisi forte illud unum, scilicet mensam te nostram
propterea uitare, horrere, quod forte tibi barbara, sordida, ni
ls misque plabeia uideatur, utpote Theutonica; praesertim cuius
nitorem (si quis sit)nidori,odorem poedori,suffimenta graueo
lentiae, delitias offis atque pulmentarijs haud iniuria uelis
aequare : quae quidem omnia tibi facile possent anagyrim, ut
aiunt, mouere, illorum fastidio tanquam, ut ait Satyricus,
20 repetita crambe nauseabundo.
7 aegrae &c.] on p. 163
8-9. hospitum... conciliabulum] mus : Anagyrim commoves :

cp. Epp. 46, I0-12. Er A dag., 52, A.
13. mensam... nostram] about 19. Satyricus] Juvenal, Sat.
fifteen years later, Vives often vn, 154 : Occidit miseros crambe
expressed in his letters his disgust repetita magistros.
at the Brabant and Flemish fare : 20. repetita crambe] Erasmus :
Cran., 8 , 38-40, 13, 59-2 Crambe bis posita mors : ErAdag.,
18. anagyrim... mouere] Eras- 196, B.
Quod si haec excusas quae a n

tibi cedo, tam iustam excusat
pridem satis super que exper
frugales, nitidas ccenas, quibu
25 est : non tam ad opinionem
naturae : hinc certe multum
nostratium profusissimis coe
tiones, ingurgitationes, com
nonnunquam occidente ad ori
30 coenis praesunt helluones,
chones, adsunt bibuli tam se
ebrij, nusquamieiuni, sobrij,
tes ; quorum pars magna non
aliud uitae praemium intelligit
35 be curare, genium et gulam s
ad perdenda uina geniti, ea p
quasi ilia effundi non possint n
diga rerum luxuries ! mons
libido ! Ebrietatis iucundum
40 sertoresque suos eo malorum
augeat auiditatem, adeo ut Pa
berint, eo magis sitiant. Proi
sunt) uentrem, deinde ob gul
dam longe pluris aestimantes u
45 quam totam illam classem q
Fabriciorum, Catonum ; quib
in uotis est quam aliquando uel
tradunt) Philoxenus tantoper
signi ingluuie qua inprimis fre
50 lanensis, uno impetu treis co
principe.
Quod sane dijs inuisum genus hominum, modo non magis
monstrorum quam hominum nuncupationem mereatur, no
25 cuiusque &c ] on p. 164.
32 Auroram] -ur- corr. c 42 cui dediti &c.] on p. 165
41. Parthorum more <S-c.] Eras- that is said of Philoxenus of Cy

mus : Parthi quo plus biberint <eo thera by the poet Machon, as is
plus sitiunt} : ErAdag., 1167, ,; quoted in Athenaeus' Deipnoso
cp. Epp. 58, 53-55. phists, viii, 26. Cp. Epp. 58, 3?.
44. Apitium] cp. Epp. 58, 25. 49. Novellius Tricongius]
47. frui ipso collo gruis <S-c.] PI my, Naturalis ist or ia, xiv, 144.
376 Epist. 47
stra qualiscunque
55 pestes, harpyia
tur, exterminat.
destia commendat
facit, non eo se uiuere ratos ut sedant, uerum eos sesse ut
uiuant; proinde soliti plus olei lucubrando ad lucernam, quam
60 uini ad mensam hauriendo impendere, homines profecto
quum ad uirtutem turn gloriam atque immortalitatem nati,
quam ita tandem et rebus clare gestis et pulcherrimis aeter
num uicturis monumentis suis sunt cumulatissime adsequuti.
In quorum albo quum tu unus inter primarios nominatissimus
65 occurras, qui minime Curios simulat, neque Bacchanalia
uiuit ; cui etiam alicuius lepor in ore plus placeat quam uel
turdus uel lepus in disco. Dij boni quantum decoris tantus
hospes, quantum ornamenti tambellus conuiua conuiuio nos
tro, quantum conuiuantibus ipsis uoluptatis adferret : quo
70 aduentante non amplius animum in patinis haberent, neque
alia quasuis bellaria, condimenta, aut gulae irritamenta ex
pectarent, sed solum contenti te uno, a cuius ore pendentes
excepturi sunt dulcem ilium leporem, mellifluum nectar, coe
lestem ambrosiam suauiloquij tui : omnes sane lepores, Atti
75 cas ueneres, gratias mirihce redolentis, quibus animum, non
aluum explere, mentem, non corpus colere, memoriam, non
obliuionem augere, prout est expetenda res, ita et summa
felicitas et incomparabilis uoluptas.
Quam obrem me terque, quaterque beatumputarem si ali
80 quando te hospite amico, conuiua iucundo mensa nostra esset
nobilitata : quo honore si conuiuium nostrum quandoque ut
cupimus honestares, tunc certe illud longe prseferendum puta
rem tarn Luculliame coenae in Apolline parate quam fami
59 lucernam <<:.] on p. 166 76 mentem dye.] on p. 167
58. non... uiuere... ut sedant,... 62-63. aeternum uicturis monu

sesse ut uiuant] cp. Epp. 58, 34-35, mentis] cp. Epp. 58, 3,-38.
and Socrates' apophthegma : vi- 64. in quorum albo] cp. Epp.
vunt multi ut edant et bibant : 46, u.
edendum et bibendum ad viven- 70. animum in patinis] Terence,
dum : EOO, iv, 160, 0 ; also Mar- Eunuchus, 816 ; Erasmus : Ani
tial's Epigramma (xiv, 69) : Pria- mus est in coriis : TLrAdag, 890,
pus Siligineus. 83. Lucullianas coenae] cp. Epp.
59. plus olei... impendere (60)] 49, 117, 58, 23.
cp. Epp. 58, 36-37.
geratse illi comessationi a Cl

85 Quod tamen si ita te frui
doctore, forte (quod dij auert
occupationibus scilicet, at que
tibus.fac saltern, cura.desyderi
Praeterea non inuidendo mihi, adsertori tuo, docta ilia com
90 mentaria, quibus res memorabiles a decennio citra gestas,
acerrimo ingenio, magna dicendi gloria, summa felicitate es
(ut audio) complexus ; quae quidem salua, tuto loco, inter
summa rerum mearum ornamenta manebunt recondita, ad
te denuo ubi iusseris reditura. Quod si ex sententia praestes,
95 nonnulla et friuola, ineptiae, gerrae, nugae nostrae, pudore
posito, perfricta fronte, te quoque adibunt, fortasse poenas
quas merentur temeritatis suae a Vulcano uindice accepturae ;
aut si mitius cum eis agatur, ab aromatarijs, qui ea noua qua
dam methamorphosi in cucullos plicent uertantque condendis,
looreponendisque speciebus aptos, vnde obiter praetereuntibus
non tarn se quam authorem suum ridiculos faciant ; qua in re
modo probemur placeamusque, nobis sat erit uel in hoc pla
cuisse. Vale.
93 summa &c. \ on p. 168 99 methamorphosi]
84. commessationi a Cleopa- poetry or literature as early as the

tra... positse] Plutarch, Vita Anto- first years of the xvith century by
nil, xxvii, xxix ; cp. Epp. 58, 24. aromatarii, or as Thomas Cooper
89-90. docta ilia commentaria] translates (Thesaurus Lingua Ro
probably the fact that Marliano mana <& Britannica : London,
had described in a letter the Cala- 1573), by 'apothecaries' and 'spi
mitosa Philippi Hispania regis in cers' selling 'the fruites of cer
Hispaniam Navigatio (Laudiert, taine herbes and trees, pleasant in
223 ; cp. Epp. 38, b, g, 48,101,102, sauour and tast : ... as ginger,
mm.), may have caused the rumour pepper, nutmegs, &c.' The idea
that he had written the history of must have been suggested byMar
his times as another Philip de tial's second epigram of his third
Commynes. book, Ad librum suum : Cujus vis
98. aromatarijs <S-c.] a most fieri, libelle, munus ?... Vel thuris
interesting piece of information piperisque sis cucullus.
about the use made of books of
25
378 Epist. 48
Batavia (1586) : 70-76 <Mechlin, first months of 1508^
48. From Luigi MARLIANO

a This letter is quoted as a proof in the chapter headed : De insularis
nostra Batauice felicitate, cultu, delictis & commerciis ; quibas (veluti
quoddam Orbis emporium) omnibus notissima est, in the Liber Secun
dus of VIA,sive de Antique Veroque eius Insula quam Rhenus in
Hollandia facit Situ, Descriptione & Laudibus ; aduersus Gerardum
Noviomagum, Libri Duo; Auctore Corn. Aurelio, D. Erasmi Roterodami
olim praceptore... Bonaventura Vulcanii opera, nunc primum in lucem
edita : Antwerp, Christ. Plantin, 1586.
b Marliano's letter is not dated ; in all probability it belongs to 1508,

the period when Busleyden's house in Mechlin was just ready for being
shown to friends and acquaintances. It is evidently written in answer
to Epp. 47, although with some delay, as is implied in the reply, Epp.
49< 5. sq, u, to explain how the physician both on account of his eager
ness for study and his sad experience in life, - no doubt the untimely
loss of his wife, prefers staying at home with his books rather than
mixing up with friends and acquaintances.
c Since Busleyden had presumed that his refusal to accept the in
vitation to a friendly meal, was inspired by his impatience of the
food and customs of our provinces, which he himself put far below
those of Italy, Marliano replied by a eulogy of the Southern, and more
especially, of the Northern, Netherlands. He knew them from personal
experience, and whereas Busleyden found fault with the exoletas & im
mundas caenas, he himself, although Italian, was pleased to admire the
highest pitch of comfort and neatness reached here. No doubt he had
gone to see Holland, to which he may have been introduced by one
of the numerous acquaintances at Court originary from the regions
beyond Biesbosch. It is not necessary, therefore, to consider this letter
as of more recent date than the journey which the Archduke and his
Court undertook throughout Holland, leaving Bruges for Sluys on
May 11, 1515, and returning by Hoogstraeten on July 19 following
(Gachard, 11, 15-16).
d Busleyden was, no doubt, pleased with Marliano's letter; he com

municated it in later years to his young friend Martin van Dorp, by
whom it was transmitted to a country-man, Cornelius Gerard, of
Gouda, one of Erasmus' first teache rs (Allen, 1, 17 ; BostE, x), working
at a Defensio Gloria Batavina, and an Elucidarium Variarum
Quastionum super Batavina Regione et Differentia. Those memoirs,
no doubt, were composed for a large part in 1509 or 1510, 'duo lustra
geminasque messes' after that, at the request of the Bishop and the
Parliament of Paris, he went, with other Austin Canons, to France to
reform St. Victor's Abbey, from the autumn of 1497 to the summer
of 1498 : Batavia, 52-53 ; Allen, 1, 78, pr ; Mombaer, 106-109. By 1515
a controversy was getting acute in Louvain amongst some of the
professors and scholars originary from the Northern Provinces, about
whether Holland was equivalent to the Batavia of Tacitus. It had
been occasioned by Dorp's Opuscula, issued in the last days of
From Luigi Marliano 379
February 1514, containing Chrysostom

Hollandice ; like Dorp, he considered Ho
citus' Batavia, whereas in another memoir in the same book, De Zelan
dia Epistola, Gerard Geldenhouwer circumscribed it to the insula
Batavica, the country situated between the Rhine with the Lek, the
Waal and the North Sea : Iseghem, 246-47 ; MonHL, 287-89, 333.
Alard of Amsterdam applied for a solution to the erudite Austin Canon,
Cornelius Gerard, who then was at work at Lopsen on the Chronicle
of those provinces (1517 : NijKron, 1, 613-14), with the request to re
fute Geldenhouwer's negative opinion (Batavia, * 8 ; Geldenh., 55
59 ; Cran., 27, 10). In reply Cornelius arranged the chapters written a
few years before, and composed De Situ et Laudibus Batavice Libri
Duo, to the second of which Dorpius provided Marliano's letter (Bata
via, 48, 69-70, 70-76). His work circulated amongst the Lovanienses;
and Geldenhouwer argued against it in his Lucubratiuncula de Batavo
rum Insula (Antwerp, Michael Hillen, Sept. 19, 1520 : NijKron, x,
978) ; still it was not printed before 1586 when Bonaventura Vulcanius
edited it in Antwerp (Chr. Plantin), with a biographical sketch, some
of Cornelius' letters, besides his Diadema Imperatorium and extracts
from Geldenhouwer's Batavica. Bibliographers mention as one of Mar
liano's publications "de Bataviae Laudibus: LugduniBat., 1511. 1586"
(Lauchert, 223), which, maybe, only refers to Vulcanius' edition with
the approximate date of its composition.
Aloysius Marlianus D. Hieronymo Buslidiano

Arriensi Pr^posito Salutem
RECTE feceris,
raram mi Builidiane,
cum amicis Ii meam iolitudinem
coenandi confuetudinem &
in bonam
accipies partem; naturaeque id mese dederis aut fortunae.

Naturae, quae vfque ab incunabulis ita me initituit, vt itudiis
5 potiifimum delecter meis, neque maiorem vllam iacturam
putem quam temporis : Fortunae, quae me adeu per vltima
quaeque exercuit, vt tandem fatis latere mihi non videar,
fi etiam intra me ipfum latuero. Contineo igitur me apud me,
& mihi viuo, cum veteribusque amicis, hoc eit cumlibris, quo
10 tidie magis in gratiam redeo ; ex quibus non mediocrem
fructum percipio,quum praeteritae fortunae folamen, praefentis
confilium, & futurae remedium libri afferant, doceantque non
magis me laetae nunc fortunae credere, quam docuerunt aduer
fam aequo animo ferre. His itudiis, his amicis delect or, mi
15 Buflidiane, qui me apud te minime ambitiofe excufant.
Caue autem pofthac ea vti mecum ironia, dum exoletas
Arriensi] 6 adeu] 9 amicis &c.] on p. 71
i. meam solitudinem &c.] cp. 16. exoletas & immundas coe

EPP 47, 6-10- nas3 CP EPP- 47, 13, sq.
380 Epist. 48
& immundas coen

Rhenum & Mofam
est ciuitatum, ho
20 nos, Belgas & B
cum haec mecum r
adducar Aftronom
futuram. Quo eni
ardua & tetrica ili
25 quicquam quod
tare prohibebant
maniam commerc
plaudente Germa
vtrifque Rheno,
30 tione pene toto
mercio domefticis
facta eft terrarum
nia, omnes gratiae
cem Belgicam ; cu
35 deeft, fi non p
idcirco mundique &
praeterquam Bata
non poffum; fiv
omnium rerum f
40 videre Oceanum
intextae & nodatae fcuto contra Oceanum tutas & victrices ?
Quid ventos, dum rotas agunt flatu fuo cum aquis quotidie
pugnantes, & quo velint aquas deriuatas ? Quid denique ad
mirabilius videri poteft, quam vno gelu totam concretam
45 hyeme infulam cernere ? vltroque citroque hue illuc virorum,
fceminarum, puerOrumque examina ferreis nefcio quibufdam
pedibus tarn rapide ferri, vt multos Icaros volantes putes &
29 Mosa <S-c.] on p. 72
18. Syrus Orontes] Juvenal, <viz., Rheni) et vinum mercan

Sat. in, 62 : iam pridem Syrus in tur.
Tiberim defluxit Orontes...: re- 32. regina pecunia] Er A dag.,
ferring to the many Syrians in 144, D-145, f, quoting Horace,
Rome. Epist. 1, 6, 37.
22. vEthiopiam apud vos... fu- 42. rotas] no doubt the wind
turam] that country was famous mills pumping out water,
for its riches. 46-47. ferreis... pedibus] the
24. mercatores vinum] Tacitus, skates.
Germania, xxiu : proximi ripse
Daedalos ? Redeunte autem anno,

ea infula formofius, quid viridius
50 que floridius ? Spirant vndique
bent pafcua, nemora, campos ; ten
nemora; ferae fyluas; laetae & lux
Complet autem caelum vndique omn
Scatet enim omnium auium genere
55 aqua nutriat.
Haec felix infula, cum ad ciuitates
tates, non oppida appellare), offer
vt fit non minus difficile, quo m
facile fortuitum & optimum hofp
60 quicquam importari vetat ianito
Intus omnia funt fumme elegant
quod fponte fluctuantis maris vnd
Supellex ingens : argenti, aeris, m
plurimum. Lineae telae niues candor
65 poteft. Vis dicam vno verbo eleg
locus non datur. Vnde faepe mecu
egi, natam ibi earn andern fabulam
loco tarn picto vt nefas videretur
obtinere, in malefactam focij faciem
70 dum earn faceret, expuiffe. Vn
quit, refpondiffe, Amice nihil fa
obuium oculis meis fuit. Eft prae
mana vita carere non debeat praef
Mirum eft, quicquid beata haec inf
75 eft, vt matre Venere editum pu
nes, quales foeminas, quos equos,
pecora parit ! vltra vero mirari ha
quod cumulatiorem fortunam faciat
tanta, vt pene Germanici, Britann
80 dicatur, quibus ad affidua quae cu
commercia vtitur. Infuper tanta ef
quifquam poffit, dicatamne pute
48 quid est 6-c.] on p. 73 69 -ctam soc
67. anilem fabulam] Quinti- 78. cop

lian, I, 8, 19; Horace, Sat.,11,6,77. 81
76. quos equos, -c.] Guicc.,
179, sq.
382 Epist. 48
an Veneri ? Linea:
lata iummum eft
85 fummae arti m
eit, vt pifcando B
extremis laboribu
opus natura, & vt poetae ierunt Dadalea eit hac iniignis
Batauorum infula : qua ii ea forma priicis temporibus iuiiiet,
90 amplam fabula materiam dediiiet. Hanc proiecto poithabita
Cypro, Gnido, Papho, Cytherea Venus incoluiiiet. Sed quorium
feror ? quid inianio ? Noctuam Athenis oitendo, dum tibi
Galliam Belgicam & Batauorum iniulam pingo. Verum non
inianio, non caiu ied coniilio ad hac litora delatus ium. Accu
95 ratius hac percurri, ne poithac ironica no minis tui figura in
nos feraris, dum vestris plus aquo detrahis, & Italis noitris
eadem figura plus aquo tribuis. Niii iemper velis nos irridere,
& in Italicum fletum irrumpere, nobiique exprobras quod
Troes iuimus : iuimus equidem Troes ; nec eft quicquam
lOOquod forte nos futuros prohibeat.
Petis a me, vt tibi Hiitoria mea copiam faciam. Mihi autem
tantum otij nunquam fuit, vt poffem hiftoriam conari. Dices
inquam, Ne vixifti. Vixi equidem. Scripfiitine ? Scripii. Cur
non edis ? Non eadem eft ratio icribendi & edendi. Scribere
losquocunque tempore poffumus ; edere autem niii oportune.

Accedit, difficilius effe emiffam rem reuocare, quam edere.
Victus tarnen tuo iudicio, breui ad te itudiorum meorum
deguftationem mittam. Sed caue ne te requifiti officij, & con
tra me fuicepti negotij poeniteat. Vale.
89 -tauorum &c.] on p. 75 108 officij &c.] on p. 76
83. Ochemeniis telis] no doubt, Marliano did not want to write a

for Achemeniis telis, Persian tis- history of his times, but merely to
sues, named after the first inde- communicate his own impressions
pendent king of a Persian prov- of the events he was a witness of,
ince, Archaemenes. - such as that of the voyage to
92. Noctuam Athenis] Eras- Spain, in his Epistola de Ccdami
mus: Ululas (or Noctuas) Athenas : tosa Philippi Hispanice Regis in
ErAdag., 72, A-D ; cp. Epp. 60, 31. Hispaniam Navigatione,which
95. ne posthac ironica... figura] is said to have been printed at
cp. before 11 16-17, and Epp. 47, Strassburg and at Vienna in
14. s1,26. s<?. an(i especially, 52, sq, 1514 : Graesse, Tresor des Livres
49. 133 Rares et Precieux : Dresden, 1863 :
99. Troes fuimus] Virg., AEneis, iv, 404 ; M. Denis,
11, 325 ; rAdag., 352, E. druckergeschickte : Vienna, 1782 :
101. Historiae meae] cp. Epp. 114; Lauchert 223. A document
47> 89. s(l- by such a man is as a vivid piece
102.historiam conari] Probably of history ; cp. Epp. 38,
BuslMS, 175-186 (h 7 r-i r ) <Mechlin, first months of I5o8>

This letter, entitled 'Aloysio Marliano, Principis Medico,', answers
Epp. 48, and was probably written soon after that was received :
no doubt in the first months of 1508.
I AM tandem
nonnihil mihiuideor
ipsi (utaliquid
Curruca)esse, aliquid
placere, meuir
vbi tu, praestare
omnibus posse,
numeris absolutus, extra omnem ingenij aleam positus, me
unum de Bauiorum ac Meuiorum grege doctissima epistola
5 dignaris : qualem sane successum, qualem fauentem fortunam
tarn expetendi beneficij iam ferme prorsus desperaueram, lon
giori illius desyderio iam prope confectus. Jn quo si quid forte
plus morae ac uoluissem intercesserit, nihil tarnen inde nobis
deperijt. Caeterum (quae tua liberalitas est) ex tarn luculenta
10 rescriptione ultra expectatam sortem, multum etiam inspera
tae usurae accessit, adeo ut mora ipsa, quae alijs saepe dispen
dium, summum nobis compendium attulerit : quo uno bene
ficio quantum me (qualiscunque sim) demerueris, facilius est
me iam commemorare quam praestare : esto non ignorem quid
15 sibi uelit uetus uerbum , quod, quum ut tu mere
ris, ego cupio, non possum praestare. Ne ergo interim apud te
agam hominem ingratum, habebis inter tot tua alioqui
nomina, me nomen primum.
Jnterea redeo ad singula tuae epistolae capita : jn cuius pri
20 more fronte pluribus mecum contendis, haud aegre feram soli
tudinem tuam, raramque cum amicis coenandi consuetudi
nem ; orando praeterea id partim naturae, partimque fortunae
2 Curruca] 3 ingenii &c. j on p. 176 14 esto...cupio (16)] cr by a line rubbed
off afterwards 15 AvrmeXapyav] 20 feram t] on p. 177
2. Curruca] this passage al- Horace : Virgil, Bucolica, Eel. hi,

ludes to the place in Juvenal's go : Qui Bavium non odit, amet
Satura, referring to the small bird tua carmina, Maevi. Cp. Epp. 73,
that hatches the cuckoo's eggs : in 53; Martial, Epigramm, , 76,
the modern editions it is called xi, 46.
uruca : 'tu tibi tunc, uruca, 15. ] viz., re
places fletumque labellis/exsor- turn the care of parents and
bes... : Sat., vi, 276. teachers, symbolized by storks,
4. de Bauiorum ac Meuiorum eXapyol; cp. Erasmus :
grege] Bavius and Maevius were weXapyetv : ExAdag., 367, , sq.
the malevolent poetasters who 19. primore fronte] Epp. 47,
attacked the poetry of Virgil and 48, 1-15,
384 Epist. 49
condonem tuae. Na
bonas literas, qui
25 que cultu ductu
esses ; fortunae ue
salo exercuit, ut uel tibi non satis latere uidearis, etiam si
intra te latueris : duo profecto, non modo argumenta, caeterum
uel calcaria plus quam urgentissima quae me uel reluctantem
30 manibus pedibusque in tuam trahant sententiam : mihique
ut tibi eandem persuadeant solitudinem, perpetuamque ab
amicorum coenis cessationem. Quis equidem tam aut uecors
aut supinus sit qui nesciat quam ualidum sit, quam potens,
quamque sanctum naturae imperium ? Quamue efficax, ur
35 gens, ineuitabile fortunae decretum ? Vtpote quorum ambo
rum (ut ita loquar) antesignanorum ductu auspicijs, res huma
nae, actiones, cogitationes, consilia destinata metiuntur suc
cessum, sortiuntur euentum; alioqui contra illius negata
frustra eniti, contra huius edicta quicquam uelle moliri non
40 solum temerarium, uerum et maximum extremae dementiae
foret argumentum. Quo fit, non possum non summopere lau
dare tam honestum quod tibi a natura est institutum, tamque
legitimum quod fortuna posuit praescriptum; quibus tam
sancte, pie, recte (ut facis) parendo, ignobilis et profani uulgi
45 commercia declinans, secessum amas, latibula quaeris, tecum
ut quietius habites, accuratius te colligas, expeditius uiuas,
totum te tuis suauissimis tradendo studijs, quae tibi inprimis
notionem Dei, deinde tui, demum rerum omnium (quae sub
sole sunt) causas, rationem, scientiam insinuant. laudabile
50 institutum ! expetendum ab omnibus propositum ! solitu
dinem omni sotietati praeferendam ! qua ita latitas solitarius,
nusquam minus solus quam quum solus : nullius rei rationem
prope maiorem, minorem iacturam faciens quam temporis :
quo esto nil sit carius, tarnen nihilo secius, ut uile quiddam
55 illud passim prodigimus : quasi reditura, quae semel prae
terierint, sint tempora ; vel quasi a natura nobis fuerint repro
missa longiora (quam aut coruis aut ceruis concesserit) sae
cula.
38 sortiuntur &c. 1 on p. 178 54 carius &c.] on p. 179
23. Naturae] Epp. 48, 3-6. Adag., 157, ; cp. Epp. 59,
26. fortunae] Epp. 48, 6-8. 52. nusquam minus solus <5-c.]
30. manibus pedibusque] Er- cp. Epp. 27, 22.
Quae quidem omnia etsi it

60 facile concesserim, nolim
dam : te qui annos iam multos
cipalem agens, clarum isthic no
ita solitudini studeas, ita te
sit copia, fruitio, congressio tu
65 non minus posset placere m
que tanto magis quanto hie r
id recte possint; uel si possen
praeterea hominem, iuxta Sto
causa esse generatum ; quod i
70 seorsum habitando, suae dum
rius aut rationem aut cur am habiturus fuisset. Adde hominem
ipsum (ut tuo Aristoteli placet) esse animal sotiale plus quam
omnis aut apis aut gregarium; cui prae caeteris una cum ra
tione, etiam pulcherrimum eloquentiae donum sit additum,
75 quo uno, homo hominem inter polare, reficere, ornare, iuuare
posset atque sciret. Postremo accedit, atque inprimis ad rem
praesentem facit, quod nonnunquam uel ex medicorum sen
tentia necessario sit coeunda sotietas uiro cuiuis literato atque
studioso, atra (ut saepe euenit) bile laboranti: cui nil noxius
80 solitudine, nil (ut ita dicam) praesentius carorum sotietate,
aequalium congressione, quorum conuiuijs honestissimis, dul
cissimis colloquijs, aegri animi, aegrota corpora mirifice refi
ciuntur, probe curantur. Quod si nihilominus his non obstan
tibus, homini philosopho probro das conuiuia celebrare, ne
85 quicquam diuus Plato, philosophorum facile princeps, diui
num opus suum tam celebri ac frequenti philosophorum
conuiuio adornasset; nequicquam Assuerus Rex (ut Sacram
obiter Scripturam citemus) tarn nobile, splendidum conui
uium tanta impensa, sumptu, cura suis parasset ; nequic
72 -stoteli <S-c.] on p. 180 89 tanta 6-c.] on p. 181
68. iuxta Stoicorum sententiam] ciale animal communi bono ge

Cicero, De Fin. Bon., iv, ii, 4. nitum videri volumus.
72. sotiale] Seneca, Epist. 95,52; 79. atra... bile laboranti] Cice
De Benefic., vn, i, 20 : si sociale ro, Tusc., hi, 5, u ; Plautus,
animal et in commune genitus Amphi., 11, ii, 95 ; Captivi, in, iv,
mundum ut unam omnium do- 64 ; Seneca, Epist., 94,17 ; Pliny,
mum spectat... semperque tam- Nat. Hist., xxi, 176, xxv, 150,
quam in publico vivit &c. ; De xxxi, 64.
Clementia, I, iii, 2 : hominem so- 85. Plato] no doubt an allusion
to his book Convivium.
386 Epist. 49
90 quam salutifer
uiuium in Cana Galilaeae constitutum tarn raro ac memorabili
miraculo illustrasset, si Sanctis, si studiosis, si doctis, si bene
moratis uiris conuiuia interdicta forent. Quod si adhuc in tua,
perstes haeresi: die age, si hoc non liceret, an recte discipuli in
95 Emaus Dominum ad conuiuandum secum coegissent ? Prae
terea ad quid Christus Saluator, Dominus, se ipsum, nil tale
expectante Zacchaeo, ad conuiuium eius inuitasset ? Quod si
minus daretur conuiuia par are, aliquando conuiuam esse aut
quempiam ad illud admittere sub specie honestae (quam tute
loopraefers) solitudinis, futurum quandoque esset magna pars
ciuilis atque receptae hospitalitatis euanesceret, quam tarnen
ius diuinum atque humanum ab omnibus praescribit colen
dam fore.
Quod si adhuc tuam sententiam tueri uelis, naturae tuae
losinstituto, ac fortunae (cuius meminimus) decreto, faller is pro
fecto totaque aberras uia, quando uel illis permittentibus, ha
bita inprimis ratione locorum, delectu conuiuarum, occasione
temporum, uiro graui aliquando sic, aliquando non liceat con
uiuam agere. Quod si addas : literas omnino improbe prose
noquor, a quarum prosequutione cessando tempus prodigo,
praesertim interessendo epulis, inmorando dubijs amicorum
coenis : si modo alia quae te remorentur a coena mea non
habeas, haud est quod propterea aut labores aut excuses,
quando coena mea talis futura esset qualem tu curandam
lispraescriberes : tarn scilicet simplex, tarn composita, tarn
breuis, tarn protracta, tarn certa, tarn dubia, prout statueres ;
quae (ut paucis me absoluam) uel coenam Luculli in suo Apol
line, uel Diogenis in dolio uersatiliprobe repraesentare posset,
modo utram malles rescirem ; qua quidem coena tu, ornatissi
l2omus conuiua, nusquam (ut uereris) tempus prodegeris : cae
terum interea tuo suauiloquio pendentes ab ore tuo mirifice
pasceres, plus inde sumentes saporis, succi, dulcedinis quam
ex quibusuis ambrosianis dapibus nectareisque poculis appo
sitis : vbi turn maxime exploratum haberes te esse non solum
I25tibi, sed magis patriae, parentibus, amicis natum, quod ita
95 Emaus] 106 totaque &c.] on p. 182 122 succi &c.] on p. 183
106. totaque aberras uia] Er- 117. coenam Luculli in suo

A dag., 47, r. Apolline] Cp. Epp. 47, 8S, 58, 23.
satius in commercijs hominum

potes. Quando iampridem sat tib
que teipsum excolueris, te aliqu
est alios identidem moneas, diri
I30uerum et actione : quae satius si
num expostulant quam aut solit
scire tuum nihil est : nisi te scire
Porro quod jroniam illam (cuius
mineram) posthac deprecaris,
i35modo unum hoc prius sis mo
usum esse, exteros probarem, nos
satius eo consilio ad earn me addu
nostras, in maligno, pro dolor, po
rem, quam aliqua ex parte notio
I40gis ac uellem iampridem passim
quando in ijs iamdudum omne i
Quam jroniam nostram, quod m
facit hoc inprimis genuinus can
ad omnes (ut aiunt) horas natu
I45num putans, hominum mores
odisse malis, susque deque fere
bene sentias. Magnum sane fac
argumentum !
Praeterea quae inprimis de Bat
I50dicia, elegantia, deque illorum
tte, rerum copia perscripseris,
qui tarn ad unguem illam expr
oculis usurpaui : cuius nunc maiori uisendi studio quam
antea ducor ubi earn tanto eloquio tuo illustratam, tarn gra
l55uissimo iudicio laudatam teneo : hinc facile in animum indu
139 notiores &c.] on p. 184
131-132. scire tuum <Sc.] Bus- mo : ErAdag., 144, A; cp. Epp.

leyden here expresses the human- 27, 44-15.
istic principle that study should 144. nihil humani a te alienum]
not only benefit the scholar,but Terence, Hauton Timorumenos,
the community, and the whole 77 : Homo sum : humani nihil a
of mankind contrary to the me alienum puto; Seneca, Epist.,
mediaeval conception. Cp. 159. 95 53
I33 jroniam] Epp. 47, 14-63, 48, 149. de Batauorum cultu -c.]
1~17 95' s1 Epp. 48, le, sq, 56-joo
144. ad omnes... horas natus] i52.adunguem] ErAdag.,216, ,.
Erasmus : Omnium horarum ho
388 Epist. 49
cens earn parum a

appellant) Insulis, t
Quare terque, qu
prseconem nacta :
I60de te merita fue
tiam rerum abs te
uentum clarissimo
Postremo quod in
gitanti inuideas,
I65atque edendi ra
recte quam ipse eg
gitasse : quando ia
dem scribendi qu
exactiora iudicia,
I7onostrae sint) m
cum amaracino su
riae ? Certe nihil,
omni ligno (ut aiu
oportuna loquutus
I75quisiti, negotij
sollicitudine, eas
bunt Haederas seq
157 appellant &c.] on p. 185 170 maneant] 173 flat &c. ] on p. 186
177 Haederse] chd. into Hed
159. eo tibi maiora debebit cS-c.] wise it would be hardly possible

Marliano's unbiassed opinion and to explain the coupling of these
spontaneous eulogy were greatly two sayings in both instances,
appreciated, as Cornelius Gerardi Cp. 151, 163 and Epp. 50, 53,
Aurelius points out in his Batavia, where two other adagies follow as
69, 76. well in the letter as in Erasmus'
160. de te merita d^c] Marliano work.
may have been blamed or criti- 172. non ex omni ligno... fiat
cized or harmed by some Dutch Mercurius] Erasmus : Ne e quovis
people. ligno Mercurius fiat : Er A dag.,
163. in calce epistolae] Epp. 48, 566, D.
101, sq. 173. aliquando olitor sit opor
170-171. Quid... cum fidibus tuna loquutus] Erasmus : Sespe
graculo ? quid cum amaricino etiam est olitor valde opportuna lo
sui ?] these two expressions re- cutus : Er A dag., 220, K.
present two adagia which in Eras- 174. ut scribis] cp. Epp. 48,
mus' collection follow one an- 107-10
other : [cccc] xxxvil. Nihil gra- 176. quorum imagines... sequa
culo cum fidibus. xxxvin. Nihil ces] Persius Flaccus, Prologus ad
cum amaricino sui : Er A dag., 165, Satiras, 5-6 : 'Heliconidas... Illis
b-i66, c It proves that Busley- remitto, quorum imagines lam
den used Erasmus'book, as other- bunt/Hederae sequaces.
nugis et gerris plus quam Syc

non datur ture, saltern sale a
BuslMS, 186-192 (i 2 v-i 5 v) <Mechlin, first months of 1508)

This letter bearing as title 'Aloysio Marliano, Princip. Medico.',
was written in answer to a reply to Epp. 49, in which Marliano pro
testing against Busleyden's praise, seems to have prescribed a way in
which to judge a friend's work, whereas the Councillor claimed com
plete freedom not only to blame, but also to extol and eulogize. It
probably dates of the first months of 1508.
VIDEO lubens,
causam lego
roges lubentius
? Jn promptuquae tuaest
quidem sunt, Marliane.
: jllam modo noSi
bis per te explicare beeret ; quod tamen ne ita praestem inpri
mis uetas tua ad me proxima epistola, legem praescribente
5 mihi qua posthac utar ad te quid scribere destinans : scilicet,
finem faciam, receptui canam tuis laudibus. Quod si prorsus
ita iubes, estque certum tibi : nequicquam sane expect es
oportet quidnam causae sit quur tarn lubens uideam, luben
tius quae tua sunt perlegam. Quando me huiusmodi lege tua
10 plane alterum ut aiunt Harpocratem feceris, quod quam aegre
ac inuita Minerua sic praestem ipse sat scio, te uelim cogi
tare : quid equidem aegrius ? Quid amabo molestius quam eum
non posse pro libidine laudare quem nemo non bonus, non
doctus praedicat ? Ab eius laudatione abstinere quern uel si
15 uellem, sat nusquam laudare possem ? Quod si ita est, fare
age, ad quid earn legem tuleris, non sat teneo : quandoquidem
179 posse ]oer line G 5 mihi -c.] on p. 187
178. gerris plus quam Syculis] Non sumptuosa blandior hostia,

Erasmus : Siculcs nugce, gerrce : Mollivit aversos Penates
Er A dag., 526, Farre pio et saliente mica.
179. si non... ture, saltern sale 4. proxima epistola] no dou
aut farre dijs litare] allusion to the reply to Epp. 49.
Horatius, Ode ad Phidylen, stating 6. receptui canam] ErA d
that a pure heart pleases the 848, x.
gods better than rich gifts (Car- 10. alterum... Harpocratem]
mina, m, xxiii, 3-4) : Erasmus : Reddidit Harpocratem
Si thure placaris, et horna (viz., imposuit silentium), from
Fruge Lares, Catullus, Epigr. : Ad Cornelium,
and more especially (Carmina, 4; Er A dag., 981, K
in, xxiii, 17-20) : 11. inuita Minerua] ErAdag.,
Immunis aram si tetigit manus, 44,
39 Epist. 50
si me (ut puto) in
cogniti ? Si me d
cium spectati ? S
20 pere deprecari
nusquam ridet, c
quando uellet : cu
de amico libere pr
nil aeque firmam
25 probare una pulchra libertate ? Qua cuique (quoties res
postulat) liberum, integrum sit praeclaras amicorum artes,
studia, mores, gesta in ccelum pleno ore efferre ? Aut contra,
in probra, uitia, peccata illorum stilum uertere, genuinum
acuere, accusationum fulmina, Philippicarum tonitrua emit
30 tere ?
Quod si forte dixeris : Vera, inquam, mi Buslidiane, nar

ras ; pulchrum esse ab amico amice laudari, si non tarn saepe
(ut fit) csecutiret atque hallucinaretur judicium amici. Ad
quod respondens fateor, tunc illud facile neque falli, nec
35 quempiam fallere, quando in idem coeunt, consentiunt,
astypulantur judicia bonorum, suffragia doctiorum, puncta
candidorum. Quod si nec adhuc ijs contentus obiter obijcias
pulchrum esse laudari, id modo fiat a uiro laudato : proinde
ego uiderim utrum is sim qui recte te possit laudare, uel cuius
40 tu laudes debeas agnoscere. Vrgens profecto huiusmodi inter
pellatio tua : verum haud eo urgens, ut aut a causa cadam,
aut uela (ut aiunt) uortam : age ergo, esto non sim tarn
spectabilis, tarn laudatus, a quo tua (quae sunt optima) auspi
cari fidem, mutuari laudem possent : quum iuxta uetus ada
45 gium : Vino uendibili, suspensa nil opus sit luedera : nolim
tarnen (quod citra arrogantiam dixerim) me ipsum adeo
humi repentem, inglorium, illaudatum uirum existimatum
iri, a quo turpe, indignum putes tua nonnunquam legi, lau
dari, mirari; maxime quern semel tua dignum amicitia (qua
50 nil antiquius), tuarum honore literarum (quibus nil gratius)
20 qui nusquam &c.] on p. 188 37 candidatorum]-at- exp 38 esse &c.] on p. 189
17. intus... et in cute] ErAdag., Velavertere .'Horace, Od., 1, 34, 3;

362, r. ErAdag., 356, B.
38. <laudari> a uiro laudato] 45. Vino
Cp. Epp. 18, 9, sq. ErAdag.,58g, c.
42. uela... uortam] Erasmus :
honestandum duxeris. Quae d

uel materiam prastitere mihi
tentauerim facibus solem iuu
fundere : quod tarnen non eo c
55 mes, os tibi sublinerem,
aiunt) cristas adderem ; csete
dio, ut tua sic uero laudando
quando conarer assequi quae
Quare recte, candide feceris,
60 in medium adductis, posito
ut sic facias, te tarn or quam
Praeterea quod (ut scribis) lite
gaudeo sane maxime, idque t
ipsi, arcem (ut dicunt) tenen
65 ceant. Facit praeterea ad gau
uerbium, esse scilicet pulche
mum Roscio placere. Proinde
nium ; non deprecor tantam
est ornat; sin falsa, castigat
70 dauit Xenophon : non quod
rum optabat, admonet.
54 quod tamen &c.] on p. 190 64 propte
72 admonet &c.] on 191
53. facibus solem iuuare] Eras- was only inserted into Erasmus'
mus : Lumen soli mutuas, lrom series in the edition of March 1533
the Greek Sargeis ; (Ad. mmmdcccxxv : BE, , ).
also Solem adjuuare facibus (a Cp. 151, 163.
quotation from Pope Anacletus 55. os tibi sublinirem] Eras
in Gratianus, causa vi) : ErAdag, mus : Os sublinere : Plautus, Mil.
284, c, 1128, c. Clor., 11, i, 32 ; Poen., v, iv, 23 ;
53. mari guttas infundere] Epid., 6 ; ErAdag., 200, D.
Erasmus : In mare deferre aquam, 55. caput demulcerem] Demul
and Mari a fossa aquam : ErAdag, cere caput : ErAdag., 725, E.
284, 0, 762, ; this adagium is 56. cristas adderem] Erasmus :
quoted by Erasmus under the cristas detrahere : ErAdag., 324, D.
title In Sylvam ligna ferre 60. posito supercilio] Erasmus:
(dcclvii), which is immediately Supercilium ponere : ErAdag.,
followed (dcclviii) by Lumen Soli 317, A.
mutuas, which close vicinity, 64. arcem... tenenti] probably
both in Erasmus' collection and allusion to the principles of con
Busleyden's letter.like thatoftwo temporary strategy,
other proverbs on Epp. 49, 170- 66-67. prouerbium... pulcher
171, is almost certainly due to rimum athletam Herculi, mi
the influence of the Adagia ; mum Roscio placere] Erasmus,
from hisstudieson Gratian, Bus- Roscius : Er A dag., 1114, - 115, A,
leyden substituted another shape 69. suum Cyrum laudauit Xe
to the secodn expression, which nophon 6<c.] Cyropcedia, 1, sq.
392 Epist. 50
Porro quse de du
prsesagis, tot et ta
lum undique omen
75 esse ut tu tim
iram uindicem de
Aphrica tot mons
Europa scatet : q
tates ad se (non se
80 ut facile hinc a
utinam falleret)
prope inminente
caeterum uel ips
allaturam. Quam
85 est supplicatio
placandus : alioq
Postremo quod i
tuorum primitia
84 offensus] e indist. by blue paint 88 offeras &c.] on p. 192
73. tot et tantis astris, signis, ro, qui materno adhuc conclusus
monstris, portentis] The first de- vtero, dies plus quam duodecim
cennium of the xvith century was fleuerit. Quo prodigio demon
marked by several disasters which strata sint mala, quibus Hollan
were supposed to have been an- diampostea Gelrus afflixit: Barl
nounced by astronomic portents : Hist., 207; cp ChronMet., 114-15.
whereas the winter of 1506 was 76. olim Aphrica tot monstris]
extraordinarily mild, that of 1507 no doubt an allusion to the pro
was hard and long : it still snowed verb quoted by Erasmus : Semper
in June 1507. On August 23, 1504, Africa novi aliquid apportat (Er
an earthquake was felt from A dag., 886, A), which he attributes
Brussels to Antwerp : Torfs, 11, to Aristoteles and Pliny who refer
5. 57 I5I> I9- Epidemics made by it to new kinds of beings ; it
many victims in 1507, the num- probably was an adaptation of
ber of which was enlarged by the Semper adfert Libya mali quip
ruthless incursions of the Snap- piam: (ErAdag., 885, r, alluding to
hanen, the black Ghelderland the shady characters of the men
raiders. Zeeland, Holland and coming to Rome from the North
Friesland suffered heavily from of Africa. Cp. the Colloquium
floods in 1502, 1503, 1506, 1507, Diversoria : EOO, 1, 716, ; Ben
and especially, 1508 and 1509 : Jonson, Every Man out of his
Torfs, , 69, 289. In his Chroni- Humour, 2266 (in Quarto ; Folio
ca Ducum Brabantice, Barlandus 2241).
relates for 1506 : Mortem Philippi 79. Caecias... nubes) trahet]
<the Fair : Sept. 25, 1506 : Epp. ErAdag., 206,
29, 3> Stella crinita praecessit, quae 83. malorum Lernam] ErA dag.,
mense Augusto <1506) per dies 122, D.
ferme octodecim visa est. Ego 86. tarde nimis ut Phryges sapi
fabulosum esse existimo, quod mus] Erasmus : Phryges sero sa
quidam scripsit per idem tempus piunt : ErAdag., 37, K, 206, .
accidisse apud Hollandos in pue
To John Becker 393
gratiam : earn tunc propen

90 dignatus fueris : quod ex
manu est. Quare uelim fac
fallat, aut longior mora diu
quo uel magno malo tuo pro
creditor intractabilis. Interea bellissime uale, Marliane mi
95 suauissime, et epistolas iam nostras ad te treis qualescunque
sint, Candidus lege, boni consule ; quas non ut uel tibi ob
streperem inconcinnus anser, uel crabrones irritarem, uel
auram populrem captarem, exarauerim : sed magis quo ali
quando in gratiam redirem cum Musis atque literis politiori
loobus, quas dudum a lumine salutans (ueluti e Nilo canis)
degustaram. Jterum uale.
BuslMS, 202-205 (i 10 n-k 2 r) <Mechlin, first half of I5o8>
51. To John BECKER, of BORSELEN

This letter, inscribed 'Ioanni Borsalo...', was written after Busleyden
had heard of the complete failure of his attempt at making his neph
ew Erdorf take any interest in studies and in his own training.
Indeed the young man, who had already disappointed his uncle as
a student in the Lily (Epp. 30, 31), once more did so in the house of
Henry Viruli, where he had an excellent preceptor, John Becker
(Epp. 32), possibly even a companion in Francesco Friscobaldi (Epp. 33).
That Busleyden took the matter to heart, follows from the way in
which he represents the boy's indolence and his lack of all character,
referring to it as a morbus pestifer (11. 38, 41), as an interitus prcesenta
neus (1. 35), which is entirely in his humanistic conception of studies
and literary education ; whereas the boy was probably of a weakly
constitution, and may have lacked all physical power and endurance,
which explains his untimely death (Epp. 67, 3). Cp. before, 11.
Salue PLURIMUM mi Ioannes
JNDIGNATUS
me uortam ?totus,
quiduedoloreque iusto
scribam, aut undique
consilij percitus,
capiam, prorsusquo
nescio, quando quod tantopere uerebar et to ties ueridicus
98 auram]
93. quam sim... creditor in- 97. obstreperem inconcinnus

tractabilis] cp. Epp. 24, 14, sq, anser] cp. Epp. 2, 30, 41, v
38, 10-14, 58, . 97- crabrones irritarem] Eras
93. exactor durus] cp. Epp. 38, mus : Irritare crabones : Er A dag
12~13> &C. 5 D
95. epistolas... treis] viz. Epp. 100. e N
47, 49 and this one. canis e Nilo : Er A dag., 361,
26
394 Epist. 51
(utinam falsus) pr
5 disse intelligam.
dere hucusque dis
accessione tempori
adolescentis animu
ipsum uotum fall
10 adeo ut nisi rurs
expes posthac per
incusando uicem,
formando, instit
gloria uerecundiam
15 reportaremus.
gratitudinem !
cui nihil (praeterqu
quidem et affati
uoluisset, quum s
20 tem reddere po
inconsultus, sui o
minus haerens relin
Quod quum ita si
insederit, non poss
25 et cogitatione u
modo nostram in
rantissimam ante
pensa, quamue de
sollicita, anxia, tu
30 mus occurris te
adeo ut eius recep
nisi et pietati nost
petuae infamiae n
quicquam profutu
4 dolor] lo over line S 5 intelligam &c.] on p. 203
21 degener drc.J on p. 204 22 flocifacit]
8. adolescentis] Cornelius Er- 30. hospes] Henry Yiruli :

dorf : cp. Epp. 31, 34. cp. Epp. 30, pr.
11. expes] viz., disinteresting 31. testimonium] Soon after
himself completely from the Erdorf had entered Viruli's house,
bringing up of his nephew : cp. Busleyden received a commenda
Epp. 30 to 34, 36. tio... haud contemnenda from the
13. oleum &c.] Erasmus : host, to which he referred in
Oleum et operam perdidi'.ExAdag., Epp. 31, j-7.
171, E*
To Adrian Herbouts 395
35 cogitemus, quo pereuntem adolesce

taneo ad uitam reuocemus. Super qu
nullum aliud hoc tempore occurra
hospitem tuum, uirum consultissim
consulas ; quo sic consulto una cum
40 ocyus conferas, simul uisuri, consult
pharmaco aut quo antidoto morbus ille
sed male sanae mentis ac deprauati an
sit) curari possit. Vale.
BuslMS, 263-265 (3 r-4 r) <Mechlin, middle of 1508)
52. To Adrian HERBOUTS

Antwerp Pensionary
This letter, entitled 'Adriano Herberio Pension'rio Anuerpi.', was

written to acknowledge the receipt of a bow which Herbouts sent as
a present to his friend who wishes to know whether he has to use it
in the service of Cupido, or in that of Mars ; or imitate the use which
Diana makes of hers. From the place in the collection it seems to
belong to 1508, although no clue is given either by the contents, or
by the allusion to Philip de Beuckelaer's recent marriage.
Adriane, Amicorum optime, Salue
ARCUM ilium
nasti, (ut accepi,
gratus ita dicam) Herculeum
vtpote quo te
munus tam medonante
hodie do
dignum quam mihi donato gratissimum ; longe tarnen gratius
tunc futurum ubi tandem abs te doctior euasero utri potissi
5 mum hoc arcu militem, pharetratone Cupidini ? an sanguina
rio Marti ? aut magis utrique ? Vel (quod rectius putauerim)
ipsi Dianse ? Quae quidem inprimis studio castitatis ducta,
luxus, illecebras, otia Veneris, deinde horrida cruenta bella
39 consulas &c.] on p. 205 4 tunc] over line S
38. morbo] no doubt, his ob- no real illness, as Busleyden

stinate refusal to study, possibly clearly points out further (11 39
his insolence and want of respect 40), for the boy was summoned
towards the well-deserving pre- before the Uncle as soon as Viruli
ceptor that Becker was. The would have suggested what to do
boy's weak constitution may ex- in the occurrence,
plain his aversion from earnest 2-3. munus... gratissimum] cp.
work : he died prematurely : cp. Epp. 3, 2-3, &c.
Epp. 67,3, sq. Yet there was as yet
396 Epist. 52
Martis auersata, m
10 quaeque ferarum
nimis, aut ipsi Cu
Dianse studium in
continentiam pro
malim (tu modo i
15 qualiscunque sit
sequi, uel in illius
nonnunquam mor
illorum animos, ali
ipse quandoque ex
20 Quare si in hoc
probetur, lubens i
contra sentias : qu
quando iampridem
signa sequutus, sa
25 alteri; deinde q
que tandem repen
Philippum Bucler
amicum, plurimum
go nuper uirginem
30 bili familia ort
Quo nuntio ego m
bene uortat: illum
Rursus uale.
Raptim Mechiliniae.
9 armata <S-c. ] on p. 264

12 institutumque] tu over line S 24 alter drc.] on p. 265
12. ex ordine suscepto] Busley- van bruessel' should refer to it :

den was a priest. cp. before, 30, 84.
15. huius] evidently 'Martis' : 23. utriusque militiam] it
'illius' referring to Cupid. shows that Herbouts had served
19. periculum... feci] cp. Epp. in a war.
71, ,2- Nothing definite is known 27. Buclerium] Philip de Beu
of this incident in Busleyden's ckelaer, Antwerp business man :
life, except perhaps the item in the cp. Epp. 24, b.
execution of the will about 'lijsken
To John Gritz 397
BuslMS, 132-134 (f 5 v-i 6 v) <Mechlin, Summer of i5o8>
53. To John GRITZ, of LUXEMBURG

Agent in Rome
a This letter, entitled 'loan. Coritio, gentili suo Romce agenti.', was
probably written in the summer of 1508, two years after Busleyden's
return from Rome, where he, no doubt, had visited his countryman,
who was, or may have been entrusted already before, with a lawsuit
which he and his brother Valerian were pursuing in behalf of their
nephews. The latter can hardly have been any others but Cornelius
Erdorf and his one possibly more sisters.
b John Gritz, Coritius, or rather Senex Corycius, as his over-erudite
friends called him, alluding to Virgil's half verse <memini mey Cory
cium vidisse senem (Georg., iv, 127), was born in Luxemburg ; he stu
died arts and law, after which he entered James Wimpfeling's service
as familiaris, until, on his master's advice and with his help, he went to
Rome (WimpfLeb., 176 ; Trit., 387). He entered the Curia, May 1497,
and served six popes, from Alexander VI to Clement VII, as proto
notary and familiaris : J. Burchard, Diarium : Paris, 1883-85 : 11, 377,
482, 539 ; Balani?, 325. Under Julius II he was secretary of the Memu
riali, which caused him to be identified with the personage in black
walking besides the Pope on his sedes gestatoria in Raphael's stanza,
representing Heliodorus chased from the Temple (Pastor, 111, 867),
and he was amongst the four of Adrian VI's countrymen branded by
Berni as being barbarous even in their names : 'Copis, Vinci, Corizio
e Trincheforte' (Berni, Rime, edited by Virgili : Florence, 1885 : 132 ;
FuggRom., i, 231). He also was receptor supplicationum, juridical agent
and procurator for all who applied to him : thus his fees are recorded
for his share in a lawsuit against the Duke of Saxony for Li6ge diocese
in 1517 (LiegeDoc., 11, 9, 38), whereas, in September 1516, Gilles de
Blocquerie, in another suit, addressed his substitutum, a Sebastian
Leymerlin 'in domo d. Jo. Coritii (LiigeDoc., 1, 421-429 ; AleaLiege.,
159-61, 322; cp. KkMiltiz., 67). By that time (viz., between Dec. I,
1505 and March 19, 1513), he had secured the deanery of Bernkastel,
in Treves diocese (FuggRom., 1, 40), and, like all his country-men in
Rome, he had contributed about 1511 towards the building of the
church of Sta. Maria dell' Anima (FuggRom., 1, 204).
c His fame is chiefly based on his generosity to literators ; he was the

'Father and Maecenas of all poets'; Hummelberger, Aperbach, Ursi
nus Velius, and all other German literary men who came to Rome,
found a most cordial welcome in his house (Pastor, iv, i, 447 ; Anima,
257-58; Nolhac, 71 ; Bauch, Kaspar Ursinus Velius : Buda-Pest,
1886 ; Mameran., 16). He was a member of the Romana Academia,
and, following Angelo Colocci's example, he invited all the members
to celebrate their patron-saint, St. Anne, by a solemn Mass and by a
sumptuous feast. On such annual Festivals he gathered both in his
house, enriched with most splendid works of antique art, and in his
Vigna, or vineyard, near Trajan's Forum, men like Pietro Bembo and
398 Epist. 53
James Sadoleto, Jerome Vida and Baltasar Castiglione, Paolo Bom

basio and Celio Calcagnini, Gilles of Viterbo and Polvdore Vergilio
(Pastor,hi, 751-52,782, iv,i, 380,429; Burckhardt, 231, 239; Symonds,
409; Aleandre, 113-114 ; Fr. Giildner: Jacob Questenberg : Wernige
rode, 1905 : 1-5). Thus, when in June 1516,/Aleander reached Rome,
he was invited to the annalia, which were celebrated by Coricius
according to custom ; he recorded that he took part in the saliari
ccena in hortis suis, magno doctorum et clarorum virorum conventu, and
that he had amongst his neighbours Colocci and the younger Beroaldo
(Aleajour., 17; J. Paquier, De Philippi Beroaldi junioris Vita &
Scriptis : Paris 1900 ; 35, 77, sq). Writing in 1529 to Angelo Colocci,
James Sadoleto sadly deplores that no feast is held any longer, and he
recalls, amongst other sweet memories, the 'dulces... Corycii iracun
dias' ; SadolE, 247 ; Burckhardt, 239 ; Prowe, 1, 283.
d In honour of their patron-saint Gritz had caused the sculptor San

sovino to adorn the chapel he had erected in the church of St. Au
gustin, with an altar, and the artist created a beautiful group repre
senting St. Anne with her daughter and her grand-child (A. Schn
feld, Andrea Sansovino und seine Schule : Stuttgart, 1881 : 21, sq ;
Pastor, hi, 783). That group and the Ara Coryciana became the sub
ject of many Latin poems by friends who availed themselves of the
opportunity to praise their generous host; the example of the papers
with Latin verses affixed to the statues, was followed with so many
Italian poems that the group had to be protected by a railing, as
Hummelberger related in February 1515 (HumSchwab., 267 ; Burck
hardt, 231, 506). A few years later, in July 1524, the poet Blosio Pal
ladio edited the Latin poems as Coryciana (Rome, L. Vicentinus,
1524); that bundle, the oldest Roman 'Musenalmanach' as it has been
called, contains, besides a letter from Gritz himself, verses by men
like Bembo and Castiglione, by Vida and Flaminio (Geiger, in Viertel
jahrschrift fr Literatur der Renaissance 1, 1886 : 145-61, 523 ; Pastor,
iv, i, 429, ii, 152 ; Burckhardt, 231, 506 ; HutO, hi, 271-76). In St.
Augustin Raphael painted for Coritius the gigantic fresco of the
prophet Isaias with two angels (Pastor, 111, 860).
e With all that, Gritz enjoyed a great renown of prudence and expe
rience : with James Questenberg, he was one of the procurators whom
the Cologne Dominicans entrusted by 1520 with the mission of ob
taining from Leo X the settling of the Reuchlin case in full amiability,
so that neither party should feel hurt, as Cochkeus announced to
Pirckheimer on June 12, 1520 : Heumann, 48, sq ; ; HutE, 1, 358-59 ;
Reuchlin, 449; H. Horawitz, Zur Biographie und Correspondenz
Joannes Reuchlin's : Vienna (Sitzungsberichte, 86), 1877 : 7. Unfor
tunately the glorious career ended miserably at the Sacco di Roma,
when Coritius' wealth hardly sufficed to buy his life ; he escaped to
Verona where he died from grief by the end of 1527 in utter poverty ;
the gold even which he had buried in his garden, had been found and
stolen by the Spanish soldiers : Pierio Valeriano, De Infelicitate Litera
torum (edited by Mencken), 369, sq Aleandre, 113; Symonds, 444;
Cp. G. Roscoe & L. Bossi, Vita e Pontificato di Leone X : Milan, 1816,5?:
vii, 211, sq, viii, 214, sq ] F. Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Rom
im Mittelalter : Stuttgart, 1896 : viii, 227, sq., 285, 296, sq, 324, sq,
328, 595 ; D. Gnoli, Storia di Pasquino : Rome, 1890 : 69, sq. ; Allen,
To John Gritz 399
, 342. 326 ' ADB ; Pastor, , 751,

/ Erasmus made Coritius' acquain
in February 1509, at the same time
sador James Borsody Piso, who af
Vilna on Sept. 26, 1514, describing
between the King of Poland and th
battle of Smolensko ; probably Gr
Erasmus who published it in Iani D
Expeditione in Turcas Elegeia (Basle
I, 216, pr). On February 1, 1523, in
enumerating the friends he made i
vir candidissimi pectoris ; on Augus
with two other Roman acquaintanc
letter to Hajo Herman Hompen Frisi
Salue Decus MEUM
TUUM istud
quam biennale
in partem quo mecum
accipiam, agisan
bonamne silentium, nesc
malam. Quod
si recte de eo suspicari beeret, quem semel probaueris et cuius
fides magis spectata quam facies fuerit cognita, certe cert
5 hoc tuum Pythagoricum silentium improbarem. Verum enim
uero quum haud facile quiuis ueniat iudicandus amicus, nequ
semel talis iudicatus, haud leuiter suspicandus, nolim ani
mum ad ea inducere quse aliquando nostram de te conceptam
lsederent opinionem : quin satius si quid hoc in officio fuerit
10 peccatum, id totum qualecunque sit arduis tuis donare occ
pationibus, quas inuitum te ac reluctantem ab amicorum
cultu euocare, malim prorsus credere quam in aliquo dubitare:
in eadem sententia constant er duraturus, modo tandem tam
diuturnum silentium resartias desyderata copia tuarum lit
15 rarum.
Quod sic iuxta uotum ocyus praestes te obtestor: & si pater

per dulcem (quae teque meque tulit) patriam, sanctissim
adiuro ijs tuis literis Valerianum tuum atque me certior
faciendo quo in statu, spe et exspectatione consistant ca
1 mecum agis] corr. from magis S 4 certe certe] 14 resartias &c.] on p. 133
i. biennale] Busleyden, after sister; the lawsuit in question

having met Coritius in Rome in most probably had been entrusted
the winter of 1505-6 (cp. Epp. already then for some time to the
27, a), may have written to him Luxemburg agent in the Curia.
about arrangements taken there 18. Valerianum] Busleyden's
which had to be approved of by youngest brother : cp. before,
his brother and possibly by their 8, 9, 10.
400 Epist. 54
20 et controuersia
commissa. Sat sup
pendeat; quot in ili
ea quam grauis et
omnia ipsis miser
25 Valeriano mihiq
(post Deum) spes n
defueris : idque e
bus pares non sum
sint, tu quidem u
30 doris et fidei er
quanto hinc glori
strenue repugnan
quum ita sit, mag
facit te hac in cau
35 deserturum, m
coelum futura sit
seterna. Vale.
BuslMS, 107-110 (e 3 r-e 4 ) <Mechlin, February 15/28, 1509)
54. To Bernardino LOPEZ de CARVAJAL

Cardinal 'Sancde Crucis'
a This letter is entitled 'BERNARDI. CARDI/NALI SANCTAE. + ./

LEGATO APL'ICO.'; it is a reply to a message fromCarvajal announc
ing his arrival in Rome, which he reached on January 12, 1509. It
follows that, allowing for a few days' space between arriving and
writing, this letter was probably dated by the middle or in the latter
31 tam] over line 32 cedentibus r-'. ] on p. 134
20. nepotum] reference cannot no doubt the pupilli for whom the
have been made here to any of uncles took up a lawsuit.
/Egidius de Busleyden's children, 34. pupillos] at the time of this
who had their father as natural letter, Catherine de Busleyden,
protector, but to the children of who had been a widow for some
their youngest sister Catherine, years, probably was no longer
who had married an Erdorf, and alive, judging from the complete
was already a widow by 1505. She absence of any mention of her in
had a son Cornelius, of whose Jerome's letter about her son's
education Jerome took charge break-down in 1508 : cp. before,
(cp. Epp. 31, b, c), besides one, 11 ; Epp. 31, b, c, 36, 30, sq,
possibly more daughters, who and 51.
soon lost their mother ; they were
half of February 1509. When Adrian of

on January 9, 1522, the news reached Cha
morning of January 18, and the official let
iv, ii, 24 : such speed can hardly have been
b Bernardino (or Bernaldino) Lopez de Car
in Spain, about 1457 , was probably a re
and most venerable Cardinal Juan Lopez de Carvajal, created in
1446 by Eugene IV : Pastor, 1, 276, sq. ; 11, 548, hi, 65. In his youth
he had defended the authenticity of Constantine's Donation against
Lorenzo Valla in a long memoir, which entailed his voyage to Italy,
where he served Sixtus IV as chamberlain (Maurenbrecher, 103). He
was provided with several preferments, amongst them the see of Car
thagene granted by Innocent VIII. He was Bishop of Siguenza, when,
at the opening of the Conclave after Innocent VIII's death, on August
6, 1492, he pronounced a most earnest and impressive sermon on the
miserable state of the Church and on the duty of the electors (Pastor,
ill, 29o;Trit.,442).In May 1493 he took ag leading part in the arrange
ment by which Spain and Portugal were to share the newly discovered
territories (Pastor, hi, 518 ; Mourret, 220-21 ; DebAgMod., 56) ; on
September 20, 1493, at King Ferdinand's request, Alexander VI
created him Cardinal in reward of the eminent services he had rendered,
which made his career more and more glorious every year : Pastor, 111,
319 ; his title was first that of SS. Marcellinus and Peter ; it was
changed on Febr. 2, 1495 for that of Santa Croce de Jerusalemme. He
was a very learned man and a favourer of literature ; his ability as
diplomatist made him be used on several occasions : on May 11, 1495
he was sent with Cardinal Pallavicini to discourage Charles VIII
from entering Rome ; on August 31, 1496, he welcomed Maximilian I
as Legate in Milan and made up with him a lifelong friendship (Pastor,
in, 357, 368). At Alexander VI's death, on August 19, 1503, he became
the leader of the Spanish Cardinals, and in the days, when several of
his countrymen were persecuted in Rome out of hatred of the deceased
Pope, he sheltered them in his own palace (Pastor, hi, 529, 551).
Although in the Conclave of September, 1503, he gathered at one
turn twelve votes, he could not stand against the French Cardinal
George d'Amboise and Giuliano della Rovere, nor against Francesco
Piccolomini, who became Pius III (Pastor, 111, 555, sq.).
c At his accession to the Papal See on November 1, 1503 as Julius II,
Giuliano della Rovere bound himself to convene a General Council
within two years, and at once made use of Carvajal's services, who, with
Cesare Borgia and the Spanish party, had greatly contributed to his
election. In February 1504, the new Pope sent him as his confidential
helper to see to his interests in his strife against Venice (Pastor, in,
563. 596. 99). and, at the same time, in his quarrel against Cesare
Borgia (Pastor, 111, 587-89). When the latter surrendered the fortresses
which the Pope claimed, Carvajal let the dangerous man go free,
which greatly disappointed Jules II (Rossbach, Leben des... de Carva
jal, 84, 89-90). From then on Carvajal was distrusted by the Pope,
although he was granted several preferments, and sent as Legate to
Maximilian of Austria on August 4, 1507 : AleaJour., 10 ; FuggRom,
i, 50). He met the Emperor at Innsbruck in the middle of September
1507, and stayed for several months at his Court, in order to bring
402 Epist. 54
him to accede to Jul

come to Italy with a
offer him to be anoi
purpose as Legates to
being crowned on t
commissioned to induce Maximilian to enter a league against the
Turks, as well as against Venice, which implied friendship with
France; he reached his aim, in so far that, after having been pro
claimed Emperor-elect on February 4, 1508, by his great councillor
Bishop Matthew Lang, of Gurk, Maximilian started attacking Venice.
Carvajal was then at Bozen in Tyrol, preparing an understanding
between the Emperor and France against Venice, which developed
into the League of Cambrai on December 10, 1508. In the shaping of
that League Margaret of Austria was one of the responsible and
subscribing parties, for which the Emperor had given her full powers
in his letter dated from the Castle of Turnhout, Oct. 1508 : Th. Juste,
Charles V et Marguerite d'Autriche : Brussels, 1858 : 41-47. It brought
Carvajal to make a lengthy stay in Mechlin, and to become acquainted
with the Lady Regent, who, by 1510 wrote to him to request his
protection for Prince Charles's preceptor Adrian of Utrecht (Bergh, I,
226-27 ' Epp. 21, g). The Legate had returned to Rome on January 12,
1509, but had failed to give satisfaction to the Pope, who meanwhile
had realized that the conclusion of the League of Cambrai was to
bring foreign powers as rulers and masters to Italy : Pastor, in, 626
629 ; MargvOK, 257, 266, 286-89, 303, sq, 312, sq, 327, sq.
' When in the following year 1510, the French army invaded Italy,
it was hailed by many as the herald of the new times, as a means of
the reform which Julius II had promised, but delayed executing : the
General Council seemed to be completely forgotten, and yet was, day
by day, felt more and more to be indispensable. By the middle of
October, Carvajal had joined the party that saw a saviour of the
Church in Louis XII, for he had set his mind on a Council, and possibly
aimed at the Pope's dismissal to gain the mastery over the North of
Italy. At any rate with the Cardinals Brifonnet, de Prie, Sanseverino
and Francesco Borgia, Carvajal broke the unity of the Sacred College ;
on May 16, 1511, with three more colleagues, they called together a
Council, which was to meet at Pisa on September 1 following : Pastor,
in, 655-668 ; Maurenbrecher, 103, sq.
' As the oldest of the Cardinals so grouped, he became the head of
the dissident party, and thus seconded Louis XII in his aggressive
policy and in his protection of slanderous libels against the Pope
(Pastor, in, 674). Their schism was doomed to be a failure : for
Julius II, by a stroke of policy, decided to fight them with their own
weapons, convening on July 18, 1511, a General Council to be held in
Lateran from April 19, 1512 ; he also sentenced the promotors of, and
the adherants to, the Pisa pseudo-council, to the ecclesiastical penal
ties. Things took a bad turn for Carvajal : King Ferdinand deprived
him of his bishopric of Siguenza in June 1511 ; Julius II, recovering
from an illness, which in August 1511 had seemed to become fatal,
took away from him all chances of ever becoming Pope, although
Amboise had disappeared ; and by forming the Holy League with
Spain and Venice, on October 4, 1511, the Holy Father got the ne
cessary assurance to proceed against his rebelling Cardinals : he

deprived Carvajal, Brijonnet, de Prie and Borgia of their dignities in
the Consistory of October 24, 1511 (AleaJour., 13), even before the ac
tual opening of the Pisa Council, against which Maximilian finally ex
pressed his decided opposition (Pastor, hi, 679, 683, 685 ; Ximenes,
409, sq). It was attacked by authors like Thomas de Vio, Cajetanus,
whereas even several bishops under the French King refused to
partake in it. Angelo de Vallombroso earnestly warned Carvajal not to
break the Unity of the Church like a Lucifer or an Antechrist (Pastor,
in, 693). Although seconded by the Italian poet Zaccaria Ferreri,
the leader of the Pisa synod did not feel convinced : he was for
certain tempted by his ambition, by his wish to outshine all others in
riches, pomp and state and he could not forget that he once had near
ly secured the tiara. He quarrelled with Brifonnet, and he estranged
many adherents by his unreliable, weather-vane-like character;
realizing the impopularity of his scheme, he even tried to reconcile
himself with Julius II, who, however, stood on a personal request for
pardon in Rome, from which Carvajal's pride recoiled.
/ It thus happened that he could not but preside the scantily attended
pseudo-council at Pisa from November 5, 1511, in which he acted as
pope, declaring Julius II's decrees void of any value. Riots broke
out on November 9 before his house, where he had gathered his
adherents, so that he had to transfer the council to Milan under the
protection of the French. On entering that town on December 7, he
met with no better success : it was found that he and those who pre
tended reforming the Church, might begin reforming themselves ;
meanwhile general disfavour clung to the sect; the Pope took more
stringent measures at the Consistories of January 17 and 30, 1512,
whilst the superiors of the religious orders proceeded against men like
Ferreri : Pastor, in, 693, sq, 701, 930. A flicker of hope sparkled at
the victory of the French under Gaston de Foix at Ravenna, April 11,
1512 (Pastor, m, 703-707), and the pseudo-council declared Julius II
suspended from all spiritual and temporal administration ; yet at that
very time Louis XII admitted that the whole to-do was no more than
a farce to frighten Julius II, and when the Cardinal de' Medici, who had
been taken prisoner, was brought into Milan, the people of the town
fell on their knees to ask his absolution from all censures incurred by
their war against the Pope : Pastor, in, 708. Most successfully the
Council of Lateran started on May 10, 1512, with spokesmen like
Cardinal Cajetano (Pastor, III, 709-13), and the rout of the French
army in May and June 1512 ruined the conciliabulutn : 'Papa Bernar
dino demandato Martino VI' was obliged to remove with his adherents
to Asti on June 4, and further to Lyons, where the schism died out
by itself : Pastor, 111, 714-5 ; Maurenbrecher, 102-107 ; Renaudet,
530-556. On December 10, 1512, after Italy had been freed by the
Liga, the Lateran Council pronounced the interdict on France, and
summoned her clergy and people to appear within sixty days to hear
their sentence about the Pragmatic Sanction : before the day was up,
on February 20/21, 1513, Julius II died : Pastor, in, 724, sq. ; Re
naudet, 666.
g Carvajal tried to obtain through Maximilian for his companions

and for himself the right to enter the Conclave, which was not only
404 Epist. 54
made impossible by
the close guard kept
12). With Sanseverin
Leo X offered them
on condition they sh
abandoning all the si
trition, things went
Council of Lateran, o
repudiated the Pisa Council; they recognized that of Lateran as the
only righteous one and they asked for pardon. On June 27,1513, they
came to the Vatican as simple clerici and, after asking the Pope's
forgiveness, and after reading a solemn revocation of their past errors,
they were reinstated as Cardinals (Pastor, iv, i, 30, 37-41, ii, 678
79; Ximenes, 475-76). Cp. Marek Brust., 35-36; Enders, I, 328, 332 ;
Imbart, 11, 138, 152, sq, 158-167, 455-57 ; Jourdan, 75 ; DebAgMod.,
158.
From then onward, Carvajal resumed his old life at the Curia : he
announced on April 15, 1514 to Margaret of Austria that Pope Leo
was sending the Golden Rose to her nephew Charles (BCRH, 11, xi,
217) ; he also went as Legate to France on May 28, 1514, to conclude
a final agreement with the Holy See (Renaudet, 576), and he was
made a member of the congregation of the Crusade in November 1517
(Pastor, iv, i, 152, sq. ; KkLuRPFor., 113); he meanwhile ordered
beautiful alterations in his church de Santa Croce (Pastor, iv, i, 394,
ii, 710 ; KkLuRPFor., 130). As during his former stay in Germany,
he had been a guest of James of Hoochstraeten at Cologne, he was
applied to by Reuchlin's adversaries, and considered their chief pro
tector. He liberated Hoochstraeten from the excommunication incurred
for repudiating the sentence passed at Speyer on March 29, 1514
(ZLiiFried., 24) ; and when the cause was submitted to the Pope, and
Leo X appointed as arbiters the Cardinals Grimani and Accolti, every
endeavour was tried to have Carvajal added as a third (ReuchlE, 234
41 ; HutOS, 11, 308). Adrian of Utrecht repeatedly appealed to him in
the matter (April 21, 1514 and May 16, 1515 ; BeitFried., 108-112 ;
HutOS, i, 150-152) ; whereas Reuchlin mentioned to his friend Nicolas
Ellenbog his rather hostile attitude (EllenbE, 127-128), to which
refers also at least one of the Epistolee Obscurorutn Virorum and the
Hochstratus Ovans, adding that Carvajal had formerly also condemned
Peter de Ravenna ; HutOS, 1, 219-20, 263, 472-73, 11, 307-308 ; Pastor,
iv, i, 219-222 ; Reuchlin, 306, sq. A few years later, in 1520, Carva
jal took part in the proceedings against Luther (Pastor, iv, i, 273,
sq): in the preparation of the bull Exsurge, he objected to the insertion
of the clause which called the appeal from the Pope to the General
Council the heaviest charge against the Wittenberg professor (ActAc
Lov., 86-88 ; Pastor, iv, i, 274 ; P. Kalkoff, Zu Luthers Rmischem
Prozess : Gotha, 1904 : 120, sq.). John von der Wick must have sent
word about it to Luther, who in August 1520, wrote to ask Carvajal's
intercession for a composition, protesting his readiness to accept all
conditions, except palinode and the blame of heresy, adding that, far
from being afraid of censures and violence, he was prepared to defend
himself, and was seconded by many others : the contents of that
letter, which is not known to be exstant, was communicated to Spala
tin on August 23, 1520 (Enders, 11, 464-65 ; the preceding missive to
Spalatin is dated August 10 : ibid., 458 ; KkLuRPFor., 42 ; Kk

LuRProz., 42 ; KkErasPol., 35 ; KkLuthEnt., 171 ; Jourdan, 218).
i At Leo X's death, Carvajal was the dean of the College of Cardinals ;
his candidature was proposed, but was not any more accepted than
that of any of the other cardinals present. When finally de' Medici pro
posed the absent Adrian of Utrecht, and Cajetano highly recommended
that solution of what had become an inextricable entanglement,
Carvajal prided himself to have brought out the last decisive vote,
which is also attributed to Cardinal Cupis : AdriHi., 89, sq ; Adri
Burm., 107, sq., 144, sq. ; Pastor, iv, ii, 7, 11-12, 17-18). Carvajal
sent his chamberlain Antonio de Studillo to announce the result of
the election to the new Pope, and to inform him of the share he had
taken in the event, as well as of the opposition of the Imperial Orator
in Rome, don Juan Manuel, which led to his revocation and to the
appointment of don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza : AdriE., xix-xxx,
47-58, 69, sq; AdriLep., 181, sq; AdriHi., '230-32. As dean of
the College and as Bishop of Ostia, Carvajal welcomed Adrian VI on
his arrival in the Papal States on August 29, 1522 (Pastor, iv, ii, 47
48 ; AdriBxxrm., 183, sq., 192, sq). He continued taking part in public
affairs during the new reign: he worked with Cardinal Cibo about the
canonization of Bishop Benno of Meissen, proclaimed on May 31, 1523
(KkLuRPFor., 75), and in April 1523 he was appointed, with two
colleagues, to superintend the lawsuit of Cardinal Soderini: Pastor, iv,
ii, 98, 128, 733. He proved ready at any time to proffer as well the
benefit of his experience (AdriHi., 529 ; Janssen, 11, 307) as of his
own commodities : in the oppressively hot days of August (4-5) 1523,
he was at San Marcellino the host of the.Pope, just before the illness
started that proved fatal. On that occasion Adrian VI is said to have
remarked, when noticing that the animals to be used as food were
brought alive in the kitchen for fear of poison : 'Indeed you were a
Pope in Julius II's days !' (AdriHi., 529 ; Ximenes, 414). In the
Conclave of October 8, 1523 Carvajal at first gathered eleven votes
(Albergato, 11, 14,24, 37, sq ; Pastor, iv, ii, 164) ; still his chances, just
like his lifetime, were at an end : he died a few weeks later, on Decem
ber 16, 1523 : A. Ciacouius, Vita et Res Gest a; Pontificum Romanorum
et... Cardinalium : Rome, 1677 : in, 170-7; AdriBurm., 23-24; &c.
Cp. H. Rossbach, Das Leben und die Politisch-Kirchliche Wirksamkeit
des Bernaldino Lopez de Carvajal, Cardinal von S. Croce in Gierusa
lemme in Rom, und das Schismatische Concilium Pisanum : Breslau,
1892 ; HutOS, 11, 307-308 ; &c. Cerda y Rico announced in 1781
in his Clarorum Hispanorum Opuscula that he intended publishing
some letters and tracts by Carvajal in a second volume : it has never
appeared (M. Bataillon, in Bulletin Hispanique, xxxi : 202).
k Cardinal Carvajal was not a stranger to Jerome de Busleyden : the
latter had studied in Padua with his nephewRodericoCarvajal, 'protho
notarius', mentioned as one of the witnesses of his promotion to
Doctor of Laws on February 8, 1503 (PDoct., 107). No doubt he had
made better acquaintance during his stay in Rome in the winter of
1505-6, when sent to congratulate Julius II on his accession (cp.
before, 37 ; Oral. A, pr). In the spring of 1508, Carvajal, as Papal
Legate in Germany, was working to bring about a league against
Venice, which Maximilian had started attacking; he wanted to
4o6 Epist. 54
interest Spain and France and the Netherlands in the plan, which
made him decide on visiting Margaret of Austria. He did not neglect
the spiritual interests of the countries where he stayed as guest :
thus by a bull made up at Memmingen on December 15, 1507, he had
united unreformed convents to the body of the Saxon Augustinians
under vicar-general John von Staupitz : Scheel, 11, 483, 485, 661.
I When journeying northward, he passed through Cologne and
Maestricht, from where the news of his presence reached Erard de la
Marek, prince-bishop of Liege, who met him at Saint-Trond on his
way to Louvain and Mechlin {MarekBrust., 28, 35-36 ; MarekHalk.,
49, 89). He reached the latter town in the beginning of August and
met with a brilliant reception : the town authorities came to greet
him, and in the name of Prince Charles of Austria, Jerome de Busley
den wished him a hearty welcome at the gates of the town {Orat. D,
pr; 65). As the Emperor Maximilian was then in Holland,managing
the defence against, and the attack of, the troublesome Charles of
Egmont, Margaret of Austria had planned an intervieuw at Dordrecht
on Assumption day ; writing from Leyden on August 13, Maximilian
expressed his regret that he could not meet her and the Legate, as he
was fully engaged in the siege of Weesp (Bergh, 1,137-138). Still it did
not last long before the Emperor returned to Brabant : it is recorded
that a great solemnity brought together Maximilian and Margaret,
Prince Charles and his sisters, and the whole Court in St. Rombaut's,
where Carvajal officiated and delivered a sermon which was greatly
admired : Moeller, 41-42 ; U 27, sq, of this letter. - Hugo de As
sendelff, who welcomed Maximilian, Aug. 16, at Haarlem, and
followed him to Mechlin, was thurifer at that function, and recalled
in 1531 a prophetic sentence of that sermon : Nihil proficiet inimi
cus in eis, &c : MemAss,, 228, 234.
m The Legate, who had accepted Busleyden's hospitality (Epp. 69, 43),
found the time to make the acquaintance of many great men, such as
the Dean of Louvain, Adrian of Utrecht with whom he stayed, pro
bably on his journeys, and whose plan of founding a college in his
house he greatly praised {AdriBurm., 23-24, 90) ; he recommended
him so warmly to the Pope on his return that the earnest scholar was
invited to come to Rome (AdriBurm., 24-25). He further befriended
the Bishop of Arras, Nicolas Ruterius, who was then engrossed in
the founding and endowing of his College in Louvain, and granted
him several diplomas : one signed on September 1, 1508 in Brussels,
approves of the foundation and gives the permission of building a
chapel where Mass can be said daily and a bell sounded for that
Mass and for the Angelus (FUL, 2237). On September 13 following, he
granted an indulgence to all those who should visit that chapel on
Assumption Day, on the feast of the Finding of the Cross, and on
those of St. Gregory and St. Nicolas, and contribute to its repair or
its conservation ; by another diploma, also given in Brussels on the
same day, another indulgence is granted on the same conditions for
the feasts of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of St. Bavo (FUL, 2238). A
few weeks later, on October 6, he gave the permission to transfer to
that chapel some relics from Cologne, Treves and Liege (FUL, 2238) ;
moreover having been ascertained of the agreement of the parties
and authorities interested, he incorporated into that College, on August
11, 1508, a pension of 30 florins on the provostry of Haarlem and on
September 15, 1508, the personatus of St.

2394, 2395 ; de Jongh, 43, 91 ; Anal., xxxv
The visit of the Legate, called Bishop o
lasted several weeks : before leaving for Ca
wished to have her nieces confirmed; th
the chapel of the Palace soon after October
wrote from Schoonhoven to Margaret that
his grandson Charles, who then was at Lie
chief residence, to Mechlin to receive that Sacrament with his two
sisters (Moeller, 41-42); on that occasion the Prince addressed to the
Pope Julius II a letter of thanks written in his childish round hand
(Cartwright, 6-7). Cardinal Carvajal left Mechlin in the last days of
October, and, in answer to the invitation made on his arrival into the
Netherlands, he paid a visit to Bishop Erard de la Marek at Liege,
where he was gloriously received by the entire population on the feast
of SS. Simon and Jude : Marek Brust., 28; Mare/ Hal k., 49, 89;
MarckChartr., 33, 44. Cp. NijKron., 11, 2226.
LITTERIS
ceptis, tuis ex Agrippina
mirifice Romanorum
sum recreatus, Coloniacum
quod te eo uenisse ac
uniuerso comitatu saluum nuntiarent. Hodie uero quum te
felici progressu illam tuam toties desyderatam, caput orbis
5 Romam tenere intelligebam, incomparabili sum gaudio af
fectus : quando citra omnem malignantis fortunse casum Deo
Optimo Maximo duce, peregrinationem difficilimam in tanta
coeli inclsementia et temporis incommoditate absolueris, tot
asperrima Alpium superando iuga, donee tandem beatissi
10 mam illam altricem tui, uideres Vrbem, te quidem ad se redu
cem, laetitia tanta et gratulatione excipientem quanto olim et
moerore et dolore dimiserat abeuntem. Quod identidem prae
stitit gloriosissimus ille sacer Cardinalium Senatus, una cum
triumphanti Apostolici ordinis curia aduentanti tibi obuius,
15 te animis festiuissimis mire gratulantibus, intra alma moenia
6 fortunae &c.] on p. 108
5. Romam tenere] Carvajal meet the Emperor on his way to

reached Rome on January 12, Italy, was only proclaimed pub
1509 (Pastor, hi, 627), having licly as such by Julius II at the
crossed the Alps in winter time, Consistorium of August 4 ; the
as Busleyden did in 1505. Pope said the customary prayers
8. coeli &c] ChronMet., 115. over the new Legate, who then
13. Cardinalium Senatus <S>c.] resorted to the Convent of S. Ma
that may have been part of the ria del Populo : 'Ibi fecit pran
regular reception of a Legate re- dium et in aurora sequenti arri
turning from his mission ; at any puit iter' : Diarium of Paris de
rate it is recorded that Carvajal, Grassis, MS.Lat. 140 of Munich
who had already been appointed Library, / ii3,-ii4b ; Pastor, hi,
on July 16, 1507 as Legate to 626.
4o8 Epist. 54
Roin.se reducens, su
a quo (quod illius
praeclare functus es
tulatione diceris e
20 Maximo immort
Legatione abs te hon
iamdudum optatse R
et sanctissimo diu
suauissimis Sacraru
25 pridem supremu
sim hie uulgata tu
tur, prsesertim Hom
di abs te dicta, Cs
Castellse Principe,
30 tibus, una cum
Principum Proceru
ctos monitus doctri
dem Homelia utinam
foret relata, qua ma
35 tarn alta etsi an
coelesti eibo satiati,
aquam salutarem e
Quod ut adhuc dem
quandoqui.dem ho
40 stitibus, sed quod
ris, quos uel hoc u
demereberis : adeo
docuisse arguent :
qui ornati extiterin
45 uent ubi exuta h
adempti fuerint. I
24 Scripturarum &c.] on p. 109 42 quum &c.] on p. 110
27. Homelia] there does not 14, Maximilian was at the castle
seem to be any indication as to of Turnhout where the answer of
the date of that solemnity : the Louis XII reached him ; that
feast of the Exaltation of the answer caused him to give full
Cross suggested in (NeveBusl. 31,) powers to Margaret to discuss the
Moeller, 42, might be prompted terms of a treaty of peace which
by the titie ofCarvajal's cardinal- the French King declared him
ate. Still it is rendered highly im- self ready to consider : Henne, I,
probable, if not impossible by the 194. The solemnity must have
fact that, on that day, September taken place between September
To William de Heda 409
BuslMS, 149-151 (g 4 r-g 5 r) <Mechlin, i5og>
55. To William de HEDA, Provost of Arnhem

a This letter, entitled 'Gut/. Haides, Propositi Arnemen...', seems to
belong to 1509 judging from the place it occupies in the collection,
although no evidence can be derived from the text or the allusions.
Cp. NeveBusl., 27.
b William de Heda, a native of Alphen, near Leiden, on the Old
Rhine, Alfinius, studied arts and promoted Bachelor of both Laws,
most probably in Louvain : he may have been related to the Raso de
Heda, who was elected dictator of the University there on August 30,
1471, and remained in that office until the spring of 1473 (VAnd, 50 ;
ZJLDoc., i, 313). Heda entered the service of Maximilian of Austria
as his secretary; he afterwards was employed by Philip the Fair in
that function. He thus got the occasion to secure several preferments :
on November 23, 1496, Alexander VI granted him the personatus of
St. Bonifacius in his native village Alphen, as well as the curacy 'de
Hogenwittis', possibly Hoogvliet (Brom, 1,639) ; also on April 2, 1500,
through the resigning of William of Enckenvoirt, the deanery of St.
Gertrude's, Bergen-op-Zoom, and on October 13, 1501 and June 4,
1502, the rectorship of St. James's, Utrecht (Brom, 1, 647, 518, 519);
he obtained, besides, that of Edam (Henne, I, 319). On January 2,
1506, Jules II granted him Simon de Slusa's prebend in St. Saviour's,
Utrecht, and gave him on February 5, 1508 the privileges which papal
familires enjoy for the obtention of ecclesiastical benefices (Brom,
, 658, 660). He is also recorded as Dean of St. John's, Utrecht from
1509 on (Hoynck, in, i, 268). Still the most important of his offices
was that of Provost (and Archdeacon) of St. Walburgis', at Arnhem,
which title has clung to his name (SweMon., 28).
c He took part in several public events, such as the agreement
between the Chapter of Our Lady's at Antwerp and the Augustines of
that town, on July 20, 1514, at which he assisted both as adviser and
as witness, which afterwards gained him a canonry in that church
4, when the Emperor returned to of these days would give ample

Brabant, and September 13 or 12, occasion to prove a doctrina mul
which would allow him to reach tifaria gained from the Sacra
Turnhout on his journey back to rum Scripturarum studijs, which
Holland to continue the war : Busleyden refers to (11 24, 26),
indeed, on Sept. 4 he had been in- more than would have done the
formed by Margaret that Louis 'Exaltation of the H. Cross', if
XII had sent word that he was the solemnity was strictly ad
going to help and assist Charles hered to. Moreover, if Carvajal
of Gelderland (Henne, 1, 193-194). had had to officiate at Mechlin on
It follows that the most likely Sept. 14, he certainly would have
occasion for the pontifical Mass had to journey to that town on
and the Homily would be the the 13th; yet on that day he
feast of Our Lady's Nativity, on dated from Brussels two diplomas
Friday, Sept. 8, or the following for the Bishop of Arras (cp. pr, m),
Sunday, Sept. 10, in the Octave whom he was sure to meet at
of that feast. A sermon on either the ceremony.
27
4io Epist. 55
(AntvDiercx., hi, 288

March and April 151
mission to Utrecht
the ceremony durin
Utrecht, took possession of his church and see. In the last years of
his life, Heda had a quarrel with that Bishop on account of the ad
ministration of the Sacraments at Arnhem, to which Philip claimed
the right : it started on March 5, 1524, and was going to be settled by
arbitrage before the papal commissary in Lou vain, at one of the
academic law-courts (FUL, 6203, cS-c,), when the Bishop died on April 7,
1524. Heda only survived him one year and a half : he departed this
life on November 3, 1525, in the fine house which he had had built at
Antwerp, where he was buried in Our Lady's Church : HwiuDiercx.,
iv, 18 ; AntsiHist., iv, 29 ; AntvEpisc., 107.
d Heda was consideied as one of the best historians of Holland with
Renier Snoy and Cornelius Aurelius, to whom he was recommended
in 1515 by Alard of Amsterdam in the controversy against Geldenhou
wer about the exact meaning of 'Batavia' (Batavia. *6 r, * 8 v). He
wrote a chrom'cle of Holland and of the b'shops of Utrecht, which were
edited first at Franeker in 1612, and again, with the author's biogra
phy, at Utrecht in 1643 (Paquot, 1, 176, 179, in, 136). He is rather
severe on Philip of Burgundy, which has been attributed to the con
troversy that divided them in the latter years of their lives, although
it seems more likely that Heda, who was frankly orthodox, spoke out
his opinion rather plainly. If judged sternly, and probably rightly, by
Heda, Bishop Philip is certainly represented in a dubious and untrue
light by Gerard Geldenhouwer x) who was evidently biassed by the
wish of throwing on his master the greater part of the responsibility
of his own shady behaviour (GeldColl., ix, liii, liv, 246; Geldenh., 47,
sq, 143 ; -difnBurm., 288-290. ; Cran., 240, e ; Ullmann, 11, 308-9).
William Heda also is said to have composed a genealogy of the House
of Austria, dedicated to his first masters Maximilian and his son Philip,
and to have written a history of the Saints who christianized our pro
vinces : unfortunately the manuscripts of those works seem to have
perished : BibBelg., 318-19 ; Antv.Diercx., iv, 18 ; Hoynck, ill, i, 268.
e Busleyden's letter to Heda is a most interesting document illustrat

ing the historian's method of working on undubitable evidence, as
well as the Maecenas' earnest desire to save and preserve all literary
treasures (cp. 160). A letter of Heda dated from Mechlin, March 2,
1523, addressed to the dean or vice-dean of the Chapter of Our Lady's,
at Utrecht, shows, on the other hand, the influence which he enjoyed
at Court, and which he placed at the disposal of his friends and ac
quaintances : for he did not merely obtain for them the power they
wanted, but also the means to extend and to renew it later on if they
wished ; and instead of making them pay the expensive fees required
by the imperial chancery, he had applied for them already with the
help of Laurent du Blioul, the audienciary, to Charles V personally,
so that the expenses would only consist in a gratuity for the secretary :
x) Geldenhouwer mischievously called Alphenus one of the scurrcB

of his Opusculum Satyricum (Louvain 1515), and connected him with
Arnhem : GeldColl., 159.
To William de Heda 411
Gabbema, 29-31. It appears moreover that it was Heda who, in

January 1522, sent to Utrecht Chapter and town authorities, the
news of Adrian's election as Pope : GeldColl., 26.
/ In his letter Busleyden replies to Heda's suggestion to make a
common friend, Balistarium nostrum, explore and inventoriate the
rich libraries of Treves, so as to get an idea of what old and venerable
codices they contain : cp. II 14-21. It is most probable that this Balista
rius of Treves is identical with the 'Baltasar Trieveris clericus dioc.
Trieferens.' who matriculated on 'xn. Julii' 1487 in Freiburg, and the
'Baltasar Balistarius ex Treveri', who promoted there Bachelor of
Arts in 1488-89 : MatriFreib., 86. He apparently made the acquaint
ance of Busleyden and of Heda during his further studies, possibly in
Louvain, either before or after he had become Master of Arts in the
University of his native town Treves, on May 11, 1490. He is further
recorded as professor of the Faculty of Arts there, and as Dean of
that Faculty in 1499, 1506-7, 1509-10 and 1515-16. Nothing seems
to have been preserved of his activity as bibliographer, or of the work
suggested in this letter.
VAS nuper
quod tuae accepi
essent, admodum nobis
nostri scilicet iucundas literas,
amantissimi, tum quodtum
suaues, cordatae, elegantes, uiri scilicet doctissimi, cuius
nescio utrum magis probem multifariamne doctrinam, an
5 potius obuiam in quosuis humanitatem. In quo ita recte diju
dicando quum suspensus haeream, malim interim utrunque si
mul ex aequo probare quam alterum tantum, idque fortasse
minus bene, si modo is sim qui etiam ubi id sic uellem, recte
quidem praestare possem : hac in re conscius inprimis inpe
10 ritiae simul et ignauiae meae, quorum unum minus nouit, alte
rum minus potest (quod ad hanc rem attinet) aequam censu
ram facere.
Verum his interea posthabitis ad tuas redeamus, quibus
inter caetera multa tantopere contendis Balistarium nostrum
15 aliquando excitem locupletissimas Treuirorum bibliothecas
maiestate uetustissimorum codicum uenerabiles accuratius
excutiat recenseatque, si quos forte eo loci antiquos, pios,
idoneos authores offendat, eorum nobis indice aliquo sua
manu exarato quandoque nomenclaturam faciat, maxime illo
20 rum quorum nos ipse putet neque titulos, neque nomina un
16 maiestate] after it uestor is cr. 16 codicum &c.\ on p. 150
14. Balistarium] i. e., a common for manuscripts and valuable

friend and collaborator both of books (cp. pr. /).
Busleyden and Heda as searcher
412 Epist. 56
quam accepisse ten

tam ego cupiens gra
potiri, earn (mihi
rem id et nostro s
25 adeo ut nihil er
aut diligentiam iur
id identidem tu ip
nobis flagitas, impo
quam a me requir
30 apud Batauos ag
turus si ibi rari al
ceant, cum scombri
mancipati, multo
possent ad eruditor
35 euolare sinus,
suspicerent, vtpo
squalore nitorem,
postliminio recepi
opus est te pluribu
40 metam sponte p
terea quod talium
tor, sed uel magnu
BuslMS, 268-270 (J - v) Mechlin, December 29 <, 1509)
56. To Martin van DORP

a This letter, entitled 'Martino Dorpio Naldiceno.' (MonHL, 356),
bearing only as date 'December 29', no doubt belongs to 1509 ; it
could not be 1508, as the College of Arras (I 3) was not then in existence
yet (cp. Epp. 17, c-e) ; nor can it be 1510, as there is no allusion to
Dorp's Oratio in praise of Aristoteles' philosophy of that year, which
is mentioned in Epp. 58. The preferment referred to, evidently situated
in Holland, cannot have been the parish of Overschie, which Dorp
obtained in August 1511, through the resigning of John de Noortich,
canon of The Hague, on Abbot Man of Egmond's interference :
MonHL, 314-15.
29 isthicl before it hie or hig is cr. 33 qui si &c] on p. 151 35 euolare]-a- corr. G
41 uenator] -na- corr. G 42 uorator] first corr. G
32. cum scombris cS-c.] cp. Epp. rentem incitare : ErAdag., 88, ,
o, q, sq. 913, A; Calcar addere currenti
39. equo &c.] Erasmus : Car- Er A dag., 89, B.
To Martin van Dorp 413
b Martin van Dorp, a native of Naaldwyk, studied in the Lily,

Louvain, and was placed the fifth at the promotion of the Faculty of
Arts in 1504. He then started the study of theology, whilst teaching
Latin in his pedagogy with so much success that he had Plautus'
comedies publicly played by his students. He was appointed professor
of philosophy, and gained the fame of being one of the foremost
amongst the favourers of humanism ; on October 1, 1513, he was
entrusted with the inaugurating oration of the academical year. As
he advanced in his studies of divinity, he became more and more
influenced by some of his masters, who, in September 1514, made him
write a letter to his friend Erasmus to warn him for the bad effect of
his Moria and for his partiality to Greek, besides discouraging him
from his attempt at correcting the text of the Bible. In that criticism
of the great humanist, he was backed by the professors of theology,
who alter his promotion to doctor, had him appointed as their col
league, as well as President of the College of the Holy Ghost in Sep
tember 1515 ; it led to an unequivocal apology of Erasmus and of
humanism by no less a person than Thomas More, on October 21,
1515. After some time Dorp veered, and proclaimed, in an inaugurat
ing lecture on the Epistles of St. Paul, in the first days of July, 1516,
his full agreement with the principles which he had criticised. In the
ensuing struggle against the Trilingue, he stood by Erasmus, notwith
standing the difficulties caused to him by his colleagues ; still a period
of calm and quiet peace soon set in, and he fully availed himself of
it to study theology according to the new method, and to teach it
with growing success. Unfortunately his health gave way, and he died
long before his time on May 31, 1525 : Cran., 24, a, b, 152 a, b, &c. ;
MonHL, 63-408.
c In the first years of his career, Dorp took the decision to devote
his life to study and instruction : so he tried to secure the material
means to bridge over the long years which separated him from a
definite academic appointment. He therefore applied to Busleyden,
to whom he had been introduced and recommended about 1508 by
his former master and late colleague at the Lily, John Becker of Bor
selen, with whom he shared a great interest and proficiency in Latin
language and literature ; a few years afterwards, in 1513, when dedi
cating to the Mechlin Councillor his Tomus Aulularics PlautincB ad
jectus, Dorp recalls that, with other verses, it was sent to him by
Becker soon after it had been written, and that it had opened the
gates of mutual friendship : Epp. 72, 28"3 MonHL, 314, 326-28, 330.
D EDInomen
nudiustertius negotium ornatissimo adulescenti cui
C<onradus> Luceburgensis, agenti isthic in
2. C Luceburgensis] no doubt St. Peter's, was the accountant :

Conrad Wecker, Vegerius : cp. FUL, 2333 ; the first proper pre
Epp. 63, b-e. He may have been sident, John de Lyra, started his
for a time the head of the College management only in 1511 or
as the eldest bursar, whereas 1513 : ULDoc., in, 159.
John van den Poele, Chaplain of
414 Epist. 56
Gymnasio Atreba
probe nosti D , a Batauis tandem reducem, in rem
5 tuam pluribus conuenisse ; qui demum super ea multis a me
interpellate respondit: se in negotio illo nequicquam amplius
praestare posse, quando facultate hac in parte olim sibi tradita
qua prius pollebat, iampridem renuntiasset; praeterea neque
alium quempiam isthic agentem qui eadem polieret, rescire.
10 Quo sic accepto, totus hinc certe indignatus obstupui, haud
mihi sat conscius quidnam aut quomodo posthac de hominis
aut fide aut candore recte sentirem, quern adeo male sibi con
stantem, ne dicam uarium, offendissem. Proinde hominem
ipsum paucis dimittens, illi pessime sum imprecatus, qui tam
15 diu ita insigniter et fidem meam et spem luserit tuam. Vides
ergo, mi Dorpi suauissime, quam nusquam sit tuta fides, ma
xime apud aulicos ; adeo ut mea quidem sententia, hodie non
minus scite dici possit, Exeat Aula qui uult esse fidus ; ac
olim uere dictum fuerit : Exeat Aula qui uult esse pius.
20 Quare profecto is recte miser et est et habetur, qui spem
ponit in homine, faciens carnem brachium suum.
Reliquum est huiusmodi uersipelles et fide, ut aiunt> plus
quam punica pollentes, haud secus ac nauita scopulum decli
nantes, alia uia summam uoti nostri prosequamur. Qusenam,
25 qualisue siet, si roges ; paucis ego et tuus totus Decanus
Mechiliniensis aperiemus : scilicet ubi certum tibi erit idque
mihi innotuerit quantum pensionis annuse pro destinato sacer
dotio luendum duxeris : tunc statim, eo a me cognito, fra
trem possessoris ipsius sacerdotij, litteris meis interpellandum
30 fore, virum a secretis apud Caesarem agentem, a quo breui
15 ita Ac.] on p. 269 30 apud 6-c.] on p. 270
3. Gymnasio Atrebatensi] the Dorpius may have made his ac

College founded by Nicolas Ru- quaintance through Busleyden, if
terius, bishop of Arras, which had not through countrymen or rela
started in September 1509 : cp. tives. Cp. Bergh, 11, 21.
Epp. 17, e. 18. Exeat Aula &c] cp. Adagia,
4. D ] probably Jerome Dor- 358, a : Aulicastri.
pius, van den Dorpe, originary 20-21. is recte... suum] Jere
from Holland, who was appointed mias, xvii, 5 : Maledictus homo,
member of Mechlin Council by qui confidit in homine, et ponit
letters patent of January 22, carnem brachium suum.
1504, and who died in 1532 : he 22. fide... punica] ErAdag.,
occupied the sixth lay seat : 309, A.
MalConM, 47 r. On account of 25. Decanus Mechliniensis]
the identity of the name Mat tin John Robbyns : cp. before, 35.
rescire mihi persuadeo quid aut quant

desyderata et ponere et expectar
Jnterea uale, spera, pat ere dura rebu
eo tibi tunc cariora (ni fallar) obuent
35 expectata segrius et operosius parta
Tumultuarie Mechilinise, iiij. Kal.
BuslMS, 215-217 (k 7 r-k 8 r) <Mechlin, first months of i5io>

This letter, entitled 'Martino Dorpio ph,' (MonHL, 356-57), was
written some time after Epp. 56, as Busleyden had to wait for the
arrival of the imperial secretary. He advised Dorp not to purchase
that preferment as it was burdened with too heavy a pension, which
most probably would have to be paid during a long period since the
usufructuary was hardly ten years older than Dorp : cp. MonHL,
314-15. This letter was inserted into the collection at the end of a
series : cp. before, 112, 115.
QUODvelles
tibi significarim,
succsessumnoncraediti
eo vllam negotij sserius
occupationem no forte ac
stram excuso, caeterum magis longiorem illius absentiam qui
cum id nobis negotij jntercsedebat ; quo tandem aduentante
5 hominem jncunctanter adio, aditum super ijs sollicitus &
anxius compello. Quae tarn juxta sententiam tuam quam et
opinionem meam, visa sunt ad negotium facere, jn rsem prae
sentem conferre, scilicet qualitatem facultatis procuratoris,
quantitatem luendae pensionis, modum adsignationis illius,
10 praeterea aetatem resignantis, postremo diem statam, locum
que auspicandae et confitiundae raei. Ad quae omnia, vt sigil
latim et ordine respondeam, accipe primo : procuratorem con
stitutum hac in parte, pollere quidem libera, mera, absoluta
facultate raesignandi (pro libidine) sacerdotij, annua tarnen
15 pensione librarum quas uocant grossorum duodecim jnterce
dente ; praeterea, aetatem raesignantis haud vsque quaque (vt
4 aduentante &c.] on p. 216 5 adio] 6 et] er.; quam written over line S
8 facultatis] first t over line
3. illius] no doubt the brother intermediary: Epp. 56, 2S-32, (may

of the clericus who wanted to ne- be James de Bannisiis: Epp. 39, c),
gotiate a preferment somewhere for Busleyden called the possesso
in Holland, namely the secretary rem sacerdotii a : Burgundionem,
of Maximilian who acted as the agentem nunc apud suos : 11. 19,sq.
4i6 Epist. 57
cuperes forte) p
juxta adsertione
trigesimum nond
20 gundionem, ag
siasticum profes
eum sat superque
literis destinasti
tandae raei illi jn
25 fuerit, susque d
Habes itaque ijs
sus rseique summ
randa, tentanda
dustria nostra, c
30 quam defuit.
mum faeceris quan
preterea extet va
alijs sapere, qui s
nostram roges s
35 dixerim : scili
signandi sacerdoti
raesignantis, esse
puto) sententiam
minus, prosequa
40 accaepta semel
quo vel fides spe
viri posset aliquan
Dorpi svauissime
18 procuratoris] possibly -torum
24 atque &c. j on p. 217 24 atque] after it quocunque is cr.
29 nostra] over line S 32 extet]
32. vaetus... dictum] the maxim whom nothing pleased at his

Sapiens in primis sibi ipsi sapiat court : Sapientem ego odi, qui sibi
is ascribed to Hippias major. sapit nihil: EOO, iv, 201, ; cp.
Erasmus in his Apophthegmata Aulus Gellius, Nodes Atticcs, xm,
ascribes to Alexander the Great viii, quoting the poet Afranius.
this remark about Callisthenes,
BuslMS, 143-148 (g r-g 3 v) <Mechli
This letter entitled 'Mart. Dorpio Philosopho.' (MonHL, 357),

dates, no doubt, from the middle of December 1510 : on the 3rd of
that month Dorp delivered the Oration on Philosophy in Louvain
[MonHL, 131 ; cp. II 4, 60, 65), and, no doubt, had it copied at once,
and sent to Busleyden, who was too enthusiastic to leave that letter
long unanswered, and the Oratio, long unpraised. In the composition
of this letter he reproduced several passages from his letter to Marlia
no, of the beginning of 1508, Epp. 47, of which he, for certain had
kept the rough draught.
Qvem Litters beant bonê,

Mores honestant optimi,
Deutle Buslidij
Martine Salue candide.
ARDENS olim tuarum

compensando desyderium,
(quae tua multo
liberalitas est) tandem
leuasti, foenore
quando
non solum doctissima epistola (qua uel sola id pot eras), sed
copia quoque luculentae Orationis tuae, celebri eruditorum
5 corona habitae adfatim praestitisti. Hac in re beneficio nos
maiori demerens quam possit aut duri exactoris rigor extor
quere, aut legitimi amici aliquando sperare pudor. Quo fit
ut hinc nimium me fortunatum putem, cui ultra tantillum
expectatae sortis tantum uel inopinatae usurae accesserit, id
10 que receptae, nullisque patrum sanctionibus aut principum
4. copia... Orationis] on De- one commander into a safe port,

cember 3, 1510 Dorp had deliv- He closes with an urgent appeal
ered an Oratio to the University to students to investigate his
professors and students 'in lau- philosophy, and to defend it
dem Aristotelis'; in that speech against all barking 'canes' :
he attacks the views of Lorenzo MonHL, 131, 318 ; Renaudet,
Valla, who advocates the excel- 81 ; Mestwerdt, 53-4, 321, 328-31.
lence of Plato, whereas by argu- That Oratio was printed on Fe
ments of authority he shows that bruary 18, 1514, with the Concio
the Peripatetic Master is praised de Diue Virginis Deipara in Cce
and followed by all great men of lum Assumptione (Louvain, Th.
Antiquity, even including Plato. Martens : Epp. 75 ; MonHL, 317 ;
He recommends the exclusion of Iseghem, 245-46; NijKron, 1, 736).
all other philosophers, especially 6. duri exactoris] cp. Epp. 38,
in the training of priests and 12-13, &c.
theologians, so as to avoid all 9. usurae &c] cp. E. van Roey,
storms and clouds and tempests, De Justo Auctorio : Louvain,
and bring the vessel guided by 1903 ; 2-8.
4i8 Epist. 58
damnatae rescrip
odor omnis, quiqu
exenterantes auru
Quibus interea e
15 ad tuam (unde
splendidse opipar
nostrum (insuetu
terque gustatus a
mirifice recreaue
20 distillans labia
ambrosiam, sitie
comparabilibus d
quibus coena Lucu
comessatio perdi
25 aut quarum ni
ciosa profecto gu
artcs, ingenuse dis
suis, non aluum (
genasque rubente
30 menta : cseteru
saginantes, quo alt
Collum sibi gruis
pietate, moribus
inde sibi persuad
35 magis eos sesse
Earn ob rem soli
uini ad mensam
11 qualis 6-c.] on p. 1
16 adeo] MS ad'o 24 nitebat] corr. from notebat C
29 suffarcinantes &c.] on p. 145
11. lucri odor] Suetonius, vm, cius, who 'ate' his fortune; and
1,23; Juvenal, Sat. xiv, 204. the third,contemporary of Trajan,
12. Auri sacra fame] Virgil, famous for his oyster recipe. Cp.
JEneis, ill, 57. Epp. 47, 44.
19. Fauus... distillans labia tua] 32. collum... gruis
Proverbs, v, 3 ; Canticle, iv, 11. cp. Epp. 47, 47.
23. coena Luculliana] cp. Epp. 34~35- non... uiuere
47> 83> s1 49> 117 ^sse ut... uiuant] cp. Epp. 47,
23. phamigerata comessatio 58~59
(S-c.] cp. Epp. 47, ?3-84. 36-37 soliti plus olei... impen
25. iuncta Apitii... popina] dere] cp. Epp. 47, 59-60.
there were three 'Apicius' famous 37"39- quo sese... intermoritu
for their gluttony : one at the ris monimentis cS-c.] cp. Epp. 47,
time of Sulla ; the second and 54, sq., 61, sq.
most renowned, M. Gabius Api
aliquando uixisse testarentur : ho

assequuti perpetuis suis nusquam int
40 nomen suum aeternitati consecran
hoc albo conscripti, quos adeo
sequus amauit
Iuppiter, et ardens euexit ad syd
Quare beatus ille luxus, opulenta

45 ratus ditissimae dictionis tuse,
carorum pignorum salute et insti
uberibus labris infantilibus admoti
lactei teneros adlactat. Deinde ip
solidiori (pro aetate) cibo fouet. Po
50 ferme bis pueros, et prope (ut aiun
uitalibus refocillat alimentis, nusq
ris ; quin satius quanto ex his plus
eo acrius ijs rursum incumbit, Pa
rum perpetuam tradunt sitim, lib
55 cendi magis, restingui minime.
Quod utinam nobis identidem pe
gimur negotia et clamosi strepitu
fontibus ipsis disciplinarum lymp
stram, non dico leuare, sed magis
60 canendo : Vbertate Orationis satiasti nos, Martine, et uino
suauiloquij tui meracissimo inebriasti : quando quidem longe
prsestaret me, hoc non tarn imbutum quam disertum, ita
agere ebrium, quam qui nunc sum, ieiunum perstare et ari
dum, ne gutta quidem Castalij fontis, uel torrentis eloquen
65 tise, uel manna;, tantopere abs te laudatae Philosophise tuae
respersum. Verum enimuero quum haud sit datum omnibus
habere nasum, neque adire (ut aiunt) Corinthum, tantum de
48 teneros &c.] on p. 146 66 respersum 6*c.] on p. 147
41. in hoc albo conscripti] cp. on the bridge, from which the
Epp. 47, 64, &c. younger men tried to keep away
42-43. aequus... uirtus] Virgil, the older : Ovid, Fasti, v, 634 ;
JEneis, vi, 129-30. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1, v.
49-50. seniores... bis pueros] 53.Parthorum... more] cp. Epp.
cp. Alciphron, : 47, 41-42
Tripuer senex. 66-67. haud omnibus... adire
50. de ponte praecipitandos] Corinthum] Erasmus : Non est
ErAdag., 196, A- D : Sexagenaries cujuslibet Corinthum. appellere :
de ponte dejicere ; no doubt an ErAdag., 150, , sq.
allusion to the Roman elections
420 Epist. 58
syderium alioqui
nescius tamen inter
70 meam, an magis
duco, imponendo fo
quae, proh dolor, d
rum thesauros nob
Qui si forte adhuc q
75 (fortuna aut Mine
sectari diuitias ; qu
mortales. Quarum q
daretur attingere,
esto non eo usque p
80 nihil, quam semp
ex sententia contin
maxime quum max
mum Maximum ex
lignitas hucusque i
85 pientise et scienti
tudinem eruditionis tuae mucrone ueluti ferrum ferro exa
cuas, et frequenti scriptione tua (tanquam incussu silicis)
mortuam quasi scintillam inde citaueris.
Quod longius quam uel destinaueram, uel angustia petit
90 epistolaris progressus sim, donabis multo in te amori nostro :
qui quum exuberans immensus sit et immodicus, nil mirum
si modum ipsum non curauerit.
Amor meus, Dorpx, Vale,

95 Precone quo nobili
Pectoribus mortalium
Insedit amor artium.
83 exoraueris &c.] on p. 148
75. fortuna aut Minerua... re- 81-82. poteris... maxime quum

luctante) cp. II. 82, sq. maxime uelis] cp. Epp. 74, 18-19
78. pulchrum erit hoc ita uo- and 40, 22.
luisse] cp. Epp. 6, 39. 86. ferrum <S-c.] Er A dag., 301, c.
BuslMS, 113-114 (e 6 r, v) <Mechlin, before October 1511>
59. To John Louis de MOSCHERON

This letter is addressed 'Ioanni Moschoreneo Archidiacono/Cafnera

cesij, in Ecclia Cameracen.', to which address a son of Gilles de Bus
leyden added : 'Hie fuit tibi Collega apud S. / Donatianum totus
Sanctulus.' : cp. before, 122. It refers, no doubt, to a friendly aid
which Busleyden gave to his old fellow-student : cp. Epp. 15, b. It
probably dates from 1511, since it refers to Moscheron's expected ap
pointment to the Great Council of Mechlin, where he was actually
nominated on October 16, 1511 to the second ecclesiastical seat, re
placing Richard de la Chapelle : MalConM, 59 ; MalConR, 15 ; cp.
Epp. 15, b, c.
GAUDEO te amici
(ut aiunt) consilium
pedibusque sequutum,
in nostram tandem ijsse
sententiam manibus
;
iuxta quam modo in auspicando et ad umbelicum deducendo
negotio pergas, magna profecto me spes fouet, uoti quidem
5 compotes nos tandem fore : tu scilicet impetrando quod cupis,
ego autem curando ut cupitum impetres. Qua in re nihil un
quam eorum prsetermittam quae inprimis possint uel ad rem
ipsam facere uel abs te expectari, uel aliquando a me praestari.
Scis enim quam tuus sum, tui rerumque tuarum studiosus
10 semper fuerim. Interea iubeo te bene sperare, sicque sperando
durare, temet rebus seruando secundis. Quod reliquum est,
ad reique prosequutionem attinet, puero tuo, tibi fidelius
coram relaturo credidi : quem uelim audias, et si opus sit,
exaudias. Postremo ubi primum clsementior aura illuxerit,
15 atque id res tuae facile patiantur, ad nos aduoles : turn inui
cem certius consultabimus quid opus facto sit, qui consulendi,
qui ambiendi, quiue beneficio aliquo ueniant deuinciendi,
demerendi, redimendi. Nosti tempora nostra, nosti mores :
sat ergo tenes quid uelim. Quare receptui cano. Interim bel
20 lissime uale.
9 sum] 15 aduoles &c.) on p. 114
i-2. manibus... pedibusque] in and services from Court and

EvAdag., 157, b, 931, a, the adage authorities had to be paid : cp.
is used with conari, assequi not Epp. 76, 9, sq.
with ire, as it is here. Cp. Epp. 19. receptui cano] ErAdag.,
49, 30 848, a : cp. Epp. 73, 7e; Orat. b,
18. Nosti tempora &-c.] favours 198.
422 Epist. 60
BuslMS, 110-112 (e 4 v-e 5 ) <Mechlin, about April I5i2>
60. To Bernardino LOPEZ de CARVAJAL
This letter, entitled 'Cardinali . s. Crucis Leg. Ap.', is evidently a

reply to one from Carvajal answering a sympathetic inquiry of Bus
leyden after his disgrace, no doubt after his deprivation of his dignity
of cardinal on October 24, 15x1 ; accounting for the time required for
the news to reach Mechlin, and that for a message to Italy and its
reply, this missive was most probably written in the first months of
1512, maybe in April, so that the first military successes of Gaston
de Foix in February (Pastor, 111, 702), explain the sanguine tone of
Carvajal's reply to Busleyden's anxious inquiry. Cp. Epp. 54, e-f.
MIRUM est quanta

leuarunt anxietate
iucundissimas et sollicitudine
litterse tui, me
Amplissimae Dignitatis
Tuse, simul et fida relatio Ioannis Monteri spectati nuntij,
cuius antiquae fidei, quae hie aguntur et de successu tuo pas
5 sim feruntur, malui committere quam ea temere litteris cre
dere, maxime hac insigni temporum iniquitate, hodie (proh
dolor) cuncta turbante ac maligne nimis in bonos et quosuis
studiosos grassante, in quorum albo tu unus, idque nomina
tissimus occurris : ob quod tam acerbe dolent hie omnes boni
10 quantum enixius gaudent maleuoli. Quod quidem quantum
inter caeteros ad te attinet, etsi hucusque grauiter me anxerit,
tarnen quoties (quod saepe fit) innocens animus tuus ac nulli
obnoxia culpae mens conscia recti occurrunt, statim quicquid
aut anxij aut solliciti irrepserit, id totum pono at que exuo :
15 hoc unum apud me plusquam uel certum uel confessum ha
bens, te huiusmodi quantacunque sint, forti aut infracto per
8 albo &c.] on p. Ill
3. Ioannis Monteri] evidently a to have made an excellent im

trusty messenger between Italy pression as Legate in 1508, and
and our country, to whom Busley- most of those who, came across
den confided oral messages as him in this country apparently
well as the report of how Carvajal deplored the trouble in which he
was judged by the Court and by had involved himself ; still his
his colleagues. ambitious character must have
6. temporum iniquitate] no created some, enemies who rev
doubt the perplexity caused by elled in the news of his plight,
the Pisa Council and the animus- 16. quantacunque sint] viz.,
ity of opponents and favourers. the loss of his preferments and
8. in quorum albo] cp. Epp. especially of his bishopric of Si
46, u ; &c. guenza, of which Ferdinand de
9. occurris cS-c.] Carvajal seems prived him ; also t
To Bernardino de Carvajal 423
ferre animo, obijciendo ijs tutam tuam om

centiam. Deinde uersatilem quam ssepe ex
uicissitudinem, ac demum (quod maius es
20 rarum ualidum (quem a teneris apprsehen
impenetrabili omnia excepturus quaecunq
cans fortuna uel malignans inuidia, int
iecerit spicula. Interea illud Dauiticum
pectore promptum habendo : Jacta in Dom
25 Spera in Domino, uiriliter age ; Sustine Dom
tur cor tuum : Jpse enim est qui te enutriet
aeternum fluctuorum iusto ; maxime qui
potest, (ut spero iam faciet) non solum ob
loquentium, uerum eruere insontes anim
30 et a phramea inimicorum. Verum de his
sus Mineruam docere ; aut (quod aiunt) no
ferre : hoc tantum addiderim ut scilicet mem
que alijs philosophatus fueris, iamiam inc
et tibi, idque eo exactius quanto magis fort
35 suis fluctibus obruere conatur ; nunquam
quando aduersis succumbas qui prosperis
Quare, ut paucis omnia complectar, spera
etc. : jnnocentia tua, jntegritas, candor an
tuebuntur, pro te in aciem descendent et m
40 clara tandem trophaea, hostibus nominis tu
aspirante Deo inprimis Optimo Maximo, b
malorum uindice. Jnterim uale et uiue, ad
natus a candidisque omnibus (quicunque te
tus...
27 maxime S-c.] on p. 112 32 tantum] MS tm (poss. tarnen)
tical penalties, and the dis- 26. Jpse enim est... iusto] Ps.
pleasure of Jules II, who dis- LIV, 23 ; ipse te enutriet : non
possessed him of all his dignities dabit in aeternum fluctuationem
on October 24, 1511 : Pastor, hi, justo.
679, 683. 29-30. eruere...inimicorum] Ps.
24. Jacta in Domino] Psalm XXI, 21 : Erue a framea D
LIV, 23. animam meam : et de manu canis
25. Spera in Domino] Ps. unicam meam.
XXXVI, 3, XLI, 6, 12, XLII, 5. 31. sus Minervam] Er A dag.,
25-26. uiriliter age... tuum] Ps. 43, A : cp. Epp.
76 73,
XXVI, 14 : Expecta Dominum, 31. noctuas Athenas deferre]

viriliter age : et confortetur cor Erasmus : Ululas Athenas ; Er
tuum, et sustine Dominum. Adag., 72, A ; cp. Epp. 48, 82.
424 Epist. 62
BuslMS, 130-131 (f 4 v-f 5 r) <Mechlin, Summer of I5i2>
61. To Adrian SANDELICUS
Dean of Antwerp
This letter, entitled 'Hadr. Sandelico Antuerp. Dec.', probably

dates from 1512 when the illness that caused Dean Sandelicus' death
on November 18, 1512, was already on him, in so far that the rumour
of it had spread ; Busleyden evidently did not think that it was se
rious, as his friend was not very advanced in age : cp. Epp. 39, b, c.
SI uales,
Audiogaudeo,
iam diesidque
aliquoteotibi
magis
male quod
esse : mihi sis alter
quod tamen an ego.
ita sit, haud satis teneo, quando illud nobis increbruit rumore
incerto, authore innominato. Malim tamen, utcunque sit, in
5 certo solum hserere quam certo et plane confesso angi atque
turbari. Interea belle uale, vtranque curans ualetudinem,
scilicet seruando bonam, auertendo aduersam. Iterum uale.
BuslMS, 131 (f 5 r) <Mechlin, Autumn of 1512)
62. To Adrian SANDELICUS
Dean of Antwerp
This letter, entitled 'Hadr. Sandelico Antuerp. Dec.', seems to b

the reply to an acknowledgment of the preceding one, accompa
a present, -- maybe meant as a valedictory souvenir from an
fellow-student realizing that he was failing fast.
ACCiEPI
gnum, munus
ac mihi splendidum, haud
pergratum. Qua secus
in re te dona
tu quidem fa
quod semper es solitus, scilicet in remunerandis amicis
les imitando agros, accepta quidem uel multo cum foe
5 reddentes. Quo sane commercio grandern fateor feciss
ram, si magis nostras tuis impares fortunas quam gra
animum expenderis: quod tamen haud sic te facturum s
Vale.
3 haud &c.] ort p. 131

(62) 5 sane] corr. over sancto
(62) 1-2. munus... pergratum] cp. Epp. 3, 2-3, &c.
To Conrad Vegerius 425
BuslMS, 199-201 (i 9 r-i 10 r) (Mec
63. To Conrad WECKER, VEGERIUS

a This letter, entitled 'Corrado suo...', was written certainly after
1511 when Vegerius entered Charles of Austria's Court as secretary :
allowing for the time during which he was expected to get acquainted
with his office-work, this copying and correction can hardly have been
requested before the greater part of 1512 had passed.
b Conrad Wecker (Weicker), Vegerius (Veccrius, Vecerius), a native
of Luxemburg, went to study in Louvain, where he matriculated on
August 31, 1503, as a student of the Falcon : 'Conradus de luxem
burgo, filius nicolai veker, traiect. dioc.' (Liblntlll, 106 v). After
having promoted in Arts, and studied literature thoroughly, he
started laws, so that, when his friend Gerard Geldenhouwer dedicated
to him his Satyr is Octo, on December 18, 1514, he addressed them
'Jurisconsulto eloquentissimo' (GeldColl., 152). In his pedagogy, he
had made the acquaintance of Francis de Cranevelt, with whom he
afterwards kept up a regular correspondence (Cran., 12, 17, 68, 73,
77) ; and, possibly through him, that of John Becker of Borselen (Epp.
32, b-e) and that of John de Fevyn [Cran., xcv, sq. ; 12, 47-48, 17, 2e,
&c). No doubt he was or soon became known to his countrymen
Jerome de Busleyden and Bishop Nicolas Ruterius (Epp. 17, c-e), in
so far that, a little while before the latter's death, when his faithful
friend the Dean of Mechlin John Robbyns started the College of Arras
(Cran., 17, a), he was entrusted with the care of the incipient founda
tion. In all probability he was made a bursar : as the eldest inmate
of the beginning community, and moreover as a countryman of the
founder, he filled the function of manager, as was done also by the
senior scholar for the College of Houterlee (MonHL, 412-13 ; Clen
Hum., 8, 19) and for the College of the Holy Ghost in the first years
of their existence (Epp. 21, b-c) ; that is, no doubt, why in BuslMS,
p 39, a hand noted to his name 'primus prefectus Collegii Attrebaten
sis'. One of the chaplains of St. Peter's, John van den Poele, was
receptor and accountant, and his reports for the periods Sept. 27, 1509
Sept. 30, 1510 and Oct. 1, 1517-Sept. 30, 1519 are still extant (FUL,
2245, 2333, 2334).
c Most probably Vegerius stayed in the College until, in 1511, he
entered the Court as secretary of Maximilian and Archduke Charles,
apparently thanks to Busleyden's recommendation : MonHL, 356.
He was replaced in Arras College by the first actual President, John
West, de Lyra, who in that same year took the managing in his
hands : ULDoc., hi, 159. It was during the time that he served at
Court that he was requested by Busleyden to copy, and especially to
overhaul, polish and correct his poems, letters and orations : in the
course of a few months the Lusus were written out neatly on various
quires (cp. before, 109, sq.). The kind help thus offered was duly
acknowledged by four letters, of which this one is the first; whereas,
in answer, the 'Librarius' added to the quire kept apart for the poems,
four elegant verses expressing bis gratitude and his wishes to his
protector : Carm. xxvn.
28
426 Epist. 63
d By October 1521, Ve
then secretary to Joh
meeting of the Golden
created knight (Henne,
his master to England
in 1522, along with th
generous employer, an
iaris, arriving in the E
Pope's untimely death
he sent a copy to his f
a justification of the d
praise, but even of an
hostile audience: Cran.
months later, he ente
councillor in Spain, an
his new master, who w
first month of his arr
Vegerius was then adm
and preached the serm
Papal Chapel2). Soon a
pestin Rome {Cran., 2
e From this letter, it
brought out some of h
Rome, which were pri
1522 a relation of Adr
AdnBurm., 144), and
theMoluccas (Cran., 6
Chansonnette, Cantiuncula, announced to Boniface Amerbach, August
21, 1529, that he contemplated editing the works and letters of the
great erudite Vegerius, which he had acquired with great pains and
at a considerable expense. On October 8, 1529, the letters were being
copied, and by April 28, 1530, they were being made ready to be
handed to Froben for publication (CantE, 47-49, 53, 54). Unfortunate
ly, notwithstanding the great encomium which Cantiuncula gave to
his friend's memory, and notwithstanding the interest of that
correspondence for the period ranging from 1510 to 1522, on account
of reports and judgments on men and events, and of the description
of some rare books and documents on which Vegerius had lighted
during his many travels, the letters were not printed, and even seem
to have disappeared ; of eight sermons delivered between 1510 and
1522, nothing seems left. Five of his letters are preserved in Cranevelt's
correspondence 3) ; and fortunately his historical work, apparently his
favourite pursuit, is not entirely lost: he helped Geldenhouwer in
*) An edition appeared without date or name of printer ; another

came out in Cologne in 1523.
2) Oratio. / habita. in. / die. Cine/rvm (on Ar) : in -40, without
date or name of printer ; the text, from A ii r to iii v, begins with :
Conradi Vegerii Oratio habita Roma; Die Sacro/rum Cinerum In
Sacello Palatino Co/ram S. D. N. demente vii. / Pont. Max. Anno,
s. / MDXXV.
3) Cran., 12, 17, 68, 73, 77.
describing the Batavian Isles (Geldenh

a Luxemburg emperor, De Vita & ge
bellus, as well as a Historia de duabus Seditionibus Sicilies, were edited
at Hanau in 1531 : BibBelg., 141 ; Guicc., 291 ; SaxOnom., 156. Cp.
Cran., 12, a-d, 225, a-b.
GAUDEO te, utquod

auspicati; scribis,
tarnenimprobe instare
int'erea uellem, scriptioni
non operis
tam mature
exscribundo ad umbelicum deducas, quam uel prius ipsum
acri lima multifariae doctrinae tuae politius et elimatius reddas,
5 quando opus ipsum (modo talem nomenclaturam mereatur)
multam ab authore barbariem contraxit, quam nusquam nisi
obelo et asterisco tuo emaculari posse putauerim. Quos ut
in eo passim exerceas, ac per uersus singulos putando super
flua, reponendo necessaria libere distringas : non est operae
10 precium te multis moneam, qui nihil unquam edere atque emit
tere sis solitus in quo non semper inter se et accuratissima
diligentia et exactissima doctrina de gloria aequo, ut aiunt,
Marte contendant. Quod identidem in hac quam nobis condi
cis opera spero praestabis: jn qua tarnen si nihilominus alterum
15 (quod non puto) desyderandum foret, mallem te doctum, ter
sum ut ita dicam emaculatorem, quam aut industrium aut
exercitum notarium probare. Vale.
BuslMS, 205-207 (k 2 r-k 3 r) <Mechlin, last months of 15127

a This letter, addressed 'Martine Dorpio, ph...' (MonHL, 371), is
evidently posterior to Epp. 58, and was most probably written in
1512, certainly before the end of December 1512, provided the
Valascus referred to on 11 28-29, is rightly identified.
b That Valasco, or Velasco, de Lucena, of Mechlin, was most likely
the magister hospitii, and also the orator and councillor, of Margaret
of York, Duchess of Burgundy, and of her great-grandson Charles.
He was well acquainted with Louvain, where his mistress had lived
for some time in her mansion in Mechlin Street, and where she had
effectively taken in hand the reform of the Great Hospital ('Mol.,
1 Gaudeo &c. ] on p. 200 16 industrium 6-c.] on p. 201
4. multifariae doctrinae tuae] history,law and philosophy; what

Vegerius was well versed in Latin he had published by 1512 is
language and literature, as re- pointed out as proof of his ability:
suits from his letters; also in 11. 10-13.
428 Epist. 64
344 ; LowEven, 211, 2

that institute, he fou
which was to be said by an inmate of Standonck College in the
chapel of the Hospital which he had rebuilt for a large part, and which
he adorned with a picture of Our Lady by Simon Marmyon : Mol.,
798-99, 870. He also founded a weekly Mass in Standonck House, as
well as a scholarship in favour of the Carmelites studying at the Uni
versity ; he, moreover, bequeathed his books to the Faculty of Arts,
on condition of having two anniversary Masses celebrated ; he died
on December 31, 1512 ; ActArtVI, 13, quoted in ActArtlnd., 2 (1511) ;
Mol., 628, 799 ; FUL, 779, 2070. His connection with Louvain and
with the University makes it most consistent that he should have
known Dorp ; a 'Nobilis Dominus valascus de Lugena colinbrie dioc.'
matriculated in Louvain on September 13, 1512 (Liblntlll, 186 ) ; no
doubt, he was a relative, and the occasion of the acquaintance of the
great Courtier with the young professor *). A Ferdinand de Lucena
(f January 31, 1512) was third lay member of Mechlin Great Council
in (1473 and) 1504, when he was succeeded by his son Tristan (Decern.
30, 1504-1523 : MalConR, n-14 ; MalConM, 44,52 ; Cran., 106, j). The
Philiberta Gentil, who died on March 10, 1638, and was buried in
St. Rombaut's, Mechlin, was the wife of Don Diego Fernande de Ve
lasco, Lord of Steenberghe, &c, general major-domo of the King of
Spain : which makes it look as if the post of Magister hospitii was
hereditary in the family : Mallnscr., 165.
DOCTA ilia me
mirum et cordata (qua me dignatus
adfecit, recreauit, tenuit ; quaes) epistola
inprimis
(quod antea multorum fide et constanti fama acceperam) sum
mirifice,uel supra fidem expertus, scilicet quotus et quantus
5 tu unus inter candidatos politioris literaturae uiros, iampri
dem emineres ; qualem ne inter illos principem tibi locum mea
quidem sententia uendicares. Qui si forte uirtuti tuae ac
doctrinae multifariae nondum datus, caeterum adhuc in primo
a proximo, uel quouis alio infra secundum subsistas. Nihil sit
10 uelim quod propterea labores, quando hoc unum satis super
que sit receptorum morum, bonarumque literarum fastigium
tenenti, longo post se interuallo complures reliquisse ; qui etsi
tum ingenij, turn doctrinae excellentia famigerati, non nihil
iam nominis sint assequuti, tarnen te certe unum nihilo secius
15 colunt, suspiciunt at que rarum sui saeculi ornamentum admi
rantur. Jn quorum ego albo, quum postremi ordinis unus
9 infra &c.] on p. 205
16. albo] cp. Epp. 46,
1) On August 25, 1467 matriculated in Louvain 'Mgr. Franciscus de

lucena dyoc. tolletensis in medic.' : Liblntll, 66 v.
occurram, te tuaque omnia tanti

ronem) faciens : candoris tui erit hu
longe infra tuum subsideat merit
20 terea tuo desyderatissimo (quo n
dignatum ire : jllius mihi dulcorem
superantem, suauissimis tuis imp
pro pignore iam auspicandi inter no
aspirante Deo Optimo Maximo, q
25 nobiscum aeternum uicturus, m
adulescat. Interea bellissime uale, b
doctissime.
Vbi primum per otium licuerit te iuxta uotum apud Va
lascum caeterosque studiosos, a candore animi et literarum
30 claritate commendabo : quod sic eo libentius praestare est ani
mus quod non ignorem in te commendando (quem nemo non
praedicat) me posse turn inuidiam qua plaerique laborant de
precari: tumque hinc mihi non nihil gratiae et doctrinae apud
complures uenatum ire ; de te hoc unum sperando quod M.
35 Tullij studiosis asseueranter repromisit Quintilianus, ita in
quiens : Jlle sese iam doctum arbitretur cui Cicero placuerit.
Jterum vale.
BuslMS, 195-196 (i 7 r, ) <Mechlin, last weeks of I5i2>

This letter is entitled 'Corrado Veccrio suo...', to which the later
hand added : Lucenburgensi, Carolo V Cess, a /Secretis' : cp. Epp. 63,
b-e. It seems to refer either to smaller poems, as the distichs on house
and furniture, or to the text of the speeches which Busleyden delivered
and which he requests his friend to copy after correcting them and
touching them up as he had done the larger poems and the letters :
cp. Epp. 63, and before, 109, sq. Three of those Orationes were copied
on the quire d, a fourth was placed amongst the poems, and a fifth
amongst the letters at the end of the series. There is no date indicated ;
the place in the collection suggest the last weeks of 1512.
25 et] repeated at end of one page and beginning of the next

25 et pullulet tS-c.] on p. 207
35. Quintilianus] Instit. Orat., se profecisse sciat, cui Cicero

(ed. Paris, 1839-41 : v, 62) : ille valde placebit.
430 Epist. 65
CORRADE SUAUISSIME SALUE
NUGAS illas
gestas, gerrasque
utque meas
in buccam quas rudes
uenerant, ac plane
incondite nimis indi
et
tumultuarie expui, tua uelim eleganti manu, docta censura
reconcinnes, expendas, recenseas, expungas ; alioqui illas ut
5 abortiuum quid atque subdititium prorsus auersurus : quod
sic tum maxime praestabis, siquando ad hanc operam horas
aliquot bonas male collocaueris. Jn quo ita praestando non
multum laborauerim si forte minus occurrat quod in illis pro
bes, modo non desit quod inprimis rideas : neque id iniuria,
10 quando illae (utcunque ab alijs censeantur) mea quidem sen
tentia, merae sint ineptiae, nugae, trichas, gerrhaeque plusquam
Siculae ; quae quidem nobis nihilominus tantum placebunt
quantum alijs risum mouerint, esto etiam me author em suum
identidem ridiculum faciant, vtpote cui abunde sat er it et
15 illas et me uel ob jd placuisse. Jnterea tu uale ; atque quales
cunque sint, boni semper consule.
BuslMS, 196-197 (i 7 v-i 8 r)

(Mechlin, last weeks of 1512, first of 1513^
66. To Herman ZUDERHUYSEN
a This letter, entitled : 'Hermanno Frisio Iurisconsulto...', is evident

an answer to a request for help made by a friend, a party in a law
suit, who had been unjustly dealt with. There is not the least clue for a
date : as it is placed between letters to the copyist Vegerius, one, Epp.
65, of the last weeks of 1512, the other, Epp. 67, somewhat later,
either the end of 1512 or the beginning of 1513, it seemed advisable
to place it between those dates.
b The 'Hermannus Frisius Iurisconsultus' to whom this letter is
addressed, is Herman Zuderhuysen, a Frisian Jurisprudent, who
Busleyden may have known during his studies, Charles V appointed
him a member of his Privy Council by patent letters of October 19
1520, calling him 'Frisian doctor' (Henne, 11, 323). In 1524 he was sen
on a mission to Hamburg in order to try and get the King of D
mark Christiern II admitted again into his realm; on that account a
certain amount of money was advanced to him on April 5, 1524 for
12 quse quidem &c.] on p. 196
i. Nugas illas] either the ex 'quas ut... in buccam uenerant...

tempore distichs on his mansion expui' (11 2-3), and from the
and furniture; or the orationes words : 'ex tempore concepta' of
judging from allusions as : Epp. 67, 15.
the journey; he returned from that mis

same year (Henne, iv, 12 ; AltffeZ,. 125,
in an interview at The Hague, convened
Holland and the Hanseatic League (Henne
not prevent him from continuing his stu
so far that Henry Ubbius, in his Frisice
declares that one of the chief erudites i
Sverenhusen, jureconsultus adeoque illus
nuper defuncte apud Parlamentum Mach
liis* (Brom, 11, 16, p 27).
Hermanne Amicorum Optime Salue
PR/ESEN1TUM latoris
mendata, ubi in causa nobis
disceptationem iudicijtantopere
uenerit, easabs te com
inter
ponam partes, quales sollicitudo postulat tua, semper que
conata est fides, integritas, diligentia nostra ; jdque eo accu
5 ratius lubentiusque quanto magis ad hoc mouent animum
judicis jura quae spoliatis fauent ; ad quorum restitutionem
sicut judicantis religionem, aequitas at que pietas maxime
decet : jta contra in spoliantes rigor censurae, seueritas disci
plinae omnino exercenda est; alioqui quae nunc dicuntur regna
10 tandem euadent latrocinia, neque satis inter improbos tuta
mansura est innocentia. Quod cum ita sit, pro tarn pia, iusta,
fauorabili quam nobis commendas causa, tuum erat iubere,
non or are : turn quod amicus cui maiora debeo, esses ; turn
quod id ex munere quo fungor, mihi incumbit quod tarn efflic
15 tim postulas. Vale.
BuslMS, 197-198 (i 8 r, v) <Mechlin, end of 1512, beginning of I5i3>
This letter, with the title 'Corr. Veccrio suo...', was written some,
time after Epp. 65 ; it refers to the smaller poems or the orations,
which were sent to be copied, and of which the corrected transcription
pleased Busleyden. He invited his 'notarius' to come and hear about
the arrangement wished for (11 17-21), which evidently implies that
Vegerius was held up by his office outside Mechlin, probably in
Brussels, where apparently some of the government officials had their
work : cp. Epp. 68, pr ; he may have come to Mechlin in the Yule-tide
holidays.
9 dicuntur 6-c.] on p. 197
432 Epist. 68
NVGiE mese, tandem

feceram, quas utnobis
uanas futilesque
mir gerrhas antea
a tuorum characterum ele floci
gantia adornatse, placere blandirique coeperunt, quando gra
tiam, nitorem, uenustatem quarum expertes erant, ab his
5 pleno, ut aiunt, cornu sint mutuatae. Quo fit plus illae tibi,
suo polito notario, quam mihi, inepto authori, debeant, qui
illas quas alioqui nulla: aut veneres, aut lepores, aut natiuus
decoruestiebat, tarn compta,culta,fucata facie donasti. Jn quo
institute sane nobilem pictorem aliquem uisus es nobis imita
te tus, jmagines qui uestustate corrosas, situque multo et carie
obductas lenocinio uariegatorum colorum, dexterrimo ductu
linearum uendibiliores facit. Quare tu quidem, mea sententia,
iure diceris beatus, cui tam expetendum ac rarum contigit
donum, videlicet, non minus scire polite, belle, graphice ex
15 cepta notare, quam uel posse ex tempore concepta bene, or
nate, copiose dicere. Jn quo uel uno, ni fallor, tantum homo
prsestat homini quantum bruto homo ratione. Jnterea uale,
at que stilum cohibe, quo usque formula ipsa et ordo phaleran
dis abs te friuolis nostris tenendus, tibi a nobis coram fuerit
20 prsescriptus : cuius rei gratia hue (ubi poteris) per otium conce
das oratum uelim; viaticum tibi procul dubio resarturi.
Jterum uale.
BuslMS, 201-202 (i io r, ) <Mechlin, March i/io, I5i3>

This letter, addressed 'Corrado Veccrio suo.', was written some time
after Epp. 67, as Vegerius sent two letters after it, which were not
answered. It belongs, most probably, to the first days of March, as it
invites Vegerius to a solemnity which was to take place 'proximis
festis paschalibus', and Easter fell on March 27 in 1513. It follows
that at the time, Wecker was not at Mechlin, though from November
16, 15x2 to April 3, Prince Charles, no doubt with a large part of the
Court, was in that town : Gachard, 11, 11 ; cp. Epp. 67, pr.
1 floci] 8 culta] over line 8 Jn quo c'V.J on p. 198
I. Nugas <>.] cp. Epp. 65, the orations or the smaller poems:
5. pleno... cornu] cp. Epp. 5, 23. cp. Epp. 65, x, n.
15. ex tempore concepta] either
ACCEPIMUS
tibi crediti iam binas tuas,
certiorantes, nos
quibus
mus, parentationibus justisque pers
nostri occupati, qui nudiustertius
5 diutino morbo confectus, animam
bus pientissimus Deus praesens ad
orare. Praeterea ut libellus, cuius r
acceperas, paulo augustior euadat,
men imitetur ; addes literis hasce
10 plaria istis adiecimus ; quas (uelim
que reponas, obseruando scilicet Serie
quam cuique (ut uidebis) in primo
Quam quidem epistolam uellem pr
Marlianum ipsum aliquando ad c
15 quam iam puto te ex archetypo d
Postremo te euoco ad solennitatem
rum hie de more ac ueteri institut
bus decernendarum, adferendo tec
tam pulchre elimatum, belleque di
20 beneficio restauratus, mallet te tan
me agnoscere. Vale rursum.
9 literis] the word in abbreviation Iris looks like tris in the MS

12 fronte &c.] on p. 202
. libelli tibi crediti] the collec- 50 ; there seems to be a confusion

tion of Busleyden's poems and here, as Busleyden used the
letters : cp. before, 109, sq ; plural on I 9 : hasce epistolas.
also Epp. 63 and 65. 13. illi, qua ] Epp. 47.
3. demortui nepotis nostri] no 16. solennitatem supplicatio
doubt Cornelius Erdorf : cp. Epp. num nostrarum] most probably,
31, b, c. and, before, 11. an official function at which all
11. Seriem et notam characte- the requests were answered ;
rum] viz. the series of letters, judging from this passage it took
poems and speeches, as indicated place, apparently, as a fitting
by the nota, the cipher or the example of human mercy prompt
character which Busleyden had ed by liturgy, on Good Friday
marked on each document; cp. or Holy Thursday, or any day in
before, 110. the Easterweek, and was sure to
13. epistolam] either Epp. 49 or attract a large attendance.
434 Epist. 6q
BuslMS, 118-119 (e
69. To Sylvius ITALICUS

a In this letter entitled 'Syluio Italico.', Busleyden states that his
friend 'Antonius' is poorly, and that he himself is suffering ; he
connects his hope and chance on recovery with that of Antony,
whom he urgently recommends to his correspondent's care. In
the notes to Epp. 45, (b-f), in which the same Antony is mentioned
to the same Sylvius, the supposition is expressed that he is identical
with Charles of Austria's councillor Antony of Berghes, Abbot of
St.-Trond and of St.-Bertin's. The illness to which Busleyden refers is,
without doubt, the same as that which he remarks upon in his letter
of September or October 1513, viz., Epp. 71, to Erasmus ; he there
writes that at the time when he heard of the rumour of his death, he
was dangerously ill himself, and lost all hope at the sad tidings, where
as at the news of his great friend's excellent health, he revives again,
and he thanks God for connecting their health and welfare as intimate
ly together as their minds and interests : Epp. 71, 3-14.
b In the summer of 1513 the news spread in Paris, although no

evidence was given, that Erasmus had died before June of that year
(HumSchwab., 225, 258) ; on August 13, 1513, Beatus Rhenanus, in his
dedicatory letter to the reader prefixed to Paul Cortesius' In Senten
tias (Basle, J. Proben), mentioning Erasmus, added : 'cuius imaturum
obitum et rei literarias dispendiosum dici non potest quam feram
acerbe' (RhenE, 60 ; Allen, 11, 321, j). In the same month John Froben
referred to the rumour of that death in his preface to the Adagiorum
Chiliades Tres {BB, e, 90), from which James Spiegel repeated the
information on Jan. 5, 1514 in the preface to his edition of Iso
crates' De Regno Gubernando (Vienna, February 13, 1514). As late
as December 6, 1513, Mutianus Rufus deplored his decease in a letter
to Henry Urbanus (MutE, 395) ; still at that time it was known that
the report was inexact : in October 1513 the news that Erasmus was
still alive was announced in Paris (HumSchwab., 225, 258) ; from there
it reached Rhenanus, who communicated it to Willibald Pirckheimer
(RhenE, 564) : and by June 6 or 7, 1514 only, it got to Mutianus Rufus
(MutE, 434).
c It is a fact that Erasmus' letter to Busleyden (Epp. 71, 4) brought

to the continent the certitude that he was still alive : considering the
frequent intercourse between Paris and Brussels, it is most likely that
the comforting report was not long in being transmitted, and if the
end of September or the beginning of October may be safely admitted
as the date of Erasmus' letter to Busleyden, this one, of Busleyden to
Sylvius was probably written ip the second half of May 1513 : for by
September-October the rumour was said to have been rife for some
months : aliquot iam menses (Epp. 71, 4) ; and the Mechlin Councillor
stated that he had fallen ill a little while before the day on which
Erasmus was said to have died : paulo ante te sic amisso (Epp. 71, 7-8),
that is to say, before June 1, when it was reported in Paris (Hum
Schwab., 258). Cp.: Allen, 1, 270, pr ; 11, p. xix. The style of this letter,
To Sylvius Italiens 435
and especially the idea of Busleyden's st

with that of his friend (11. 2 sq,), also s
ble to that of Epp. (cp. II 7, sq).
AVDIO
mumAntonium nostrummale
indolui et identidem male ualere
ualere : quo
coepi, nuntio pluri
ualetudinem
nostram metiens ex sua ualetudine : cuius successus qualis
erit, perinde nos afficiet, adeo ut hsec nostra (qua hinc labora
5 mus) segritudo inualescente illius aegrotat i one incrementum
quoque sit acceptura. Scis nanque quantum illi iamdudum
adficimur, quantum et ille nobis : quare, ut paucis omnia
dicam, si uis me recte ualere, fac precor quam primum ille
belle ualeat, et non nisi ualetudine curata et bene stabilita,
10 isthinc moueat : alioquin de nostra utriusque salute est plane
desperandum. Quod ne ita contingat, tu unus qui bene uis,
multa scis, plurima potes, in tempore occurre : agendo hac in
parte (qualis semper fueris) amicum officiosum et inprimis
pientissimum. Interea uale, memor nostri atque polliciti tui;
15 cuius desyderio summopere tenemur et quasi languentes indies
immorimur. Quare ut hoc desyderio nos aliquando leues, aut
cito da, aut cito nega : haud ingratum nobis futurum utrum
feceris : quando qui cito dat, bis dare uidetur. Et contra, cito
negasse quod dare no!is, pars beneficij existimetur. Iterum
20 vale, mi suauissime Sylui, hoc mihi quod duo sunt oculi.
3 metiens] corr. from mentiens ; below it is written dimensus

3 sua &c. ] on p. 119 12 occurre] corr. from occurrere 19 quod/quod] MS
i. Antonium nostrum] no object was of this promise; still

doubt Antony of Berghes : cp. the fact that its execution de
Epp. 45, b-f. pended entirely on Sylvius himself,
2-3. ualetudinem nostram me- shows that it was not any longer
tiens ex sua <S-c.] the same idea is the Armarium referred to in Epp.
expressed in Busleyden's letter 45, which the Italian was to se
to Erasmus of the beginning of cure for Busleyden from his
autumn 1513 : Epp. 71, e, sq. master Antony : cp. Epp. 45,
10. isthinc] probably the Abbey 1"25
St. Bertin,
t. Bertin, at at
St. St. Omer. 18. qui cito dat dvc.] Erasmus :
Omer.
14.polliciti
14. pollicititui]tui]
it is it is hardly Bis dat, qui cito dat ; ErAdag.,
hardly
possible to indicate what the 330,
436 Epist. 70
BuslMS, 151-154 (g 5 r-g 6 ) <Mechlin, Summer of I5I3>
70. To Bernardino LOPEZ DE CARVAJAL

Cardinal 'Stae Crucis'
This letter, entitled 'Cardinali sanctce Crucis.', was evidently

written after the news of Carvajal's final pardon and of his restitution
into his dignity of Cardinal by Pope Leo X, on June 27, 1513, had
reached Mechlin : cp. Epp. 54, g, h.
QVOD nullis
nostram in tesum
ad te nostris pietatem et obseruantiam
testatus, fecit hoc sane non in iampridem
curia aliqua, sed contra turbulenta ilia rerum tempestas et
proxima temporum iniquitas, nimis, proh dolor, in maligno
5 posita : quae quidem suae inuidentiae taelisr calumniantium
machinis, complurium candorem simul et innocentiam conata
est perdere. In quorum albo te unum maxime esto fuerit im
probe nimis persequuta, fide tarnen et probitate tua contra
renitente, nil demum ualuit quo minus omnium opinione is
10 perdurares, antea qui semper fueris, scilicet inter spectatos
iuxta spectatissimus. Quo fit, a quouis optimo summopere
gratulandum sit tibi, cui inuidorum genuinus aduersantium
gladius bis acutus nequicquam potuit officere. Quod inprimis
Optimo Maximo Deo, deinde innocentiae tuae, postremo fau
15 torum tuorum (quorum ipse unus fui) piae orationi ferre debes
accepto : quibus plane efficientibus malignantium conatus
facti sunt nedum irriti, caeterum uel sua in te uibrata spicula
in seipsos reuerberatione dextrae excelsae retorta. Vnde laus,
honorque immortali Deo, qui tuis, tuorumque uotis tarn prae
20 sentem se praestans, uoluit tua haec quae te exercuit persequu
tio, nusquam fieret tibi aut macula probri aut nota infamiae,
sed certior probatio (quae iuxta Apostolum in infirmitate per
ficitur) uirtutis spectatae. Qua quidem etsi iampridem sat
3 rerum -c.] on p. 152 18 dextrae] se indistinct : it might be os

21 nusquam &c.} on p. 153
2. nullis ad te nostris] about difficulties in which the Cardinal

April 1512, he had sent only a then was : Epp. 60, 5, sq.
verbal message on account of the 7. In... albo] cp. Epp. 46, u.
Erasmus 437
super que clareres, atta

25 plum toti orbi reddid
Quod quum ita sit, reli
nusquam oblitus tuae,
mus usque permanens, t
at que sciat ambiguum f
30 ferre quam uel ilium
aurum lydio lapide, ita
tim quem gloria maior,
exanclatis quam prosp
bus : quando gubernator
35 non otium domi, se
ilium tempestas gestuan
que famigeratos. Prout
nse minaci medium po
aiunt) herbam dederis
40 pectora durasti te r
magna tibi est accessio
ramus, adhuc maior (la
Interea uale, antiqui t
in te pietas exuberanti
45 plusquam confessa, m
qua quidem modo unam
baueris, nobis sat erit,
nus probes. Iterum ua
BuslMS, 192-195 (i 5 v-\ 7

<Mechlin, end of Sep
71. To Deside
a This letter, entitled 'Er
been reproduced by F. N
(Allen, 1, 2444). Neve do
whereas F. M. Nichols, as
39 caeterum &c.] on p. 154
34. gubernatorem nauis <S-c.] 38-39. herbam... Epp. 6, 38, &c.

cp. Carm., xvn. 43. antiqui tui hospitis] in
38. medium Carm. xv, 177. August, September and October
1508 : cp. Epp. 54, k.
438 Epist. 71
about June 1516, jud

Busleyden refers to
the Netherlands. Aga
end of 1511, and Alle
which the letter was
to the rumour of Era
of a message. They argue that there is no report of any rumour of
Erasmus' decease in 1516, whereas there is sufficient evidence of such
news circulating in the autumn of 1511 (Allen, I, 251, 2). They explain
the third part, the wished-for preferment expected since a good while,
as referring to Erasmus' endeavour to obtain a prebend or a parsonage
in England, where Warham fulfilled an old promise on March 22,
1512, by granting him the parish of Aldington in Kent (Allen, 1, 255,
pr, 243, 17 ; Vischer, 8-15).
b Still several other details in the letter remain unexplained in that

supposition : Busleyden, namely, represents himself as having some
influence on the appointment which Erasmus expects (11 26, 33) ; and
that cannot be understood if the preferment should be English. In the
second part of the letter Busleyden warns Erasmus to be careful in
his critical or jesting remarks about princes and kings, which might
be repeated and cause harm (11 15-23). That advice hardly applies to
Henry VIII, from whom benefits had been expected in vain since
1509, but rather to Charles of Austria or to Maximilian, from whose
bounty he is now expecting some gift : the latter might be withheld if
an opponent, who desired that same favour, could bring forward proofs
of, or at least create suspicions about, the bad disposition of his
competitor. Finally the object for which this letter is written, is evi
dently connected with the pleasing hope that Erasmus should soon
come and live near the writer of the epistle (11 11-14), which would be
quite out of the question if the benefit to be bestowed were connected
with a church or a chapter beyond the sea, whereas it would be as the
natural result of, if not the necessary condition for, a preferment in
Brabant or Flanders : Allen, 11, 436, 2-4
c It thus follows that this letter belongs to the end of September or to

the first days of October 1513, since, in the course of that month, the
false rumour of Erasmus' death was rectified-in Paris : HumSchwab.,
255-58. No doubt, it was the letter to which the present one is a reply
that caused the rectification : most probably, the good news spread
from Mechlin to the French capital, and from there, to Basle and
Nuremberg : RhenE, 564 ; Epp. 69, b. That date, Sept.-Oct. 1513,
is corroborated by the illness of Busleyden referred to in Epp. 69 as
coinciding with the inexact report of Erasmus' death. It more
over, makes some details in this letter look quite natural, whereas
they appear inconsistent, and even impossible, in the supposition that
the epistle were written in November 1511. It seems absurd to make
a Mechlin prelate interfere with the attribution of a preferment in
England, where he spent some time, to be true, on his embassy of 1509
(cp. before, 66, 67); but where far more influential men, like William
Blount, the Archbishop William Warham, and the Bishops John
Fisher and Richard Fox could not prevail on Henry VIII, and
prevent Erasmus from having to wait in vain for the promised royal
favour.
Erasmus 439
d It rather looks as if, by 1513, Erasmus had realized that the

golden hills he expected to find in Britain, existed only in his imagina
tion ; for the twenty pounds that the Aldington parish yielded was
a discouragingly scant provision. He therefore turned naturally to
the Court of young Prince Charles, where he had secured some patrons
and friends with whom he kept up a regular correspondence. The fact
that no letters to or from Busleyden, for example, subsist for that
period, is not a proof that there were not any. Indeed, from the second
paragraph of this letter, 1115-23, it is evident that Erasmus often wrote
rather inconsiderately about kings and princes to some members of the
Court of the Netherlands : for if he had only written to Busleyden, the
latter had no right to criticize him, for there was no need at all to
show to any body the extravagant remarks of his highly beloved
friend. The fact that he warned his glib-tongued correspondent, shows
that there had been letters to others, which contained remarks that
either might have displeased Margaret of Austria and her nephew, or
have caused some disagreeable complications, if they referred to
Henry VIII ; as there was always an English ambassador at Mechlin
Court. Busleyden confesses to having had some trouble himself on
account of too free language (11 22-23), an(i as Erasmus wished to
settle in Brabant, he had every interest to keep out of the hands of his
competitors whatever they might use to worst him if he wanted to
secure a well-earned preferment.
e Indeed he had rendered some conspicuous service already : he had

welcomed Philip the Fair in 1504 by a fine oration (Allen, I, 179, 181,
178, 7-10, and Epp. 17, d), which had brought him a small pension and
an occasional gift to help him in his studies ; to Charles, who had
taken upon him his father's indebtedness towards the scholar, no doubt
copies of his forthcoming books had been offered ; moreover in the
opinion of any man who judged like Busleyden, Erasmus contributed
at least as much to the glory of his sovereign by his writings and
studies, as the best of his army-leaders or of his councillors did by
their well paid services. The only thing to be done, in Busleyden's
opinion, was to urge on the Chancellor John le Sauvage who, during
the minority of the Prince had in hand the management of affairs.
It was he and not Warham, nor Mountjoy either, whom Erasmus
was to importunate with his requests, so as to help Busleyden's efforts
to that same effect, which finally resulted, not only in the granting of
the Courtrai prebend, but in the appointment and the emoluments
of Imperial Councillor (Allen, 11, 436 ; and before, 57-59)
ORNATISSIMÊ literae
rabili, tum quod tuaetuae gaudio
essent memultam
post que affecere incompa
expecta
tionem impetratae ; tum quod te superstitem adhuc nuntia
rent, contra quem aliquot iam menses constans fama, etsi
5 incerto authore, demortuum uulgauerat : quo quidem tristi
1 Ornatissimae &c] on p. 193
5. demortuum uulgauerat] cp. Epp. 69, b.
440 Epist. 71
nuntio quemadmo
uano cognito, om
ante te sic amisso,
confectus, desyd
10 Deo Optimo, qui
et me in te, teque
quando daturus n
dudum idem amor uirtutis, eadem studia, idem animorum
consensus indiuidua caritate copulauit.
15 Ad literas tuas redeo,quibus ea quae de Regibus licentiosius
perscripseris abunde perspexi ; quae tarnen quum huiusmodi
sint, ut tutius coram, auribus fidelibus, quam epistolis credan
tur, fuse prudential erit in ijs recensendis stilum temperare,
de ijsque parcius agere, ne forte quandoque deferendi tui apud
20 Principes occasionem praestes obtrectatorum delatorumque
maleuolae turbae, quorum in aula principali summa celebritas
est,prouttu sat nosti, ipseque aliquando periculum, non sine
periculo, feci.
Praeterea quae de sacerdotio tibi parando scribis : esto res
25 ipsa nondum ad umbelicum (ut aiunt) sit deducta, tarnen non
omnino displicent : caeterum magna me spes fouet id tibi tan
dem obuenturum quod tarn sancte tibi receptum, toties fuit
repromissum : modo tu morae si quid interuenerit non per
taesus, aut improbi laboris non impatiens, alacriter in incepto
30 pergas, tuumque quotidie Maecenatem urgeas tibi longe maiora
debentem, vtpote cui iam tot annos tuum desudat ingenium,
obuiumque semper et expositum extiterit obsequium. Quare,
ut paucis me absoluam, necesse est modestiae tuae oblitus, per
irices frontem : dediscas esse philosophum te, jnduasque per
17 fidelibus &c.] on p. 194
25 nondum] before it is cr. 31 cui] over line S
8. ipse quasi perieram] cp. Epp. own importunating requests to

69, 2-14. the Chancellor : 11 33-34.
22. ipse... periculum, non sine 30. Maecenatem] eithe
periculo, feci] cp. Epp. 52, 19. of Austria, who w
24. esto] cp. 135. Erasmus' debtor, or John le Sau
24. esto res ipsa &-c.] it follows vage, the influential Chancellor of
that Busleyden had already taken Brabant, and, from Jan. 17,
the necessary steps to provide 1515, also of Burgundy, who
Erasmus with a prebend in our became Erasmus' chief patron
provinces, although he had not in this country : Allen, 11, 410,
quite reached the final result, for 436, and before, 59, 72, sq.
which he wanted his friend's
From Martin van Dorp 441
35 sonam clyentuli cuiusuis improbiss

patroni pulsantis, limenque conterent
quousque tandem exoret. Vale.
() Dorp's Dialogus, D ij r, (= d)
(y) NelisSy//., 69-71 (= ns)
(Louvain, first half of Novem
72. From Martin van DORP
: This letter (cp. MonHL, 366) serves as dedication of 'Martini

Dorpij... Tomus 1) Aulularice Plautince adjectus cum prologis aliquot
in Comediarum actiones : <S- pauculis carminibus' ; it was printed first
by itself in the last months of 1513 (= a), and it was afterwards re
produced (D 3 r-F 2 r) with this letter (= : D 2 r, v) in one volume
with Dorp's Dialogus : in quo Venus &> Cupido omnes adhibent
versutias : vt Herculem animi ancipitem in suam Militiam inuita Vir
tute perpellant, which begins the book. The Tomus is followed (ff F 2 r
G 4 r) by Dorp's letter Hollandis suis, by Zanchius, Bishop of Naples'
description of Holland (Trit., 465), and Geldenhouwer's sketch of Zee
land, dated February 28, 1514. The book was printed by Thierry Mar
tens in 1514 : Iseghem, 246-247; MonHL, 333-335, NijKron., 1, 737.
It was finally reproduced with the Tomus by Cornelius Francis de Ne
ils, in an unfinished bundle of documents, which he called Sylloge
(NelisSy/I., 69, ), printed at the Louvain University Press between
1760 and 1768 (cp. before, 130, sq) : it takes up pp 69-71 of that
bundle, in which the Tomus extends from p 67 to p 94. That Tomus
comprises an Invitatiuncula, partly in prose, to the people of Louvain
to come and see the Aulularia in the Lily on Sept. 3, 1508 (72-73 ;
Dial. D iii r) and the Prologus in verse (73-75 ; Dial., D iii r-D iiii v),
with the Complementum Dorpii, in the metre of the original (75-84 ;
Dial., D iiii v-F. i r) ; further a letter from John de Neve to Dorp (85 ;
Dial., i,r, ; MonHL, 354), one from John Becker (86-87 Dial.,
i v-F. 2 r ; MonHL, 354), and a third from George, Lord of Halewyn
(87-88 ; Dial., 2 r-v ; MonHL, 354-55) ; finally a poem of eight lines
by Judocus (Sasbout) Delphus, J. V. D., on the Tomus (88 ; Dial.,
2 ). Then follows thePrologus inMilitemPlautinam... in verse (89-92 ;
Dial., 2 ), with a poem of 14 lines, by Dorp : Candidis Lectoribus
(92-93 ; Dial., 4 v-F i r) and an Epigramma of 14 verses by Judocus
(Sasbout) Delphus, J. V. D., to Dorp about his writings (93"94). which
does not appear in the Dialogus ; on the other hand, the latter has
a Carmen Iambicum on John Becker (F i r, v), and an Epitaphium on
Margaret of York, both by Dorp (F ii r). Cp. MonHL, 398-404.
35 cuiusuis &c.] on p. 195
') The title of 1514 has Thomus, but on G 4 r it is corrected : prima

facie i linea iiii pro Thomus lege Tomus.
29
442 Epist. 72
b It is certain that
gus, inscribed to Joh
separately in the las
1514, to which were
was not the first. That results from Epp. 73, in which Busleyden
thanks Dorp for the sending of the Dialogus (11 1, sq), and for the
dedication of the Tomus (11 28, sq), whilst he insistedly requests the
publishing of his Concio de diue Virginis Assumptione (11 63-67). In a
following letter Epp. 74, which, judging from the wording and the
tone, was written at a considerable interval, he repeats with insistence
his wish to see that Concio printed (11 1-26). That was finally effected
on February 18, 1514, according to the colophon of the book which
Thierry Martens brought out (MonHL, 317 ; Epp. 75) ; yet it certainly
preceded the edition containing the Dialogus, the Tomus, and the
descriptions of Holland and Zeeland of which the most recent con
tribution, that by Geldenhouwer, is dated as late as February 28,
1514, ten days after the Concio was issued : MonHL, 327, 333-34.
c No copy seems to subsist of the two dramatic compositions as they

were printed separately in the last months of 1513 ; that they were
separate booklets results from the closing sentence of this dedicatory
letter : 'neque tarn librum ad te mitti tibi persuadeas quam ipsum
animum mittentis' (11 38-39) : it suggests that the dedication applies
to a book by itself, and not only to the latter part of a book, of which
the first is ascribed to another and less eminent personality. That is
also implied by the reprint by de Nelis, who, for certain, would have
reproduced the Dialogus Veneris 6- Herculis if he had had it at his
disposal. It is evident that he did not know the joint edition of March
I5r4, for he reprints an Epigramma by Josse of Delft to Dorp (Ne
lisSy//., 93-94) which is absent from that joint edition, where it is
replaced by the Carmen Iambicum by Dorp to John Becker and the
epitaph on Margaret of York : MonHL, 402-404. Further there are
in that joint edition four mistakes of which two were certainly repro
duced from the first issue, and were set right in the Errata of the joint
edition. Two of them are found also in de Nelis' text, because they
offer a plausible sense : potuisse instead of potesse, and quouis, quo vis,
for quoius : Dial., D 7 v, 1, D 8, r, 24 ; NelisSy//., 80, 2s, 82, 22 ' two
others were set aright : Thomus corrected to Tomus, in the title, and
iis, changed into is (Dial. D 3 c, 26; NelisSy//., 73, 3) - It is evident
that Nelis did not use the joint edition of 1514, for, precise editor as he
was, he would not have left unemployed the corrections proposed
in the Errata for that part of the book, especially since it is more
than likely that they were pointed out by Dorp himself, who is also
the editor of Chrysostomus Zanchius' and Geldenhouwer's descriptions
of Holland and Zeeland (MonHL, 326-334).
d It follows that the text of this letter as it is given here, is not based
on that of the first edition, November 1513, = a, of which no copy is
known to be in existence ; it had to be replaced by that of the joint
edition of 1514, = , whereas in the notes are supplied a few
variants offered by the text which de Nelis, about 1765, = ,
reproduced from a copy of the first edition ; this he may have
had in the old and rich Louvain University Library, which was
entrusted to his care from 1758 to 1768 (FUL, 219 ; MonHL, 323, 328
29, and before, 130, sq). - Dorp declares

he writes it five years after he composed t
Aulularia, which he had acted by his studen
vain fair, September 3, 1508 ; it thus follow
latter months of 1513 along with the Tom
dedication (MonHL, 366). Generally such
on, or, at least, dated as nearly as possible
was issued ; it was also communicated as so
stances allowed, to the personage to whom
his turn, did not lose much time in acknow
vided it pleased him : from those considera
not much time did elapse between this lette
reply, Epp. 73. Now, in that reply Busleyd
gica Laurea', his promotion to licenciate in
tioned first on the title-page of Concio de d
issued on February 18, 1514, where Dorp is
whereas on the Oratio de Laudibus Disciplina
14, 1513 he is only called theologus (Mon
quently his promotion must have taken
1513 and February 18, 1514, and yet as near
date, because the Concio was only published
by Busleyden in a letter, Epp. 74, which sug
after the reply to the dedication of the Tom
It may therefore be suggested as most pro

was dated from the former, and Busleyden
half of November, and that events happen
Latter half of October 1513 : Dorp's promotion to Licenciate
of Divinity.
First half of November 1513 : letter dedicating the printed
Tomus to Busleyden : Epp. 72.
Separate first issues of Dialogus
and Tomus.
Second half of November 1513 : Busleyden's reply to that dedi
cation and first request for the
Concio : Epp. 73.
Last days of 1513 or first of 1514 : Busleyden's repeated request
for the Concio, and points to be
elucidated in theology, probably
studied during the Yule-tide
holidays : Epp. 74.
February 18, 1514 : Publishing of the Concio de diue
Virginis Assumptione.
Febr. 28 or first days of March 1514 : Publishing of the second (and
joint) edition of the Dialogus of
Hercules and Venus and the
Tomus Aulularia1).
*) Thomas More referred to that edition in his letter of October 21,

1515, writing to Dorp : 'siquidem scripta sunt abhinc septennium,
certe uix sesquiannus est elapsus, quod eadem recollecta edidisti' :
MoreLuc., 424.
444 Epist. 72
The reprint of this l

reproduce exactly th
the cutting and join
letters ; in so far th
the only exception of the resolving of the abbreviations and the
dividing of the text into paragraphs. The text is collated with that of
de Nelis' Sylloge, pp 69-71 (= NS), which reproduces the text of the
first edition, of which no copy seems to be known.
Ornatissimo Domino Hieronymo Buslidio

Prêposito Ariensi & Regio Consiliario
Martinus Dorpius Salutem D. P.
ANNUM ab hinc
ad Aulularise quintum
Plautinae Vir Clariffime,
actionem inftituerem, cum
(nihildi
en
tenacius eorum heret memoriae, quam quod eiuimodi l
gloriaeque emulatione diicunt) ne imperfecta foret ac
5 comediam ipfam eadem metrorum lege, eademque tum
rum tum ridiculorum licentia compleui. qua auctorem
ipfum fuiffe vfum depraehendere potui. Neque enim maiorem
opinor religionem vel antiquitatis. vel carminum, a me re
quiret quifpiam, quam Plautus fcenae princeps ipse pre
10 ftiterit : & nemo paulo faltem humanior nefcit. haudquaquam
eadem vfos lege, Horatium qui ftrictiffima. Therentium qui
licentiore vtpote Comica. & Plautum : qui fie nonnumquam
folutus diffluit, vt quid tandem fit fequutus, nifi oculatiffimus
non perpendat. Porro fciebam Antonium Codrum eadem in
15 harena laboraffe. sed neque ilium tum videram : neque si vi
5 eademque] D ; NS eadem 9 ipse] D_: NS om. 11 Therentium] D ; NS Terentium
12 nonnunquam] D nonnuq 13 oculatissimus -c.] on / D ii
15 harena] D ; NS arena
i. Annum ab hinc quintum] C. Malagola, Delia Vita e delle

leading up to the public produc- Opere di Antonio Urceo : Bologna,
tion, on September 3, 1508. 1878 ; Tiraboschi, vi, iii, 5, 58 ;
i. cum discipulos -c.] cp. Symonds, 302 ; Trit., 433 ; Prowe,
MonHL, 128, 327, sq. 1, 249-56, 399 ; Nolhac, 21 ; CeltE,
6. compleui] cp. ibid. 327-331. 438, sq ; Polain, 11, 1416; &c.
14. Antonium Codrum] Antony 14-15. eadem in harena] the
Urceo, TJrceus, who, from a re- fragmentary state of the Aulula
mark to the prince of Forli, got ha was particularly felt as that
the name of Codrus, was born in play was, with Amphitruo, the
1446 at Rubiera. He wrote most important in the study of
poetry and taught Greek and Plautus and in the history of the
rhetorics at Forli and Bologna, drama in Italy both in Latin and
where he died in 1500. His works Italian. A complement had been
were edited in that town in 1502 : started by an anonymous author,
diffem. male collocatum iri laborem ceniuiffem : fi in hoc etiam

fcripti genere ftilum exercerem, ne quis forte arbitretur cum
illo me voluiffe de gloria certare : luuenem cum fene, Hollan
dum cum Italo. Philofophantem cum Poeta. poftremo (vt
20 caetera preteream) qui fecundariam duntaxat operam in ea
ftudia impenderem : cum eo qui politioribus docendis litteris
grandeuus euafiffet.
Vtcunque fe res habet, labor hie meus adeo viris aliquot
doctiffimis non difplicuit: vt & crebris litteris & in celeberri
25 mis etiam oppidis actionis calculo comprobauerint videarque
non meo magis, quam illorum periculo haec editurus, Adieci
prologos in actiones, & paucula carmina : quae omnia tui
26 editurus.l D : NS.
but not brought to the Plaudite. with his daughter's hand,

Others had tried their hands at which keeps all the characters
the same work (Bahlmann, 1, 55), true to themselves ; Urceo breaks
but that by Antonius Urceus was that law of the classic drama, by
most generally accepted ; it was making Lyconides offer freedom
printed in Strasburg and Leipzig to his slave in return of the gold ;
(1511, 1513), as : Plauti... Aulula- a deus ex machina then turns
ria, ab Antonio Codro Urceo, Euclio into a most generous man,
utriusque lingua doctissimo pristi- which is as inconsistent as the
nee forma diligenter restituta ; il- liberty-loving principles which
lius enim finis antea desideraba- Strobilus vents at full length, and
tur. Dorp had not the text of which are several centuries out of
Urceo's complementum and, no date. The leave-taking Plaudite
doubt, as the time for the proof Urceo, is very appropriate ; yet
ducing of the play pressed, he it would come quite as fittingly
composed the ending scenes him- to the complementum as Dorp
self according to the indications rightly proposed it : Creizenach,
given by the author in his sum- 1, 571-73, 11, 55-56; MonHL,
mary. His verses are by far not so 329-331.
correct, nor so fluent as Urceo's, 24. non displicuit] Dorp added
but they' observe far better the to his omus the laudatory let
spirit and form of the play : ters of John de Neve, John Bee
Thomas More wrote of the part ker and George de Haloin ; also
added by Dorp ; 'mihi, seu sermo- Judocus Sasbout's verses (Ne
nis elegantia spectetur, siue sales, lisSy/., 85-88) ; later on Thomas
sales uere Plautini, nulla parte More whole-heartedly recommend
totius comediae uidetur inferior' : ed Dorpius's complementum and
MoreLuc., 423. Dorp's comple- Prologi for their elegant style and
mentum is couched in the trochaic facetious diction in his letter to
octonarian, like the rest of the Dorp of October 21, 1515, in his
comedy, whilst his competitor defence of Erasmus (MoreLwc.,
used the six-foot iambic line 423-24), quoting sixteen lines
which is not found in Plautus. In from the Prologus to the Miles :
Dorp's ending, the thief Strobilus NelisSy//., 90, 30-9i, 10.
puts as a condition to the restitu- 24. in celeberrimis &c.] cp.
tion of the treasure that the Creizenach, 11, 56.
owner, the miser Euclio, should 27. prologos <S-c.] cp. the pre
give it to his master Lyconides face to this letter, a.
446 Epist. 73
faul tiffimi nomin

recens compofita :
30 mus Ioannes Bo
ruerint amicitiae in
foues : vt epiftol
occupatus miseris : quae vtramque impleant manum. &
iufferis, ne ifthac in Hollandiam meam iter faciam : quin in
35 edes tuas diuertam, artificio quidem ornatifiimas, sed domini
humaniffima liberalitate ornatioris. Te igitur oro Clariffime
Buflidi, vt Dorpii tui dicationem gratanter accipias : neque
tam librum ad te mitti tibi perfuadeas quam ipfum animum
mittentis. Vale.
BuslMS, 210-2x5 (k 4 f-k 7 r) <Mechlin, latter half of November 1513)
This letter, entitled 'Martine Dorpio ph...' (MonHL, 367), ac

knowledges receipt both of Dorp's Dialogus Veneris & Herculis and of
his Tomus Aulularius and thanks for the dedication of the latter,
which probably was dated from Louvain in the first half of November
for considerations explained before : Epp. 72, d-e ; those same con
siderations make it most verisimilar that this letter of thanks and
appreciation was written shortly after the receipt of that dedication,
which is evidently posterior to October 14, 1513, so as to leave
the interval between it and the issuing of the Concio de diue Virginis
Assumptione, February 18, 1514, long enough to occasion a repetition
of Busleyden's request made here (11 63-75) for the publishing at as
early a date as possible of that Concio : cp. Epp. 72, d-e, and Epp. 75.
CLARA iliamirum
menta nusquam sat a; maxime
placuere me perlecta
quibus tui ingenij
(inter monu
caetera)
adsumptas illas agendas personas Virtutis, Veneris, Cupidinis,
Herculis, tam probe (quae tua dexteritas est) egisti, suumque
28 quod] D contracted NS ; possibly quae 36 ornatioris] D ; NS ornatiores
30. Joannes Borsalus] cp. Epp. Dialogus : in quo Venus et Cupido

56, c, and before, 51, sq. &c. (cp. Epp. 72, a), dedicated to
35. edes tuas] cp. before 38, John de Neve, no doubt printed,
sq. in a separate volume, at the
37-39. dicationem... mittentis] same time as the Tomus Aulula
cp. Epp. 3, 2-3, &c. rice : MonHL, 333-34, 366.
3. Virtutis, Veneris &-ci\ viz.,
5 cuique tribuendo habitum seruando

maiestatem quandam, latens quod
sanctitudinem, pietatem, pudorem
res, gratias, illecebras, fucos, solat
amarores tandem et penitudinem su
10 pidini, os roseum, frontem renite
riem fluidam, mentem subdolam,
lam suauiloquentiam, fidem plus q
bus, dolis, technis, imposturis, uers
solum loculos suorum adiuratorum exenterat : caeterum
15 (quod peius est) illos (si Piatoni credimus) in proprio corpore
demortuos, in alieno uiuentes facit ; Herculi demum constan
tem constantiam, uirile robur, pectus cordatum, masculum
animum nusquam effoeminatum, duris inprimis gaudentem,
ardua cogitantem, operosa, difficilia, periculosa usque mo
20 Hentern, nullos aut aestus aut algores, serumnas, labores de
trectantem, quo minus aliquando auspice, duce, comite Uir
tute (remisso nuntio Voluptati) immortalis euadat. Quae
omnia et singula quum tu ita spectante coram et adplaudente
Candida juuentute tarn dexterrima, felici,praesentanea actione
25 sic (ut audio) prosequutus: nil ergo mirum si hinc omnium
adplusus, numeros, puncta, calculos, suffragia iure merito
que tuleris.
Praeterea non sine summa uoluptate legi Tomum tuum illi
Aululariae Plautinae additum; quo sane uno (si meam roges sen
30 tentiam) nil potuit aut propius accedere,aut magis germanum
additum iri filo texturae tarn bellissimae dictionis tui lepidi et
festiuissimi Plauti; adeo ut si forte ille, Manibus posthabitis
redux, nobis quandoque rediuiuus appareret, Tomum ilium
5 cuique &c.] on p. 211 20 aut iestus <S-c.] on p. 212
26 adplusus] r adplausus
15. si Platoni credimus] the idea is attributed to Cato Senior. Cp.

that a lover is dead in himself, Eraslnvl., 111-112.
but lives in the beloved person, 28. Tomum] the title reads
may have been inspired by Eras- Thomus in the second edition,
mus' Laus StultiticB, which which in] the Errata of that joint
ascribes it to Plato, asserting issue of February-March 1514,
'amantium furorem omnium feli- is corrected into Tomus: MovHL,
cissimum esse', which is then ex- 329 ; no doubt the word was
plained : 'qui vehementer amat written correctly in the first
jam non in se vivit' &c. : EOO, (separate) edition : Epp. 72, c.
iv, 502, K; in the Apophthegmata, 30. nil potuit <&.] cp. Epp.
EOO, iv, 262, r, a similar saying 72, 14-15.
448 Epist. 73
certe nequaquam
35 terum tanquam
riars agnosceret,
sententia fallat) i
quam sis beatus,
aleam positus, cui
40 quando agere, r
amussim, tarn abso
sentatum atque re
quod inprimis sp
queat, quo minus
45 fontis scaturig
exordio ad umbel
Mira profecto atq
nia, dexteritas, fe
suos quos olim sal
50 in te et per te
haud plus fore di
expressa saliua.
Postremo quod m
grege tuorum nusq
55 nore dignatus es
iudicio luculentissi
gratiam tibi ago
turus ubi potero.
apud te malum (u
6o existam, accipe
bile, animum meu
totus, tibi postha
hoc unum interim
illam Virgini Deip
35 loeturam &c.1 on p. 213 43 spectantium] i over line S
50 a suis &c.] on p. 214
51. eiusdem oris.., saiiua] no 61. animum... quo nil maius] no

doubt an allusion to Erasmus : doubt an allusion to the Roman
Saliuam imbibere : ErAdag., 529, Law which granted the insol
0, quoting St. Jerome. vent debtor to the creditor as a
53. Maeuiorum, Bauiorum] cp. slave : cp. Epp. 42, u.
Epp. 49, 4. 63. Homeliam illam <S-c.] cp.
59. malum... nomen] meaning, Epp. 74, 75 ; MonHL, 134.
no doubt, a debtor : Epp. 76, 12.
65 magis me iuuant, pressiustangunt

quaecunque maxime religionem sap
tem (cuius sum studiosus) faciunt.
emunctum stilum uertere ac te tot
posita praetexta, sumpta virilis tog
70 uectior at as, non tarn alios mores
alia studia, id est maiora, grauiora
postulent: quae inprimis religionem
uosque suos omneis in ea harena in
ciosa manus talia exarantis et pia men
75 tarn doctior ac melior euadat. Sa
ne (quod aiunt) sus Mineruam, epi
cano. Vale.
BuslMS, 250-255 (B 6 f-B 9 r)

<Mechlin, last days of Dec. 1513-first of I5i4>

This letter, entitled 'Martino Dorpio ph, atque / Theologo grauiss...'
(MonHL, 367), was written some time after Epp. 73 (cp. I 9 : nuperri
me) and before February 18, 1514, the day of issue of the Homilia on
Our Lady's Assumption for which Busleyden makes a repeated request
(cp. Epp. 72, d-e). The points of theology which he asks Dorp to
elucidate for him, suggest that they were found during some holidays
which he was accustomed to devote to Bible study and religious
meditations : cp. Epp. 16, ]-3, 21, -9, 22, 1-. This letter, conse
quently was written during, or at the end of, the Yule-tide holiday,
on the last days of 1513 or the very first of 1514.
PVERI in litt ore,

quempiam hmoprensuri:
incautum inescato nonnunquam
incumbentes, pisciculum
eidem stu
dio tam perseuerantissime instant, ut quantumuis petita sse
66 ad pietatem &c.] on p. 215 3 ssepius] oner line S
67. Ad quae cS-c.] Busleyden was 69. theologica Laurea] that pro
not the only one to advise Dorp motion took place soon after
to write about pious and religious October 14, 1513 : MonHL, 138,
subjects, rather than produce 313 ; Epp. 72, d.
heathen literature : his friend the 75. doctor ac melior euadat]
Abbot of Egmond, Menard Man, the chief humanistic principle for
and the chief Louvain divine, the aim of all study : cp. 159.
John Briart, had made the same 76. sus Mineruam] Epp. 60, 31.
suggestion : MonHL, 312, 139, sq. 76. receptui cano] Epp. 59, 19.
45 Epist. 74
pius praeda illoru

5 deria, tamen nih
gentes, destinata
rursus esca obduc
laboris patientes
quidem iam mihi
10 den'm qua uelu
miliam illam tuam
hucusque minus a
posita, illorum ex
illi addere, totam
15 earn quam tant
rantem aut reluc
obueniat, in tua p
curras qui id pote
uelis, rumpendo s
20 retinaculo qui
nostro inuncando h
nusquam insolent
rum mihi crede,
reuerenter, comit
25 gam, si quam fo
iocatum sit satis.
Restat ad magis seria, teque plus digna se noster uertat

stilus: scilicet quo inprimis ego te consultissimum Theologum
super his potissimum consulam, quae nondum sat (ut uellem)
30 mihi constant at que liquent, tametsi nequaquam de fide illo
rum (quod impium foret) addubitem ; sed contra, solum ut
certior eorum nobis te docente insinuetur agnitio : quum
scriptum sit : Sapiens audiens, sapientior erit, etc.
Capita consultandorum huiusmodi sunt : primum : quare
35 Melchisedech, quem primum Scriptura Regem introducit et
6 destinatam &c.] on p. 251 8 potiuntur] corr from a
21 inuncando &c. j on p. 252
9. nuperrime ad te epistolam] 18-19. Poteris &c.] cp. Epp. 58,

viz. Epp. 73, probably in the 81-82.
second half of November 1513. 33. Sapiens audiens, sapientior
10. Homiliam cS-c.] cp. Epp. 73, erit] Prov., i, 5.
63-75. 72. d. 35. Melchisedech] Genesis,
xiv, 18-20.
Sacerdotem, nec patrem, nec matr

finem dierum fertur habuisse. Sec
datum Dominionm, Abrahamus pa
pergeret hostiam offerre, et apprend
40 ilium, statim vox superne inson
inijcias manum tuam super puer
quam : nunc enim cognoui, quia tu
Deus nunc se cognouisse dicat, qui
an quod ante ignorauerit ? Cui tarnen
45 sunt prius quam fiant. Tertium,
Christus in crucem actus, ediderit, s
respice in me, quare me dereliquist
humanitas Christi talia quereretur
querelae nulla legitima suberat n
50 causa scilicet, quum in Christo,
nec ab eo potuerit relinqui, a qu
ratio, quia trepidatione carnis euict
sierat uoluntatem, et toto mortis t
constitutionis implebat. Quur tantae
55 pho, causam et rationem (quare s
tum : quur mortem homines patian
baptismi reatus absoluitur : quando
minem uenit, de malo inobedientiae
nali illo peccato, mortis unicuique
60 autem, quorum originale peccatu
uidetur absonum quod Mortis huius
Super quibus propositis quaestiunc
glossemata, commentaria quum uet
nondum sollicitae et anxiae inquisit
65 satisfecerunt ; praeterea quod et
putauerim semper ex commentari
captu nostro super adder e, quasi n
36 nec patrem 6-c.] on p. 253 51 relinqui &

52 quia] a is crossed off 67 captu &c.] on p. 255
38. Abrahamus <S-c.] Genesis, 65. turpe... putauerim <S-c.] viz.,

xxii, 1-18. the humanistic principle of stu
42, 43. quia] cp. 135. dying in order to deepen and
46. Deus, Deus meus <S-c.] widen a subject, instead of mere
Matth., xxvii, 46 ; Marc., xv, 34. ly accepting the teaching of
48, 61. quod] cp. 133. others : cp. 159.
452 Epist. 75
tum praecluserit,
sunt meditandi, s
70 spirat, et saepi
gantur. Proinde t
obuia, operae pret
qua foret, innitere
eruditum, Sacraru
75 primis consulere
genioet eloquentia
tim erudire, sicq
eloquia. super me
mur, quorum uia
80 sine doctore rec
BuslMS, 256-257 (B
<Mechlin, last day
This letter, entitled 'Martino Dorpio ph.' (MonHL, 368), is written,

with many abbreviations, along with Epp. 76, on three pages left
blank in the quire marked B, pp 256-258. It acknowledges most
enthusiastically receipt of Dorp's 'Concio de dine virginis deiparce in
ccelum Assumptione Dicta Louanij Anno Millesimo QuingentesimoDeci
mo'. This book, which also contains the Oratio in laudem Aristotelis
(cp. Epp. 58, 4, sq), was printed by Thierry Martens, e regione scholce
iuris ciuilis, and brought out, according to the colophon, in 1514,
duodecima Kalendas Martias, February 18 : MonHL, 317-318 ; Ise
ghem, 245-46 ; NijKron., 1, 736. Since Busleyden had repeatedly
urged his friend to publish that sermon (Epp. 73, e3-75, 74, j-26), it
is more than likely that one of the first copies available was sent to
him, so that this letter most certainly was written in the very first days
of March, if not on the last of February 1514. Probably about that
time the text was passed to Vegerius, who compressed it with Epp.
76 into some space left open.
68 quae] over line
78. super mel ori meo dulcia] the knowledge of God's deepest
Ps. XVIII, 11; Ecclesiasticus, truths is exposed, e. g in his
xxiv, 27. Epistola (11, i) ad Paulinum :
79. si Hieronymo credimus] the HieronE, 68, b
necessity of a guide on the way to
LUCULENS pean tuum

nuncupatumque, ea Christiferae Virgini
quidem voluptate abs te
per legi, quadictum
tu
pietate exarasti ; jn cuius sane lectione nescio quid inprimis
aut probem aut suspitiam, nitoremne dictionis, an magis
5 candor em fidei, vel argumentum summae (quae in ea emicat)
& raeligionis & pietatis. Quare mea quidem sententia fcelix
haec Lucubratio, fcelix stilus, beata facundia, quae vires, ner
uos, omneis thesauros suos jn tarn spatiosissimo vernanti
florigero odoro campo tarn pie tentauit, pulcre exercuit,
10 abunde effudit, nihil cessans, nil feriata remittens a laude
Jllius (cui nusquam sat laudatae): id quidem est impar omne,
id caedit omne,totumque infra illius dignitatem,excellentiam,
maiestatem penitus subsistit, quicquid vsquam turn laudum,
turn gloriae, lingua (nedum mens humana) aliquando adsequi
15 posset : quae tarnen si forte nihilominus quandoque tentare
auderes, certe in hac opera condicenda, prius te dies quam
materia, citius stilus quam pietas, otyus vitalis te aura ac
satietas destitueret.
Quam ob rem macte pietatis et raeligionis uir, perge! perge,
20 inquam, alacriter quo coepisti, sicque pergendo jn hoc tam
pulcerrimo laudationis stadio constitutus, impigre contende
ad incomparabile illud brauium adsequendum, ijs maxime
positum debitumque, quos inprimis exercet cultus, agit pie
tas, vrget Studium, accendit amor tam juste predicationis
25 superbenedictae Deiparae Virginis, cuius nomen, honor, gloria,
laus semper in pect ore, jn ore piorum facit vt perpetua medi
tatione, jugi contemplatione, indefessa pronuntiatione illius
sanctidudinem enarrent, gratiam annuntient, merita passim
diuulgent : huic vni studio, pio exercitio se ipsos pias mentes
30 suas, uota, jngenia, eoloquia pie nuncupantes ; quorum si tu
vestigia imitatus, studia quoque adsequutus fueris, profecto
tanto adsertori, jllustratori, buccinatori, preconi sacerrimae,
JntemerateVirginis, praesens et uocatus aderit Deus,id totum
9 florigero] corr. from flogrigero 19 Quam 6-c.] on p. 257
21 contende] -nt- badly formed, look like -m
28 sanctidudinem] 30 eoloquia] MS Eoloq'a : r eloquia
I. pean... Virgini] viz., Dorp's 16. prius te dies] cp. Orat. B, 193.
Concio... de Assumptione indie- 19. perge ! perge] cp. Epp.
ated by the title of one of his 73, 67, sq ; MonHL, 139, sq, 312.
poems, Carm. X.
454 Epist. 76
sibi adcaeptum, id
35 lius, quicquid tu
rent! impenderis.
BuslMS, 257-258 (B 10 r, v) <Mechlin, c March 15147
76. To William BOLLART, of BRUSSELS

Abbot of St. Amand's
a This letter, entitled : 'Abbati S. Amandi...', was copied with Epp. 75

on three pages left blank in the quire marked : cp. before, 115.
In both epistles the text is compressed : abbreviations are used far
more abundantly than in any other letter. No doubt they were handed
to Vegerius at the same time, apparently soon after they were
written. The first, Epp. 75, on pp 256 and 257, belongs for certain to
the early days of March, if not to the end of February 1514 : most
likely this one, taking up p 258, with its title on the last line of p 257,
dates of about the same time.
b William Bollart, or Bollais, also called 'of Brussels' from his

birthplace, came of a very modest family ; he was in Bishop Henry
de Berghes' service as secretary, where for a time he had the great
Erasmus as companion : Allen, 1, pp 589-90. He afterwards entered
the Cistercian order at Clairvaux, and executed with so much pru
dence and such success the mission of reforming the Cistercian
nunnery of Flines, that Charles du Hault-Bois de Chastelleraut,
Bishop of Tournai, asked him to undertake the reform of the neigh
bouring Benedictine abbey of St. Amand, of which he had become
abbot on July 21, 1505. Bollart executed that mission with great
efficiency as well, restoring order and discipline.
c Some months before his death (June 10, 1513), Charles du Hault
Bois, 67th Abbot of St. Amand's, resigned that dignity in favour of
Hilary Rogier, provost of 'Barisiacum' (CamChrist., 182), who pas
sed it to Bollart, with the approval of Leo X; on that occasion the
Pope also granted to Bollart the permission to pass from the Cistercian
to the Benedictine order. The Abbey of St. Amand in Pevele, in Pa
bula, the Elno of the Romans, now St. Amand-des-Eaux, on the Scarpe,
shared the fate of the neighbouring Tournai: when it became English,
William of Brussels resigned his abbotship in favour of Gerard of
Ovinghien, prior of 'Wast' (probably St. Vaast) of the Cluny Congrega
tion in the Therouanne diocese, which arrangement was sanctioned by
Leo X on November 27, 1518. He had reserved a rather considerable
pension which was paid, although the Abbey was given to Cardinal
Louis de Bourbon in 1518 when it became French, and to George of
Egmont, when Charles V became master of Tournai (GallChrist., 111,
254, sq, 267-68 ; MorinckMS, 182 r-183 ; Brewer, 111, 68 ; Brom, 1,
136; MonHL, 475-77).
To Abbot Will. Bollart 455
Meanwhile Bollart had obtained in 1516 t

St. Trond, from Antony de Berghes (Epp.
duced reform by means of a group of you
Abbey of Gembloux, July 1520-Nov. 1521
the buildings that had been neglected for
pered by a precarious health, which had as result a most irascible
temper, he went to reside in seclusion in the house of refuge which
had been bought in Louvain J) ; in his letter of Jan. 14, 1518, to the
Abbot of St. Bertin, Antony de Berghes, Erasmus mentions him as
living in the University town : Allen, ill, 761, Bollart rebuilt that
refugium magnificently after it had been destroyed by fire on Aug.
24, 1525. He gathered there a fine set of books, especially about
history, in which he took a great interest; he had much intercourse with
Gerard Morinck, who became literary advisor of St. Trudo's during the
management of his successor. That successor, George Sarens, of Mech
lin, had been formed by Bollart during his last years at Louvain, when
his infirmities required help and assistance ; he had dispatched to
Rome a request for the confirmation of the choice of his coadjutor and
successor in August 1532, but he died on November 14, 1532 in Lou
vain before that confirmation, signed on October 2, had reached him :
MorinckMS, 182 r-185 r, 151 r-155 r, 161 r, 6>c. ; MonHL, 475-479 ;
Allen, hi, 761, 40 ; GallChrist., in, 267, 964-65 ; SweMon., 237 ; &c.
Paschasius Berselius wrote his epitaph for the Charterhouse of Lou
vain, where he had been a scholaris, and where his heart and 'viscera'
were buried, whereas the rest of his body was laid to rest in his Abbey
church. His effigy was represented on the stained glass windows
offered to the Charterhouse of Scheut and to that of Louvain :
MorinckMS, 184 i;-i86 r.
There are three letters extant written by Erasmus to an abbot who
had served with him under the same Maecenas and had been
addicted to the same studies ; that abbot was for certain Bollart :
having seen him soon after his arrival in Louvain in the autumn of
1517 without knowing him, Erasmus wrote to him to offer him his
congratulations on his success in life : Allen, ill, 671. A few days later
he had to decline an invitation on account of a cold : Allen, hi, 672 ;
and, still some time later, he sent to his new patron a copy of his 'In
Epistolam Pauli Apostoli ad Romanos Paraphrasis', which Thierry
Martens brought out by the end of November 1517 : Allen, ill, 710,
pr ; Iseghem, 277-79 ; NijKron., 1, 846. On that occasion he expressed
the intention of making a series of comments if favoured by public
appreciation, which does not always answer efforts or expectation :
Allen, 111, 720.
*) The house of refuge acquired by St. Trudo's about 1470 was

situated on the Voer ; it had a large garden with a pond ; it was
exchanged in 1572 against the refuge of Vlierbeek Abbey, and,
having sheltered for a time the community and the boarders of
Cortenberg Abbey, it became in 1609 the famous St. Monica Priory
of English Canonesses, which, at the French Revolution, was trans
ferred to England, and is still prospering at Newton Abbot :
LouvEven, 527-30, 543 ; LouvBoon., 378 ; LouvArch., 1, 334, 11,
79 ; Hamilton, 1, x, 17, sq, 61, sq, 11, 13, &c.
456 Epist. 77
Salue Pater Reuerende
PARENDO honesto
per et volo desiderio
et debeo), tuotuum,
familirem (quodvirum
sic prs
sa
atque gnauum, notarios inter apostolicos rettuli: q
munus recte, vt spero, et gnauiter obibit, eorum
5 tendo vnquam aut committendo jn quo maxim
cuiusuis spectatissimi diligentissimique, vel fides
vel diligentia posset quandoque desiderari. Prae
tibi jucundius, illi gratius huiusmodi munus ob
ornatius a me proficisceretur, lubens ipsi remisi i
10 more ab alijs penduntur) compendia sigillo nost
quod ita a me factum tibi vni accaeptum referre
qui hominem sic ingratum agendo, malum se (vt aiun
erga te praestiterit. Jnterea uale, pater optime. O
nostrum (qualecunque fuerit) tui gratificandi stud
15 (cum alijs iampridem impensis) gratus admitte : quo
maxime obuenisse gratulabor, vbi periculum fecerim
animum mei gratificantis atque accaeptorum ben
pondus (quod nullum vel modicum est) aliquando
Jterum vale.
BuslMS, 207-210 (k 3 r-k 4 )

<Mechlin, last days of May-first of June 15
77 John-Louis de MOSCHERON
a This letter, entitled 'loan. Moscharoneo Archid', serves as a reply

to one which Moscheron had sent to his old friend and fellow-student
(cp. Epp. 15, b-c) from Bruges, in which town he probably was residing
at that time, as he enjoyed there the seventh canonry in St. Do
natian's (1507-1535 : BrugSDon., 126), and as his family were
originary from there : Cran., 243, a.
Salue <5*c.] on p. 258 4 obibit] corr. from obibibit
8-9. tibi jucundius, illi gratius... 12. malum... nomen] cp. Epp.
ornatius a me] cp. further 11 17, 73, 9.
i8 and Epp. 3, 2-3, &c. 17-18. animum... pondus] cp.
II 8-9.
b Along with an affectionate letter, Moscheron had sen

a book as present, and had mentioned that he was enjoying the
company of Erasmus who was just then at Bruges, possibly as a guest
in his house. That stay of the Great Man lasted so long that a letter
could be taken to Mechlin and its reply expected to reach Bruges
before he should leave, as otherwise Busleyden's wish that his
correspondent might utere etfruere : doctrinam illius... hauriendo (I 38J,
has no sense. Such a stay was only possible in April 1515 or in June
of the same year. In April 1515 Erasmus, coming from Basle bound
for England, went part of the way with book-dealers returning from
the Frankfurt Fair to Antwerp, and thence to Ghent, where he stayed
three days with John le Sauvage ; from there to Tournai and to his
friend William Mountjoy, who had become governor of the town ;
further to St. Omer, to the Abbot of St. Bertin, Antony de Berghes
(Allen, 11, 332, j-5 ; cp. Epp. 45, e), where he wrote a dedication to
Beatus Rhenanus, April 13, 1515 (Allen, 11, 327). As there is no
mention at all of his passing through Bruges, it is more likely that he
stayed there on his return from England, the more so as his friends
Cuthbert Tunstall and Thomas More were just then, on May 7, sent
on a mission to that town (Brewer, 11, 422, 473, 474 ; Seebohm, 342
43), as he wrote to Peter Gillis from London on May 7 (Allen, n,
332, 15-1P) ; he probably spent there, on his return, the last days of
May or certainly the first of June 1515.
c Against that supposition might be argued that Johannes Crotus

Rubeanus announced to Mutianus Rufus on June 11, 1515, that ten
days before, on June 1, Erasmus had passed through Mayence (MutE,
599). That is quite impossible, for Erasmus wrote in London a most
important and lengthy letter to Leo X on May 21, 1515 (Allen, ,
335), after which he, no doubt, paid a visit to John Fisher at
Hailing, near Rochester, as he had been requested (Allen, 11, 336) ;
that does not leave the time necessary to reach Mayence on June 1 :
there is evidently a mistake in Crotus' letter : the 'III Eid. Junii'
should be read, or be taken as 'III Eid. Julii'. That would leave space
for a comfortable stay at Bruges in the last days of May and the be
ginning of June and allow time for More *) to show him Pirckheimer's
translation of a libellus by Plutarch or Lucian (Allen, 11, 362, 10-12)
and make their meeting as an important event in their lives (Allen,
11, 388, i~2). It was at Bruges that Richard Sampson, as Wolsey's
Vicar-General, granted to Erasmus a prebend at Tournai at Mount
joy's request (Allen, 11, 360, 15, 388, 29, sq). From Bruges Erasmus
went to Antwerp where he wrote an extensive Apologia against
Dorp's attack of September 1514 : it is simply dated 'An. m. d. xv',
but was certainly written in June (Allen, 11, 337 ; MonHL, 145-150),
most probably in the house of Peter Gillis, to whom, on May 7, 1515,
he wrote from London that he hoped to visit him again, not before
June, which he knew to be improbable, but before July : Vti spero,
ante Iulium vos reuisam (Allen, 11, 332, 2o) He further passed
through Mechlin where he, at least, wrote two letters (Allen, 11, 362,
23, 356, 2), and probably paid some visits to friends on his way, at
Louvain or Cologne : Allen, 11, 374, 6. It thus sounds impossible that
More left London on May 12, and reached Bruges on May 18, 1515.
30
458 Epist. 77
with all that, he sh

June 1515, especially
lag nearly two mont
j. - It follows that
back one month : wi
seems no objection,
tion even on the v
wise inextricable dif
points to the last da
Busleyden's letter : t
Salue iterumque Salue Amicorum Optime
TILEsummis
mihi iucundissim.se fuere agnoui,
ducebam uotis) lsetus quibus te
inprimis (quod
scilicet ad hue in
bellissime ualere, non minus ueris animi bonis ornatum quam
uel externis (hsec modo bona ducenda sint) beatum florentis
5 simumque. Quo sic cognito, quum te tuaque omnia tanti fa
ciam, fecerimque semper ac mea (si qua sint) priua, tot suc
cessibus aucto tibi tarn gratulor quam qui maxime. Qualem
gratulationem nostram (si daretur) nollem iam absens litteris
prosequi : uerum hanc satius re ipsa cumulatius coram testa
10 tam facere, quando satis superque sciam qualis iandudum,
quantus ac quotus in sere tuo sim, etsi nesciam ubi et quando
id demum expungam, magnitudine tuorum in me meritorum
plane obrutus,maxime quod me quotidie maiori foenore adhuc
obligatiorem facere pergas, idque nuperrime pulcherrimo illo
15 Gaugerici libello. Quo quidem, ut nihil nobis a te ornatius, ita
nec eo quicquam poterat donatum iri gratius, praesertim cuius
lectio sua mir a elegantia, rerumque singular ium (qua scat et)
2 laetus &c. J on p. 208
6. tot successibus] probably tur de Symmetriis, de Lineamentis,

prosperity and maybe prefer- de Physiognomia, de Perspectiva,
ments. de Chimice, de Ectyposi, de Cela
II. in aere tuo] cp. 150, sq. tura eiusque Speciebus. Prcsterea
15. Gaugerici libello] no doubt a de ceteris speciebus Statuaries, de
work by Pomponius Gauricus of Plastice, de Proplastice, &c. That
Naples, a poet, philologue and book which might be said to
archeologue, who died in 1543, have interested Busleyden 'mira
and had a brother Lucas (1476- elegantia, rerumque singularium
1559, known as philosopher and (qua scatet) uarietate' (II 17-18),
astronomer, who taught mathe- rather than his edition of Eclogce
matics at Ferrara, and became Selectee (Florence, 1504), was
'EpiscopusCiuitatensis' Civita- printed in Florence, 'viii. Cal.
telli ? (SaxOwom., 25, 150, 581, Jan. MDIIIF.
604). Pomponius Gauricus pu- 15. ornatius &c. cp. Epp. 3, j-j.
blished his De Sculptura, vbi agi
uarietate nos mirum tenuit, delec

gisque delectat quoties in hunc(a p
20 dimus. Qui tunc eo nobis gratior
rarissimo scilicet, idque incompar
renouante dulcissimam illam cons
Patauij, ijsdem studijs, sub ijsdem
tes contraximus : cuius commemor
25 nobis est grata quam olimillius e
diuiduis quae nos animis iunxit, nu
morte (cuncta soluente) dirimend
quia persto, te quoque in ea mansu
prsestando haud aegre feram me a
30 me uincas fide ac animi gratitu
concesserim.
Jnterea bene uale, amicorum optime : nomine meo delitias
bonarum literarum, Erasmum nostrum, salutando, cuius ab
omnibus appetendam (qua frueris) consuetudinem, iam certe
35 tibi inuiderem, si non tu ipse qui semper fueris adhuc alter
ego esses : cui inprimis tantum bonum, tanta felicitas, tantus
successus non est inuidendus. Quare dum uacat atque licet,
eo utere et fruere : doctrinam illius haud uulgarem accuratis
sime hauriendo, quam nobis caeterisque tuis studiosissimis,
40 ubi te tandem reposueris, citra inuidiam fideliter impartiri
possis. Quod ita te procul dubio facturum speramus. Vale rur
sum.
BuslMS, 273-275 (8 -*9 r) <Mechlin, October 1515)
78. To < Martin van DORP >

This letter, of which the recipient is not indicated, was most
probably written to Martin van Dorp, who had sent a trusty messenger
to Busleyden with the request to help some of his colleagues in their
lawsuit at Mechlin (II 35-38). Busleyden sent this reply to Louvain by
the same messenger, together with a copy of Bude's De Asse, published
nuperrime, which proves that this missive belongs to 1515 (11. 29-31).
That year fits in very appropriately with the praise spoken of Dorp
18 nos mirum Ac.] on p. 209 34 qua frueris Ac.] on p. 210
23. Patauij] cp. Epp. 15, a, b, 33. Erasmum nostrum salutan

and before, 26, sq. do] cp. pref. b.
460 Epist. 78
by the messenger, as
1515 he was most agr
promotion to Doctor
was appointed President of the Holy Ghost College (11 6, sq). This
letter, therefore, most likely belongs to the very last days of Septem
ber or rather to October 1515. It is the last in Busleyden's collection as
well in date as in the series ; it is copied after the fifth Oratio (Orat.E),
and is written with the evident apprehension of a want of space : the
text is put on very compact lines, in which a frequent use is made of
ampersands and other signs of abbreviation.
Salue Vir Ornatissime
MIRIFICE me congressus
iucundus refecit recreauitque insperatus
huius tabellarij, aduen
viri certe,
meam roges sententiam, tarn docti quam candidi; qui qu
inter caetera multa de amicorum successu (vt soleo)
5 cunctanti, mihi respondit tibi scilicet (quod inprimis c
bam) bene esse ; deinde te isthic tum animi turn fort
bonis beatum serio triumphare ; postremo omnibus num
te virum absolutum, nihil amplius in te desyderare quo
ad cumulum summae (qua polles) probitatis, vel vite inc
10 tae, vel optimae estimationis tuae, quandoque addi poss
sibi spectata & prope omnibus confessa uirtute tua & m
faria doctrina postulante, vtpote qua iampridem (vel ne
11 & prope &c.] on p. 274
2. tabellarij] probably this lau- ber, 4, 1515, he was appointed

datus vir (I 15) was the bedellus of his successor to one of the two
the Faculty of Theology, who prebends in St. Peter's founded
very often was sent on confiden- by Eugene IV to serve as stipend
tial missions ; if so, he was the for a professor of theology ; and
Judocus van der Hoeven, who also as President of the College of
from 1529 to 1536 was President the Holy Ghost. Finally on Sep
of the Trilingue(HisTriLov., chs. tember 30, the Faculty admitted
xiv-xvii) ; on September 30, 1515 him ad regentiam, which made
the Faculty granted him the con- him a regular professor, who was
tinuance of his office - as was to read theology at the Halls
the custom warning him, how- according to his turn, as was the
ever, to be more careful and regu- custom (VAnd., 78-81, 288 ;
Iar than he had been up to then : ULDoc., 111, 16; dejongh, 162,
de Jongh, 39*. 39*, 40*; MonHL, 152-153).
6-7. fortunae bonis... triumplia- 8. virum absolutum] the p
re] Dorp promoted Doctor of Di- fessors of the Faculty of Div
vinity in the summer of 1515, at were highly satisfied at the
any rate before August 30, when, with Dorp ; for he had writ
as Magister Noster, he was ad- admonition to Erasmus in Sep
mitted to the Faculty, and al- tember 1514 at their instigation,
lowed to teach (VAnd., 101-102 ; and on August 27, he had finished
dejongh, 39* ; MonHL, 151). a rejoinder to Erasmus' reply of
At the death of Lucas Walters, June 1515 : MonHL, 139-151.
Walteri, of Knitz, on Septem
refragante) bonorum calculum,

rum suffragia tuleris. Quod quum
15 tantae laudes & dotes fuse, tide t
tabellarij) mihi perspectae, nos m
que ? Quo factum est non possim
atque mihi gratulari : tibi qui tal
tanti sis & passim recte habearis
20 coram ac per literas honore expe
sis : qua vna (mihi crede) nihil au
nostris poterat accidere. Pro qua
& propensione tua quando non ha
nisi hunc gratissimum (quem vti
25 animum : eum tibi in perpetuu
delebile iampridem auspicatae inte
Qui animus noster vt tibi inter
te maxime oblectari intelligo) m
natum iri volui eo opere quod n
30 Regi Gallorum (cui nomen est
operis praescribente, de Asse & eiu
eruditum, jta & inprimis tua lec
rerum tum varietate tum antiq
trina conditum. Jnterea bellissim
35 literarum bonarum delitiae : o
stantissimis, plurimam meo nom
rum negotium harum tabellario
mouerim, malim id fide eius qua
Rursus vale.
4p Raptim, Mechlinie.
27 Qui animus (re. 1 on p. 275
13-14. bonorum... suffragia] emisit] De Asse et Partibus eius

meaning, no doubt, the votes of Libri quinque Guillielmi Budaei
the professors of Divinity accept- Parisiensis secretarij Regij, was
ing him in their Faculty, and the published at Paris by Josse Ba
satisfaction of the inmates, candi- dius, ad Idus Martias MDXIIII,
dati, of the H. Ghost College (stylo Gallicano), viz., on March
with their new President. 15, 1515, according to the Roman
15. laudes... tam laudati viri] style, since On the last pages of
cp. Epp. 18, 9, &c. the book, there is a reference to
20. coram] in Epp. 72, 34-3e, Francis I's succeeding Louis XII,
Dorp mentions that he is invited who died on January 1, 1515 :
as a guest at Busleyden's Mansion Bude, xxiii, 130, sq ; Trit., 412.
whenever he journeys to Holland. 35. Collegis] some professors
23-26.non habeo...spondeo] cp. of theology, for whose sake the
before, 150. tabellarius had been sent to Bus
29. opere quod nuperrime... leyden with Dorp's introduction.
462 Epist. 79
Deventer MS. 91 : /
EE, 1571, a-b! Allen, 11, 470. Antwerp, September 28 <,1516)
79. From DESIDERIUS ERASMUS
This letter, simply addressed Bvslidiano svo in the Deventer MS.

91, certainly belongs to 1516 as in that year, and a few days after its
date, Erasmus described to his friend Ammonius the visit to the
Chancellor John le Sauvage he announces here : Allen, 11, 475, -pg ;
Reich, 194.
Erasmus Bvslidiano svo S. D.
VEL ipsa
hausi pecuniarum
loculos inopia
omnes, dum vestior me cogit
et armor aduersusequos vender
hyemem aduentantem. Non bet equitare nudo, et nondum
est meum simul et vestiri et . Habeo licitatores,
5 sed hyems instans facit vt minoris liceantur. Tibi equos nec
obtrudere cupio nec prsedicare. Verum si commodum arbitra
ris, vel ambos vel alterum tolle, ex vsu precium estimaturus
ipse aut etiam non aestimaturus ; sin minus, quanti possum
extrudam, ne me deuorent.
10 Cancellarius me iussit adesse Bruxellae. Quid rei sit
nescio. Si denuo accerset, aduolabo ; sin minus, hie sarcinis
compositis totus Bruxellam commigrabo intra sex dies. Nam
hoc consilii mihi magis ac magis arridet. Scribo ,
quod ante biduum scripserim. Bene vale, ornatissime Buslidi.
15 Antwerpiae pridie Michahel.
i. equos] on October 17, 1516, 10. Quid rei cS-c.] According to

Erasmus wrote to Peter Gillis : what he wrote to Andrew Ammo
Equum alterum ita vendidi vt nius on October 6, the Chancellor
perditum putem, non venditum announced to Erasmus at his vis
<possibly to Busleyden) : rursus it that on his suggestion Charles
hunc quem donaui Abbati Berti- of Austria wished to confer on
nico, non minus arbitror periisse : him a bishopric in Sicily ; still it
Allen, 11, 477, 28-30. was found that the vacant see
7. estimaturus, cS>c.] meaning was not amongst those reserved
that he can pay or not pay, as he to the attribution of the King of
likes. Spain : Allen, 11, 475, j-8, 476,
10. Cancellarius] John 9 26 le Sau
vage : cp. before, 72, sq. 14. ante biduum] cp. 56.
fcpT" . - ^
SUbdlus
, sere aureus
SLt nee
MINVS
MINVS S ALVTAR.IS QVAM FESTI
us
uus deoptimo rcfp.ftatu,dccg noua deopt
Infula V topia
authore
authore
clariffimo viroThoma Moro inctytas c
ciuitatis Londincnfis ci'ue Si vicecomite cu#
ciui'tatis
ra
ra M.Pctri M.Pctr
Acgidti Antucrpj'efis,S arte
Theodor
Theodorici Martini Aluftenfis,T y
pograph
pographi almac Louanicnfium
Academic
Academ
nunc priraum
accorati
accuratiffimc edi
tus%
tus.t.
.Cum gratia <

i pnutlegto;
pnflegt
Mor&'*Utopt&
M o re. s Utopia,
fi't%tecUtiox
fiist edcb'ox
Uow/a15'** t$(G
tirfe
Litte t !>
r ]*&&*
464 Epist. 80
Utopia (1516) 77 3 r-
MoreLuc., r-
80. From Peter GILLIS, Êgidii

a This letter was prefixed to the first edition of
Libellus vere aureus nec/minvs sah'taris quam festi-/uus
de optimo reip. Itatu, deque noua Infula Vtopia/authore cla
rifiimo viro Thoma Moro... Louvain, Th. Martens, last days
of 1516 : Iseghem, 267-69; NijKron., 1, 1550; Brewer, 11, 2614;
MoreChamb., 121. Cp. p 463.
That book brought some startingly new principles of state-husbandry
and of economic and social life, represented not as a theoretical sug
gestion, but as a practical reality, being the description of a country
that is 'No where' , Nusquaquam or Utopia. It embodied the ideal of
humanism, answering all the claims and aspirations of men like
Erasmus and Budeus, who heartily hailed it, or like the stern Vives,
who not only recommended it in one breath with Plato's Republic and
Laws to all students of politics x), but even prescribed it amongst the
chief educational treatises for future rulers to Catherine of Aragon's
daughter, the Princess Mary 2). It was welcomed, and not the least by
those humanists who were at work in government circles, such as
Peter le Barbier, Charles of Austria's secretary, who called himself
Decanus Vtopiensis, and his colleague Guy Morillon, who in Barbier's
absence had been entrusted with the burdensome honour of Vtopiensis
Vicarius, as he wrote to Erasmus on February 18, 1517 3,). The
famous book had been dedicated to Jerome de Busleyden on Erasmus'
suggestion *), not merely on account of the close friendship that bound
him to More, nor even of his generous patronage of literature, but
especially of his being one of the most prudent and most experienced
statesmen of his time, which high opinion the author of the Utopia
expressed in his letter of October 31, 1516 to Erasmus : ilioreChamb.,
127 ; TibveBusl., 33 ; Allen, 11, 477, 5, 481, e2-79 ; Reich, 200 ; cp. before,
63, sq. This letter was translated into English by 'Ralphe Robyn
son', citizen and goldsmith of Londen, 'sometyme Fellowe of Corpus
Christi College in Oxford', along with the Utopia : London, Abr. Yele,
(1551 and) 1556 : Sampson, 191-195 (from the 2nd edition) ; Robert
Steele, Sir Thomas More's Utopia, translated by Ralph Robinson :
edited from the first edition fin The King's Classics) : London, 1908 :
25-30
b Peter Gillis, Gilles, .Egidii, born about i486 from an old family
of Antwerp, is first referred to as corrector for Thierry Martens in
1503, when he supervised Erasmus, Lucubratiunculce, and started a
lifelong friendship with him. Succeeding his father Nicolas, Peter be
came second town actuary in 1509, without breaking his connection
1) VO, vi, 408 ; Watson, Ixxv, 260.

2) Epist. I de Ratione Studii Puerilis, October 1523 : VO, 1, 269.
3) Allen, 11, 532, 4.
4) Allen, 11, 477, e-7 : Tu fac praefationem mittas, sed ad alium potius
quam ad me, ad Buslidium potius : letter to Peter Gillis, October 17,
1516 ; Brewer, 11, 2453.
From Peter Gillis 465
with Martens' office. His marriage

1514 (Allen, hi, 715, 56, was celebr
miurn (EOO, 1, 746, D, sq); it prov
ite was cordially welcomed on each of his frequent stays at Ant
werp *) As one of the prominent humanist literators as well as the
responsible official of a large town, Gillis became acquainted with all
the conspicuous contemporaries in this country, as his and their
writings amply attest2). When in May 1515, More was sent on embassy
to the Netherlands, Erasmus recommended him from London, on May
7, to Peter's hospitality (Allen, u, 332) ; during the following months
their intimate friendship produced at least the mould into which the
English Statesman cast his bold innovations, whereas a diptych by
Quentin Metsys, started in May 1517, provided the absent friend with
the portraits of Erasmus and his host by September of that year
(Allen, 11, 584, 6, ill, 681, 9-u, 684, u, sq.) In August 1526 Sandria
died, and left Peter with several children. His second wife did not
outlive her very long, as Erasmus composed epitaphs on both of
them for his Xenophon's Hieron, of 1530. Those grievous losses had
a sad effect on Peter : he resigned his office in 1532, and died on
November 11, 1533. Cp. BibBelg., 719; AntvOiercx., iv, 64; Allen,
i, 184, pr ; Cran., 159, a-e (and sources quoted) ; HisTriLov., chapts.
11, viii, &c. ; MonHL, 358-360, &c.
For the manner of editing the text of this letter and that of Epp. 81,
cp. the final remark of the introduction to Epp. 72 ; it has been col
lated with that of More's Lucubrationes : Basle, 1563 (= ML). The
original edition (= O) has on the verso of the title : VTOPIAE INSV
LAE FIGVRA, taking up a page ; on 2 r : VTOPIENSIUM AL
PHABETVM. followed by 'Tetrastichon vernacula Vtopiensium
lingua', in the writing and language of that island, with the Latin
translation. On f 2 comes 'HEXASTICHON ANEMOLII POETE/
Laureati Hythlodei ex sorore nepotis in/Vtopiam insulam', so that
Gillis' letter to Busleyden starts on jr 3 c, and finishes on the upper
part of 4 r. The alphabet and the 'Utopian' poems are reproduced
in Sampson, 197, 200. When the Utopia was reprinted at Basle,
Erasmus advised Beatus Rhenanus to drop those additions and not
to mind the allusion made to them in Gillis' letter : Allen, 111, 732,
27-29 : 'Paludanica possunt omitti. De mentione litterarum (viz., the
alphabet) in praefatione Petri Jigidii nihil est quod labores. Ita siles
de Epigrammatis per occupationem, vt simpliciter sileas.' Cp. Allen,
11, 513, 6-8 : Paludanus added a letter to the prefatory matter of the
original edition, as well as a poem, which is followed by verses by
Gerard Geldenhouwer and Cornelius Grapheus : cp. Epp. 81, a.
1) There is hardly any possibility to identify Peter Gillis with the

AEgidius, who holds with Leonardus (cp.earm.xxvi, c) a DomesticaConfa
bulatio : EOO, I, 636, A-, as is suggested in PreSmith, 7 : the Epitha
lamium is evidently meant for a first marriage, as the bride is called :
'Cornelia, virguncula vel ipso digna Apolline' (EOO, 1, 747, ), and the
mention of 'older childrer by a first wife' would make Peter a 'pater
familias' at sixteen or seventeen. Moreover Erasmus would have called
him by his Christian name in the Colloquy, not by his family name.
2) E. g., Reuchlin : Allen, 11, 457,53 ; Beatus Rhenanus: RhenE,
91, 100, 428, 570-71 : and James Wimpfeling : WimpfLeb., 304 ;
cp. Krafft, 12, 178.
466 Epist. 80
Clarissimo D. Hieronymo Buslidio prêposito

Ariensi, Catholici regis Caroli a consiliis
Petrus Aegidius Antuerpiensis S. D.
SVPERIORIBUS
ad me Thomashifce diebus
ille Morus, te ornatiffime Buflidi
quoque tefte, cai miiit
notiiiimus
eft, eximiumhuius setatis nostra decus, Vtopiam iniulam, pau
cis adhuc mortalibus cognitam, fed dignam imprimis quam
5 vt plus quam platonicam omneis velint cognofcere, pra
iertim ab homine facundiffimo lie cxpreiiam, fie depictam,
lie oculis fubiectam, vt quoties lego, aliquanto plus mihi
videre videar, quam cum ipium Raphaelem Hythlodeum
(nam ei iermoni aeque interfui ac Morus ipfe) sua verba fonan
10 tern audirem. Etiam Ii vir ille haud vulgari praditus eloquen
tia fic rem exponeret, ut facile appareret eum non ea referre,
quae narrantibus aliis didiciffet, fed quae cominus haufiffet
oculis, & in quibus non exiguum tempus effet verfatus, homo
mea quidem fententia, regionum, hominum, & rerum expe
ls rientia vel ipfo vlyffe fuperior, & qualem octingentis hifce
annis nufquam arbitrer natum, ad quern collatus Vefpucius
nihil vidiffe putetur. Iam praterquam quod uifa quam audita
narramus efficacius, aderat homini peculiaris qusedam ad
explicandas res dexteritas. Attamen eadem hsec quoties Mori
20 penicillo depicta contemplor fic afficior, vt mihi videar nonnun
quam in ipfa verfari Vtopia.
Et hercle crediderim Raphaelem ipfum minus in ea infula
vidiffe per omne quinquennium quod illic egit, quam in Mori
descriptione videre liceat. Tantum hie occurrit vndique mira
25 culorum, vt ambigam quid primum, aut potiffimum admirer
2 me] m upside down 8 (also 38, 52 & 57) Hythlodeum] ; ML Hythlodaeum
15 vlysse] 22 hercle] ; ML hercule 25 videre] ; ML ulderi
3. aetatis... decus] Busleyden 8. Raphaelem Hythlodaeum]

closes his congratulatory letter to the name is that of the celestial
More with the same words : Va- traveller, and the surname is
le... nostri huius orbis decus : composed of , visionary
Epp. 81, 98 ; cp. here, I 72. talk, and *<5 I teach.
5. plus quam platonicam] it 16. Vespucius] Amerigo Vespuc
was chiefly from Plato's Republic ci (1451-1512), the Florentine
and Laws that More drew his prin- navigator, published the descrip
ciples and motives (cp. Epp. 81, tion of his 'Quattuor Navigatio
47, sq) ; he often refers to them in nes' in September 1507. (St. Di6)
his Utopia : MoreLuc., 34, 45, which were used by More to stage
47, 48, &c. his description of this Island.
From Peter Gillis 467
feliciiiimae memorise fidem,

pene ad verbum reddere potu
ignotiffimos fontes, vnde omn
vel oriri poflent bona, lie ani
30 facultatem, qua tanta ierm
cendi neruis, tot res complex
publica simul & domestica ne
omnia tu minus admiraris do
etiam coniuetudine penitus h
35 ac prope diuinum hominis i
In caeteris igitur nihil eft,
iicere. Tantum tetraitichum
fcriptum, quod a Mori dilceii
deus apponendum curaui, prae
40 turn adiectis ad margines al
de infulse fitu laborat Moru
Raphael, quanquam paucis ad
git, velut hoc alii feruans l
modo cafus quidam malus vtr
45 cum ea loqueretur Raphael
piam, qui illi nefcio quid dic
tanto attentius aufcultanti, c
frigus opinor : nauigatione coll
aliquot intercepit. Verum non
50 que partem ad plenum cogn
infulae : fed ipfam etiam po
guem redditurus : Ii modo inc
Nam varius de homine rumor a
in itinere : rurfum alij reuerfu
55 rum mores non ferentem : p
tum : eo remigraffe. Nam quod
apud Cofmographos reperiatur
ipfe. Siquidem fieri potuit : inq
ufi : poftea fit commutatum :
27 qui] ; ML qua 29 -tionis vim
52 Hythlodeus] rig. : -dens
33-34.familiari... consuetudine]
More had been Busleyden's guest 37-39- tetrastichum... alpha
in Mechlin, as results from his beto] cp. pr c.
468 Epist. 8
go la : quando & hodie

Geographis intactae.
Quanquam quorfum at
cum Morus ille fit aut
tione : equidem laudo
G5 vifum eft opus mo
tur, & cum primis dig
que tuo potifiimum
Mori dotes tibi precipu
idoneus : qui rectis c
70 annis compluribus
tiae tum integritatis. B
iaeculi decus.
Anuerpiae Anno M.D.XVI. Cal. Nouembris
Utopia (1516), a i r-a ( )

MoreLuc., 160-164 (= ML) Mechlin, <November> 1516
81. To Thomas MORE
a This letter was composed at Erasmus' request to be added to the

prefatory matter of De Optimo Reip. Statu deque noua Insula Vtopia,
by Thomas More, in the first edition printed by Thierry Martens,
Louvain, in the latter half of December 1516 (Iseghem, 267-269 ;
Allen, 11, 461, pr ; Stapleton, 45 ; MoreCorr., 549). It begins on a i r,
following on some poems in nouam insulam Vtopiam : one of ten lines
by John Paludanus, the Louvain Rhetor, and two of six, one by
'Gerardus Nouiomagus', the other by 'CorneliusGrapheus' : \ -a. i r.
At the end of this letter, on a ii v, there is a space, and quite at the
bottom, three lines : PREFATIO/ in opus de optimo reipublicas sta
tu / THOMAS MORVS PETRO AEGIDIO S.P.D. ; that letter itself
starts at the top of a 3 r, ending on a 4 v. The 'SERMO RAPHAELIS
HYTHLODEI... de optimo reipublicae statu' begins at the top of b i r.
It follows that the text of the book itself began with signature b (b i r),
extending to m 6 r (sign, b 4-l4, m6), whereas the prefatory matter,
which may have consisted at first only of More's letter to Gillis, was
enlarged by Gillis' letter to Busleyden, Nov. 1, by that of Paludanus
to Gillis, by the three poems and by Busleyden's epistle to More, as
well as by the map of Utopia and a few Utopian quotations (from
to a 4 ; cp. Epp. 80, c). On that account a new quire () without
signature was added before quire a, which caused some spaces on
2 , 3 r and a 2 v, as the matter proved too scanty for two quires,
and too abundant for one quire, a, in six. The three letters were
65 -nibus indignum &c.} on f it 4 r

70 summa] orig. : snmma 71 Moecenas] ; ML Meccenas
To Thomas More 469
generally reproduced, although for

advised Beatus Rhenanus on Decem
poems, Paludanica, as the specimen
Allen, hi 732, 26*29 On the other h
Thomas Lupset, Paris, July 31, 15
second edition by Gilles de Gourm
introduced in that of Basle as we
664, 27, 785 14, sq.
t> Busleyden's letter to More is re

tiones (Basle, F. Episcopius, 1563)
Utopia : MoreLuc., 160-164 J l>ut was
It is conceived as a congratulation o
Statesman, who, through it, took a
thinkers of humanity bent on sup
the bad influence of some of the e
time, the author was still called 'Yo
chants thus testifying to his fat
they pressed King Henry VIII to jo
on their embassy to Flanders to set
and trade, and, especially, to protec
England threatened by the complet
of Austria's coming of age. Even Wolsey's vicar-general, Richard
Sampson, on being informed of it by his master, called his new com
panion by that name, declaring to be highly 'pleased with the honour
of being named in the King's commission with Mr.Tunstalland Young
More' : Brewer, 11, 480, 534 ; Seebohm, 342-43 ; no doubt eveBusl.,
33, is mistaken about the meaning, and CHEL, ill, 18, about the
authorship of this preface to Utopia. For the edition of this letter,
cp. the final remark of the introduction to Epp. 72.
Hieronymus Buslidius , Moro S. D.
ON sat fuit
operam, ornatiffime
ftudium, intuliffe More
in remolim omnem fin
& commodum cur
lorum, nifi vel ea (quae tua pietas & liberalitas eft) conf
in vniuerfum, ratus hoc tuum (qualecunque foret) be
5 cium, eo maiorem hinc morari fauorem, venari grat
aucupari gloriam, quanto illud & latius propagatum, &
plures diitributum, pluribus effet profuturum. Quod & Ii
femper praeftare contenderis, tarnen id maxime es nuper
felicitate adfecutus, fcilicet pomeridiano illo fermone a
10 in liter as relato. Quem de recte & bene conitituta (ab om
expetenda) Vtopienfium republica sedidifti In cuius pu
rimi initituti felici deicriptione nihil eft in quo vel fu
eruditio, vel abfoluta rerum humanarum peritia defid
5 morari] ; ML mereri 9 -ne abs te &c.] on / a i a
470 Epist. 8i
poisit. Quando ea
15 bili congreliu co
vtrunque aequo
multifaria polles
rerum peritia, vt
Doctifsime icriba
20 Mira profecto
magis ipia tele in
me iis, qui iicut ca
ant, auctoritate po
coniulere, iicut t
25 verum etiam t
duxeris, hoc tuo p
demereri: quod p
lius potuiffes : qu
reipublicae ideam
30 limulacrum pra
vel falubrius inlt
expetendum vide
que longo polt fe
tantopere decant
35 manorum : refp
tae : iildem (quib
decretis: moribus: moderatae. Profecto has nondum labefactatae
& folo aequatae. Iam pro dolor citra fpem omnem inftauratio
nis extinctae iacerent. Sed contra : incolumes adhuc beatae :
40 felices : fortunatiffimae agerent. Interim rerum dominae : suum
late imperium terra marique fortitae.
Quarum quidem rerum publicarum: tu miferandam mifera
tus fortem: ne aliae itidem (quae hodie rerum potitae fummum
tenent) parem fuftinerent vicem : profpicere voluifti: fcilicet
45 hac tua abfolutifsima republica: quae non tam in condendis
legibus : quam vel probatiffimis magistratibus formandis :
maxime elaborauit. Nec id quidem ab re: quando alioquifine
17 Rursum] ; ML rursim 21 Maxime] ; ML maxime 33 relinqnente]
42 -licarum : tu &c.] on f a ii r 46 probatissimis] ; ML pro beatissimis
15. herbam porrigente] cp. in perfect accordance with the

Epp. 6, 33, &c. humanistic principles : cp. be
16. aequo Marte] cp. Erasmus : fore, 159, 167.
JEqua concertatio ; ErAdag., 912, . 24. non solum tibi &c] cp
23. in commune consulere cS-c] 49, 124, sq and 159.
To Thomas More 471
illis omnes (vel optimae) lege

cenierentur. preiertim ad q
50 crum : probitatis ipecimen :
nem : totus ftatus : & rectus
cae fit effingendus. In quo imp
optimatibus : fortitudo in mili
iusticia in omnibus : quibus
55 bras) reipublica lit tarn pulch
mirum ii hinc veniat non folum multis timenda : fed & cunctis
gentibus veneranda : iimul omnibus faculis praedicanda. Idque
eo magis : quod in ea omnis proprietatis contentione iublata:
nulli fit quippiam proprii. Caeterum in rem ipfam commu
60 nem : communia funt omnibus omnia : Adeo vt omnis res :
quaeuis actio feu publica feu priuata : non ad multorum cupi
ditatem : non ad paucorum libidinem fpectet : fed ad vnam
iufticiam: aequabilitatem: communionem fuftinendam (quan
tulacunque fit) tota referatur. Quo ilia integre relata: omnis
65 materies fax & fomes : ambitus, luxus, inuidentiae, iniuriae
faceffat neceffe eft. In quae nonnunquam : aut priuata rerum
poffefsio : aut ardens habendi fitis : omniumque miferrima
rerum ambitio : mortales (vel reluctantes) protrudit: maximo
fuo idque incomparabili malo. Quando hinc faepenumero
70 diffenfiones animorum: motus armorum: & bella plus quam
ciuilia derepente oriantur. Quibus non folum florentiffimus
ftatus beatifsimarum rerumpublicarum funditus peffunda
tur. Verum illarum olim parta gloria : acti triumphi : clara
trophaea, totiesque opima fpolia, deuictis hoftibus relata, peni
75 tus obliterantur.
Quod fi in his haec noftra pagina minorem forte, ac velim,

fidem fecerit, certe in promptu aderunt teftes, ad quos te
49 censerentur.] ; ML : 60 Adeo] ; ML adeo
66 facessat] ; ML facessant 74 trophsea 6-c.] on f aii
48. si Platoni credimus] the represented as the solution of the

best laws are as good as dead irksome question of the evil re
without well-formed judges or suits of private property, for the
magistrates. absence of which More could not
52-54. prudentia... omnibus] but threaten with the absolute
cp. MoreChamb. 127, 400 ; O.Ben- abolition of the right to posses
demann, Staats- und Sozialauffas- sion : cp. II 59, 66.
sung des Thomas Morus : Chariot- 59. nulli sit quippiam proprii
tenburg, 1928 : 19, &c. Those &c.] cp. MoreLwc., 81, sq, 162, sq.
four requisites of a good state are
472 Epist. 82
relegem, locupletif
vrbes, dirutae ciuit
80 fumpti vici, quoru
quiae, aut vestigia vi
tumuis vetus, & long
quidem iniignes cla
belli calamitates : n
85 ferint : modo ad v
ad amufiim compo
aiunt, vnguem reced
re ipfa cumulatiiii
collatum beneficiu
90 cerint, fuam rem
tem feruare. Proind
debiturae, quantum
tum aliquem e rep
publicam feruarit.
95 Interea vale, ac f
agere, elaborare, q
tuitatem, tibi immo
humanifsime More, tuae Britanniae, ac noftri huius orbis
decus.
100 Ex aedibus noftris Mechliniae. . D. XVI.
Deventer MS, 91, / 172

EE, 1575, d, ; Allen, 11, 484 Mechlin, November 9 <1516)
82. To Desiderius ERASMUS
This letter accompanied Epp. 81, which Busleyden had compose

at Erasmus' demand to be joined to More's Utopia : it expresses the
usual protestations of inability and good will, as well as a request to
alter whatever should want correcting.
81 visuntur,] O, ML 88 agnoscent.] O; ML, 90 saluam] O; ML,
86-87. ne transuersum... vn- sq ; Cicero, Ep. ad Atticum, xm,

guem recedant] ErAdag., 184, E, 20 ; Plautus, Aulul., I, i, 18.
Erasmus 473
Erasmo svo Hieronymvs Bvslidivs S.
ECCE
qua tandem
si forte quam
minus conficere iusseras
prsestiterim tenes
quam aut epistold
expectatio
me tua aut rei de qua agitur dignitas postulabat, tu ipse v
ris et tibi imputa, qui tarn infanti et alias parum idoneo
5 negocii dederis : cui vel hoc sat erat, quod minus praes
posset, saltern conatum esse ; speranti etiam hac in par
suam nauatam operam tibi non omnino improbari, caeter
admodum gratam fore, maxime in qua nauanda non s
periculo famse et dispendio aestimationis suae tibi gratificat
to fuit. Clarissimum certe et plus quam confessum nostrse in
obseruantise argumentum, cui ergo bene consulas velim : qu
ita turn maxime prasstabis, hanc modo epistolam multa r
gine obsitam acerrima lima tersissimi eloquii tui duxeris exp
liendam. Interea recte vale, me plurimum commendando
15 rissimo Oratori serenissimi Regis Anglise.
Raptim Mechliniae ga Nouemb.
16 9 Nouemb.1 EE adds Anno 151b.
I. Epistolam] Epp. 81. been Tunstall's fellow-student at

5-6. cui... esse] Epp. 6, 39, &c. Padua (cp. before 26), and was
15. Oratori... Regis Anglise] connected with him 'longa fami
viz., Cuthbert Tunstall (1474- liaritate', as Tunstall wrote to
155g), who resided at the time in Wolsey (Brewer, 11, 1383), when, in
Brussels, where Erasmus dated on May 1515, he had applied to him
the same day, November 9, a in favour of la Pole, the'notorious
letter to Andrew Ammonius : rebel to Henry VII' : cp. before
Allen, 11, 483. Busleyden had 48.
THE END
31
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
used for the Introductions and the Notes
The Roman numerals in ordinary type added to any of the ab

tions of the following list, refer to the volumes (in capitals) and
of the volumes (in minuscules) ; the Roman numerals in italics,
the figures indicate the pages unless stated otherwise.
The Roman letters, a, b, added to a number indicate the obverse
and reverse pages, or the columns of a page ; the Italic letters, a, b,
c, &c, the various paragraphs of a preface (= pr) to a letter or a
poem. The very small figures indicate the lines.
Special abbreviations for the Textual Notes are explained on pp
162-63 an<3 204.
AccMarvIII = Account of the Trilingue rendered in Nicolas Wary

of Marville's name for the period Febr. , 1529 to Dec. 1, 1529
= FUL, 1451 ,pp 71-160.
ActAcLov. = Acta Academiae Lovaniensis contra Lutherum <1520)
(cp. MonHL, 235-36).
ActaMori = Henry de Vocht, Acta Thomae Mori. History of the Re
ports of his Trial and Death, with an Unedited Contemporary
Narrative (HumLov. 7J : Louvain, 1947.
ActaArtV = Quintus Liber Actorum ceu Conclusionum Facultatis
Artium <in Univ. Lovan.), inceptus IX novembris anno <m cccc>
lxxxii (to Sept. 30, 1504, and from June 23, 1508 to Sept. 27,1511)
= FUL, 712.
ActArtlnd. = Librorum VI ad XIV Actorum Facultatis Artium <in
Univ. Lovan.) Index (1511-1676) = FUL, 729.
Adagia = <Joan. Jac. Gryn.eus,) Adagia, Id est, Proverbiorum,
Parcemiarum et Parabolarum... Collectio absolutissima : Frank
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AdriHi. Constantin Ritter von Hfler, Papst Adrian VI., 1522
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475
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Ximenes = Carl Joseph Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes und die Kirch
lichen Zustnde Spaniens (2nd edit.) : Tubingen, 1851.
Young = M. Young, The Life and Times of Aonio Paleario (2 vols.) :
London, i860.
488
LIST OF PERSONAGES
Besides the authors of Classic Literature, the following list re

only personages of the XVIth century, or those connected with
leyden's Manuscript; also some living bodies, as abbeys and univer
sities. The figures refer to the pages ; if they are printed in heavier
types, they indicate biographical information of some importance,
or documents edited here for the first time : the names of those to
whom they were addressed or by whom they were written, are set in
Capitals.
To facilitate identification the name of Jerome de Busleyden and
some titles are abridged : J., B. ; ambfassador), chanc (ellor), contro
v(ersionalist), pres(ident), See. or represented by sigla : bp (bishop),
cc (councillor), cn (canon), cv (carver), hm (humanist), ip (impressor,
printer), jp (jurisprudent), md (medicus, physician), ms (musicus),
pc (preceptor), pf (professor), pt (painter), sc (secretary).
Alphenus (= Heda), 410

Alsace, Count Philip of, 104
Accolti, Card. Pietro, 404 Alvar, Spaniard, 360
Acta Academics Lovaniensis : 221 Amboise, Card. George d'.Archbp
360 of Rouen, 242 401 402
Adornes family, 169 ; James, Amerbach, Boniface, 79 426
169 ; Peter, 169 Amerbach, Bruno, 79
Adrian vi, 74 165 257 281 282 Amicus, Peter : see Vriendt
397 401 405 426 see Utrecht, Ammonius, Andrew, 359 462 473
Adrian of Anacletus, 391
Adriani, Matthew, pf, 110 342 Anchiata, John d', 315
Aducht, Richmodi von der, 279 Andreas, Valerius, pf, 142 167
Aernouts, Arnouts, Adrian, suf 170 173 178
frag. of Cambrai, bp of Rose, Andrew, Portuguese, 34
321 Androclus or Androdus, 224
AEsop, 224 343 Anemolius, 465
Afranius, poet, 416 Angelo, Michel, Buonarrotti, pt,
Agricola, Rodolph, hm, 303 304 cv, 266
Aire, John, Dean of : see Derville. Angouleme, Francis of, 87 see
Aire : St. Peter's Chapter : 295-96 ; Francis I, kg of France
Provostry : 40 43-46 104-5 117 Antonii, Anthonisz, Middelbur
133 gus, James, sc, 41 207-209
Alamire, Peter, pt, ms, 67 69 70 Biogr. 207
Alard of Amsterdam, hm, 169 Antwerp, Austin Friars, 320-21
379 410 Aperbach, John Petrejus Eber
Alciphron, poet, 419 bach, ip, 397
Alcyonius, Peter, hm, 399 Apostole, Antony 1', 311
Aldington parish, granted toApostole, Eras Peter L',Cc, 31 40 46
mus, 78 439 115 196 311-312 Biogr. 311
Aleander, Card. Jerome, 167 220 Apostole, 1' : Jerome, 311 ;
221 321 359 360 398 John, 311 ; Mary, 311 ;
Alexander VI, 5 8 36 129 206 264 Maximilian, 311 ; Peter, 311
266 281 282 298 397 401 409 Appion Polyhistor, 224
Alfinius, William : see Heda Ara Coryciana, 397-98
Allen, John, rector of Aldington, Aragon, Catherine of, 87 464
78 Aragon, King Ferdinand of, 6 48
489
32
93 2o6 238 316 317 401 402 Austria, Ferdinand of, 20 279 317
422 Austria, Isabella of, 23 271 406
Archangelo, embroiderer, 67 99 407
Ardenne, Florenas, Remacle d', Austria, Albert & Isabella of, 23
sc, 165 2X8-222 340 346 347 Auxerre, Engelbert Lord of, 357
358 360 Biogr. 218 Auxtruyes, Jean, Cc, 40 115
Ardenne, d' : Antoinette, 222 ; Avianus, 75
Margaret, 222 Axpoele, Isabella d' : see Walle
Aretino, Leonardo, 207 208 Ayala, d': Anne, 24 ; Christine,
Argyropoulos, John, 372 24 ; - Francis, 24
Aristotle, 189 260 372 392 412
4r7
Arlunensis, Peter : see Jacobi
Arnhem, William Provost of : Back, Govaart, ip, 304
see Heda Backnang, Peter Provost of :
Arnouts, Adrian, bp of Rose, see321
Jacobi
Arras, bp of : Peter, see Ranchi Baden, Frederic III of, bp of
court ; Nicolas, see Ruter Utrecht, 89
Arras, Charles Provost of, see Baden, James II of, Archbp of
Ranchicourt Treves, 310
Aspelt, Valerian Lord of, 12 Badius Ascensis, Judocus, ip, 75
Assendelff, of Haarlem, Hugo 76 de,334 36i 461
cn, 406 Baenst, Paul de, Pres. of Fland.,
Athenaeus, 189 375 324
Augustine, St., 289 320 Bagarotto, Bertucci, pf, 34 128
Aurelius, Cornelius : see Gerard Baglione, Gianpaolo, 336
Ausonius, 222 Balistarius,Baltasar,of Treves,
Austria, Maximilian I of, Emper., pf, 411 Biogr. 411
6 7 10 36-38 48 74 86 94 108 Bandello, bp. Matteo, 347
133 206 238 241-43 253 263 269 Bannissiis, James de, sc, 362 415
270 271 272 278 279 283 284 Baraille, Raymond, proton., 36
298 303 306 311 314 315 332 29
343 345-46 362 401-403 405- Barbari, James de, pt, 53 66
4J5 425 426 438 67 Biogr. 66
Austria, Margaret Archduchess Barbaras, Hermolaus, amb, 304
of, 20 56 (portrait) 66-68 93 94 3T4 372
115 215 2:9-21 241-43 269 271 Barbier, Barbirius, Peter le, sc,
284 293 315-17346 369 402 404 96 97 no 220 360 464
406 407-jo 431 439 Barbieri, Filippo, 214
Austria, Archduke Philip the Barbiriau, Barbirianus, James,
Fair, Archduke of, King of ms, 303 304
Castile, 4 5-11 16 17 30 39 43 Barlandus, Adrian, pf, 73 174
46 48 75 76 108 152 182 184 190 306 334 338 343 392
206 208 253 260-62 264 268 269 Barlandus, Hubert, md, 165
278 280-281 293 294 305 306 Barisiacum, provost of, 454
328 332 334-36 355-59 "361 369 Barocius, Peter, bp of Padua,
377 382 392 409 410 439 34 126 127 129
Austria, Charles Archd. of, Duke Barradot, Louis, dean of Cassel,
of Luxemburg, Emperor, 10 20 43
33 56 69 74 79 83 85 86 88 89 Barton, Elizabeth, Holy Maid
90 93 94 96 97 107 108 112 117 of Kent, 78
123 133 151 153 154 157 165 Basin, Peter, cn, 43
184 218-21 241 244 253 271 272 Batavia (its extent disputed), 361
273-274 278 279 282 284 293 378-82 387-88 410 427 441-42
306 312 313 315-17 328 348 Batt, James, pc, 304 368 369
355-57 359 362 368 378 401 402Baudewyns, P. J., pc, 172
404 406-8 410 425 427 429 430 Baux, Digna de, 283
432 434 438-40 454 462 464 469 Bavaria, Frederic of, Prince Pa
Austria, Eleonore of, 66 117 269 latine, 89
271 293 406 407 Bavaria, Duke Maximilian of, 2
490
Beaupre, Adrienne Lady of : see Beuckelaer, Nicolas de, cn, 323
Vos Beuckelaer, Philip de, 108
Beaupre, Barbara Lady of, 356 322-324 395 396 Biogr. 322
Beauraing, Adrian Lord of, 117 Beuckelaer, de : Catherine, 323 ;
Bebel, Henry, pf, 298 Charles, 323 ; Jane, 323
Bebel, Wolfgang, 298 Beveren, Adolph of, Lord of Vee
Becker, of Borselen, John, pf, re, 338 343
12 13 14 16 31 71 72 73 164 217 Beveren, Maximilian of, 338 343
337-40 341-345 346-49 353-355 Beysier, John, 107
393-395 413 425 441 442 445 Beyssel, Judocus von, of Aix,
446 Biogr. 34 r Cc, 71 151 211 229 258 303
Beetz, John de, pf, 303 305 312 318-20 Biogr. 303
Beka, Walter de, pf, 31 Bianchini, Bartholomew, hm, 283
Beken, Arnold van der, 136 Bibliography as conceived by the
Bembo, Pietro, sc, 397 398 Humanists, 410-12
Bening, Simon, pt, 214 Biel, Gabriel, pf, 297
Benno, bp of Meissen, 405 Binsfeld, Frances de, 1
Benson, Ambrose, pt, 214 Binsfeld, Warnier Lord of, 1
Bentivoglio, Giov. 334 336 Birtingen, Henry Lord of : see
Berchem, Arnold Laurentii of, Hocclin
poet, r 65 Blasere, John de, Bruges Cc,
Berchem, John von, Cologne 355
mayor, 332-333 Blasere, James de, Fland. Cc,
Berchem, mgr Herman, of Colo47 48 153 183 355-358 Bio
gne, pf, 2 gr- 355
Berentrode, &c, John Lord of, BJasere, Adrienne de, 356
108 Blasere, Barbara de. Lady of
Bergen-op-Zoom, John Lord of, Beaupre, 356
368 Blasere, James de. Lord of Wal
Berghe, Louis van den, Abbot le, 356
of Pare, 22 Blasere, John de, Cc, 356
Berghes, John de, Lord of Glimes Blasere, James de, 356
and Bergen-op-Zoom, 368 Blasere, Adrian de (Grammont),
Berghes, Antony de, Abbot of 356
St. Trudo's and of St. Bertin's, Blioul, Laurent du, Cc, 410
22 32 52 no 187 194 207 304 Blocquerie, Gilles de, 397
368-371 434-35 455 457 462 Blount, William : see Mountjoy
Biogr. 368 Boccacio, Giovanni, 198 254
Berghes, Dismas de, 32 369 Boerio, brothers John and Ber
Berghes, Henry de, Bp of Cam nard, 334
brai, 5 7 8 41 207 209 368-70 Boeyens, Floris, 313
454 Bogaert, Adam, pf, 95
Berghes, John de , Lord of Wal Boisot, Pierre, Cc, 321
hain, 8 13 342 369 Bokeleer, Philip : see Beuckelaer
Berghes, Antony de (, son of Boleyn, Anne, 70
John), 342 370 Bollart, Bollais, of Brussels,
Berghes - St. Winoc, Catherine de, William, Abbot of St. A
133 mand's and St. Trudo's, 153
Berni, Francesco, poet, 397 154 183 369 370 454-456
Beroaldo, Philip, junior, hm, 283 Biogr. 454
398 Bologna University : 283
Berquin, &c, Florent Lord of : Bolzanius, J. Pierio Valeriano,
see Griboval historian, 267
Berselius, Paschasius, hm, 455 Bombasio, Paolo, hm, 398
Berthout family, 123 Bonaert, John Baptist, 170
Besangon Cathedral : 8 205-7 284Bont (Bonnet), Alois, Brab. Cc,
Bessarion, Card., 372 219 220
Bets, Bette, Jane de, 356 Boodt, Anselme de, 169
Beukelaer, Arnold, Aerd, de, Borcht, &c, Adolphe Lord of
Antw. sc, 322 323 the, 24
491
Borcht, &c, Nicolas Lord of the, Burgundy, Duke Philip the Bold
see Busleyden of. 357
Borgia, Cesare, 401 Burgundy, Duke John the
Borgia, Card. Francesco, 402 403 Fearless of, 264
Borsalus, Joannes : see Becker Burgundy, Duke Philip the Good
Borsody Piso, James, amb, 300 of, 3 43 207 209 263 264 324
399 Burgundy, Duke Charles the
Bosbas, Henry, Antw. booksel Bold of, 2 3 5 17 207 293 305
ler, 62 314 324 357
Bossus, Gabriel, 298 Burgundy, Margaret Duchess of :
Bost, Arnold de, of Vaernewyck, see York
33 Burgundy, Duchess Mary of,
Boucqueri, Laurent, 207 39 108 269 305
Boulez, Louis Baron de : see Ver Burgundy, Antony of (son of
reycken Phil.), admiral, 264
Boulongne, Jacqueline de, 93 Burgundy, John VIII of, Bp of
Bouran, Bouzan, Louis : see Cambrai, 95
Ponzanus Burgundy, John of, Provost of
Bourbon, Louis de, Bp of Liege, O. L., Bruges, and Aire, 43
368 Burgundy Philip of, Bp of Ut
Bourbon, Card. Louis de, 454 recht, 66 122 410
Brabant, chancellor of : see Noot,
Adrian, & Jerome van der ;
Sauvage, John le ; Vorst Busleyden, Jerome de : see Con
John van der tents ; his books, 62, sq
Brandenburg, John Marquis of, 75 x 13-14 138 193 196, sq 244
426 245 ; Buslidiancs Codices,
Brandis, Thomas de, rector of 62 63 ; his works praised,
Padua, 34 127 64-65 75 80 17 *72 257
Braquepot, James, Dean of Aire, Busleyden, Giles de (Jerome's
296 father), 234 10-11 15 30 91 105
Brayne, Aleide de, 95 Busleyden, family de : ancestors :
Brecht, John of : see Ceusters squire Baldwin, 1 ; John,
Breydel, Margaret, 311 Lord, ; Henry, 1 ;
Briart Athensis, John, pf, 449 Knight Peter, 1 ; Tilman, 3
BriQonnet Card. "William, Bp of Busleyden, councillors of the fa
Meaux, 372 402 403 mily : their influence, 86
Bricquet, Brussels official sealer, Busleyden, Francis de, Abp
"5 of Besanfon (J.'s brother), 2 3
Bruges : St. Donatian's : 9 4-10 10 ;11 13-16 30-32 39-41 43
Our Lady's : 170 ; St. Sa 50 63 68 75 76 90-92 101 102
viour's : 326 ; Our Lady of 104 hi 132-34 151 167 181
the Blind : 9 10 ; Abbey of 195 200 202 205-207 270 275
the Downs : 88 327 278 280-84 290-92 294-97 299
Bruges, St. Donatian's, Antony 305-07 309 310 335-36 342 362
Provost of : see Haneron 368 - Biogr. 4
Bruni, Leonardo, hm, 372 Busleyden, Giles de (J.'s bro
Bruni, Lodovico, pf, 30 ther), 2 4 10-12 14 16-25 26 27
Brussels : St Gudula's : 102 105 50 99 100 103 105 106 107 108
207 291, sq 110 in 112 114 118 119 120
Brussels, ' Lijsken ' of, 40 396 135 136 159 163 166 251 339
Brussels, John of, pt, 99 361 400 421 Biogr. 16 and
Bruyne, Henry de, pt, 67 102 passim
Buckelerius, Buclerius, Philip: Busleyden, Valerian de (J.'s
see Beuckelaer brother), 2 12 14 16 30 50
Bucquoy, Charles, count of, 168 63 71 i5-o7 118 135 136 34
Bude, William, hm, 85 no 198 342 397 399 400 see Kempf,
459 461 464 469 Anne de, his wife and widow
Buonarrotti, Michelangelo, pt, Busleyden, Jacqueline de (J.'s
cv, 266 sister), 15 106
49 2
Busleyden, Catherine de (J.'s sis Busleyden, Francis, Bp of Coria,
ter), 15 16 105 136 339 340 400 Datary, 4 5
Busleyden, Mary de (J.'s sister), Busleyden, Joh. de, of Luxem
15 t6 105 136 340 burg, 2
Busleyden, Margaret de (said to Buslidius, Gabriel, & John :
be J.'s sister), 16 see Deunius
Busleyden, Lord of Guirsch,
Francis de (son of Giles II),
18 22 26 69 107 135 361
Busleyden, Viscount of Grim Cassar, Julius, 308
berghe, Nicolas de (son of Cajetano, Card. Tomaso de : see
Giles II), 18 20 22 23 24 Vio
Busleyden, Jerome de (son of Calceagnini, Celio, hm, 398
Giles II), 18 25 Calixtus III, 264
Busleyden, Giles III de (son of Cambrai : Henry bp of : see Ber
Giles II), 18 20 27 28 ghes ; John bp of : see Bur
Busleyden, Tohn de (son of Giles gundy
II), 18 25 27 Cambrai, Adrian Suffr. of : see
Busleyden, Lord of Guirsch, WilAernouts
liam de (son of Giles II), 18 26 Cambrai, John Provost of : see
27 28 Nispen
Busleyden, Anne de (daughter Cambridge of University : Queens'
Giles II) 24 25 College, 78
Busleyden, Mary de (daughter Camerino, Creticus, Lorenzo da,
of Giles II) 25 prof., 33
Busleyden, Adrienne de (daugh Campeggi, Giovanni, pf, 34 128
ter of Giles II), 25 Campegio, Card. Lorenzo, 346
Busleyden, Francis de (Vale Campensis, John, pf, 21
rian's son), 12 13 14 63 71 72 canary Islands, Louis Bp of the,
106 107 118 135 342 219
Busleyden, de (grand-nephews Candida, John de, medallist, 305
and -nieces of Jerome) : Adol Cannyf, of Meuwen, Gerard, pf.
phe (son of Nicolas) 24 26 ; 31 342
Adrian, Lord of Norderwyck Gantiuncula, Claud Chansonnette,
(son of Louis), 26; Adrienne, 172 426
nun in Valduc (daughter of Capella, Peter a, Abbot of Mid
Nicolas), 23 ; Agnes, 26 ; delburg, 37
Andrew-Giles, Brab. counc., Capnio, John Reuchlin, 297
27 ; Anne, nun in La Cambre Carondelet family, 284
(d. of Nicolas), 23 ; Anto Carondelet, John de, Lord of
ny ('s. of Charles), 22 ; Char Champvans, chanc., 283
les, Lord of Horst (s. of Fran Carondelet, Ferry de, Mechl.
cis) , 22 ; - Charles (s. of Char counc, Archdeacon of Besan
les), 22 ; Giles (s. of John), 90, 39 I5i 152 i66 i8r 182 184
25 ; Giles, Lord of Guirsch 193 201 255 283-85 285-90
and Herent (s. of Nicolas), 21 328-332 Biogr. 283
22 23 24 26 ; Giles, Lord of Carondelet, John de, pres. Priv.
Norderwyck (s. of Louis), 26 ; Counc., 40 221 284
Jane, Lady of Norderwyck, Carondelet, Paul de, 283
24 26 ; John (s. of William), Carvajal, Bernardino Lopez
26; Louis, Lord of Norderwyck, de. Card. Legate, 36 86 129
25 ; Margaret, Lady of 152 154 184 201 239 269 271
Norderwyck (d. of Louis), 26 ; 73 306 314-16 400-408 422-423
Mary (d. of Nicolas), 23 ; 436-437 Biogr. 401
Mary-Anne, Lady of Doorne Carvajal, Cardinal Juan Lopez
and Leverghem, 23 24; de, 401
Philip-Rene, 23 24 ; Philip Carvajal, Roderick de, proton.,
pine (d. of Nicolas), 23 ; 36 129 405
William (s. of Nicolas), 23 Casembroot, Leonard, hm, 323
Cassander, George, hm, 196
493
32
Cassel, John. Vincent, Provost of, Cools, widow of Michael, 116
40 Cooper, Thomas, pf, 377
Cassel, George de Themseke, Pro Copis(,John : AleaE, 65, sq), 397
vost of (from 1505), 87 Coppernicus, Nicolas, mathem.,
Castellanus, Petrus, pf, 171 34 276
Castiglione, Baltasar, 398 Cordes, Balthasar de, Tournai
Castile, Queen Isabella of, 48 261 Official, 38 39 129
264 Coritius, Corizio (397), Corycius,
Castile, Juana of, 6 8 206 261 John : see Gritz
317 335 Corsendonck Priory, 370
Castronovo, Vincent de, 371 Cortenberg Abbey, 455
Cato senior, 447 Cortesius, Paul, 434
Catullus, 189 240 389 Courtrai Prebend granted to Eras
Celtis, Conrad, hm, 298 mus, 79
Ceratinus, James : see Teyng Cranevelt, Francis de, Mechl. Cc,
Cerda y Rico, 405 157 165 201 294 311 356 425
Ceusters, of Brecht, John, Custo 426
dis, pf, 31 342 Creticus, Lorenzo, pf, 33
Champvans, John Lord of, 283 Croce, Bernardino Card, de Santa:
Chansonnette, Claud : see Can see Carvajal
tiuncula Crocq, James de, dean of Aire,
Chapelle, Richard de la, Mechl. 296
Cc, 40 300 421 Cromwell, Thomas, Engl. Chanc.,
Charonde, Carondelet, John de, 347
chanc., 283 Crotus Rubeanus, Joannes, hm,
Chassey, Margaret de, 283 457 458
Chastelleraut, Charles de Hault Croy, Adrian de, Lord of Beau
Bois de, Bp of Tournai, 454 raing, 117 Biogr. 117
Chieregato, Card. Francesco, 36 Croy, Charles de, Prince of Chi
Chievres, William of, statesman, may, 87
278 315 317 358 Croy, Eustache d,e, Bp of Arras,
Chimay, Charles de Croy, Prince J17
of, 87 Croy, Eustache de, Provost of
Cibo, Card. Giovan Battista, Aire, 117
45 Croy, Ferry de, Lord of
Cicero, 189 263 268 289 304 308 Rceulx, 70 87 88 117 Biogr.
33 385 429 472 117
Clava, Antony, pc, 109 Croy(s), Suzanne de, 26
Clement VI, 127 Cupere, Gilles, 92 130
Clement VII, 74 282 296 397 426 Cupis, Card. Giandomenico de,
Clercq, Philip le, capt., 222 45
Cleves, Engelbert of, Count of Custodis, John Ceusters, pf, 31
Nevers, Auxerre, Etampes & 342
Rethel, 357 Cyprian, St., 177
Coccinius, Michael Kchlin, 298 Cyriacus (Aretino's friend), 207
Cochlasus, John Dobneck, con
trov., 85 219 398 D
Codrus, Antony Urceo, pf, 283
444-445 Biogr. 444 Daele, Engelbert van den, Mechl.
Colet John, dean, 185 Cc, 123
Collocci, Angelo, 397 398 Dale, John van, pt, 10
Cologne, archbp of, 36 Daichs, Soeger, 12
Cologne University : 2x8-19 278Damhouder, Josse de, jp, 325
Cologne Dominicans, 398 404 Damian Senensis, Janus, 399
Coly, Dorothy, Margaret More'sDangen, Dr., Treves chanc., 310
handmaid, 85 Dantiscus, John, amb., 221
Comines, George Count of, 220 David, Gerard, pt, 326
Commynes, Philip de, historian, Davidts, Martin, cn, 18
377 Decio, Filippo, pf, 34 128
Coninck, Anne-Marie de, 27 Delphus, Judocus : see Sasbout
494
Demosthenes, 265 Egmont, George of, Bp of Utrecht
Denmark, Christiern II, King of, 454
123 I24 43 Egmont, Lamoral Count of, 124
Derville, John, Dean of Aire, Ekelen, John van, Mechlin pa
45 46 295-297 305-08 308-09 rish priest, 42 115
Biogr. 295 Elcano, Juan Sebastian de, na
Derviller, John, cleric, 296 vigator, 426
Despars, Jane, 125 Elle, Bernard Lord of : see Hon
Deunius Buslidius, Gabriel and delange
John, 2 Ellenbog, Nicolas, hm, 404
Dilft, Lady of Leverghem & Elno, 454
Doorne, Catherine van der, Eiteren, Margaret (Mary) von, I
23 24 26 Emser, Jerome, controv., 37
Dilft, Edward van der, amb., 23 Enckenvoirt, William of, later
Diogenes Laertius, 241 Card, and Bp of Utrecht, 39
Distelen, Daniel van (der), organ 281-283 409 Biogr. 281
builder, 61 Enghien de Kestergate, Hercules,
Dobbelstein, Odile de, 17
Dobneck John, Cochlaeus, 219 England, King Henry VII of, 38
Doebner John, of Wendelsteyn, 48 69 77 87 335 473
219 England, King Henry VIII of,
Domitianus, 193 255 33 38 68 69 70 77 85 86 87 88
Domo, Arnold a, Ant. de Berghes' 346 438 439 469
steward in St. Trudo's, 370 England, (prince) Edward VI of,
Doom, a Dorna, Michael, 338 33 70
Doorne, Catherine Lady of : see England, (Princess, then Queen)
Dilft Mary of, 33 464
Doorne, Mary-Anne Lady of, 23England, Queen Elizabeth of, 33
Dorlandus, Peter, 304 Ennodius, 225
Dorp, Martin van, pf, 18 72 Enschringen, Rudolf von,
141 150 152-54 157 164 171 182 Treves Chanc., 40 309-310
184 187 190 192 198 253 338 Biogr. 310
39 343 378-79 412-415 415-416 Episcopius, F., ip, 469
417-420 427-429 441-446 443 Erasmus, Desiderius, 7 10 12 13
446-449 449-452 452-454 457 17 18 20 21 23 32 33 38 42 47
459-461 Biogr. 413 443 63 73 74-80 81-88 90 91 97 100
Dorpe, Jerome van den, Mechl. 101 109-12 123-25 141 165-66
Cc, 40 414 17 175-76 180 187 188 194-98
Dorpe, Rombaut van den, gold 201-02 207 220-21 256 261 269
smith, 115 283 284 301 303 304 306 323
Douzeau, John, Bordeaux Nota 334-336 338 341-43 358-60
ry, 97 368-70 372" 378 388 391 399 413
Downs, Abbey of the : 88 326-27 416 434 (illness and rumour of
Dracontius, poet, 217 decease) 435 437-441 (history
Driel, Ego de, pf, ,278 of his preferments) 445 447
Dryander, Francis, hm, 165 454-55 457-458 459 460 462
Duffel, family van, J23 (bishopric offered) 464-65 468
Duffele, Elizabeth van, 108 69 472-473
Drer, Albrecht, pt, 20 66 Erdorf (B's brother-in-law), 15
Duval, Jean, pt, 10 400
Dycke, Louis van den, 222 Erdorf, Cornelius, 13 16 71 164
193 217 337 339-341 342 344
46 348-349 354 361 393-95 397
4 433 Biogr. 339
Eberbach, John Petrejus, ip, 397 Ermeland, Bp Fabian of : see
Ee, Lambert van der, Clerk of Lossianen
Gr. Counc., 50 115 Erp, Jane van 356
Egmond, Abbot Man of, 412 Espinoy, J. L', 356
Egmont, Frances Countess of, Estbeemden, Carst van, 61
124 ittampes, Engelbert Lord of, 357
495
Etten, Antony van, Steenbergen France, King Louis XII of, 7 48
sc, 42 116 69 87 133 165 208 238 242 261
Eugene IV, 95 127 263 401 460 269 306 325 345 355-57 369 42
Euripides, 240 3 408-9 461
Everardi, Nicolas, pf, Presid of France, King Francis I of, 69 86
Mechl. Counc., 218 348 87 94. 278 372 461
Eversbeke, Philip Lord of : see Frank, Heyman, Treves chanc.,
Wielant 310
Eversbeke, John Lord of : see Fraunberger, Christopher von
Halewyn Suchten, 34 275 276 - Biogr.
Eyck, John & Hubert van, pt, 214 276
Eynatten, Lord of Schoonhoven, Frederic, German erudite, 34
&c, Arnold van, 24 25 152 275-277
Eynatten, Maximilian cf, cn, 24 Freiburg University : 411
Fremault : see Fresnault
Frescobaldi : see Friscobaldi
Fresnault, or Fremault, Peter,
Faber Emmeus, John, ip, 284 Aire parish priest, 45 296
Farel, John, Bp of Nazareth, Friedberg, Peter of, ip, 304
suffrag. of Francis de Busk, 7 Friscobaldi, Jerome, banker,
Felix V, antipope (= Amedee of 345-346 Biogr. 345
Savoy) 263 Friscobaldi , F rancesco or Fr an
Fernand, Charles, pf, poet, 198 cisque, 217 218 340 345-348
371 Biogr. 371 349 393 Biogr. 346
Fernand John, (blind) pf, 371 Friscobaldi, bankers : John, 346 ;
Ferreri, Zaccaria, poet, 403 - Peter, 346 ; Leonard, Lie
Fervet, John (Liege), 116 nard, 346 ; Philip, 346
Feucy, John abbot of, 221 Friscobaldi, Philip-John de, 220
Fevre, Lady of Hemstede, Cor Friscobaldi, Antony, Bruges bank
nelia le, 16 er, & his 4 sons, 347
Fevre, Lord of Hemstede and Friscobaldi, Francis, Bruges
Lysvelt, John le, 15 16 chaplain, 347
Fevyn, John de, Bruges scho Friso, George de Vriese, Bruges
laster, 164-165 167 339 356 scholaster, 165
425 Biogr. 164 Froben, John, ip, 111 188 334 426
Fisher, Bp John, 38 438 457 434
Fisher, Robert, Bp John's bro
Fugger house, 346
ther, 38
Fisher, Robert, Royal Chap
lain, 38 129 Biogr. 38
Flaminio, hm, 398 Gaesbeek, Maximilian Lord of, 316
Flanders, Baldwin with the Iron Gaguin, Robert, pf, 371
Arm, Count of, 168 Galeeron, skipper, 98 121
Florenas, Remacle : see Ardenne Garde, Lopez de la, md, 311
Florisz., Florentii, Adrian : see Garde, Mary de la, 311
Utrecht Gattinara, Mercurino de, imper.
Foix, Gaston de, army leader, sc, 77
43 422 Gaugericus : see Gauricus
Fontaines & Flechin, Antoine Gauricus, Lucas, Bp of Givitatelli,
Lord of, 104 458
Forli, prince of, 444 Gauricus, Pomponius, of Naples,
Forli, Bp Peter of, 220 erudite, 198 438
Fortunatus, poet, 217 225 Gavet, John, 208
Fourdin, Fourdain, Philip, B'sGayes, Johan de, notary, 346
chaplain, 91 103 136 351 Geld enhouwer, Noviomagus, Ger
Fox, Bp. Richard, 76 438 ard, 73 343 378 379 410 425
France, Claude Princess of, 357 426 441 442 465 468
France, King Louis XI of, 264 Gelderland, Charles of Egmont,
France, King Charles VIII of, 36 Duke of, 12 48 122 261 269 284
37 371 401 406 409
496
Gelderland, Dominic of, 304 Griboval, Lord of Berquin, &c,
Gellius, Aulus, 224 265 416 Florent de, 16
Gembloux Abbey, 455 Grimani, Card. Dominico, 404
Gentil, Philiberta, 428 Grimberghe, Adolphe viscount of,
Gerard, Cornelius, of Gouda, A u ?4
relius, historian, 361 378-379 Grimberghe, Nicolas viscount of :
388 410 see Busleyden, or Gondeval
Germany, Henry VII of Luxem Griphus, Gryphus, Peter, amb.,
burg, Emperor of, 427 220
Germany, Albert II, Emperor of, Grise, Bertaut de la, 191

262 263 Groenendael Abbey, 361
Germany, Rudolp II, Emperor of, Groenendael, de Viridivalle,
262 Thierry van, pf, 31
Germany, Frederic IV, Emperor Gros, Lord of Oyghem, Nieuw
of, 36 263 336 lande, &c, Ferry de, 325
Germain, Colin, 137 Gros, Jane de, 294
Gestel, Catherine Lady of : see Gros, William de, Cc, 40
Plaine Grynseus, Simon, hm, 85
Ghelde, John Metten ; Meigher Gualteri, John, Fland. Cc, 196
de (& his daughter), B's ser Gualterotti, Antonio, 345
vant, 108 Guevara, Don Antonio de, 191
Ghiselini, Victor, hm, 165 Guillet, John, Cc, 40
Ghommele, Diego de, 116 121 Guirsch, Francis Lord of : see
Gillis, Nicolas, Antw. sc, 464 Busleyden
Gillis, TEgidii, Peter, Antw. sc, Guirsch, Giles Lord of, 23
7 10 13 82 83 85 in 112 341 Guirsch, Valerian Lord of, 12
343 362 457 462 464-468 Bio Guirsch, William Lord of, 26
gr. 464 Gulden hoot, Henricke jnt, pt,
Gilt Head, Henry in the, pt : see 59 67 100 102 108
Gulden Hoot Gurk, Raymond Bp of : see Pe
Glareanus, Henry, hm, no rauld
Glimes, John Lord of, 368 Gurk, Matthew Bp of : see Lang
Goclenius, Conrad, pf, 18 20 21
Godefridi de Wemeldingen, John,
Pf. 31
Goes, Hugo van der, pt, 70 214 Hackenay, Hackeney, Nica
215 sius, imp. Cc, 46 60 278-279 332
Goncourt, Gabriel de, 12 333 349 Biogr. 278
Gondeval, Adrienne de, 17-21 25 Hackenay, George, 278 279
26 27 107 136 Hackenay, Jasper, 278 279
Gondeval, Viscount of Grim Had.riani, Hadrianus (of Ant
berghe, Nicolas de, 17 21 werp), 321
Gnnet, John, Mechl. Cc, 300 Haecht, Henry van, priest, 92
Gritz, Corycius, Coritius, John, 130
Roman agent, 340 397-400 Halesbone, Margaret, 220
Biogr. 397 Halewyn, Adrienne van, 16
Gossart de Mabuse, John, pt, Halewyn, Haloinus, George of.
53 56 58 66 Biogr. 66 Count of Comines, 220 441 445
Gottignies, Catherine de, 25 Halewyn, Jane of, 325 326
Gourmont, Gilles de, ip, 220 469 Halewyn, Lord of Eversbeke,
Gouverneur, Nicolas le, receiver John of, 325
of Thionville and Marville, 14 Halewyn, Josse de, Lord of Mer
15 63 ckem, 356
Graes, Gratius, Ortwin, pf, 219 Halewyn, Ysabeau de, 356
220 Haltfast, Elisabeth, 15 106
Grapheus, Cornelius, Antw. sc, Haltfast, Haltfest, Haltv'ast, Ni
73 465 468 colas, 3 15
Gratianus, jp, 391 Hane, Mary de, 125
Gratius, Ortwin : see Graes Haneron, Antony, Provost of
Grave, Henry de, pf, 24 Bruges, 5 303 304
497
Haneton, Philip, audiencer, 40 Hocclin, Hoeklin, Lord of Bir
Hansen, John, 136 137 tingen, Henry, 15
Harlebeke, George provost of, 40 Hoeldere, John, 99
Happaert, Lewis, Antw. alder Hoeven, Judocus van der, bedel
man, 323 lus, 460
Hardouin, Denis, 326 Hofweger, Gismund, Antw. Dean,
Haro, Diego de, 61 362
Harris, John, More's sc, 85 Homer, 189 290 298 308
Harris Mela, William, 219 Hompen, Frisius, Hajo Herman,
Hault-Bois de Chastelleraut, 399
Charles, Bp of Tournai, 454 Hondelange, Lord of Elle, Ber
Haveskerque, Antoine of, Lord nard de, 15 106
of Fontaines, &c, 104 Hondt, Christian de, Abbot of
Heda, Raso de, pf, 409 the Downs, 88 326-328 - Bio
Heda, Alfinius, William de, gr. 327
Provost of Arnhem, imp. sc, Hoochstraeten, James de, inquis
197 409-412 Biogr. 409 itor, 404
Heerstraeten, Giles van der, ip, Horace, 176 177 189 216 228 240
33 268 281 291 308 380 381 383
Heestert, Stephen Lord of : see 389 390 444
Liedekerke Horebout, Gerard & Susan, min
Heidelberg University, 304 iaturists, 68
Held, Matthias, Imp. Vice Homes, John de, Bp of Liege, 218
Chanc., 299 369
Hellin, Robert, Bruges pensiona Homes, Lord of Gaesbeek, Ma
ry, 356 ximilian de, 316
Hellin, Robert, Fland. Cc, 356 Horst, Charles and Francis, Lords
Hellin, Anne, 356 of : see Busleyden
Hemenburg, Hemingbrough, Ro Horst, Gertrude Lady of, see
bert provost of, 129 Vucht
Hemstede, Cornelia Lady of : Houterlee, Henry of, pf, 316
John Lord of : see Fevre Hoveden, Howden, Robert pro
Hennin-Lietard, John Abbot of, vost of, 129
221
Hlst, Francis van der, inquis
Herbouts, Herbertsen, Her itor, 315
berius, Adrian, Antwerp pen Hulthem, Charles van, book col
sionary, 32 40 71 151 153 173 lector, 144 172 178
230-238 320-322 322 395-396 Hummelberger, Michael, hm, 397
Biogr. 320 398 434 438
Herbouts, Levina, 321 Hungary, Siegmund King of,
Herent, Giles Lord of, 23 264
Herenthals, Peter Zelle of, 315 Hungary, King Matthew Corvi
Herinnes, Marie Lady of, 93 nus of, 36
Herlebout, Heurlebout, John Hungary, Queen Mary of, 22
Lord of, 356 107
Herman, William (friend of Eras Hurtado de Mendoza, Diego,
mus), 42 75 142 amb., 405
Hessels, Ghisbertus, md, 368 Hutten, Ulrich von, 219 360
Heukelom, Arnold Lord of, 24 ' Hythlodeus ', Raphael, 465-68
Heyden a Thymo, John van der,
Dean of Louvain, 314
Heyden, Nicolas van der, 321
Heyre, Provost of (88) : see Aire Inghirami, Thomas, Vatican li
Hezius, Thierry, Adrian VI's sc, brarian, 300
313 Innocent VIII, 36 358 401
Hillen, Michael, ip, 379 Isenbrant, Adrian, pt, 326
Hilvarenbeek, John dean of: see Isocrates, 434
Vorst Italicus, Sylvius, sc, md, 52
Hippias, 189 416 198 368-371 434-435 Biogr.
Hispen, John de (= Nispen) 208 368
498
Lascaris, John, hm, no
Latomus, Bartholomew, pf, 20
Jacobi Arlunensis, Peter, Pro 299
vost of Backnang, hm, 40 Laurentii, of Berchem, Arnold,
297-300 Biogr. 297 poet, 165
Jacobi, Joannes, Provost of Lie Laurin, Dean Mark, 165 399
ge, 5 Leeuw, de Beka, Walter de, pf,
Jansen, Johannis, John, 99 31
Jerome, St., 125 177 224-227 248 Lefevre d'Etaples, James, hm,
452 33 66 152 198 372-373 Bio
Joncheere, Catherine de, 355 gr. 372
Jonnet, John, Cc, 300 Lemaire de Beiges, Jean, poet,
Jonson, Ben, 392 215
Josel or Joseph, Adrian, cn, Leo X, 87 276 281 346 360 369
41 62 63 89 91 98 99 105 108 398-99 404 405 436 454 457
113 115 116 120 122 130 134 Lernutius, John, hm, 169
136 248 323 Biogr. 91 Lethmaet, Herman, sc, 284
Jovius, Paulus, 85 Leverghem, &c, Catherine Lady
Julius II, 37 48 77 87 165 184 200 of : see Dilft
238 260-268 263 281 316 328 Leverghem, Mary-Anne Lady of,
334 336 345 397 4OI~3 45 47 23
49 423 Leymerlin, Sebastian, 397
Julius II, libels against, 267 Libanius, 306 335
Juvenal : 189 237 240 241 319 Liedekerke, Lord of Heestert and
333 374 380 383 418 Zulte, Stephen de, 325
Liege, Bp of : Erard : see Marek ;
John : see Homes
Liege, Hubert Thomas of, 218
Kale, Henry de, pt, 67 Ligny, Francis Lord of, 93
Kempf, Keymich, Anne de, Vale Linnynghen, Reinhard Count of,
rian de Busl.'s wife, 12 13 14 cn, 219
15 63 71 106 136 342 Livius, Titus, 297
Kerchove, J. B. & L. van den, Loedt, Loet, Arnold : see Vessem
ip, 168 Lombaerts, William, Knight, 24
Kerb, Godart, 256 Longueval, General Charles de,
Kerremans, Anne, 25 Count of Bucquoy, baron de
Kethulle, Catherine de la, 324 Vaux, 168
Keymich, Anne de : see Kempf Loorts, Andre, priest, 103
Kleppinck family, 279 Loose, Antony, jp, 222
Knight, William, amb., 70 Lopez : see Carvajal
Kchlin, Coccinius, Michael, 298 Lormour, Lormuor, Melchior le,
Koeler George, of Breslau, 218 Cambrai secret., 109
Koler, Matthew, of Breslau: 218 Lossianen, Bp. Fabian Tettinger
Knitz, Lucas de : see Walters von, 276
Louvain : Humanism in : 30 170
71 441-43 446-48 ; Trilingue
Collegium : 10 13,sq 17-21 23
Lacu, Robert van den Poel, a, 26-27 42 47 80 90-92 106 110
pf, 303 304 14 118-21 170 342-43
Ladam, Nicaise, poet, 117 Louvain University : 111 306;
Lambert, John, Aire treasurer, Faculties : of Arts : 417,sq 428
104 452 ; of Laws : 31 218 303
311 ; of Medecine : 95 ;
Landeghem, Philip Lord of : see
Wielant of Theology : 24 3x3-15 413
Lang, Matthew, Bp of Gurk, 449 452,55 460-61 ; Library :
243 42 170-71 442 ; privil. of Nomi
nation : 370 ; see Acta Aca
Langhe Papegaeys, Catherine de,
222 demics Lovaniensis
Louvain
Lannoy, John de, Abbot of St.University Colleges : A
Bertin's, 369 drian VI : 42 282 314-15 406 ;
499
Arras 147 75 92 306 316 406 Mahu, Guillaume, 102
409413-14 425; Falcon: 313 Maigny, Hubert, Thomas,
425 ; Holy Ghost : 24 313 425 Lords of : see Plaine
460-61 ; Houterlee : 316 425 Malberch, Margaret de,
Lily : 11 13 30-31 71 72 164 Malphi, Pierre, 24
304 337-4 342-44 413 441-44 : Man, Menard, Abbot of Egmond,
- Pore. 313-14; St. Dona 412 449
Manderscheidt, Count of, 107
tian's : 90 92 ; Standonck :
316 428 ; Trot : 316 Mannekens, John, 338
Louvain : Beguinage : 314 ; - Manuel, Don Juan, amb., 334 405
Charterhouse : 8 306 455 ; Manutius, Aldus, ip, 188 277
St Martin's Priory : 304 ; Marais, John des : see Paludanus
St. Monica's Priory : 455 ; Marek, Robert de la, 107
St. Trudo's House of Refuge : Marek, Erard de la, Bp of Liege,
455 ; Vlierbeek Abbey : 455 406 407
Louvain, St. Peter's, Nicolas Pro Marek, William de la, Lord of
vost of : see Ruter Lummen, 368-69
Louvain, John of, cv, 67 Marliani, 103 John Albert, 358
Lucanus, Ocellus, 62-63 Marliani, John Francis, amb., 358
Lucceius, L., 308 Marliano, Luigi, court md, Bp
Lucena, Ferdinand de, Mechl. Cc, of Tuy, 66 150 151 165 166 175
40 428 192 199 219 220 328 358-361
Lucena, Franciscus de, 428 365 374-377 378-382 383-389
Lucena, Tristan de, Mechl. Cc,428 389-393 417 Biogr. 358
Lucena, Velasco de : see Velasco Marliano, Antony, 358
Lucian, 334 336 457 Marlian, Daniel de, 358
Lucretius, 177 Marlian, John-Antony de, 358
Lugena : see Valascus Marmyon, Simon, pt, 428
Lummen, William Lord of, 369 Maroyen, Adrian, Bruss. receiv
Lupatus, Melchior, Padua sc, 129 er, 40 116
Lupset, Bp Thomas, 469 Marrisael, Joanna, 170
Lusitanus, Andreas, 166 277 Martens, Thierry, ip, 73 111 207
Luther, 220-21 359-60 404 334-35 417 441 442 452 455
Luxemburg, Charles Duke of : 464 465 468
see Austria Martial, 175 189 197 223 229 231
Luxemburg, Henry VII of, Em 237 244 248 257 277 376-77 383
peror of Germany, 427 ' Martino VI ' (= Carvajal), 403
Luxemburg, John of, 325 355-56 Martyr, Pietro Vermigli, 359 361
Luxemburg, Frances of, Countess Marville, Nicolas of : see Wary
of Egmont, 124 Mascarenhas, Pero, amb., 167
Luxemburg, Philip of, Bp of The Master, Richard, rector of Al
rouanne, 43 dington, 78
Luxemburg, Antony of, steward, Maurissens, Brabant Herald, 27
32 368-69 Maximus, Valerius, 289
Lyly, John, 183 191 192 Mazochius, James, 220
Lyra, John West de, pf, 413 Mechlin : St. Rombaut : 98-100
Lysvelt, John Lord of : see Fevre102 103 108 117 130 132 137
Lyskirchen family, 279 138 282 351 406
Medici, John de' (= Leo X),
369
Medici, Card. Jules de', 403 405
Mabuse, Jean de : see Gossart Meerbeke, John of : see Stercke
Machiavelli, Nicolo, 86 Meeren, Philip van der, 93
Machon, Greek poet, 375 Meerendree, John Lord of, 196
Macrobius, 419 Meigherde, Metghelde, Metten
Madoets, Air., of Brussels, 116 gelde, John, 137
Maes, James, Antw. pension., 321 Mela, William Harris, 219
Maes, Nicolas, pt, 168 Meldert, Libert of, 313
Magelhes, Ferno de, navigator, Melun, Count Francis de, 346
426 Mendez, Diego, banker, 321
500
Mendoza, Diego Hurtado de, Musset, Mussey, Jane (or Isabelle,
amb., 405 Eliz.) de (,B.'s mother), 3 4 10
Mendoza, Countess Menzia de, 21 11 15 105
Menneken, Charles : see Viruli Musurus, Mark, pf, 33
Merchier, William, pf, 24 Mutianus : see Rufus
Merckem, Josse Lord of, 356
Merode, Antony de, 25
Merode, Margaret de, 25
Merula, George, hm, 297 Naeldwyck, John of, historian,
Metsys, Quentin, pt, 465 8
Metteneye, John de, 20 Nagel, Nagle, Hans, ms, 69 70
Metten Ghelde, John (Meigher Nannius, Peter, pf, 201
de), JB's servant, 108 137 Naples, Chrysostome Bp of : see
Metz, Antony de, amb., 124 Zanchus
Meuwen, Gerard of : see Cannyf Nassau family, 17
Micault, Louise, 23 Nassau, Ada of, 338
Michelangelo Buonarrotti, pt, cv, Nassau-Breda, Engelbert II
266 Count of, 32 293
Middelburg, Abbey of Our Lady : Nassau-Breda, Henry of, 21 32
37 Nassau, John of, 338
Middelburgus, James Antonii, Nassau-Dillenburg, Count John
207-209 of, 32
Midi, Pierre, Substitute, 40 Nassau-Dillenburg, William of,
Militis, Walter, notary : see Rid32
der Naturel, Philibert le, Cc, Provost
Mirandola, Pico della, 372 of Utrecht, 305
Moerkerke, Philip Lord of : see Nauklerus, John Vergenhans, pf,
Villain 297
Mol, Gaspard de, 23 Naves, Naue, Nicolas de, of
Molanus, John, pf, 224 314 Marville, B's cousin, receiver
Montfoort, William of, Provost for Luxemburg, 16 89 107 136
of Utrecht, 316 Biogr. 107
Mont-St.-Benoit, Ferry de Ca Naves, John de, Imp. Vice-chanc,
rondelet, Abbot of, 284 107
Mont-St.-Eloi, John Abbot of, Naves, John de, Cc of War, 107
221 Nelis, Corn. Francis de, pf,
Mont-Ste.-Marie, Abbot Antony Bp of Antwerp, 142 171 172 173
of, 368 441 442 Biogr. 171
Monterus, Joannes, messenger, N6ny, Count de, 171
422 Nesen, William (author of Acta
More, Sir Thomas, 33 63-65 66 Acad. Lovan.), 221 360
76 80-85 88 109 141 148 155 Neuenahr, Herman Count of, 110
156 I57 x74 x76 180 181 184 Neve, John de, pf, 31 164 339
185 193 195 198 202 257 325 342 441 442 445 446
334 370 413 443 445 457 463 Nevers, Engelbert Count of, 357
464-68 468-472 Neville, Sir Edward, 70
Morillon, Guy, Imper. sc, 464 Newton Abbot Priory, 455
Morinck, Gerard, sc, 313 455 Nicolas V, 266
Moscheron, John-Louis de, Nieuwlande, Ferry Lord of : see
archdeacon of Cambrai, Mechl. Gros
Cc, 38 129 152 154 158 164 193 Nilis, Elizabeth, 321
198 201 300-302 421 456-459 Nispen, John van, Dean of St. Oe
Biogr. 300 denrode, Provost of Cambrai,
Moscron, Antony-Mark de, cn, 92 208-210 Biogr. 208
3i Nispen, Nicolas van, sc, 91 112
Moscron, John de, cn, 301 120 122 165 209
Mountjoy, William Blount Lord,Nispen, Adrianus de, 209
Governor of Tournai, 438 439 Nispen, Ava de, 209
457 Nispen, Nicolaus, de Roda, 209
Muscovy, Duke of, 399 Nispen, Mary van, 113
501
Nispen, van : Baltasar Corne Padua, Peter Barocij, Bp of, 129
lius John, Antwerp mer Pafraet, Albert, ip, 334
chants, 209 Palencia, Louis Bp of, 219
Noortich, John de, 412 Paleologue, Andrew, 37
Noot, Adolphe van der, Brab. Palladio, Blosio, poet, 398
Chanc., 22 Pallavicini, Card. Giambattista,
Noot, Jerome van der, Lord of 401
Risoir, Brab. Chanc., 94 321 Paludanus, John des Marais, pf,
Noot, Maximilian-Antony van der, 85 90 465 468
Bp of Ghent, 25 Papegaeys, Catherine, 222
Noot, Philip-Erard van der, Papoire, Thomas de la, Cc, 40
Bp of Ghent, 24 Paradinus, Gulielmus, 85
Noot, Philippote van der, 23 Pare, Abbot Louis cf : see Berghe
Norderwyck, Lady of : Cather Parentucelli, Tommaso (= Ni
ine : see Plaine ; Anne, 25 ; colas V), 266
Jane, 26 ; Margaret, 26 Paris : University : 38 ; St.
Norderwyck, Louis Lord of, 25 Barbara College : 20 ; St.
North, Thomas, 191 Victor's Abbey, 378
Noves, Laura de (celebrated by Paris, Bp of, 378
Petrarcha), 247 Paul IV, 25
Noviomagus, Gerard (378) : see Perauld, Peraudi, Raymond,
Geldenhouwer Card, de S. Maria Nova, Bp of
Noyens, Nouts, of Turnhout, Gurk, 36-37 129 Biogr. 36
John, pf, 31 Perck, Mary Lady of : seeTympel
Nuermerkt, John PoppenruyterPerrenot, Councillors of the fami
of, founder, 123 124 ly, 86
Persius Flaccus, 189 229 233 388
Persoens, Robert, notary, 130
351
Ocellus Lucanus, 62-63 Petrarca, Francesco, 59 198 247
Oesterwyc, Henry van, pf, 95 248
Oignies, Antoinette d' (Sauva Petrejus Aperbach, John, ip, 397
ge's widow) 51 67 93 112 113 Pettie, George, 191
Oignies, Francis d', Lord of Ligny, Peussin, Catherine, 170
93 Pevele (Pabula), St. Amand's
Orange-Nassau, "William of, 32 (Abbey) -in- : 454
Orange, Fred.-Hen. Prince of 169 Piccaert, Leonard : see Priccard
Orleans University : 31 32 Piccolomini, Francesco (= Pius
Orley, Bernard van, pt, 20 56 III), 401
Oss, Antony van, Lord of Rans Picquot, Michael, 39 129
beek, &c, 25 Pierius a Smenga, Peter, pf, 27
Ostend, Widow of William of, 113 Pieters, John, Presid. Mechl.
Ostia, Bernardino Bp of : see Counc., 39 40 115
Carvajal Pins, John de, pf, 283
Outers, Leo Wouters, of Hond Pirckheimer, Willibald, hm, 398
schoote, pf, 30 337 338 342 434 457
Over-Heembeek, Antony Lord of, Pisa Council, 402-404
25 Piso, James Borsody, amb., 300
Ovid, 279 299 419 399
Ovinghien, Gerard of, prior of Pius II, 264
Wast, 454 Pius III, 260 401
Oyenbrugghe, Philippote d', 24 Plaine, Thomas de, Lord of
Oyghem, Ferry Lord of : see Gros Maigny, Chancellor of Bur
gundy, 46 69 93 253 293-294
295 35 Biogr. 293
Plaine, Gerard de, Lord of la
Pacioli, Luca, mathematician, 66 Roche, Brab. Chanc., 94 294
Paderborn, John of, ip, 303 305 306 426
Padua University : 33 34 38 126 Plaine, Catherine de, Lady of
29 206 276 300 323 Norderwyck and Gestel, 294
502
Plaine, Hubert de, Lord of Mai Proost, Praspositus, James, Au
gny, 294 gustine, 321
Plaine, Anne de, Lady of Nor Prudentius, 62
derwyck, 25 Puteanus, Erycius, pf, 169 171
Plaine, John de, 25 Putte, Judoca van den, 313
Plantin, Christopher, ip, 379 Pynnock, Catherine, 313
Plato, 189 202 303 372 385 413
417 447 464 466 471
Plautus, 172 176 177 367 385 391
413 441 443-47 472 Querbs, Jane Lady of : see Gros
Pleine : see Plaine Questenberg, James, hm, 398
Pliny the Elder, 189 289 297 Quintilian,
308 160 161 189 330 381
375 385 392 429
Pliny the Younger, 196 326
Plutarch, 176 189 245 246 377 R
457
Poederbeke, Christina of, 22 Rainaldus of Tongres, 275
Poel, Robert van den, a Lacu, pf,Ram, P. F. X. de, Louvain Rec
303 304 tor, 171
Poele, John van den, 413 425 Ranchicourt, Peter de, Bp of
Poggio Bracciolini, hm, 194 Arras, 41 133 208-210 Biogr.
Poland, King Sigismond of, 276 208
399 Ranchicourt, Robert de, 133
Poland, P. Tomiczki, Chancellor Ranchicourt Charles de, Cc, Pro
of, 221 vost of Arras, 133
Pole, John de la, 69 Ransbeek, &c, Antony Lord of,
Pole,Richard de la (,White Rose), 25
69 70 473 Ranshem family, 306
Pole, Card, Reginald, 85 Raphael, Raffaello Sanzio, pt, 59
Pomponazzi, Pietro, pf, 33 266 284 397 398
Ponsanus, Ludovicus, Cc : see Ravenna, Peter of, pf, 219 404
Ponzanus Ravenstein, Lady of, 293
Ponte, Peter de, poet, 369 Reader, 290,sq
Ponynges, Sir Edward, Warden Regius, Faustus, 284
of The V Ports, 87 88 Reidt, John von, Cologne mayor,
Ponzanus, Ponzano, (Bouzan, 333
Bouran), Ludovicus, Mechl. Reigersberg, John, historian, 343
Cc, 217 218 345 346 348 349 44
Biogr. 348 Remacle, see Ardenne
Poppenruyter, of Nuermerkt, Renaix Hospital, Lady Superior
John, founder, 123 124 of, 109
Porta, Fra Bartolomeo della, Rescius, Rutger, pf, 19 21 201
284 Resende, Andrew Angelus de,
Portinari, Tommasi, banker, 345 poet, 166 167 277
Portugal : Andreas of : see Rethel, Engelbert Lord of, 357
Lusitanus ; Antwerp factor Reuchlin, Capnio, John, hm, 37
of, 321 297 298 398 404
Posen, Bp Peter Tomiczki of, 221 Reyngher, Rogier, Richard,
Pots, James, 113 Mechl. Cc, 348
Pots, Mary, 113 Reys, Simon, 99
Poynings, Sir Edward : see Po Rhenanus, Beatus, hm, 79 85 97
nynges 369 434 457 465 469
Praspositus, James : see Proost Riario, Cardinal Pietro, 266
Praet, Anne van, 167 Riario, Card. Raffaello Sansoni,
PRiccARD,Prickert, Leonard Pryc 266
kert, Aix cn, 145 152 153 .154 Richafort, Guillelmus, ms, cn,
157 193 255-256 465 Biogr. 347
255 Riches, Adrienne des, 356
Prie, Card. Rene de, 402 403 Rickelin, John, Provost of Aire,
Prijcardus, Reyn., 255 43
503
Ridder, Militis, Walter de, nota St. Bertin's Abbey (at St. Omer) :
ry, 92 98 112 113 130 351 304 368-70 435 455 457
Rifflart, Nicolas de, argentier, 115St. Bertin's, Antony Abbot of :
Risoir, Jerome Lord of, 94 see Berghes
Robbyns, John, Dean of St. St. Germain-des-Pres Abbey : 372
Rombaut's, 13 14 47 74 92 98 St. Monica's Priory, Louvain, 455
99 100 103 104 108 109 116 120 St. Oedenrode, John Dean of :
130 197 306 342 351 414 425 see Nispen
Biogr. 47 St. Trudo's Abbey (at St. Trond):
Robbyns, Jacob, 104 368-70 455
Robore, Leonardi de, 5 St Trudo's Abbot: Antony (368) :
Robosch, Simon, 99 see Berghes ; William (455) :
Robynson, Ralphe, 464 see Bollart; see also Sarens
Roche, Ger. Lord of la : see Plaine St Trudo's House of Refuge, Lou
Roeulx, Ferry Lord of : see Croy vain, 455
Rogerius, Servatius, Austin friar, Salamanca, Louis Bp of, 219
77 Samodio, Martin de, 109
Rogier, Hilary, provost of Bari Sampson, Richard, amb. (later
siacum, 454 Bp of Chichester), 85 325 457
Rome : Sta. Maria dell' A-nima : 469
25 281 397 ;St.Augustin's:Sandelicus,
398 Adrian, Dean of
Rose, Adrian Bp of : see Aer Antwerp, 39 52 61 106 129 152
nouts 251 362-363 364 364-365 365
Roubaix, Adrian de, Cc, 89 97 366 366 367 424 Biogr. 362
Rouen, Cardinal of : see Amboise, Sandelyn, Adrian : see Sandelicus
George d' Sandelyn, Helwich, 23
Roussel, John, Cc, 40 Sanders, Sanderus, Antony, his
Rovere, family della, 266 torian, 168-69
Rovere, Card. Cristoforo della, Sanders, Sandria, Cornelia, 10
266 hi 465
Rovere, Card. Domenico della, Sandoval, Don Fray Prudencio
266 de, historian, 94
Rovere, Francesco della ( = Six Sanseverino, Card. Federigo de,
tus IV), 266 402 404
Rovere, Card. Girolamo Basso Sansovino, Andrea, cv, 398
della, 266 Sanzio, Raffaello, pt, 59 266 284
Rovere, Guiliano della (= Julius 397 398
II), 266 401 Sarens, George, Abbot of St
Royenberg, Antony Lord of, 25 Trudo's, 455
Rubeanus, Johannes : see Crotus Sart, Albertine-Josephine Coun
Ruffault, John, Cc, treasurer-ge tess of, 23
neral, 20 Sart, Francis-Joseph Count of, 23
Rufus, Mutianus, hm, 434 457 Sasbout, Delphus, Judocus, poet,
Rugeriis, Louis de, pf, 34 126 127 441 442 445
Ruino, Carlo, pf, 34 128 Sauvage, Sylvagius, John, Lord
Ruter, Ruterius, le Ruistre, of Schoubeke, Sterrebeek, &c,
de Rhutere, Nicolas, Bp of GreatChancellor, 77 79 83 93-94
Arras, Cc, Provost of Louvain, 96 97 253 278 439 440 457 462
5 11 47 62 68 74 75 77 114 138 Biogr. 93
165 166 208 296 305-307 316 Sauvage's Widow, Antoinette
335 336 406 409 414 425 d'Oignies, 51 67 93 112 113
Biogr. 305 Sauvage, John le ( ather), 93
Rycke, Louis de, 313 Sauvage's son John, poet, 93
Savoy, Amedee of, antipope Fe
lix V, 263
Savoy, Philibert II, Duke of,
Sadoleto, Cardinal Jacopo, hm, 293 369
398 399 Saxony, Albert Duke of, 5
St. Amand's - in - Pevele (Pabula) Saxony, George Duke of, 361 397
Abbey 454 Scellinck, Henry, B's clerk, 98
504
Schellart, Nicolas, 15 Stappen, Mary-Margaret van der,
Schepper, Cornelius Duplicius de, 22
amis., 321 Statius, 222

Schets, Erasmus, Erasmus' ban Staupitz, John von, 406
ker, 170 Steenbergen parish, 41 105 116 134
Schoenrad, John, dean of Aix, Steenberghe, Don Diego Fernan
256 de Lord of, 428
Schoonhoven, Arnold Lord of, 24 Stercke, of Meerbeke, John, pf,
Schoonhoven, Henry de, 24 90 91 92 120
Schoubeke, John Lord of : see Sterrebeek, John Lord of : see
Sauvage Sauvage
Schrenfels, Conrad, Cologne Stockelpot, John, pf, 95
mayor, 332 Stoics, the, 189 385
Scotland, James IV King of, Strabo,
345 297
Secundus, Joannes, poet, 19 20 Studillo, Antonio de, 405
27 28 124 166 220 Suchten Fraunberger, Christo
Seneca, philos., 289 329 385 387 pher von, 275 276 Biogr. 276
't Serclaes, Antony, Baron, 24 Sucket, councillors of the family,
't Serclaes, James, 24 26 86
't Serclaes, John Francis, 26 Sucket, John, pf, 95-96
't Serclaes, William, 294 Sucket, John, Mechlin md, 95
't Serhuyghs family, 27 Sucket, John, Mechl.Cc, 40 122
't Sestich, Antony van, jp, 325 124 Biogr. 122
"t Sestich, Golinus van, Cc, 338 Sucket, Antony, Privy Cc, 94
Sforza, Duke John Galeas Mary, 95-96 98 ir6 121-125 Biogr.
358 95
Sforza, Duke Lodovico, 358 Sucket, sons of Antony : Antony,
Sforza, Duke Massimiliano, 358 jp, 125 ; - Charles, pf, 96 124
Shakespeare, William, 192 125 ; John, 96 125 ; Fran
Siberch, J., Cambridge ip, 38 cis, 125
Siguenza, Bernardino Bishop of : Sucket, Mary (daughter of Anto
see Carvajal (401-2 422) ny), 123 124
Sixtus IV, 5 266 401 Sucket : Denis, 96 ; Macutus,
Slusa, Simon de, pf, cn, 409 96
Sluytere, Nicolas de, 99 Sucquet, see Sucket
Smenga, Peter Pierius a, pf, 27 Suetone, 189 418
Snoy, Renier, historian, 410 Surius, Laurent, 222
Socrates, 189 250 376 Suys (, Sweys, Zues), Hans, Nu
Soderini, Card. Francesco, 405 remberg organ builder, 60 61
Sophocles, 240 69 278 333 349 352 362
Spalatin, George Burckhard, 404 Sverenhusen, Herman : see Zu
405 derhusen
Spain, King Recaredo of, 264 Sweys, Hans : see Suys
Spain, King Ferdinand, & Queen Sylvagius, John : see Sauvage
Isabella of, Catholic Kings, 238 Sylvius : see Italicus
264
Spain, King Philip II of, 26
Spain, King Philip IV of, 168 428
Spain, Don Juan of, 107 Tacitus, 378 379 380
Spangen, Philip van, 342 Terence, 189 193 201 267 333 371
Spanheim, John Abbot of, see 376 387 444
Trithemius Tertullian, 177
Spiegel, James, hm, 434 Tettinger von Lossianen, Bp Fa
Spinelly, Thomas, English Ora bian, 276
tor, 69 88 94 97 219 325 358Teutonica mensa, 374-75
Textoris, Abbot James:see Wever
Spouter, John de, of Ninove, pf,
31 342 Teyng, Ceratinus, James, hm, 19
Standonck, John, pf, 316 Themseke, George de(Cran.,137a),
Stanley, Thomas, 70 Provost of HaPebeke and (from
Stapleton, Thomas, historian, 85 1505) of Cassel, Cc, amb., 40 87
55
Thenis, van Thienen, Peter a, pf, U
31
Theophilus Anticensor, jp, 201 Ubbius, Henry, bibliogr., 431
Thienen, Peter van, pf, 31 Urbanus, Henry, 434
Thomas, Hubert, of Liege, histo Urceo, Antony : see Codrus
rian, 218 Ursinius, Caspar : see Velius
Thornton, John, suffrag, of War Urbanus IV, 127
ham, 78 Utopia : 81-85 463-73
Thymo, John van der Heyden, a, Utrecht, Adrian Florisz., Flo
dean of Lou vain, 314 rentii, of, pf, Dean of Lou
Tibullus, 189 309 vain, 42 47 71 151 165 227 271
Tiras, John de, 26 306 312-318 318 362 40T-2 405
Titian, pt, 59 406 411 : see Adrian VI ;
Toledo : St. Bernard's Abbey : 8 Biogr. 313
132 206 Utrecht, Bp of : Frederic : see Ba
Tollenaere, J. de, poet, 168 den ; Philip (122) : see Bur
Tomiczki, Peter, Bp of Posen, gundy
221 Utrecht, Philibert Provost of :
see Naturel
Tongerloo Abbey : 69 209 349-50
352 Utrecht, William Provost of : see
Tongres, Rainaldus of, 152 275 Montfoort
Tonstall : see Tunstall
Tortellius Aretinus, Joannes, hm,
185 309
Tournai, Bp Charles of : see Vacca, Louis Cabeza de Vaca, im
Hault-Bois per. sc, 218 219 315
Transsylvanus, Maximilian, im Vaernewyck, Arnold of : see Bost
per. sc, 18 Vaes, Lucas, notary, 130
Treves : University : 310 411 ; Valasco : see Velasco
- St. Matthias' Abbey : 198 Valascus de Lugena, 428
373 Valla, Lorenzo, 177 185 309 401
Treves, Archbishop of, 107 309 4I7
3x0 Valeriano, Bolzanius, J. Pierio,
' Trincheforte', 397 (see Encke historian, 267 398
voirt) Valle, Joh. de, pt, 10
Trithemius, John, Abbot of Span Vallombroso, Angelo de, 403
heim, 304 Varick, Francis-Joseph de, Count
Trot, Arnold, pf, 316 of Sart, 23
T'Serclaes, T'Serhuyghs, T'Ses Vaux, Charles Baron de, 68
tich : see 't Serclaes, 't Ser Veccrius, Vecerius, Conrad : see
huyghs, 't Sestich Vegerius
TsGrooten, Antony, Abbot of Veere, Adolph Lord of : see Be
Tongerloo, 352 veren
Tubingen : University : 297-98 Vegerius, Conrad Wecker,

Tunstall, Tonstall, Bishop Veccrius, Vecerius, Court se
Cuthbert, 33 63 69 70 83 84 cret., 73 74 141 149 150-52 157
325 372 457 469 473 Biogr. 158 159 160 162-63 i65 172 181
33 187 199 257 313 348 413 425
Turkey, Bajazet I, sultan of, 427 429-430 431-432 432-433
264 452 454 Biogr. 425
Tusculum, Bernardino Bp of Vekene, Arnold van den, B's ser
(407) : see Carvajal vant, 91 136
Tutor, James, Antw. pensionary, Veker, Nicolas (= Wecker), 425
32 320 (see Vocht) Velasco, Valasco, de Lucena,
Tuy, Toy, Luigi, Bp of : see Mar
Marg. of York's steward, 427
liano (358 359 360) 429 Biogr. 427
Tympel, Knight John van den,
Velasco, Don Diego Fernande de,
22
Lord of Steenberghe, 428
Tympel, Mary van den, Lady ofAbraham, ip, 464
Vele,
Perck, 22 Velius, Ursinius, Caspar, 397
506
Vellerns Paterculus, 289 Viruli, Robert, 337 338 343
Verderue, Charles, imper. sc, 122 Viruli : John, 337 ; Nicolas,
Vergenhans, Nauklerus, John, pf, 338 ; his two sons Adrian &
297 Jerome, 338 ; William, 338
Vergilio, Polydore, hm, 197 198 Vitellius, Cornelius, pf, 337
398 Viterbo, Gilles de, hm, 398
Verheyen, Cecilia, 108 Vives, John Louis, hm, 165 190
Vermigli, Martyr, Pietro, hm, 359 196 289 31r 370 374 464
361 Viaenderen, Catherine van, 338
Verreycken, Countess of Sart, Al Voclit, Voocht, Tutor, James de,
bertine-Josephine de, 23 Antw. pensionary, 32 316 320
Verreycken, Louis, Cc, 23 323
Verreycken, Louis, baron of Bou Voocht, James de, gauger, 323
lez, sc, 23 24 Vorst, John van der, Brabant
Vervloet, John : see Vessem Chane., 93
Vespucci, Amerigo, navigator, Vorst, John Vranckx van der,
466 md, 123 124
Vessem, Arnold Winand van, Vorst John van der, dean of Hil
Tongerloo cn, 60 69 153 333 varenbeek, 208
349-353 Biogr. 350 Vos, des Riehes, Adrienne de,
Vessem, Bartholomew van, Aire Lady of Ydewalle & Beaupre,
and Mechlin cn, 15 36 40 41 356
44 5 59 60 67 69 92 98 99 102 Vos, James de, Lord of Ydewalle,
112 114 115 116 120 122 130 356
224349-50 351 352 Biogr. 351Vos, John de, Lord of Herlebout
Vessem, Arnold Loedt, Loet, van, (Heurlebout), 356
350 Vos, Lambert de, hm, 168 169
Vessem, Arnold van, Abbot of Vranckx van der Vorst, John,
Hertogenbosch, 351 md, 123 124
Vessem, John Vervloet van, 350Vrancx, Barbara, 108
Veyere, Louis de, Philip of AuVrancx, Giles, 108
stria's chaplain, 43 Vranx, John, 222
Victorius, Marianus, 224 Vredius, Oliver : see Wree
Vida, Jerome, poet, 398 Vriendt, Amicus, Peter de, pf, 19
Vigilius, John, sc, 37 Vriese, Friso, George de, Bruges
Viglius Aytta of Zwichem, 125 scholaster, 165
171 201 338 Vucht, Gertrude van der, Lady
Villa-Dei, Alexander de, 30 190 of Horst, 17
Villain, Lord of Moerkerke, Phi Vulcanius, Bonaventura, pf, 361
lip, 325 378 379
Villain, Margaret, 325
Vincent, John, Mechl. Cc, Pro W
vost of Cassel, 40
' Vinci ' (John Ingenwinckel), 397 Wacker, Vigilius, John, sc, 37
Vinderholt, John Lord of, 196 Wailpois, Walpois, John, Cam
Vio, Card. Tomaso de, Cajetano, brai scholaster, 41 42 115
43 45 Walhain, John Lord of : see Ber
Virgil, 176 189 233 248 277 299 ghes
301 308 309 329 365 382 383 Wal(l)e d'Axpoele, Isabella de,
397 4l8 4r9 429 96
Viridivalle, Thierry de, pf, 31 Walle, James Lord of : see Blasere
Viruli, Carolus Menneken, pf, Walters, Walteri, of Knitz, Lu
304 337-338 Biogr. 337 cas, pf, 460
Viruli, Godefroid, 337 338 Warham, Archbp William, 33 78
Viruli, Henry, 71 322 337-339 438 439
340 342-46 355 393-95 BioWary, of Marville, Nicolas
gr- 338 sc, 91 92 130 163 Biogr. 92
Viruli, Lottin, pf, 337 Wast, Gerard, prior of, 454
Viruli, Nicolas, pf, 337-338 Watermael, Philippote de, 22
Biogr. 337 Wecker, Conrad : see Vegerius
57
Wecker, Nicolas : see Veker Wree, Wrede, family de, 167
Weicker, Conrad : see Vegerius Wree, John de, 167
Weede, Elizabeth van, 26 Wree, Vredius, Oliver de, histo
Weinsberg, Hermann, 278 rian, 143 148 167-168 169-171
Weisterburch, Reinhard Lord of, 326 Biogr. 169
219 Wree, Oliver de (the son) 170
Wemeldingen, John de, pf, 31 Wree, Jane de, 170
Wendelstinus, John, 219 Wreede, Arnold de, builder, 50 51
Werve, Arnold van de, Antw. Wiirtemberg, Count Eberhard
mayor, 32 with the Beard of, 297 298
Werve, Henry van de, 323 Wiirtemberg, Count Eberhard
West, de Lyra, John, pf, 425 the Younger, 298
Wever, Textoris James de, Abbot Wiirtemberg, Duke Ulrich of,
of the Downs, 327 298
Weyden, Isabeau van der, 26 Wiirtemberg, Louis of, 297
' White Rose ' (69) : see Pole, Ri Wye, Margaret van, 108
chard de la Wyck, Hubert van, 323
Wick, John von der, Roman Wyts, John, Lord of Berent
agent, 404 rode, &c, Warden of the Waters,
Wichmans, Peter, Anderlecht cn, 108 109 Biogr. 108
124 Wyts, John, 108
Wielant, John, Fland. cc, 324
Wielant, Philip, Lord of Lan
deghem, Cc, 40 47 70 115 146
I52 x53 170 215 216 324-326 Xenophon, 189 391 465
355 Biogr., 324 Ximenes de Cisneros, Card. Fran
Wielant, Lord of Eversbeke and cisco, 317
Landeghem, Philip (son of Phi
lip). 325
Wielant, Florence, 325
Wielant, Philippote, 325 Ydewalle, Adrienne Lady of : see
Wimpfeling, James, hm, 397 465 Vos
Wimpina, Conrad, pf, 37 Ydewalle, James Lord of : see Vos
Winckel, Peter Zelle, pf, 315 York, Margaret of, Duchess of
Winckele, John van, pf, 338 Burgundy, 117 134 293 314 427
Winckele, Catherine van, 338 428 441 442
Wingfield, Sir Richard, amb., 219
Winghe, Lord of, 109
Woelmont, Anselmus, pf, 313
Woestwynckel, Margaret van,Zanchius, Chrysostom, Bp of Na
170 ples, 379 441 442
Wolcesceyn, George de, 306 Zeigler, Henry, Luxemb. Se
Wolsey, Cardinal Thomas, 38 70nator, 69 294-295 Biogr. 294
87 no 346 347 358 457 469Zelle, Winckel, Peter, pf, 315
473 Zuderhuysen, Frisio, Herman,
Wouters, Gualteri, John, Lord of Privy Cc, 430-431 Biogr. 430
Vinderholt & Meerendree, Zues, Hans : see Suys
Fland. Cc, 196 Zulte, Stephen Lord of : see Lie
Wouters, Corneille, hm, 196 dekerke
Wouters, Leo : see Outers Zuquet : see Sucket
508
ORDER OF THE DOCUMENTS
IN THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT
The pagination is that which is found at present in the Manuscri

documents marked by an asterisk *, were inserted at the last; a l
indicates a blank page : cp. 105-117.
Quire Pp Document
61 37 Carm. XXIII 192 Epp. 71
62 *More's te 38 XXIV 195 65
trastich 39 XXV 196 66
63 Epp. 9 39 XXVII 197 67
66 Carm. I 40 *Epp. 25 198 12
68 II 40 *Carm. V,iii
199 63
71 Epp. 16 di-10 83 Orat. 20J 68
72 Carm. Ill 97 D 202 51
75 IV C k1-8 205 64
77 V,i ,ii 102 Epp. 5 207 77
78 VI ei.io 104 10 210 73
80 VII 107 54 215 57
81 VIII no 60 218
81 IX 113 59 A1-10 219 XEpp.
82 Xa 114 39 220 2
41 Xb 116 40 222 7
42 XI 117 41 224 17
47 Epp. 21 118 69 227 18
48 Carm. XII 120 42 228 19
5 XIII 121 43 230 14
52 Epp. 22 122 45 232 3
54 Or at. A fl.10 I24 44 233 4
58 Carm. XIV 125 46 234 20
60 127 15 236 26
Carm. XV 130 61 237 6
12 XVI 131 62 B1-10 240 II
13 XVII 132 53 240 23

15 XVIII 134 31 242 24
17 XIX 136 13 244 30
29 XXI,i 137 28 245 32
32 XX,vi 139 33 248 36
3 4 Carm. XXI, iv 140 34 250 74
34*Carm.XXVI I42 38 256 75
21 XXI, ii g1-10 143 58 257 *Epp. 76
22 XX,iii I49 55 1-8 259 35
23 XXI,iii 151 70 263 52
24 XX, iv 154 8 265 37
25 XX, I2 47 268 56
27 XX,i, ii hl-10 168 27 270*Orat.
28 XXI, 175 49 273*Epp. 78
36 XXII _ 186 50 (*-9) 276
59
CONTENTS
Pp
Preface vii
Iconographic Note xi
I BUSLEYDEN'S LIFE
1. Origin and Family
Busleyden's Parents (1-3) r
Francis de Busleyden (4-6) 4
Brothers and Sisters (7-11) 10
Giles de Busleyden (12-21) 16
Busleyden Pedigree (22) 28
2. Studies and Training (23-28) 30
3. Appointment and Preferments (29-37) 39
4. The Mechlin Mansion (38-45) 50
5. Friends and Proteges (46-53) 66
6. Busleyden and Erasmus (54-60) 74
7. Busleyden and Thomas More (61-64) 80
8. Public Activity (65-68) 85
9. The Last Journey
Testament Signed (69-71) 90
Way to Spain (72-74) 93
Death at Bordeaux (75-79) 97
10. Execution of the Will
Legacies and Bequests (80-84) I03
Realizing of the Foundation (85-90) 109
Executors and Patrons (9 *-97) 118
APPENDIX
11. Privilegium Doctoratus (98) 125
12. Will and Testament (99-100) 130
Text of First Part 131
Close of Deed 138
II BUSLEYDEN'S WRITINGS
1. Introductory (101-102) 141

2. Manuscript Original (103-108) 143
3. The Copyist and his Copy (109-119) 149
4. Spellings, Corrections, Additions (120-126) 160
5. History of the Manuscript (127-133) 167
6. Language and Style (134-140) 175
7. Literary Ornaments
Parallelism and Antithesis (141-149) 180
Comparisons and Classic Lore (150-152) 186
Renascence Culture (I53-*56) 189
8. Busleyden and Humanism
Principles and Purpose (157-160) 192
Study and Research (161-163) 196
Personal Character (164-167) 199
9. Edition of the Text (168-169) 203
III BUSLEYDEN'S LVSVS
1 CARMINA
I. Epitaph on his Brother Francis 205

II. Three Epitaphs 207
III. Christ on the Cross 211
IV. The Angels to the Shepherds 212
V. Poems to Pictures 213
510
VI. To the Holy Virgin 216
VII. Nativity Night 217
VIII. To Remacle d' Ardenne 218
IX. On St. Adrian and Natalia 222
X. Hymn to the Virgin 223
XI. To St. Jerome 224
XII. Massacre of the Innocents 227
XIII. In Praise of Virtue 228
XIV. Hymn on Easter Day 229
XV. Debate on Worth and Fortune 230
XVI. Venice's Fickle Fortune 238
XVII. The Helmsman in the Storm 239
XVIII. Dangers of Seafaring 240
XIX. On Political Persons and Events 241
XX. On Busleyden's Mansion 244
XXI. On Busleyden's Furniture 248
XXII. To a Maecenas 253
XXIII. Hercules' Choice 253
XXIV. Tantalus' Crime and Penalty 254
XXV. To Ferry de Carondelet 255
XXVI. On Leonard Priccard 255
XXVII. Vegerius' Envoy 257
More's Recommendation 257
2 ORATIONES
A. Homily on Easter Day 258

B. Oration to Julius II 260
C. Oration to Maximilian I 269
D. Welcome to de Carvajal 271
E. Oration to Archduke Charles 273
3 EPISTOLAE
1. To Raynald of Tongres .... Padua, before Sept. 1502) 275

2. To Frederic, a Noble German , )) 1502) 275
3. To Andrew of Portugal .... )) , )) 1502) 277
4. To Nicasius Hackenay ))
, )) 1502) 278
5. To Philip of Austria ))
, init. Sept. 1502) 280
6. To Will, of Enckenvoirt .... ' , September, 1502) 281
7. To Ferry de Carondelet .... ))
, Sept.-Oct., 1302) 283
8. To Ferry de Carondelet
, Nov.-Dec., 1502) 285
9. To the Reader , end of 1502) 290
10. To St. Gudula's Chapter . . . , )> 1502) 291
11. To Chancellor de Plaine .... Mechlin, 1503) 293
12. To Henry Zeigler , 1503) 294
13. To Dean Derville
1503-1504) 295
14. To Peter Jacobi ))
1503-1504) 297
15. To J. L. de Moscheron , Febr.-April
)>
1504) 300
16. To Judocus von Beyssel .... ))
.March 3i-Apr.6,i504) 303
, Spring of 1504) 305
, 308
I54)
19. To Chancellor von Enschringen
, before May 1504) 309
20. To Peter 1'Apostole ))
, Spring of 1504) 311
21. To Adrian of Utrecht
,Dec.28 i504-imi.i505) 312
22. To Judocus von Beissel ... ))
, March 23, 505) 318
23. To Adrian Herbouts , end of 1505) 320
24. To Philip de Beuckelaer .. . ))
1505-1507) 322
25. To Philip Wielant )>
1505-1506) 324
26. To Abbot de Hondt 1505-1506) 326
27. To Ferry de Carondelet ... Rome, end of i505-iwj.i5o6) 328.
28. To Nicasius Hackenay .... VIechlin, Summer of 1506) 332
511
29- From Desiderius Erasmus .. Bologna, November 17, 1506 334
30. To Henry Viruli Mechlin, Middle of 1507) 337
31. To Cornelius Erdorf Summer of 1507) 339
32. To John Becker 1507) 341
33. To Franc. Friscobaldi 1507) 345
34. To Cornelius Erdorf 1507) 348
35. To Fr. Arnold van Vessem .. 1507) 349
36. To John Becker , last months of 1507) 353
37. To James de Blasere , end of 1507) 355
38. To Luigi Marliano , 1507) 358
39. To Dean Sandelicus , 1507) 362
41. To Dean Sandelicus end of 1507-init. 1508) 364
42. To Dean Sandelicus , beginning of 1508) 365
43. To Dean Sandelicus , first months of 1508) 366
45. To Sylvius Italicus , end of 1507- init. 1508) 368
46. To James Lefevre , Spring of 1508) 372
47. To Luigi Marliano , firstmonthsof 1508) 374
48. From Luigi Marliano 1508) 378
49. To Luigi Marliano r58) 383
50. To Luigi Marliano 1508) 389
51. To John Becker , first half of 1508) 393
52. To Adrian Herbouts , middle of 1508) 395
53. To John Gritz , Summer of 1508) 397
54. To Bernardino de Carvajal . , Febr. 15/28, 1509) 400
55. To William de Heda 1509) 409
56. To Martin van Dorp , December 29, 1509) 412
57. To Martin van Dorp , first months of 1510) 415
58. To Martin van Dorp , middle of Dec. 1510) 417
59. To J. L. de Moscheron , before Oct. 1511) 421
60. To Bernardino de Carvajal . , about April 1512) 422
61. To Dean Sandelicus , Summer of 15x2) 424
62. To Dean Sandelicus , Autumn of 15x2) 424
63. To Conrad Vegerius , end of 1512) 425
64. To Martin van Dorp , end of X512) 427
65. To Conrad Vegerius , end of 1512) 429
66. To Herman Zuderhuysen . . end of 15x2- init. 1513) 430
67. To Conrad Vegerius , 1513) 431
68. To Conrad Vegerius , March i-xo, 1513) 432
69. To Sylvius Italicus , end of May, 1513) 434
70. To Bernardino de Carvajal. . , Summer of 1513) 436
71. To Desiderius Erasmus , Sept.-Oct. 1513) 437
72. From Martin van Dorp Louvain, init. Nov. 1513) 441
73. To Martin van Dorp Mechlin, end of Nov. 1513) 446
74. To Martin van Dorp , end of I5i3,iif.i5i4) 449
75. To Martin van Dorp , Febr.-March 1514) 452
76. To Abbot Bollart .about March 1514) 454
77. To J. L. de Moscheron .... , May-June 1515) 456
78. To Martin van Dorp , October 1515) 459
79. From Desiderius Erasmus .. Antwerp, September 28, 1516 462
80. From Peter Gillis Antwerp,November 7, 1516 464
81. To Thomas More Mechlin, November, 1516 468
82. To Desiderius Erasmus .... Mechlin, November 9, 1516 472
List of abbreviations 475

List of Personages 489
Order of the Documents in the Orig. MS 509
Contents 510
PRINTED IN BELGIUM.
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bebe
chosen
chosen
fromfrom
the the
undermen
undermen
tioned
tioned works,
works,which
whichareare
inin
preparation
preparation
: :
History
History of
oftheTrilingueLovaniense,
theTrilingueLovaniense,i5i7-i55o,byH.DEVoCHT
i5i7-i55o,byH.DEVoCHT
Epistolae
Epistolae Cornelii
CorneliiValerii
Valerii
van
vanAuwater,
Auwater, 1537-1552,
1537-1552,
by by
H. De Vocht.
Annotated editions of :
Stephani Vinandi Pighii Epistolce (1557-1597) by P. Weiler
& H.
. De Vocht.
Livini Ammonii Epistolce (1518-1556).
(1518-1556).
Richard Taverner's Proverbes
Proverbes or
or Adagies,
Adagies, 1539-1552.
1539-1552.
Epistolae Cornelii Scepperi et Joannis
Joannis Dantisci,
Dantisci, 1515-1548,
1515-1548,
by H. De Vocht.
Studies on the lives and works works of of thethe professors
professors of of Busleyden
Busleyden
College :
L. Daubersy,
Daubersy, Rutger
RutgerRescius
Rescius(c.(c.1495-1545
1495-1545: avec
: avec
une une
bi bi
bliographic
bliographie de
de ses
ses impressions).
impressions).
H. De
De Vocht,
Vocht, Cornelius
CorneliusValerius
Valeriusvan vanAuwater
Auwater(1512-1578)
(1512-1578) : :
with unpublished
unpublished poems
poemsand
anddocuments
documents; his
; hiswill
willand
anditsits
execution
execution; ;&c.
&c.
A.
A. Schmitz,
Schmitz,Nicolas
NicolasVernulee
Vernulee
(1583-1649).
(1583-1649).
and of other humanists :
L. de Keyser, Cornelius Grapheus (1482-1558).
J. Theys, John Louis Vives' Pedagogy and Psychology.
L. Brouwers, Carolus Scribani (1561-1629).
L. Ackermans, Martin Antoine Del Rio (1551-1608).
J. Fabri, Andre Schott (1552-1626).
J. Lambert, Viglius Aytta de Zwichem (1507-1577).
G. van der Vorst, Joannes Despauterius (c. 1480-1520).
P. Hick, Gregoire Hollonius (c. 1531-1524).
Remade d'Ardennes
J. Barry, Remacle d'Ardennes (c. (c. 1480-1524).
1480-1524).
P. Vermeire, Gulielmus Canter (1542-1575).
R.
R. Delattin,
Delattin,Francis
Franpois
Modius
Modius
(1556-1597).
(1556-1597).
R.
R. Gauthy,
Gauthy,Laevinus
Laevinus
Torrentius
Torrentius
(1525-1595).
(1525-1595).
A.
A. Rodesch,
Rodesch,Barthelemy
BarthelemyLatomus
Latomus
(1485-1570).
(1485-1570).
K.
K. Leus,
Leus,J.J.Lybens
Lybens
(1603-1678).
(1603-1678).
G.
G. Cousot,
Cousot,Frederic
Frederic
de de
Marselaer
Marselaer
(1586-1670).
(1586-1670).
M.
. Kinon,
KiNON, Victor Ghiselinus
Victor (1543-1591).
Ghiselinus (1543-1591).
&c.
&c.
1
n. HVMANISTICA
LO V ANIEN SI A
LOVANIENSIA
This
ThisSeries
Serieswillwill
comprise
comprise
studies,studies,
scarce texts,
scarce
and texts,
matter and matter
not
notpreviously
previouslyprinted,
printed,
concerning
concerning
the historytheof history
Humanismof Humanism
and
andthe
the
lives
lives
and and
works
works
of Humanists,
of Humanists,
especially those
especially
who, those who,
from
fromdede Spouter
Spout to er
Puteanus,
to Puteanus,
made of the
madeold of
Brabant
the University
old Brabant Universit
a centre of the Renascence. All collaboration is invited, and
contributions will be gratefully received by Prof. H. DE VOCHT,
60, Boulevard de Namur, Louvain.
Have already been issued :

1. Literae Virorum Eruditorum ad Franciscum Cranevel
diurn 1522-1528. A Collection of Original Letters, with Notes
and Commentaries
and Commentariesby byHenry
HenryDeDeVocht.
Vocht. (xcix-yy5
(xcix-yys pp.)
-pp.) 1928
1928
2. The Earliest English Translations of Erasmus' COLLOQUIA
1536-1566. Edited, with Introductions and Notes, by Henry
De Vocht. (Ixxxvi-319 pp.) 1928
3. L'Humanisme Beige a l'epoque
I'epoque de la Ren
et Portraits (Deuxieme Serie) par Alphonse
(vii-161 pp.)
(- pp.) 1933
1933
4. Monumenta Humanistica Lovaniensia. Tex
about Louvain Humanists in the first half of th
Erasmus, Vives, Dorpius, Clenardus, Goes,
Henry De Vocht.Vocht. (xxx-y53
(xxx-y^s pp.) 1934
5. Une Gloire de l'Humanisme
I'Humanisme Beige : Petrus Nannius
1500-1557, par Amedee Polet. (xvi-350 pp.) 1936
6. Adrien Barlandus (1486-1538). Sa Vie, son CEuvre, sa
Personnalite, par Etienne Daxhelet. (viii-352 pp.) 1938
7. Acta Thomae Mori. History of the Reports of his Trial
and Death, with an Unedited Contemporary Narrative, by
Henry De Vocht. (iv-229 pp.) 1947
8. Juste Lipse et les Annales
Annates de
de Tacite.
Tacite. Une
Une Method
Method
Textuelle du xvie Siecle par Jose Ruysschaer
(xviii-222 pp.)
[xviii-222 pp.) 1949
1949
9. Jerome de Busleyden (1470-1517). Founder of
Collegium Trilingue. His Life and Writings. Edit
Original Manuscript, by Henry De Vocht. (xii-
(Continued on p. 3 of cover)

Humanistica Lovaniensia Vol. 9, 1950 - Jerome de Busleyden FOUNDER OF THE LOUVAIN COLLEGIUM TRILINGUE HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS PDF

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Humanistica Lovaniensia Vol. 9, 1950 - Jerome de Busleyden FOUNDER OF THE LOUVAIN COLLEGIUM TRILINGUE HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS PDF

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Jerome

HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS

EDITED FOR THE FIRST TIME IN THEIR ENTIRETY

FROM THE ORIGINAL

Dr. Ph. & Litt., Dr. Phil. Tartuensis ad. hon.

with the generous help of the Belgian

AT THE BREPOLS PRESS

HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS

EDITED FOR THE FIRST TIME IN THEIR ENTIRETY

FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT

Dr. Ph. & Litt., Dr. Phil. Tartuensis ad. ho

with the generous help of the Belgian

AT THE BREPOLS PRESS

Florentle Ad^e TASKER

This book is intended as a respectful homage to the man

The greater part of the Inform

and to two Popes. That volume, now preserved as MS 15676-77 in

1) When this book was nearly finished, a transcript of it was found

My work has been largely improved in usefulness and in outward

The fine portrait of Jerome de Busleyden facing the title, rep

1. ORIGIN AND FAMILY

1. The family of Busleyden was originary from the

l) There now exists a Low and a High Bauschleiden.

3. He was most probably a native of Arlon, for in 1506

saries there in the

ville, where she is buried under a stone with her effigy

4. The second son Francis went to study in Louvain

at some Italian University, mo

3) Cp. further, 26.

*) LigeDoc., , 51-52 ; Pastor, in, 506 ; GallChrist., in, 922.

Master of Requests' x). It was as

4) Henne, , 31, 34, 36, 37, 38 ; Walther, 3.

SVM Luxemburgus patria,

The memory of the great Prelate was probably kept by

282-83 ; LoMtiBoon, 461, a ;in StDonatian's, Bruges, he had founded

by one hearing the 'toto orbe celebre Buslidianorum nomer'.

Heroicum genus nominasti, & ornandis summorum

Brothers and Sisters

7. Giles de Busleyden did not see the glorious ascent o

*) In the front Ornaments of the cope is the crest : 'd'azur la fasce

another of Jerome's nephews, Corne

%) Cp. further, n, 50, and Epp. 31, b-c.

is the fittest man

Allen, , 85, 13-19

rings with him on h

verloiren was de welck

12. Thus by 1518, when the will of Jerome de Busleyden

Brussels, and, by 1510, first M

13. Their brother Jerome ha

invested Giles de Busleyden with the quality of Brabant subject, so

No doubt they attended the lecture

Quae tibi promisso gratus Xen

He mentions that Giles continual

He predicts an immortal fame on t

1) HisTriLov., chapt. ix ; ULDoc., i,

*) JSecOp., 189-191 : Epistola I Libri II.

clever professor of Latin

1) Letter of Goclenius, July

17. His brother Nicolas, viscount of Grimberghe, Lord

matriculated in October 1562 *),

J) LiblntIV, 385, r : Egidius Buslidius Bruxell. nobilis.

second son, Adolp

4) Adolphe died on March 3, 1614, and Philippote, his wife, on