Divine Interiors - Mural Paintings in Greek and Roman Sanctuaries (PDFDrive) PDF

S t u d i e s
m u r a l pa i n t i n g s i n
g r e e k a n d ro m a n
s a n c t ua r i e s
A r c h a e o l o g i c a l
Eric M. Moormann
Divine Interiors
Am st e r da m Un i ve r s i t y Pre s s
16
A m s t e r d a m
Divine Interiors
A M ST E R DA M A RC H A EOL OGIC A L S T U DI E S 16
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Divine Interiors
MUR A L PA I N TI N GS I N G R EEK A ND ROM A N SA NCTUA R I ES
E RIC M . M OORMANN
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contents
P reface vii
I ntroduction 1
1 P aintings D escribed in A ncient T e x ts 7

Greek Temples 8
Roman Temples 16
Literary Descriptions of Temple Decorations 27
The Temple of Juno in Carthage 29
A Temple in Liternum 35
Conclusions 39
2 P aintings F ound in P ublic T emples of t h e G reek W orld 43
3 P aintings F ound in P ublic T emples in R oman I taly 47

Republican and Imperial Temples in Rome 47
Republican Temples in Italy 49
Imperial Temples in Italy 61
Public Temples in Pompeii 69
The Temple of Apollo in Pompeii 71
Conclusions 82
Appendix: The Portico of the Temple of Apollo in Pompeii 84
4 P aintings in P rovincial R oman T emples A cross t h e A lps 87

Britain 88
The Low Countries 90
Germany 93
Switzerland 96
France 97
The Iberian Peninsula 108
The Balkans 109
Conclusions 109
5 T h e E astern Half of t h e E mpire and N ort h A frica 111
6 P ainted S h rines D edicated to t h e R oman E mperor 119

Three Centres for Imperial Cult in Herculaneum 119
The Macellum in Pompeii 137
Imperial Cult in Misenum 139
Silvanus and Caracalla in Ostia? 140
Hercules and Marcus Aurelius in Sabratha 144
The Severi in Bulla Regia 145
The Tetrarchs in Luxor 146
Conclusions 147
v
7 R oman S h rines Housing N on - R oman C ults 149
Shrines for Isis 149
The Temple of Isis in Pompeii 149
Isis in Rome? 162
A German Outpost: Mainz 163
Mithras and His Grottoes 163
Rome 164
Ostia 168
Other Mithraea in Italy 176
Mithraea Across the Alps 177
Mithraea in the East: Huarte, Dura Europos and Caesarea 179
A Private Shrine to Sabazios in Pompeii 183
Other Shrines for ‘Small’ Cults 184
Conclusions 186
8 D ura E uropos : A case - study 189

Bel or Allat? 189
Bel and Zeus 190
Zeus Theos 193
Adonis 193
Gadde 193
The Synagogue 194
The Church 199
Conclusions 201
9 FINAL REMARKS 203

Wall Systems 203
Figural Elements 204
Location of Wall Paintings 205
Conclusion 206

B ibliograp h y 207
Index of Ancient Text Sources 227

Index of Names, Places and Subjects 229
Colour plates 237
vi
P reface
This book is the result of an enlargement of my study for my inaugural address at the Radboud University
at Nijmegen and a conference at the German Archaeological Institute at Rome, both of which took place in
2003. Other presentations were given in Austin, Texas; Berlin, London and Oxford. Some elements have been
published in Dutch in Een goddelijk interieur. Geschilderde decoraties in heiligdommen in de Romeinse wereld (‘A
Divine Interior. Painted Decorations in Sanctuaries in the Roman World,’ 2003). While preparing this paper, I
discovered so much useful information that I became convinced that a collection of known and unknown facts
and notions concerning painted temple decorations would not go amiss, thus resulting in this publication.
I would like to thank several friends and colleagues: Claudine Allag, Alix Barbet, Nicole Blanc, Sible de
Blaauw, Frederick Brenk, Ton Derks, Lucinda Dirven, Hélène Eristov, Michał Galikowski, Rüdiger Gogräfe,
Carmen Guiral y Pelegrín, Olaf Kaper, Roger Ling, Paul Meyboom, Stephan Mols, David Rijser, Leonard
Rutgers, Filli Rossi, Benjamin Rous, Tesse Stek, Marie José Strazzulla, Volker Michael Strocka and Miguel-John
Versluys for important information and suggestions after reading the whole or sections of this text. They and
others offered additions and corrections as well as images. Thomas Fröhlich, Director of the Library of the Ger-
man Institute at Rome, authorized the reproduction of antiquarian images from Mazois and Steinbüchel. The
Superintendent of Pompeii, Pier Giovanni Guzzo, and the Superintendents of Ostia, Anna Gallina Zevi and
Margherita Bedello Tata, kindly gave permission to study relevant monuments at Pompeii, Herculaneum and
Ostia. Mrs Bedello Tata also provided photographic material. Vincent Hunink critically assessed and improved
my translations from Greek and Latin as well as my observations about the literary testimonies. Heather van
Tress kindly read the first draft and helped polish my English. John Clarke read one of the last versions and
made suggestions for many improvements. Finally I thank Isabelle Vella Gregory who was my severe editor of
the final version.
Amsterdam and Nijmegen, January 2011
vii
Introduction
The ancient practice of decorating sacred buildings differs greatly from that in previous cultures and contempo-
rary or later ones, where sanctuaries are recognisable from exterior and interior alike as such.1 The architecture,
form, building elements and decoration (e.g. paintings) betray at first glance where the visitor is - in an Egyptian
temple, in a Catholic cathedral, in a Protestant church, in a mosque or a Buddhist temple. An image of the god
or saint in the façade informs the viewer about the god or saint venerated here. In the case of an icon-forbidding
religion, there may be a token like the Holy Cross or the Star of David or the presence of an architectural feature
like a minaret. The interior of the shrines also plays a significant role in helping to identify the purpose and
religious affiliation of the building from the moment worshippers enter and address the gods and saints within
the building. We recognise the mihrab in the mosque, the altars in most other religious buildings, the statues,
icons and mural decorations displaying the venerated persons and their entourage. In the latter case, the icono-
graphical programmes or schemes may be fixed so that the definition of the specific figure worshipped is not
immediately clear, but an attentive look will soon reveal who is presiding there.
When we turn to Antiquity, we see that the exterior of ‘classical’ Greek and Roman temple is recognisable
immediately thanks to typical features like the stylobate, peripteros, podium and façade. This does not hold
true for many other shrines that both architecturally and in the sense of decoration often do not differ notably
from houses.
Decorations in painted form within religious complexes of the ancient world have not yet been studied as
a genre – if this word can serve to indicate the specific case – and I hope that this book will fill a gap. Current
research on exterior decorations of religious buildings in general shows a major interest in the sculpted decora-
tions, which became fashionable in the Greek and Etruscan worlds in the early sixth century BC and in Rome,
especially from the late Republican era onwards, than in the paintings and mosaics on walls and floors.2 Such
adornments and revetments - preferably in marble, but even those in limestone and terracotta - and, especially,
sculptural decorations (including those in terracotta) have a stronger visual appeal to the person approaching
the sacred building.3 City states, Hellenistic kings and generals, Roman emperors and other prominent person-
alities in the ancient world wanted to demonstrate their pretensions to the community of gods and citizens and
the erection of sacred buildings was a good way to show their positive feelings to all. In the Greek world com-
petition between poleis surely played an important role: the tyrants on Sicily, for example, were the men who
ordered the monumental temples in Syracuse, Akragas and Selinous. Other clear examples of architecturally
impressive sacred monuments in an urban context are the above-mentioned canonical Greek temples, Etruscan
1
An impressive holistic overview of cult buildings in the Christian cult buildings, see De Blaauw 2007.
2
Europe, Asia and the Americas from the Neolithic to the end E.g. for the latter group Hänlein-Schäfer 1985, 69-78; cf. the
of the fourth century AD is given in Wightman 2007. Fol- works cited in the following notes.
3
lowing his wish to put together all types of sacred architec- For terracotta decorations in Etruscan, Italic and Roman
ture from many cultures, most chapters are kept neatly sepa- temples in Italy, see, for instance, almost all contributions
rated from each other, each discussing a specific geographic in I. Edlund-Berry, G. Greco and J. Kenfield, eds., Deliciae
or cultural area. The last chapters, however, address general Fictiles III. Architectural Terracottas in Ancient Italy: New Dis-
problems like sacred space and identity and the meaning of coveries and Interpretations, Oxford 2006.
cult buildings. See also pp. 899-904. For ancient and early
1
and Latial shrines in towns like Veii and Satricum, and Roman temples from the late Republic, culminating
in marble constructions of the Augustan period in Rome itself, e.g. the Temple of Apollo in Circo, excellently
reconstructed by Alessandro Viscogliosi,4 the Temple of Apollo Actiacus on the Palatine known mostly from
literary sources,5 and the complex of Mars Ultor in the Forum Augustum.6 In Rome, the swift transition from
temples with terracotta, painted and stucco decorations to marble ones is particularly evident. As a result ear-
lier temples were considered old-fashioned and poor. However, some temples were deemed to be important
because of their antiquity and ritual significance and were thus not seen as old-fashioned.
We may ask why this image is so confusing. To begin with, we only know very few instances of patrons of
temples (or a part of them) and what they intended with their commission. Many texts mention the erection of
a temple after a battle, for example, or as thanks to good fortune bestowed on the patron, or the reasons why a
polis built a particular sacred monument. However, no text explains why the result of these dedications is exactly
that building with those particular elements. At the same time, ancient sources give very little information about
the practical process of temple construction and the rationale behind the choice of the architectural and decora-
tive elements. As a result, when we approach a Greek or Roman temple, preserved by lucky circumstances, we
can almost never see for which god the monument had been erected. The architecture itself is not particularly
helpful. In the case of monumental sanctuaries the dimensions and the presence of columns and sumptuous
façades, flights of steps and monumentality are part of the sacred, but they can also be found in other building
types.7 Smaller sanctuaries even lack these features. Architecture is thus not the only characteristic to define the
temple as such, but in many cases forms the first recognisable aspect. The impressive chain of temples on the
northern rim of the plateau of Agrigento, the gigantic ruins of Temples A to G in Selinous (how illustrative these
labels are!), and even the Erechtheion and the Parthenon on the Acropolis of Athens do not immediately allow
the viewer to determine to which gods these buildings had been dedicated. The situation is not particularly
more illuminating if we take into account the sculptural decoration from these temples, now mostly preserved
in parts and far from the buildings themselves in museums. Why a giant Medusa in the pediment of the Temple
of Artemis in Corfu, why two Trojan Wars in the pediments of the Temple of Athena Aphaia in Aegina (Athena
is present here, but is not taking part in the fights), why Herakles on the metopes of the Temple of Zeus in
Olympia? In most cases an explanation is to be found after a painstaking process of analysing the not so obvi-
ous mythical and historical connections associated with a particular site. It is not until the construction of the
Parthenon that we encounter a monument in Hellas displaying a sculptural programme that connects every
element to the goddess. Directing his or her gaze to the west pediment, the visitor who had arrived through
the Propylaea could see who the ‘boss’ was on the hill: unmistakably Athena triumphing over her mighty uncle
Poseidon. As to the interior of the classical Greek and Roman temple, one may expect that the cult statue made
clear who was living here – and this turns out to be the case at Athens or Olympia - but we remain in the dark
about the remainder of the decoration of the naos or cella, conceived as the house of the god. The ancient visitor
4
A. Viscogliosi, LTUR I (1993) 49-54 mentions Greek paint- catalogue, Rome 2002, 109-122. On the temple V. Kockel,
ings still visible at the time (see Pliny, NH 35.99); Vis- LTUR II (1995) 289-295, esp. 291 and Ganzert 2000, 103-
cogliosi 1996. Gurval 1995, 115-119 on the political impact 110. In general on Augustan sacred buildings see Gros 1976.
of Sosius’ temple. For Greek Sicily see Marconi 2007. On the increasing use of marble see also Pensabene 2007,
5
P. Gros, LTUR I (1993) 54-57 lists the rich materials and XVII-XX. This monograph comprises a thorough study of
works of art mentioned in the sources. See also Gurval 1995, the consumption of marble in Ostia.
7
111-131 and the works of art mentioned passim (see index For Greek temples see the manuals by Hellmann 2002,
at p. 323-324) as well as Hekster and Rich 2006. On the 2006; Spawforth 2006; Lippolis, Livadiotti and Rocco 2007;
temple’s polychromy, see Zink 2009. Marconi 2007. For the Roman temples see Gros 1976; 1998.
6
A new, colourful reconstruction was presented in 2002 on These studies contain more detailed information and bibli-
the occasion of the exhibition on polychrome marbles in ographies on all sites mentioned in this book.
Rome: I marmi colorati della Roma imperiale, exhibition
2
to the temple was generally excluded from the adyton and the cella and while the modern visitor may have such
access, the interior arrangement of a temple still does not help clarify which deity was once worshipped there.8
This book will survey all the evidence with the aim of determining whether painted decoration is specific to
temples as a distinct group of religious buildings. I will also examine whether there is a relationship between the
iconography and the deity worshipped in a particular temple. Furthermore, I will examine to what degree paint-
ings were similar to the marble decorations in sanctuaries and elsewhere, and if the murals differed from paint-
ings found in the private sphere.9 Can we establish a typological sequence of building type, god and decoration?
As will become evident in the course of this study, there are mainly two answers to these questions, depending
on the character of the sanctuary. Greek and Roman temples lack, by and large, interior decorations displaying
a unified iconographic programme. Instead they prefer the kind of decoration that we may call ‘wallpaper’ and
that is also seen in other types of buildings. Shrines related to the mystery cults, on the other hand, display deco-
rative programmes that aim at unity, or, at the very last, seek to illustrate some of the basic tenets held by those
who congregated in these buildings. It is for this reason that I have chosen to focus on Mithraea in Chapter 7.
The Gallo-Roman temple at Elst (the Netherlands) has formed the starting point of my reflections gathered
in this study: it is a complex situated next to Nijmegen, the city where I work, and it is one of the subjects I have
studied for many years. The remains were discovered under the Gothic church that had been partly destroyed
in September 1944 during the Battle of Arnhem. The ruins were subsequently studied before being restored and
reused. Fragments of a panel decoration in the cella survived: a dado with marble imitations and ornaments like
thyrsoi supported a system of red panels, whereas candelabra embellished the black zones separating them (fig.
36-37). This form of mural decoration is known from different types of buildings - temples, public spaces and
houses.10 If the Elst fragments had been found out of context, the connection with a religious building would
have been far from evident. We must take into account, however, that the panels themselves could contain figu-
ral scenes which were specific for the room they adorned. Apart from plain red pieces, no fragments of figural
elements have been found. The marble imitations in the dado enhanced the function of the building as a temple;
many examples are also known from private spaces.
We can conclude, for the moment, that in light of their iconography the Elst wall paintings were not at all
inspired by the function of the building. Apparently, then, the decorators of the temple either had not received
specific instructions or there was no such specific decorative scheme available. Perhaps it was simply self-evi-
dent to them to employ a modest scheme in a cult room where the focus would be the cult statue. The important
point, however, is that the temple at Elst is not an isolated case. In fact, it is precisely the lack of figurative ele-
ments that his temple has in common with numerous temples in other parts of the Greco-Roman world, and it
is this rather intriguing phenomenon that is at the core of this study.
Consequently, this study presents a collection of painted decoration in temples in the Greek and Roman
10
8
E.g. Elsner 1995. I will not enter into the specific icono- With reference to Temple II, Bogaers 1955, 134 notes [my
graphic programmes of the sculpted decoration. As to the translation]: “After what has been said before, finally it can
iconography of Greek temples see Knell 1990 and Schultz be put forward in respect to the paintings in Temple II that
and Von den Hoff 2008. On cult statues see Martin 1987 and apparently there existed no relationship between the temple
T. Hölscher, Kultbild, ThesCRA IV (2005) 52-65. On the building and the type of murals found in the cella. Nothing
notion of the house of the gods, see Wightman 2007, 905. can be found in the decoration on the walls that refers to
9
See Muth 1998 and De Angelis, Muth and Hölscher 1999. the sort of building to which it belonged. The motifs of the
On various aspects of temples see also Cahiers Centre G. Glotz paintings are independent from the decorated room and the
8 (1997). C. Keypold, Tempel, ThesCRA IV (2005) 106 has cult connected with it.” He refers in his note 8 to Drack 1950,
some notes on interior decoration of temples; there are many 9 for a similar remark, but there nothing of the kind can be
references to figural scenes, but these are mainly wooden pan- found.
els and rarely murals.
3
world and investigates whether these murals are specific to this group of buildings, be it in a formal or icono-
graphical sense. Much information can be derived from the remains of religious buildings in towns like Pompeii,
Ostia and Dura Europos and the numerous fragments of plaster found in excavations all over the ancient world.
As a matter of fact, few buildings can be studied in situ and, therefore, all the wall plaster fragments are important
– miniscule as they may be. Even though the evidence is relatively plentiful and deriving from all parts of the
ancient world, it has never been studied systematically, let alone comprehensively. The archaeological evidence
can be supplemented by ancient texts, which fall into two categories. First, we have the shorter or longer descrip-
tions of, and references to, temples in the Greek and Roman historical and ‘encyclopaedic’ texts (e.g. Plutarch
and the Elder Pliny), descriptions of Greece (e.g. Pausanias) and technical books (Vitruvius). In some cases
poetic evocations, like Propertius’ description of the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine, can also be informative.
Second, there are descriptions of imaginary monuments in poetic texts, cast in the shape of ekphraseis, which
may illustrate our reconstructions of ancient temple decorations. The first chapter is dedicated to this category
of sources, the written material, where I also discuss to what extent texts can enrich our knowledge.
Extant examples of temple decorations11 are investigated in this study and the question of whether they
corresponded with the function of the building will be addressed wherever relevant. I shall mainly focus on
murals in cellae, but the outer walls and portico decorations of sacred complexes are also taken into account.
I exclude paintings on wooden panels, hung on the walls or exhibited on easels, the pinakes, which often were
very famous and are frequently recorded in the literary sources.12 I also exclude the polychrome decoration of
architectural features like metopes, triglyphs, revetment plaques and acroteria.13 This study discusses exclusively
wall paintings and mosaics found in the same context as the paintings. Besides, some examples of mosaics have
been found in temples that do not (or no longer) possess painted wall decorations, e.g. the Temple of Zeus in
Olympia,14 but the examples encountered while carrying out this research were in most cases of little value.
Another important point is the status and function of the sanctuaries. All examples mentioned thus far
belong to the group of large, public and/or official temples, mostly related to the gods venerated in and by the
polis and the state, whereas citizens shared the public functions offered to these gods and carried out in front of
the temple’s entrance.15 The situation is different for semi-public or private cults practiced by private persons or
groups of Greeks and Romans. The most intimate scale is that of the household shrine, e.g. the Roman lararium,
consisting of a mobile or fixed altar with images and statuettes of the household gods. Here the patron and the
members of the family brought modest offerings and performed prayers, hoping for their protection. This sub-
ject is excluded from my study since these cults belong to the private sphere of a family. A somewhat bigger scale
11
I use here and elsewhere ‘temple’ to refer to a cult building, terracotta elements Winter 1993 is fundamental. Cf. also the
but am aware of the implications of the term. proceedings cited in note 3.
12 14
One may think of the numerous instances recorded by Salzmann 1982, 63, 117-118, pls. 71.5-6, 72.1-2: mosaic in
Pliny in Book 35 of his Naturalis Historia, for the greater the pronaos of tesserae and pebbles. It shows panels with a
part dedicated to painting. The reason in singling out many Triton and fish, probably applied in the first half of the third
painters must be that their works are on display in public and century BC. Since the images do not have any connection
religious buildings (in Pliny’s case, Roman monuments). with the sanctuary and its occupant, the floor decoration
A good overview is found in Isager 1991, 125-131 (great may be seen as a modern carpet of the time and may have
masters), 135-136 (‘The Second Best’). See also Bergmann been a votive offering. Hellmann 2002, 260-261 mentions
1995 on famous pinakes. Cf. the case of pinakes in the Tem- lozenges in the tholoi of Epidauros and Delphi, reflecting
ple of Aphrodite in Arados (Syria) by Pheidias, visited by the ceiling cassettes and mosaics in Olympia discussed here,
Saint Peter (Liverani 2005). Lykosoura (Temple of Despoina) and Xanthos (Letoon B:
13
E.g. terracotta plaques serving as metopes in the Temple of small depictions of the attributes of Artemis and Apollo).
15
Apollo in Thermos (see Koch 2000) and those from Cervet- These are the principal features of a classical temple. See
eri, Falerii and Viganella (Roncalli 1965, 49-54). For Greek Klauck 1995, I, 35-37.
4
is that of the Kultvereine, who came together in scholae. These centres for veneration were normally included in
a house, occupying a (formerly) private room. It could be that these spaces were regularly used in daily life by
the inhabitants of the complex and only adapted during ceremonies. This means that, as opposed to the grand
temples, the cella was used for prayer and offerings, for the cult practice, and that people used the room actively.
Examples discussed here include shrines for the emperor’s cult (Chapter 6) and the synagogue at Dura Europos
(Chapter 8). More or less similar are the sanctuaries of mystery cults like the Isea and Mithraea, examined in
Chapter 7. These sanctuaries share some of the special features listed for private cults: position within an exist-
ing house and use of the cella for cult practices. These differences may urge specific measurements in the sense
of interior design and, in our case, of painted decoration. In these categories the cella is no longer the house of
the god and can be compared with the cult room in Christian, Muslim and other sanctuaries, where the believ-
ers come together to pray.
On the basis of the observations made thus far, I have subdivided the book into nine chapters focusing on
specific types of sanctuaries and/or particular features. The first chapter presents a collection and discussion
of paintings recorded in ancient written sources. The following four chapters are devoted to the monumental,
‘classical’ shrines connected with public life in the towns of ancient Greece and Italy and the Roman provinces,
including buildings used as the houses of the gods. Chapter 6 is dedicated to the shrines for the cult of the
Roman emperors, which are, strikingly perhaps, not grand at all, but modest sacella created by specific groups
of citizens or soldiers. Chapter 7 examines sanctuaries of a more private character, used for mystery cults where
believers came together to worship these gods, bring offerings and share meals. Chapter 8 concentrates on Dura
Europos, a town along the eastern border of the Roman Empire, where we find a rich dossier of shrines with
specific decoration. Some conclusions drawn from the various enquiries are collected in Chapter 9. Within the
chapters, the treatment is more or less chronological per town (Rome, Pompeii) and area (Italy, France).
Finally, it must be pointed out that there are substantial differences as to the length of the descriptions, dis-
cussions and analyses of the various monuments. These differences result from the archaeological material itself.
Most temple complexes could only be treated much more summarily than I had expected when I started this
research, which is especially the case with the temples in the provinces of the Roman Empire, for which reason
inevitably large sections of chapters 2 to 5 have a rather descriptive character. The knowledge of the Pompeian
cases – and hence the bibliography pertaining to it – is so much larger than that about the temples in the Roman
provinces that, as a result, Pompeii dominates. The same is true for the group of Mithraea and for the towns of
Herculaneum, Ostia and Dura Europos.
5
1 Paintings Described in Ancient Texts
The ancient sources do not abound in lengthy descriptions of painted decoration in shrines. Most records are
no more than short references focusing on the artists themselves rather than their work or on technical details
of their work. That does not mean, however, that these references are without interest for this investigation.
These texts tell us about the prestige such paintings could have had and about their relative rarity or peculiarity.
The sources can be divided into two categories, the first including information about real buildings (still extant
or lost) and the second focusing on fictitious temples which only appear in literary texts. The latter category is
represented by the genre of ekphrasis (see infra). The discussion focuses on the former category.
Textual sources provide information on:
1. artists
2. iconography
3. gods and their sanctuaries
4. patrons
5. technical details, including the first use of specific techniques.
Authors like Pliny and Pausanias are mainly interested in the oldest and/or the best, as well as peculiar details
in images and technique. Historical accounts highlight the patrons of temple building or restoration. Therefore,
the texts in general do not cover all aspects we are looking for simultaneously. That means that we know dispro-
portionally much more about one single detail within a shrine and relatively little about the shrine as a whole.
From the set of texts one gets the impression that temple decorations were unimportant except when showing
specific imagery, the result a famous hand (either from an artist or in a technical sense) or decorating a particular
sanctuary. All texts refer to monumental public temples, none describes shrines of private cults.
The location of the paintings, for example in the pronaos (προνάος), inside the naos (e.g. interiores parietes),
on the outer walls, on the courtyard walls (παστάς, περίβολος), is rarely mentioned. Even the terms ἐν or in (in),
ἐνταῦθα (here) are not conclusive, as ‘in the temple’ means most probably ‘in the sanctuary’ and not specifically
‘within’ the temple building.
It is striking that in De Architectura Vitruvius, our main written source on the construction of temples in
antiquity, does not describe the interior decoration of the buildings in question, apart from the architectural
features, in Books 3-4 (On Temple Building) and 7 (On Painting).1 Vitruvius keeps silent because these data were
either insignificant or were such common knowledge that they had no need of being recorded.
These introductory remarks may appear to diminish the value of the written sources, but they are included
to indicate the limitations with which we have to deal. In fact, several texts instruct us about aspects we cannot
learn from the archaeological remains, such as the work by prestigious artists and motifs chosen by patrons.
1
Vitr., De Arch. 4.4. speaks about smoothing the walls’ blocks.
7
GREEK TEMPLES
The most important Greek temples of the Archaic and Classical periods were constructed in limestone or
marble. Ornaments and structural elements, such as capitals and epistyles, were painted, and we are rather well-
informed about the shape and appearance of the cult rooms’ interior walls. These walls were covered by a layer
of white stucco that could either suggest a smooth wall or isodome masonry.2 The cult statue of the god(s) who
might have lived there dominated the space.
In this discussion on sources about paintings in Greek temples, special attention is paid to the iconographical
programmes and the position of the decorations. As mentioned before, the numerous wooden pinakes are not
taken into account, nor are coloured terracotta decorations like plates and roof ornaments; the focus lies on the
fixed decorations.3 The literary sources describe various examples of painted Greek temples, although even here
large monuments receive greater attention than smaller shrines.4
One of the oldest monuments with paintings mentioned in the sources, its only virtue being its antiquity,
is a temple in Alphoneia with paintings by Kleanthes and Aregon, who are listed among the inventors of the
skiagraphia by Pliny. Strabo also records the iconography, but we lack mention of, or reference to, the venerated
deity and thus the themes cannot be analysed in detail:5
ἐν δὲ τῷ τῆς Ἀλφειονίας ἱερῷ γραφαὶ Κλεάνθους τε καὶ Ἀρήγοντος ἀνδρῶν Κορινθίων, τοῦ μὲν Τροίας ἅλωσις καὶ
Ἀθηνᾶς γοναί, τοῦ δ’ Ἄρτεμις ἀναφορομένη ἐπὶ γρυπός, σφόδρα εἰδόκιμοι.
In the temple of Alphoneia there are paintings by Kleanthes and Aregon from Korinth. The first shows the Cap-
ture of Troy and the Birth of Athena, the second Artemis carried up by a griffon. They are very famous.
The world-famous chryselephantine cult statue by Pheidias in the naos of the Temple of Zeus in Olympia
stood behind a limestone fence decorated by Panainos, a brother or nephew of the artist.6 These works are
mentioned in several sources thanks to the importance of Pheidias and the eminence of the temple itself. The
scenes showed myths in which the region Elis and the regional superhero Herakles played an important role.
Strabo is our oldest source about this project and he calls Panainos a nephew, being the son of Pheidias’ brother
Pleistainetos:7
πολλὰ δὲ συνέπραξε τῷ Φειδίᾳ Πάναινος ὁ ζωγράφος, ἀδελφιδοῦς ὤν αὐτοῦ καὶ συνεργολάβος, πρὸς τὴν τοῦ
ξοάνου διὰ τῶν χρωμάτων κόσμησιν καὶ μάλιστα τῆς ἐσθῆτος· δείκνυνται δὲ καὶ γραφαὶ πολλαί τε καὶ θαυμασταὶ
περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐκείνου ἔργα.
2
See the succinct but rich overview in Hellmann 2002, 97-98, also G. Bröker, Künstlerlexikon der Antike 1 (2001) 78 s.v.
229-262. On paintings in Greek temples see also Scheibler Aregon (probably sixth century BC); R. Vollkommer, ibid.,
1994, 138-152. 413 s.v. Kleanthes (seventh century). On skiagraphia Pliny,
3
Cf. Winter 1993; Koch 1996 and 2000; Hellmann 2002, NH 35.15 and the modern authors mentioned.
6
254-255. The latter seems more plausible. Koch 2000, 72-74 con-
4
See SQ and Recueil Milliet 1985. Concerning this work and siders them brothers and Panainos is described as the
the information given in these sources see H. Eristov, RA polychrome painter of the Zeus Olympios. On Panainos:
1987, 109-123. Völcker-Janssen 1987; Scheibler 1994, 145. See also Thomas
5
Strabo 8.3.12.343c (= SQ 382; Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 62). 1976, 47, 51, 80, and W. Ehrhardt, Künstlerlexikon der Antike
Mentioned by Roncalli 1965, 54; Scheibler 1994, 55-56; 2 (2004) 180-181.
7
Koch 1996, 23. They might have been table paintings. Cf. Strabo 8.3.30 (SQ 698; Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 165).
8
The painter Panainos, a nephew and collaborator of Pheidias, helped him a lot in colouring the statue, especially
its garments. Many admirable paintings by him are also shown all over the sanctuary.
This illustrates the importance of the persons who were responsible for the polychromy of statues. Pliny writes
that Pheidias was considered as the painter, but the following is more probable:8
praeterea in confesso sit LXXX tertia fuisse fratrem eius Panaenum qui clipeum intus pinxit Elide Minervae,
quam fecerat Colotes, discipulus Phidiae et ei in faciendo Iove Olympio adiutor.
Moreover, let it be admitted that in the eighty third Olympiad there was a brother of Pheidias, Panainos, who
painted the inside of the shield of Minerva at Elis that was made by Kolotes, a disciple of Pheidias who was his
assistant, when he made the Zeus Olympios.
Finally, we have important remarks by Pausanias in his long description of the Temple of Zeus:9
ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ δὲ ἐρύματα τρόπον τοίχων πεποιημένα τὰ [δὲ] ἀπείργοντά ἐστι. τούτων τῶν ἐρυμάτων ὅσον μὲν
ἀπαντικρὺ τῶν θυρῶν ἐστιν, ἀλήλιπται κυανῷ μόνον, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ αὐτῶν παρέχεται Παναίνου γραφάς. ἐν δὲ αὐταῖς
ἔστι μὲν οὐρανὸν καὶ γῆν Ἄτλας ἀνέχων, παρέστηκε δὲ καὶ Ἡρακλῆς ἐκδέξασθαι τὸ ἄχθος ἐθέλων τοῦ Ἄτλαντος,
ἔτι δὲ Θησεύς τε καὶ Πειρίθους καὶ Ἑλλάς τε καὶ Σαλαμὶς ἔχουσα ἐν τῇ χειρὶ τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἄκραις ποιούμενον
κόσμον, Ἡρακλέους τε τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων τὸ ἐς τὸν λέοντα τὸν ἐν Νεμέᾳ. καὶ τὸ ἐς Κασσάνδραν παρανόμημα
Αἴαντος, Ἱπποδάμειά τε ἡ Οἰνομάου σὺν τῇ μητρὶ καὶ Προμηθεὺς ἔτι ἐχόμενος μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν δεσμῶν, Ἡρακλῆς
δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν ἦρται· λέγεται γὰρ δὴ καὶ τόδε ἐς τὸν Ἡρακλέα, ὡς ἀποκτείναι μὲν τὸν ἀετὸν ὃς ἐν τῷ Καυκάσῳ
τὸν Προμηθέα ἐλύπει, ἐξέλοιτο δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν Προμηθέα ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν. τελευταῖα δὲ ἐν τῇ γραφῇ Πενθεσίλειά
τε ἀφιεῖσα τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ Ἀχιλλεὺς ἀνέχων ἐστὶν αὐτήν· καὶ Ἑσπερίδες δύο φέρουσι τὰ μῆλα ὧν ἐπιτετράφθαι
λέγονται τὴν φρουράν. Πάναινος μὲν δὴ οὗτος ἀδελφός τε ἦν Φειδίου καὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἐν Ποικίλῃ τὸ
Μαραθῶνι ἔργον ἐστὶ γεγραμμένον.
At Olympia there are fences made in the form of walls and serving as shutters. The shutter opposite the doors
of these fences has only been painted blue; the other parts have paintings by Panainos. One of them shows Atlas
supporting heaven and earth; Herakles is standing next to him wanting to take over Atlas’ burden. Furthermore,
there are Theseus and Peirithoos, and Hellas and Salamis. Salamis holds in her hand the ornament made for the
top of a ship’s bow. Furthermore, one of Herakles’ deeds, the Nemean lion, Ajax’s unlawful act against Kassan-
dra, Oinomaos’ daughter Hippodameia and her mother and Prometheus still bound in fetters, while Herakles
approaches him. For it is also said that Herakles killed the eagle who tormented Prometheus in Caucasus, and
freed Prometheus himself from the fetters. The last painting shows Penthesileia expiring and Achilles holding
her in his arms. And two Hesperids carry the apples which they had to keep. This Panainos was a brother of
Pheidias and there is a painting of Marathon by him in Athens inside the Stoa Poikile.10
We can deduce that there were three sets of three stone panels surrounding the small space in front of the cult
statue. The paintings adorned the outer sides, namely those seen by people who entered the naos. Herakles
was the protagonist in the first, two women are shown in the last of the trios, the scenes in the middle have no
single theme in common. It is a matter of discussion whether these scenes formed a coherent iconographical
8 10
Pliny, NH 35.54 (= SQ 1094; Recueil Milliet 1985, no. The last work is also mentioned by Pliny, NH 35.57 (=
167). Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 164).
9
Paus. 5.11.4-6 (= SQ 696; Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 166).
9
programme. Wilhelm Völcker-Janssen published a very plausible analysis in which he shows how the ideology of
the Sophists determined the tenor. In this view, men should respect the limits of their domain, as shown by the
mythical examples. Zeus, the deity of the temple, did not act in these stories, but symbolised the rules human-
kind had to respect. The hieratic pose of the cult statue and the distance between it and the viewer expressed
this notion. When the winning athletes received their crown just in front of the statue, they were exposed to
these values. The decoration was adapted to this special function of the temple and its significance was tied to
this specific context.11
Panainos is also mentioned because of the use of a peculiar technique he used to decorate the interior walls
of a temple of Athena in Elis:12
Elide aedis est Minervae in qua frater Phidiae Panaenus tectorium induxit lacte et croco subactum, ut ferunt;
ideo, si teratur hodie in eo saliva pollice odorem croci saporemque reddit.
At Elis there is a temple of Minerva where it is said that the brother of Pheidias, Panainos, used plaster treated
with milk and saffron; therefore, even today if you rub saliva with your thumb on that stucco it gives the smell
and taste of saffron.
Olympia’s Temple of Zeus and the Parthenon in Athens are examples of the most expensive category of tem-
ples.13 They form an exception in comparison with the more numerous (and now largely lost) temples con-
structed with cheaper materials like wood and mud brick and decorated with plaster and painting. This is also
true for most of the Etruscan and Italic temples of the Archaic and Republican times, their foundations and
terracotta revetments often represent the only remains that can be studied.
If we may believe Plutarch’s Life of Themistokles, this Athenian politician restored the Telesterion in the Attic
village of Phlyai, which had been destroyed by the Persians.14 Themistokles forged a relationship with the fam-
ily of the Lykomidae, who venerated Demeter. The poet Simonides, a friend of Themistokles, composed an
epigram on his behalf. Plutarch tells that the pastas contained paintings:15
ὅτι μέντοι τοῦ Λυκομιδῶν γένους μετεῖχε, δῆλόν ἐστι· τὸ γὰρ Φλυῆσι τελεστήριον, ὅπερ ἦν Λυκομιδῶν κοινόν,
ἐμπρησθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων αὐτὸς ἐπεσκεύασε καὶ γραφαῖς ἐκόσμησεν, ὡς Σιμωνίδης ἱστόρηκεν.
But it is clear that he was member of the Lykomidae family, for he restored the mystery shrine at Phlyai, which
was a common property of the Lykomidae, when it had been burnt down by the barbarians, and he embellished
it with paintings, as Simonides has told us [fr. 222 B4].
It is reported that the paintings remained visible for a long time:16
ὁ δὲ Ἀπόλλων οὗτός ἐστιν ᾧ τὰ Θαργήλια ἄγουσι, καὶ διασῴζεται Φλυῆσι ἐν τῷ δαφνηφορείῳ γραφὴ περὶ τόυτων.
11
For all sources cited hereafter see also Recueil Milliet 1985, stucco decoration on the stairs and walls is known from the
nos. 165-167. time of the Peisistratides (p. 185).
12 14
Pliny, NH 36.177 (= SQ 1097; Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 168: Bloedow 2005, 22, esp. note 15.
15
where this type of technique is referred to). See Koch 2000, Plut., Themistocles 1.4 (= Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 192c); cf.
28 on this technique. the thorough commentary in the edition by Carena et al.
13
Boersma 1970, 166-200 gives a useful list of most temples of 1983, 223-225 (with bibl.); Boersma 1970, 197.
16
the sixth and fifth centuries BC, also indicating the presence Athen. 10.424f (= Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 192d).
of possible decorations. As to the porticus of the Telesterion,
10
That is the Apollo, for whοm they hold the Thargelia and in the Daphnophoreion at Phlyai, is still extant a
painting with that theme.
Since the work of art is referred to in a dialogue about drunkenness, there must exist some relationship with that
vice, possibly on the basis of the Thargelia.17
We get a much clearer idea of the paintings from a third-century Christian author, Hippolytos. He reports
that Plutarch had described the decorations elsewhere, but what he recounts seems to be a series of graffiti-like
images. The described door of the temple could also contain a relief in wood or an incision or an inlayed niello
image on bronze:18
ἐστι δὲ παστὰς ἐν αὐτῇ, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς παστάδος ἐγγέγραπται μέχρι σήμερον ἡ [τὰ τῶν] πάντων τῶν εἰρημένων λόγων
ἰδέα. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἐστι τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς παστάδος ἐκείνης ἐγγεγραμμένα - περὶ ὧν καὶ Πλούταρχος ποιεῖται λόγους
ἐν τοῖς πρὸς Ἐμπεδοκλέα δέκα βίβλοις -, ἔστι δὲ <ἐν> τοῖς πλείοσι<ν ἄλλοις> καὶ πρεσβύτης τις ἐγγεγραμμένος
πολιός, πτερωτός, ἐντεταμένην ἔχων τὴν αἰσχύνην, γυναῖκα ἀποφεύγουσαν διώκων κυνοειδῆ. ἐπιγέγραπται δὲ
ἐπὶ τοῦ πρεσβύτου· Φάος ῥυέτης, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς γυναικός· †περεη† Φικόλα. ἕοικε δὲ εἴναι κατὰ τὸν <τῶν> Σηθιανῶν
λόγον ὁ Φάος ῥυέτης τὸ φῶς, τὸ δὲ σκοτεινὸν ὕδωρ ἡ Φικόλα, τὸ δὲ ἐν μέσῳ τούτων διάστημα ἁρμονία πνεύματος
<τοῦ> μεταξὺ τεταγμένου. τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τοῦ Φάο<υ>ς ῥυέτου τὴν ῥύσιν ἄνωθεν τοῦ φωτός, ὡς λέγουσι, δηλοῖ
κάτω· ὥστε εὐλόγως ἄν τις εἴποι τοὺς Σηθιανοὺς ἐγγύς που τελεῖν παρ’ αὑτοῖς τὰ τῆς Μεγάλης Φλειασίων ὄργια.
There is in that spot a courtyard, in which until nowadays there are painted images of all things mentioned
before. There are many paintings in this courtyard – they have also been discussed by Plutarch in his ten books
against Empedocles – and amongst other [paintings] there is a bald old man with wings whose sex is erect and
who pursues a fleeing, dog-like woman. Next to the old man is written Φάος ῥυέτης, next to the woman: †περεη†
Φικόλα. According to the words of the Sethiani, Phaos Rhuetes is the light and Phikola the dark water, whereas
the conjunction between them is the harmony of the breath that has been placed in the middle. The name Φάος
ῥυέτης could indicate the stream of light from above, as they say, so that someone might rightly say that the
Sethiani participate in the Orgies of the Great Goddess of Phlyai nearby, among themselves.
The term †περεη† Φικόλα is entirely unknown, it is not to be found in the LSJ and is probably a conjecture.
Hippolytos explains the figures as symbols of the light and the dark water which is the harmony of the pneuma.
Despite the ambiguity of this description the conclusion is that the decoration has a tenuous connection with
the function of the building and the venerated deities, showing some facets of the cult.
Ιn the Theseion at Athens, founded by Kimon in 476-475 as the last resting place of the remains of Theseus
on the western side of the Agora (it could have been built earlier and been given a new function after the victory
near Skyros), Mikon and Polygnotos painted large figurative scenes on three walls, which may be the three
interior walls of the naos seen from the door in the fourth wall. The iconography seems to be the main reason
why Pausanias describes them, apart from the artistic reputations of the artists.19
17
Scheibler 1994, 142-143 also mentions Paus. 6.6.11 but this VII (1994) 939-940 (the painting at p. 940 no. 227). For the
text refers to Temesa. area not far from the Aglauros grotto on the East Slope of
18
It is a periphrasis by Hippolytos in his Refutatio omnium the Akropolis, see Walker 1995, 21-22; Hoepfner 1999, 227;
haeresium 5.20.6-7 (Sandbach 1967, 23, fragment 24 from Bloedow 2005, 32-33. Hölscher 1973, 61-62, 71-72 sketches
Eis Empedoklea). The text is taken from Marcovich 1986, the importance of Theseus as an Athenian hero. On the
194-195. artists see U. Koch-Brinkmann, Künstlerlexikon der Antike 2
19
Paus. 1.17.2-3 (= SQ 1086; Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 117). (2004) 272-274 (Polygnotos) and W. Ehrhardt, ibid. 82-84
Barron 1972; Thomas 1976, 39, 50-51, 78, 80; Kasper-Butz (Mikon).
1990, 173-174; Walker 1995, 57-58; J. Neils, Theseus, LIMC
11
γραφαὶ δέ εἰσι πρὸς Ἀμαζόνας Ἀθηναῖοι μαχόμενοι. πεποίηται δέ σφισιν ὁ πόλεμος οὗτος καὶ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀσπίδι
καὶ τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου Διὸς ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ. γέγραπται δὲ ἐν τῷ τοῦ Θησέως ἱερῷ καὶ ἡ Κενταύρων καὶ [ἡ] Λαπιθῶν
μάχη· Θησεὺς μὲν οὖν ἀπεκτονώς ἐστιν ἤδη Κένταυρον, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις ἐξ ἴσου καθέστηκεν ἔτι ἡ μάχη. τοῦ δὲ τρίτου
τῶν τοίχων ἡ γραφὴ μὴ πυθομένοις ἃ λέγουσιν οὐ σαφής ἐστι, τὰ μέν που διὰ τὸν χρόνον, τὰ δὲ Μίκων οὐ τὸν
πάντα ἔγραψε λόγον. Μίνως ἠνίκα Θησέα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον στόλον τῶν παίδων ἦγεν ἐς Κρήτην, ἐρασθεὶς Περιβοίας,
ὥς οἱ Θησεὺς μάλιστα ἠναντιοῦτο, καὶ ἄλλα ὑπὸ ὀργῆς ἀπέρριψεν ἐς αὐτὸν καὶ παῖδα οὐκ ἔφη Ποσειδῶνος εἶναι,
ἐπεὶ <οὐ> δύνασθαι τὴν σφραγῖδα, ἣν αὐτὸς φέρων ἔτυχεν, ἀφέντι ἐς θάλασσαν ἀνασῶσαί οἱ. Μίνως μὲν λέγεται
ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀφεῖναι τὴν σφραγῖδα· Θησέα δὲ σφραγῖδά τε ἐκείνην ἔχοντα καὶ στέφανον χρυσοῦν, Ἀμφιτρίτης
δῶρον, ἀνελθεῖν λέγουσιν ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης.
There are paintings of the Athenians fighting against the Amazons. This war had also been depicted on the
shield of the Athena [Parthenos] and the base of the Olympian Zeus. In the shrine of Theseus the battle of
Centaurs and Lapiths has also been painted. Theseus has already killed a Centaur and for the others the fight
is still a draw. The painting on the third wall is not clear to those who ignore the legend, on the one hand by the
effects of time, on the other hand because Mikon has not painted the whole story. When Minos brought Theseus
and the other young people to Crete, he fell in love with Periboia and while Theseus strongly opposed him, Minos
accused him in anger and said that he was not the son of Poseidon. For he would not be able to bring back the
signet ring Minos was then wearing when he threw it into the sea. It is said that after these words Minos flung the
ring away. They say that Theseus rose up from the sea with that ring and a golden wreath, a gift of Amphitrite.
Pausanias goes on to mention the alternative stories about Theseus and it is not clear whether he alludes to some
representations. However, the paintings described clearly reflect the dedicatee and formed a real thematic cycle.
The first wall showed the battle between the Athenians and the Amazons in Attica, the second one the Centau-
romachy, and the third wall contained a rather obscure episode, never represented in the works of art hitherto
known, namely a conflict between Minos and Theseus before their arrival in Crete. The relationship between
the ‘occupant’ of the temple, the patron and the scenes is clear: the images stress the greatness of the city and of
Theseus.20 Kimon was the man who had fought for peace after the Persian Wars here represented, as so often in
the fifth century BC, in the metaphor of the Centauromachy and the Amazonomachy. With the third theme he
(or Theseus in his place) announced Athens’ thalassocracy. Only the most outstanding and most famous art-
ists of the time were good enough to immortalize this iconographic programme. The temple became a victory
monument for the great Kimon himself and for the city just like, some decades later, the Periklean Parthenon
would be for Perikles in a much more spectacular way.
Polygnotos and Mikon also executed murals in the Anakeion, a temple for the Dioskouroi on the northern
slope of the Akropolis of Athens. After mentioning statuary groups of the twins and their sons Pausanias briefly
describes the decorations:21
20
On Kimon and Athens see Bloedow 2005. On the Minos Cf. the commentary by F. Chamoux in the Budé edition of
episode Kasper-Butz 1990, 173: the find of the ring was Pausanias, vol. I (Paris 1992) 184-185: the ubication would
hailed by contemporary authors. Cf. Moreno 1987, 61-65. correspond with that of the Theseion. The theme of the
On this theme in iconography see Ciardiello 2005. Dioskouroi and the Argonauts had been previously depicted
21
Paus. 1.18.1 (= SQ 1058; Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 118). on a religious building, i.e. two metopes on the Treasury of
Reinach observes in a note that Brunn and Overbeck situ- Sikyon in Delphi around 560 BC.
ated the painting in the Theseion, namely on the fourth wall.
12
ἐνταῦθα Πολύγνωτος μὲν ἔχοντα ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔγραψε γάμον τῶν θυγατέρων τῶν Λευκίππου, Μίκων δὲ τοὺς μετὰ
Ἰάσονος ἐς Κόλχους πλεύσαντας· καί οἱ τῆς γραφῆς ἡ σπουδὴ μάλιστα ἐς Ἄκαστον καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἔχει τοὺς
Ἀκάστου.
Here Polygnotos painted, as a pertaining theme, the wedding of the daughters of Leukippos; Mikon painted the
men who sailed with Jason to Kolchos. The main points of interest of the painting are Akastos and the horses
of Akastos.
It is interesting that Pausanias points out the connection of the heroes venerated here and the adventures they
were involved in, indicating that the scenes were chosen for these reasons.
Pausanias also describes some sanctuaries for Dionysos in the vicinity of the Theatre of Dionysos. The fifth-
century Temple of Dionysos on the slope of the Acropolis possessed a very large chryselephantine cult statue of
the god by Alkamenes. Its interior contained programmatic paintings showing stories from the life of the god.
Pausanias describes them at length:22
γραφαὶ δὲ αὐτόθι· Διόνυσος ἐστι ἀνάγων Ἥφαιστον ἐς οὐρανόν· λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων, ὡς Ἥρα ῥίψαι
γενόμενον Ἥφαιστον, ὁ δέ οἱ μνησικακῶν πέμψαι δῶρον χρυσοῦν θρόνον ἀφανεῖς δεσμοὺς ἔχοντα, καὶ τὴν μὲν
ἐπείτε ἐκαθίζετο δεδέσθαι, θεῶν δὲ τῶν ἄλλων οὐδενὶ τὸν μὲν Ἥφαιστον ἐθέλειν πείθεσθαι, Διόνυσος δέ - μάλιστα
γὰρ ἐς τοῦτον πιστὰ ἦν Ἡφαίστῳ - μεθύσας αὐτὸν ἐς οὐρανὸν ἤγαγε· ταῦτά τε δὴ γεγραμμένα εἰσι καὶ Πενθεὺς καὶ
Λυκοῦργος ὧν ἐς Διόνυσον ὕβρισαν διδόντες δίκας, Ἀριάδνη δὲ καθεύδουσα καὶ Θησεὺς ἀναγόμενος καὶ Διόνυσος
ἥκων ἐς τῆς Ἀριάδνης τὴν ἁρπαγήν.
There are paintings showing Dionysos bringing Hephaistos to heaven. The Greeks tell the following story. Hera
had thrown down Hephaistos after his birth and he, hating her, sent her as a gift a golden throne with invisible
chains. When she sat down, she was bound. None of the gods was capable of persuading Hephaistos, apart from
Dionysos – for Hephaistos trusted him very much. He made him drunk and brought him to heaven. In addition
to these scenes there are also Pentheus and Lykourgos punished for the offences they had done to Dionysos, a
sleeping Ariadne and Theseus departing [from Naxos], as well as Dionysos coming to take Ariadne away.
The first scene is well-known in figurative arts, especially in Archaic vase painting, and it might be true that Pau-
sanias had to explain the lame god riding on a mule to his readers, as no contemporary parallels were available.
In contrast, the other figures firmly belonged to the repertoire of imperial art and here seem to form a series of
framed images depicting consecutive episodes from Dionysos’ life. Theseus, singled out here, would have had a
special place by virtue of his obvious connections with Athens.
Plutarch speaks of γράφαι which cost 90 talents and were placed in the Temple of Athena in Plataea after the
Battle of Marathon:23
οὕτω δὲ διαλλαγέντες ἐξεῖλον ὀγδοήκοντα τάλαντα τοῖς Πλαταιεῦσιν, ἀφ’ ὧν τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἀνῳκοδόμησαν ἱερὸν
καὶ τὸ ἕδος ἔστησαν καὶ γραφαῖς τὸν νεὼν διεκόσμησαν, αἳ μέχρι νῦν ἀκμάζουσαι διαμένουσιν, ἔστησαν δέ τρόπαιον
ἰδίᾳ μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι χωρίς δ’ Ἀθηναῖοι.
22 23
Paus. 1.20.3 (= Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 392, with a datation Plut., Aristides 20.3 (SQ, no. 636; Muller-Dufeu, no. 803).
to the period of Lykourgos, 338-326, on p. 308 note 2).
13
Settling the conflict in this way they took eighty talents from the [booty to give to the] inhabitants of Plataea
with which they built the sanctuary of Athena, erected the cult statue and embellished the temple with paint-
ings, which up to now remain in an excellent state, and the Spartans erected a trophy for themselves, as did the
Athenians separately.
Pausanias gives some extra information, namely the names of two famous artists, the themes depicted, and the
location:24
γραφαὶ δέ εἰσιν ἐν τῷ ναῷ Πολυγνώτου μὲν Ὀδυσσεὺς τοὺς μνηστῆρας ἤδη κατειργασμένος, Ὀνασία δὲ Ἀδράστου
καὶ Ἀργείων ἐπὶ Θῆβας ἡ προτέρα στρατεία. αὗται μὲν δή εἰσιν ἐπὶ τοῦ προνάου τῶν τοίχων αἱ γραφαί.
The paintings in the temple show Odysseus after slaying the suitors, by Polygnotos, and the first campaign of
Adrastos and the Argivians against Thebes, by Onasias. These paintings are on the walls of the entrance hall.
The mention of Polygnotos and Onasias, omitted by Plutarch, might be a local attribution made to enhance
the importance of the paintings. The place where these paintings were located, namely outside the cella, could
imply that they were executed as frescoes and not as wooden pinakes. The topics chosen illustrated the venge-
ance of the Greeks against the Persians (Odysseus against the suitors) and the collaboration of all Greeks against
a common enemy, here the Kadmeioi at Thebes who had penetrated the house of the Greeks.25 Athena Areia
is not represented at all, but she has an implicit connection with the Theban saga by giving permission to bury
the fallen soldiers in Attica.26
Furthermore, there were paintings by Polygnotos at Thespiai, restored by Pausias with a thin brush after the
victory over the city by Alexander the Great in 335 BC. Their subject is unknown:27
Pamphilus quoque, Apellis praeceptor, non pinxisse solum encausta, sed etiam docuisse traditur Pausian Sicyo-
nium, primum in hoc genere nobilem. Bryetis filius hic fuit eiusdemque discipulus. pinxit et ipse penicillo parietes
Thespiis, cum reficerentur quondam a Polygnoto picti.
Similarly, Pamphilos, the teacher of Apelles, would not have painted only encaustics,28 but it is reported that he
instructed Pausias from Sicyon, who was the first famous one in this genre. This son of Bryes was his student. He
personally painted with a thin brush the walls at Thespiai that, once painted by Polygnotos, at that time were
in need of restoration.29
Pliny is the only source to transmit the name of Aristokleides as the man who adorned the exterior walls of the
Temple of Apollo in Delphi:30
24 28
Paus. 9.4.2 (= SQ 1059; Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 123; for the On encaustics Koch 2000, 41-46.
29
observation about frescoes). The subjunctive reficerentur seems to suggest that Pausias
25
Thomas 1976, 69-70, 73, 78-79. Cf. Scheibler 1994, 143 would not like to touch the great works of Polygnotos, but
who speaks about a paradigmatic intention of the old sagas. had to, as they were in decay. Otherwise no subjunctive
26
Moreno 1987, 43-45. Cf. Scheibler 1994, 143. On Onasias R. would seem necessary.
30
Vollkommer, Künstlerlexikon der Antike 2 (2004) 154-155. Pliny, NH 35.138 (= SQ 2151; Recueil Milliet 1985, no.
27
Pliny, NH 35.123 (= SQ 1062 and 1760; Recueil Milliet 1985, 535). Cf. G. Bröker, Künstlerlexikon der Antike 1 (2001) 86.
no. 124). For Pausias Koch 2000, 104; I. Scheibler, Künstler- Scheibler 1994, 141 and fig. 66 (artist’s impression of these
lexikon der Antike 2 (2004) 199-200. decorations).
14
hactenus indicatis proceribus in utroque genere non silebuntur et primis proximi: Aristoclides qui pinxit aedem
Apollinis Delphis.
Until now I have pointed out those who were extant in both genres of painting [pencil and encaustic painting;
see previous quotation], but now those who follow them must not pass in silence: Aristokleides who painted the
temple of Apollo at Delphi [etc.].
The building phase to which the works of Aristokleides belong must be the second one, namely after 330 when
the shrine was rebuilt after having been destroyed by an earthquake in 373 BC. Polygnotos had decorated the
previous temple.31
Greeks adorned the walls of the Athena temple at Syracuse with paintings, probably on wooden panels and
therefore outside the scope of this study, by order of the city’s tyrant Agathokles. We know about their existence
thanks to a severe accusation of Verres by Cicero in his second Verrina: 32
pugna erat equestris Agathocli regis in tabulis picta praeclare; iis autem tabulis interiores templi parietes vestie-
bantur. Nihil erat ea pictura nobilius, nihil Syracusis quod magis visendum putaretur. Has tabulas M. Marcellus
cum omnia victoria illa sua profana fecisset, tamen religione impeditus non attigit; iste, cum illa propter diur-
nam pacem fidelitatemque populi Syracusani sacra religiosaque accepisset, omnis eas tabulas abstulit, parietes
quorum ornatus tot saecula manserant, tot bella effugerant, nudos ac deformatos reliquit.
There was a cavalry battle of king Agathokles excellently painted on panels; the interior walls of the temple [of
Athena] were clad with those panels. There was nothing nobler than this painting, nothing that was thought to
be more worth seeing at Syracuse. M. Marcellus did not touch these panels, restrained by religion, although he
had profaned all things by that victory, but this man here, although he had accepted all those holy and religious
things because of the long peace and fidelity of the people of Syracuse, took off all those panels which had formed
the adornment of the walls for so many centuries and had escaped so many wars, leaving the walls nude and
deformed.
Agathokles had assumed power after the death of Alexander the Great in the East and used these representations
to support his claim on Sicily. These works of art, therefore, were important for him personally and for the pres-
tige of his city. The decorations were located in the cella. Apparently Verres could take the paintings off easily
and carry them to Rome as illegal booty. It is unknown where they were exhibited thereafter, but the accusation
implies that Verres had not dedicated them in one of Rome’s temples or public buildings. As a matter of fact, it
was not the first time that a commander had stolen precious paintings from a sacred space.
Two sources to be explored within the framework of this study are inscriptions and papyri. Inscriptions men-
tion the presence of paintings in two temples in Delos. An inventory of temples and their possessions, dated
to 156/155 BC, reveals that the Aphrodision, the Temple of Aphrodite, contained nine painted ceiling panels
31
Pliny, NH 35.59: hic Delphis aedem pinxit (he painted the and Sparta).
32
temple in Delphi). As to Delphi, I leave out the decorations Cic., Ver. 2.4.122. Cf. Scheibler 1994, 141; Holliday 2002,
in the Lesche of the Knidians, also by Polygnotos (Paus. 78. On Marcellus and Syracuse Östenberg 2009, 80-81,
10.25-31; see Scheibler 1994, 52-54, 143-144; Hellmann 208-211; Miles 2008, 61-68, 115-116. Miles 2008 on the
2002, 254, compared with painted stoai in Athens, Sikyon Verrinae.
15
in the prostoon: πίνακας ὀροφικοὺς ἐννέα. Their presence in a type of entrance room implies that these were
wooden panels that were set into shallow niches or frames.33
A dedicatory inscription speaks of the redecoration of the Serapeion C by Theophilos:34
Θεόφιλος Θεοφίλου
Ἀντιοχεύς μελανηφόρος τὴν κονίασιν
τοῦ παστοφορίου καὶ
τὴν γραφὴν τῶν
τε τοίχων καὶ τῆς
ὀροφῆς καὶ τὴν ἔ[γ-]
καυσιν τῶν θυρῶν
καὶ τὸὺς προμόχθους
τούς ἐν τοῖς τοίχοις
καὶ τouς ἐπὶ αὐτοῖς σανίδας
ἀνέθηκεν Σαράπιδι, Ἴσιδι,
Ἀνούβιδι, Ἁρποχράτει,
ἐπὶ Ἱερέως Σελεύκου
τοῦ Ἀνδρονίκου
Ῥαμνουσίου.
Theophilos, son of Theophilos, from Antioch, melanophoros, has dedicated to Sarapis, Isis, Anubis and Har-
pokrates the whitewash of the pastophorion and the painting on the walls and the ceiling and the encaustic deco-
ration of the doors and the bearing beams in the walls and the wooden planks above them, during the priesthood
of Seleukos, son of Andronikos, from Rhamnous.
As to dating, the year 112/111 can be deduced from the last three lines. The pastophorion must be an assembly
room for the cult assistants within the sanctuary. Apparently the interior walls were a simple white while the
wooden elements were more colourful. The dress of the melanophoros – literally: wearing black - indicates a
function and the membership of a specific cultic association.35
ROMAN TEMPLES
Most descriptions of Roman mural decorations in ancient sources are concerned with mid-Republican temples,
either constructed and painted or re-decorated after a triumph. These paintings belong to what was called pictu-
ra triumphalis, the genre we have just encountered in Syracuse. The literary testimonies are mostly short and the
single decorations are almost never recorded in more than one source. Fabius Pictor is the great exception to this
rule, as we will see. In the following discussion they are presented in a chronological order.36
33
Durrbach and Roussel 1935, no. 1417, side A, column 2, Museo Maffiano at Verona (= Ritti 1981, 59-60 no. 24). The
lines 17-18 at p. 59 as element in an inventory list; quoted texts are identical. Partly quoted in Alabe 2002, 258. As to
in Alabe 2002, 258. See extensively Prêtre 2002, 199-238. Serapeion C, this must be the largest of the three Serapeia
There is confusion about this ‘Aphrodision’, as there were known at Delos, see Prêtre 2002, 233.
35
two of them (Prêtre 2002, 120, 232). Cf. Hellmann 2002, See Ritti 1981, no 46.
36
255. Cf. Hölscher 1978, 344-346; Hölscher 1980, 352-355;
34
Roussel and Launey 1937, 223-224 nos. 2085-2086. No. Holliday 2002; Östenberg 2009, 248-261; S. Tortorella in
2085 was found in the Serapeion itself in 1881, 2086 was Bragantini 2010, 113-125.
brought to Italy in the fifteenth century and is now in the
16
In the section about Roman painting Pliny starts with the introduction of wall painting in Italic temples
outside Rome. One might think of the famous terracotta revetments, often painted in many colours:37
iam enim absoluta erat pictura etiam in Italia. Exstant certe hodieque antiquiores urbe picturae Ardeae in aedi-
bus sacris, quibus equidem nullas aeque miror, tam longo aeuo durantes in orbitate tecti ueluti recentes. Similiter
Lanuvi, ubi Atalante et Helena comminus pictae sunt nudae ab eodem artifice, utraque excellentissima forma,
sed altera ut virgo, ne ruinis quidem templi concussae. Gaius princeps tollere eas conatus est libidine accensus si
tectorii natura permississet. Durant et Caere antiquiores et ipsae fatebiturque quisquis eas diligenter aestimaue-
rit nullam artium celerius consummatam cum Iliacis temporibus non fuisse eam appareat.
Painting had already reached perfection even in Italy. Today there are surely paintings older than [the existence
of] Rome at Ardea in holy shrines that I admire even more than others as they have been preserved for such
a long time, as if they were painted recently, although they lack the protection of a roof. The same is true for
Lanuvium where Atalante and Helen have been painted by the same artist, side-by-side, nude and both of beau-
tiful shape, the former being shown as a virgin. They were even not damaged by the collapse of the temple. The
emperor Gaius tried to cut them out, burning with desire for them, if only the nature of plaster had allowed it. At
Caere there are even older paintings and a person who carefully examines them will confess that none of the arts
was brought to perfection more quickly, since it becomes clear that this art had not existed in the times of Troy.
The negative story about Gaius Caligula is the reason Pliny mentions the nude ladies and one might wonder
how these heroines were inserted in the decorative system. Probably they were depicted as single, standing
figures in independent panels next to each other, displaying their female charms. They might have had some
attributes that made them recognisable. It is less plausible to presume that they formed part of figural scenes in
which the women play the main rôle, namely the Rape of Helen and the Hunt of the Caledonian Boar. A nude
Atalante must refer to the athlete she is in some stories, namely in her wrestling contest with Peleus or the race
against Hippomenes. Helen’s nudity would of course display her quality as the most beautiful woman on earth.38
In a later chapter in the same book Pliny records the painter of the murals in the temple of Juno in Ardea,
Plautius Marcus, who is praised in a short epigram on his work:39
decet non sileri et Ardeatis templi pictorem, praesertim ciuitate donatum ibi et carmine quod est in ipsa pictura
his uersibus:
Dignis dignu’ loco picturis condecorauit
reginae Iunonis supremi coniugis templum
Plautius Marcus; cluet Asia lata esse oriundus,
quem nunc et post semper ob artem hanc Ardea laudat.
Eaque sunt scripta antiquis litteris Latinis.
37
Pliny, NH 35.17. in a beauty contest, as we know from Etruscan images. In
38
For nude or scarcely dressed Atalantes in predominately this context, the explanation in no. 93, that our scene might
Greek vase painting showing her involved in similar activi- be Etruscan, seems more suitable, but I do not think that it
ties see: J. Boardman, Atalante, LIMC II (1984) 945-947 is the only explanation. I. Krauskopf, Elina, LIMC IV (1988)
nos. 60-89. This particular painting referred to in the text is no. 41 also mentions this painting as an Etruscan work of art.
39
listed on p. 948, no. 93, without explanation. In the commen- Pliny, NH 35.115-116 (= SQ 2378).
tary (p. 949) Boardman suggests that Atalante participated
17
We must not forget the painter of the temple in Ardea, especially because he obtained citizenship there and
thanks to a poem that is in the picture itself and runs as follows:
He decorated a worthy place with worthy paintings,
The temple of Queen Juno, wife of the highest spouse:
Plautius Marcus, purportedly born in wide Asia
Whom Ardea now and later always does praise for this art.
These lines are written in ancient Latin characters.
As to chronology Pliny gives no indications about the age of the temples mentioned.40 They must be more or
less from the same period as the oldest example in Rome, the Temple of Ceres, built on the northern slope of
the Aventine next to the Circus Maximus after a votum by Aulus Postumius Albinus just before the Battle of
Lake Regillus (499 or 496 BC). It is reported by Pliny that Greek artists from Magna Graecia made both the
terracotta relief decorations and paintings:41
plastae laudatissimi fuere Damophilus et Gorgasus, iidem pictores, qui Cereris aedem Romae ad circum
maximum utroque genere artis suae excoluerant, uersibus inscriptis Graece, quibus significarent ab dextra opera
Damophili esse, ab laeua Gorgasi. Ante hanc aedem Tuscanica omnia in aedibus fuisse auctor est Varro, et ex
hac, cum reficeretur, crustas parietum excisas tabuliis marginatis inclusas esse, item signa ex fastigiis dispersa.
Damophilos and Gorgasos were highly praised terracotta makers who were also painters. They adorned the
Temple of Ceres in Rome next to the Circus Maximus with both forms of their art, with verses in Greek written
next to them in which they pointed out that the work on the right was Damophilos’, that on the left by Gorga-
sos.42 Varro informs us that before this shrine everything in temples was Tuscan and it is reported that, when
it was refurbished, wall pieces were cut out from here and framed, whereas the statues on the façade were lost.
The text does not give details of the decorations, but implies that the artists could have painted polychrome
decorations on all terracotta elements, including the revetment plaques. Apparently, wall decorations were later
cut out to be preserved in frames like precious works of art. The three-dimensional figures in the pediment and
on the roof must have been lost. In the eyes of Vitruvius the building was old-fashioned, but apparently it was
not an Italic temple, as we can deduce from Pliny’s remarks.43 The suggestion of the encyclopaedist about the
Tuscan character of its predecessors might mean that panels were a new element.
There are four testimonies on the paintings in the cella of the Temple of Salus on the Quirinal hill dating to
304 BC. The reason is that the artist was none other but the Roman eques Fabius Pictor, who also signed them.
Cicero could have personally seen the paintings he briefly refers to in his Tusculanae disputationes 1.2.4:
40
Cf. Isager 1991, 118-119. gram of Simonides cited in note 78.
41 43
Pliny, NH 35.154 (= SQ 616). On the temple see F. Coarelli, Vitr., De arch. 3.3.5 mentions the terracotta statues. In sum,
LTUR I (1993) 260-261. Here a provenance from Tarentum the decoration might have looked like that in the Temple
or (more probably) Syracuse is suggested. The written texts of Mater Matuta in the S. Omobono area (see G. Pisani
are like those on the Treasury of Siphnos or Sikyon in Delphi Sartorio, LTUR II (1995) 281-285, esp. 282). Bergmann
(so Coarelli). On the paintings Roncalli 1965, 55; Koch 1995, 100 sees the framed paintings as art objects to circu-
2000, 14. late and to be exposed in a pinacotheca. Koch 2000, 71-72
42
Koch 2000, 14 discusses the division of labour. See the epi- discusses the text at length.
18
an censemus si Fabio nobilissimo homini laudi datum esset quod pingeret non multos etiam apud nos futuros
Polyclitos et Parrhasios fuisse? Honos alit artes omnesque incenduntur ad studia gloria iacentque ea semper
quae apud quosque improbantur.
Or, if the very famous Fabius received praise for the fact that he painted, do we have to think that not many
Polykleitoi and Parrhasioi were to exist even among us? Honour feeds the arts and inspires all to work hard for
glory, and things that are rejected by everyone always remain aside.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus might also have known the monument since he came to Rome in 30 BC, where he
lived for some twenty years. The Greek scholar writes:44
αἱ ἐντοίχιοι γραφαὶ ταῖς τε γραμμαῖς πάνυ ἀκριβεῖς ἦσαν· καὶ τοῖς μίγμασιν ἡδεῖαι, παντὸς ἀπηλλαγμένον ἔχουσαι
τοῦ καλουμένου ῥώπου τὸ ἀνθηρόν.
The wall paintings were very clear thanks to the lines. They were also agreeable, their freshness being entirely free
of the so-called petty wares [rhopos].
Valerius Maximus discusses the reason for the presence of the artist’s signature:45
illa uero etiam a claris uiris interdum ex humillimis rebus petita est: nam quid sibi uoluit C. Fabius nobilissimus
ciuis, qui, cum in aede Salutis, quam C. Iunius Bubulcus dedicauerat, parietes pinxisset, nomen his suum inscripsit?
id enim demum ornamenti familiae consulatibus et sacerdotiis et triumphis celeberrimae deerat. ceterum sordido
studio deditum ingenium qualemcumque illum laborem suum silentio obliterari noluit, uidelicet Phidiae secutus
exemplum, qui clypeo Mineruae effigiem suam inclusit, qua conuulsa tota operis conligatio solueretur.
But this was even requested by famous men for very modest reasons: for, what did the noblest citizen C. Fabius
aim at by inserting his name when he painted the walls of the temple of Salus that had been dedicated by C. Iunius
Bubulcus? Exactly this feature failed in the lustre of the family, very well known for its consulates, sacral offices and
triumphs. Moreover, his genius, dedicated to a sordid job, did not want this work of his, whatever its worth, to be
subject to oblivion; he followed in a way Pheidias, who had inserted his portrait on the shield of Minerva [Athena
Parthenos] but if it were destroyed, the whole structure of the work would disintegrate.
Pliny writes the following in his chapter on early paintings in Rome:46
apud Romanos quoque honos mature huic arti contigit siquidem cognomina ex ea Pictorum traxerunt Fabii
clarissimae gentis, princepsque eius cognominis ipse aedem Salutis pinxit anno urbis conditae CCCCL, quae
pictura durauit ad nostram memoriam aede ea Claudi principatu exusta.
The Romans also fully bestowed honour to this art, because the Fabii, a very famous family, took their surname
‘Pictor’ from it and the first of them with that surname painted the Temple of Salus in the year 450 from the
44
Dion.Hal., ant. 16.3.2 (excerpt; the place is not mentioned; About the temple: Ziolkowski 1992, 144-148; F. Coarelli,
SQ no. 2374). The word ῥῶπος, translated in LSJ as ‘petty’, LTUR IV (1999) 229-230; Holliday 2002, 31. On Greek
has been frequently discussed: see Rouveret 1989, 272-278, texts written next to the figures see also Thomas 1995.
45
who suggests a mix of lurid and/or ugly colours. Cf. Koch Val. Max. 8.14.6 (= SQ 2373).
46
2000, 95-98 and 186 (translates the word with ‘banal’). Pliny, NH 35.19 (= SQ 2372).
19
foundation of the city [= 304 BC]; this painting came down to our memory, although the temple burnt down
under the principate of Claudius.
Dionysius did not describe what was represented, but Filippo Coarelli’s proposal that the subjects were the
military expeditions of the patron Gaius Iunius Bubulcus Brutus during the Third Samnite War is highly plau-
sible.47 Although the building was destroyed by fire only 29 years later (275 BC), the decorated walls must have
survived, since Pliny records the time of Claudius as its definite last moment of existence. Clearly, the mention
in the sources relies on the fact that the maker was from such a noble family; for Cicero and Valerius Maximus,
Fabius’ painting activity even detracts from the prestige of the gens.48 The representations seemingly were no
longer of interest to the early Imperial viewer. Nadia Koch observes that the epithet ἡδεῖαι, used by Dionysius,
was a characteristic praised in Greek painting of that period. Its Latin counterpart would be Pliny’s iucundus.49
The murals might have looked like contemporary Etruscan paintings in which contour lines were a frequent
feature.50 We can conclude that the high status of the artist has been the main – or for many authors the only –
reason to write about Fabius Pictor. We learn almost nothing about the temple’s decorations.
In a single sentence Festus mentions two examples of triumphal paintings in temples on the Aventine:51
picta quae nunc toga dicitur, purpurea ante uocitata est, eaque erat sine pictura. Eius rei argumentum est … pic-
tum in aede Vertumni et Consi, quarum in altera M. Fuluius Flaccus, in altera T. Papirius Cursor triumphantes
ita picti sunt. Tunica autem palmata a latitudine clauorum dicebatur, quae nunc a genere picturae appellatur.
The toga that is now called ‘picta’ was formerly named ‘the purple one’ and it had no painting. This topic has
been … represented in the temples of Vertumnus and Consus, where M. Fulvius Flaccus in the former, and T.
Papirius Cursor in the latter, are depicted in that way during their triumphs. But the tunica palmata got its name
from the breadth of its clavi and now is called after that type of painting.
Titus Papirius Cursor founded the Temple for Consus in 272 BC after his victories over Samnites and Taren-
tines. Marcus Fulvius Flaccus had given the commission to erect a temple for Vertumnus in 264 and had ordered
a depiction of a battle against the Volsinians.52 So far as one can judge, both had chosen representations of their
triumphs rather than the battles themselves and we might imagine them as forerunners of Titus’ triumphus relief
on the Arch of Titus or a primitive sort of Mantegna’s ‘Triumph of Caesar’. However, if Papirius and Fulvius
had illustrated the battles, we must recall an interesting fragment of a mural decoration from about 300 BC at
Cumae and extensively studied by Nazarena Valenza Mele.53 The decoration covers an almost square block of
tuff and shows parts of two registers of images, one over the other like the famous Fabius painting in Rome to
47
F. Coarelli, LTUR IV (1999) 229-230. social ambiente of Fabius is discussed.
48 51
DNP IV (1998) 373 s.v. Fabius I 31 suggests that he com- Lindsay 1913, 228, lines 18-25, Fragment P. 209. The three
missioned the decorations and therefore got the cognomen dots after est indicate a lacuna of one line (see p. 229, appa-
Pictor, but the sources, especially Valerius Maximus and ratus criticus). Cf. Ziolkowski 1992, 24-25; M. Andreussi,
Pliny, stress the aspect of the art of painting as a peculiarity LTUR I (1993) 321-322. On Papirius s. F. Münzer, RE
worth mentioning. Cf. Isager 1991, 118. On Fabius Pictor XVIII.3 (1949) 1051-1056.
52
see also R. Vollkommer, Künstlerlexikon der Antike 1 (2001) Cf. J. Aronen, LTUR V (1999) 213-214; Holliday 2002,
253. 30-31. Not in Ziolkowski 1992.
49 53
Koch 2000, 186 (with examples). Valenza Mele 1996, 325-360.
50
A cautious suggestion by Dulière 1979, I, 51, where the
20
which this fragment has rightly been compared. In the lower field, a nocturnal ritual unfolds, above a row of
soldiers is marching, bearing only one greave each. Valenza Mele connected the scene with the foundation of the
legio linteata in 338 BC, as described by Livy, composed of Campanians. The homonymous father of Papirius
defeated these enemies of Rome in 309.54 Similar troops would have existed around 300 at Cumae and they
would have helped the Romans. The painted block would have formed part of a tomb chamber and has been
collected without a precise provenance.55 Rita Benassai raised doubt as to the idea of two registers and argued
that the rendering contained a certain degree of perspective depth, with two superimposed plans. She accepted
the interpretation of a legio linteata as the theme of the painting and also saw it as a fragment of a funerary paint-
ing (chamber or sarcophagus) made shortly after 300 BC.56
Italy was painted on a wall in the Temple of Tellus in the Carinae in Rome as is told by Varro:57
Sementiuis feriis in aedem Telluris ueneram rogatus ab aeditumo, ut dicere didicimus a patribus nostris, ut cor-
rigimur a recentibus urbanis, ab aedituo. Offendi ibi C. Fundianum, socerum meum, et C. Agrium equitem, R.
Socraticum et P. Agrasium publicanum spectantes in pariete pictam Italiam. Quid vos hic? Inquam. Num feriae
sementiuae otiosos huc adduxerunt, ut patres et auos solebant nostros?
During the sowing festival [in January] I had come to the temple of Tellus on request of the aeditumus [sacris-
tan], as we have learned to say from our fathers, by the aedituus as modern urban people correct us. There I met
C. Fundianus, my brother-in-law, and the knight C. Agrius, R. Socraticus and the contractor P. Agrasius who
all stood looking at Italy painted on the wall. “What are you doing here?” I said. “Did the sowing festival bring
people free from work here, as it used to do with our father and grandfathers?”
We do not need to read the ensuing conversation between these gentlemen. Varro, the protagonist, discusses
the bounties provided by the various parts of Italy, especially in the sphere of agriculture, with a relative and
friends. In the quoted sentence, it is not explicitly stated that the mural represents a map, but this is the generally
accepted interpretation of Varro’s remark. As to the location of the conversation, we must assume the pronaos
of the temple, as the friends are waiting for Varro and must be visible when he approaches. Neither the date
nor the reason for the inclusion of the painting are known, but we have to take into account Coarelli’s older
proposal, which connects the mural with a votum by Publius Sempronius Sophus in the year 268 BC.58 If so, the
dedication to the goddess of Earth should refer to an earthquake at the time of the battle against the Picenians.
Jean-Pierre Guilhembet, on the other hand, agrees with older suggestions that the painting was quite new when
Varro and his friend gathered in the temple. His arguments might be valid, but as he states in his own words the
54
Livy 9.40: battle of 309; 10.38-42: battle of 293, with an would have formed part of a tomb chamber’s wall and not of
extensive description of these troops (10.38) and the battle a painted sarcophagus.
56
(10.39-42). The existence of such troops has been frequent- Benassai 2001, 91, 215-218; Caputo 2000.
57
ly disclaimed as fantasy but is substantiated by this painting, Varro, De re rustica 1.2.1. Florus, Epitome 1.14 gives the rea-
as Valenza Mele makes clear. son for the erection of the building: omnis mox Italia pacem
55
On the theme Valenza Mele 1996, 354-355; Moormann habuit—quid enim post Tarenton auderent?—nisi quod ultro
2001; Holliday 2002. The block is much thicker than the persequi socios hostium placuit. Domiti ergo Picentes et caput
slabs of southern Italic tombs Valenza Mele refers to as gentis Asculum Sempronio duce, qui tremente inter proelium
comparisons and is not broken at the sides. It may thus have campo Tellurem deam promissa aede placavit.
58
been part of a wall of blocks. If it had been a tomb, the block F. Coarelli, LTUR V (1999) 24-25.
21
thesis cannot be proven.59
Guilhembet also tackles the question of where the map was to be seen: he excludes the portico, as proposed
by Jacques Heurgon in the Budé translation of Varro and suggests the temple itself. That might be true, but the
French scholar does not specify whether it was inside or outside. Because our friends are talking next to it, I
think that the façade of the building is the most plausible suggestion; the interior of temples was often inacces-
sible and, for practical reasons, people who make an appointment in some building needed to remain visible
from a certain distance for any latecomers. Coming up the stairs, therefore, the last man of the group might find
his friends looking at the decoration of the exterior cella wall under the portico of the pronaos.
A panel painting with a map of Sardinia was installed in the temple of Mater Matuta in 174 by Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus:60
eodem anno tabula in aede matris Matutae cum indice huc posita est. “Ti. Sempronii Gracchi consulis imperio
auspicioque legio excercitusque populi Romani Sardiniam subegit. In ea prouincia hostium caesa aut capta
supra octaginta milia. Re publica felicissime gesta atque liberalibus **uectigalibus restitutis excercitum saluum
atque incolumem plenissimum praeda domum reportauit, iterum triumphans in urbem Romam rediit. Cuius
rei ergo hanc tabulam donum Iovi dedit.” Sardiniae insulae forma erat, atque in ea simulacra pugnarum picta.
In the same year a panel was placed in the Temple of Mater Matuta with the following explanation: “The legion-
ary troops of the Roman people subjected Sardinia under the imperium and command of consul Ti. Sempronius
Gracchus. More than eighty thousand people were killed or taken prisoner in that province. As the state was
treated very successfully and the discharged debts resolved, he brought the army safe and unharmed home, very
rich in booty, and returned for the second time in triumph back to the city of Rome. For that reason he has given
this panel as a gift to Jupiter.” It was a depiction of the island Sardinia and on it images of battles were painted.
Being a tabula, the painting was probably applied on a wooden panel and is technically outside the scope of this
study. However, it is an important parallel to the Italia picta mural. It might have been similar to Sempronius’
Italia 61 and could have looked like the famous late antique mosaic map at Madaba ( Jordan) where vignettes
symbolise the cities and villages. Another, not yet very well studied contemporary comparison is an illustration
of Spain on the illustrated papyrus of Artemidoros in Turin. This map is part of a description of the Iberian
Peninsula by Artemidos (2nd–1st century BC). A more fantastic variation, i.e. with the Land of the Nile, is found
on the late second century BC Barberini mosaic floor in Palestrina .62 The reason for placing a painting dedicated
59
Italia as a map: Hölscher 1978; Hölscher 1980, 352 n. 5; Stratagemata 1.12.3, where an earthquake during the battle
Dilke 1989, 39; Guilhembet 2005. The Italia map is lacking is recorded.
60
from LIMC V (1990) s.v. Italia. See also Fröhlich 2000, 365: Livy 41.28.8-10.
61
thanks to the fact that Silius (see pp. 35-39) lists many topo- Nicolet 1988, 110 discusses both maps in connection with
graphical names, even at Liternum a map could be intended. other instances and dates the Italia around 59 BC. Dilke
See his note 25 for other examples. Cf. Grüner 2004, 141. 1989, 148 sees the pictures as an example of “religious and
On the temple Ziolkowski 1992, 155-162. For P. Semproni- propaganda impact”. Meyboom 1995, 186-190 refers to
us Sophus see F. Münzer, RE 2, A-2 (1923) 1438-1439 with the map of Sardinia in his section about “Chorography and
sources. Briefly mentioned by Holliday 2002, 214, who sees Topography as Pictorial Genres”. Östenberg 2009, 193 trans-
T. Sempronius Gracchus as founder and follows Frontinus, lates tabula as ‘tablet’ (on terminology see also his p. 195).
22
to Jupiter in the Mater Matuta temple is explained by Ida Östenberg in a simple, but lucid way: it may be a copy
of the tabula usually hung in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus and, we may add, the Temple of Mater Matuta
got one because of his personal connections with this goddess.63
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus celebrated his victory over the Carthaginians in 214 BC near Beneventum
with the dedication of new paintings in the Temple of Libertas on the Aventine. This temple had been built
by his father, as we know from Livy, and was considered a valuable family monument.64 Livy gives a succinct
description of the events because they do not represent the usual conclusion of a battle. There was a banquet
given by the victorious general for his troops. The audacious soldiers were allowed to eat and drink while seated,
whereas the less heroic men had to stand. Their dishonour, therefore, was much more accentuated than if Sem-
pronius Gracchus had punished the cowards in the usual way. The historian concludes:
digna res uisa ut simulacrum celebrati eius diei Gracchus, postquam Romam rediit, pingi iuberet in aede Liber-
tatis quam pater eius in Auentino ex multaticia pecunia faciendam curauit dedicauitque.
It has seemed a good thing that, when Gracchus had come back to Rome, he ordered an image to be painted of
that day as it had been celebrated in the Temple of Libertas, which had been voted by his father and dedicated
to be built on the Aventine with money that had been exacted as a fine.
The Temple of Aesculapius on Tiber Island was also adorned with paintings commemorating episodes from
the Second Punic War. Varro records equites, with the term ferentarii written next to them, in a comment on a
passage from Plautus’ Persa:65
ferentarium a ferendo id <quod non> est inane ac sine fructu; aut quod ferentarii equites hi dicti qui ea modo
habebant arma quae ferrentur, ut iaculum. Huiuscemodi equites pictos uidi in Aesculapii aede uetere et feren-
tarios ascriptos.
Ferentarium either comes from carrying [ferre], which is not without sense and use; or because those cavalrymen
who were called ferentarii had no other weapons than those to be launched [ferrentur] like a javelin. I saw this
kind of cavalrymen painted in the old Temple of Aesculapius, labelled ferentarii.
Apparently, these riders did not have anything but light thrusting or throwing weapons.66 The depictions could
have referred to a specific victory and therefore belong to the genre of the pictura triumphalis. Did these images,
being a set of scenes depicting the Punic enemies (albeit from the Second Punic War) inspire Silius when he
62
Madaba: Gallazzi and Settis 2006, 206-207 (with bibl.); Pal- painted on private interior decorations.
63
estrina: Meyboom 1995; Artemidoros papyrus: Gallazzi and Östenberg 2009, 196, 198, with bibliography.
64
Settis 2006, 146-147. It endorses Artemidoros, Geographia Livy 24.16.19. Cf. Holliday 2002, 31-32. 214. About the
2, fragment 21 Stiehle (quoted in Italian translation on p. temple that probably must be connected with that for Jupiter
159). See on this and other maps the contributions by Maria Libertas see M. Andreussi, LTUR III (1996) 144. Koortbo-
Ida Patrizia Gulletta in Gallazzi and Settis 2006. On the jian 2002 discusses the painting in greater detail.
65
papyrus in general Gallazzi and Kramer 1998, 199-201, fig. Varro, ll. 7.57. D. Degrassi (LTUR I (1993) 21-22) supposes
2; Gallazzi and Settis 2006; Gallazzi, Kramer and Settis 2008 that the paintings had already vanished when Varro wrote his
(editio princeps). On this edition and the pictorical aspects of text. However, there are no clear arguments for this sugges-
the papyrus see my discussion in BABESCH 85 (2010) 193- tion.
66
199. Grüner 2004, 140 mentions it as a reference to maps Cf. TLL and OLD s.v.
23
wrote about the temple in Liternum (see infra)?
Rather known as an author, the south-Italian Pacuvius, nephew of Ennius, was invited to decorate a temple
in Rome:67
proxime celebrata est in foro boario aede Herculis Pacuui poetae pictura. Enni sorore genitus hic fuit clari-
oremque artem eam Romae fecit gloria scaenae.
Next [after Fabius Pictor, see supra] in celebrity is a painting in the Temple of Hercules on the Forum Boarium
by the poet Pacuvius. He was a son of Ennius’ sister and made that art more famous in Rome thanks to the
glory of his drama.
As to the execution of these paintings there is some confusion. Peter Holliday connects the event to the great
general Lucius Aemilius Paullus. After his victories in Greece and on the occasion of his triumph in 167, Aemil-
ius Paullus restored the Temple of Hercules in the Forum Boarium. He would have chosen Pacuvius, who
already had some fame as a poet, on account of his family connections. Moreover, the Greek artist Metrodoros
was commissioned to make a series of paintings illustrating Aemilius’ victories, maybe those carried around in
the pomp of the triumph.68 However, Coarelli suggests that Scipio Aemilianus founded the building in 142 in
his capacity as a censor, probably financing the project with the manubiae of the final victory over Carthage. It
is not the round temple still standing (see infra), but the one excavated in the 15th century.69 Pacuvius’ paintings
surely cannot have been decorative schemes in the guise of the First Style, but more likely, representations of the
Third Punic War. Coarelli has tried to reconstruct Pacuvius’ style and iconography, but the lack of data prevents
us from going that far. Nevertheless, a similar attempt has been undertaken by Holliday, when he suggests a
Roman tradition, but “cast in the idiom of the pervasive influences of Hellenism.”70 On the other hand, Pacuvius
could also have worked in the tradition of his fatherland, Apulia, and followed the colourful decorations known
from that area.71
Pliny comments, starting from this introduction of Pacuvius, that in the following period until the end of the
first century BC the profession of painter was no longer considered appropriate for men of high social rank:72
67
Pliny, NH 35.19 (= SQ 2375). Metrodoros as the artist who designed the friezes of the
68
Pliny, NH 35.135 on Metrodoros: ubi [at Athens] eodem tem- general’s victory monument in Delphi.
69
pore [168 BC] erat Metrodorus, pictor idemque philosophus, Coarelli 1988, 84-92, 164-180. On the paintings ibid. 86,
in utraque scientia magnae auctoritatis. Itaque cum L. Paulus 173-178. Aemilius Paullus is mentioned as an implausible
deuicto Perseo petisset ab Atheniensibus, ut ii sibi quam pro- building candidate at pp. 85, 167 and 171. Brief mention,
batissimum philosophum mitterent ad erudiendos liberos, item without all these complications, by F. Coarelli, LTUR III
pictorem ad triumphum excolendum Athenienses Metrodorum (1996) 15 and in Ziolkowski 1992, 49 note 5.
70
elegerunt, professi eundem in utroque desiderio praestantissi- Holliday 2002, 32.
71
mum, quod ita Paulus quoque iudicauit (There was at the same The last suggestion was given to me by Douwe G. Yntema
time Metrodoros, painter and philosopher alike and a great who wrote a seminal essay on the contacts between elite
authority in both sciences. So, when L. Paulus, after his victory people from Apulia and the Romans (Yntema 2006).
over Perseus, asked the Athenians to send him the most outstand- On paintings from that region see Tiné Bertocchi 1964;
ing philosopher to educate his children and similarly a painter to Mazzei 2002 (with further references). See on Pacuvius as
embellish his triumph, the Athenians chose Metrodoros, arguing an artist R. Gottschalk, Künstlerlexikon der Antike 2 (2004)
that he was the greatest to fulfil both wishes, which Paulus was 169.
72
to judge as well). Cf. Holliday 2002, 32-33, who proposes Pliny, NH 35.20 (= SQ 2375). Cf. Isager 1991, 118.
24
postea non est spectata honestis manibus, nisi forte quis Turpilium equitem Romanum e Venetia nostra aetate
uelit referre, pulchris eius operibus hodieque Veronae extantibus.
Later [painting] was not a respectable activity for the hands of noblemen unless one wants to refer to the now-
living Roman knight Turpilius from [the region of] Venetia, whose beautiful paintings exist nowadays in Verona.
Some other equites mentioned by Pliny practiced the technique of panel painting and can be omitted in this
context.
A pair of temples was inaugurated in 187 BC by Marcus Aemilius Lepidus on the Campus Martius. They
were dedicated to Diana and Juno Regina. The latter temple was later combined with a shrine for Jupiter Stator
in the Porticus Metelli, which was changed into the Porticus of Octavia under Augustus. At some point during
the inauguration of the ‘new’ pair of temples the celebrating party was bewildered by the striking similarity of
the buildings and thanks to their identical architecture, the visitors confused the two dedications. Pliny, how-
ever, observes that the decoration of the façade could have been of great help in telling them apart:73
in Iouis aede ex iis pictura cultusque reliquus omnis femineis argumentis constat; erat enim facta Iunoni, sed cum
inferrentur signa, permutasse geruli traduntur, et id religione custoditum, uelut ipsis diis sedem ita partitis. Ergo
Iunonis aede cultus est qui Iouis esse debuit.
In one of the two temples, that of Jupiter, the painting and the rest of the cult are all defined by female elements,
as it was made for Juno, but when the cult statues were brought in they say that the carriers interchanged them,
and this was maintained by religion as if the gods had personally divided the seat in that way. Therefore, Juno’s
cult is in the temple that ought to be that of Jupiter.
Alessandro Viscogliosi suggests that this restoration or erection must date to quasi-mythical times, certainly
not to the Augustan era, which is better known for the restoration of the complex on the southern edge of the
Campus Martius.74 Pliny’s remark sounds rather logical, but it is exceptional, as it is the only statement in which
the decoration is immediately linked to the god to whom the building is dedicated. Unfortunately, this does not
help us to know which scenes or figures were represented and where. The sentence suggests that the attribution
to Juno was possible at first glance on the basis of the iconography, which would imply the façade and/or other
outer walls, while Pliny also points to cult objects that would have been preserved in the interior.
Unfortunately, Pliny is rather laconic in his record about the paintings in the Temple for Honos and Virtus,
which was constructed immediately outside the Porta Capena at the foot of the Caelius:75
post eum fuere in auctoritate Cornelius Pinus et Attius Priscus, qui Honoris Virtutis aedes Imperatori Vespa-
siano Augusto restituenti pinxerunt, Priscus antiquis similior.
After him [Famulus] in repute were Cornelius Pinus and Attius Priscus, who painted the Temples of Honos and
Virtus on behalf of the emperor, Vespasianus Augustus, who restored them; Priscus worked more like the old
artists.
73
Pliny, NH 36.43. The story is told in a section on precious 157-159 on Jupiter Stator, Aedes ad Circum, with the same
marble objects in these temples and therefore escapes the story.
75
attention of those studying temple decorations. On the tem- Pliny, NH 35.120 (= SQ 2391). Nothing is known regarding
ples A. Viscogliosi, LTUR II (1995) 14; III (1996) 126-128 the temple and even its ubication is debated. Cf. Ziolkowski
and 157-159. 1992, 58-60; D. Palombi, LTUR III (1996) 31-33.
74
A. Viscogliosi, LTUR III (1996) 126-128, esp. 127; id., ibid.,
25
The old monument, built around 200 BC by Marcellus and his son,76 was restored in Pliny’s time, probably as a
result of the Great Fire of 64, and received new decorations. As to Attius Priscus, Pliny adds that he was antiquis
similior, which may imply that he either followed the style and manner of the old decorations at hand or had a
style of painting out of fashion in his days, apparently without having lesser qualities. While we do not know
anything about these decorations, it can only be said that the names of these persons are Roman and that the
men surely were no simple craftsmen but members of the higher social circles, comparable with Nero’s court
painter Famulus, which might even be the reason that they are mentioned at all. Funeral inscriptions bearing
their names could indeed be those of the painters in question.77
The Temple of Apollo on the Palatine was adorned with numerous precious works of art; the doors
described by Propertius are the most conspicuous items (see p. 31, 34).78 Another poem by the same poet,
carmen 4.6.15-68, contains a description of the naval battle near Actium, which has been interpreted by Francis
Cairns as an ekphrasis of a painting located in this temple. Ruth Rothaus Caston discussed this idea in a recent
essay on e kphrasis in this special poem. The poet first explicity says he will discuss the temple (4.6.11: Musa,
Palatini referemus Apollinis aedem) and this is followed by a description of the monument.79 The first lines
are very descriptive, whereas the second part is rather different because of Apollo’s speech and the flight of
Cleopatra. So, Cairns may well be right. I quote the first section of this description (lines 15-24):
est Phoebi fugiens Athamana ad litora portus, 15

qua sinus Ioniae murmura condit aquae,
Actia Iuliae pelagus monumenta carinae,
nautarum uotis non operosa uia.
Huc mundi coiere manus: stetit aequore moles
pinea, nec remis aequa fauebat auis. 20
Altera classis erat Teucro damnata Quirino,
pilaque feminea turpiter acta manu:
hinc Augusta ratis plenis Iouis omine uelis [...]
There is a receding harbour of Phoebus on the shore of Athamas,

where the gulf of the Ionian Sea shuts up its rumble,
the sea as an Actian monument of the ships of Augustus,
a path not difficult for the prayers of the seamen.
Here came together the powers of the world: here stood on the sea a mass
of pinewood and no portent was equally favourable for all oars.
The first fleet was damned by Trojan Quirinus
and there were lances shamefully handled by women’s hands:
on this side the ship of Augustus, its sails swollen by the omen of Jupiter
and the signs, already instructed to win for their Fatherland.
76
Miles 2008, 61-62, 66, 67. Κίμων ἔγραψε τὴν θύραν τὴν δεξιάν,
77
Cf. Zevi 1995 about their status. As to Famulus and paint- τὴν δ᾿ ἐξιόντων δεξιὰν Διονύσιος
ers’ workshops see various contributions in MededRom 54, Kimon painted the right door,
1995. Dionysios did the right one for them who leave.
78 79
On the rich decoration see Gurval 1995, 123-127; Brouwers Cairns 1984, 153-154; Rothaus Caston 2003. The hymn
2005 (no paintings). Doors are a constant theme in descrip- could have been written for the ludi quinquennales of 16
tions of temples (see infra 33-34, 38-39). The following epi- BC. Rothaus Caston sees this description as an attempt at
gram might also pertain to painted temple doors: Anthologia emulating Virgil’s Actium descriptions, as we know from his
Graeca 9.768 (Simonides = SQ no. 1087. See Koch 2000, 14 shield description in Aeneid 8.
[with incorrect reference to the Greek Anthology]):
26
Whether a panel or a wall painting, the image would be similar to that on the shield made by Vulcanus and
showing, among other things, the battle of Actium (Aeneid 8.671-713), the victory that was so important for
Augustus.80 The whole might look like a large seascape, with boats on the water – seen as if they really stood
on a plane surface - and the shore with its buildings in the background. The naumachiae represented on
Pompeian walls must be similar (see infra pp. 81-82, 120-121), and the genre of landscape elements reflects
the introduction of landscape painting in Rome in this same period by Ludius or Studius.81 These compari-
sons are not sufficient to see the description as the documentation of a real painted wall. Propertius sees
himself as a rival of the artists of Augustus. At the beginning of the poem he is a virtual vates, a cult minister,
but at this point he becomes a painter of words, expressing his wishful thinking to be a real painter by means
of a paragone. Therefore, the text is not very informative as to the real decoration of the building in question.
L iterary D escriptions of T emple D ecorations
There are, to my knowledge, three descriptions of temple decorations in ancient prose fiction. The first is a
temple in the land of the Scythians, dedicated to Orestes and Pylades and described by Lucian in his famous
dialogue on friendship, Toxaris (6). Toxaris tells his Greek guest Mnesikles that these decorations reflect the
high estimation of friendship, expressed first on a stela discussed previously and also on the temple paint-
ings:
ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ τοῦ νεὼ τὰ αὐτὰ ὁπόσα ἡ στήλη δηλοῖ γραφαῖς ὑπὸ τῶν παλαιῶν εἰκασμένα δείκνυνται,
πλέων Ὀρέστης ἅμα τῷ φίλῳ, εἶτα ἐν τοῖς κρημνοῖς διαφθαρείσης αὐτῷ τῆς νεὼς συνειλημμένος καὶ πρὸς τὴν
θυσίαν παρεσκευασμένος, καὶ ἡ Ἰφιγένεια ἤδη κατάρχεται αὐτῶν· καταντικρὺ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου τοίχου ἤδη
ἐκδεδυκὼς τὰ δεσμὰ γέγραπται καὶ φονεύων τὸν Θόαντα καὶ τέλος ἀποπλέοντες, ἔχοντες τὴν Ἰφιγένειαν καὶ
τὴν θεόν. Οἱ Σκύθαι δὲ ἄλλως ἐπιλαμβάνονται τοῦ σκάφους ἤδη πλέοντος ἐκκρεμαννύμενοι τῶν πηδαλίων
καὶ ἐπαναβαίνειν πειρώμενοι, εἶτ’ οὐδὲν ἀνύσαντες οἱ μέν αὐτῶν τραυματίαι, οἱ δὲ καὶ δέει τούτου ἀπονήχονται
πρὸς τὴν γῆν. Ἔνθα δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ἴδοι τις ἂν ὁπόσην ὑπὲρ ἀλλήλων εὔνοιαν ἐπεδείκνυτο, ἐν τῇ πρὸς τοὺς
Σκύθας συμπλοκῆ. Πεποίηκε γὰρ ὁ γραφεὺς ἑκάτερον ἀμελοῦντα μὲν τῶν καθ’ ἑαυτὸν πολεμίων, ἀμυνόμενον
δὲ τοὺς ἐπιφερουμένους θατέρῳ καὶ πρὸ ἐκείνου ἁπαντᾶν πειρώμενον τοῖς τοξεύμασι καὶ παρ’ οὐδὲν τιθέμενον,
εἰ ἀποθανεῖται σώσας τὸν φίλον, καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ ἐκεῖνον φερομένην πληγὴν προαρπάσας τῷ αὐτοῦ σώματι.
Mnesikles reacts (paragraph 8):
ἐλελήθεις δὲ με, ὦ γενναῖε, καὶ γραφεὺς ἀγαθὸς ὤν. Πάνυ γοῦν ἐναργῶς ἐπέδειξας ἡμῖν τὰς ἐν τῷ Ὀρεστείῳ
εἰκόνας καὶ τὴν μάχην τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὰ ὑπὲρ ὰλλήλων τραύματα.
But the same things that were written on the stela are shown in paintings in the courtyard of the temple, rep-
resented by the old men: here Orestes is seafaring with his friend, then after the loss of his ship on the rocks,
his arrest and preparation for the offering. And Iphigenia is already starting her duties. On the other, oppo-
site wall he is painted, being already free from the ties and killing Thoas and many others of the Scythians.
And finally, how they sail off [is shown] with Iphigeneia and the goddess. The Scythians try, without success,
to catch the ship that is already moving away, while grasping the steers and trying to get on board. When
they do not succeed at all, some are wounded; others swim away to the coast, afraid of being wounded. Here,
80
Cairns 1984, 149-154; Rothaus Caston 2003; Gurval 1995, 238 on the passage from Virgil.
81
249-278 (mentioning Cairns’ proposal at p. 251 note 9, but Pliny, NH 35.116. See Ling 1977.
neither approving nor denying). See also Gurval 1995, 233-
27
in the battle with the Scythians, one can rather see how much affection they show each other. For the painter has
rendered each man so that he does not pay attention to the enemies around him, but is pushing back those who
attack his comrade and trying to be a shield for him, hiding from the arrows and, not caring whether he dies,
trying to rescue his friend, and shielding the shots from the ennemy with his own body.
Mnesikles reacts (paragraph 8):
I had really forgotten, my dear, that you are a good painter. Indeed, you showed us very clearly the scenes in the
Oresteion and the battle of the men and the wounds they incurred, the one for the other.
The theme of the decorations is clear: the adventures in Tauris of Orestes and Pylades, to whom the sanctu-
ary is dedicated. When they try to take away Orestes’ sister Iphigeneia they have to fight against the locals. These
Scythians, the inhabitants of the region, are not cowards and show their courage, especially when defending
their friends. This singling out of their bravery emphasizes the courage of our Greek friends. The motif of the
couples is like that of the famous male couples from Thebes fighting for Epameinondas, whereas the aspect of
the enemies’ courage corresponds to the idea behind the erection of the monument of the Gauls at Pergamon,
known from the ‘Dying Gaul’ and the ‘Gaul killing himself after killing his wife’ in Rome. The Theseion at Ath-
ens comes to mind as a direct parallel of a hero represented on the walls of his heroon and the depiction of men
grasping the steers had also been painted within the Stoa Poikile in Athens.82 Lucian, as a matter of fact, could
have had real paintings in mind. A curious detail is the interest in the skill of the painter. Since Toxaris paints
with words, the ekphrasis gets an extra touch of imagination. For these reasons, the description of the temple
is illustrative and fits the set of testimonies of real monuments. When we look for parallels in real art, second-
century sarcophagi come to mind. The Orestes theme was rather popular and also well represented in other
branches of art.83
The second case is that of a Temple of Dionysos in an unknown locus amoenus near the sea described in
Longos’ novel Daphnis et Chloe or Pastorales (4.3.2 = Recueil Milliet 1985, no. 29), dating to the late Antonine
or the Severan period. The building stands in a park with trees, there is an altar and the complex is tended by
Lamon with the assistance of Daphnis. The interior is described at length and shows paintings with scenes from
the life of the god of wine:
εἶχε δὲ καὶ ἔνδοθεν ὁ νεὼς Διονυσιακὰς γραφάς· Σεμέλην τίκτουσαν, Ἀριάδνην καθεύδουσαν, Λυκοῦπγον
δεδεμένον, Πενθέα δαιρούμενον· ἦσαν καὶ Ἰνδοὶ νικώμενοι καὶ Τυρρηνοὶ μεταμορφούμενοι· πανταχοῦ Σάτυροι
<πατοῦντες>, πανταχοῦ Βάκχαι χορεύουσαι· οὐδὲ ὁ Πὰν ἠμέλητο· ἐκαθέζετο δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς συρίζων ἐπὶ πέτρας,
ὅμοιον ἐνδιδόντι κοινὸν μέλος καὶ τοῖς πατοῦσι καὶ ταῖς χορευούσαις.
The temple had Dionysiac paintings inside: Semele in labour, Ariadne sleeping, Lykourgos bound, Pentheus
torn. There were also the Indians conquered, and the Tyrrhenians metamorphosised. There were satyrs every-
where <treading the grapes>, everywhere Bacchants dancing. And Pan had not been forgotten either. He was
there, seated on the rocks and playing the syrinx, as if accompanying the treading satyrs and the dancing Bac-
chants at the same time.
82
Longo 1986, 608-610 stresses the relationship with a real neia (L. Kahlil et al.) and VII (1994) 601-604 s.v. Pylades
heroon. The text has been reproduced from this edition. (V. Macharia; reference to these two articles is made in the
83
See the overviews in LIMC V (1990) 722-726 s.v. Iphige- Orestes lemma in the same volume by the same author ).
28
This set of mythological scenes recalls that in the old Temple of Dionysos in Athens. It is clear that, as in the
previous example, the decorations are strictly connected with the god. He is introduced more or less here in the
novel, until then dominated by Pan who gets his deserved place within the cycle. The stories strengthen Dio-
nysos’ image as a powerful and important god who serves as an exemplum for our youngman.
The third case is that of two panels adorning the rear wall of Zeus’ Temple in Pelusion in the Nile delta,
described in Achilles Tatius’ novel Leucippe and Clitophon. Although pinakes fall out of the scope of this study,
I mention them since the author explains them as a couple. He stresses iconographic and formal similarities in
the works by Evanthes, but fails to connect them with the inhabitant of the temple:84
Near the postern door we saw a double picture, signed by the artist; it had been painted by Evanthes, and rep-
resented first Andromeda, than Prometheus, both of them in chains – and this was the reason, I suppose, why
the artist had associated the two subjects. In other respects too the two works were akin. In both, the chains were
attached to a rock, and in both, beasts were the torturers – his from the air, and hers from the sea; their deliver-
ers were Argives of the same family, his Herakles and hers Perseus; the one shooting Zeus’s eagle and the other
contending with the sea beast of Poseidon. The former was represented aiming with his arrow on land, the latter
suspended in the air on his wings.
The two ancient poetic descriptions of fictitious temples that now follow are extremely interesting because the
authors describe works of art that are essential to the development of the narrative and have a great impact on
the psyche of the protagonists. The reader gets the impression that he is an eyewitness who shares the emotions
evoked in the hero when he studies the paintings. Therefore, these two fictitious monuments will be discussed
in some detail. First, I will discuss the temple of Juno in Carthage as seen by Aeneas in Virgil’s Aeneid. In the
second case, Silius Italicus’ Punica, the reader visits a temple in Liternum together with Hannibal.
T h e T emple of J uno in C art h age
In the first Book of the Aeneid the reader walks with Aeneas through Carthage, newly founded and still under
construction under the aegis of Dido. The protagonist sees a temple dedicated to Juno in a sacred grove (lucus,
1.441). Aeneas’ eye falls on paintings that depict scenes from the Trojan War, in which the Trojan was person-
ally much involved:85
namque sub ingenti lustrat dum singula templo

reginam opperiens, dum quae fortuna sit urbi
artificumque manus inter se operumque laborem 455
miratur, videt Iliacas ex ordine pugnas
bellaque iam fama totum uulgata per orbem,
Atridas Priamumque et saeuum ambobus Achillem.
84 85
Leucippe and Clitophon 3.6.3-4. In the paragraphs 5-8 a Verg., Aen. 1.441-493. 1.441-452: construction of the tem-
lengthy description of each painting is following. Translation ple, 1.453-493: description of the Iliacas ex ordine pugnas
taken from G. Gagelee, Cambridge Mass 1917, 153 (Loeb (1.456).
series).
29
constitit et lacrimans ‘quis iam locus’ inquit, ‘Achate,
quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris? 460
en Priamus, sunt hinc etiam sua praemia laudi,
sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt.
solue metus; feret haec aliquam tibi fama salutem.’
sic ait atque animum pictura pascit inani
multa gemens, largoque umectat flumine uultum, 465
namque uidebat uti bellantes Pergama circum
hac fugerent Grai, premeret Troiana iuuentus;
hac Phryges, instaret curru cristatus Achilles.
nec procul hinc Rhesi niueis tentoria uelis
agnoscit lacrimans, primo quae prodita somno 470
Tydides multa uastabat caede cruentus,
ardentisque auertit equos in castra prius quam
pabula gustassent Troiae Xanthumque bibissent;
parte alia fugiens amissis Troilus armis,
infelix puer atque impar congressus Achilli, 475
fertur equis curruque haeret resupinus inani,
lora tenens tamen; huic ceruixque comaeque trahuntur
per terram, et uersa puluis inscribitur hasta,
interea ad templum non aequae Palladis ibant
crinibus Iliades passis peplumque ferebant 480
suppliciter, tristes et tunsae pectora palmis;
diua solo fixos oculos auersa tenebat.
ter circum Iliacos raptauerat Hectora muros
exanimumque auro corpus uendebat Achilles.
tum uero ingentem gemitum dat pectore ab imo, 485
ut spolia, ut currus, utque ipsum corpus amici
tendentemque manus Priamum conspexit inermis.
se quoque principibus permixtum agnouit Achiuis,
Eoasque acies et nigri Memnonis arma.
ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis 490
Penthesilea furens mediisque in milibus ardet,
aurea subnectens exsertae cingula mammae
bellatrix, audetque uiris concurrere uirgo.
For, while waiting for the queen, he looks at the single elements under the roof of the enormous temple and
admires what is the fortune of the city and the group of artists and their labour. He sees the battles of Troy in
their sequence and the wars, already famous all over the world, the sons of Atreus, Priam and Achilles, cruel to
both of them. He stands still and says, weeping: ‘Which place, Achatos, which area on earth is not full of our
labour? O Priam, here praise even has its rewards, here are tears about things done and mortal matters touch
the mind. Leave your fear; this fame will bring you a form of salvation.’
So he spoke and he fed his mind with the idle painting, groaning heavily, and he moistened his face with a flood
of tears. For he saw how along this side the Greeks fighting around Troy fled and the Trojan youth pressed them;
hither the Phrygians and Achilles with a crest stood on his chariot. Not far from here he recognised, weeping, the
tent of Rhesos with its white fabric, which the son of Tydeus, covered with blood, destroyed with much bloodshed,
when people inside were sunk in deep sleep and he led his raging horses away to the camp before they could taste
the fodder of Troy and drink the water of Xanthos.
30
In another place there is Troilos, fleeing after losing his weapons; the unhappy boy, a match unequal to Achilles,
is taken by his horses and he is stuck, lying against his empty chariot, still holding the reins; his head and hair
are dragged over the ground and the dust is written in by his turned-up lance.
At the same time the Trojan women went with loosened hair to the temple of the unjust Pallas, and they brought
a peplos as suppliants, mourning and beating their breasts with their hands; the goddess had turned away and
held her eyes fixed to the ground. Three times Achilles had dragged Hector around the walls of Troy and he sold
the dead body for gold. But then Aeneas gave an enormous moan deep from his breast, when he saw the spoils,
the chariots, the corpse itself of his friend and Priam stretching his unarmed hands. And he even recognised
himself in a mêlée with the Achaean leaders, and the ranks of the Eoans and the weaponry of black Memnon.
In fury, Penthesileia led the troops of the Amazons with their moon-shaped shields and she hotly fought among
her thousands, the golden belt bound under her uncovered breast, and as a virgin she dared to clash with men.
The representations show Aeneas’ former opponent Achilles as the dominating, all-conquering personality.
Thus he adopts a severe attitude against Agamemnon during the conflict concerning Briseis. This episode is
of no real importance to the Trojans, except for Achilles’ temporary withdrawal from the battlefield which
makes the Trojans’ situation more agreeable and is evidence of Achilles’ peevish character. More dramatic is the
moment when Achilles drags Hector first around the walls of Troy and then around the pyre for Patroklos, after
which he also receives Hector’s father Priam in a haughty manner. During subsequent events, not described in
Homer’s Iliad, Achilles kills the unarmed Troilos and the dreaded Amazon queen Penthesileia.86
Despite his superior strength this dominance does not provide Achilles with splendour and, in fact, he is
depicted in a very negative way (1.458: saeuum, lacking self-control in front of Agamemnon, 472: cruentus,
bloodthirsty). Once in a while Aeneas is filled with disgust by this display of severity and he weeps or sighs sev-
eral times (1.459, 465, 470, 485). At the same time Aeneas knows very well – as does the reader – that an early
death had been announced to Achilles. Aeneas is aware of the fact that the goddess venerated in this temple,
Juno, had been a relentless enemy of the Trojans (and also of Aeneas). She was the patron of the Greeks and
now acts in the same capacity in favour of the town that will be the future antagonist of Rome, the city that is
considered the legitimate successor of Troy. The poet equates the Phoenicians with the Greeks and, hence, from
the very beginning lets them play the rôle of the eternal adversaries of Rome.
This description of images does not yield information about what the paintings looked like and the archae-
ologist cannot extract any helpful data. The reader from Virgil’s time in Rome might have had an opportunity to
compare them with contemporary works of art in other temples, such as the opulent decoration in the temples
of Apollo Actiacus, founded by Augustus next to his house on the Palatine. Here, the myths depicted showed
the theme of Apollo’s revenge and power and, in the person of Apollo, the emperor himself, the follower of the
Sun god.87 If the reader in antiquity wanted to grasp correctly the Trojan scenes depicted in Carthage as a part
of the whole poem, he had to know the rest of the Aeneid extremely well. As Michael Putnam put it succinctly,
here “sight and insight confer”, i.e. the painted episodes announce experiences that Aeneas will acquire and
adventures that he as well as his enemies will have to cope with. So Dido, who falls in love with Aeneas, dies an
equally tragic death as the Amazon queen Penthesileia in the Trojan War. The former commits suicide on the
pyre when Aeneas abandons her – by order of the gods –, the latter dies by the hand of Achilles on the battle-
ground at the moment they fall in love. In this respect Achilles and Aeneas become kindred spirits, both suffer
86
Williams 1960, especially highlights the non Iliad-related story as well as an art gallery.”
87
adventures to confirm Achilles’ cruelty and the inescapabil- As described by Propertius in 2.31. Cf. P. Gros, LTUR I
ity of Troy’s destiny. The ensemble is (p. 151, last words) “a (1993) 54-57; Hekster and Rich 2006.
31
from the same fate, namely that they are not allowed to love the woman they encounter. Finally, Turnus’ destiny
equals that of the Trojan hero Troilos.88
The order of the scenes, narrated in chronological order from the time of Achilles to the Sack of Troy, sug-
gests that they were also represented in such a sequence, i.e. ex ordine (1.456). The rather vague indications of
place in this passage (en, hac, nec procul hinc, parte alia) suggest that Aeneas’ gaze went from one spot to the
other, like most of us, when seeing a complex set of scenes for the first time. Eventually, the order of the stories
dictates their place within the cycle, but Virgil’s is a masterly evocation of the wandering gaze of Aeneas. One
might even guess that Aeneas sees all the episodes from one standpoint – he is described as far as his emotions
are concerned, but seems to stand still all the time – and that the scenes are set into superimposed friezes on one
wall instead of forming a horizontal series spread over all walls. In a real picture this aspect of default expecta-
tion is well-known and we will examine the puzzling order of the registers of scenes in the Synagogue of Dura
Europos (Chapter 8). In the time of Virgil we find many figural scenes in the House of Livia and the Villa della
Farnesina. These adorn both the main and upper zones as well as the predella and friezes, which created a daz-
zling effect. Indeed, one has to ask whether the viewer ever wondered where to look first.
Where in the temple complex did Aeneas see these paintings? The poet states that Aeneas studied them
sub ingenti … templo (1.453), which means at the bottom or in the lower area of the huge building. From the
next passage we learn that he did not enter the temple. Neither Aeneas nor the reader learns anything about
the interior. When Dido arrives and interrupts Aeneas’ contemplations and observations, she seats herself on a
throne near the doorway. That could mean that the Trojan scenes were on the entrance wall, around the door
of the building. The story continues with the address by Ilioneus (1.505-506), after which Aeneas is taken to
the queen’s palace (regia, 1.631), whose decoration is described extensively (1.637-642). Sub ingenti … templo,
therefore, implies that the paintings were on the outer walls of the building. Because of sub one may exclude that
Virgil thought of a fence or a portico, a feature we will see shortly at Liternum and in the temple of Apollo in
Pompeii (see infra and Chapter 3). The preposition points to a roof on this wall, the term contains the notion
of ‘under’ and it is plausible to assume a peripteros or a protruding roof. The old Etruscan and Italic temples
with their broad side aisles come to mind, as their walls are deeply hidden and, seen from below, look low, for
which sub of course would be an appropriate term. That does not necessitate that this refers to a dado, which
probably would not have accommodated figural scenes. The description is not a precise summing up of a real set
of decorations, but gives a clear and realistic depiction of murals in an Etrusco-Italic temple, the type of which
could still have been seen by the poet and the first generation of his readers.
The scenes with Achilles have no immediate relationship with the venerated goddess Juno, that is in the
sense of an active rôle of the goddess in Achilles’ deeds, and do not immortalise her in any particular scene. The
connection between Achilles and Juno is minimal or even absent except for the fall of Troy, in which both of
them are instrumental. For the Carthaginians the Sack of Troy is not relevant in terms of self-identification, but
it is one of the famous historical battles that can serve as an exemplum for their young nation. Carthage is still
unaware of the future when Aeneas arrives and just like the hero, they are not yet full of grief against the inhabit-
ants of that town. Nevertheless, for the reader of the Augustan period both the cycle of images and the goddess
are capital examples of the enmity (now and in the narrative future) the Greeks had and the Carthaginians will
88
Putnam 1998, 23-54 (= HSCP 98, 1998, 243-275). Cf. analysis of illustrations of the delivery of Hector’s corpse to
Horsfall 1995, 105-108, where the negative description of king Priam. See esp. his pp. 151, 155, 157-158. Rijser 2006,
Achilles is taken into account. Holliday 2002 opens his study XVIII-XXIIII gives a ‘classical’ reading of this ekphrasis;
with this quotation and uses it as an example of the typically he points to the fact that Penthesileia is the last episode
Roman application of mythology as an allegory of history, described which matches the destiny Dido will be subjected
though he does not pursue this observation throughout to shortly.
his text. Giuliani 2003 illustrates Achilles’ cruelty with an
32
harbour against Aeneas and Rome. Therefore, the Troianae pugnae constitute an excellent iconographical pro-
gramme in the Carthaginian temple of Juno (cf. Chapter 3, section on the Temple of Apollo in Pompeii). The
choice is not very original because the Battle of Troy was famous (1.457: fama totum uulgata per orbem) and
had formed an appropriate decorative motif on many temples from the late Archaic period onwards (including
the Aegina pediments, mentioned above). Seen from this point of view, Virgil might even have made a topical
choice, but the intertextual arguments discussed here prevent us from limiting interpretation to just one idea.
Virgil can be characterised as a man who has a predominately visual approach to his topics, an aspect singled
out in a fascinating monograph by Riggs Smith (2005). An aspect that would have been of interest for our topic,
the descriptions of art works, is excluded from this discussion. Moreover, as Putnam (see supra p. 31) notes: “In
the Aeneid vision offers a means for bringing the future and past together” (p. 95).
I would like to briefly recall another description of a work of art in the Aeneid that produces a similar reac-
tion in Aeneas and also pertains to temple decoration. At Cumae the Trojan sees the Temple of Apollo, founded
by the Cretan inventor Daidalos when he reached the shores of Campania after fleeing Crete and losing son
Ikaros:89

in foribus letum Androgeo; tum pendere poenas 20
Cecropidae iussi (miserum!) septena quotannis
corpora natorum; stat ductis sortibus urna.
contra elata mari respondet Gnosia tellus:
hic crudelis amor tauri suppostaque furto
Pasiphae mixtumque genus prôlesque biformis 25
Minotaurus inest, Veneris monimenta nefandae;
hic labor ille domus et inextricabilis error;
magnum reginae sed enim miseratus amorem
Daedalus ipse dolos tecti ambagesque resoluit,
caeca regens filo uestigia. tu quoque magnam 30
partem opere in tanto, sineret dolor, Icare, haberes.
bis conatus erat casus effingere in auro,
bis patriae cecidere manus.
On the doors is the death of Androgeos; then the sons of Kekrops ordered (alas!) to pay as a tribute seven sons
each year; there stands the urn, with the lots drawn. On the other door the land of Knossos is depicted, rising
from the sea: here is the cruel love of a bull and Pasiphae subjected to him in secret, and the deformed infant, the
double-shaped child Minotaur, as a reminder of a mostrous passion; here also that hard labour and inescapable
error of the house; but, pitying the great love of the queen [Ariadne], Daidalos personally resolved the tricky
labyrinth of the house, guiding the blind footsteps [of Theseus] with a thread. You, Ikaros, would also have an
important place in so great a work, if sorrow had permitted. Two times Daidalos tried to represent your fall in
gold; two times your father’s hands dropped.
The doors bear reliefs representing the saga of Crete as experienced, or at least witnessed, by Daidalos himself:
the sacrifice of children from Athens once every seven years, Pasiphae’s passion for a bull, their child Mino-
tauros, the labyrinth, and Ariadne, not mentioned by name by Virgil. Daidalos had even tried to represent the
escape and fall of his son Ikaros, but overwhelmed by grief, he had lacked the power to do so. Although Aeneas
likes to continue the study of these scenes, the Sibyl presses him to move on since she wants him to reach the
underworld.
89
Verg., Aen. 6.20-33.
33
This variant of the history of Daidalos is peculiar and was probably invented by Virgil. In this art description
the negative effects of Daidalos’ inventions (artificial cow, labyrinth) are stressed and even experienced by the
inventor himself. That might even have its effect on his artistic talents, which are dangerous in that they almost
bring alive his relief figures. A concrete parallel for ivory carvings on the doors of temples are the door leaves
from the above-mentioned temple of Apollo Actiacus on the Palatine, showing Apollo as a kitharoidos among
the sinners (the Niobids and the Gauls which had dared to assault Parnassus).90 The door of the Dagon temple,
with its Greco-Roman deities, depicted in detail in the Synagogue of Dura Europos, gives a good impression
how such doors looked like.91
As in the case of the Temple of Juno, the doors of the Temple of Apollo lack a direct connection between the
Cretan saga and Apollo, even if the sanctuary had been erected in thanksgiving after the safe arrival at Cumae.
Ikaros’ fall was caused by the heat of the sun, over which Apollo had power and thus in the form of the sun
Apollo was Daidalos’ enemy. For Virgil the literary effect of the episode is apparently more important than a
possible fitting thematic relationship with the god worshipped in the temple. The passage is intriguing in the
context of the complete Aeneid because, like the Trojan misadventures seen at Carthage, the illustrated scenes
gradually become connected with Aeneas’ adventures. Fausto Zevi has rightly pointed out that the Sibyl’s sug-
gestion not to dwell any longer in front of the Greek master’s art has to be associated with Anchises’ assignment
to his son in Hades, wherein the father argues (6.847-853) that other people might work bronze and marble
and exercise science,92 but we, the Romans (he no longer addresses the Trojan Aeneas, but the reader, Romane,
6.851), are destined to govern and – in one of the most famous sentences from the Aeneid (6.853) – parcere
subiectis et debellare superbos (‘to spare the humbled and to tame in war the proud’).
For both instances we recall Putnam’s remark about Carthage: the ekphrasis announces what will come.
Moreover, in these few verses, the poet creates a field of tension between the ideal notion of the traditional,
simple Romans and those of modern times, gradually influenced by the Greek and Hellenistic culture, the ‘femi-
nine’ ambience of his own era symbolised in persons like Mark Antony.93
90
The only source is Propertius 2.31.12-16. Cf. note 87 and images. Apollonios concludes: “Damis, we do neither consider
see Lefèvre 1989; Brouwers 2005. these reliefs of Poros only as works of art in bronze, for they are
91
Moon 1995, 297-299, figs. 16.7 and 16.9. As to the syna- similar to paintings, nor as paintings only, as they were wrought
gogue s. infra Chapter 8. On Dagon see Dirven 2004, 5 (with in bronze, but let us argue that a man, painter and bronze maker
references to the Old Testament). A further literary example alike, designed them like in Homer, where Hephaistos appears
of the description of temple doors is that of Taxila in India as the maker of the shield of Achilles. For everything is full of
where at the end of the first century Apollonius of Tyana vis- killing and killed men and the bronze represents the ground full
its a temple with his companion Damis. In the former capital of blood” (Philostr., Ap. 2.20-41 = Recueil Milliet 1985, no.
of the empire of Poros he sees the doors on which the bat- 52). The applied technique produces various effects and so
tles between Poros and Alexander are depicted in the form a higher degree of realism. Cf. Fowler 1996, 58-61.
92
of bronze reliefs. Nuances were enhanced by accentuated Zevi 1995, 188 argues that the profession of a painter is not
painting. The scenes do not show specific deeds of Alexan- mentioned even if there existed a certain degree of esteem
der, but battle elements such as “elephants, horses, soldiers, for it. An example is given by the Roman citizen Fabius
helmets, shields, spears and javelins and swords of iron”. The Pictor, who personally decorated a temple (here p. 18-19).
colours remind Apollonios of paintings by great masters Pliny, however, says something different, s. note 46.
93
like Zeuxis, Polygnotos and Euphranor thanks to the skill- Putnam offers lovers of literature and psychologists funda-
ful rendering of light and shade and the lifelike effect of the mental stimuli in his penetrating narrative analysis of the
figures, the effect of relief and depth. This evokes a debate text: Putnam 1998, 75-96 (= AJPh 108, 1987, 173-198). See
about painting and its possibilities to recreate reality in also Smith 2005, 88-89.
34
It should also be noted that the temple underwent important architectural changes during the reign of the
first emperor. Augustus’ connection with his favoured god Apollo was one of the reasons why so much attention
was paid to the building.94
A T emple in L iternum
The interaction between the viewer and the representation is easy to see in the second literary example, taken
from the Punica of Silius Italicus, the longest epos known in Latin poetry, written at the end of the first century
AD. In this poetic description of the Second Punic War, the narrator always has in mind the different narrative
perspectives of the persons on both sides – Roman and Punic. In connection with the verses of the Aeneid just
discussed it is noticeable that Hannibal’s actions are described by Silius as a consequence of the hatred of Juno,
partly even having their origins in Dido’s suicide.
In the sixth book the Carthaginian general Hannibal makes an unstoppable march through Italy as far as
Campania. During a short sojourn in Liternum he sees a temple decorated with scenes from the First Punic
War:95
hic dum stagnosi spectat templumque domosque

Literni ductor, varia splendentia cernit
pictura belli patribus monumenta prioris 655
exhausti; nam porticibus signata manebant,
quis inerat longus rerum et spectabilis ordo.
primus bella truci suadebat Regulus ore,
bella neganda, viro si noscere fata daretur.
ac princeps Poenis indicta more parentum 660
Appius astabat pugna lauroque reuinctus
iustum Sarrana ducebat caede triumphum.
aequoreum iuxta decus et nauale tropaeum,
rostra gerens niuea surgebat mole columna:
exuuias Marti donumque Duilius alto 665
ante omnes mersa Poenorum classe, dicabat.
cui, nocturnus honos, funalia clara sacerque
post epulas tibicen adest, castosque penates
insignis laeti repetebat murmure cantus.
cernit et extremos defuncti ciuis honores: 670
Scipio ductoris celebrabat funera Poeni,
Sardoa uictor terra. uidet inde ruentem
litoribus Libycis dispersa per agmina pubem;
instabat crista fulgens et terga premebat
Regulus; Autololes Nomadesque et Maurus et Hammon 675
et Garamas positis dedebant oppida telis.
lentus harenoso spumabat Bagrada campo
uiperea sanie, turmisque minantibus ultro
pugnabat serpens et cum duce bella gerebat.
94
D’Arms 1970, 80. On the temple Gallo 1986. Delz, Stuttgart 1987, 162-164 - Teubner).
95
Silius, Punica 6.653-716 - finale of the sixth book (edition I.
35
necnon proiectum puppi frustraque uocantem 680
numina Amyclaeum mergebat perfida ponto
rectorem manus, et seras tibi, Regule, poenas
Xanthippus digni pendebat in aequore leti.
addiderant geminas medio consurgere fluctu
Aegates; lacerae circum fragmenta videres 685
classis et effusos fluitare in gurgite Poenos.
possessor pelagi pronaque Lutatius aura
captiuas puppes ad litora uictor agebat.
haec inter iuncto religatus in ordine Hamilcar,
ductoris genitor, cunctarum ab imagine rerum 690
totius in sese uulgi conuerterat ora.
sed pacis faciem et pollutas foederis aras
deceptumque Iouem ac dictantes iura Latinos
cernere erat. strictas trepida ceruice secures
horrebat Libys, ac summissis ordine palmis 695
orantes ueniam iurabant irrita pacta.
haec Eryce e summo spectabat laeta Dione.
Quae postquam infesto percensuit omnia uultu
arridens Poenus, lenta proclamat ab ira:
“non leuiora dabis nostris inscribere tectis 700
acta meae dextrae: captam, Carthago, Saguntum
da spectare, simul flamma ferroque ruentem;
perfodiant patres natorum membra. nec Alpes
exiguus domitas capiet locus; ardua celsis
persultet iuga uictor equis Garamasque Nomasque 705
addes Ticini spumantes sanguine ripas
et nostrum Trebiam et Thrasymenni litora Tusci
clausa cadaueribus. ruat ingens corpore et armis
Flaminius, fugiat consul manante cruore
Scipio et ad socios nati ceruice uehatur. 710
haec mitte in populos, et adhuc maiora dabuntur.
flagrantem effinges facibus, Carthago, Libyssis
Romam et deiectum Tarpeia rupe Tonantem.
interea uos, ut dignum est, ista, ocius ite,
o iuuenes, quorum dextris mihi tanta geruntur, 715
in cineres monumenta date atque inuoluite flammis.”
While the general [Hannibal] looked here at the temple and the houses of swampy Liternum, he observed vari-
ously painted, brilliant glorious deeds [monumenta] of the war carried to the end by his fathers; for the pictures
remained within the portico, a long and noteworthy sequence of deeds. First Regulus with a harsh aspect pro-
posed to begin war, a war in fact to be discouraged, if he could know his future. Next stood Appius, the instiga-
tor, who had declared war to the Phoenicians in the way of the fathers; crowned with laurel he held a deserved
triumph after the slaughter of Sarrana. Next were the glory of the sea and the trophy of the sea battle: it was a
massive rising column white as snow, bearing ships’ beaks: first of all Duilius dedicated the spoils and the gift to
the mighty Mars, after sinking the Punic fleet. He received as an honourable tribute shining torches and a sacred
piper by night after his meal; and he returned to his chaste home honoured by the sound of a happy song. Han-
nibal also saw the last honours paid to a fallen citizen: Scipio conducted the funeral of the Punic leader, Scipio
36
being the victor in Sardinia. Next he saw the Roman youth rushing on through shattered troops of the adversary
on the Libyan coast; Regulus urged them, shining by his crested helm, and he pursued the tail of the troops; the
Autololeans, Nomads, Mauretanians, Hammonians and Garamantians laid down the weapons and surren-
dered their cities. Slow Bagrada river foamed with viperlike gore in the desert and with menacing squadrons this
snake was engaging in the fight and waged war with the general. The treacherous band also flung the Amyclaean
steersman into the sea, cast down from the stern and calling his gods in vain, while Xanthippus suffered for you,
Regulus, punishments at last consisting of a worthy death at sea.
Next they painted the twin Aegatian islands, rising from the sea; you could see the shackles of the ruined fleet
and the drowned Phoenicians floating around in the torrent. Governor of the sea, Lutatius as the victor brought
the captive ships ashore with a favourable wind. Hamilcar was chained in a long row of prisoners: the father of
the general had turned onto himself the glance of all, away from the representation of all other scenes. But you
could see the illusory peace and the stained altars of the treaty, a deceived Jupiter, and the Latins dictating the
terms. The Libyans shrunk back with trembling neck from the unsheathed axes and prayed for mercy with their
hands raised and they swore the invalid pacts. Dione [Venus] looked in happiness at these things from high Eryx.
When the Phoenician had studied all these things, laughing at them grimly, he shouted with a rising scorn: “You,
Carthage, will give us the inspiration for deeds of my hand to be depicted in our dwellings: let us see a captured
Saguntum collapsing by fire and iron alike; let fathers stab the bodies of their sons and no small space will be
occupied by the conquest of the Alps; and may the Garamantes and the Numidians as conquerors scour the
difficult passes with tall horses. You will add the shores of the Ticinus foaming with blood and our Trebia and
the bank of Tuscan Thrasymenian Lake blocked by corpses.96 May the giant Flaminius collapse with body and
arms; may consul Scipio flee, his blood pouring down, and be brought to his friends on the shoulders of his son.
Give such [images] to the nations and still greater things will happen. Carthage, you will depict Rome burning
by the Libyan torches and [Jupiter] Tonans thrown down from the Tarpeian rock. For now, you, young men,
proceed quickly as is suitable - your hands achieve so much for me – and set these monuments in ashes and cover
them in the flames.”
The deeds Hannibal refers to in his short speech were familiar to the reader because they had been described
extensively in the previous Punica books: the fall of Saguntum in 218 (book 2), Hannibal crossing the Alps
(book 3), battles at the Ticinus and Tebia rivers lost by Scipio (book 4), the battle of Lake Trasimene lost by
Flaminius because of negligentia deorum (book 5) and Attilius Regulus (book 6).
The paintings Hannibal is looking at are in a portico97 and show nine episodes from the First Punic War, won
by the Romans. These themes are subdivided into three sets of three scenes so that one may reconstruct the
setting in the form of a porticus triplex, a three-sided portico with three scenes on each wall. Despite this inter-
ruption in the description it is plausible that this construction belonged to the temple. The description reminds
one of the pannings of a movie camera and forces Hannibal to move his gaze.98 In contrast with Aeneas’ scenes,
96
This suggests Carthage as the commissioner of these scenes. On the rise of temple porticos see Gros 1996, 97-99.
97 98
Silius says that the paintings were well preserved (Pun. Fröhlich 2000, 360-372 discusses this section in detail. Here the
6.656: nam porticibus signata manebant) and the situation reader finds the suggestion of a Π-shaped building and the con-
therefore should be similar to that of the portico of the nection with the temple. See also Marks 2003, who proposes a
Apollo temple in Pompeii discussed in Chapter 3. If this is slightly different division of the scenes (p. 130: the distribution
true, Silius uses anachronism, as these sort of porticos were of the images would be difficult, note 2). Cf. Croisille 1982, 301-
not yet known in Italy during the mid-Republican period. 305. On the terminology Luschin 2002, 37.
37
the Liternum paintings form a systematic set (6.657): longus rerum et spectabilis ordo. We may presume that they
occupied panels in the main zone of the walls. Hannibal had to walk around and did not cast his looks randomly,
instead following this precise layout.
Hannibal’s reaction to the representations remains unknown. He even seems to disappear, when the poet
apparently addresses the reader. The descriptions are completely Romanocentric.99 When we come to the end
of the presentation of the Roman standpoint, the Carthaginian fulminates: may a fire destroy these decorations
after the final victory of the Phoenicians (6.714-716). In this way he echoes the fears of the Roman public.
Whereas Aeneas identifies himself with the scenes in Carthage, Hannibal does not do so. That is the reason why
Silius needs many more visual details than Virgil. The effect on the viewer is greater.
The Romans knew Liternum as the last residence of Scipio the Elder, who defeated Hannibal at the end of
the Second Punic War and devastated Carthage.100 The poet purposely chose this location as the setting of this
episode, Hannibal almost visits the house of his future adversary without being aware of it. Among the Roman
leaders in the First Punic War (261-246 BC) described in the poem, an ancestor of Scipio, Lucius Cornelius
Scipio, occupies an essential position (6.671). Silius describes the irritation of the Carthaginian visitor and even
has Hannibal address his mother city Carthage. He urges her to eternalise his coming victory at least as beauti-
fully as has been done at Liternum for the Roman heroes. This soliloquy ending with the wish that fire may anni-
hilate these paintings formed the beginning of Hannibal’s fall for the Roman readers, who already knew the out-
come of the war, also described by Silius in the seventeenth and final Book of the Punica. Roman readers could
easily jeer at Hannibal’s emotions and behaviour. A personal touch might be the fact that Silius possessed land
in this region and used to live here, since he is referring to having the Tomb of Virgil in his neighbourhood.101
The divinity to whom the temple is dedicated is not mentioned by name.102 Raymond Marks recently pro-
posed that it might have been dedicated to Scipio the Elder, an idea which cannot be proven, but which is a
rather attractive hypothesis especially if we take into account the observations formulated here.103 In that case
the complex was a huge heroon of fairly Greek taste and ambitions.
This study is not devoted to literary analysis, but a comparison with Virgil is tempting. Silius must have
had in mind the description of the Temple of Juno. He also rivals the Augustan poet in another ekphrasis which
shows Hannibal in a similar position as Aeneas at Cumae watching the auctor of the Temple of Apollo in a simi-
lar way. When Hannibal enters Gades, modern Cadiz in Spain, after the devastation of Saguntum, he sees the
Temple of Herakles. Its doors show some episodes from Herakles’ life:104
in foribus labor Alcidae: Lernaea recisis

anguibus hydra iacet, nexuque elisa leonis
ora Cleonaei patulo caelantur hiatu.
at Stygius saeuis terrens latratibus umbras 35
ianitor, aeterno tum primum tractus ab antro,
uincla indignatur, metuitque Megaera catenas.
99
Marks 2003, 137 underlines Aeneas’ and Hannibal’s differ- information.
102
ing responses to the art. Cf. Fowler 1996, 65-73.
100 103
Because the Romans settled there as late as 197 BC, this Marks 2003, 144 concludes: “... after all, he [Scipio] would
point has been considered to be an anachronism, but see achieve immortality for the very deeds that its [the temple’s]
Fröhlich 2000, 376. paintings foreshadow.”
101 104
Martialis, ep. 11.48: Silius haec magni celebrat monumenta Silius, Punica 3.32-44. The immediately following descrip-
Maronis / jugera facundi qui Ciceronis habet. / Heredem tion of the Atlantic Ocean’s tide witnessed with astonish-
dominumque sui tumuliue larisue / non alium mallet nec ment by Hannibal could even be seen as a type of ekphrasis
Maro nec Cicero. I would like to thank David Rijser for this (vs. 45-60). Cf. Croisille 1982, 322-324.
38
iuxta Thraces equi pestisque Erymanthia et altos
aeripedis ramos superantia cornua cerui.
nec leuior uinci Libycae telluris alumnus 40
matre super stratique genus deforme bimembris
Centauri frontemque minor nunc amnis Acarnan.
inter quae fulget sacratis ignibus Oete,
ingentemque animam rapiunt ad sidera flammae.
On the doors are the labours of Herakles: the Hydra of Lerna lies down, its snakes cut off, and the head of the
Kleonian lion crushed in his clasp is engraved with its mouth wide open. But the doorkeeper of the Styx, who
terrifies the dead with his terrible barking, is now dragged out of his eternal cave for the first time and he rages
at the bonds, and Megaira fears the chains. Next are the Thracian horses and the Eurymanthian pest, as well
as the antlers of the bronze-footed stag, reaching above the trees. And there were the son of the Libyan land, not
very easy to defeat when standing on top of his mother, and the misshapen race of Centaurs, half man, half beast,
and the Akarnanian stream, now missing one horn. In the centre of all these the Oita is glittering by holy fires
and flames take away an enormous spirit towards the stars.
We recognise, sometimes hidden in recherché poetic periphrases, six athloi, namely the Nemean lion, the Hydra
of Lerna, the Eurymanthian boar, the Kerynean stag, Kerberos and the Horses of Diomedes. Furthermore, the
fight with Antaios on Herakles’ way to the Hesperids, the conflicts with Nessos and Acheloos and, finally, his
self-chosen death on Oita, from which Herakles’ spirit is carried to Olympus. The composition of the images is
not easy to reconstruct. Was the Oita episode in the centre (inter quas) or one of the others, i.e. in two columns
on the two door halves?105 The Antaios scene brings Hannibal back to his own country. As to the fight with
Acheloos and Herakles’ ascent to heaven, these were depicted in the Aedes Augustalium at Herculaneum (see
Chapter 6 with fig. 54).
Concerning the technique with which these scenes were made, the only clue is the verb caelantur in line 34,
which signifies relief work, either by cutting and carving in stone, bone/ivory and wood, or by embossing in
metal (repoussé). The verb fulget in line 43 might even be ambiguous; of course it refers to the fire set by Herak-
les himself, but it may also illustrate bright colour, possibly gold or yellow brass, in which case the doors would
have had bronze reliefs. Ironically this temple had reportedly been founded at the same time as that of Juno in
Carthage! Herakles was the equivalent of the Phoenician god Melqart.106
C onclusions
The ancient sources provide us with two types of information, descriptions of, or references to, now lost monu-
ments in Greek and Roman towns and literary evocations of fictitious temples in epic poems. Conclusions can
be drawn from both types of source.
The descriptions of real temples stem from prose, mainly historical or technical works. They demonstrate
that only masterpieces or curiosities entered the domain of literature. Pliny’s selection is particularly illuminat-
ing because he lays down the origins and the contemporary practices regarding temple paintings and records
when members of noble families were directly involved. This social element is considered more important than
105 107
Cf. Croisille 1982, 323 on this point. See the good analysis of Book 35 on painting by Isager 1991,
106
For the sources see RE VII (1912) 439-461, esp. 446-447 114-140.
and DNP 4 (1998) 730-731.
39
a definition of their possible skills, let alone the works they made.107 The paintings mentioned are figural repre-
sentations, mostly simply referring to the occupant of the temple and the patron of its construction or restora-
tion. He and other authors frequently stress the coherence between painting and context in the sense that the
scenes depict battles fought by the patrons or areas conquered. Whether this is also true for the archaeological
record will be discussed in the following chapters.
Generally speaking, the sources regarding Roman temples are more informative than those about Greek
temples and other monuments. In Roman religious buildings we see almost exclusively scenes of battlegrounds,
without any direct connection with the gods venerated in these temples. It is often not recorded whether the
general had made a votum to a particular deity as thanksgiving for eventually winning the battle. However, a
complete lack of connection seems rather implausible, especially since several relationships can be established
from the cited examples. Unfortunately, it is impossible to describe the appearance of such decorations and
their location within the temple (cella, pronaos, or portico?) is almost never defined in the sources. Holliday
proposes a reconstruction of such paintings in the shape of friezes and as comparable monuments he suggests
triumphal scenes on Etruscan cinerary urns and Roman commemorative reliefs. Following Claude Nicolet, he
argues that the source of some elements is found in late fourth century BC Campania.108 The fragment from
Cumae might confirm this hypothesis, even if there are many unsolved questions regarding the block and its
original context. The paintings from the Tomba François from Vulci, now in the Villa Albani in Rome, show
an alternative for the composition’s form: large juxtaposed scenes instead of friezes. We must keep in mind that
all these examples of comparable scenes are much smaller than the walls of the temples and so they may give a
false impression regarding the dimensions. The tendency, echoed in the literary descriptions, to represent the
battle scenes in a cruel manner probably corresponds to Roman practice. Tonio Hölscher pointed out that these
Pathosformeln stemmed from the Hellenistic world. Their introduction in Roman society partly took place by
means of literary examples during the second century BC.109
In the long passages from Vergil and Silius Italicus describing fictitious temples at Carthage and Liternum,
we encounter the popular genre of ekphraseis, literary descriptions of works of art that emulate the real visual
arts by evoking a suggestive image. Both poetic ekphraseis underline the acts of war. The reactions of the specta-
tors, Aeneas and Hannibal, convey the impression that the martial elements of the scenes were rendered quite
explicitly, both generals were moved by the images they saw; Aeneas reacted with grief and Hannibal meditated
upon revenge. Various scholars emphasize the parallels and relationships of the two descriptions of images and
in both cases the texts allude to a future victory by the Romans.110 Hannibal’s rôle as a viewer, therefore, differs
from that of Aeneas. Carthage has scenes which upset Aeneas, and the temple in Liternum stresses the superi-
ority of the homeland in front of the enemy Hannibal. On the other hand, the actors are in different positions,
Aeneas having fled and Hannibal acting as a glorious general.
Virgil’s description leaves more to the imagination as he offers fewer details than Silius, in whose text the eye
of the imaginary viewer wanders over the walls. For Virgil the reaction of Aeneas is more important – he might
have thought of Odysseus’ emotion at hearing Demodokos at the court of the Phaiaks in Homer’s Odyssey 8.
Silius’ text is much more ekphrastic and matches the growing tradition in the first century AD. He really needs
the images themselves to make his point. In a certain sense, his presentation is much more banal or flat than
Virgil’s evocation of the works of art in Carthage.
Concrete visual parallels for similar cruel Republican scenes can be seen in the large paintings from the
Tomba François in Vulci. These representations from the second half of the fourth century BC show combat or
war without pity or mercy. The Vulci iconography is not easy to interpret, particularly because of the intriguing
mix of heterogeneous mythological stories and historical episodes. ‘Ajax and Kassandra’ and the ‘Sacrifice of the
108 109
Holliday 2002, 46, with a reference to fig. 14-18 (frieze); Hölscher 1980, 354-355.
110
58-59 (on sources of inspiration). Most recently Leach 2000 and Marks 2003, 135-137.
40
Trojan captives’ are connected with the Trojan cycle, whereas other scenes show family members of the Etrus-
can prince Macstarnas involved in conflicts with Rome. The Etruscan paintings apparently had been influenced
by fifth and fourth century BC wall paintings from Greece and Magna Graecia .111
The two prose texts provide examples of temples with cycles of images pertaining to the life of the inhabit-
ant, the heros Orestes and the god Dionysos. The authors regard the complexes as part of their fictitious texts
and would have described these and other monuments according to examples known from their own world. In
both cases, the endeavours of the venerated persons enhance their prestige.
The literary sources on Republican temples discussed here mention almost exclusively scenes of war painted
in temples to recall the triumphs of Roman generals. Virgil could have seen many of them in the archaic tem-
ples and possibly used them as sources of inspiration for his descriptions of the Troianae pugnae. During and
after the time of Augustus, many Republican monuments were restructured and restored, often quite radically.
Accordingly, it is much less likely that Silius, whose work dates to some one hundred years later, had seen such
decorations. Instead, this poet would have had to rely on literary sources. Moreover, both poets could have been
inspired by examples of the genre of the history painting and the pictura triumphalis, of which not a scrap of
physical evidence has been preserved. During the triumphs colourful painted banners displaying the celebrated
battles were carried around. The Column of Trajan even records such images, if we accept the supposition
that the frieze shows a sequence of such banners.112 Motifs of this kind apparently were no longer represented
after the Republican period. According to the genre of the pictura triumphalis, both poetic renditions probably
immortalise long cycles of commemorative paintings commissioned by victorious generals,. In this sense the
texts form an important source for archaeologists.
111
The literature about these paintings is vast. See Holliday lost, but reconstructed, paintings on the Priest Sarcophagus
2002, 65-74, fig. 29-35, where a plausible connection is from Tarquinia (Fleischer 2004).
112
made with Greek predecessors. Cf. the entries in Apelles 3 See Gauer 1977, 9-12, 78-86. On the depiction carried dur-
(1998) nos. 600-602; 4 (2001) nos. 528-531. Cf. the now ing the triumphs see Östenberg 2009, 256-261.
41
2 Paintings Found in Public Temples of the Greek world
The remains of painted decoration in Greek temples are very scarce and scattered across the Greek world. All
belong to the category of grand public temples. This means that no coherent and multifaceted discussion of
the original practice of temple decorations (except for sculptured and architectural decoration), is possible. I
therefore briefly present the instances known to me.1
The oldest example of painted decoration in Greek sanctuaries is the Temple of Poseidon in Isthmia, dating
to the first half of the seventh century BC. The excavator Oscar Broneer found fragments of thin layers of plaster
on which he distinguished partial representations of warriors and a big horse and meanders. They belonged to
the figural decoration of the interior of the naos, where they occupied the middle and upper zones. The brick
wall on the lower side had a revetment in the shape of stucco relief imitating limestone blocks, giving the impres-
sion that the temple was built out of costly limestone.2
A predecessor to the 560-550 Temple of Poseidon in Corinth was found during the American excavations in
the 1970s. The cella of this building, similar to that at Isthmia, must have been decorated with murals since the
excavator Henry S. Robinson reports poros blocks bearing remains of stucco layers. He recognises “rectangular
Fig. 1 Samos, Hekatompedos II,

block with incisions, now in the local
museum (photo M.J. Strazzulla).
Fig. 2 Samos, Hekatompedos II,

drawing of fig. 1, now in the local
museum (photo M.J. Strazzulla).
1
Cf. Introduction, note 7. Hellmann 2002, 238, 255; ThesCRA IV (2005) 94 no. 37;
2
Broneer 1971, 33-34, pl. A-D; Andreou 1989, cat. 126; Marconi 2007, 3, fig. 1.
43
panels of solid color (dark red or black) separated by narrow bands of light buff color.” Existing traces of “decora-
tive patterns” are insufficient to allow a reconstruction or interpretation.3
Brigitte Freyer-Schauenburg published a limestone block from the Hekatompedos II in the Sanctuary of
Samos (fig. 1-2). On this block, part of a large orthostate, one can see three male heads turned in profile to the
left with arrowheads in front of them. These figures are incised on the surface. Freyer-Schaunburg suggested
that these are preparatory drawings for paintings and this explanation appears highly plausible. Her idea was fol-
lowed up by Koch, who argued that the drawings give a good idea of monumental paintings in temples.4 Stylisti-
cally the figures can be dated to the second quarter of the seventh century. The bizarre paintings in the pastas of
the sanctuary in Phlyai (see Chapter 1) can be explained in the same way. The colour scheme and composition
cannot be reconstructed, but the painted terracotta metopes from Thermos and Kalydon from the same period
may provide a means of comparison. In this case, few colours (red, black, white and yellow) were used and the
contour lines were heavy, similar to those on contemporary vase paintings.5 These extraordinary architectural
plaques are a good source for the understanding of early monumental mural decorations.6 The reason for the
choice of the warriors cannot be deduced from a possible specific connection with Hera.
Recent work at Kalapodi has brought to light several strata of a temple whose first traces date back to the
Mycenean period. Wolf-Dieter Niemeier found orthostates at the northern wall of the cella and, over them, parts
of a mudbrick wall adorned with inscribed lines and paint. These decorations are under restoration and belong
to the early archaic phase of this sanctuary, probably the Manteion of Apollo of Abai described by Pausanias.7
The Ritzlinien are similar to the incisions on the block from Samos (figs. 1-2).
The first Temple of Artemis at Kalapodi in Phokis dates to the archaic period and is covered by the still vis-
ible remains of the subsequent temple that was built around 480 BC. As at Isthmia, this building was erected in
brick and its walls were covered with a layer of plaster. On it was painted a pattern of blocks and, similar to the
Isthmia temple, a certain degree of wealth is suggested, although stucco relief orthostates are lacking.8
On the island of Naxos there is a small shrine dedicated to Demeter, Kore and Apollo, first studied in the
1970s. Demeter, Kore and Apollo were συννάοι θέοι in this modest complex, representing darkness and light.9 A
primitive early archaic hypaethral space was replaced around 520 BC by a marble almost square building with
a pronaos and a naos in a rather peculiar shape. The order used is Ionian. The construction may probably be
linked with Lygdamis, the tyrant of Naxos at the time. The walls of the naos, now partly reconstructed in situ,
were made from small rough blocks, whereas in contrast the pronaos had shining white marble walls and col-
umns as well as a marble roof, the first of this kind known in Greek architecture. The smoothed sidewalls were
covered with a very fine marble stucco and partly painted. Fragments of red and beige decorations were found
during the excavations.10
The Temple of Hephaistos and Athena Ergane, built in the middle of the fifth century on the Kolonos Ago-
raios in Athens, still shows remains of Christian frescos that cover a layer of stucco from the period of construc-
3
Robinson 1976, 248, fig. 10. On the temple pp. 239-252. Cellawand aus Lehmziegeln mit Stuckverputz bestanden, der
4
Freyer-Schauenburg 1974, 184-185 no. 103, pl. 77; Koch teilweise mit Ritzlinien verziert, teilweise farbig bemalt war.”)
1996, 9; Marconi 2007, 3. I owe the illustrations to M.-J. -167. Cf. Pausanias 10.35.1-4. Some First-Style paintings
Struzzulla. were found nearby in a substructure in opus caementicium
5
Koch 1996, 123-128, 131-170, figs. 43-69, 83-88 (Ther- (p. 166), probably belonging to a later phase of the sanc-
mos), 128-130, figs. 70-82 (Kalydon). On the iconography tuary.
8
of Thermos’ metopes see also Colpo 2002 and Marconi Felsch 1980, 72-73; Andreou 1989, cat. 127.
2007, 6-7. 9
Lambrinoudakis 2002, 388-389, figs. 8-9 (dedicatory

6
Koch 1996, 170-173. inscriptions); ThesCRA IV (2005) 91 no. 17.
7 10
W.-D. Niemeier, Kalapodi, in Jahresbericht 2004 des DAI, Lambrinoudakis 2002, 392: “mit Marmorstuck seidenhaft
Abteilung Athen, AA 2005, no. 2, 166 (“Über den vom verputzt und z.T. farbig gefaßt.”
Feuer teilweise zerrissenen Kalksteinorthostaten hatte die
44
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, ,-
'm
Fig. 3 Gerasa, Temple, reconstruction of the decoration by H. Eristov. For a colour version of this figure, see page 237.
tion. William Dinsmoor has argued with valid reasons that the “stippled” walls were covered with paintings.
Some traces of red seem to have been found. Because of a former connection to the building with the Theseion
(see supra p. 11-12), previous scholars had (vainly) hoped to find traces of the famous paintings we now only
know from the ancient sources.11
The marble Temple of Athena Lindia in Lindos on Rhodes was constructed in the years 350-342. Some
traces of stucco were found on the outer walls of the cella and the excavator, Ejnar Dyggve, argues that the
heavily weathered inner walls had been covered in the same manner. Colour traces, however, have not been
observed, let alone figural motifs.12
The Hieron of the Sanctuary of the Kabeiroi or Megaloi Theoi on Samothrace was embellished with paint-
ings in c. 325 BC. Stucco relief, again, suggests the presence of a marble wall. In the lower zone of this decoration
one would have seen a series of blue to black orthostates, above them ran the pattern of an isodome masonry
work in red and on top there was a fake Doric portico with half columns and capitals in stucco relief. This deco-
ration was much more elaborate than that in archaic temples mentioned and has been correctly identified as an
important early element in the development of the structural style, well-known in the Pompeian variant of the
First Style.13
11 13
Dinsmoor 1941, 94-104. Dinsmoor summarises previous Andreou 1989, cat. 166; Hellmann 2002, 247, fig. 338. Cf. the
scholarship. His conclusions were debated by Oscar Broneer fundamental publication of Lehmann 1969, 138-142, 204-212,
in Hesperia 14 (1945) 251-253, to which Dinsmoor retorted pl. LVII, XCIV, CIV-CVI. Hellmann 2002, 246 uses the apt
in the same Hesperia 14 (1945) 364-366. Dinsmoor’s ideas expression “Style de grand appareil”. Hellenistic parallels for the
were supported by Gorham Ph. Stevens in Hesperia 19 false colonnade are the interior of the Mausoleum in Halikar-
(1950) 158-164. nassos and the House of the Comedians in Delos (Hellmann
12
Dyggve 1960, 94-95, pl. IV, D. 2002, 257, fig. 341). For Italic examples see p. 51, 57.
45
The last Greek monument to be discussed in this chapter dates to the late second century BC, the heroon
for a certain Leon ‘the new Herakles’ at Kalydon. Again, the decoration of the temple consists of an imitation
of limestone or marble blocks, made from grained marble, which is combined with real limestone blocks of the
same dimensions and composition. The excavator Dyggve reports the application of Pompeian red.14
Some examples from the Hellenistic Near East can be added to the dossier of Greek temples.
At Gerasa (modern Jarash in Jordan) French archaeologists explored the remains of a temple dedicated to
Zeus Olympios by Theon in AD 69/70. Some of the lower blocks and a great number of other blocks used as
backfill in its base appeared to have belonged to an older monument, now labelled “Hellenistic Naos”, which
could be reconstructed because most architectural elements were still there. Some blocks contain traces of
painting, partly with elements added in stucco relief. The reconstruction presented by Hélène Eristov shows
how the walls were covered with a series of painted orthostates in various colours in front of which was added a
row of columns with flutings indicated in stucco relief (fig. 3).15 Three rows of isodome blocks and panels with
lozenges were added above the orthostates, the complete height might have been some 5.5 metres. The decora-
tion is in the fashion of the First Style and has been dated to the first half of the first century BC. As far as I know,
the naos is the only example of painted decoration applied on well-cut limestone blocks which imitate marble
blocks. Apparently the decorators followed the taste of the colourful decorations of their era. As a matter of fact,
the murals are similar to those in the royal palace of Masada.16
At Nea Paphos (Cyprus) the second and first century BC temples had colourful painted decorations, as is
argued by Jolanta Młynarczyk.17 Her essay on this topic, however, does not provide documentation of the finds
themselves and succinctly informs us in its summary that the floors possessed a mosaic or marble pavement,
whilst the walls had imitations of marble incrustations. The painted elements would have been combined with
architectonic ornaments in sandstone. The Temple of Aphrodite in Morphou had real marble plates in the dado
and painted panels in the main zone.18 This monument is rather similar to the shrine in Gerasa, though on a
more modest level.
The Hellenistic complex of the Asklepieion in Kos is entirely executed in marble. Some additional buildings
from the Roman period are in other materials. The remains of a structure with a series of square rooms were
found on the lower terrace. At the time of excavation, at the beginning of the early twentieth century, mural
paintings could be seen. These are panel paintings, some with vignettes showing birds against a white back-
ground. The simplicity of the decorations does not permit a firm dating, but Rudolf Herzog’s attribution to the
Flavian period may rely on other data rather than stylistic analysis alone. The decorations are clearly domestic
in character and endorse the function of the rooms as hospitium or katagogion.19
In sum, the archaeological dossier presented here from the Greek world barely corresponds with the cases
we encounter in the literary sources because there is little material evidence for figural elements. As a rule, the
temples found show a display of precious materials, especially marble, and fine techniques.
14 16
Andreou 1989, cat. 128; Dyggve 1934, 27-28, 47-48, pl. I-II, Foerster 1995, 1-79 and Rozenberg 2008, 343-355, figs. 375-
fig. 21. For real blocks ibid. 336 fig. 40. 413.
15 17
Eristov and Seigne 2002. Here the Hellenistic shrine is mis- Młynarczyk 1990.
18
takenly attributed to Theon, apparently by the periodical’s Młynarczyk 1990, with a reference to Nikolaou 1963, 16, fig.
editors and not by the authors, according to Mme Eristov 5.
19
(pers. comm.); Eristov and Seigne 2003, esp. 276-284, figs. Herzog 1932, 70-71, pls. 36, 56 (bottom). On dating see p.

8-14; S. Rozenberg in Bragantini 2010, 366 (parallels in the 74.
Near East).
46
3 Paintings Found in Public Temples in Roman Italy
R epublican and I mperial T emples in R ome
At the end of the Republic, the city of Rome possessed a great number of old temples constructed in tuff, timber
framing and mud brick. As a rule, they must have had wall paintings that covered the roughly constructed walls,
thereby forming an important aspect of the decoration. The use of these traditional building materials contin-
ued until the beginning of the first century AD, although by then new techniques were increasingly practiced.
Most monuments discussed in this section belong to the group of public monuments financed by the city’s
prestigious citizens.
Gradually, constructions in brickwork grew in number and volume and their walls also had to be covered
with stucco work or paintings. Furthermore, covering temples with marble became a booming business, the first
columns and capitals in this material having been introduced in the middle of the second century BC. Although
at first these elements were seen as manifestations of un-Roman luxury, they had now become standard mate-
rials for religious and public monuments alike. Even the walls were now composed of blocks of marble.1 The
temples of Portunus and Hercules - Olivarius or Victor - on the Forum Boarium are clear examples of this ‘mod-
ern’ combination of materials and techniques. The exterior sides of the walls of these late second century BC
shrines are covered with a white stucco relief. In the Temple of Portunus the suggestion of marble orthostates is
rendered in shallow relief, combined with colourful panels. The cella had a floor in opus signinum.2 The round
cella of the Temple of Hercules had stucco slabs imitating rectangular marble blocks, as was the practice in the
First Style. In the latter monument the first Corinthian capitals and columns of Pentelic marble in Rome are
recorded, whereas the floor is made of travertine blocks.3 Marble would remain a precious material in Roman
architecture and, therefore, was rarely covered with stucco.4 For this reason the marble temples will not be dis-
cussed in this study.
A shrine for Jupiter on Tiber Island dates to the early second century BC. Its scant remains were explored
in the 1990s by Paola di Manzano and Roberto Giustini. They report finding decoration in the interior of the
1
See Maischberger 1997, 17-18. On the use of stucco in tuff, monuments with stuccoed architectural elements. We may
travertine and marble temples see Campisi 1987, esp. 86-87. add the First Style fragments found in the Temple of the
2
See Adam 1994, 4: the interior has no ancient remains, Fortuna Huisce Diei on Largo Argentina. This round build-
except the floor. On the stucco esp. p. 62-63. ing was erected after a vow by Quintus Lutatius Catulus in
3
R akob and Heilmeyer 1973, Beilage 4; Campisi 1987, 73, 101 BC (Caputo 1990-1991, 258-259).
4
77; Pensabene 2007, 13. F. Coarelli, LTUR III (1996) 19-20 Ovid speaks in his Tristia 3.1.60, of intonsi candida templa
and 22-23 discusses the alternative dedications of this round dei as to the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine. Verg., Aeneid
temple, which are Hercules Olivarius and Hercules Victor. 8.720, mentions niveo candentis limine Phoebi, which refers
Doubt exists because the location of Porta Trigemina is to the same building. The colours must have been none but
unknown. Cf. Mattern 2000, 148. A similar decoration is those of the marbles. On the Forum Augustum there was a
known from the famous round Temple of Vesta in Tivoli (see wall revetment of painted marble slabs (cf. p. 2 with note 6).
Campisi 1987, 81 and passim). Campisi 1987 lists various An exception is the temple in Gerasa (see Chapter 2).
47
cella: a red dado with indications of oblong panels above that should be understood as stuccoed imitations of
standing blocks in various colours. As there is an inscription mentioning a restoration of the mosaic floor from
the end of the second century, the decorative ensemble must be older.5
The temple of Veiovis discovered in the 1930s under the Palazzo Senatorio on the Capitol by Antonio Maria
Colini showed remains of the original pavement and a stucco revetment on the travertine blocks of the lower
parts of the walls. Unfortunately these finds were not well documented at the time of the excavation. These
lower sections of the building date from 192 BC, whereas the higher zones were restored under the Flavian
emperors.6
A Danish team of excavators discovered traces of interior decoration in the Temple of Castor and Pollux
on the Forum Romanum, built by Lucius Caecilius Metellus Dalmaticus after 117 BC. The stucco fragments
belong to wall and ceiling decorations executed in the First Style.7 The pavement consisted of a mosaic showing
lozenges in perspective, a motif we know from the temples of Jupiter and Apollo in Pompeii (see infra). After
a fire in 14 or 9 BC this construction was replaced by a new building in marble and all these decorative items
were lost.
In the late first century BC, Lucius Cornificius carried out large restoration works in the oldest and most
important temple of Diana in Rome, situated on the Aventine and, according to tradition, founded by Servius
Tullius. Charlotte Schreiter was able to locate it on the basis of a fragment from the Forma Urbis Romae. Draw-
ings by Giovannantonio Dosio from the 1560s show elements of the stucco decorations on the exterior walls.
On the basis of a comparison of this testimony with other sources, Schreiter could establish that the temple
was a building in traditional tuff blocks, restored in 35 BC or some years after at the request of the victorious
admiral Cornificius. This restoration was apparently done in an older and more traditional style, but elements
of the wall decoration are stylistically Augustan.8 The figural motifs documented by Dosio include battle scenes
and Schreiter cautiously proposes interpreting them as Homeric battles, serving as imitations of Greek marble
reliefs. The author thinks that the patron had purposefully chosen the older style and techniques in order to
enhance the antiquity and venerability of the shrine, an approach which fitted the restoration politics of that
period extremely well.
A small shrine for Fons or Fontus was explored on the southeastern slopes of the Janiculum, under the pre-
sent-day Ministry of Education. An inscription naming the dedicators Publius Pontius Eros and Gaius Veratius
Fortunatus places the restoration of the temple in AD 70. The rectangular room unearthed and subsequently
destroyed had walls covered with stucco and paint.9
New and surprising finds continue to be made thoroughly explored sites like the Capitol. Some years ago a
small temple was discovered in a sort of cupboard in the Palazzo Senatorio. One room, labelled B, still has paint-
ings on the lower parts of the original walls, including a red dado over which there is a series of yellow panels
with garlands and other ornaments. The excavator, Francesco Paolo Arata, correctly compares these murals with
paintings in Hadrianic period houses in Ostia. The decorations do not differ at all from frescoes in the private
5
CIL I2 990. P. di Manzano and R. Giustini, LTUR V (1999) 1992, 188-220; cf. I. Nielsen, LTUR I (1993) 242-245, esp.
270. A very short report about new research is given in Rend- 243-244.
8
PontAc 71 (2001) XXIII. In RendPontAc 71 (2001) 130, P. di Schreiter 2000, 20 (old-fashioned building), 24-30, fig. 11
Manzano et al. report that the existence of a sanctuary is not (stucco); cf. L. Venditelli, LTUR II (1995) 11-13. I thank Helke
as sure as they argued previously. Kammerer-Grothaus for the reference to Schreiter’s essay.
6 9
Colini 1940, 19; Colini 1942, 8 (lisenes), 13-14 (old pave- G. Mancini, NSA 1914, 362-363 reports the presence of wall
ment), 50-51 (chronology); cf. M. Albertoni, LTUR V paintings but does not describe or illustrate them; L. Can-
(1999) 99-100. tarelli, BCAR 43 (1915) 52-53 records that the walls were
7
P.G. Bilde and K. Sej, The Stucco, in Nielsen and Poulsen whitewashed; cf. J. Aronen, LTUR II (1995) 256.
48
sphere and they lack any allusion to the sacred function of the building. Arata tentatively identified the small
complex as the Temple of Jupiter Conservator founded by Domitian.10
At the brink of the new era, in the time of Augustus, we see various examples of ‘conservative’ constructions
in tuff. Because of its stucco outer decoration, the Augustan renovation of the early second-century Temple of
Cybele on the Palatine deserves mention: the elements in tuff should not be considered as mere sentimental
expressions of a revival or symbols of the Augustan pietas, but they reflect the tradition, still followed at that
time, of using ‘old’ materials in cult buildings.11
R epublican T emples in I taly
Some of the numerous indigenous towns in Italy, which mostly came under Roman influence from the fourth
century BC onwards, have remains of ancient temples with interesting painted decorations. According to the
fashion of the era, many cellae were decorated with murals in the First or early Second Style, but the remains
usually are scant. One might ask whether these styles came from Rome and should be seen as a reference to
the new powers or, alternatively, if we are dealing with a general development in Italy. It is a practice that had
its roots in the eastern part of the Mediterranean and corresponds to the Hellenisation of the Italian peninsula.
The ‘high’ arts of public and sacred architecture had the potential to underline the prestige of the local elites
and should not be seen as the expression of the power of the new rulers. The latter assumption surfaces mostly
in the modern literature, which views the new modes of decoration as part of the new political ideology.12 The
complexes discussed below stand out for their prestige and are partly expressions of self-pride of the enriched
towns in the peninsula and partly expressions of emulating the absolute new great centre of power that was
Rome. These public buildings were established on remarkable spots within or outside the communities and
served as landmarks.
We possess very scant remains of temples in Italy that belong to non-Roman or non-Romanised peoples and
towns. The Greek colony of Cumae is known for several temples, including that of Apollo admired by Aeneas
(see Chapter 1). Under the Capitolium on the forum of this town there is evidence of various predecessors, all
radically destroyed at moments of changes in power. As to the Samnite era (from 421 BC), excavations brought
to light fragments of the opulent decoration in stone and terracotta belonging to ‘Temple A’ destroyed by fire,
either intentionally or by accident. In both cases, the terrain was flattened to be occupied by the large so-called
Capitolium from the early third century BC. Temple A is dated to 340-320 BC.13 A Doric frieze in tuff shows a
Centauromachy painted on a layer of white stucco. Each metope contains either a moving Lapith or a Centaur
separated by blue-coloured triglyphs. Landscapes scenes are visible on some blocks. The figures have dark red
outlines and are rendered in soft colours, mainly red and blue, so that they look rather naturalistic. The decora-
tion is similar to that on the block mentioned in Chapter 1 (p. 20-21) and gives us the hitherto only example of
paintings outside a funerary context in Campania. The architectural terracottas have different, harder colours
10
Arata 1997, esp. 138-139, figs. 21-23; 152-153. Cf. C. 2005 and Wallace-Hadrill 2008, esp. Chapter 3. On the
Reusser, LTUR III (1996) 131-132 (not yet located!). hierarchy of sanctuaries in central Italy, see Letta 1992. Tech-
Versluys 2004, 437 uses the building as a possible example nical innovations could form a factor in this process, e.g. in
of a small Egyptian shrine on the Capitol. On possible Isis (private) baths: de Haan 2010, sections I.4.4 and I.5.
13
shrines on the Capitol see Coarelli 2009, 222-223. F. Zevi and C. Rescigno in Zevi 2008, I, 247-263; C.
11
Mattern 2000. Mattern 1999, 24-26 gives examples of the Rescigno in Bragantini 2010, 15-28. On the history and
use of stucco and argues that the white stucco was chosen for the chronology of the town see i.a. B. D’Agostino and C.
the strong contrast with the dark colour of the stone. But this Gasparri in the same volume (Zevi 2008, I, 76-87). On the
colour was ubiquitous on architectural elements, whether Samnites and Rome A. Mele (Zevi 2008, I, 31-52). The
stuccoed or painted. Cf. Campisi 1987. interpretation of the later building as a Capitolium is not
12
The debate about this topic is very vast. I refer to Dench taken for granted, see Stek 2009, Chapter 2.
49
– red, black and yellow. In contrast, three-dimensional figures in terracotta belonging to the pediments or acro-
teria are rendered in the natural colours of the metopes. They include heads and body parts of male and female
figures, a horse and the wheel of a chariot. Their state is too fragmentary to reconstruct and interpret them, but
Fausto Zevi and Carlo Rescigno tentatively connect them with the Dioscuri, possibly venerated in this shrine.
The following two instances differ entirely from the others, being subterranean shrines. The first is a nym-
phaeum at Caere/Cerveteri from the second quarter of the third century BC. This complex structure, with
corridors and various rooms, possesses one large central room painted white. A niche in the northern wall has
badly preserved paintings of two palm trees on the side walls and two other trees or fans on the wall piece above
the entrance. An inscription tells us that the complex was founded by C. Genucio(s) Clousino(s) praitor. He can
be identified with a high degree of plausibility as the consul who governed between 276 and 270 BC. The trees
seem to refer to the trias delica, Leto, Artemis, and Apollo, who were venerated at Caere from the late-Classical
period onwards. Mauro Cristofani and Gian Luca Gregori propose a connection to the grotto’s peculiarity,
i.e. having fresh water, with the rites of preparing brides for marriage. Hence, the big room would be a sort of
balaneion.14 The paintings can be compared to the contemporary tomb paintings in Alexandria. Since graffiti
from the period of Caracalla, one precisely dated to AD 208, have been found, it has been suggested that the
building was either continually used15 or reused around 200. It is a matter of discussion whether in that period
Isis had gained dominance, despite inscriptions referring to her Rosalia festival. It is also unclear whether the
underground room had become a Mithraeum.16 I think that the latter suggestion cannot be supported because
neither inscriptions nor decorative elements refer to Mithras.
The second subterranean complex is a sacellum within a hypogeum in Syracuse used in the third and second
centuries BC as a workshop by potters. In the late Imperial period these corridors and rooms would be used
as catacombs by Christians. The sacellum was probably dedicated to various gods worshipped by the potters
and has very simple depictions in niches. The north wall has two superposed niches each containing a sort of
aedicula with single gods, unfortunately badly preserved and not identifiable. Between them is a scene of drink-
ers around a dish with cups. A niche in the western wall of the trapezoidal room showed a man standing next to
a tree and what seems to be the base of an altar. The niche in the eastern wall has two figures, each with a Greek
label. On the back wall a man stands above a turreted city wall, resting his right foot on the prow of a ship, Ζεύς
Πέλωρος is added. A seated figure on his left holds a rudder and is called Πορθμός. Guido Agnelli thinks that
they represent regional coupled gods. As to the dating, Agnelli suggests the period in which the potters were
active. The linear depictions do not betray a peculiar style, while the letters are similar to those used in this
period.17 The room can be seen as a sort of private domestic shrine for the workmen and the various gods might
even correspond with individual potters’ beliefs.
Now we may turn to the category of monumental temples. The porticus triplex of the Sanctuary of Aesculapius
at Fregellae was decorated with impressive paintings in the First Style (fig. 4). There was a richly composed wall
with a red plinth, a yellow dado and over them a row of orthostates that were partly blue. Above these ran two tiers
of yellow and red isodome blocks, a frieze in white and blue and a ‘gallery’ with pilasters framing blue panels. The
ensemble could be dated to the second quarter of the second century BC, i.e. the same time as the erection of the rich
14 16
Cristofani and Gregori 1987, esp. 3-4, 9-11, figs. 9-11. The M.A. Rizzo, Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica ed Orientale. Secon-
floor was covered with a layer of opus signinum (fig. 12). do Supplemento II (1994) 105, fig. 130.
15 17
G.L. Gregori in Cristofani and Gregori 1987, 12. Agnello 1963.
50
~'lirrnrH
Fig. 4 Fregellae, reconstruc-
rHl r =
tion of the First-Style paintings
in the porticus triplex (from
Coarelli 1986, pl. XXXVIII).
l'l 11 11
% I j 11 11
11
11 :111 .IIL
%==--------==================
architecture. Again, a connection with the eastern Mediterranean has been suggested by Coarelli and his col-
leagues.18
Research carried out by Fulvia Donati and Fernanda Cavari on the acropolis of Populonia in 2000-2003
resulted in the discovery of extensive parts of a decorated room, possibly located in a portico, pertaining to a
Republican temple. A plinth and a series of horizontal blocks carry high orthostates in the middle zone (fig. 5).19
This ensemble is crowned by a cornice in stucco with consoles. In the upper zone one sees a sort of simulated
gallery of some 120 to 140 cm, with columns and the intercolumniations filled with small square blocks.20 The
capitals of the finto porticato are Ionic and Corinthian. The pavement was laid in opus tessellatum with an emblem
in opus sectile showing lozenges in perspective. The excavators presume that all these decorative motifs had been
brought to Populonia from Mediterranean sites like Delos, as the Etruscan city maintained active relationships
with this island and other places like Knidos, Eretria, and Priene. The complex might have been decorated at the
end of the second century BC, in any case not much later, as Sulla stopped the construction activities during the
wars with Marius. The Italian scholars point to similar decorations at Fregellae, Praeneste and Volterra. In what
follows, I deal with the latter two briefly.
18 20
M. Caputo, La decorazione parietale di primo stile, in Coa- Cavari and Donati 2004, 97 fig. 3 gives a suggestive recon-
relli 1986, 65-75, pl. XXXVIII-XLIII; Coarelli 1987, 23-33; struction based on a decorative system in the House of the
Caputo 1990-1991, 220-224, fig. 1, pl. I. Marinella Caputo Faun in Pompeii (=PPM 5 (1994) fig. 9a-c). See also F.
and Coarelli (1986, 8-9) suggest Kos and Rhodes (see here Donati, F. Cavari, D. Bubba, L’acropoli di Populonia: “Le
Chapter 2, p. 45). Caputo (1986, 75) finishes her analysis logge”, decorazioni parietali e pavimentali, in G. Bartoloni,
with the following remark that undeservedly singles out the ed., Populonia. scavi e ricerche dal 1998 al 2004, Rome 2005,
religious character of the paintings: “La vivacità contenuta 72-74; F. Cavari, Un ambiente di I stile dall’acropoli di Popu-
della parete e l’uniformità del pavimento del portico ben si adat- lonia (saggio III). I rinvenimenti della campagna del 2004,
tano all’ambiente religioso che decoravano, diverse nelle esigenze Materiali per Populonia 5, Pisa 2006, 207-233. The finds had
decorative delle abitazioni private.” Some fragments were also been presented during the ninth International Congress
brought to the museum of Ceprano. for ancient wall painting (Zaragoza, September 2004).
19
Cavari and Donati 2002; Cavari and Donati 2004.
51
Fig. 5 Populonia, reconstruc-
tion (drawing M.C. Panerai,
courtesy F. Donati).
The gigantic sanctuary in Praeneste (modern Palestrina) dedicated to Fortuna Primigenia unfortunately has
yielded little in the way of painted decorations. On the terrace under the upper plateau with the round temple
there are scarce remains of a decoration of the First Style in the form of stuccoed red, green and yellow blocks
over a decoration of stripes that might suggest alabaster slabs. These decorations are found in several rooms of
the rampe porticate.21 In one of them, this old decoration was covered by a new decoration in white, with painted
blocks, framed in red, green and yellow or, again, by a set of stripes. This monochrome painting served to sug-
gest walls in white marble, the material that was becoming increasingly popular in Rome (see above). As to dat-
ing, the oldest paintings are dated by the excavators to the middle or the second half of the second century BC,
whereas Attilio Degrassi proposed the last decades of that century for the second phase on the basis of inscrip-
21
Fasolo and Gullini 1953, 80-83, fig. 116-120 (the last fig- 228-231, fig. 3. On the sanctuary see Coarelli 1987, 35-84;
ure gives a reconstruction in colour); Caputo 1990-1991, Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 106-116.
52
Fig. 6 Volterra, reconstruction
(from Bonamici 1997, pl. VII).
-----------_._-----
------------~~----------
............,
tions, i.e. shortly before Sulla.22 As a whole, this fascinating complex can be seen as the expression of local pride
and prestige. The monumental remains combine regional aspects (like technique) and Hellenistic features in a
wealthy monument that reflected Praeneste’s increasing opulence. Thanks to military activities and commerce
the town had grown and its inhabitants were going abroad, bringing ideas from the eastern Mediterranean.23
The temple on the Acropolis of Volterra has its roots in the Orientalising period. Here we must look at the
stucco fragments in the First Style found during recent excavations (fig. 6).24 The fragments of relief-imitating
blocks were unearthed in the debris of a small room, a mass of material put together probably as the conse-
quence of a sack in the time of Sulla. The excavator Marisa Bonamici could reconstruct the following scheme: a
black plinth followed by a white dado with thin candelabra, separated by a fascia from the main zone composed
of orthostates. Black vertical bands separate green, yellow and red ‘blocks’, whereas the upper zone contains
oblong blocks of the same colours (in the reconstruction there is only a single tier). Bonamici considers the
stuccoes an expression of an international koine which reached Volterra via Rome from the eastern part of the
Mediterranean. This means that she follows a model similar to that of Donati and Cavari.
In the ‘Piccolo Tempio’ at Terracina traces have been found of stucco revetment of the walls, apparently
belonging to a First-Style decoration in the four rooms that belong to the substructions of the temple. pre-
cious marble powder was used for the various strata of wall plaster. Giuseppe Lugli saw tiers of red and yellow
22
Fasolo and Gullini 1953, 306-307; Degrassi 1969, 112-127. Lauter 1979, 390-415 (with references to stucco decoration
Some floors in opus signinum belong to it. The overpaintings p. 411 with note 69, and 414).
23
are not discussed in detail but the dates are plausible if the Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 106-116.
24
complex is dated to the period of Sulla. However, the few Bonamici 2003, 82-83, 155-160, pl. G-H. A more detailed
traces discernible in Fasolo and Gullini 1953, figs. 116-117 discussion in Bonamici 1997.
do not allow for a precise dating. See the sound analysis by
53
Fig. 7 Nemi, Temple of Diana (photo
B.D. Rous). For a colour version of
this figure, see page 237.
blocks.25 At the end of the nineteenth century, Ferdinando Borsari described columns with Corinthian capitals
in stucco - a description substantiated by a photo published by Fasolo and Gullini.26 This means that one room
had a false colonnade in the upper part of the wall like those we know from Volterra and Populonia. The other
room contains orthostates similar to those in the Temple of Jupiter at Pompeii (infra, with figs 21-22). The con-
struction of the complex has been placed in the same context of restoration works at the Temple of Jupiter Anxur
on Terracina’s acropolis around 144 BC, probably by Servius Sulpicius Galba. The venerated god or goddess is
not known for sure, but Feronia is a likely candidate.27
To this group of the oldest known mural decorations in Italic temples we must add fragments found in 1901
in the Temple of Diana on top of the acropolis of Norba. The first publication unfortunately lacks a descrip-
tion of the paintings, but describes most extensively pieces of the temple’s terracotta revetment dating from the
late second century BC. There are no recent publications to inform us more completely about these traces of
decoration.28
25
Lugli 1926, 165, fig. 11: “Soltanto l’intonaco, talvolta a due

great temple was also covered with stucco (Lugli 1926, 174-
e perfino a tre strati, che riveste i vani interni delle arcuazio- 175, fig. 17 - no traces to be seen!).
26
ni, è compattissimo e impastato con calce fina e polvere di Borsari 1894, 104; Fasolo and Gullini 1953, fig. 451-452.
marmo, ripartito a riquadri, leggermente in rilievo, per imitare Caputo 1990-1991 describes rooms A and B and does not
la costruzione isodoma secondo il primo stile pompeiano. I mention this colonnade.
27
riquadri sono anche dipinti, come si può vedere meglio nella Coarelli 1987, 121-138. Fasolo and Gullini 1953, 331 date
stanza A, dove le quattro fasce più alte (cm. 25) sono colorate the murals to the turn of the third to second century BC,
in giallo e la quinta più piccola (cm. 15) è in rosso, mentre i which must be too early, as is correctly observed by Caputo
listelli intermedi (cm. 4 ½) sono rossi, azzurri e verdastri.” Cf. 1990-1991, 227.
28
Borsari 1894, 104. See also Fasolo and Gullini 1953, 328- Savignoni and Mengarelli 1901, 526-527 (mosaic floor,
331, fig. 451-452; Coarelli 1987, 115; Caputo 19990-1991, stucco, terracotta decorations). Briefly mentioned by Glinis-
225-227, fig. 2, pls. II-IV. The base of the cult statue in the ter (2000, 56; I owe this reference to Marijke Gnade).
54
Fig. 8 Nemi, Temple of Diana (photo
B.D. Rous). For a colour version of this
figure, see page 237.
The Temple of Diana in Nemi possessed a portico whose columns corresponded with painted columns on
the rear walls. The real ones were red and had blue- and white-painted cornices. Only some traces of the painted
ones survive, namely heavily-shaped bases with white paint on a red background (fig. 7). This phase belongs to
the early first century BC and the architectural elements match those of the early Second Style. Apparently the
patrons wanted to enhance the venerability of the sanctuary not only with columns and statues, but also with
paintings. The complex underwent an extensive restoration and partial reconstruction in the time of Hadrian
(fig. 8); some of the portico’s columns were substituted by new ones.29
All these temples were made more prestigious by the inhabitants of the towns. This process is a mix of Hel-
lenization and display of local pride, as described above for Praeneste. It is, therefore, not necessary to pinpoint
a single example, as has been done by various scholars (with reference to Kos or Delos, for instance), but the
painted decorations tally with a koine developed all over the Mediterranean during the third and second centu-
ries BC. Neither is it necessary to see Rome as the driving force behind these movements.
Rome did the same as the other Italic towns, albeit on a much larger scale that would, in the end, procure her
the first place during the course of this period. In particular, many cities in the Abruzzo and the adjacent coastal
zone were drawn into the Roman influence after the Social War. With respect to the decoration of some temples,
a continuation of a Hellenistic tradition can be observed, but the architectural enclosures should be seen as the
consequence of the political changes and dated to the period around 89, namely immediately before the Social
War. The plans of some buildings show the three cellae of the Trias Capitolina, while the monumentalisation
of shrines in the countryside is another innovative element of the period before the Social War. In contrast, the
paintings of the Second Style clearly belong to the phase after the Social War.30
An example of this process is provided by the two second century BC temples at Schiavi d’Abruzzo, where
the excavators encountered modifications made before and after 89, as well as elements constructed ex novo
after the Social War which significantly changed the architecture and the floors. Remains of red paint found in
the small eastern temple are too scanty to allow for a thorough analysis, let alone a reconstruction. An inscrip-
29 30
Ghini 2000. There were many statues (ibid. contribution of This idea was suggested to me by Tesse Stek (cf. Stek 2009).
P.G. Bilde and M. Moltesen, p. 93-119). I owe this reference The ‘Romanisation’ of such temples is problematic; cf. here
to Benjamin Rous. above p. 49 .
55
Fig. 9 Sulmona, paintings on the
north and east walls of the cella
of the Hercules Temple, around
80-70 BC (Van Wonterghem
1989, pl. IV, with permission of
the author). For a colour version
of this figure, see page 238.
tion in the floor commemorates the patron, a certain C. Paapiis Mitileis.31 The deity venerated here is not
known. No traces of painted decoration are preserved in the other temple.
This process of monumentalisation, connected with wealth, ethnic identities and new Roman construction,
can also clearly be observed at Sulmona, the birthplace of Ovid. Impressive remains of a mural decoration from
the middle of the first century BC have been preserved in a small building on top of the temple terrace dedicated
to Hercules Curinus.32 The almost square shrine contains, in a restored form, the imitation of a marble incrusta-
tion over a black dado on the back wall (north) and right side wall (east) (fig. 9). The two other walls are covered
with an entirely different painting in the lower section, consisting of a red dado and large white panels framed by
tiny lines and enclosed on top by a yellow band between red lines (fig. 10). The top decoration is unclear. The
combination of the two wall systems divided over two walls is quite jarring to the eye. There does not exist a
parallel of such juxtaposition. The rather succinct publications on the building are of no help in re-establishing
the original scenario and - what is worse - do not present the remains as encountered by the excavators so as
to make a comparison with the actual reconstruction feasible. One might explain the differences between the
two sets of walls as the result of a restoration or a re-decoration. In that case the colourful west and south walls
document the original situation, whereas the north and east walls represent a second phase and are covered
with a new, predominantly white decoration. As a rule, in the case of heavy damages the whole set of paintings
would have been replaced by new ones or the painter would have restored the existing remains. He even could
Fig. 10 Sulmona, paintings on the

south and west walls of the cella
of the Hercules Temple, around
80-70 BC (Van Wonterghem
1989, pl. IV, with permission of
the author). For a colour version
31
S. Lapenna, in I luoghi degli dei. Sacro e natura nell’Abruzzo decorazione del sacello, in Mattiocco 1989, 151-158. For
italico, 1997, 81-82. the Hercules cult and the cultural situation see Letta 1992,
32
Van Wonterghem 1984, 240-253; F. van Wonterghem, La 116-117, 118.
56
Fig. 11 Sulmona, reconstruction of the
cella decoration in the Hercules Temple
(drawing E.J Ponten, Radboud University
Nijmegen).
, ,
, ,
~
~
,, ,
L. I ~, I
I
'I:L ,,
n
,
I I I
CJ I
-,
I; D 0 I ~
,
~U[
,
--,
i
,'~ - u I
~
I
'--
,,
,
have chosen an ‘old-fashioned’ scheme to have it fit the sacred sphere. A third option is that the fragments come
from two different rooms or two different periods within the same room and belong to two simultaneous or
two subsequent decorative schemes. The fourth alternative is that the excavators gathered fragments from
only one phase but reconstructed them as two different types because of the conspicuous differences in colour
and scheme. It seems that the latter solution has the highest degree of plausibility: one single scheme can be
reconstructed in which the white fragments belong to a frieze in the upper zone, over the zone with the fancy
blocks, which proposal has been worked out in the reconstruction drawing (fig. 11). This composition should
follow, to a certain extent, real and fantasy architectural schemes like the stucco imitation in the First Style in
Fregellae, Volterra, and Populonia, showing a balustrade with slim columns over a heavy wall of colourful marble
blocks. This type of wall is encountered several times in First Style ensembles, for instance in the atrium of the
well-known Samnite House in Herculaneum.33 Lacking a good excavation and restoration report, this alterna-
tive solution cannot be substantiated.34 The scheme of imitated marble blocks fits the fashion of the first half
of the first century BC and was in use after the Social War, resulting from the rebuilding of the small temple
on a grander scale. This decorative fashion, in which no or few columns and/or other elements creating spatial
effects have been integrated, was at its most popular around the decade 80-70 and fits Sulmona’s chronology
perfectly. The decoration of the floor, a mosaic with Jupiter’s thunderbolt to be interpreted as a reference to
the god’s beloved son, also dates to this phase. A proposal to date this phase of the complex to the second cen-
tury BC, therefore, cannot be substantiated.35 As Wallace-Hadrill put it, this complex evidences the “enormous
investment in local religiosity and local pride.”36 The embellishment of the temple surely was a necessary tool
to display these ambitions.
The temple of Santuario della Giostra near Sulmona, south of Lago Fucino, at Amplero has three cellae.
The building with three cellae was constructed shortly after 89 and replaced a previous shrine from the second
33 35
Laidlaw 1985, pl. 41c, 80b; cf. her pl. 50a (Delos), 32, 52a G.F. La Torre, Il santuario di Ercole Curio, in Mattiocco
(Pompeii, House of the Ship Europa). 1989, 15-150, esp 142. As a matter of fact, the painting is not
34
Marie José Strazzulla supports my impression that the recon- executed in stucco relief (so La Torre). Van Wonterghem
struction is not correct (pers. comm.). One of her students, 1984, 250 sees the monument as a first-century extension
Andrea Salcuni, is currently writing a PhD dissertation on and rebuilding of a second-century sanctuary, which still
wall paintings and mosaics in the Abruzzo region and is seems most likely. The cult would end in the run of the sec-
analyzing this problem (see Salcuni 2006 for preliminary ond century AD (Van Wonterghem 1984, 252).
36
results). Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 115. Cf. Donati 2007, 367.
57
Fig. 12 Amplero, Temple, reconstruction of the decoration (courtesy F. Donati; redrawn by R. Reijnen, Radboud University Nijmegen).
century BC. As to paintings, we mainly have fragments of paintings from the central cult room A, building 2.
These murals consist of an imitation of multicoloured marble orthostates like those at Sulmona, enlivened by
some hanging garlands or taeniae and separated by purple stripes (fig. 12). The dado had a black plinth and red
plates, also with drapery, whereas the upper zone showed at least four layers of small blocks and a cornice. The
back wall also contained two columns supporting a roof of which the lacunars of the ceiling can be seen.37 The
floor consisted of a covering in cocciopesto with regular marble plaques as adornment.
The floor decoration of a temple for Hercules at Località Case Lanciotti, Masseria Nisii in the municipality of
Montorio al Vomano near Teramo contains an inscription dating to 55 that tells about its construction and painting:38
Q(uintus) Ofillius C(ai) F(ilius) Ruf(us) Sex(tus) Calidenus K(ai) F(ilius) Q(uinti) N(epos) / T(itus) Temo-
nius T(iti) L(ibertus) Flac(cus) Mag(istri) aed(em) / Herc(ulis) d(e) u(ici) s(citu) fac(iendam) ping(endam)
c(oerauerunt) eisdemq(ue) pr(obauerunt) / Cn(aeo) Pompeio M(arco) Licinio con)s(ulibus iter(um).
37 38
F. Donati in Amplero. Archeologia e storia di un centro italico- CIL I2, 765; IX, 5052. I owe this reference to Tesse Stek,
romano. 20 anni di ricerche, Amplero 1989, 20, 22-23; C. who also points at scant remains of decoration in the nearby
Letta, Il complesso archeologico di Amplero, in Campanelli Abbruzzan sanctuary in Superaequum (nowadays Castel di
2001, 224-255; F. Donati, ibid., 235, fig. 1; Donati 2007. Ieri, l’Aquila) dating to the middle of the first century BC
She compares the decorations to Sulmona (see above), and and at San Giovanni in Galdo near Campobasso in Molise.
sanctuaries I could not find substantial data about: Luco dei At the latter site he found a fragment of plaster, painted in red
Marsi, Iuvanum (Chieti), and Bolsena (Donati 2007, 368, and white, belonging to this complex dated to around 100
with bibl.). BC. About these sanctuaries: Stek 2009.
58
Fig. 13 Brescia, Republican Temple, western shrine, wall decoration (photo L. Monopoli and L. Caldera, Soprintendenza Archeologica
della Lombardia). For a colour version of this figure, see page 239.
The magistri Quintus Ofillius Rufus, son of Gaius, Sextus Calidenus, son of Gaius and grandson of Quintus,
and Titus Temonius Flaccus, freedman of Titus have commissioned to build and paint the temple of Hercules
with consent of the neighbourhood and personally approved under the consulate of Gnaeus Pompeius and Mar-
cus Licinius for the second time.
Unfortunately, the remains themselves did not yield any of the mentioned decoration.
In the mid-nineteenth century, the extensive remains of the Capitolium with four cellae were discovered in
Brescia. The attribution of the shrine to the Trias Capitolina plus a local divinity is a point of contention. From
an architectural standpoint, the building is peculiar. As a matter of fact, every cella constitutes a temple of its
own, with its independent flight of stairs and entrance. In every cella fluted columns with an Ionic or Corin-
thian base were erected in front of the walls, similar to those found in opulent oeci corinthii of the same period
in Pompeiian houses, such as the House of the Labyrinth and the House of the Silver Wedding. Furthermore,
we see the imitation of a rich marble incrustation in all cellae (fig. 13). The two cellae on the external side have
a painted dado covered with the representations of drapery attached to the wall by rings. They probably imitate
a practice of covering the walls with drapery. No remains of real fabric in temples or other buildings are known,
but similar examples in painting can be recorded in houses in Solunto and Centuripe in Sicily.39 In the middle
zone there are orthostates separated by pilasters and crowned by a meander frieze. The upper zone is missing. In
the two interior cellae the dado shows the imitation of large blocks, over which there are panels framed by Ionic
half columns executed in stucco relief. The complex in Brescia was constructed after 73 BC and the decorations
39
Tybout 1989, 115-116, pl. 86.1; with references, esp. in note 397. He does not discuss the Brescia paintings.
59
must have been applied before 55.40 The impression evoked in these temple rooms, is that of richness, thanks
to the various coloured materials as well as the mosaic floors and the marble ornaments in the architecture. In
the Flavian era, the four-cella temple was partly demolished and a real Capitolium was built on top of these
remains, with three cellae whose floors and walls were covered with precious marble slabs, as had become usual
in the course of the first century AD. This revetment remained in use until Late Antiquity and some damage
was properly restored.
The architectural characteristics of the four cellae in Brescia are also found in the area of the ‘quattro tem-
pietti’ in Ostia. Roberto Paribeni found fragments of wall plaster with elements in relief among the debris in
the corridors between the four identical cult rooms. Furthermore, there were stucco fragments in white, one
of them bearing a graffito with the names of the consuls in 23 BC, Augustus and Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso. The
floors were covered with simple white mosaics in opus tessellatum. According to Paribeni the stuccoes belong to
a decoration dating to the middle or third quarter of the first century BC, his phase of the ‘secondi tempietti’.41
In her extensive discussion of the complex Anna-Katharina Rieger follows this suggestion.42 It is impossible
nowadays, as has been observed by Rieger expressis verbis, to ascertain whether the hypothesis is correct.43 Read-
ing Rieger’s dissertation, however, I cannot escape the impression that the fragments may belong to the pre-
sanctuary phase of Paribeni’s fourth stratum, when the building did apparently not yet have a cultic function.44
Otherwise, we must admit that the paintings were ‘old-fashioned’ murals designed to enhance the venerability
of the shrines in the late Republic. Another option is that we are dealing with imitations of first century BC First
Style decorations, similar to those in Pompeii and creating the same effect (see infra: Temple of Jupiter). Very
little is known about paintings in a later phase of this sanctuary, dated to the second century AD and called the
‘terzi tempietti’.45
The tuff podia of the Temple of the Round Altar, the Temple of Aesculapius and the Temple of Hercules
Invictus in Ostia still show remains of a white stucco layer in the First Style.46 The cellae, entirely rebuilt in
the imperial period, have traces of a facing in stucco, which implies the presence of painting instead of marble
incrustation. The latter can be seen in the first of the three mentioned temples. As to the Temple of Aesculapius
the paintings – entirely vanished and not recorded – it is worth noting that they cover a preparatory layer of
mortar for a real marbling. Apparently, this was stripped at a certain moment (conceivably because they had
been ruined, probably in the late second or the third century) and replaced by the cheap murals.47 The centre of
the floor displays an emblema in giallo antico. By this time, the status of the three temples, lying on a much lower
40 43
Schmerbeck 1993, 4-8, pl. 1-3; Rossi 1996, 103, fig. 22 (in col- Rieger 2004, 52 note 240: “Die Datierung ist von Paribeni
our), 148-149 no. 359 (with bibliography); Rossi 2002, 47-76; übernommen, da keine Möglichkeit besteht, die Fragmente in
F. Zevi, Opus albariorum, in Rossi 2002, 35-45 (chronology); einem interpretierbaren Erhaltungszustand aufzufinden.”
44
Moormann 1998, 28; ibid. p. 270 cat. 5-6, fig. at p. 118-119; M. See Rieger 2004, 53 table 1.
45
Salvadori, in Baldassarre 2002, 81-84; Brixia 2003, 40-53. The Paribeni 1914, 476, note 1; Rieger 2004, 278 cat. QT 62.
complex has never been documented properly. For new documentation and overview of the chronology see
41
Paribeni 1914, 460. Next to the temples, fragments of pain- Pensabene 2007, 85-114, who observes (p. 114) a “processo
tings were found: “Presentano colori uniti (nero, giallo, verde, di marmorizzazione dal periodo adrianeo, portato avanti da
rosso, ceruleo), riferibili cioè allo stile a incrostazione che appare Gamala Junior e probabilmente anche da altri personaggi.”
46
nelle più antiche case di Pompei della fine del secondo e del prin- See Meiggs 1973, 147-350; Ostie 2001, 247-249; Rieger
cipio del primo secolo av. Chr.” Consuls’ graffito: 461-462 with 2004, 225-232; cf. Pensabene 2007, 53-64, pl. 5.3 (Temple
fig. 10; other graffiti: 461, figs. 11-13. Strikingly, no marble of the Round Altar), 72-78 (Temple of Aesculapius), 64-72
was used here until the second century AD (Pensabene (Temple of Hercules).
47
2007, 11-12). Not recognised by Pensabene 2007, 78, who only describes
42
Rieger 2004, 39-92, esp. 52, 53 (time frame in table 1); 278 a thick layer of mortar.
cat. QT 61. See also Steuernagel 2004, 68-69.
60
Fig. 14 Brescia, Imperial Temple, paint-
ing of a ship (photo L. Monopoli and
L. Caldera, Soprintendenza Archeologica
della Lombardia). For a colour version of
level than the surrounding blocks (especially the Baths of Buticosus) and their lower parts buried, must have
diminished. It appears that the town’s inhabitants needed more living space.
The second century BC ‘Temple B’ in the forum of Herdonia (Ordona, Apulia) had a layer of stucco on the
outer walls of the podium, bearing a thin layer of red paint.48 This is, apart from the Syracuse shrine dicussed
above, the only example from Hellenistic and Roman Magna Graecia that I am aware of.
While we saw an internationally defined way of decoration in the second century, not to be attributed to
one single source, the changes in the first century BC are expressions of an increasing Romanisation that took
place after the several wars at the beginning of that century. The influence of Rome, now the absolute centre of
power, could be observed in many places.49 Temples often changed into Capitolia and together with decoration
in the Second Style became vectors of Roman ‘civilisation’. Pompeii, discussed below, provides a good example
of the developments in the course of the late Republic, namely the establishment of local identity and pride in
the second century (Temples of Apollo and Jupiter) and a transformation to Romanised sanctuaries after the
conquest by Sulla (Temple of Jupiter).50
I mperial T emples in I taly
As noted on p. 47, the architecture of the imperial period made increasing use of marble, for which reason
painted decorations became less frequent. Hence, the list of temples decorated with paintings that can be dis-
cussed is brief. Representative examples are found in Pompeii, Herculaneum, Misenum and Urbisaglia. Pompeii
provides a detailed case-study.
In the modern region of the Marche, ancient Picenum, the important 1970s excavations at Urbisaglia
brought to light considerable remains of the Temple of Salus Augusta. Here, Augustus founded a colony for his
veterans in AD 14-15 and a classical Roman temple was constructed upon a podium surrounded by a crypto-
porticus as the primary feature of the new forum. The corridors of this large cryptoporticus (with the south and
north corridors measuring 52 metres and the east one, behind the temple podium, 42 metres) contain remains
of paintings which can be dated to the phase of foundation, AD 22-23, as was reconstructed by Christiane Del-
48 50
Mertens 1995, 164, fig. 147. See Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 129-138 on Pompeii in the third
49
As to temple complexes, I refer to various cases discussed by and second centuries BC.
Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 116-128: Assisi, Alatri, Segni, and Cori.
61
Fig. 15 Breno, Temple of
Minerva, central cella, dado
(photo L. Monopoli and L.
Caldera, Soprintendenza
Archeologica della
Lombardia).
place.51 The paintings themselves are still in situ and show elements of the Augustan-Tiberian Third Style. The
murals on the cryptoporticus’ best-preserved wall have been extensively analysed by Delplace.52 They show
a black dado subdivided into oblong and square rectangles. The square ones contain Medusa heads and sup-
port the yellow bands of the main zone. These separation bands contain candelabra and so-called embroidery
bands53 and stand between red panels. The panels contain remains of figural themes. According to Delplace
amphorae and baskets were depicted, but Edgar Markus Luschin argues that the badly preserved images on
the uneven panels should be interpreted as trophies, a good accompaniment to the Genius Augusti but not so
suitable for a more peaceful Salus Augusta.54 The other panels must have had other motifs. A frieze with small
images of various animals and Medusa heads concludes this zone. The upper zone, painted on a white ground,
is not well preserved and cannot be reconstructed in full. No references to the temple and its dedicatee are made
in the paintings. They have nothing specifically religious and correspond with the features of the Third Style.
Other finds come from the debris in the excavation layer between the Republican and the Imperial temples
in Brescia. These consist of some fragments of a painting with the representation of a cargo ship whose context
unfortunately cannot be established (fig. 14). The decoration is dated to the middle of the first century AD.55
The second phase of the Temple of Minerva in Breno (Lombardy) is dated by a coin from the reign of Domi-
tian. Filli Rossi and her team of local archaeologists explored a building with nine rooms lined along a portico.
51
Delplace 1993, 239. The northern and southern corridors ics and marble veneers are mentioned in U. Moscatelli, Trea,
have apses on top like those in Sabratha (see below Chapter Florence 1988 (Forma Italiae), 55, fig. 46.
53
6). Delplace 1981, 30 and 32: “ricamata”. Not to be confounded
52
Delplace 1981 (on paintings); 1983, 767-776 (on the tem- with the tapestry borders of the Fourth Style. In the Urbisa-
ple); 1993, 324. The description and the figure (Delplace glia paintings they are stylised friezes of circles, dots and
1981, fig. 6) are based on the remains of the inner (i.e. triangles: Delplace 1981, fig. 7 (main zone) and 22 (upper
northern) wall of the southern portico: see Delplace 1981, zone).
54
fig. 2-3; 1993, 270-280, fig. 34, pls. V-VII, X. Short descrip- Luschin 2002, 51-52, 106-109.
55
tion also in Sisani 2006, 352-353. This author also mentions Rossi 2002, 77-93 (E. Marinani and S. Medas: vessel), 201-
paintings in another sanctuary in Umbria, a Serapeion under 213 (C. Angelelli and F. Guidobaldi: floor in opus sectile),
the monastery of the SS. Crocefisso at Treia, ancient Trea, 218 (F. Rossi: reconstruction of the architecture).
from the second century AD (Sisani 2006, 331-332). Mosa-
62
Fig. 16 Borno, Temple of
Minerva, dado (photo L.
Monopoli and L. Caldera,
Soprintendenza Archeologica
della Lombardia).
The temple had three cellae, all decorated with paintings, whereas the other rooms must have had functions that
were combined with the cultic practices. The central cult room (I) would have been the most important one, if
we may rely on the rich floor mosaics, which display a geometric pattern in black and white opus tessellatum, and
a statue of Minerva in Pentelic marble of Minerva in the style of a well-known classical model, namely Athena
Hope or Farnese. In contrast, the mural decoration is barely preserved apart from the red and black dadoes in
which figural and floral motives have been applied.56 The apse of this middle cella, where once the cult stat-
ues stood, shows painted architectural elements and painted incrustation imitations on its walls (fig. 15). No
murals were preserved in the other cult rooms. The building could have been built in the late first century BC
and was probably dedicated to Minerva. Its impressive architecture and decoration are on par with those of the
Capitolium at nearby Brescia but do not show a specific cultic iconography or character.57 Rossi points to the
high degree of Romanisation in this area and suggests that Minerva is an interpretatio romana of a local cult of
a water goddess.58
Not far from Breno in the Val Camonica is Borno, where a shrine was discovered by Rossi and her team in
1996. As we know from previous finds of inscriptions, this building could also have been dedicated to Minerva.
56
F. Rossi, Breno (Brescia), Loc. Spinera, Bollettino d’Arte 1-2 Rossi, Breno (BS): il santuario di Minerva, Caesarodunum
(1990) 91-93: mosaic, fig. 3; painting on fig. 4 shows a roset- 26 (1992) 379-384 gives the same data. Here one already
te and a protruding base; cult statue, fig. 5. Similar images in finds the comparison with Brescia on p. 380. The dado also
the yearly reports in Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeolo- in Baldassarre 2002, 270-272. The whole complex is now
gica della Lombardia, all by Filli Rossi and with the same title presented in a monumental volume: Rossi 2010 (paintings
Breno (BS), Località Spinera - 1986, 65-67 (good drawing from room I are discussed by E. Mariani on pp. 205-222,
of the dado, fig. 60); 1988-1989, 82-85: painting in ‘vano 2’, those from rooms 2 and 5 by B. Bianchi on pp. 223-239; cult
namely “frammento piuttosto grande, di intonaco a fondo nero, statue presented by Rossi on pp. 176-185).
57
su zoccolo rosso, con tracce della parte inferiore di una statua Rossi 1989, 27, 31; Schmerbeck 1993, 49-51, pl. 30-31; F.
e del suo drappeggio”, which does not pertain to the pain- Rossi, Breno, in EAA. Secondo Supplemento I (1994) 732-
tings, but to the Athena; 1990, 60-62 (no paintings); 1991, 733.
58
28-30 (new rooms, up to 12); 1992-1993, 35-36 (portico at Rossi 2004, 43-47. This implies the presence of pre-Roman
the northern side); 1994, 73-74 (debris layers). Finally, F. remains.
63
Fig. 17 Herculaneum, Temple B, view into cella with not pertaining reliefs and remains of decoration (photo author).
The paintings found there covered the lower parts of the walls which were still standing (fig. 16). The excavator
describes “red bands, yellow ochre and scant remains of floral motifs on a white background”, elements usual in
dado decorations of the Fourth Style. As a matter of fact, the complex is dated to the Julio-Claudian era, partly
on the basis of these painted decorations.59
Apart from buildings for the imperial cult (see further discussion in Chapter 6), there are two small temples
in Herculaneum which require further discussion. They are located on a platform looking towards the sea and
were constructed on top of a series of arched niches for the deposit of ships and goods. The platform also con-
tains an open space, interpreted as a garden by some scholars.60 Some vaulted rooms stand next to the temples,
one of which (the most eastern one) contains traces of Fourth Style paintings and has been interpreted as the
room of the ostiarius of this area, whereas nowadays the series is seen as the accommodation of a confraternity
connected with the cult of Venus.61 The shrines are located on a shallow platform and have modest flights of
stairs at the sides. The platform in front of temple B had white marble slabs and some traces of a black floor in
opus tessellatum.
The northern (left) shrine, labelled B, is in antis and has an interior decoration of giallo antico marble on the
floor and mixed types of marble on the dado of the podium constructed at the back. Two bases for statues, again
59
F. Rossi, Borno (BS) Località Calanno, via Marconi 231, no 2008, 54-61, 248.
61
Notiziario della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia Maiuri 1958, 177-178 fig. 144-145 (ostiarius); M.P. Guido-
1995-1997, 76-77; Rossi 2004, 40. At Cividate Camuno baldi in Ercolano 2008, 54 (confraternitas of Venerii). In the
(BS) was discovered in the same period a private shrine in arches underneath, some three hundred inhabitants of the
what remains of a Roman domus: F. Rossi and J. Bishop, town had sought shelter during the eruption of Vesuvius in
Cividate Camuno (BS) Via G. Tovini, Notiziario della AD 79. They were killed by pyroclastic waves at midnight
Soprintendenza Archeologica della Lombardia 1995-1997, after the eruption and their corpses were – unexpectedly
90-91; Rossi 2004, 43, fig. 12; Bassani 2003, 415-416, 625 – discovered in the 1980s (see most recently Pesando and
no. 185, fig. 152. Guidobaldi 2006a, 300-302 and L. Capasso et al. in Mühlen-
60
Maiuri 1958, 181; Jashemski 1993, 276 no. 567; Pesando brock and Richter 2005, 45-56).
and Guidobaldi 2006a, 302-303; M.P. Guidobaldi in Ercola-
64
Fig. 18 Herculaneum, Temple A, cella,
northern wall (photo Soprintendenza
Archeologica di Pompei).
Fig. 19 Herculaneum, Temple A, cella, northwest corner (photo

Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei).
embellished with colourful marble plaques, stand on top.62

Above the podium wall paintings have been applied in the
shape of three red panels with a series of palmettes in bands
along the inner sides (fig. 17). These panels are surrounded
by black bands adorned with candelabra. Nothing betrays
any specific iconography or shape. The outer walls were
covered with white plaster, subdivided by means of grooves
into orthostates. Small fragments have been preserved at the
north-eastern corner, where one sees a red dado crowned
by a stucco cornice that runs under the orthostates, and on
the front side of the podium (here nine blocks have been
suggested). Four archaistic reliefs found on the beach below
the temple’s terrace have mistakenly been connected to this
building and have been applied to the front of the podium;
now modern casts have been placed there. The gods shown
are Vulcanus, Neptune, Mercury, and Minerva.63 However,
it has also been said that the god worshipped here was prob-
62
Maiuri 1958, 182-184, with a succinct description of the fig. 34. The marble veneer covering the podium must have
murals at p. 183: “parete di fondo dietro il podio, dipinta in been taken away by the Bourbon excavators as was the floor
rosso cinabro e scompartita in pannelli da fasce verticali nere, in opus sectile (see Guidobaldi 2006a).
63
elegantemente decorate da tralci di edera stilizzati.” Cf. De Vos T. Buddetta, RStPomp 3 (1989) 265; RStPomp 4 (1990)
and De Vos 1982, 282; Balasco and Pagano 2004 (prostyle); 220; Pagano 1996, 237. But see Guidobaldi 2006a, 109 and
Guidobaldi 2006a; Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006a, 310- M.P. Guidobaldi in Ercolano 2008, 248.
311; Van Andringa 2009, 123-124, fig. 86; Balasco 2009, 99,
65
ably Dionysus and fragments of a marble statue representing the wine god having been found at this location.64
The two bases on the podium mentioned suggest the presence of two deities in the shrine. The chronology of
this building has not yet been established, but probably fits the entire early-Augustan building activities in this
lower part of town.65
The right (southern) temple A, in antis, is a rectangular room with a podium at the rear. No marble revet-
ment is to been seen here and the floor is covered with a mosaic of white tesserae. The front of the podium has a
painted imitation of giallo antico. The walls are adorned with poorly preserved traces of garden representations
(figs. 18-19).66 On each wall there is a trellis in the dado on a black background. The remainder of the walls
displays trees and shrubs against a blue or black background: blue on the long walls, black on the wall above the
podium. The back wall is subdivided into three vertical parts by means of pilasters like those in the House of the
Painted Orchard in Pompeii, which are not, or no longer, present on the long side walls. The left wall has a por-
tion preserved at the southern side containing a marble basin on a square base. No birds can be distinguished,
but they are mentioned by the excavator Amedeo Maiuri and can be seen in old photographs. On both sides of
the entrance a standing ship’s helm in red and green is visible on the black background, without other elements,
above the trellis: the one at the eastern side lacks the upper half of the blade, the opposite one is intact. It has
been suggested that this attribute identifies the venerated deity. As Wilhelmina F. Jashemski puts it: “Quite
possibly the paintings were punctuated with such motifs, sacred to the divinity worshipped here.” It must be
Fortuna, possibly in her form as Venus or Isis.67
Some of the plants have been compared by Jashemski to those in the House of the Painted Orchard in Pom-
peii, but nowadays the execution looks rather schematic and rough, for which reason the similarities (to which
the trellis can be added) seem more formal than stylistically relevant. However, the old photos published by
Domenico Esposito substantiate Jashemski’s suggestion and Esposito plausibly suggests the murals came from
the same workshop which produced the art in the House of the Painted Orchard and the House of the Golden
Bracelet in Pompeii.68 The paintings may have been applied in the period of the Third Style, more specifically
in phase IIb, in the time of Claudius, and contemporary with those in the House of the Orchard. The marbling
on the podium seems to be a later addition belonging to the repertoire of the Fourth Style. In the period of
the Third Style garden paintings were popular as an interior decoration and not yet applied in the open air on
garden walls.69
Partly in contrast with the hypotheses on the dedications previously mentioned, partly in the same vein,
Maria Paola Guidobaldi recently suggested that the temples A and B formed one single complex dedicated to
Venus, whereas the gods depicted on the four slabs are either secondary and auxiliary deities or have nothing
to do with the temple and stem from another building. This assumption is based on the find of fragments of
64 67
Maiuri 1958, 185. Maiuri 1958, 185; Pagano 1996, 236-237 (who mentions
65
Ganschow 1989, 101, 124. Guidobaldi 2006a makes clear an inscription with her name found on the beach): Venus
that B is younger than A. marina. Michel 1980, 386 suggests Isis, while the oar might
66
Maiuri 1958, 181-182, fig. 149 (good picture of the left also refer to the commissioner. So also De Caro 1993, 302;
wall and the oar on the back wall; only picture published); Esposito 2005, 225 note 11.
68
Jashemski 1979, 158-160; Michel 1980, 386; De Vos 1982, Esposito 2005, 225-230. On this workshop see Moormann
282; Moormann 1988, 104 no. 023; Jashemski 1993, 371 no. 1995.
69
112; De Caro 1993, 302; Balasco and Pagano 2004 (prostyle So Maiuri 1958, 182; Michel 1980, 386 and 391-393. But
and tetrastyle); Esposito 2005 with figs. 1-3 and 11 (dado with they could even be slightly earlier: Ganschow 1989, 101,
faux marbling); Guidobaldi 2006a; Pesando and Guidobaldi 124. Cf. De Kind 1998, 52-55.
2006a, 309-310; Van Andringa 2009, 121-123, figs 84-85.
66
Fig. 20 Ostia, Temple of Bona Dea, portico (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour version of this figure, see page 240.
marble façade elements and inscriptions on the beach. According to these texts, the liberta Vibidia Saturnina and
her son Aulus Furius Saturninus were responsible for the rebuilding of the Augustan aedes Veneris around 70.70
As a matter of fact, this new information is not contradicted by the material at hand. The garden paintings are
appropriate for the dedication and the allusion to Isis could be an interesting additional detail. Therefore, Gui-
dobaldi’s provisional conclusion may be very likely, the goddess Venus Marina was venerated in diverse forms
as a protrectress of the sea and the seafarers.
At Ostia little evidence of painted decoration in public temples has been found.71 The Sanctuary of Bona Dea
consists of a tetrastyle podium temple surrounded by a wall and, partly, a portico (fig. 20). Both the portico and
the interior of the cella still have considerable remains of panel decoration from the first century AD, a rare case
70
M.P. Guidobaldi in Ercolano 2008, 54-61, 248. Balasco and 54 thousand sesterces to the state because of (having received
Pagano 2004, 196-197; Guidobaldi et al. 2008, and A. the functions) of flamen and decurio …’) See also Guidobaldi
Camodeca in Ercolano 2008, 58-61give the longest text, as 2006a; Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006a, 308-311. It is deserv-
far as reconstructed, with integrations: V[ibi]dia Virginis l. edly observed in these publications that a thorough study
Saturni[na] et A. Fu[rius Saturnin]us / [o]b honores sibi et suis of the complex is still lacking. For the other inscription see
decret[os a]edem Ven[eris vetustate corr]uptam / [imp]ensa sua Camodeca 2008, 59-61 and D. Nonnis in Coarelli 2009, 479.
71
refectam adornaverunt pronaio a solo fa[ct]o id[em HS --- 3 let- A good overview is K. Rieger, “Les sanctuaires publics à
ters – in Capit]oli refec / [tio]e(m) contulerunt et amplius HS Ostie de la Republique jusqu’au Haut Empire”, in Ostie
LIIII reip. dederunt ob flamoni[u]m] et dec[urionatum - - 6/7 2001, 247-261, but see also her monograph Rieger 2004
letters – m]aximi. (‘Vibidia Saturnina, freedwoman of Virgo, and Steuernagel 2004, 60-119. With reference to the painted
and Aulus Furius Saturninus have embellished the temple decoration in Ostia Russell Meiggs wrote (1973, 437): “But
of Venus fallen in disrepair by age, remade at their expense, from basilicas, temples, the largest of the imperial baths, and
because of honours bestowed on them and their relatives, other major public buildings almost nothing survives […]”
with the newly built pronaos. They also contributed ?? ses- His discussion of the temples omits mention of painted
terces for the restoration of the Capitol and furthermore gave decoration (p. 337-388).
67
of good preservation of remains before Ostia’s second century florescence.72 The cella decoration is discernible
in the right corner under a base for a cult statue which was inserted at a later date, covering the previous paint-
ings. These can be dated to the first quarter of the first century AD and belong to the mature Third Style. The
dado is black and has a subdivision into small panels of various forms by means of thin yellow lines. Motifs like
still lives, maenads and Medusa heads adorn the panels. The middle zone, partly preserved, is red and shows the
lower parts of fluted columns. Stella Falzone thinks that the figural motifs endorse the dedication of the temple
to Mother Nature, but they are rather generic and too insignificant in size and position to have a clear signifi-
cance. The decoration belongs to the few examples of Third Style in Ostia and surroundings.73 As to the portico,
large sections of Fourth-Style decorations are still visible, showing the same colour scheme as those in the cella
The black dado is subdivided into small panels, some of them occupied by putti. The main zone has red panels
with embroidery bands and vertical vegetal motifs, separated by black bands. These are filled with architectural
prospects with striking elegant slim columns.74 On the southeastern wall of the portico five complete and two
partial panels of this paratactic system can still be seen; there must have been five or six more of them. Falzone
compares the decorations, more precisely dated to the era of Domitian, to those in the porticoes of the Temples
of Apollo and Isis in Pompeii. This may be true for the paratactic schemes, ideal for long wall sections, but the
Ostia murals are very slender and reflect the older decoration in the cella, being of a rather classical nature. Since
there are no specific cultic symbols, they do not give the impression that the onlooker is in a temple precinct.
However, the lack of the major part of the main zone and of the entire upper zone forbids definitive conclusions.
The Temple of Bellona was explored in the 1990s by Angelo Pellegrino and Ricardo Mar. Apart from frag-
ments of wall plaster, considerable remains of a mural were found on the southern wall. The yellow background
has simple red aediculae in the dado from which architectural vistas arise in the main zone. The floor is in white
opus tessellatum with a black border. This decoration might date to the time of the Antonines, but Rieger argues
for an earlier date.75
At Cori remains of a temple dedicated to Castor and Pollux have been preserved among the later buildings of
the medieval town. Recent work by German archaeologists produced a complete Bauaufnahme and documenta-
tion of the scant remains of floor mosaics and wall paintings. The interior of the building contained a platform
at the rear side for the statues of the twin gods and dadoes at the sides on which columns rose up to the ceiling.
These dados were decorated with a Second-Style marble imitation in the shape of red and orange orthostates
separated by bands. The main and upper zones are lost entirely, but Erich Altenhöfer suggests a reconstruction
similar to that at Brescia and Alba Fucens (see below). The floor had a meandering ornamental band in black
tesserae around a lost emblem.76
Finally, mention must be made of Alba Fucens, where some walls of the cella of the Sanctuary of Hercules
– known for the colossal copy of Lysippos’ Herakles Epitrapezios – still showed remains of painted wall decora-
tion when excavated in the 1960s. The plinth of the Hercules Room had a black-and-white mosaic floor in opus
tessellatum with meander motif and bears an inscription L. Vettius Q. F. Ter.77 The walls were decorated with a
black frieze and sets of stripes and bands in the dado, whereas red panels with green or yellow frames filled the
72
V x, 2. Brouwer 1989, 425-427; Pavolini 1983, 221-222; Rie- ing), fig. 70; Steuernagel 2004, 95; Pensabene 2007, 329-
ger 2004, 234-235, 238-239; Pavolini 2006, 231; Pensabene 330. Not yet published by the excavators.
76
2007, 182-185. On the decorations most extensively Falzone Altenhöfer 2007, esp. 382-388, figs. 9-12, 16 (floor); 388-
2006. 397, figs. 13-18 (walls).
73 77
Falzone 2006, 414, 421-427, figs. 7-8, 16-20. As to com- De Visscher, Mertens and Balty 1962, 346, 384-386, figs. 7
paranda, the decoration at the villa of Castel di Guido (now (meander), 27 (inscription). The authors connect this Vet-
in Museo Nazionale Romano, Palazzo Massimo, in Rome; tius with the Marsian orator Quintus Vettius Apronianus
see E.M. Moomann in Bragantini 2010, 197-202) can be (Cicero, Brutus 46.169). Hence the mosaic should date to
added to the Pompeian examples mentioned. the last decade of the Roman Republic. Salcuni 2006, 118-
74
Falzone 2006, 417, 427-430, figs. 12-13. 119 proposes the middle of the first century BC.
75
IV i 4. Liedtke 2002, 95-96; Rieger 2004, 98-101, 105 (dat-
68
main zone. No traces of figural elements were encountered. The portico around the cella had also been painted,
again with panels over a dado, now all in tones of red.78 Thanks to the find of Hadrianic coins under the remains
of the pavement, the ensemble can be dated to the first half of the second century. Louis Reekmans thinks that
a previous proposal to date the murals in the portico to around 100 is not tenable and argues that they were
painted at the same time as those in the cella.79
P ublic T emples in P ompeii
Pompeii serves as a case study in many archaeological and historical studies. Thanks to the exceptional state of
conservation, the material found in this Campanian town is of great importance for a better understanding of
a great variety of topics. That is also true for Pompeii’s temples. Therefore, their paintings are the subject of a
more detailed discussion since they superbly illustrate the practice of painting interiors and exteriors of Roman
temples in the Republican and Imperial eras. We will see a broad range of forms and styles of decorations that are
missing from most other sites. Moreover, the enormous bulk of scholarly studies about Pompeii and its monu-
ments lends itself to an in-depth analysis of this material and of problems connected with the religious buildings.
At Pompeii almost all important public temples from the first centuries BC and AD were constructed in
brickwork, whereas the older ones were built of volcanic stone. Only the temples of Fortuna Augusta next to
the forum80 and that of Venus at the southern edge of the town were partly constructed in marble and received
precious decoration of the same material.81
The Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, rising on the northern side of the forum, was built in the course of the
second century BC and altered into a Hellenistic temple at the end of the second century. The cella had a high
podium with three small rooms underneath and eight columns along the sides built in the years after the founda-
tion of the Colonia Cornelia Veneria Pompeiana and the new dedication to Jupiter Capitolinus in 80 BC. Simul-
taneously, its interior walls were adorned with a Second Style decoration.82 The exterior walls still bear remains
of First Style stucco reliefs imitating orthostates of rather grand dimensions (265 x 122 cm) and above them
(at least) one course of square and rectangular blocks (fig. 21). There are six whole and two half orthostates on
the side walls, six on the back walls, and two on the front side at each side of the entrance.83 The corners have
pilasters with stucco flutings. The decorative systems of the wall paintings in the interior executed in these years
78
De Visscher, Mertens and Balty 1962, 340, figs. 4, 8; Reek- building, but the Temple of Apollo (cf. p. 71).
82
mans 1968, 202-203, fig. 1. VII 8, 1. See Lauter 1979, 431-434; De Vos and De Vos
79
Reekmans 1968, 204-206. Some other arguments are given: 1982, 46-47; Laidlaw 1985, 310-311; Tybout 1989, 51
the evidence of an incription and the linear style of the paint- (very early Second Style); De Caro 1991a, 32-32-33 (set-
ings themselves. Cf. De Visscher, Mertens and Balty 1962, ting on the forum in the late second century); V. Sampaolo,
378-379. PPM VII (1997) 305-311; Coarelli 2002, 67-70; Pesando
80
Hänlein-Schäfer 1985, 115-117; Coarelli 2002, 108-109. 2006b, 75; Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006a, 45-47; García
81
Coarelli 2002, 86-89. On the materials and the history Jaco- y García 2006, 121; Barnabei 2007, 51-56; Van Andringa
belli and Pensabene 1995-1996. On Pompeian temple archi- 2009, 40-44; Wolf 2009, 298-304, figs. 92-98. On ideological
tecture see Wolf 2009. Emanuele Curti has found fragments aspects of the temple in its actual form see De Caro 1991b,
of First Style paintings from ceilings showing yellow, red and 18-19, followed by Zanker 1995, 62, 66-67. Coarelli 2002,
green blocks in the debris of the Temple of Venus, dating to 77 suggests that the oldest temple was dedicated to Jupiter
its first building phase. Some elements are to be seen on the only and not (yet) to the trias. That is plausible, since the
east wall in situ (‘Saggio 5’), but no extensive publication has entrance of the Trias Capitolina belongs to the introduction
yet come to light (see I. Varriale in Bragantini 2010, 375-386). of features characteristic of the Roman colony.
83
Confusingly, the ‘Temple of Venus’ referred to in older and The right front wall only has a plain white coating, probably
newer publications (e.g. Mols 2005, 244 note 14) is not this the result of a later restoration.
69
Fig. 21 Pompeii, Temple of Jupiter, eastern wall, decoration of
exterior (photo author).
as well as Imperial restorations (probably after the earthquake of AD 62) have been recorded in nineteenth-
century drawings (figs. 22):84 the black dado, dating to the time of Augustus (Third Style), supported a series
of faux standing marble plates (eight on the long walls) on top of which ran a course of smaller blocks and a
cornice, which are characteristic features for the early Second Style.85 The paintings lack stucco relief and were
flat, while the relief of the panels was suggested by painted light- and shade-accents. Finally, the floor of the cella
was covered with a mosaic in opus sectile, showing lozenges in perspective.
The decorative repertoire enhances the rich but holy atmosphere in the cella and at the same time matches
contemporary decoration in city houses. As far as can be judged on the basis of the old illustrations, the paint-
ings lack iconographical details pointing to Jupiter and the decor is totally neutral. The repertoire fitted the
programme of self representation of the town as a new Roman colony. According to Paul Zanker this display was
rather too much, but this seems unjustified, considering the lack of singularities.86
The motif of the lozenges on the floor is also present in the temple of Populonia (p. 51), in the Temple
of Apollo next door (p. 71, fig. 23) and, again, in rich houses like the House of the Faun. It appears to have
been installed as early as 149 in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Rome, if we may compare it to the motif
described by Pliny the Elder as opus scutulatum.87 At the Temple of Castor and Pollux on the Forum Romanum
(supra) the lozenges motif was inserted at the end of the second century BC.88
In some of his beautiful and still fundamental plates, the French architect François Mazois documented
views of other religious buildings, some of which show traces of painted plaster, but in general too little is
shown to give clues as to the decorations.89 The other temples on the Forum nowadays show only bare walls.
84
PPM Disegnatori (1995) 804-806 (consoles visible under the Temple of Zeus Meilichios was dedicated to Aesculapius,
cornice). which is substantiated by Coarelli 2002, 89-92; Krzyszowska
85
For the cornice see Tybout 1989, 338 with references. 2002, 248-249; Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006a, 66-68;
86
Zanker 1995, 71: “Man hat den Eindruck, daß dabei – ästhe- Marcatilli 2006, 36-43; Barnabei 2007; Wolf 2009, 288-291,
tisch betrachtet – des Guten eher zuviel geschah.” figs 78-82. Marcatilli 2006, 22 suggests that Mazois’ illustra-
87
Pliny, NH 36.185. As to this temple, the decoration of the tion (here reproduced as fig. 22) shows a panel decoration
cella’s walls in 179 BC is mentioned in Livy 40.51.3; cf. G. in the cella belonging to the First or Second Style, probably
Tagliamonte, LTUR III (1996) 146. The lozenges motif is restored after AD 62 (p. 35). The outer wall shows some
extensively discussed in Moormann and Swinkels 1983. traces of white paintings (ibidem, p. 22 and fig. 37). Other
88
Nielsen and Poulsen 1992. Cf. Zevi 1998, 35, note 36. studies on the Temple of Zeus Meilichios give little informa-
89
On cults and cult buildings in Pompeii see Barnabei 2007; tion about the decorations: Laidlaw 1985, 312-313; Russo
Van Andringa 2009. Mazois 1838, 22, pl. V (Temple of Zeus 1991, 17-33, fig. 3-16. Zanker 1995, 60 sees the temple as a
Meilichios, here called Neptune), XII, XIV (Temple of the private shrine for a restricted group of people.
Genius Augusti). De Caro 1991a, 39, 41-42 suggests that
70
Fig. 22 Pompeii, Temple of Jupiter, cella (reconstruction from Mazois III,
1829, pl. 36). For a colour version of this figure, see page 240.
These walls, surely, must have been covered with a marble

revetment during the course of the first century AD. The
remains and the documentation are too scarce to arrive at
substantial conclusions about their form.90
As has been previously observed, during the Impe-
rial period the remaining sacral monuments of Pompeii
were either raised in marble (Venus) or clad with marble
(Fortuna Augusta, Penates, Genius Augusti). The marble
revetments, stripped in antiquity or even at the time of the
excavation, resembled the traditional First Style decora-
tions we encounter in the temples of Jupiter, Apollo, and
Isis. They underline the new fashion of using precious
materials and follow the tradition of installing sophisticated
luxury in sanctuaries in order to enhance the impact of their
important holy role. They fail to visualise the god by means
of iconographical messages. Only paintings from the tem-
ples of Apollo and Isis are much better documented and it
is worth studying them in greater detail. The Temple of Isis
and the Temple of Sabazios in Pompeii will be discussed in
Chapter 7.
T h e T emple of A pollo in
P ompeii
The Temple of Apollo is situated on a north-south axis

along the west side of the forum and consists of an aedes in
the centre of an open area surrounded by a quadriporticus. Following its discovery in 1817 and until the end of
the nineteenth century people thought that the shrine had been dedicated to the city goddess Venus because of
the find of marble statues of this deity and a Hermaphrodite. The depiction of a drunken Dionysus as the central
image of a Fourth-Style decoration in a small room behind the north portico of the complex led to the interpre-
tation as a temple for Bacchus.91 The decipherment of the dedicatory inscription in the cella by August Mau as
90
There is a large amount of modern literature on these build- brought to Naples (Mazois 1838, 39), but cannot be found
ings. See esp. Wallat 1997; Dobbins and Ball 2005; Pesando there. V. Sampaolo, PPM VII (1997) 303 refutes this on the
and Guidobaldi 2006a, 40-55. basis of the order given to the designer Morelli (quoted) and
91
VII 7, 32 (previously VII 7, 1). Gell and Gandy 1852, 157, concludes that the image had not been cut out. Therefore, it
fig. at p. 165. Cf. PPM Disegnatori (1995) 113, 115; PPM cannot be the painting Museo Nazionale, inv. 9269. This is
VII (1997) 302-304; Coarelli 2002, 74-77; Pesando and very similar, but has an aedicula painted around the image,
Guidobaldi 2006a, 37-40; García y García 2006, 110-112, whereas there are slight differences in the figures. Neverthe-
figs. 251-255; Barnabei 2007, 11-20; Wallce-Hadrill 2008, less, García y García 2006, 111-112, fig. 255 sticks to the old
131-133; Van Andringa 2009, 37-40; Wolf 2009, 281-287, attribution.
figs 71-77. The Bacchus in the side room should have been
71
Fig. 23 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo,
cella (photo author).
Fig. 24 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo,

exterior wall of cella (photo author).
late as 1882 and the discovery in 1898 of the real Temple of Venus at the southern edge of the city, constructed
on top of the former city wall (VIII 1), proved that Apollo had been venerated in the ‘old’ temple and that the
Venus and Hermaphrodite statues apparently had been ‘lost’ there. This dislocation might be the consequence
of the eruption of Vesuvius or made necessary due to works in the Temple of Venus during which she had been
temporarily installed in the portico of the nearby temple.92 The history of the complex reaches back into the
late seventh or early sixth century BC, as we know from important excavations and studies by Amedeo Maiuri
and Stefano De Caro.93 The building in its present state was constructed in the course of the second century BC
92
Apollo’s name is recorded in an Oscan dedicatory inscrip- important locals in southern Italy during the second century
tion on the edge of the mosaics in the cella that informs how BC: see F. Münzer, RE 18.1 (1942) 1996-1997 s.v. Ovius;
quaestor U. Kamp. built this floor on behalf of the conuentus. Castrén 1975, 201 no. 296. Cf. Castrén 1975, 200-201 for
This name has been reconstructed as Oppius or O(vius) the gens Oppia and the gens Ovia; Laidlaw 1985, 309 note
Camp(an[i]us), who nowadays seems to have a life of his 195 and PPM VII (1997) 301. Other relevant finds include
own. See A. Mau, BdI 1882, 189, 205-207, 223; Vetter 1953, an omphalos in volcanic stone, the inscribed sun dial and the
52 no 18; De Caro 1986, 12; Meyboom 1995, 171-172 (who bronze statues of Apollo and Artemis.
93
warns of this problem); Barnabei 2007, 12 fig. 1. Ovius, seen De Caro 1986, 5-10. See also De Caro 1991a, 29-32
as a former praenomen, also became a nomen gentilicium of
72
(see further infra) and was extensively renovated after the earthquake of AD 62.94 The aedes stands on the usual
Italic podium and has an opus sectile floor with lozenges in perspective in its cella and travertine in the front part,
installed by a certain U. Kamp. (see note 92) in the last decades of the second century. At the bottom of the
eastern outer wall a white mosaic in opus tessellatum begins under the stucco layer so that we may assume such
a floor in the lateral sections. (figs. 23-24)
The inner and outer walls of the cella show imitations of orthostates in stucco relief, probably applied for the
last time during the reign of Claudius or Nero.95 Within the temple there are three plates (142 x 126 cm each) on
the back wall and five on the side walls, one covering the small sides next to the doors. On the left wall a hori-
zontal protruding cornice is present above these orthostates which separate the middle zone from the superior
one. The outer walls have similar plates in stucco relief (145 x 83 cm, fig. 24) but are adorned with tongues on
the outer rims; there are eight plates on the long walls and five on the back wall. Above these rows there is one
course of horizontal square and rectangular blocks (40 x 56 and 40 x 90 cm respectively), which is receding in
respect to the large orthostates. There must have been more layers. The wall was much higher and the usual
schemes show several courses. Because of the presumed height of the cult room one might expect the imita-
tion of a colonnade like that in Fregellae and Populonia (supra and figs. 4-5). As in the Temple of Jupiter this
decoration gives the suggestion of a costly marble revetment most likely applied during the second century BC.
Its relief indicates that it was in the First Style. It cannot be excluded that repairs were carried out in later years,
especially after the earthquake of AD 62. The traces still visible are too worn to give clues as to more phases.96
The large basis in the cella was clad with marble and parts of its plinth are still visible.
The walls of the four-sided ambulatory that surrounds the temple’s piazza were also covered with paintings.
Questions on the portico’s chronology are discussed in Appendix I (see pp. 84-85). The mural decoration is
typical of the Fourth Style and must have replaced older ones destroyed during the earthquake of 62 or a smaller
one in the period 62-79. In all cases, the actual paintings date to the last decades before AD 79. Apparently the
frescoes were in a bad condition when they were discovered in 1817, because no fragments were cut out and
transported to Naples and they were not fully documented. Good descriptions are lacking but drawings, water-
colours and engravings from the nineteenth century (figs. 25-27, 35) transmit a partial impression of the paint-
ings including the figural scenes.97 The decorations consisted of a series of panels and architectural elements in
the main zone above a mostly black dado, separated by architectonical structures in the shape of columns (fig.
26). The dado itself was embellished with still lifes or single figures, the lateral panels of the main zone contained
seated girls. The upper zone has not been documented and the upper features of the murals therefore remain
unknown. The presence of wooden constructions was intimated in front of the panels by means of the sugges-
tion of a framework, giving the impression of painter’s easels on which quadrangular ‘paintings’ were exposed.
The best illustration is provided by Raoul Rochette’s 1844 plate (fig. 27).98 In the intermediary sections and
under the large images there were small oblong panels with figural scenes. Vessels, still lifes, landscapes showing
94
The oldest parts of the podium date from the sixth cen- (possibly restored after AD 62). The stucco and painting in
tury, the more substantial remains are Hellenistic. Good the portico might date to the Neronian era, whereas we have
documentation and an extensive bibliography are given by to reckon with interventions in the time of Sulla. Mols 2005
V. Sampaolo, PPM VII (1997) 286-304. See in short Lauter sees these stucco reliefs as recordings of the past.
97
1979, 420-422, 423; De Vos and De Vos 1982, 28-32; De See especially the watercolours by Francesco Morelli, repro-
Caro 1986, 24-25; De Caro 1991a, 29-32; Zanker 1995, 59, duced in PPM Disegnatori (1995) 112-115; here fig. 35.
98
67, 73. As to the revision of the traditional dating: Carroll Rochette 1844, pl. 8, here fig. 27. A drawing by Félix-
and Godden 2000, 743-754. Emmanuel Callet from 1823 evidences the state of preserva-
95
Mazois 1834, Pl. XXIII shows the cella decoration. See De tion (Pompei 1981, 144. 148; cf. PPM VII, 288). Similarly
Caro 1991b, 14. On the importance of the renovations from Mazois 1838, pl. XXII. In the text by Louis Barré (p. 44) it is
the Augustan times onwards De Caro 1991b, 12-14. explained that there was a figural scene in the central panel.
96
V. Sampaolo PPM VII (1997) 287; Laidlaw 1985, 309-310
73
,
•
L...,
Fig. 25 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, transsection of the portico, 1823 drawing by the French architect F.-E. Callet (from Pompei 1981,
148-148). For a colour version of this figure, see page 240.
Fig. 26 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, part of the wall paint-

ing in the portico, 1823 drawing by the French architect
F.-E. Callet (from Pompei 1981, 148-148).
people making votive offerings and Pygmies

in a quasi-Egyptian environment make up
these small images (fig. 28), whereas the main
scenes showed episodes from the Trojan War
(figs. 29-35).
As has been argued previously, the docu-
mentation of these murals is rather scanty.
This might be explained by the lukewarm
response to the discovery which contrasted
with the description of other paintings. As an
example I refer to two of the greatest Pompeii
experts of the period, John P. Gandy and Sir
William Gell. They were especially disap-
pointed by the combination of classical and
exotic motifs in the complex:99
This temple was erected at a period when the taste of Rome, tired of making useless prayers to the old divini-
ties, had brought from Greece and Egypt mystery and superstition. The religion of Isis, Bacchus, Ceres, veiled in
obscurity, had once become the cloak for the most degrading debauchery and inhuman orgies; but the attempt
at extermination only served to incite the curiosity, and superinduce the renewal of rites so peculiarly congenial
to the feelings of this people.
Gell’s illustrations neither show much of the layout of the wall decorations nor of the details of the mythological
scenes. By contrast, he describes several small scenes in his Pompeiana as vignettes and small-size illustrations,
99
Gell and Gandy 1852, 155-56.
74
Fig. 27 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, part of the wall painting
in the portico, after AD 62 (from Rochette 1844, pl. 8).
Fig. 28 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, land-

scapes with Pygmies, after AD 62 (from Reinach,
RP, 377 nos. 5-6).
especially showing Pygmies and landscapes (see fig. 28).100 Gell informs that the pygmies are the reason for the
temple’s nomenclature in early years.101 Gell’s contemporary and illustrious Pompeii expert Mazois recorded
more of the general outlook of the murals of the portico, for instance a complete wall section including the easel
in the centre and girls sitting in niches at the sides (fig. 26).102
100
Gell and Gandy 1852, pl. 53-54 (overviews: nothing on the Troy; the former is illustrated as a vignette on p. 175.
101
walls of the precinct), 55-62 (Pygmies and villas). From the Gell and Gandy 1852, 169.
102
Iliad scenes he records Achilles’ struggle with Agamemnon Mazois 1838, 37-44, pl. XVI-XXIII.
and Achilles trailing Hector’s corpse around the walls of
75
Fig. 30 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, central scene, after AD
62: Achilles drags Hector’s corpse (from Steinbüchel, pl. VIII).
Fig. 29 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, central scene, after

AD 62: Achilles quarrels with Agamemnon (from Steinbüchel,
pl. VIII).
Fig. 31 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, central scene, after Fig. 32 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, central scene, after
AD 62: Achilles receives Priam (from Steinbüchel, pl. VIII). AD 62: duel in the Battle of Troy in the presence of Athena (from
Steinbüchel, pl. VIII).
76
Fig. 33 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, central scene, after AD
62: embassy to Achilles (from Steinbüchel, pl. VIII).
Fig. 34 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico,

unknown scene, after AD 62 (from Steinbüchel,
pl. VIII).
The five scenes from the Trojan War recorded in the old documentation centre around the protagonist of
Homer’s Iliad, Achilles:103
1) Achilles quarrels with Agamemnon (Iliad 1.188-218; fig. 29)
2) Achilles drags Hector’s corpse behind his chariot around the walls of Troy (Iliad 22.396-404; fig. 30)
3) Achilles receives Hector’s father Priam (Iliad 24.469-506; fig. 31)104
4) Duel between two warriors in the presence of Athena (fig. 32)
5) Embassy of the Greeks to Achilles sitting in his tent or another scene (Iliad 9.162-642, esp. 185-191;
fig. 33)
6) Unknown action on fragmented scene (fig. 35).
The iconography of numbers 4, 5 and 6 is not well defined.
103
The longest descriptions are those by Helbig 1868: no. 266 (duel in the presence of Athena, possibly Achilles and
77
"
.jt/I
,
Fig. 35 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, central scene, after AD 62: scenes of figs. 30 and 32, watercolour by F. Morelli from 1818 (=
PPM Disegnatori, 112-115). For a colour version of this figure, see page 241.
These and other themes from the Iliad frequently occur in Pompeian painting and, as we saw, also formed
the décor of the Temple of Juno in Carthage (see Chapter 1). The hostile encounter between Achilles and
Agamemnon is also known from a ‘copy’ in the House of the Dioscuri and from a wall mosaic in the House of
Apollo.105 The small number of six images, of which we know more or less the contents, forms the poor remains
of probably some forty representations. This number can be calculated on the basis of the disposition of the
panels in the quadriporticus (cf. fig. 25).106 In comparison with the around eighty-five episodes in the greatest
series conserved hitherto, that in the House of the Cryptoporticus from 40-30 BC, the Temple of Apollo pos-
Hector), no. 1306 (Achilles quarrels with Agamemnon), Venus. The Priam scene (p. 187) is also attributed to the
no. 1324 (Achilles hauling Hector), no. 1325 (restitution Temple of Venus, whereas the other two representations
of Hector’s corpse), p. 461-462 (embassy to Achilles, theft have been left out. A. Kossatz-Deichmann, Achilleus, LIMC
of the Palladion?). No synthesis in Bulas 1929, 77 (saying I (1981) 37-200; our series at p. 91 no. 387 (fallen warrior,
that he will not deal with the cycle), 136. He discusses the possibly Troilos), 104 no. 428 (Achilles and Agamemnon),
single scenes: 78 (Achilles debating with Agamemnon, fig. 106 no. 436 (unclear, maybe Odysseus’ mission to Achilles
33), 79-80 (embassy to Achilles or Kalchas’ explanation of or Kalchas explaining the reason of wrath of Apollo; because
the wrath of Apollo; this interpretation by Brüning seems of Agamemnon’s absence this interpretation unfortunately
more plausible to him), 96 (Achilles with the corpse of Hec- is not convincing), 113 no. 465 (mission to Achilles follow-
tor), 97-98 (Priamus visits Achilles; the ‘Athena’ might be a ing Helbig 1868, 461-462), 152 no. 672 (Achilles receives
companion of Achilles), 106-107 (Diomedes duelling with Priam).
104
Aeneas or duel of Achilles and Hector). All descriptions See on this specific subject Giuliani 2003.
105
are based on the rare album of A. von Steinbüchel, no date, See on this topic Trimble 2002, 225-248. For the mosaic in
pl. VIIIB-VIIID, here figs. 29-35. His crude drawings have House VI 7, 23, eastern external wall of cubiculum 25, now
also been reproduced in Reinach RP, 167.5, 7 and 168.3, Naples, Museo Nazionale, inv. 10006, see PPM IV (1993)
6. Also see Dagmar Kemp-Lindemann’s (1975) doctoral 510.
106
dissertation, which however lacks many illustrations. On p. There must have been at least one panel per intercolum-
128-129 she wrongly assumes that the Agamemnon scene niation, as one may conclude from the documentation and
is preserved in the temple, calling the building Temple of reconstruction by the French architect Wilbrod Chabrol
78
sessed more or less half.107 Vitruvius mentions troianae pugnae as ideal themes for the decoration of ambulato-
ries (ambulationes). A Trojan War cycle painted by the Greek Theoros on a series of wooden panels belongs to
works of art exposed in the Porticus Philippi in Rome. Pliny neither lists any of the themes depicted nor men-
tions where the panels come from.108 The nouveau riche Trimalchio in Petronius’ Satyricon, contemporary with
paintings from the Temple of Apollo, has paintings with similar scenes in his house and he apparently follows
Vitruvius’ remarks from some seventy years before.109
It has frequently been noted that literary themes in the private sphere were especially popular because the
domini could show how well-educated they were and that they were able to conduct a learned conversation with
their guests. At the same time several scholars have considered the figural scenes examples of standard elements
within mural decorations, for which reason the iconography might be less meaningful in the evaluation of house
decoration.110 In the Temple of Apollo, therefore, we might also ask whether the Trojan images were ‘conversa-
tion pieces’ or elements of the ‘wall paper’. The architecture of the portico is that of Vitruvius’ ambulationes and
could give Pompeians the opportunity to engage in pleasant, erudite conversations. But, on a higher level, the
decoration might enhance Apollo’s position, like the murals in the Temple of Juno in Carthage: Achilles’ κλέος
is brilliantly represented and he serves as a paradigm for everyone.
However, it is questionable whether the Trojan theme had some specific relationship with Apollo because
he does not play a rôle in the preserved scenes. In the 180 years since their discovery, only a few scholars have
addressed this question. Some fifty years ago, Karl Schefold observed a preference for cycles with the Trojan
myth in the first century BC, whereas the subsequent period was said to prefer single episodes. As late as the
Neronian era one would once again encounter cycles which, according to Schefold, should match the contem-
porary fashion of written poems about Troy like the lost Halosis Iliou by the emperor Nero111 and the fragment
of a Troy poem by Eumolpus in Petronius’ Satyricon.112 In Schefold’s view, the end of Troy should mark the
announcement of a new era of peace, a renewal of the Augustan aurea aetas made possible by Nero. This might
be true for images from that emperor’s time like those in the Domus Aurea. As to the paintings in the Temple of
from 1867 (see Pompei 1981, 138-143, 331-339). That see A. Viscogliosi, LTUR IV (1999) 146-148.
109
would bring a number of ten scenes on the northern wall, Petron., Sat. 29. It is generally accepted that the author
eight on the southern wall [with door] and eighteen on the Petronius is the same as Petronius Arbiter who in AD 65
western wall, whereas the eastern wall along the forum with participated in the conspiracy against Nero directed by Piso
its many doors would still have at least seven panels. Helbig c.s. and was killed. See Courtney 2001, 5-11.
110
1873, 144 note 4 reports “die Spuren von mindestens elf gros- See Muth 1998 and De Angelis, Muth and Hölscher 1999.
111
sen mit Rahmen umgebenen Wandbildern”. Suet., Nero 38.2 gives the Greek title, Tac., Ann. 15.39.3
107
For the House of the Cryptoporticus (I 6, 2) see Spinaz- mentions the rumor that Nero had sung about Troy during
zola 1953, 903-970, esp. 968-970 (calculation of the original the great fire of AD 64. This gossip is presented as fact in the
number of Homeric scenes); PPM I, 201-222. On the popu- work of Cassius Dio (62.18.1).
112
larity of these themes, see Meyboom 2007, 98. Petron., Sat. 89. Eumolpus gets his inspiration from a tabula
108
Vitr., De arch. 7.5.2-3; Pliny, NH 35.144 (= Recueil Milliet quae Troiae halosin ostendit (‘a painting showing the capture
1985, no. 518, with reference to the temple in Carthage, here of Troy’) and concentrates on the person of Laocoon. The
p. 29-35, and Petronius): Theorus ... bellumque Iliacum pluri- fragment breathes the atmosphere of Virgil but might have
bus tabulis, quod est Romae in Philippi porticibus ... - in a long been influenced by Nero, both in positive (imitation) and
list of artists and panel paintings. As to the location in Rome, negative (parody) sense.
79
Apollo in Pompeii, a precise dating within the period 62-79 unfortunately cannot be established.113 The hero’s
persona is presented by Schefold as an example of a suffering man afflicted by a gruesome destiny. Irene Bra-
gantini on the other hand argues that the choice might be explained by Apollo’s rôle in the founding history of
Troy, but in that case the selection of the themes remains strange because the Iliad does not refer to that earlier
history of the town.114
All gods, and hence also Apollo, have more or less influential positions in the poem about the Trojan War.
Apollo sides with the Trojans, leads the movements of some important heroes and is thus capable of restraining
bloodshed.115 In the first verses of the Iliad (1.8-16) he is connected to a conflict in the Greek camp between
Agamemnon and Achilles concerning two girls. Agamemnon’s booty, Chryseis, is the daughter of Chryses, a
priest in the Temple of Apollo in the neighbourhood, who asks his master for assistance in getting back the
girl. For many days Apollo spreads pestilence in the Greek camp, until the seer Kalchas explains the reason for
the plague and Agamemnon dismisses Chryseis. Agamemnon now wants Briseis and despite Achilles’ words
of protest he gets her. Apollo plays a secondary rôle in this drama of jealousy; Achilles has right on his side and
Agamemnon unjustly stands on his position as leader of the troops. Thanks to Apollo’s influence, Troy remains
free of the terror of the greatest Greek hero for a short while and so he indirectly helps the Trojans.
However, the main protagonist in the Trojan War is Achilles, by whose actions Troy will fall. His image
113
Schefold 1975, 129-134. One reads on p. 132 about the later armour who enters the battlefield (16) In the emotional
group: “Alle diese Bilder gelten mehr dem Glanz der Erschei episode concerning the death of Sarpedon, Apollo carries
nung, die durch Thetis so sichtbar unter göttlichem Schutz steht, his corpse away from the field, assisted by Hypnos and
als einem tieferen Begreifen des Wesens der Helden.” On p. 134 Thanatos (16.666-683). He resists Patroklos and speaks
the series of the Temple of Apollo is dated to the time of warning words to him and eagerly orchestrates his eventual
Claudius, whereas previously such cycles were dated to the death (16.707-709, 788-794). In 17.74-81 he warns Hec-
Vespasian era. Simultaneously, a connection with Nero is tor in the guise of Mentor. Apollo discusses with Poseidon
made. Probably, the great connoisseur of Pompeian painting (20.66-68) and incites Aeneas against Achilles (20.79-85).
errs and instead of ‘claudisch’ should be read either ‘neronisch’ He advises Hector not to go into battle (20.375-378). Three
or ‘flavisch’. Schefold 1957, 192 has “Großartig neronisch”. of Achilles’ attacks are resisted despite Athena’s help to the
114
I. Bragantini, PPM Disegnatori (1995) 112. Greeks (20.441-446). Shortly after, Poseidon challenges
115
I recapitulate the interventions by Apollo in the Iliad. In Apollo (21.435-468). Like Aeneas previously, Agenor is res-
4.507-514 he incites the Trojans and shortly after he protects cued from a duel with Achilles by Apollo, thus avoiding an
Aeneas against Diomedes (5.431-460). In a discussion with untimely death (21.543-611). This deceit leads to Achilles’
Athena, Apollo wants to assign the victory to the Trojans first verbal attack on Apollo (22.1-20). When the gods have
(7.17-53) and the gods decide that Ajax and Hector will to decide who must fall in the royal duel, Hector or Achilles,
fight a decisive duel. A nocturnal, not rather valiant, sortie Apollo no longer has the means to influence the situation
brings Diomedes and Odysseus to the sleeping, unwary and abandons the Trojans (22.213). Achilles kills Hector,
Thracian allies of Troy. Apollo awakes their leader Hip- who predicts that Achilles will die by the hands of Paris
pokoon to tell him about the gruesome murder of his men and Apollo (22.359-360). While dragging Hector’s corpse
during this ‘visit’ (10.515-525). Thanks to a helmet given by around the city, Aphrodite and Apollo ensure that Hector’s
Apollo, Hector resists a severe attack by Diomedes (11.349- corpse remains intact and undamaged (23.185-191, 24.18-
353). Poseidon and Apollo try to destroy the Greek camp 21). Finally, Apollo is the only god to protest against this act
with water (12.1-35). Encouraged by Zeus, Apollo assists of hauling and persuades the others to allow the restitution
Hector and fills him with courage while leading him to the of the corpse to Priam (24.18-21, 33-54). Eventually, not in
battleground (15.219-262). The Greeks feel disheartened the Iliad, Paris kills Achilles with the assistance of Apollo.
by this successful attack and it is Patroklos wearing Achilles’
80
becomes less positive in the course of the Iliad.116 Do we have to interpret the presence of Achilles in the portico
of the Temple of Apollo as an example of a negative hero? Such an interpretation would correspond with the
image of the god propagated by Augustus and his successors, that of a patron of the Roman people, thought to
be a direct descendent of Aeneas. We ought not to forget the existence of numerous other images in the portico
when discussing the presence of Achilles. A remark by Wolfgang Helbig from 1873 that the series might end
with Aeneas’ adventures in Italy is an attractive proposal, but nevertheless highly hypothetical. Although no
remains are left, if true the series would stress the Trojan-Roman perspective and perfectly match the “Anschau-
ungen der damaligen Periode”.117
The only temple dedicated to Apollo with a comparable series of images showing the adventures of Achilles
I know of is the Smintheion, the temple for Apollo Smintheus not far from Troy. The life of Achilles, mainly
focusing on the Trojan War, is represented in reliefs on marble columns and friezes. The temple complex was
constructed in the mid-second century BC. A meticulous study by Coşkun Özgünel makes clear that the loca-
tion of the temple in Troy influenced the choice of the subject. He also shows that the selection of themes was
not casual and Apollo plays a rôle in many of the scenes.118 According to tradition, Chryses had worked there
as a priest.119 Simultaneously, the value of Achilles as an exemplary hero is certainly a factor that has to be taken
into account (see supra).
One may ask whether the other imagery themes recorded in the old publications, like ships,120 villae121 and
Pygmies (fig. 28)122 could have formed a substantial part of the iconographic repertoire. One must note that their
position on cornices and in smaller panels between architectural elements was secondary and that such images
belong to the standard repertoire of the Fourth Style. Small panels with ships, mostly seen as representations of
naumachiae, are present in a lot of other mural decorations after AD 62, e.g. in the Temple of Isis (see Chapter 7;
fig. 79). Valeria Sampaolo and Luciana Jacobelli have reasonably argued that both series and the images of ships
in the peristyle of the House of the Vettii might be attributed to the same painter or group of painters.123 Could
these scenes reflect historical sea battles124 or are they mere genre scenes? The second alternative is more likely
because of the observed secondary position within the decorative scheme, but in this specific temple context
a political allusion cannot be dismissed. Sea battles had always played an enormous rôle in Roman history and
had become part of that glorious history when the paintings were executed. The most famous maritime victory,
116
For an extremely cynical interpretation of the warlord Achil- Avilia and Jacobelli 1989, 138 no. 7-8, figs. 6-7.
121
les in light of modern studies on acts of war and traumatic Gell and Gandy 1852, 170, 171-172, pl. 55-56, 59-62; Rein-
experiences see M.A. Wes, Oorlog, geweld en agressie: oude ach RP, 377.6; 380.4.
122
Grieken en jonge Amerikanen, Groniek 154 (2002) 69-92. Gell and Gandy 1852, 169, 171, pl. 57-58; Helbig 1868, no.
The author endorses the observations of J. Shay, which 1544 (four images); Reinach RP, 376.2-3; 377.5; Versluys
surely are more easily available than the Dutch university 2002, 131-132, fig. 73.
123
periodical: J. Shay, Achilles in Vietnam. Combat Trauma and Sampaolo 1994; Sampaolo 1995; Avilia and Jacobelli 1989,
the Undoing of Character, New York 1994. 132-133. The attribution of the large representations of ships
117
Helbig 1873, 144. in the Suburban Baths by Jacobelli to the same master(s) is
118
Especially in the Chryseis scene (1.364-369, 430-441). not tenable as the representations differ in style of painting,
Özgünel 2001. See also Özgünel 1990 and 2003; Bingöl colours used, composition, iconography and format.
124
1990 and 1991; Ridgway 2000, 84-85. Examples of reliefs belonging to victory monuments and
119
Rumscheid 1995: this temple is not the shrine mentioned tombs from the late Republic have been collected in Hol-
in the Iliad that was situated on the coast, as we know from liday 2002, 97-104. In general, one sees depictions of battle
Strabo 13.1.48. Strabo 13.1.63 and Pliny, NH 5.32 speak ships (esp. the rostra) instead of the battles themselves. The
about a Smintheion rebuilt in the interior, which apparently only sea battle depicted is that in corridor G of the Villa della
must be the unearthed monument. Farnesina in Rome, seen as a reminiscence of Agrippa’s vic-
120
Gell and Gandy 1852 do not have these representations. Cf. tory at Naulochos (Berlan-Bajard 2006, 45, pl. II).
81
of course, was the naval battle on the shore of Actium on 2 September 31 BC. The god venerated at Actium is
Apollo, the same deity worshipped in the Temple of Apollo in Pompeii.125 Did the Pompeii painter decide to
paint this scene or was it at the suggestion of unknown patrons? Jacobelli opts for a more nuanced interpreta-
tion, arguing that past naval battles brought peace and freedom and in the case of Pompeii they do not record
a single event but a collection of battles. In this way the ships symbolize something more than pure decorative
motifs. The impact of the victory near Actium might have diminished in the hundred years after the event and
for that reason Jacobelli’s caution is justified.126 Considering that the motif is rather frequently used in Pompeian
Fourth-Style painting, however, it is less probable that painters opted for specific themes, rather these themes
formed one of the numerous banal filler drawings in murals of the period.
The landscapes showing villas and the representations of rural shrines have no specific meaning, unless
that of underlining the Romans’ increasing feeling of abundance and well-being as a consequence of the steady
peace.127
Finally, there are the Nilotic landscapes with Pygmies (fig. 28, top). On the basis of the thorough study by
Miguel John Versluys about Aegyptiaca Romana one may conclude that such scenes (a) were omnipresent in
the Roman world and (b) did not represent a realistic idea of black Africa in the eyes of the Romans. Originally,
these scenes illustrated the abundance of nature, while the Pygmies were especially seen as symbols of fertility.
In most cases one ought to see them like the chinoiseries of the eighteenth century and, hence, as pure decorative
elements. Consequently, in the Temple of Apollo they did not contain a specific meaning or value.128
Whereas the cella, as the house of the god, had to emanate a luxury befitting Apollo’s status by imitating
marble slabs, the porticoes were decorated with paintings similar to those in contemporary private houses.
However, the choice of a series of adventures described in the Iliad, with Achilles as the protagonist, appears to
be less indiscriminate than that of the decorative patterns. The strong emphasis on the dark sides of the hero
and the hidden presence of Apollo – like the literary trope of the praeteritio – helped bring the visitors into con-
tact with the healing and rescuing god. A political meaning behind Pygmies, seascapes and naval battles cannot
be completely excluded, but is less explicitly formulated. Preferably, a reminder of the richness stimulated by
Apollo might be postulated.
C onclusions
This chapter discussed a wide range of sacral buildings in Roman Italy from the second century BC through the
Imperial era. The buildings highlighted in the towns, with the exception of Rome, are more or less official cult
buildings erected by municipal elites. As to the Republican period, we are dealing with decorations in the First
and Second Style, all comparable to painted decorations in public buildings and houses and with the aim of
enhancing the prestige of a building’s interior. The stucco reliefs in the First Style decorations mostly cover both
interior and exterior walls in tuff as well as temple podia and create a touch of costly decoration. By marking
125 126
In the perspective of religious history this equation surely On this topic see Gurval 1995.
127
is false, because every locality and, in this case, every nation Cf. Lafon 2001, 285-290.
128
give different values to the same figures. As to the Imperial Versluys 2002, 131-132 no. 053; 422-443; Clarke 2007,
era there was a rather homogeneous point of view. Cf. Gagé 87-107. About the Pygmies in the Temple of Apollo: M.
1955, 53 about the origins of the Pompeian Apollo which MacKay, Pygmies and Apollo at Pompeii, BAssMosAnt 12,
cannot be established. After Actium the Apollo of Actium is 1988-1990, 71 no. 340 (synopsis of an unpublished congress
implemented all-over in the Empire, symbolizing the keeper contribution from 1986): Pygmies are good luck charms, no
of the new Troy (p. 520-523). Gurval 1995, however, is more specific relationship with Apollo is suggested in the few lines
cautious. published.
82
the podia’s mouldings imitating marble blocks and fluted columns on walls, people gave the illusion of marble
construction. Fake galleries could be created in interiors with the addition of a row of columns in the upper sec-
tion of the walls, e.g. at Fregellae, Populonia and Volterra. The introduction of such decorative details may have
been made possible by the commercial contacts with the eastern Mediterranean.
Around 100 BC, the introduction of real marble building elements and other costly elements like mosaic
floors is a remarkable feature that illustrates the Roman elite’s desire to display precious building materials
known from the conquered areas around the Mediterranean. Therefore, decorations in the Second Style were
another medium by which this rich decoration was enhanced. First, architectural elements were no longer imi-
tated in paint only, but the painters began to construct faux architectural features on the walls’ surfaces. There
was no difference between large public buildings and temples, whereas the rich domus of the upper class also
displayed these wealthy wall paintings. In fact, the remains of temple decorations are extremely poor in quantity
when compared to those in houses. It should be noted that Pompeii’s relative opulence is a result of the archaeo-
logical record’s bias. The temples in Brescia can be seen as the best examples of the decorative fashions popular
in this period. Within these fake façades, figural motifs like those described in written sources would be appro-
priate. However, apart from traces of scenes in the Temple of Diana on the Aventine, there is little information,
including garlands in Amplero and fabric coverings in Brescia.
One observes great changes in the imperial period, when the right to erect temples in Rome became the
prerogative of the emperors. Marble was the main building material for this category of buildings and since
marble as a rule was not covered with plaster and paint, paintings were a rare phenomenon in temple contexts.
Therefore, little survives except for the shrine of Jupiter Conservator that follows the fashion of the day, namely
the second quarter of the second century AD. This small monument was apparently not considered to be impor-
tant enough to necessitate the use of marble. Its position next to the temple of Veiovis might even have required
a sober, somewhat old-fashioned painted decoration.
In Roman Italy the data are less scanty than in Rome, although they are still not abundant. The classicizing
mode of the early Third Style, which uses closed wall systems embellished with fine ornaments, is best known
from the cities in Campania. However, it is also found in temples, for example the portico in Urbisaglia and the
Temple of Bona Dea in Ostia. The figural motifs do not illustrate cult practice. The garden painting in one of
the temples in Herculaneum is more or less contemporary and refers to Isis or Venus. As to the Fourth Style
the introduction of fake marble veneer on the walls, e.g. at Breno and Herculaneum, forms a new means of
suggesting the use of precious materials within the temples’ cellae. We may compare it to the use of real mar-
ble in shrines where more money was available like the Aedes Augustalium in Herculaneum (see Chapter 6).
Remarkably, the dossier of shrines after 100, after the end of the Fourth Style, is very meagre. This discrepancy
needs an explanation beyond the usual reasons of poor preservation. When we look at the extensive number of
non-public cult buildings, discussed in the ensuing chapters, we observe a great amount of Mithraea in exactly
this period. The dearth of painted public temples then might be explained by the assumption that the previous
fashion in Rome of erecting public temple buildings in marble, expanded widely outside Rome.
The surviving archaeological evidence in Rome stands in stark contrast to the data gathered from the liter-
ary sources in Chapter 1. The explored temples do not contain figural scenes illustrating the dedication of the
building to a specific deity, neither do they celebrate a secondary dedication by some victorious military officer.
There are no great differences in respect to the other parts of Italy, where in some cases the archaeological
remains are even considerably richer than those in the urbs.
We treated Pompeii as a singular case on the basis of its exceedingly rich evidence. That apparent discrep-
ancy does not mean that this small town shows great differences in respect to Rome and the rest of Italy in
terms of the use of different decorative systems throughout Pompeii’s history. Some Republican remains are
preserved in the cellae of the temples of Apollo and Jupiter. Both show an austere decoration of orthostates and
mouldings in the cella dating to the early first century BC. Both this temple and the Temple of Apollo still have
second century BC, First-Style relief decorations on the exterior walls (possibly restored later in Pompeii’s his-
tory). From the temple of Apollo we can make a limited study of the iconography. The scenes from the Iliad do
83
not have a direct relationship with Apollo, but can in certain ways be connected with this god. All other figural
motifs (landscapes, still lifes, pygmy scenes) cannot be interpreted in a strictly Apollonian way, but belong to
the repertoire of decorative elements used by painters.
A ppendi x : T h e P ortico of t h e T emple of A pollo in P ompeii
The monumental quadriporticus of the Temple of Apollo is generally dated to the late second century BC. John
Dobbins, however, recently proposed a much more recent dating on the basis of an inscription. This states that
the aediles Marcus Holconius Rufus and Gaius Egnatius Postumus had paid neighbours on the western side for
blocking their view as a result of the erection of the precinct wall. Their activities must be dated to around 10
BC. Archaeological work is supposed to substantiate this idea and the wall runs over an ancient road track run-
ning south and ending on the street in front of the Basilica. That means that the area of the temple was enlarged
considerably, so that the whole operation would correspond to the glorification of Apollo, the holy spirit of
Augustus, in the form of an enlargement and further monumentalisation of the god’s sanctuary.129
By contrast, Andrea Martelli, Fabrizio Pesando, and Lorenza Barnabei believe that the construction of the
portico around the temple building as well as the decorations of the cella can be dated to 144-142 thanks to a
titulus mummianus, an epigraphic commemoration of Mummius’ victory in Corinth in 146 BC and the subse-
quent second triumphus in 145 BC, in which Pompeians had apparently been decisvely involved. Some of the
booty from the Greek war might even have been used to finance the rebuilding of the archaic temple, including
the cella decorations and the addition of the portico.130 Pesando points to similarities with Rome, namely the
Porticus Metelli and the lozenge floor in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, both to be seen as a form of imitatio
urbis. The terracotta decorative slabs found in the House of the Golden Bracelet could even stem from this
decoration phase of the temple. Regarding our study, the chronology of the decorations mentioned, the first
known in this complex, seems to firmly belong to this period. The motif of the portico as a place for collecting
important objects, in the case of the Porticus Metelli treasures taken from Corinth, still inspired the decorators
in the post-62 phase, when they arranged the figural scenes as paintings on easels. In my opinion, the titulus
mummianus provides strong proof for this interpretation and endorses the vision of the urban development of
Pompeii fostered nowadays by most scholars. Further building interventions, as advocated by Dobbins, do not
contradict this idea, although a possible enlargment of the temple’s precinct is strange since the templum was
well laid out around the temple building from the outset.
This discussion merits a brief digression since these data give the strong impression that they possibly shed
new light on the House of the Faun and the Temple of Jupiter, where, as we have seen, the same motif of loz-
enges in perspective is an important element of the interior decoration. All date to the last decades of the second
century. Moreover, the Ionic portico of the Temple of Apollo (part of the renovations in 144-142) is peculiar
as the frieze is Doric and has metopes and triglyphs. This peculiarity has its counterpart in the large peristyle of
the House of the Faun.131 Taking into account as the third element the important remains of First Style decora-
129
Dobbins et al. 1998, 741, 756. Inscription: CIL X, 787, in L. Mummis. L. kúsúl, which means L(ucius) Mummius L(uci
all cases before 2 BC. See his figs. 1-2 for a reconstruction filius) consul. The altar stands against the first column in
of the previous subdivision of the insulae and streets in this the southeast corner of the portico (shown on the map in
area. The house in question on the western side is VII 7, 2. Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006b, 38). Van Andringa 2009,
See also Dobbins and Ball 2005, 61. 117, 135-136 (dedication of statues of Apollo and other
130
Martelli 2002; Pesando 2006a, 233-234; Pesando and Gui- gods in the temple precinct). On Mummius and other tituli
dobaldi 2006b, 18-20, 52-53; Barnabei 2007, 15-16; Walla- mummiani in Italy Miles 2008, 73-75, esp. note 89.
131
ce-Hadrill 200, 132, figs. 3.25-3.26. See succinct discussion Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 173 connects this peristyle with the
in De Caro 1991, 33. The text (Vetter 1953, no. 61) runs: Greek gymnasium.
84
tions in both complexes, one may think of a connection between the two temples and the palace-like residence
along the Via di Stabia. An important, yet anonymous Pompeian follower of Mummius might have celebrated
his success in the Temple of Apollo, constructing a typical podium temple and a new portico around it, follow-
ing the new vogue of porticoes in Rome itself (cf. p. 37 note 97-98). U. Kamp. is one decade (or one generation)
younger and he could have enhanced the connection by laying new floors in the cella, an imitation of the floor
in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Rome, and in his private house, known as the House of the Faun. Even
the Temple of Jupiter could have been embellished in this way by him or another Pompeian nobleman. My
suggestion to connect both the dedicator of the titulus mummianus and U. Kamp. with the House of the Faun is
based on the presence of these three common features: the Ionic-Doric portico around the podium temple and
in the large peristyle, the floor of lozenges in perspective in the cella and the tablinum and the lavish use of First
Style decorations in both the temple and the house. The use of these features in the fauces and the tablinum of
the House of the Faun – the richest house in Pompeii at the end of the second century – was meant to evoke the
idea of a temple or enhance the sacred atmosphere in the private realm.132 The Temple of Jupiter displays two of
these common aspects (floor and paintings) and might be the product of either the same U. Kamp. or another
wealthy Pompeian citizen.133 When we must assume, however, a restructuration of the House of the Faun at the
beginning of the first century BC, including the construction of the second peristyle and the application of wall
and floor decorations,134 the distance between the 140s BC and this date may be too long to make a direct con-
nection plausible. In that case the Temple of Apollo could have played a role as example for the patron of the
expansion of the wealthiest house of Pompeii.
132
Zevi 1998, 34-35. The religious aspect is encountered by and Guidobaldi 2006b, 39-53. Meyboom 1995, 167-172,
a visitor as early as the fauces, with its lararium-like small proposes the gens Satria as the owners of the House of the
temples in stucco in the upper zones of the side walls (Zevi Faun on the basis of the inscription of a certain V. Sadiriís V.
1998, 26-28, fig. 4). M. de Vos (PPM V, 1994, 83-84) inter- aídil, probably to be read as Vibius Satrius Vibii filius aedilis,
prets the mosaic in the House of the Faun as an imitation of in combination with the famous bronze statuette of the satyr,
the scutulatum floor in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus and falsely labelled as the eponymous ‘Faun’. On this inscription
refers to such a floor from the beginning of the first century see also Vetter 1953, 20; Castrén 1975, 42-43, 216-217;
AD in the Temple of Concordia on the Forum Romanum. Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006b, 49; Wallace-Hadrill 2008,
The only, extremely short description of the temple, how- 136.
133
ever, does not substantiate this idea (A.M. Ferroni, LTUR In a certain way, at least one veteran of Sulla took possession
I (1993) 316-320, esp. 318). The Romanisation can also of the shrine by installing a dedication, namely L. Sextilius
be seen in the presence of HAVE on the sidewalk in front L. f., inhabitant of the House of the Labyrinth (CIL X 800;
of the entrance of the house (cf. Zanker 1995, 67: a type of Strocka 1991, 135; Pesando 2006b, 86).
134
self-Romanisation; Meyboom 1995, 167). See also Pesando Faber and Hoffmann 2009, 86-88, 103-109, Beilage 10.
85
4 Paintings in Provincial Roman Temples Across the Alps
Without claiming completeness, I present in this chapter those examples of paintings in temples found in the
European provinces of the Roman Empire that have come to my attention. They have been arranged according
to modern political borders.
In most cases, nothing but fragments of murals survives, but a few complexes allow the reconstruction of
painting schemes and/or decorative programmes. In general, discussions of insignificant fragments have been
left out. Many of the studies consulted are quite technical in nature in the sense of reconstructing the decora-
tions on the basis of the fragments and through technical analyses of mortars and pigments and do not address
the decorations in their religious context. In any case, it is often difficult to determine the religious meaning of
the paintings because of the bad state of preservation of the remains of the buildings, especially when the build-
ings themselves no longer exist. Only rarely can the location of the paintings within the structures of the temple
complex (e.g. shrine, podium or portico) be established. Occasionally we are lucky enough that the lowest parts
of the walls have been preserved in situ and in these cases the remainder can be reconstructed by fitting together
the many missing pieces.
From comparative studies of decoration in Roman temples in France, it follows that these paintings rarely
contain references to the venerated gods or the cults practiced since they generally show marble imitations in
the dado and series of panels, with or without architectural elements and candelabra, in the main zone and
figural themes are extremely rare. This conclusion also holds true for the other provincial areas. The absence
of figural scenes can be explained in various ways. First, the bad state of preservation of mural paintings across
archaeological record accounts for the lack of figural scenes. Second, when decoration can be reconstructed, the
presence of figures is rare in both public and private buildings, so that we may surmise a similar paucity of such
elements in temples. The lack of good figure painters (pictores imaginarii) might be the most logical explanation
for that, possibly because hiring such skilled craftsmen was more expensive than hiring pictores parietarii.
The temple complexes can be divided into two main groups: the indigenous ones, usually called Romano-
Celtic or Romano-Gallic temples, and those constructed according to the models introduced from Italy.1 The
first category has a circular, octagonal or rectangular cella surrounded by a portico. The roof of the central fea-
ture mostly rises considerably over that of the ambulatory.2 The ‘Roman’ temples in the provinces are (pseudo-)
peripteral structures rising on a high podium; the Maison Carrée at Nîmes from the Augustan era is the most
famous example of this type.3 These buildings could, furthermore, be surrounded by a wall or portico and the
templa constituted by such a precinct often contained other religious monuments. All architectural elements
(e.g. columns, cornices, etc.) could have painted decorations. Unfortunately, it is extremely rare that substantial
remains, like those at Nîmes, are encountered in excavations. This explains why the study of the mural decora-
1 2
As for temples in the provinces of northwestern Europe see Gros 1996, 203. Cf. Fauduet 1993a. For a precise definition
Rodwell 1980; Trunk 1991; Fauduet 1993a; 1993b (inven- see D.R. Wilson in Rodwell 1980, 5-30. Wilson also dis-
tory); Derks 1998, 131-213, 256-261 (lists of monuments); cusses ‘annexes’ of various natures erected within the temple
Van Andringa 2002. See also Bruneaux 1991; Goudineau, precincts.
3
Fauduet and Coulon 1994. These studies do not discuss Gros 1996, 122-198; Trunk 1991 for the provincial examples.
painted decoration. Nîmes: Gros 1996, 157-159. No paintings were found here.
87
tions is so complicated, often the original context cannot be established because the murals are found as debris
or as pieces scattered over a survey or excavaton area.4
At present, more than six hundred and fifty indigenous temples erected in the Roman era have been found
in France, Luxembourg, Belgium, Switzerland and the German Rhineland.5 Isabelle Fauduet provides us with
the following figures:6
Paint coating Chalk coating Marble
Cella 135 10 8
Portico 077 16 3
This means that nearly one third of these indigenous temples have yielded remains of their original painted
decorations. They cover cellae, precinct walls and porticos alike, albeit the latter much less.
B ritain
Painted decoration from temples has not been found in Britain in great numbers because relatively few cultic
complexes have been excavated or extensively explored. Very few paintings have been preserved on the walls of
shrines.7
The Romano-Celtic temple in Harlow explored in the late 1920s and, again, in the 1960s must have been
richly decorated. Many plaster fragments were found in association with the foundations and surviving lower
parts of the walls. Large amounts of plaster fragments were also found in rubbish pits. R.E.M. Wheeler dated
the complex to the third or even fourth century AD. N.E. France and B.M. Gobel, on the other hand, distinguish
three building phases, the first around 80, the second at the beginning of the second century, and the third
around 200. The complex remained in use until the fourth century. These two authors give no information
regarding decorative systems, they merely mention various colours. They also report some remains of tessel-
lated floors.8
In the 1930s, a triangular temple was unearthed in Verulamium (St. Albans). It had three cellae whose exte-
rior walls were covered with plaster. The altars in the interior bore traces of red paint which might suggest that
decoration emulated marble veneer. The monument was erected in the time of Trajan and remained in use until
the late third century AD. The deity worshipped here was probably Cybele.9
4
Horne and King 1980 gives a gazetteer of numerous temples. Pagans Hill, Somerset, and Uley, Gloucestershire (see infra),
Under their category six decorative elements, among which are recorded. On Roman temples in Britain see Lewis 1967,
paintings, are mentioned. See also Fauduet 1993a, 79-81; with mention of painting and marble veneer on pp. 33-34.
1993b, 116. M. Henig, Art and Cult in the Temples of Roman Britain,
5
Fauduet 1993a, 78-81; 1993b, 95. in Rodwell 1980, 91-113 discusses many instances of sculp-
6
Fauduet 1993a, 80; 1993b, 116. “La nature du revêtement des tural decoration but excludes paintings. See also Rodwell
murs est signalée sur un cinquième des édifices [so out of her 1980, 212, 221-232. I leave out the ‘Christian rooms’ in the
sample of 653 temples, p. 95]. La plupart des revêtements sont Lullingstone villa (see Davey and Ling 1980, 138-145 no.
des enduits peints, surtout visibles sur les murs de la cella, plus 27).
8
rarement sur les parois extérieures de la galerie.” The collection Wheeler 1928; France and Gobel 1985, 31, 32, 35, 38,
is catalogued into a database by Patrice Arcelin (p. 95). 39-40.
7 9
Almost nothing can be found in the corpus of wall paintings Wheeler and Wheeler 1936, 113-120, pls. XXVI. XXXIV;
in Britain: Davey and Ling 1981, 45-46 (‘context’), where Bogaers 1955, 97; Lewis 1966, 67-69.
88
Two further temples which have been explored with comparative thoroughness can be examined in more
detail. At Uley (Gloucerstershire) a Romano-Celtic temple was erected in the early second century on the
remains of a previous fanum. Mercury was the god venerated here. Several fragments of plaster were recovered
during the excavations and a partial reconstruction suggests the presence of marbling in the dado (colours
include pink and grey) and panels above.10 As to dating, the paintings themselves give no clue, but the archaeo-
logical context points to the early second century.11 At Nettleton (Wiltshire) plaster was found in situ on the
interior walls of an octagonal shrine. Unfortunately, no decorative scheme could be completely reconstructed.
The excavators found mainly white and red fragments and pieces belonging to frames and flowers (garlands?),
most likely from a panel decoration. This octagonal building was erected after a fire in 249 and was dedicated
to Apollo, as is clear from the votive offerings.12 The most notable find was a fragment of a painted male head
on a concave surface. This may have belonged to the decoration on the cella’s vaulted ceiling. Identification of
the head as that of Apollo himself is an attractive possibility but has to remain uncertain as there is no evidence
to substantiate it.13
Fragments of plaster were found in the remains of a Roman temple in Greenwich (southeast London). In
his survey of the Greenwich remains, Gary Brown, supplies the following brief report, relying on explorations
by A.D. Webster in 1902:14
The walls were adorned with painted plaster, large quantities of which were located across the excavation area
(…) The decorative scheme included figurine and floral designs and a number of colours: reds, black, brown,
purple and white. It has been recorded by the VCH that a fragment of green porphyry was also located and
probably formed part of a wall veneer, though there is no evidence of this find in the catalogue of finds at the
Borough Museum, nor in the list of finds recorded by Webster (…).
Other decorations may have included columns, not of stone, but of circular bricks rendered with plaster and
painted with a marble effect. The latter is supposition as only circular tiles have been recovered (Webster).
This exiguous information suggests panel decorations above a dado of marble incrustation. The figural and
floral elements may have adorned the panels. As to the columns, they are not connected with the walls (as the
text seems to suggest), since the ‘circular bricks’ indicate free-standing columns constructed, in accordance with
a common Roman building technique, of brick drums covered with a coat of stucco to give them the appear-
ance of white marble. Regarding the temple’s chronology some additional research was carried out in the 1970s,
resulting in the identification of two main phases: (1) c. AD 100, (2) replacement by a more substantial struc-
ture in the mid-third century.15
A very late temple is the rectangular, basilica-like building at Lydney Park, explored in 1928-1929. The
complex was dedicated to Nodens, an otherwise unknown god, and comprised a building called an abaton, a
sort of hotel and a bath building. The excavator mentions some remains in the cella, still in situ, “painted green
and speckled crudely with black”, probably imitation marbling like serpentino or green porphyry in the dado. In
10
Elisabeth James in Woodward and Leach 1993, 184-188. See Richardson, ibidem 182-188 (description of the fragments).
13
also A. Ellison in Rodwell 1980, 305-320 (no paintings); on Wedlake 1982, 51-52, pl. XLIb.
14
its cult statue M. Henig, ibidem, 321-326. Brown 2002, 303, 304.
11 15
Woodward and Leach 1993, 310-316, figs. 212-213 (recon- Further excavation was carried out in 1999 under the aegis
struction). Colour plate II opposite p. 312 has an implausible of Birkbeck College, University of London, and the “Time
decoration, with pink and grey zones in the lower section Team” crew (a television programme), when a fragment of
without frames but adorned with a single lozenge, and red an inscription was found. The results were very limited: see
and yellow oblong panels, sometimes with garlands, in the Current Archaeology 167 (March 2000) 440. This informa-
main zone, whereas the upper parts of the walls are left bare. tion has kindly been provided by Roger Ling.
12
Wedlake 1982, 36 (dating), 40, 48, pl. XLII (in situ). E.W.
89
Fig. 36 Elst, reconstruction of the murals in the cella
of the second Gallo-Roman Temple, end first century
AD (Bogaers 1955, pl. 22).
Iiil i
I.
I: ~
,
"
, ,
rE "
::c' •
,\ ,'
I! 1!
6\
rE ~~. ~
-'.
'- --'
I
,
.' .'
•
"
.. -- ...
.,".-
",
'
'- --
o ~".
a second phase, though probably not much later in time, the building was restored and embellished by panels.
The main surfaces were red and yellow but other colours are also recorded. This phase also saw the insertion of
a lavishly decorated mosaic floor.16 The whole sequence at Lydney was dated between 364 and 367 on the basis
of coins found there by the excavator R.E.M. Wheeler. New explorations in the early 1980s, however, have made
it clear that the complex must have been constructed in the second half of the third century. The dates proposed
by Wheeler probably relate to the time of abandonment. The new chronology relies on a re-assessment of the
coin evidence.17
T h e L ow C ountries
Apart from a temple in Elst (fig. 36), there are very few traces of decoration from the few temples in the area
comprised by the modern states of Belgium and The Netherlands.18 As these finds are nothing more than tiny
fragments of plaster fallen off the walls, no conclusions can be drawn about decorative systems.
16 18
Wheeler and Wheeler 1932, 24 (citation), 27. As far as I know, Luxembourg has no temples with paintings
17
Casey and Hoffmann 1999. Here nothing on mural decora- from the Roman era, apart from Dalheim (see Cabuy 1991,
tions. 265-267, but no paintings mentioned). For an overview
Fauduet 1993b, 37. Cf. Cabuy 1991.
90
Fig. 37 Elst, reconstruction of the murals in the cella
of the second Gallo-Roman Temple, end first century
AD (©Ton Derks).
•
o 50o",
The temple in Elst, referred to in the introduction as being the incentive for my study, remains the exception
to the rule.19 In his excellent 1955 PhD research, Jules Bogaers examined the fragments of wall painting from
the temple. Bogaers distinguished two phases of use, each with its own decoration. The cella and probably the
exterior walls and those of the surrounding portico were decorated in both phases.20 The Phase II decoration in
the cella can be visualised almost completely. It consists of a panel decoration with candelabra in the separating
bands above a dado with marble imitations (fig. 36). The upper zone is unclear, Peter Weterings has made clear
recently that some figural elements - which were entirely absent according to Bogaers - may be reconstructed in
the shape of vignettes on the panels and acroteria on top of the panels (missing in the drawing, fig. 37).21 The
tops of the candelabra, however, seem to lack the usual umbrellas, whereas the height of the panels in respect to
their breadth might be larger. In sum, the reconstruction as a whole appears rather inelegant.
Bogaers dated the second phase to the Flavian era and connected it with the pact signed after AD 70 between
the Romans and the Batavi.22 Research carried out in 2002-2003 by the Free University at Amsterdam in the area
19
Still fundamental, Bogaers 1955. See also Horne and King 125-134, pl. 21-24 (Temple II).
21
1980, 405; Rodwell 1980, fig. 1.4; Trunk 1991, 18, 8-190; P. Weterings in Derks et al. 2008, 92-98, pls. 6-8. Before
Gros 1996, 200 fig. 238; Van Enckevort and Thijssen this publication, we discussed his research carried out for
2005 (mainly on a second Gallo-Roman temple explored his 2004 MA thesis, Free University at Amsterdam. I thank
in 2002). For the most recent explorations see Derks et al. Peter Weterings and Ton Derks for the permission to include
2008. the new reconstruction in this publication.
20 22
Bogaers 1955, 91-95, 124-125, pl. 20 (Temple I); 95-104, Bogaers 1955, 194.
91
of the temple resulted in a re-evaluation of this chronology. Phase II was redated to the end of the first century
AD, as evidenced by a dendrochronological analysis of wooden foundation poles dating to the year 97.23 Thus,
the old historical reasoning about the foundation is no longer valid. Ton Derks and his team argue that there
was a connection with the emperor Trajan, who was very active in this region and bestowed city rights upon
Ulpia Noviomagus (Nijmegen). Hence, the complex must have been constructed at the end of the first or the
beginning of the second century AD as a result of these new impulses along the northern limes by Trajan. It
was in use until the middle of the third century. The temple was the largest of its type in the northern parts of
the Roman Empire. Bogaers had suggested that it would have been dedicated to Hercules Magusanus, the local
embodiment of a Batavian god and the Roman Hercules and this seems to be substantiated by subsequent finds
of simultaneously erected temples at Empel (see infra) and Kessel.24 Hercules Magusanus clearly was the main
divinity in this and other sanctuaries erected by the Batavians.25
When we look at the decoration, this new dating proposal is by no means problematic. Until now, it was
thought that Elst had initiated a trend of decorating walls with panels separated by candelabra. This process
lasted for decades. Such decoration is present across the northwestern part of the Roman Empire from the Fla-
vian until the Trajanic era. As a result of this new dating, Elst can no longer be considered a pioneer but rather
as having one of many examples of candelabrum-decorated walls that were fashionable around 100.26
At Empel, a village not far from the capital of the province of Noord-Brabant, ’s-Hertogenbosch, remains of
a temple for Hercules Magusanus were explored in 1990. The cult place existed from circa 100 BC onward and
was first used by the local tribe of Eburones and later by the Batavi. In the late Flavian or early Trajanic period a
monumental complex was constructed and the temple assumed the shape of a Gallo-Roman temple, similar to
that in Elst. At the end of the second century it was destroyed by fire and cult practices ended altogether around
AD 235.27 The excavation brought to light debris, including stone fragments, opus signinum floors and pieces of
painted plaster.28 The latter fragments show mainly red, but also white, green and purple surfaces which should
belong to simple panel decorations. One fragment displaying an imitation of giallo antico might be part of a dado
decoration. The dating was proposed in accordance with the traditional chronology of the temple in Elst,29 but
it seems rather likely that this is no longer tenable.
The western quarter of Nijmegen, along the river Waal, was the location of Noviomagus Batavorum, a civil
settlement raised to the status of municipium under Trajan. Remains of two temples were identified as early as
the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. These are broadly dated to the second century, i.e. during the era
when this settlement flourished. The remains on the Maasplein were again explored in 1992-1993. Fortuna
23
T. Derks in Van Enckevort and Thijssen 2005, 28 and pas- mans 2004 and Derks et al. 2008, 138-139. On Hercules as a
sim; Derks et al. 2008, 33-34, 43, 136-138. Batavian god see Roymans 2004, 235-250.
24 26
Derks 1998, 112; Roymans 2004, 144 (biggest temple), 144 See Barbet 2008, 257-259. About candelabrum walls see
note 369 (dating). The Temple of Kessel is known from Thomas 1995, 234-237; Gogräfe 1999, 83-95; Willburger
a large number of stone fragments of columns and lintels, 2004, 41-44; L. Laken, J. de Mol and R. de Kind in Bragan-
partly decorated with scrolls, found in the river Meuse. For tini 2010, 535-536. Bogaers’ own comparanda (1955, 132)
a discussion and a reconstruction see Roymans 2004, 134- give later dates.
27
144, figs. 717-723. Although Kessel has not yielded paint- Roymans and Derks 1994, 17-25, 26 (Hercules); Derks
ings, the site is a key monument in our understanding of the 1998, 112-113, 149, figs. 4.6-7.
28
situation, as is pointed out by Roymans. Roymans and Derks 1994, 47.
25 29
For a synopsis of the evidence see Roymans 2009. Cf. Roy- Roymans and Derks 1994, 47-48.
92
(identified via a fragment of votive altar with her name) and Mercury were venerated in these shrines, whereas
a temple for Jupiter has not yet been located.30 Nothing but single fragments of wall paintings are known. The
quality of the pieces stored in the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden at Leiden is extremely high: the plaster is fine-
grained and hard and the surfaces are very smooth.31
In the small village of Rijsbergen near the town of Breda in the western part of the province Brabant an
indigenous goddess called Sandraudiga was venerated in the second and third century AD. The tiny painting
fragments which must come from her temple do not allow for a reconstruction of the decorative schemes. It is
also impossible to reconstruct their position within the building.32
Several temple complexes have been found in Belgium.33 The temple in Tongres, ancient Atuatuca Tungro-
rum and central place of the Tungri, had a peripteral Italic shape and rose on a platform. The god venerated is
unknown, but might be Mercury.34 Next to fragments of marble, pieces of black-painted plaster belonging to the
cella decoration were unearthed. The date of the complex is the late first or the beginning of the second century
AD, with interventions at a later date.35
The site of Matagne-la-Petite near Namur, ancient Namurum, has remains of two temples. The interior sides
of Temple B’s cella walls have remains of a red dado, whereas on the outer sides marble veneer was imitated
with greyish, yellow and red panels.36 The complex was built in the middle of the second century on the site
of an older indigenous sanctuary and remained in use throughout the third century. A temple in its vicinity, at
Matagne-la-Grande, had a shrine with a surrounding portico decorated with white, green and black panels above
a red plinth.37
G ermany
Several examples of temples with decorations have been recorded in the modern corpora of wall painting finds
by Renate Thomas (Cologne) and Rüdiger Gogräfe (northern part of Germania Superior), whereas the southern
area along the Danube limes had been explored as early as 1956 by Klaus Parlasca and more recently by Nina
Willburger.38
30
Bogaers 1955, 26-28 (Ulpia Noviomagus I), 28-30 (Ulpia 14, cat. 36; Luttre-Liberchies-Les Bons Villers (Hainout):
Noviomagus II); Horne and King 1980, 442; Van Enckevort Delplace 1990, 18-19 cat. 52.
34
and Thijssen 1996, 77-80; Derks 1998, 201, 206; Van Enck- Horne and King 1980, 473; Cabuy 1991, 252-255.
35
evort, Haalebos and Thijssen 2000, 75-81 with a colourful J. Mertens, KJ 9 (1968) 101-106; Horne and King 1980,
reconstruction on p. 65; Ton Derks in Van Enckevort and 473; Trunk 1991, 217-218; Derks 1998, passim (see his
Thijssen 2005, 23 with illustration. On Noviomagus Roy- index p. 319). Not in Delplace 1990.
36
mans 2004, 208-209 and passim. Almost nothing in Willems Delplace 1990, 48, cat. 134. On the temple: Horne and King
and Van Enckevort 2009, 73-74 (construction by the Tenth 1980, 431; Cabuy 1991, 234-240; Derks 1998, 176; De Boe
Legion), 129-134 (cults), 133. 1978; 1979 (nothing about paintings).
31 37
Moormann 1984, 61-64. It is not really certain whether they Delplace 1990, 48, cat. 133.
38
belong to one or to both temples. Parlasca 1956; Thomas 1993; Gogräfe 1999; Willburger
32
Bogaers 1955, 34-37; Moormann 1982, 164-165; Derks 2004. See also the list in Derks 1998, 260-261. For the
1998, 166. On the goddess J.B. Keune, RE I A1 (1920) 2268- Rhineland see also the map in Fauduet 1993b, 37. Renate
2269. Thomas (1993), however, includes almost no temple paint-
33
On temples in Roman Belgium see: Mariën 1980, passim; ings (p. 317: Gallo-Roman temple in Insula A/7) and these
Wightman 1985, 177-187; Cabuy 1991, with decoration cannot be analysed more thoroughly. Cologne, therefore, is
briefly discussed on p. 115. Lists in Fauduet 1993b, 36 (map) excluded from this overview (see Trunk 1991, 196-204).
and Derks 1998, 256. On Roman paintings in Belgium, Del- The same applies to Xanten (see Trunk 1991, 230-237),
place 1990. Here two examples not specified in the follow- where the only painting finds hitherto published come from
ing: Velzeke-Steenbeke (eastern Flanders): Delplace 1990, houses: Jansen, Schreiter and Zelle 2001.
93
The most northern example is Kornelimünster, not far from Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen), where fragments
of plaster were found in the 1960s and 1970s in a sanctuary called Varnenum. The few notices speak about
remains in situ, showing a winged horse, whereas pieces in many colours were retrieved during a field survey.39
The shrine, of which substantial remains of the foundation have come to light, must have been dedicated to the
local god Varneno and goddess Sunuxsal. Ceramics date the temple to the late first and the early second century.
Panels separated by candelabra adorned one of the three cellae in three separate buildings in a Gallo-Roman
temple complex at Brachtendorf near Koblenz excavated in 1927-1928.40 The mural decorations belong to the
type of panel decorations known from Elst. Gogräfe stresses their quality, as evidenced especially by the figural
details of the candelabra. The dado contained panels filled with plants. There is no iconographic connection
between the Matrona cult and the decoration. The candelabrum motifs (craters, floral and animal motifs) point
to prosperity, hoped for by the people thanks to the help of the Matronae.41 No information is available on the
chronology of the decorations but they might be contemporary to other instances of Schirmkandelaber decora-
tions from the late first century AD similar to the ones from Elst (fig. 36-37).42
Oskar Peret has studied traces of a small sanctuary for Mercury found in 1924 in Cannstatt (now a suburb
of Stuttgart). The sanctuary, located along one of the public roads, consisted of a niche with a statue. Some frag-
ments of paintings could be attributed to the decoration of this niche. A floral frieze - that should be dated to the
Fourth Style – ran under the dome which contained other floral motifs on a white background.43 The open-air
aedicula was flanked by a relief showing Diana and a Jupiter column. It is likely to have formed a clear example
of a private cultic monument set up by a thankful worshipper.
A temple in Augsburg, ancient Augusta Vindelicum, was first explored in 1920. The front hall has decorative
elements which have been partly reconstructed and are now in the municipal museum. These finds were found
in an area called “Beim Pfaffenkeller 3.” The main zone consists of panels separated by columns enclosed at the
top by an ovolo. The appearance of the dado and the upper zone is unknown. The paintings probably date to the
early second century AD, the most prosperous period of Roman Augsburg.44 Parlasca stresses the correspond-
ence with the secular interiors of houses.45
Faimingen-Phoebiana on the Danube, not far from Augsburg, still bears the name of Phoebus Apollo, who
was worshipped there during the second and third centuries AD. Excavations brought to light the remains of a
temple for the local god Grannus, romanised as Apollo. The temple rises on a podium and has a shape derived
from Roman examples as well as a ‘classical’ portico. The building is sine postico.46 The evidence was good
enough for the excavators to reconstruct the portico’s wall paintings: over a red dado with a marble imitation
there were green, yellow and possibly lilac panels that were separated by stylised candelabra like those at Elst.
39 44
D. Haupt, BJ 172 (1975) 526-530, esp. 526 [find report]; See Willburger 2004, 24-26 for an overview of Augsburg’s
Horne and King 1980, 424; Trunk 1991, 204-206; Cabuy Roman history.
45
1991, 220-223. Parlasca 1956, 25, pl. 17: “Die Malereien des Künstlerhoftem-
40
The data have never been published. See Horne and King pels haben demnach einen Charakter, der keinen Hinweis auf
1980, 389; Gogräfe 1999, 217, 276-278, cat. 96, figs. 161, die sakrale Bestimmung des Bauwerks enthält.” He refers to the
204, 205. temple in Elst (cf. Bogaers 1955, 7). See Thomas 1995, 289,
41
Gogräfe 1999, 217, with numerous references. He suggests fig. 221; Willburger 2004, 97-98, pl. 17.3. Location: ibidem
a connection between the motif and the idea of aurea aetas 30, fig. 3, no. C.
46
(pp. 121-122). Trunk 1991, 190-192; Eingartner, Eschbauer and Weber
42
At Pommern, not far from Koblenz, fragments of compara- 1993, 66 with comparisons. Dating to “Phase 3”, i.e. (p. 61)
ble paintings must have been found: Horne and King 1980, shortly after the middle of the second century. About Apollo
449-450; Gogräfe 1999, 466. Grannus who was venerated here, see Eingartner, Eschbauer
43
Paret 1925, 6-12, esp. 11-12, figs. 14, 16. Briefly also Paret and Weber 1993, 122-136 and Willburger 2004, 107.
1932, 56, pl. VI.1 (on the site p. 292).
94
In the upper zone, garlands hung on oblong panels of various colours.47 It is clear that this decoration does not
differ from trends in private houses, thus implying a lack of cult-specific elements. The choice of this panel
decoration in these long walking corridors is practical since it is a paratactic system that can be elongated as
much as needed according to the dimensions of the walls to be decorated. Unfortunately, a more precise dating
cannot be established.
In the village of Hochscheid (Kreis Bernkastel-Wittlich, not far from Trier) in Rheinland-Pfalz remains
of a temple with a spa and dedicated to Apollo Grannus and Sirona were found as early as 1939, but a final
publication was not presented before 1975, after new excavations in the 1960s. The rural sanctuary consisted
of a Gallo-Roman temple and some hotel-like structures where pilgrims could find shelter, whereas the bath
complex offered both medical and hygienic services. It was in use between the middle of the first and the end
of the third century AD.48 Fragments of mural paintings were found in all buildings. A part of the bathhouse’s
decorative system, showing a speckled dado with the imitation of a marble veneer and black and red panels, was
reconstructed by Gerd Weisgerber. The main zone in this reconstruction shows a sort of checkerboard, but a
series of standing panels is much more plausible.49 The decorations do not contain any iconographic reference
to the two local gods, who had specific healing qualities and were therefore venerated in this peculiar spa.50
The numerous temples and votive monuments in the Altbachtal area in Trier, south of the ‘imperial baths’,
which were in use during the entire imperial era, must have possessed many murals. In the publication by Sieg-
fried Loeschcke, however, the reader finds only short references to the red painted surfaces of the outer walls
of temples nos. 12, 25, A, GII and H. The Vorio pillar had a yellow panel with brown vertical lines.51 Erich
Gose, who directed the excavations between 1926 and 1932, completed the final publication before his death
in 1971. There he lists some more buildings with plaster. The reader easily understands why so little has been
preserved: the area was radically destroyed by a fire in AD 275 and the later constructions fell prey to incursions
and destructions. The remains visible during the explorations, but now no longer extant, are mainly substruc-
tions in local stone and rarely include the higher parts of the walls, and in those cases only the lowest sections. If
plaster fragments had been found among the debris, Gose did not include them in his descriptions of the single
buildings.52
At Tawern, at a short distance from Trier, the existence of four Gallo-Roman temples has been established.
The small amount of fragments of painted plaster discovered in the cellae does not permit a reconstruction of
the wall decorations, but it is likely that there was a series of panels in the main zone. The external walls and the
precinct of the complex had the same type of murals. The complex was dedicated to Mercury and remained in
use during the third and fourth century AD.53
47
Eingartner, Eschbauer and Weber 1993, 210-216, pl. 66-67. 38-40 (building 3, Vorio Pillar); 82 (building 12, ‘Temple
Also mentioned in Gogräfe 1999, 217. with stucco’); 86 (building 24, ‘Mother chapel’); building
48
Weisgerber 1975, 12-47. Chronology and interpretation: pp. 45 (Rotunda); 137 (building 38, Temple with peripteros:
79-101. See also Cabuy 1991, 289-293. mosaic and marble veneer); 143 (building 40, Chapel M:
49
Weisgerber 1975, 186-189, pls. 35-37 (the latter has the inside marble veneer, outside stuccoed). See on the excava-
reconstruction). tions’ history R. Schindler in Gose 1972, VIII-XIII. The
50
On the gods Weisgerber 1975, 102-110. same author gives a good summary of the whole work,
51
Loeschcke 1938, 135 (in the second volume of 1942 no namely chronology, plan of the area, and gods venerated
paintings are recorded or discussed). Cf. Bogaers 1955, 97; (ibidem 261-277).
53
Horne and King 1980, 475-481. Faust 1999. In the reconstruction of the cella of the largest
52
Gose 1972, 7 (building 76a, dedicated to Fortuna and Casus temple, a wall painting from a house in Verulamium has been
or Cassus); 21 (building 4, shrine of Mercury: yellow dado used as example, which is rather deceiving (pp. 32-36, figs.
and red surface over it) 28 (building 6, temple of Ritona); 3-4: panel decoration). See also Cabuy 1991, 341-343.
95
Remains of two temples were excavated in the early twentieth century next to the villa of Otrang near Bit-
burg and Trier. The discovery of wall paintings that once decorated the cellae was duly reported, but no further
documentation is at hand.54 As to the venerated gods, Mercury, Diana and Mars are mentioned on the basis of
the finds, which, however, are not conclusive.
When Postumus was declared emperor in 259 at Krefeld, he struck coins with Hercules Deusoniensis, appar-
ently in tribute to the local god venerated here. Remains of a temple were found on the left bank of the Rhine in
the 1980s and it seems to have been erected in the middle of the second century AD over an existing precinct
with a holy tree. In the middle of the third century, large-scale reconstruction and redecoration work was carried
out as becomes clear, from among other things, the lavish paintings found. It is tempting to link this reconstruc-
tion and immediate destruction afterwards to the usurper Postumus. The fragments of paintings were found
amidst the debris and show elements of architectural framing.55
The last pagan shrine that is of interest in this German context was found in 1923 in the Hennebergstraße at
Bingen. Gogräfe proposed that the beautiful imitation of green porphyry slabs over a black dado, with red bands
and giallo antico additions, date to the late third century. It is clear that these murals do not betray anything
about the character and function of the building they adorned.56
S witzerland
Like in Germany, several Swiss complexes where fragments of painted decorations have come to light that were
only summarily published or not at all, whereas these plaster pieces remained – and mostly remain – utterly
neglected.57 Roman Aventicum (Avenches Vd) has two temples from which remains of paintings are known.
The temple in La Grange du Dîme (or La Grange-des-Dîmes), dating to the first half of the first century AD,
contains fragments of a plaster layer in cinnabar-red.58 Next to it there was a round temple surrounded by a
dodecagonal precinct in which the architectural details were modelled in stucco relief.59
54
Horne and King 1980, 444-445; Cabuy 1991, 277-280. See Dietikon (ZH), villa with shrine, coloured green, beginning
Gose 1932, 127 and note 16: presence of paintings in the of second century AD: C. Ebnöther, Der römische Gutshof in
temple with peripteros. Cf. Cüppers 1975, 29-31 (no paint- Dietikon (Monographien der Kantonsarchäologie Zürich,
ings mentioned). 25), Zurich 1995, 194. – Eschenz (TG): Apelles 7 (2010) no.
55
Reichmann 1989, 9 (with an illustration of the painting of a 686. - Gamsen (VS): ArchS 20.1 (1997) 25-36. – Genève,
Corinthian capital). Nothing else has been published about imperial cult: Apelles 7 (2010) no. 688. - Martigny (VS),
these decorations. indigenous temple, middle first century AD: Ph. Wiblé,
56
R. Gogräfe, MainzZ 4 (1997) 92, fig. 123; Gogräfe 1999, JbSchwUrgesch 79 (1996) 258. – Meyriez (FR), aedicula, red
258-259 no. 71, fig. 15. paint: Apelles 4 (2001) no. 598. – Riaz (FR), temple Mars
57
For a map of temples in Switzerland see Fauduet 1993b, 38. Caturix, red and black panels in the ambulatory: Apelles
In his seminal study on Roman wall painting in Switzerland, 3 (1998) no. 633; Apelles 7 (2010) no. 701-702. – Ursins
Drack (1950) did not document any temple decorations. (VD), indigenous temple partly preserved in a church, imita-
Fuchs 1989, 103 lists some fragments of paintings from tion of blocks on podium in red and white, late first century
the ancient site of Iuliomagus (Schleitheim near Schaff AD: J.-B. Gardiol, JbSchwUrgesch 72 (1989) 290-294, esp.
hausen), probably from a second century temple. All other 291. – Yverdon-les-Bains (VD), sanctuary, two layers of
sites in Fuchs 1989 (with additions to Drack) are domestic paintings, AD 40-50: F. Menna and A. Schopfer, JbSchwUr-
complexes. I am omitting Bern-Engehalbinsel, temple D on gesch 87 (2004) 303-312, esp. 308, 313 note 12. - Yvonand
which see Horne and King 1980, 386 and the references (VD), sanctuary next to a villa, paintings in ambulatory: Ch.
given there. For the Martigny Mithraeum see Chapter 7. Ebnöther, JbSchwUrgesch 86 (2003) 249.
58
Thanks to Michel Fuchs and his entries in the bibliographi- Find record in JbSchwUrgesch 74 (1991) 253-254. Cf. Horne
cal repertory Apelles 1 (1992)-7 (2010), I can give some and King 1980, 382; Trunk 1991, 182-183 (without paint-
examples. Brig-Glis (VS), ‘Bau 1’, paintings late first cen- ings).
59
tury AD: O. Paccolat, ArchS 20.1 (1997) 25-36, esp. 31-32. - Morel 1993.
96
Just under the edge of the amphitheatre in Augusta Raurica (Augst Bl), there are remains of a temple, called
Sichelen 1, dating to the late first century AD. The main zone possessed a decoration of panels intertwined by
candelabra on white, green and red surfaces which might have looked like the famous ‘candelabrum wall’ from
Cologne.60
The cella of a temple in Jona-Kempraten (SG) still has traces of a red plaster layer in situ. Its chronology
is unclear, although some information about the complex is known. The temple was constructed in the first
century AD and subsequently reconstructed after destruction by an unknown cause in the third century. It
remained in use until the fourth century.61
F rance
Some overviews of decorations in Roman temples in France help us gain insight into sacral paintings.62 Several
monuments with paintings were briefly discussed in an old study about round and polygonal temples by Harald
Koethe but will be omitted from this discussion because the remains are too scanty.63 The following discussion
presents some examples in chronological order.
At Champlieu (Oise) there are remains of a temple next to a rather well-preserved theatre. Early explorations
are known from the eighteenth century, whereas the famous architect Eugène Viollet-le-Duc carried out excava-
tions in the 1850s.64 The squarish cella was surrounded by a portico, adorned with an elaborate decoration in
60
Horne and King 1980, 377-378; Bossert-Radtke 1989, 129, and King 1980, 381-382: Avalon, ambulatory; 383-384:
133, fig. 33 (wall Cologne, here figs. 34-35; cf. Thomas Beauclair (Barbet 2008, 139, fig. 194); 386: Berthouville,
1993, 177-207). Most recently J. Morel and A. Masur, temple D; 389: Braquemont, porch; 392: Cantelu; 392-393:
JbSchwUrgesch 88 (2005) 346-347. Cf. the examples col- Carnac, cella; 393: Le Catelier-de-Criqueboeuf-sur-Seine;
lected in Gogräfe 1999, 83-95. 397: Chassey; 401 (Barbet 2008, 321): Crain, ambula-
61
Jona SG, Kempraten – Meienbergstrasse, JbSchwUrgesch 81 tory; 409-410: Faye-l’Abbesse; 412-413: Gergovie, temple
(1998) 295 (record about the discovery); Matter 1999, 199- A, cella; temple B, outer wall of cella; 413: Goh-Illis;
200, fig. 8. 418: Harfleur, cella; 421: Izernore, geometric and figural
62
Some general observations in Barbet 1993, 9-10; Fauduet motifs; La Londe; 427: Louviers; 429: La Mare-de-Puits,
1993a, 78-79; Barbet and Becq 1994. In the latter essay fif- in- and outside cella; 433: Mont-Berny, foliate motifs; 437:
teen temples, at least eight of which are indigenous, are pre- Mont-Saint-Vincent, in- and outside cella; 439: Naintré-
sented. Important issues regarding temples in Gaule, though Vieux-Poitiers; 444: Orgeville, 444: Orival, in- and outside
there is no reference to paintings, have been addressed in cella; 452: Rajat; 455: Rieux, inside cella; 457-458: Saint-
Van Andringa 2002. Cf. Woolf 1998, 206-237, who also Aubin-sur-Gaillon, in- and outside; 461: Saint-Léomer,
does not discuss painted mural decorations. See now Barbet in- and outside (cf. É. de Vezeaux de Lavergne, Le sanctuaire
2008: chronological order of monuments, that are not dis- gallo-romain de Mazamas à Saint-Léomer, Paris 1999, 49-50,
cussed in groups according to their function. brief description of fragments; no illustrations); 461-562:
63
Koethe 1933 lists paintings in the following monuments Saint-Marcel; 463: Saint-Ouen-de-Thouberville, Fourth
(I add his catalogue numbers): (1) Beaumont-le-Roger Style; 463-464: Saintes, temple B (nothing in L. Maurin,
(Horne and King 1980, 384), (2) Craon (Horne and King Saintes antique, Saintes 1978); 464-465: Sanxay; 473-474:
1980, 402), (9) Alise-Sainte-Reine/Alesia (Horne and King Les Tournelles; 474-475: Tremblois; 482: Triguères, temple
1980, 374; Barbet 2008, 133-134, figs. 185-186), (13) A. ThesCRA IV (2005) 157 no. 7: Gué-de-Sciaux, Gallo-
Grée-Mahé (Horne and King 1980, 414-415), (14) Herapel Roman temple with paintings applied in the era of Claudius
(Horne and King 1980, 419). Horne and King 1980 give the in the cella (no bibliography!). Finally, Barbet, 2008, 304
following cases which I shall not discuss either because of has a note on murals of the imperial period in fanum I at La
the scant data given in the bibliography provided by these Graufesenque.
64
authors and mention of possibly striking aspects. Horne Woimant 1993, 69.
97
Fig. 38 Champlieu, temple candelabrum with small pinax, monkey (?), and phoenix,
now Museé Vivenel, Compiègne (photo A. Barbet).
stone. It had a black-and-white floor mosaic in opus tessellatum, while the main zone of the walls showed red and
black panels surrounded by subtle ornamental frames, separated by thin columns and scrolls (fig. 38). The dado
was embellished with plants and herons on a black ground.65 A dating to the time of Tiberius can be assumed,
but one decade after is also acceptable as the excavator, George Pierre Woimant, has made clear that the paint-
ings belong to Phase III, which follow the Tiberian Phase II.66 The simple, but carefully executed murals, which
are rich thanks to the variation of figural details, do not differ from contemporary private decorations of the
Third Style in the centre of the Empire.
At Lardiers (Alpes-de-Haute-Provence) remains of a Gallo-Roman temple with a surrounding portico were
explored in the early 1960s. The inner walls of the cella had red panels framed by white bands, whereas the outer
walls showed orthostates in stucco relief. The walls of the portico also had painted panels in various colours.
The sanctuary was erected in the early first century AD and remained in use for some three centuries, as has
become clear from an analysis of the coins found there in great numbers. The divinity to which the complex was
65
Horne and King 1980, 395-396; Barbet 1983, 156-160, fig. oration, restored in the centre for the study of wall paintings at
33; A. Barbet, in Picardie 1982, 45-48; Defente 1990, 44-47, Soissons, is on show in the Musée Vivenel at Compiègne.
66
fig. 7-11; Woimant 1993, 107-116, figs. 17-18; Thomas 1995, Woimant 1993, 89-90, 110. Phase IV (p. 127-128) had a
192-193, fig. 120; Gogräfe 1999, 217; Barbet 2008, 101- even richer sculptural decoration but no paintings. Barbet
102, figs. 131-132. Barbet 1993, 9 labels the decorations as 2008, 102 dates the mosaic to the second half of the first
“atypiques.” Woimant 1993, 108, reports that a part of the dec- century AD.
98
dedicated is not known.67 The contrast between interior and exterior – painting and relief – is similar to that of
the Temple of Jupiter in Pompeii. It is not clear whether the decorations remained the same during this long
lapse of time or whether they were restored. In the latter case the painters adopted the traditional forms from
the time of the temple’s foundation.
The decoration inside the portico of a temple in Les Bolards-Nuits-Saint-Georges (Côte d’Or), not far from
Dijon, also dates to the Tiberian era. Here, red panels with upper delimitations in the shape of pediments were
separated by black pilasters filled with slim candelabra. In a later phase, around the middle of the first century
AD, additions were made; only red and black panels are still recognisable.68 The building has been interpreted as
a Mithraeum, but it lacks the typical characteristics of that group of cult rooms. Moreover, the early chronology
prohibits such an interpretation of this complex.
At Châteauneuf (Savoy), on the river Isère, two cellae within a single portico, forming a Gallo-Roman
shrine, were erected at the beginning of the first century AD on top of an indigenous sanctuary to Limetus. The
dedication of the complex was extended to Mercury and his mother Maia, as well as Augustus and Roma. This
building was destroyed in the Flavian era. The paintings found are mostly red panels (90 % of the fragments)
and the remaining 10 % shows white surfaces.69 The importance in this case is not the decoration itself, but
rather the seventy graffiti scribbled upon the plaster that contain dedicatory and gratitude formulas to the gods
mentioned.70 The presence of these texts makes it plausible that the paintings in question decorated the outer
walls, which would have been accessible to the worshippers. Mermot’s suggestion that the murals belong to the
Third Style cannot be substantiated by the pieces published, but may be probable.
The portico of the fanum at Loubers (Tarn) in the surroundings of Toulouse was built before the middle of
the second century AD. It had dark-red panels, whilst the temple’s cella possessed figural scenes. Murals were
added when the sanctuary was extended. These are only preserved in fragments from a destruction layer dating
to the middle of the first century AD. There are two female figures in the cella, one of whom plays two cymbals
and the other a sort of kithara. Both stand on a yellow field. They are seen as ministers of a cult and rendered
in an archaic style. Barbet compares them with some figures in contemporary Pompeian painting – who do not
have a cult-specific function - and concludes that a precise definition of the figures remains elusive.71 One can-
not but endorse this clusion and will not immediately label the girls as cultic assistants, but rather neutrally as
musicians or – still less definitively – as women with musical instruments. They look like Fourth-Style figures,
but could even have belonged to a late Third-Style ensemble, the composition of which remains unclear.
The temple of Cracouville near Vieil-Evreux (Eure) was excavated in the 1930s.72 The oldest, Gaulish tem-
ple would have had blue external walls, the later Roman fanum red ones, whereas the interior contained a panel
decoration. The dado of the latter murals had black panels with garlands and the red fields of the main zone
were alternated by bands with candelabra. This example must have been executed around the middle of the first
67
Reports of the finds, but without images: H. Rolland, Gallia si toutefois des libations et des chants rhythmés y étaient célébrés,
22 (1964) 545-550; 25 (1967) 387-391. Cf. Horne and King mais on remarquera qu’elles hantent tout autant les chambres et
1980, 425. les salons des maisons privées. Le thème n’est donc pas réservé à
68
Plateau-Comte 1985, 65-69, figs. 8.4-8.8; Barbet 2008, un sanctuaire, et son emploi est largement répandu.” See also
60-61, fig. 56. Bessou 1978, 192 (cella), 193 (‘déambulatoire’), 198-199,
69
Mermot 1993, 102. Instead of the idea of white frames sug- fig. 15; Barbet 2008, 95, figs. 117-119.
72
gested by Mermot, I think that white lower or upper zones Horne and King 1980, 400-401; Gruaz 1985. Two small
are more probable. pieces of paintings from the temple are illustrated in Picardie
70
Mermot 1993, 105-124. There is also an official inscription 1982 (Claudine Allag, p. 103-105). Horne and King 1980,
on a slab for Limetus (p. 104-105, figs. 8-9). 488-489 mention another temple at Vieil-Evreux (temple C,
71
Barbet and Becq 1994, 106, fig. 3: “En conclusion, ces figurines outer walls of cella: painted opus sectile).
d’assistantes à un sacrifice conviennent à la destination du lieu,
99
Fig. 39 Jublains, temple, exterior wall of precinct, pigeon (photo A. Barbet). For a colour version of this figure, see page 241.
century AD, as can be deduced from the composition of the candelabra with their elements dating to the late
Third and early Fourth Style.
Information about a temple in the town of the Diablintes at Jublains is known from the 1830s onwards, when
the first research was carried out.73 A double portico, with colonnaded corridors at the exterior (there is only
one entrance on the eastern side) and the interior surrounds a quadrangular terrain on which a temple rises on
a high platform. Considerable remains of the peribolos wall of the portico, as it is called by the French research-
ers guided by Jacques Naveau, and the temple itself have been preserved as well as elements of the architectural
order (Corinthian capitals, entablature fragments). Visitors were able to see remains of paintings on the peri-
bolos wall, including parts of a human figure.74 The most recent excavations in the late 1980s and early 1990s
recovered fragments of a panel decoration adorning the interior portico. Some bear graffiti like the paintings at
Châteauneuf. The pieces might belong to a system of black panels separated by thin columns in green and yel-
low. Other panels could have been blue or green. There were vignettes of birds, either placed in the centre of the
panels or in the still missing dado (fig. 39). The paintings have been dated to AD 45-80. The ensemble fits well
into the usual schemes of the Fourth Style. The venerated deity – there are fragments of a cult statue – might be
a fertility and/or water goddess like Fortuna, Abundantia, a mater or similar.75
The indigenous temple in Saint-Germain d’Esteuil (Gironde) had a similar combination of elements in its
cella. The black dado supported a main zone with red panels, between which stood columns, and an upper
zone with figures. The precinct wall was decorated with white panels showing repetitive patterns. The com-
plex was constructed in the second half of the first century AD, in the period of the Fourth Style. There are
intriguing, but unfortunately scanty, pieces of figural scenes occupying the panels of the cella. One of them has
73
Horne and King 1980, 421-422; Naveau 1997, 115-202. Naveau 1997, 180-187, figs. 108-116 and photo 1-8; Barbet
Also mentioned by J. Naveau and B. Pivette in Goudineau, 2008, 138-139, 354, fig. 535.
75
Fauduet and Coulon 1994, 99-103. Naveau 1997, 187-189, 200.
74
On the paintings Sabine Groetembril and Alix Barbet in
100
Fig. 40 Saint-Germain d’Esteuil, tem-
ple, person in front of group, now
Depot of Verteuil (photo A. Barbet).
For a colour version of this figure, see
page 242.
Fig. 41 Saint-Germain d’Esteuil,

temple, seated person with
inscription ABOVNV, now
Depot of Verteuil (photo A.
Barbet). For a colour version of
101
remains of a ship and is interpreted as Theseus abandoning Ariadne at Naxos. Another panel bears the word
abounu under the right foot of a kneeling man with hands downwards, maybe holding a knife, and looking up
at a lost object or person (fig. 40-41). The text should probably be read as Aplonou, namely Apollo. The female
figure next to a moon crescent and stars in another square frame might be Diana-Luna. However, the exact
interpretation of these human figures is beyond reach.76
Comparable to the Elst decorations – and contemporary to, or one or two decades older – are the paintings
from the temple in Ribemont-sur-Ancre (Somme), not far from Amiens. A tropaeum of the late La Tène era is
covered by a temple of the Augustan period whose cella was adorned by a black dado with red lozenges and a
series of red panels in the main zone separated by black bands during a second, possibly middle- or late-Flavian
phase. These were filled by slim candelabra.77 This middle zone is crowned by a thin frieze with lotus flowers,
but what adorned the upper zone is unknown. Some of the figural elements adorning the black panels have
been preserved; on the red panels garlands formed the main adornments, whereas the upper zone possessed
(possibly) figural acroteria and shields. Despite the scant concrete data, Christine Marchand associated these
elements with ‘grand’ forms of sacral architectural decorations like pediments.78 The god venerated was Mars,
but we cannot associate the depicted motifs specifically with this inhabitant of the temple. The shields are
rather generic elements used in wall paintings. There are also fragments of decorations from phase V, namely
the second and third centuries AD, which have been applied in combination with a lavish marble decoration of
the floors and parts of the walls. These plaster pieces, in contrast, are modest, but we have to wait for the final
publication before a good judgment can be formulated.
The city of Allonnes (Sarthe) has a sanctuary dedicated to Mars Mullo containing fragments of murals from
the decorations of the quadriporticus around the monumental podium temple. Above a dado of marble plaques
applied in the technique of opus sectile – real mosaic and painted imitations alike - there were red and black
panels painted between slim yellow columns in the main zone. The upper zone cannot be reconstructed, but
apparently the same colours were used in this register of the walls. The portico was constructed in the 130s and
its decorations probably belong to this phase.79
At Eu (Seine-Maritime), site Bois-l’Abbé, remains of a temple were found at the beginning of the nineteenth
century. They date to the third century. Later explorations revealed parts of other cult buildings in the same area,
all still showing traces of painted decoration.80 The paintings from the small late first or early second century
fanum, located south of the large temple, can be studied in greater detail. Marion Muller was able to reconstruct
the murals of the outer walls: a simple panel decoration with a dado speckled in blue and red, and white framed
panels with drinking horns attached to the upper frame. Between these panels appear candelabra, adorned with
76
Barbet 1993, 9 pl. 1.1; Barbet and Becq 1994, 107-108 fig. Style candelabrum walls from the late first and early second
7-12; Barbet 2008, 225-227, figs. 349-351. The suggestion century, as was observed correctly in Bruneaux 1999 and
about Aplonou was given to me by Hélène Eristov and is 2000. Bruneaux 1999, 181, 220, 225-226, fig. 41: brief men-
based on an oral communication between her and Christian tion of the paintings.
78
Peyre; now also in Barbet 2008, 226. As to chronology, the Marchand 2003, esp. 103.
79
paintings might belong to remodelling around 100 (Barbet Horne and King 1980, 374-375; Allag and Cormier 2003;
2008, 225). C. Allag in Brouquier-Reddé and Gruel 2004, 339-340, figs.
77
Horne and King 1980, 454; C. Allag, in Picardie 1982, 81; 58-59 on pl. X; Barbet 2008, 208. The findings belong to the
Marchand 2003. See also Cadoux 1971 and 1978. See on ‘fifth horizon’ (Brouquier-Reddé and Gruel 2004, 335-343,
the paintings Quillet 1978; Barbet 1983, 155-156, fig. 32; fig. 56).
80
Gogräfe 1999, 217; Barbet 2008, 179, figs. 267-269. Barbet Horne and King 1980, 408-409; Muller 1990; Barbet 1993,
1983 speaks about a ripe Third Style from the Flavian era, 9; Barbet and Becq 1994, 104-107, fig. 2; Gogräfe 1999, 217;
but in my opinion this is not the case; in her 2008 book she Barbet 2008, 241-245, figs. 376-383. A reconstruction draw-
uses the more sensible expression “heritage du IIIe style, mais ing is published in Baldassarre 2002, 336.
enrichi.” The decoration belongs to the large group of Fourth
102
Fig. 42 Eu, Bois-l’Abbé, temple,
candelabrum with two lyres
(photo A. Barbet). For a colour
version of this figure, see page
242.
musical instruments and theatrical masks. The image of a lyre (fig. 42) led Alix Barbet to suggest that the shrine
was a temple to Apollo, but her proposal, albeit formulated with reticence, cannot be substantiated and some
other figural elements could refer to Dionysos.81 Elements referring to Dionysos are also preserved in the small
temple 6, dating to the Hadrianic era. Its cella had a rich system in the dado and the main zone, whereas the
upper register is lacking. Black and red panels, filled with thyrsoi, garlands and plants, occupy the dado. The
red panels of the main zone contain tiny arched aediculae embellished with masks tied to the arches. These are
separated by black zones containing robust candelabra with, on top, standing figures of which the lower parts
of two unidentifiable persons have been reconstructed. One is a cuirassed man with boots and sporting a lance
and a shield, whereas the other, in tunic and breeches, appears to be dancing. The latter also has a quiver around
which he wraps a band.82 Noémie Frésard interprets the first man as a variation of Mars Ultor, who may be an
emperor, and the second as a mix of an easterner and Dionysos, representing the god’s Indian triumph. However,
the dancing position can also be interpreted as the right leg supporting body weight, while the left leg is lifted
slightly higher than usual. The first figure’s boots are similar to ones worn by Dionysos.83 Moreover, the strong
81 83
Alix Barbet agreed with my remark (letter June 2006) and See, for instance, statuesque figures in painting: Moormann
omitted the suggestion in Barbet 2008, 241-242. See Frésard 1988, 105-106 cat. 025/2, 110 cat. 032/3, 122-123 cat. 053,
2006: the decorations are now firmly dated to the second 124-125 cat. 057, 133 cat. 102, 138 cat. 124178 cat. 204/2
half of the second century AD. etc. (all illustrated).
82
Frésard 2006, 16-17, 19-20, fig. 4-5, pl. I.
103
Fig. 43 Nizy-le-Comte, temple, hunting scene (from Gazette Archéologique 3, 1877, pl. 35-36).
accentuation of these candelabrum figures as clues for the attribution of the temple to an emperor cult is not
convincing. The figures, including the Silen mask, shields, vegetation motifs and the candelabra themselves
belong to the realm of beauty and bounty and cannot be seen in a limited way as specific cult figures. Just as in
the case of Arras (see infra and fig. 47-48), I think that the candelabra are part of the decorative system, of which
Frésard was able to reconstruct some 12 metres with seven red panels. They do not provide solutions for the
unsolved question of the dedicatee of the temple itself.84
At Nizy-le-Comte (Aisne) figurative representations are known from the portico of a temple dedicated to an
unknown divinity. The most exciting scene is that of a hunt, presumably with an emperor among the hunters,
wearing a wreath and a paludamentum, who has been tentatively identified as Hadrian (figs. 43-45). Moreover,
it was argued that Hercules and Atlas were represented in another scene, but this group might even be Hercules
catching the stag of Kerynia. This uncertainty explains the difficulty of interpreting these fragmentary images.
The portico contained some architectural elements dating to the second century AD. Barbet finds a connection
with a cult for Hercules tempting, although she considers the paintings of no value to support this assumption.85
This reserve is expressed rightly, but in case of a correct assumption, the Aedes Augustalium at Herculaneum (see
Chapter 6) ought to be taken into account as a good comparison. As to the image of the emperor, it is argued
that he is part of a group of four hunters. As he is seen from the back in three-quarter view, but with his face
in profile, the interpretation of this person as an emperor is extremely problematic. The beard, hair and pos-
ture do not support this interpretation. The interpretation as a uenatio, proposed by Barbet, is more attractive
than that of the depiction of gladiatorial games. However, the men’s clothing clearly defines them as hunters.
84 85
Frésard 2006, 16, fig. 1, with a discussion of candelabrum Blanchet 1913, 32-34, 35 (quotation infra), 47, pls. II, VIII;
walls on pp. 18-19. Cf. now Barbet 2008, 243-245, figs. Horne and King 1990, 442-443; Barbet 1993, 9. Cf. Defente
379-382. The two other buildings yielded scanty remains of 1990, 49; Fauduet 1993a, 79; Barbet and Becq 1994, 107,
decorations: Barbet 2008, 245. fig. 4-6; Barbet 2008, 287-289, figs. 445-447.
104
Fig. 44 Nizy-le-Comte, temple, kneeling figure (from Blanchet
1913, pl. II).
Fig. 45 Nizy-le-Comte, temple, hunter with laurel

wreath, seen from behind, now Musée de Laon (photo
A. Barbet).
105
Fig. 46 Genainville, temple of Les Vaux-
de-la-Celle, northern gallery, dado of
wall A (from Berthier 1993, pl. V.2).
Another problematic case is the interpretation of a single, hitherto isolated human figure that is crouching in an
uncomfortable position and seems to be holding something over his head (fig. 44), seen by Blanchet as Diana
surprised while bathing. As at Louberon, the walls supporting the murals were very large and, therefore, we have
to keep in mind that only very small amounts of decorative elements have come to light, which prevents us from
interpreting them too boldly.
The paintings in the temple of Genainville (Val d’Oise) date to the middle of the second century AD. The
complex, called a conciliabulum, comprised of a rectangular temple with a peristyle and some adjacent build-
ings. The two cellae still display remains of a rich decoration in which the love for precious materials prevails.
Next to parts of a costly floor in opus sectile numerous fragments of the wall decorations were found during the
excavations. The dado was decorated with rectangular panels with various motifs that imitate opus sectile and
in this way connect the floor and wall decorations. The panels of the main zone were framed with red bands.
The gallery around the temple still shows paintings up to five metres high, similarly richly executed. Extremely
broad pilasters with ten flutings in a painted form alternate with panels containing architectural prospects and
here, similarly, the dado is covered with colourful marble imitation (fig. 46). The annex building VI, with a
hypocaust, showed paintings in the dado in the form of marble imitations and geometric motifs. In Room 6
of the ‘Pavillons,’ festoons adorned the oblong panels of the dadoes and above there were narrow panels – a
distinctly different format with respect to common practice – separated by broad strips which are embellished
by stylised candelabra between thin scrolls. Finally, Rooms 9 and 10 should be mentioned. These show a panel
decoration mainly in red above a dado with garlands (9) or with empty yellow and red panels (10), as we know
from the reconstruction by Rui Nunes Pedroso. A mainly symbolic interpretation of the paintings was proposed
by Geneviève Berthier in a paper during a colloquium in 1979 in which she presents the first results of her
research. In the motifs of the dadoes she recognised symbols of the four elements and the stars. This hypothesis
was immediately debated during the meeting itself and the proposal, as a matter of fact, was concluded to be
untenable. Indeed, in the large final publication Berthier no longer interprets the paintings in this way.86 This
rich ensemble does not even possess any specific element to give some religious flavour to the paintings but the
idea of a heightened luxury was suggested by the lavish use of the marble and pilaster imitations.
At Arras the remains of the ‘complexe métroaque’, dedicated to Cybele and Attis, were explored in the 1980s.
It was constructed around AD 200 and served as a shrine until the middle of the fourth century. Paintings
86
Horne and King 1980, 410-411; Berthier 1980; Monier 85-95; Barbet 1993, 9; Berthier 1993, 221-257; Barbet 2008,
1980; Nunes Pedroso 1980; A. Barbet, in Picardie 1982, 204-208, figs. 304-311.

Fig. 47 Arras, Temple of Cybele,
mural decoration, 3rd century.
Excavations A. Jacques; now
Depot Service Archéologique
d'Arras, inv. A84 K26.01 (photo
M. Jeanneteau).
from the end of the third century were found as debris in the ruins of the deliberately destroyed building. Eric
Belot, the excavator, could reconstruct a part of a figural scene (fig. 47). Belot argues that Cybele and Attis are
standing next to other cult persons under a rounded arch supported by pilasters.87 His reconstruction drawing,
however, shows four female figures surrounding a candelabrum, two large ones in the background, with their
heads turned towards the candelabrum, and two of a smaller size on the foreground under an umbrella-like ele-
ment. Attributes are lacking and the absence of a certain context must be taken into account. In my opinion, it
is extremely improbable that these fragments are references to the cult of the gods from Asia Minor. Rather we
are looking at one of the usual candelabrum decorations, as is suggested on my reconstruction sketch (fig. 48).
If this alternative is correct, the whole represents a very late version of the candelabrum walls of the first and
second centuries AD, several examples of which have been discussed in this study. Moreover, other scholars have
expressed their doubt about the identification of the building. Barbet, for instance, now suggests a schola for den-
drophoroi, but we might even doubt the sacral nature of the complex if we have to rely solely on the paintings.88
Traces of the temple of Janus in Autun are no longer visible, but it is recorded that in the eighteenth century
niches contained panels decorations. 89 Apparently, there was at least an arrangement of white and red panels
with red and white frames respectively, as well as other elements in the dado and upper zone. The paintings
have not been dated.
87
Belot 1986; Jacques and Belot 1991, 25 fig. 3 pl. B; Barbet De Fontenay’s description (p. 99: “les niches avaient conservé,
2008, 284-286, figs. 441-442. au XVIIe s., leur peinture blanche à filets rouges ou rouge à filets
88
Barbet 2008, 286. blancs ainsi que de plus riches décors; usage du cinabre”). On
89
Bogaers 1955, 97 refers to De Fontenay 1889, 223. Cf. the temple see Horne and King 1980, 379-380; Gros 1996,
Apelles 4, no. 185 and no. 220, where Hélène Eristov cites 201 fig. 239.
107
Fig. 48 Arras, Temple of Cybele,
reconstruction of the mural
decoration, 3rd century; the
upper part of the candelabrum
is taken from the publication by
Eric Belot (1986) (drawing E.J
Ponten, Radboud University
Nijmegen).
T h e I berian P eninsula
The corpus of Roman wall paintings in Spain, compiled by Lorenzo Abad Casal, facilitates the search for temple
decoration in Roman Hispania.90 In his overview of the murals in Roman Spain within their context he lists
twelve religious monuments, six of which belong to the category discussed in this study, whilst the others date
to the early Christian era.91 The remains, however, are extremely scanty and provide few new insights.
The Capitolium of Cadiz92 was constructed using a modest building technique and the red decoration was
devised to conceal the poor walls, according to Abad Casal. He suggests that painted exterior walls were a rarity.
However, this sounds like an attempt to justify the scanty remains and it should be noted that almost Roman
walls were covered with stucco and paint. Abad Casal does not offer any dates for the paintings.
The Jupiter Temple in Caparra93 also has few remains of paintings. Mention is made of bright red paint and
undefinable compositions. The chronology is also lacking.
The small podium temple in Azaila in the province of Teruel is one of the few complexes in Spain that have
been studied in greater detail.94 The cella walls of the templum in antis showed an imitation of the well-known
marble plaques. Parts of a smooth plinth and dado and three layers of blocks in relief from the middle zone were
found in situ on the northern wall in 1925; the other walls also had some pieces of painted plaster.95 Fragments
of stucco cornices collected within the cult room would have belonged to the upper part of the wall decoration.
90
Abad Casal 1982. Nothing from Portugal relevant to this ing proposal given). But see Guiral Pelegrín and Mostalac
study has come to my knowledge. Carrillo 1987, 233-235, fig. 2 (reconstruction of the first
91
Abad Casal 1982, 437, with commentary on pp. 435-436. Style); Mostalac and Guiral 1992, 127-129; Mostalac Car-
Chapter 7 has a short discussion on the Mithraeum of rillo and Guiral Pelegrín 1995.
95
Badajoz. In my discussion I will always refer to Abad Casal’s Beltrán Lloris 1990, 80-82, figs. 40-42. One of the most
catalogue number. The index gives easy references to the spectacular finds comprises fragments of a sculpture group
sites. of a man with a horse, to be dated to the beginning of the
92
Abad Casal 1982, cat. Ca 2.2.1. Let me recall the Temple of first century BC on the basis of this historical evidence
Herakles, known from Silios (here pp. 38-39). (Beltrán Lloris 1990, 235-239, fig. 92; with many previous
93
Abad Casal 1982, cat. Cc 2.1. proposals, running from the middle of the first century BC
94
Abad Casal 1982, cat. Te 1.1.1-1.1.1.1 fig. 419 (no dat- until the era of Augustus).
108
The floor in opus signinum, with geometrical decorations like meanders and swastikas, belongs to this phase.
The cella would have contained a First Style marble imitation dated to the first quarter of the first century BC.
The years 76-72 are a terminus ante quem, since the town was destroyed during the wars of Quintus Sertorius
against Pompey.96
A temple dedicated to Tiberius in Bilbilis, modern-day Calatayud, not far from Zaragoza, yielded fragments
of paintings both in situ and within a destruction layer inside the podium. The plinth, still in situ, shows a pink
surface with black and white dots. The paintings are applied on tiles in order to protect them from humidity.
This part of the decoration may date to the construction phase.97 A large number of fragments found in the
building debris belongs to the early first century AD murals. Unfortunately the wall decoration cannot be
completely reconstructed, but the pieces include imitations of marble veneer and panel decorations, showing a
strong affinity with the later Third Style.98
Finally, a suggestion of large plaques or marble blocks was found on the inner and outer walls of the temple
in Vich (area of Barcelona) dating to the second century AD.99
T h e B alkans
Very few sanctuaries from the important Roman provinces in the Balkans are known and only one temple with
paintings can be included in this study. No temples with painted decorations are known from Roman Greece.100
In ancient Iader, the current town of Zadar in Croatia, excavations in 1963 in an area not far from the Roman
forum brought to light remains of a private shrine for Cybele in the shape of a single small room. Fragments of a
figural mural decoration include the depiction of a seated woman with, next to her, traces of a lion. She apparent-
ly represents Cybele. The excavators, Mate Suić and Juljan Medini, argue that a variety of oriental deities were
worshipped there in Late Antiquity. This suggestion is based on (1) the painting of Cybele, (2) inscriptions and
(3) architectural elements showing Dionysian and other decorative ornaments. Deservedly, Anemari Bugarski-
Mesdjian has expressed her doubts regarding this combination of what is nothing but disiecta membra and only
accepted the presence of a shrine for Cybele.101 The various elements do not fit the spatial and temporal context.
Instead, the building ornaments show ordinary decorative motifs. As to the chronology of the fragmentarily
preserved representation of the Cybele room, a late first century AD date is plausible. The succinct descriptions
by the excavator make clear that parts of several figures and further figurative representations (even that of love-
making) have been found; their dimensions are more or less one-third life-size. Unfortunately, it is impossible
to reconstruct the decorative composition scheme and/or the images on the basis of the extant documentation.
Effectively, nothing of all evidence hitherto published proves a connection with cult, much less a sanctuary.
C onclusions
We may conclude that the temples in the transalpine provinces of the Roman Empire, of which only some of the
better preserved examples have been discussed here, usually possessed painted decorations that were fashion-
able in the centre of the Empire in terms of pictorial style as well as iconographic themes. Many temples suggest
96
Beltrán Lloris 1990, 255-257. The ancient name of Azaila is stems from a lararium and not a cultic shrine (see Guiral
unknown. On the war, see A. Lintott in Cambridge Ancient Pelegrín and Martín-Bueno 1996, 235-245, pl. III) dating to
History2 9 (1994) 215-221. the middle of the first century AD (information provided by
97
Guiral Pelegrín and Martín-Bueno 1996, 37-39, fig. 4. Carmen Guiral Pelegrín).
98 99
Guiral Pelegrín and Martín-Bueno 1996, 40-46, 52, figs. 6-9. Abad Casal 1982, cat. B 9.1.
100
A representation of a woman with a steer and a cornucopiae, If I may rely on Andreou 1989.
101
apparently the depiction of Isis Pelagia or Fortuna and dated Suić 1965, 353-355, pl. 74-75; Medini 1978, 742-743, pl.
to the second century AD (Abad Casal 1982, cat. Z 4.4.1), CLIII; Bugarski-Mesdjian 1999.
109
opulence by means of wall decorations in the form of marble imitations, columns, pilasters and candelabra as
well as other architectural features. As far as floor decorations are known, these are sometimes similar to the
decoration of the dadoes, being either adorned with a real marble opus sectile or with a painted imitation.
The frequently used motif of the candelabra in the strips that separate the panels in the main zones of
the mural decorations form, as we saw, one of the most beloved compositional elements and do not suggest
anything special concerning the deity or deities venerated in a temple. With reference to the candelabra in
temples of the early first century AD, Gogräfe observes that they fit the Augustan imagery expressing pietas and
bounty.102 That is in all senses correct, but it does not specifically pertain to temples because scrolls and can-
delabra had become rather common decorative motifs, for which reason this special meaning could have been
already forgotten in the course of time. Therefore, we must beware of over-estimating the importance of single
decorative motifs, since their significance does not change within the context of a sanctuary as they are parts of
a whole set of decorative elements that constitute the decorative ‘language’ of the time. All in all, these decora-
tive systems represent good examples of the local adaptation of forms of art and decoration in use in the centre
of the Empire, Rome itself, and express the desire of European provinces to belong to that cultural and power-
ful system of Rome and its empire during the first three centuries AD. It cannot be established whether local
painters only adapted schemes and forms imitated from models, whether they learnt this from Italian painters
or whether these decorations were imported by people originating from the centre. Neither can we say for sure
that the decorations were uniquely commissioned by local elite members or by Romans who wanted to impose
their power by means of introducing their culture to the newly conquered areas. The application of Roman ele-
ments would often have been an expression of the adaptation of artistic ideas from Rome. This also implies the
wish of local leaders to adapt Roman expressions of power and to show themselves more or less as Romans.103
Derks has argued that figurative scenes had an impact on illiterate inhabitants of the northern provinces
and indicate a “powerful support for oral tradition.”104 If this is correct, we must consider this view in light of
the many fragments of figural scenes and vignettes mentioned in this chapter. In particular, in France we have
encountered various instances of iconographic themes (figs. 40-41, 43-45) and, as we have seen, they are, or
were, often optimistically interpreted as proof of certain cults or, at least, of the presence of certain gods in the
temples they adorned. Unfortunately, many of these elements are too badly preserved to permit more specific
conclusions about the nature of figurative scenes and their themes in Gallo-Roman temple paintings. The figure
of a kneeling man accompanied by the text abounu at Saint-Germain d’Esteuil remains a mystery, and the emper-
or Hadrian at Nizy-le-Comte is nothing but an ordinary hunter, whether in a uenatio or not. The fragments from
Iader and Arras do not allow for a certain interpretation of these sanctuaries as temples of Cybele. Moreover
we also can no longer establish the nature of the figurative elements in the temples in Genainville, Laubers,
Ribemont-sur-Ancre and Eu. This is sad, especially since Derks’ observation is attractive and seems a logical
explanation to help understand how locals related to the Romans and their cults. We cannot but conclude that
the scantiness of the paintings themselves and the paucity of figural elements leads too easily to far-fetched
conclusions that lack a sound foundation and are fuelled by the enthusiasm of the excavators and their staff.
102
Gogräfe 1999, 217. al. 2008.
103 104
I may refer to the highly interesting collection of essays on Derks 1998, 202 note 293. In his works, however, paintings
the presence of things Augustan in periphery, in which this are only rarely referred to (p. 203, note 297) and never dealt
double direction is made clear in contributions about Ger- with in-depth.
many, Spain, northern Africa and Palestine: Kreikenbom et
110
5 The Eastern Half of the Empire and North Africa
The Near East followed the developments in Hellenistic architecture and art introduced during the era of the
Diadochs and the archaeological record shows many examples of the implementation of Greek-inspired forms
and fashions. As to our topic, our knowledge has increased in the last decades thanks to explorations of monu-
mental complexes like the royal palaces in Jericho, houses in Jerusalem and the famous fortress of Masada. A
lavish monograph on Jericho by Silvia Rozenberg contains an excellent overview of the corpus of mural decora-
tions between the late second century BC and the beginning of our era in Israel and Jordan.1
From Rozenberg’s study it becomes clear that the koine of Hellenistic forms and techniques in painting
spread all across this region in the second century BC. The main features of this koine are suggestions of marble
slabs and reliefs by means of stucco and, in the first century BC, the introduction of painted imitations of the
same precious building materials, columns and cornices that we know so well from Second Style paintings in
Italy. Influences may have come from Roman occupants like the succession of governors and, in the late first
century, the many visits Herod the Great paid to Rome. The main examples of the introduction of Roman deco-
ration are those in the residences of the king in Jericho, Masada and the Herodion. The imitation of marble slabs
in a more or less realistic form continues far beyond the Second Style in Italy and so seems to perpetuate tradi-
tions of the previous periods beloved by the king and his entourage.2 A reason for this expression of lavishness
might be a dislike of figural motifs, let alone scenes, that made urgent a rich array of architectural and material
suggestions. This aniconic character cannot be explained by the dearth of artistic quality among the painters.
As a matter of fact, the decorations known from royal and other contexts are of excellent quality. Instead, such
decisions are grounded in the traditional religious prohibition of figural scenes on the basis of the Second Com-
mandment in the Hebrew Bible.3 Nevertheless, as we will see in Chapter 8, there are some notable exceptions
to this rule in later periods.
Among the complexes worth noting are fragments of paintings found under the Augustan layers of a temple
in Sebaste, named after the first Roman emperor but following the Hellenistic tradition. The pieces display
painted representations of monochrome yellow and blue slabs separated by imitations of alabaster, breccias etc.
They may date to the middle of the first century BC and are connected by Rozenberg with the Roman governor
Aulus Gabinius (57-55) who rebuilt the town that had been sacked in 108 by John Hyrcanus I.4 The fragments
known do not allow for a reconstruction of the whole scheme, but we may visualize a black plinth and a red dado
supporting orthostats that would have been followed by some tiers of horizontal slabs and cornices.
The important habour of Caesarea is not rich in material pertinent to this study. However, Rozenberg5 men-
tions fragments of wall plaster from the Temple of Augustus and Roma that may be similar to the murals in the
1 4
Rozenberg 2008, 283-424. Cf. Chapter 2, Temple of Zeus in Rozenberg 2008, 365-366, fig. 430.
5
Gerasa (fig. 3). Rozenberg 2008, 380, 405-406 note 111, 420 note 460.
2
Cf. Rozenberg 2008, 429. On Herod and Roman architec- She refers to another temple, recently discovered, at Omrit
ture i.a Gros 2005, with previous bibliography. (Rozenberg 2008, 380). For the Temple of Jupiter in Pom-
3
Cf. Rozenberg 2008, 464. peii, see here p. 69-71.
111
Temple of Jupiter in Pompeii and, we may suggest, to those of Sebaste. Evidently, this temple was founded by
Herod out of respect to Augustus and must date to this era.
Herod’s Palace in Jerusalem is referred to as a parallel for the Temple of Jerusalem in the Augustan period in
Th.A. Busink’s impressive study of this important shrine.6 Although nothing of the enormous complex erected
by Herod the Great is left, it is better to discuss it here than in Chapter 1. The decorations must have been
made in the Hellenistic fashion, which Herod also adopted at Masada and Jericho. In the extensive description
of the temple by Flavius Josephus, gold dominates as a decorative material. Despite Flavius’ mention of golden
plates covering the walls, Busink rightly thinks that the use of this material was limited to ornamental bands
and framings.7 A good argument against the existence of golden elements of a certain dimension is the fact that
Titus’ soldiers are not accused by Flavius as having taken away such plates when they ransacked the Temple. The
walls of the entrance hall had decorations in the Second Style with a lot of yellow (‘gold’) and Busink plausibly
suggests yellow as the principal colour of the lower zone, symbolising the Earth, and blue in the upper parts,
alluding to Heaven.8
Busink compares the decorations in the Great Temple in Jerusalem with those of a shrine for Allat at Wadi
Ramm in the South of Jordan (near Ain Shelaleh) excavated in 1933 and 1959.9 Its outer walls were finely stuc-
coed and the interior showed a set of columns on the wall structure and stuccoed with flutings.10 The interco-
lumniations were decorated in colourful schemes. Apparently every section was different but only one of them
could be reconstructed.11 The lower zone of 175 cm showed a yellow dado and had a scroll and a red band on
top. In the main (upper?) zone there are white oblong blocks decorated with lozenges that contained floral
motifs. Some fragments bear Greek and Nabatean graffiti and modern scribbles. According to the first excava-
tors, M.R. Savignac and G. Horsfield, this monument was erected in the first half of the second century AD.
The use of the building in the time of Marcus Aurelius is attested by coins and an inscribed votive altar. Diana
Kirkbridge carried out new investigations as she did not agree with these conclusions. She distinguished three
phases, noting that the paintings belonged to the third phase.12 The temple might have been founded under
king Rabbel II (70-106) and was restored or successively altered in the course of the second century. It should
be linked to the Great Temple in Petra.13 Busink, on the other hand, dated the complex to the first century BC,
probably to connect it with the Temple of Jerusalem, and A. Negev finally suggested that the building type was
in use under Obodas III and Aretas IV, so that Ramm and similar complexes should date to the first century
AD.14 Neither the architectural features nor the decorations provide sufficient data for a sound chronology. The
use of veneer imitation has old roots, one may think of the Second-Style paintings in the palaces of Jericho and
6
Busink 1980, 1144. See also De Blaauw 2007, 247-249. and vertical bands in yellow, blue, white, and red. I wonder
7
Flavius Josephus, Bel.Jud. 5.5.6.208, 222-224 (exterior), whether these vertical panels might not be representations
5.5.4.210 (entrance hall). Nothing on the interior of the of the veneering of marble blocks rather than indistinct
sanctum. Cf. Busink 1980, 1140-1152. He also gives other smallish panels, also mentioned in Rozenberg 2008, 392, fig.
sources. See also Freyberger 1998, 118-120 and Chyutin 481.
12
2006, 143-167. Kirkbridge 1960, 73-78, esp. 78 (phase C). On p. 80 the
8
Busink 1980, 1143-1148. decorations are attributed to phase C again and a graffito
9
Busink 1980, 1144. See Savignac and Horsfield 1935; Kirk- should dated to AD 147.
13
bridge 1960; Freyberger 1998, 41-44; Rozenberg 2008, 391- Kirkbridge 1960, 85-92.
14
392, figs. 478-481. Negev 1977, 377-378. In his list of monuments on p. 383 he
10
Savignac and Horsfield 1935, 250, fig. 3: the lower parts had suggests the early century first AD. This is reiterated by Frey-
no flutings and were red. berger 1998, 42 and Rozenberg 2008, 391-392. Freyberger
11
Savignac and Horsfield 1935, 252-253, figs. 6-7: the panel 1998, 310-34 also mentions paintings in a temple at Qasr
between columns 4 and 5. Later on, they describe the panel al-Darih.
between columns 10 and 11 (p. 257-258, fig. 11): red dado
112
Fig. 49 Theadelphia, Temple of Pnepheros, Heron of door post, now Alexandria, ,
Musée Gréco-Romain, inv. 20223 (from LIMC V.2, 286). .\ I
Masada, and was used uninterruptedly in the region. The late first
and entire second century, therefore, would be the period in which
the small shrine, including its decorations, was in use, but the reign
of Aretas IV is the most probable moment of erection and decoration
of the monument.
At Petra temple paintings are known in the sanctuary of Dushara.
The interior was decorated with painted plaster, whereas the outer
walls had a decoration including a number of imported motifs (some
from Rome, such as Pompeian style frescoes).15 Other shrines like
Qasr el-Bint, the Great Southern Temple and the Temple of the
Winged Lions were adorned with stucco reliefs.16
Regarding Egypt, there must have been many local shrines
adorned with paintings, mainly following the colourful, pictorial
tradition of the ancient Egyptians. Moreover, the modest shrines,
constructed out of mud-brick, were covered with plaster that, in turn,
got painted decorations, in all cases fragile and not technically well made. However, rather few examples have
come to my attention, and those are especially in the Fayum area. The first is the Temple of Pnepheros in Thea-
delphia.Here the crocodile god was venerated from the second century BC onwards and his cult still flourished
in the Antonine period, the time when the paintings were executed. Evaristo Breccia studied the complex in the
early 1920s and published a rather lengthy description of the remains. Through a vestibule the visitor reached a
large courtyard, where he saw the entrance to a second courtyard flanked by sphinx statues. A room on the left
side of the vestibule contained remains of decorations and probably all mud-brick walls in the complex were
originally covered with paint.17 One figural scene in this room can be described and drawn: it shows a procession
in honour of Pnephoros who is lying on a bier carried by two pairs of priests clad in white skirts. The animal is
covered by a white sheet, leaving his head uncovered. This is adorned with a sort of Egyptian double crown with
the uraeus and feathers. Other men are in front of him, probably approaching the bearers to greet the god.18 The
background is plain but for a small palm tree. On the upper side there is a garland.
The temple building itself has two courtyards connected to it. In the second one Breccia found paintings on
a poor layer of stucco adorning the posts flanking the entrance to the vestibule of the sanctum. He noted that
15
Richardson 2002, 69; Freyberger 1998, 18-21. Richardson gives the various names of the god, a son of the Babylonian
2002, 71 also mentions the ‘Great Temple’, but here we Marduk-Bel (Nabu; one also finds Nebo). Kaiser outlines
probably are dealing with another type of building. Another the theological implications of this figure who was equated
complex seen by Richardson (2002, 42) as having paintings with Apollo.
16
is the temple of Nebu in Palmyra. However, this was richly Rozenberg 2008, 385-391, figs. 469-477.
17
decorated with reliefs. The back walls of the colonnades See Breccia 1926, pl. LX; Bingen 1994, 45-46; Gazda 2004,
would have been covered with brightly coloured frescoes 37, fig. 64.
18
with religious scenes, but I do not know of such murals, and Breccia 1926, 105-106, pl. LXIV, 1, 3.
rely on Colledge 1976 and Kaiser 2002. Kaiser 2002, 89-99,
113
their quality is bad. Here two variations of the heros equitans could be seen. Breccia reported that attempts had
been made to strip the murals to save them.19 He could also observe the presence of previous layers underneath.
Breccia’s illustrations show the left pillar on which there was a man in military attire flanked by a horse on the
right and a tripod with a bowl and a snake on his left.20 The head is surrounded by a radiated orange nimbus and
is crowned by a double peacock feather. He holds a spear in his left hand and pours incense next to him with his
right hand, over a small pillar with a flame in the shape of an egg. Next to that is a small black servant holding a
box with incense. A cockerel can also be seen, whereas under the vertical line there is a small yellow crocodile.
The man is being crowned by a flying Nike seen in the upper part of the image. The background is empty. Two
inscriptions inform us about this figure, one (1) at the left of the soldier’s head, another (2) longer one between
the vertical line and the crocodile:
(1) Ἥρων Σούβαττος ὑπὲρ εὐχαριστίας ἀνεθηκων [sic] ἐπ’ ἀ<γα>θῶι.

Heron Soubattos because of piety dedicated to the Good One.
(2) ἐπὶ ἀγαθῶι Ἥρωνι Σουβάττωι.
To the good Heron Soubattos.
The other pillar contained a similar (or perhaps the same) soldier riding on a horse to the right above a crocodile
on a bier (fig. 49). Pnepheros-crocodile has the same head gear as the one described in the first room. The sol-
dier is seen almost frontally, facing the viewer, and holds his right hand stretched backwards, offering a libation
from a patera to a large snake turned around a partly preserved tree. Apart from the nimbus, a set of three turrets
adorns his head. On the top right a military person swinging an axe in his right hand is moving to the right. He
holds a spear adorned with fillets and a garland in his left hand.21 In the lower register a dedication can be read
[ι missing in the datifs]:
Εὐτύχως τῶ κυρίω Σούχω ἐπὶ ἀγαθῶ πασικαίου.

Happily to the lord Souchos for the good of the all-burning.
These texts point to the presence of Heron Soubattos next to Souchos or Pnepheros in the sanctuary. The
antechamber of the cella was also plastered and Breccia reports three layers of paintings, damaged by smoke
from candles and torches. He distinguished some images of Egyptian gods like Sarapis and Khnum seated on
thrones and clad in rich garments.22 The cella itself, finally, also possessed figural scenes showing gods and
animals (including a snake) and Pnepheros in the form of a crocodile. The Nile is seen above the central niche,
shown in double form heraldically facing each other and flanking Pnepheros in a human shape with the head
of a crocodile.23
Heron was also venerated in a temple of his own in Magdola, discovered in 1902 by Pierre Jouguet. Here the
same themes were seen in painted form.24 Jouguet gives a description of various scenes, but unfortunately does
19
E. Will, LIMC V (1990) 391-394 s.v. Heron reports them also discussed in Walker 2000, 124-126. Nachtergael 1996,
under nos. 1-2 (with photo) as being in the museum in 135 mentions the two temples.
20
Alexandria, inv. nos. 20223 and 20225. Will also has the Breccia 1926, 110-112, pls. LVII-LVIII.
21
examples from Magdola, his nos. 5-6 (destroyed; see infra). Breccia 1926, 112-113, pl. LIX.
22
He discusses the problematic nature and history of Heron, Breccia 1926, 115-116, pl. LX-LXI.2 (two seated gods).
23
possibly to be connected with the Thracian heros equitans Breccia 1926, 116-117, pl. LXIV.2, LXV.3.
24
(cf. Bingen 1994, 46). Will gives references to the two Jouguet 1902, 355-357. Breccia 1926, 113 note 1 cites some
temples. On Heron see also Bingen 1994 and Nachtergael lines from this report. See also Bingen 1994, 45 and note
1996, who discuss inscriptions and figural monuments 611.
respectively from the same area representing this god, partly
114
Fig. 50 Dakhleh Oasis, Temple of Tutu (photo O. Kaper). For a colour version of this figure, see page 243.
not illustrate them so that a precise reconstruction remains beyond reach. Seven images are recorded on the
walls of the Propylon, dating to the beginning of the second century AD. Three of them show a standing warrior
with a horse next to him. Two others scenes show soldiers offering something (in one case a crab) to a snake,
whereas another wall has a depiction of three enthroned persons in long robes. Among other scenes featured on
pillars in this shrine Jouguet recognised Isis, Sarapis, affiliated gods and people making offerings.
These poor descriptions make clear that the shrines had paintings with a strongly determined iconography,
showing the gods who lived here and their worshippers. The architecture of these monuments is indigenous
and while Heron is shown as a Roman soldier, all other figures are Egyptian in nature. The relationship between
Pnepheros and Heron at Theadelphia is not immediately clear: were they συννάοι θέοι or was Heron seen here
as a sort of worshipper of this crocodile deity?
The famous bronze head of Augustus in the British Museum was found buried in front of a temple door at
Meroe in modern Sudan.25 The naos of this Hellenistic temple building was adorned with paintings featuring
among others the king and queen of Ethiopia and their entourage. Some fragments of the east wall documented
in old photographs show (on both sides) the lower parts of double life-size figures seated on thrones and resting
their feet on footstools, all seen in Egyptian profile. Servants are standing behind the thrones. The footstools
are adorned with representations of five captives. The decorations must date to a period in which the Ethiopi-
ans had an important position in this area, i.e. before the conquest by the Roman general and praefectus Aegypti
25
Haynes 1983-1984. On the lost paintings: p. 178, pl. XXXII-
XXXIII
115
Fig. 51 Dakhleh Oasis, Temple of Tutu, dado decoration (photo O. Kaper). For a colour version of this figure, see page 243.
Gaius or Publius Petronius between 25 and 20 BC.26 Unfortunately, we do not know more about these ‘personal’
decorations and their context in the temple. Nor do we know the god or gods venerated here.
In the Dakhleh Oasis, in the southern part of Egypt’s Western Desert, the ancient site of Kellis (modern
name: Ismant el-Kharab) has been explored thoroughly from 1986 onwards by an international group of schol-
ars directed by Colin A. Hope. One of the interesting monuments explored is a temple dedicated to the Egyptian
god Tutu consisting of various cult rooms within a temenos wall. As to our topic, the mammisi (formerly called
Shrine I) is of great interest.27 Olaf E. Kaper studied the wall paintings found here in situ on the mud-brick walls
and in enormous quantities of small fragments. He was able to reconstruct the decorative scheme and the ico-
nography of the figural elements. As a result, we see here a mix of pharaonic Egyptian and Roman elements (figs.
50-51). The lower part (2 m high) of the vaulted, rectangular room has a classical scheme consisting of a green
dado decorated with oblong panels featuring rectangles imitating porphyritic stone within red, white, and black
borders, alternating with Egyptian-style lotus flower motifs. Above this, the main zone consists of alternating
yellow and red square panels framed by a continuous black band. At the centre of these panels is a gorgoneion
within a frame crowned by a bird.28 These figural details were largely destroyed, probably on purpose, at a later
time and their condition contrasts with the good state of conservation of this section of the walls as a whole.
26
Haynes 1983-1984, 178. As to Petronius, Haynes refers to O. of Augustus, according to Haynes, would have been buried
Stein, Petronius (21), RE XIX.1 (1937) 1197-1199, where there on purpose before this action.
27
Meroe is mentioned. But see Bagnall 1985 on this man, Kaper 1997a-b, 2002, 2003. A mammisi is the shrine where
called Gaius. On the political situation see E.S. Gruen, in the birth of a god is venerated.
28
Cambridge Ancient History 10 (1996) 149-150. The head
2
Hope and Whitehouse 2006, 328.
116
The black band has a rich vine scroll with greenish leaves and yellow and red bunches of grapes. A black and
yellow border separates this section from the white upper zone that goes over into the vault and contains four
horizontal registers in which purely Egyptian figures are depicted in mostly unmixed colours. The linear style
might suggest the imitation of shallow reliefs known from other parts of this temple complex and elsewhere in
traditional Egyptian temple decoration. Reliefs would be difficult to insert because of the vault and moreover
were extremely expensive.
Kaper’s meticulous studies29 made clear that Tutu was venerated here with his mother Neith and his wife
Tapsais. Among the figures are some 400 gods and numerous priests divided over some thirty scenes. Hiero-
glyphic captions provide names and titles for the gods. The southern wall has two offering scenes with 37 and
27 priests respectively, who possibly represent the cult ministers of the sanctuary itself. The central part of the
vaulted ceiling was again decorated with classical designs that survive only in fragments. The vine scrolls in the
Greco-Roman part make sense in the context of Tutu’s association with wine. Greco-Roman taste could have
seen the decoration as fitting to Dionysos. As to dating, there are no precise clues like royal cartouches and on
the basis of various elements Kaper proposes that the shrine was decorated in the second century AD. I agree
with this date, even if there are very few decorative elements which can be dated. It is the palette of yellow and
red, however, that will dominate wall painting in the first half of the second century. This is especially evident
in Ostia, where the House of the Muses is an outstanding example of this fashion.30 The combination of the
indigenous and Greco-Roman features is a well-known phenomenon in Egyptian art that we know very well
from many tombs in Alexandria.31 I recall the mix of styles and iconographies in the Temple of Isis in Pompeii
(Chapter 7).
A very small number of instances of temple painting in the Roman provinces of Africa should be mentioned.
Apart from the shrines for the emperor’s cult in Sabratha, Bulla Regia and Luxor (see Chapter 6), two temples
in Thugga (nowadays Dougga) in Tunisia have remains of painted decorations. The impressive sanctuary of
Saturnus, built in 195 AD, contains a large portico and three cellae on the western side. According to the very
short description by the French excavator Claude Poinssot, the vault of the central cella (g) was adorned with a
stucco relief showing vines.32 The second case is that of the prosaically labelled Temple B from the late second
century, where mosaics, marble veneer and paintings have been found.33
C onclusions
The few examples of painted shrines presented in this chapter definitely do not represent the whole corpus of
painted decoration in temples in this area. Nevertheless, they show two distinct groups of decorations, each with
their own characteristics which permit me to formulate some general observations.
The area of ancient Syria, here represented by monuments in modern Israel and Jordan, contains monu-
ments constructed in limestone and adorned with plaster decorations, both in stucco relief and painting,
consisting of imitations of precious materials and architectural elements. In this respect they reflect the fashion
followed simultaneously in the centre of the Mediterranean world and known as First and Second Styles. The
29
See lastly Kaper 2003, 140-147, 269-292 cat. R48-R73. The dedication of the temple is problematic, as I deduce
Helen Whitehouse is preparing the final publication of these from S. Ritter, JR 19 (2006) 551-558, esp. 549-552, in his
decorations. review of S. Saint-Amans, Topographie religieuse de Thugga
30
See Mols 1999 and 2003. (Dougga), ville romaine d’Afrique proconsulaire (Tunisie),
31
See Venit 2002. Paris 2004, which I could not consult. Here the sanctuary is
32
Poinssot 1958, 65 (= 1983, 65). Cf. the following note for attributed to Liber Pater, whereas Ritter suggests Concordia.
other references.
33
Khanoussi and Strocka 2002, 89, 90-92, pls. 12d-e, 13e, 14d.
117
painters apparently combined local traditions with the Roman decorative language and focused on imitating
costly and fancy marble revetments. As far as we know from the monuments discussed, figural elements are
almost completely absent. The houses of the gods apparently did not contain iconographic allusions to their
official inhabitants. In Israel this might be a consequence of the local, Jewish rule not to depict images of their
God, as we saw above, but we must be cautious when drawing absolute conclusions. Strikingly, the temples in
Gerasa and Petra also lack figural scenes, while they have a similar strong accentuation of precious building
materials and architectural elements.
Egypt displays an entirely different scenario in that the few shrines preserved are extremely rich in figural
scenes but lack architectural additions and marble imitations. Colour is much less important than the design.
We mostly see references to the traditional gods of the Egyptians, including the worshippers. ‘Modern’ additions
like Sarapis and Heron are aptly integrated into this local language that remained in use until Late Antiquity,
even leaving its traces in the early Christian art of the Copts. Egypt has many good examples of decorative
schemes. Walls are not architecturally subdivided into dado, middle and upper zones, but into horizontal
registers containing figural scenes. Sometimes the dado contains references to marble veneer and the like, but
the remainder is purely Egyptian. The friezes illustrate the life and history of the god or gods venerated in the
temple and, therefore, are distinctive elements in recognizing a temple’s cult and dedication. The mix of old and
new gods and worshippers is particular to Egypt and has its counterpart in tombs of the Hellenistic and Roman
period. All in all, Egypt has a decorative language of its own based on a long-standing tradition of reliefs and
paintings as well as depictions in scrolls like the Books of the Dead.
118
6 Painted Shrines Dedicated to the Roman Emperor
Several monuments that represent an important religious feature during the Imperial era, namely the cult of
the (defunct) emperors, are relevant in the framework of this study and will be discussed in this chapter. There
will be a particular focus on specific characteristics of their decoration. The Roman Empire had a vibrant cult
of select emperors who were venerated in official temples, often in combination with the goddess Roma, but
also in small shrines built and looked after by private groups of liberti or citizens. While Augustus had set a
good example by erecting a temple for his adoptive father Julius Caesar on the Forum Romanum, he remained
reluctant to receive divine honours during his lifetime. Like Caesar Augustus, he was made diuus after his death
and several other emperors followed. Gradually, this cult also came to include living emperors as well as dead
emperors who had not been declared diui. Other members of the court could also be included in this venera-
tion and entire dynasties, especially that of the Julio-Claudians, got galleries of statues that showed the family
bonds and the intricate rights and duties to be borne by these elected families. In the following discussion, vari-
ous monuments dedicated to the cult of the augusti, both diui and not, are presented. They display interesting
iconographic programmes that mostly do not show portraits but gods associated with the respective town and
the emperor of that moment.1
In this respect, there is a highly important study by Beate Bollmann about small shrines or temples that were
managed by sodalitates, or cultic associations, since it includes many data about the decoration of these sacral
spaces.2 The majority formed part of a bigger entity, for instance living quarters, whilst others were built in a
precinct. Many sodalitates were managed by socially defined groups of citizens who looked after the cult of the
deified emperors, the Augustales.
T h ree C entres for I mperial C ult in Herculaneum
Three buildings in the northwestern corner of the excavated part of Herculaneum, situated at the crossroads of
the alleged decumanus maximus and cardo III, are generally seen as public and/or religious monuments. Two
of them are only known from eighteenth-century excavations and now only the façade from one building and
a side wall from the other are visible. The third one, shown on maps from 1743 and 1752 and partly explored
in those years, was completely unearthed in 1960-1961 by Alfonso de Franciscis and Maria Giuseppina Cerulli
Irelli.3 The first bears the false, antiquarian name of ‘Basilica’, the second is labeled ‘Galleria Noniana’ thanks to
1 3
On emperor’s cult Klauck 1995, II, 17-74; Gradel 2002. See the still valuable synopsis in Herrmann 1904-1950,
On buildings (augustea) for this cult: A. Villi, ThesCRA IV 101-104; Maiuri 1958, 87-90. Cf. De Vos and De Vos 1982,
(2005) 190-195. Statues: Boschung 2002. 298-301 and 303-305; Balty 1991, 208-212; Pagano 1996;
2
Bollmann 1998. See also Egelhaaf-Gaiser and Schäfer 2002; Pagano 2000, 86, 92; Pagano 2001; Boschung 2002, 119-
Francesco Marcattili, Collegiorum sedes, ThesCRA IV 125; Coralini 2005; Torelli 2005 (= Eidola. International
(2005) 216-219; De Blaauw 2007, 238; Judge 2007; Fejfer Journal of Classical Art History 1, 2004, 118-149); Pesando
2008, 73-89. On the presence of Augustales in Pompeian and Guidobaldi 2006a, 368-369; Van Andringa 2009, 65-68,
society see Petersen 2006, 57-83. figs. 50-51.
119
Fig. 52 Herculaneum, Aedes
Augustalium, unfinished murals
(photo author). For a colour ver-
sion of this figure, see page 244.
the find of five large statues of members of the gens Nonia, and the last one is commonly called ‘Collegio degli
Augustali’. Modern names, which will prove to be correct, are Augusteum, Basilica Noniana and Aedes Augusta-
lium. The scholarly debate centres around two major questions: what were these buildings used for and what is
their chronology?
I will start with the Aedes Augustalium. It is incorporated into a block of houses and consists of a large, almost
square room subdivided into three north-south aisles, each articulated by columns and antae into three open
rooms. Two bases for statues of Diuus Iulius and Diuus Augustus stand against the central columns.4 All rooms,
except for the central one at the rear, normally seen as the cella, are devoid of decorated floors, whereas the walls
have black-painted lower zones and a white wash on the upper parts (fig. 52). These paintings form the prepara-
tory layers for a decoration, not yet applied in AD 79. The room to the right of the cella contains remains of a
4
VI 21.24. De Vos and De Vos 1982, 300; Guadagno 1983, ThesCRA IV (2005) 218 no. 3, and bibliography in previ-
159-166 (description of the structures); Ostrow 1985, ous note. On the bases Boschung 2002, 121, 124 and Van
76-81; Etienne 1993; Torelli 2005, 110-112, figs. 5-10; Andringa 2009, 65-68; they refer to CIL X 1411-1412.
120
Fig. 53 Herculaneum, Aedes
Augustalium, painted sacellum
(photo author). For a colour ver-
carbonised bed and table.5 The parapet of the central light well (to be imagined as a sort of atrium testudinatum)
has a red surface with what appear to be yellow lines, currently dirty and in a bad state of preservation.
The sacellum or, as we will see below, the inserted lararium-like chapel, occupies the central space and is the
only piece to possess extensive floor and wall decorations. Their chronology is a matter of debate (figs. 53-55).
The floor has a precious mosaic in opus sectile, which is unfortunately not in a good state of preservation. A mar-
ble incrustation covers the lower side of the walls for 142 cm; parts of it are preserved on the left and back walls.
A square base made of stone and concrete stands in front of the back wall and reaches just over the height of
the marbling. Above the marble revetments the walls have frescoes on each wall, subdivided into two horizontal
and three vertical registers dominated by heavy architectural elements.6 The upper zones of all walls contain
various small panels, some of them blue, as well as draperies, garlands and candelabra. The side walls also have
5 6
Mols 1999a, 26, 162-163 cat. no. 10, figs. 66-71 (bed), 174- The best images are those in La pittura di Pompei, Milan
176 cat. no. 17, figs. 106-110 (table). According to De Vos 1991, pl. 144-146 and in Mazzoleni and Pappalardo 2005,
and De Vos 1982, 300 this room was the home of the guard- 34-35, 364-367. Reconstruction of the interior in Mühlen-
ian; his skeleton was found on the bed installed here. brock and Richter 2005, 220 fig. 2.
121
Fig. 54 Herculaneum, Aedes Augustalium, north wall, Herakles and Acheloos (photo author). For a colour version of this figure, see page 246.
acroteria in the shape of chariots led by Nikai.7 Monochrome still lifes have been applied in the middle zone
under the side panels. The central panel of the back wall is left blank apart from a wreath on top and contrasts
with the colourful filling of the side walls. The white background apparently should form a neutral background
for a statue that had to be placed on the base, erected at the centre of the back wall. The central panels of the
side walls contain mythological images in which Herakles plays the main rôle. The right wall (fig. 54) shows how
he defeats the river god Acheloos by breaking off his horn; this will become the cornucopiae, the horn of plenty.
Both he and Acheloos had striven to marry Deianeira, daughter of Oineus, who is standing on the right in the
background.8 The left wall shows the apotheosis of Herakles (fig. 55): Hera and Athena receive him, whereas
Zeus is symbolised by a rainbow. Herakles is seated on a block and looks like a famous statue by Lisyppos, the
Herakles of Tarentum.9 There is a certain relationship between the two scenes in that Deianeira would be the
7
Moormann 1988, 104 no. 021; Pappalardo 1993 (but see Amymone. The Acheloos theme is rare; cf. E. Soccal in
infra). D. Mazzoleni in Mazzoleni and Pappalardo 2005, 35 Ghedini 2004, 53-66 who discusses the painting described
explains the bigae as chariots of Helios, set against the white by Philostratus, Imagines 4 and refers to our image (fig.
light of the sun. Scagliarini Corlàita 2006, 148, fig. 5: phoe- 24). This picture is not included in the short list in LIMC I
nix in the arch around the niche of the backwall of the cella (1981) 28-29 s.v. Acheloos.
9
(mistakenly identified as a side wall). References in note 6. See also Coralini 2001, 29: the choice
8
The Acheloos story is known from Ovid, Met. 9.1-88: the of the Lysippean model might form part of the interpretatio
water god tells it to Theseus and pours him wine from his romana of the story according to the version narrated by
own horn! See Guadagno 1983, 159 note 5 and Moor- Ovid (Met. 9.242-261). The gods clearly represent the trias
mann 1983, 176, followed by Pappalardo 1993; Fears 1999; capitolina. The scene has no parallels and is not listed in
Pagano 2000, 87; Torelli 2005, 110-111, figs. 9-10. De Vos LIMC V (1990) s.v. Herakles.
and De Vos 1982, 300 interpret the scene as Poseidon and
122
Fig. 55 Herculaneum, Aedes Augustalium, south wall, Herakles on the Olympus with Hera, Athena and Zeus as a rainbow (photo author).
For a colour version of this figure, see page 246.
instrument of Herakles’ death on mount Oita since she gives him the cloak soaked with the poisonous blood
of Nessos.
These scenes, at first sight, have no relationship with the cult of the emperors practiced here, unless we sur-
mise that the head of Herakles represented the traits of Vespasian or Titus, who would thus become an equal
to the biggest hero of all times. J. Rufus Fears has vigorously defended this proposal and sees a glorification of
Titus in Herakles. In this view, the decorations would serve to emphasize the emperor’s cult in the building. The
horn of plenty would be the main symbol of this concept, symbolising abundantia gifted to the people by the
emperor via the hands of Herakles as the divine mediator.10 Umberto Pappalardo views the chariots driven by
Nikai in the upper zone of the walls an allusion to the palaestra and so to the iuuentus Herculanensis. His argu-
ment, as attractive as it seems, is unfortunately not supported by historical evidence proving the presence of
such a collegium in Herculaneum and, as the position of the motifs in the upper part of the wall is secondary in
respect to the central panels, the proposal should be accepted with extreme caution.11 Bollmann argued that the
images should be seen as general depictions of the benefits brought by Herakles and the actual emperor instead
10
R .J. Fears, Hercules and Abundantia Augusti, AJA 102 entirely.
11
(1998) 404 [abstract]; Fears 1999. The identification of the Pappalardo 1993; Pappalardo 2001, 940-943, figs. 13-14.
portraits is problematic, as Fears indicates in note 6. Previ- However, if Najbjerg is right with her interpretation of the
ously, I saw the Herakles as a Nero and dated the paintings Augusteum as a building of the Augustales and the Iuuentus
to his reign (Moormann 1983). On reflection, I really can- (Najbjerg 2002, 163) this might also be true for the Aedes
not see any personal features in the two Herakles heads and Augustalium and then Pappalardo would be right.
I think that the idea of portraits historiés must be dismissed
123
of relating to a specific emperor.12 Regardless, the principal connection is that of Herakles with the town of Her-
culaneum itself, which had been founded by him according to the tradition and still bears his name.13 We must
also take into account the presence of the sculpture on the base in front of the back wall: the height and limited
dimensions speak against the presence of a portrait statue in full size and so it must have been a bust like those
on the bases in front of the cella. In all cases, it was a portrait of an emperor who seemed to be crowned by the
wreath in the painting behind him.
The inscriptions are essential in determining the building’s function as a shrine for the emperor.14 Doubt has
been raised about the evidence from the marble slab now on view in the front room. According to some scholars
it might have originated from another complex. The slab was found three metres above the ancient level and
could have been pushed down from elsewhere. Giuseppe Guadagno gave more evidence for the interpretation
as an aedes Augustalium based on the graffiti found here.15 Robert Etienne made a comparison between the
architecture of the Aedes Augustalium and well-defined seats of Augustales like that at Misenum (see infra) and
came to the conclusion that the Herculaneum building cannot have been an aedes Augustalium. It must be an
Augusteum, a shrine dedicated to Augustus by the Augustales. The decuriones also made an Augusteum, the build-
ing on the other side of the cardo from which some paintings have been found. This means that the different
social groups had their own shrines for the emperor’s cult.16 This interpretation does not take the surroundings
into account. As has been made clear by Ittai Gradel, the augustales formed a group within the local ordo, just
below that of the Senate who showed their (presumed) importance by euergetism in the form of the erection
of monuments devoted to the emperor and their own town. They were not necessarily active as priests. The
relative lavishness of our building expresses the desire for prestige.17
In sum, it is likely that the building served as the seat of the Augustales. They could carry out services for the
emperor or they could have engaged a priest and sat in the outer space. The side rooms, containing furniture,
could have been used for reunions in the Vereinshaus.18 The name aedes Augustalium, therefore, would be correct,
but we must not see the building as a shrine only; this forms the central and most important part of it, forming
a sort of king-size lararium.
Before discussing the other two buildings, Augusteum and Basilica Noniana, a word must be said about the
dating of the Aedes Augustalium. Guadagno recognised three phases: that of its founding in the early Empire, a
thorough renovation in the time of Claudius or Nero (preferably the latter) and remanagement on a minor scale
shortly before the eruption.19 His evidence is mainly based on the inscriptions, as the painting techniques and
paintings themselves are not particularly indicative.20 Furthermore, the distinction between the two latter phases
12
Bollmann 1998, 348-354. ceed in escaping from the 79 disaster, but see De Vos (here
13
Cf. Moormann 1983. See Coralini 2001, 28-30 and 2005, note 5), whose interpretation is like the eighteenth- and
and U. Pappalardo in Mühlenbrock and Richter 2005, 69-79 nineteenth-century fancy interpretations of skeletons from
on Hercules as a publicly venerated hero. Pompeii.
14 19
Guadagno 1983; Bollmann 1998, 348-354; Boschung 2002, Guadagno 1983, 166-169, 172. He is followed by Najbjerg
121, 124; Torelli 2005, 110, 111-112. A. de Franciscis, EAA 1997, 121 and Coralini 2005, 352. A good overview of
Supplemento (1973) 311 s.v. Ercolano and De Vos and De the discussion in Ganschow 1989, 87-92; he also sees the
Vos 1982, 300 propose a function as the curia of the local period of Claudius or Nero as the last decoration phase.
senate, eventually combined with the seat of the Augustales. Mühlenbrock 2003, 132 follows the Neronian dating for the
15
Guadagno 1983, 170 (inscriptions); Guadagno 1988 (graf- complex.
20
fiti). See, however, Guadagno 1983 who uses these elements for
16
Etienne 1993. his reasoning. Cf. Moormann 1983, 175, conceived as an
17
Gradel 2002, 229-230 (mentioning Herculaneum). Wallace- addendum to Guadagno’s longer study, where the chrono-
Hadrill 2004, 121-126, also sees the monument as an logical frame suggested by Guadagno was adopted and led to
upgrade made by members of the ‘sub-elite’. the mistaken interpretation of Hercules’ heads as portraits of
18
The skeleton found might be a refugee who did not suc- Nero (cf. note 10).
124
Fig. 56 Herculaneum, Augusteum,
Theseus and Minotauros after the
restoration of 2007 (photo Museo
Nazionale Romano, Rome).
is not convincing. In my opinion, the actual building and interior decoration should be dated to the period of
Vespasian and Titus. The main reasons are the unfinished state of the decorations in the rooms surrounding
the cella (black dadoes and white middle and upper zones) and the presence of a marble revetment in the dado
of the cella. The latter is, as elsewhere in the Vesuvian cities, not to be expected before the death of Nero. The
decorations in his Golden House formed the first example of the practice of applying real marble veneer. The
iconography of the Hercules scenes does not contradict this statement. In conclusion, the complex may have
been erected in the beginning of the first century but the building now visible is dated to the late 70s of the first
century AD.
A connection with the building opposite, the Augusteum, could have existed if we accept Etienne’s proposal
that this would have enhanced the prestige of the Aedes Augustalium. In this context, the two tetrapyla between
the façades of the buildings on the decumanus maximus constitute important elements.21
21
Mühlenbrock 2003, 129-136, pl. 2. Torelli 2005, 118-119 of Maria Paola Guidobaldi will possibly clarify many smaller
views this construction as a chalcidicum (cf. Fentress 2005, problems. She informed me (personal communication,
230, fig. 3.2 and 5: possibly used for selling slaves; contra October 2006) that these clearings have already shown that
Trümper 2009). The cleaning project at the northern side the 1752 plan by Cochin and Bellicard is reliable vis-à-vis the
of the Decumanus Maximus started in 2006 under direction entrance.
125
Fig. 57 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Herakles and
Telephos (photo author). For a colour version of this
The Augusteum22 was explored in 1739 and 1761 and produced a great number of spectacular finds like stat-
ues of the emperors Augustus, Claudius and Titus in marble and bronze. The two equestrian statues in marble
of Marcus Nonius Balbus, a member of the above-mentioned local elite, were not displayed inside but next to
the Augusteum.23 Maiuri compared the structure to that of Eumachia on the south-eastern side of the forum in
Pompeii, whereas Mario Torelli sees parallels in gymnasia in Magna Graecia.24 That means that there was a large
piazza surrounded by a portico and filled with these statues. The four-sided portico contained shallow niches
in the side walls and a deeper rectangular and two apsidal niches in the back wall.25 As to paintings, some 23
22
Ruggiero 1885, XXXIV-XXXVI; Najbjerg 1997; T. Naj Vos and De Vos 1982, 303-305 present the older schol-
bjerg, The “Basilica” in Herculaneum and the growth of an arly debate and give no interpretation of their own. See also
imperial cult center, AJA 102 (1998) 401-402 [abstract]; Ganschow 1989, 82; Pappalardo 1997; Mühlenbrock and
Najbjerg 2002, 159-162; Boschung 2002, 119-121, 121- Richter 2005, 287-290; Torelli 2005, 117-140. For the stat-
124; ThesCRA IV (2005) 192, 194 no. 6 s.v. Augusteum ues references quoted and A. Adamo Muscettola in Pagano
(named ‘Galleria Balba’); Torelli 2005; Pesando and Gui- 2000, 97-115 with bibl. and Hallett 2005, 176-178, pls. 100-
dobaldi 2006a, 386-387; Najbjerg 2007; A. Allroggen-Bedel 101. On the equestrian statues mainly Adamo Muscettola
in Ercolano 2008, 34-45, 251-256; I. Bragantini in Coarelli 1982. For Balbus also De Kind 1998, 23-25.
24
2009, 386-391; Van Andringa 2009, 60-65, figs. 44-48. Maiuri 1958, 88-89; approved by Balty 1991, 208 and Naj
Coralini 2001, 29-30 follows Najbjerg. The name ‘basilica’ bjerg 1997, 115-123. Torelli 2005, 135-139, figs. 12, 30. The
had been given by the eighteenth-century antiquarians who Eumachia building has recently been interpreted as a slave
associated the building with an inscription about the restora- market although other functions are not excluded (Fentress
tion of the basilica by Marcus Nonius Balbus (CIL X 1425; 2005, 225-230; see also Grimaldi 2003, 39; contra Trümper
see Maiuri 1958, 90). 2009).
23 25
Allroggen-Bedel 1974, 1983; Adamo Muscettola 1982. De A good axonometric drawing in Pagano 2000, 86.
126
Fig. 58 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Cheiron and Achilles (photo
author). For a colour version of this figure, see page 247.
fragments were removed from the interior walls in 1739 and 1761. Paul Herrmann gave a first description of the
location of the main pieces and Agnes Allroggen-Bedel and Tina Najbjerg succeeded admirably in reassembling
them as completely as possible.26 The most celebrated ones come from the middle zones of the apsidal niches in
the back wall and show Herakles and Theseus in a majestic pose (figs. 56-57). Herakles finds his son Telephos in
Arcadia on mount Parthenios - who might be the winged figure on the right, if she is not the nymph Parthenos
- while Arcadia is seated at the left and dominates thanks to her dimensions (but see infra). On the other panel,
Theseus is shown in the presence of a woman (upper left hand corner; see infra) and received by Athenian chil-
dren after slaying the Minotaur). Moreover, there are the paideia scenes of Cheiron and Achilles and Marsyas
26
Extensive descriptions in Herrmann 1904-1950, 101-117; ture), 9522 (Athena and Argo), 9553 (Zeus in clouds),
Allroggen-Bedel 1983; Najbjerg 1997, 254-348. The fol- 9825 (architecture; from one of the niches, if Moormann
lowing items are in the National Museum of Archaeology, 1988, 102-103 no. 019 is right), 9931 (architecture), 9946
Naples; the numbers are those of the museum’s inventory. (attendant, doubtful). The Musée du Louvre in Paris pos-
8540 (architecture), 8828 (young man) 8864 (Hylas and sesses P17 (head of woman), P18 (Leda). Reconstruction:
the Nymphs), 8903 (priest), 8949 (attendant), 8962 (atten- Najbjerg 1997, 282, pl. 11-12. She also reconstructs the two
dant), 8976 (Medea), 9006 (Herakles brings the Kalydo- groups of paintings found in 1739 and 1761 respectively.
nian to Eurystheus hidden in a pit), 9007 (Herakles and Ruggiero 1885, XXXVI lists another [?] Leda (= Pitture
Stymphalian birds), 9008 (Herakles finds Telephos), 9011 d’Ercolano IV, 21) and a Bellerophon (ibid. III, 251) as
(Herakles and the Nemean lion), 9012 (Herakles strangles well as a Athena plus two figures (Helbig 1868, no. 1259).
snakes), 9027 (Herakles and Admetos), 9049 (Theseus Camillo Paderni ordered three pieces to be destroyed (foun-
kills Minotauros), 9054 (slave/athlete), 9109 (Cheiron and tain with bird, mask, nude man). On copies and free use of
Achilles), 9151 (Marsyas and Olympos), 9239 (Hesperos), them, see Bergmann 1995, 96-97, fig. 7.
9290 (woman), 9374 (man with chair), 9431 (architec-
127
Fig. 59 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Marsyas
and Olympos (photo author).
and Olympos (figs. 58-59).27 The Cheiron image filled the dado under Telephos, Marsyas that under Theseus.
Their concave surfaces indicate that both were in the niches at the right and left sides of the rear wall.28 In the
reconstruction (fig. 61) a fragment showing an architrave, with caryatids and acroteria (fig. 60), can be inserted,
possibly to be connected with a tiny golden column visible on the red strip left of the Telephos. On top of the
curved upper frame of this panel acroteria in the form of golden fantasy animals with tails ending in scrolls are
27
The attribution of these paintings to the Augusteum is based evident from the beginning. It is not difficult to encounter
on the 1752 description by Cochin and Bellicard (Cochin such confusion: three galleries were explored simultane-
and Bellicard 1752 and 1757, 15-18, pl. 5: ‘chalcidicum’), ously in 1739 (see Ruggiero 1885, 23, d.d. 9 May 1739; 44,
but see also previous testimonies of Marcello de Venuti d.d. 25 November 1739). Besides, an eyewitness account
from 1739 (in De Venuti 1749, 97, 100-101), Charles de by De Venuti (De Venuti 1749, IX) does not mention a
Brosses from 1739 (De Brosses 1991, letters 33 and 35, pp. round temple, but one or more niches (1749, 100-101):
571-572, 600 [after Lettres sur l’état actuel de la ville souter- “Ma ciò che in vero superò l’idea di ogni aspettazione, e portò
raine d’Herculée, Dijon 1750]). Winckelmann’s Sendschrei- a me un infinito maraviglioso piacere, fu la scoperta di due
ben from 1762 (Winckelmann 1997, 82-83 [= 1762, 26]) grandissime Pitture Storiate, che credo fossero lateralmente
suggests the provenance from a round temple dedicated nel fondo del medesimo Tempio [Herakles], conciosiacosachè
to Herakles. See the commentary in Winckelmann 1997, terminate le pitture del muro andante, dipinto, come ho detto, e
169-170 (cf. pp. 170-172 on these paintings and 172-173 trovati alcuni passi d’infrante colonne, si vide il muro medesimo
on the Balbus statues, always with extensive bibliographical inclinare gentilmente come in due nicchie assai grandi, ove si
references). However, no indications of the presence of a scoprirono figure bellissime della naturale altezza con suoi col-
round temple next to the theatre are given on any map from ori freschi, vivi, disposte, ed intese a maraviglia.” And De Bro-
the same period (Pierre Bardet 1743, Cochin and Bellicard sses (1991, 600) writes: “Les vestiges d’un temple d’Hercule,
1752) and the find of the Augusteum with its niches is voisin du théâtre.” There is nothing about a round temple
128
Fig. 60 Herculaneum, Augusteum, architectural fragment (photo Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, no. 74.1397).
still discernible. The Cheiron panel has a palm tree at its right side. Admittedly, this reconstruction has its weak-
nesses, especially as far as the two paideia groups in the dado are concerned. As a rule, this zone does not contain
large figures, but panels, eventually with small figures like caryatids and atlases (see note 69), and in the imperial
period marble veneer (real or imitated). The paideia scenes, however, are no ordinary pinakes of a middle zone
either and a position in the upper zone creates problems for the architectural background.
as suggested by Winckelmann! Christoph Gottlob Heyne Besides, the background suggests an environment of lavish
dismissed this idea in his review of Winckelmann’s funda- marble incrustation (Moormann, 1988, 46, 57, 69, 102-104;
mental book (Winckelmann 2001, 111). De Brosses (1991, cf. Herrmann 1904-1950, 102), which contrasts with the
563) also refers to “the ruins of a basilica” where a statue of pastoral setting of the two Arcadian figures Cheiron and
Vitellius had been found. Cochin and Bellicard 1757, 30-34, Marsyas. Or do we have to conceive of them as standing in a
pls. 15-17, extensively discuss the Theseus, Telephos and palace? Nevertheless, Najbjerg 1997, 282 and pl. 11 suggests
Cheiron & Achilleus. This means that in front of the wall the lower section the Theseus and Herakles paintings and
with the two large niches were columns, which match with above them, separated by architectural elements, those of
the peristyle of the Augusteum. Therefore, there is no reason the paideia. Cf. A. Allroggen-Bedel in Ercolano 2008, 41 on
to dismiss the traditional attribution of the murals to this the location. Pesando 2003 uses the motif of the suggested
building. An exhibition in Rome in the winter of 2007-2008 sculptures as a basis for his identification (see infra). Höl
showed the ‘Theseus’ after a radical restoration (M. Lista in scher 1971, 45, pl. 9.2 aptly characterises the Cheiron: “Der
Nava 2007, 117-119; here fig. 56). Kentaur ist kein Naturbursche, sein Kopf könnte fast der eines
28
As the groups are free evocations of living figures modelled Philosophen sein.” He compares the couple to Aristotle and
after sculpture groups, their position could not be different. Alexander the Great.
129
Fig. 61 Herculaneum, Augusteum, reconstruction of the niches (montage author) with the use of figs 56-60 and the plan from Cochin
and Bellicard 1752, pl. 5. For a colour version of this figure, see page 248.
Further ‘activities’ of Herakles include killing the snakes in his cradle (fig. 62),29 Admetos and Alkestis, and
the struggles with the Nemean lion, the Caledonian boar and the Stymphalian birds.30 Other fragments show
29 30
Good photo in Nava 2007, 110. Outside the yellow mould- Croisille includes most of the Herakles scenes from the
ing serving as the frame of the panel one can see red surfaces Augusteum in his discussion of ‘cycles’, but does not dis-
on both sides in the lower part separated from green surfaces cuss them within their context (indeed none of the other
in the upper part by means of a horizontal yellow strip with paintings are discussed in context). His material is useful
some moulding. for those who look for comparisons and connections with
130
Fig. 62 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Herakles kills the
snakes (photo author). For a colour version of this
(cult?) ministers and women. The half-preserved version of a Medea Looking at Her Children – of which model
we know other replicas - must not be left out of this list (fig. 63).31
Maiuri saw the Augusteum as the curia of the local ordo decurionum embellished by statues of emperors
and local outstanding citizens.32 Schefold argued that the paintings come from a building built in honour of
Vespasian.33 De Franciscis compared the shrine at Misenum (see infra) with this building in terms of its func-
tion and interpreted it accordingly as a collegium of Augustales.34 Allroggen-Bedel proposed that this enigmatic
complex is a building for the imperial cult, forming a centre for emperor’s cults together with the two other
complexes. It could have been constructed and decorated with statues under Claudius, but more portraits like
that of Titus and inscriptions were added under the Flavians.35 In a successive paper she connected it with the
Augustales.36 Jean Balty made a thorough study of the Roman curia and saw no points of correspondence in the
Augusteum or the other buildings. The Augusteum might be a large commercial hall, whereas the ‘Collegio degli
Augustali’ indeed should be the aedes Augustalium. He argues that the function of the third edifice remains,
contemporary literary evocations: Croisille 1982, 149, 153, with the Eumachia building (see supra) should have made
pl. 67.2 (Hylas), pl. 73 (Kalydonian Boar), pl. 72.2 (Stym- him cautious in interpreting this as a curia. De Caro 1991b,
phalian Birds), pl. 72.1 (Nemean Lion). Lorenz 2005, 218 18 compares the Eumachia building with the Augusteum and
also speaks about a cyclical narration, but omits the cases in argues they were both complexes for imperial cult.
33
the adjacent Aedes Augustalium and Basilica Noniana. Schefold 1952, 136. His discussion of the main paintings is
31
Mühlenbrock and Richter 2005, 289 cat. 6.4. See also a pleasure to read (see quotation, infra), but full of personal
Croisille 1982, 50, pl. 14 and Bergmann 1995, 96, fig. 6 for opinions and allusions, highly overestimating the works’
the Medea from the House of the Dioscuri and the pinax artistic quality (p. 136-142).
34
with this theme by Timomachos. De Franciscis 1991, 50.
32 35
Maiuri 1958, 90: “Le statue imperiali, le grandiose pitture Allroggen-Bedel 1974, esp. 106-108; quotation on p. 108.
allusive alle origini della città, le statue infine onorarie del più She makes clear that this area was not the forum as had been
benemerito cittadino ercolanese [Marcus Nonius Balbus – proposed previously. On dating also Allroggen-Bedel 1983,
EMM] e della sua gens, servivano a dare maggiore nobiltà alla 153: “frühestens claudisch”.
36
sede più augusta della vita pubblica di Ercolano.” The other Allroggen-Bedel 1983, 150, 153-154.
two buildings might also be curiae. Maiuri’s comparison
131
Fig. 63 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Medea (photo author).
for the moment, unknown.37 Even if the architectural

aspects are problematic, and there exists a lot of con-
fusion about the exact location of the statuary found,
the decoration could have suggested to Balty that the
building had a purely commercial function.
Discussions about the significance and dating of
the complex and its decorations are often intermin-
gled. Entirely rejectable is the attribution to the era of
the Second Style as proposed by Mabel M. Gabriel.38
It is clear that all elements, especially architectural ele-
ments 8540, 9825 and 9931, point to the Fourth Style
and, therefore, to the period from Claudius to AD
79. The internal development and chronology of this
phase of wall painting are hotly debated and, restricting
myself to the paintings under discussion, the opinions
are divided between Claudius and the Flavians, namely
the early and late phases of the Fourth Style in Campa-
nia. Both sides of the debate offer historical arguments,
namely the important presence of the emperor in the
iconographic programme of the complex. A Claudian
date has been advocated by Allroggen-Bedel and, most
recently, Najbjerg.39 The time of Vespasian and Titus
is supported by Herrmann, Salomonson, Schefold,
Alan G.M. Little, Cécile Dulière and Françoise Gury.40
Schefold suggested that heroes had a symbolical func-
tion of cleaning and restoring world order. In the
37
Balty 1991, 208-212. see the proceedings of the round table cited p. 26, note 77.
38 39
Gabriel 1952, 26-27. Herrmann 1904-1950 refers to Franz Allroggen-Bedel 1974, 108-109; Allroggen-Bedel 1983, 153;
Winter’s opinion that the works should belong to the Second Najbjerg 1997, 297-298, 303-306 (Flavian statues added:
Style. As to attributions to named painters like Gabriel’s one pp. 216-221). Now also Coralini 2005, 352.
40
can look at the attempt by L.J. Richardson, A Catalog of Iden- Herrmann 1904-1950, 103; Little 1972, 37; Dulière 1979,
tifiable Figure Painters of Ancient Pompeii, Herculaneum, and I, 127-128, 129-132, II, 52-53 no. 135, figs. 78, 90; Gury
Stabiae, Baltimore and London 2000, 89-90, 171-175. But 1991.
132
Roman empire this function was fulfilled by the emperor and, as a consequence, the display of heroes in the
building reflects the wish to show the emperor as a hero.41 These beautiful sentences, unfortunately, are more
suggestions than conclusions based on a sound foundation.
Little observed an interesting connection, not referred to in other studies until Torelli: the focus on the pres-
ence of children could suggest a relationship with Domitian as the princeps Iuuentutis.42 The caution observed as
to Pappalardo’s views on the Aedes Augustalium (supra p. 123) also applies to this suggestion.
As to the paintings of Hercules finding Telephos and the victorious Theseus slaying the Minotaur, there
are some detailed studies which single out these peculiar scenes. Because of their dimensions, being the largest
mythological scenes hitherto unearthed in Herculaneum, and their original position, they were of great impor-
tance in the building’s iconographic repertoire. Based on previous studies but adding many new insights, Jan
Willem Salomonson came to the conclusion fifty years ago that the image of Telephos symbolised the promise
of bounty from the emperor. Telephos and his entourage stood for peace, happiness and wealth caused by Her-
culaneum’s founder Herakles; the tranquil lion and the eagle connected the episode with the gods, especially
Jupiter, and with peace. The Telephos theme was also present elsewhere in the building, namely in the form of
a marble relief with Achilles consulting an oracle on how to cure the wounded Telephos.43 Theseus stood for
the liberation from evil. All these functions were substantiated in the person of the emperor, i.e. Vespasian.44
Allroggen-Bedel took up this analysis and cautiously suggested a connection with the most famous Herculanean
citizen, Marcus Nonius Balbus, who was proconsul of Crete between 20 and 14 BC, for which reason Theseus
played a rôle in this official context.45 Bernhard Schmaltz pointed to the specific victorious character of Theseus,
being greeted by the children in a style which has comparisons with imperial representations of power rather
than the (sometimes presumed) lost Greek original.46 Almost no one has observed the presence of the woman in
the top left corner who sports a quiver and probably has an arrow in her right hand. Might she be a personifica-
tion of Crete, an island so famous for its archers? If so, she stresses the island’s importance even if she does not
have a specific position in the story.47 In this way, she can be considered as the counterpart of the Arkadia in the
Telephos painting, which underlines the adjective character of both images.
Najbjerg associates the four scenes with the Saepta Iulia in Rome and its two lateral porticoes (Porticus
Meleagri and Porticus Argonautorum) where paintings with the same themes were visible:48
a conscious quotation of the Saepta, one of the most frequented buildings in Rome was made in the ‘Basilica’, not
only in the architecture and in the two large paintings of Achilles and Marsyas, but also in the topic of the frieze.
41
Schefold 1952, 141-142: “Das Heldenthema, das wir schon 1964, not often referred to in this context. Binder’s analysis
immer mit dem Frevlerthema verbunden sahen, ist in der festli- of our painting, however, is not flawless and he makes no
chen Basilika ganz in den Vordergrund getreten als Ausdruck allusion to the original position and function of the image
einer neuen ideellen Ordnung, die wieder auf augusteische Ideen (p. 131). In similar vein Little 1964, 393-395.
45
zurückgreift und an Horaz erinnert. An die Stelle des nero- Allroggen-Bedel 1983, 151-153. Pappalardo 1997, 422

nischen Rausches ist das Pathos der Virtus und der göttlichen reports the erection of a bronze equestrian statue, now lost
Weltordnung getreten, deren Hüter auf Erden die Heroen und (with bibliography).
46
der Kaiser sind. So wird auch in den Häusern vespasianischer Schmaltz 1989, 78-79. See also Hallett 2005, 48, pl. 27: the
Zeit das Heldenthema immer verbunden mit einer neuen Form attitude is that of a Hellenistic ruler in ‘agonal nudity’ (p.
des Preises der göttlichen Mächte, die über Held und Frevler 57).
47
walten.” Cf. M. Andreadakis-Vlasakis, LIMC VI (1992) 134 no. 14
42
Little 1964, 395; 1972, 38. s.v. Krete, who points to a possible confusion with Diktynna,
43
Mühlenbrock and Richter 2005, 290 cat. no. 6.6. a goddess who looks like Artemis (C. Boulotis, LIMC III,
44
Salomonson 1957, 34-38. He remarks how the seated 1986, 391-394 s.v.).
48
woman seen as Arcadia is even more important thanks to her Najbjerg 1997, 306-315; citation on p. 308.
dimensions. Salomonson’s study is substantiated by Binder
133
If we accept Najbjerg’s dating to the time of Claudius, and bearing in mind that he supported the notion of a
good education, the following themes can be identified: the education of children (Telephos, children of Ath-
ens, Olympos and Achilles, the latter being possible counterparts of Britannicus and Nero), cult (cult ministers),
and Herakles (six times) as a specific Herculanean item. Despite these common aspects, Najbjerg does not see a
“coherent program” and the suggestion of a pinacotheca cannot be excluded.49 Françoise Gury also studied these
images and arrived at fascinating conclusions, arguing that the building was used for the imperial cult.50 She
identifies the colossal lady at the left hand side of the Telephos painting as Cybele, pointing to a similarity of the
position and drapery with the Cybele statue from the Temple of Cybele on the Palatine in Rome. Other, more
usual features of this Magna Mater are lacking.51 But she goes further, suggesting that the finding of Telephos
is ‘transplanted’ to the Palatine and seen as a pre-Romulean foundation of the town, known as the Pallanteum.
Moreover, Gury refers to the restoration of the Temple of Magna Mater in Herculaneum by Vespasian and
Titus, as we know from an AD 76 inscription. The observation that the scene equals the finding of Romulus
and Remus is based on Salomonson’s work and lends support to this interpretation.52 The Theseus, finally, is
also linked to Vespasian, who was previously quaestor on Crete and in Cyrenaica in AD 36/37, the same area
where Nonius had worked. In conclusion, Nonius and Vespasian form a couple of principal benefactors.53 The
paintings, therefore, should be dated to 76-79.54 Although one might point to the rather complicated message of
seeing the two main euergetists in these figures – Theseus = Balbus and Hercules = Vespasian – it is not implau-
sible. The restoration of the Temple of Cybele in Herculaneum was carried out in the same years. Nevertheless,
the major focus on Balbus seems not justified, since he and his family were honoured in the nearby Basilica
Noniana (see infra), for which reason Gury’s conclusions must be treated with caution.55
The topographical and functional relationship with the Aedes Augustalium has been discussed by Najbjerg.
She labels the Augusteum as the ‘Portico of the Augustales’, with or without the Iuuentus – and the author has
some strong arguments for her case. A discrepancy signalled by her in passing must be revealed.56 She observes
that the paintings in the ‘Portico’ highlight Herakles as the founder of the city, while the marble statues are dedi-
cated to the dynasts, which could pertain to a conscious or unconscious choice of the materials used: marble
for the portraits, painting (with or without a marble incrustation in the lower parts of the walls) for Herakles.
The same distinction can be established in the Aedes Augustalium, where the head of the emperor (Vespasian or
Titus) was either removed from the base at the back wall before AD 79 or never installed. One should keep in
49
Najbjerg 1997, 315. Cf. Hölscher 1971, 45-46 (see note baldi 2006b, 92-94).
54
285). Approved by François Queyrel in his study about the
50
Gury 1991, 97. Altar of Pergamon, when discussing the panel of Hercules
51
Gury 1991, 98-99. finding Telephos: Queyrel 2005, 85, figs. 78 (Pergamon)
52
Gury 1991, 100; cf. Salomonson 1957; Dulière 1979, I, 131. and 79 (our painting). I do not want to address the pos-
53
Gury 1991, 102-103; citation p. 103: “nous croyons que le sible relationship with a lost three dimensional group from
décor peint des deux absides met en parallèle les deux princi- Pergamon and its implications, which seems to me too far-
paux bienfaiteurs d’Herculanum: Marcus Nonius Balbus, le fetched (cf. Dulière 1979, I, 127, 131-132).
55
constructeur, et Vespasian, le réconstructeur.” See also Little A . Allroggen-Bedel in Ercolano 2008, 43 dismisses Gury’s
1964, 394. This view has nothing to do with the supposed reading as unfounded.
56
interpretation of Theseus as a metaphor of a Roman con- Najbjerg 1997; Najbjerg 2002, 162: “With its painted pro-
queror of the Italic gentes, as apparently could be true gram that promoted Hercules, the patron god of Herculaneum,
for the Theseus mosaic in the House of the Labyrinth in and its sculptural programs that hailed the emperor, the Porti-
Pompeii and those also dating to 70s BC in other houses cus would have been a venue for the Augustales to display their
(Strocka 1991, 107; V.M. Strocka, in PPM 5 (1994) 1-2) or wealth and show their loyalty to the town and to the emperor...”
as a symbol of maritime domination (Pesando and Guido- Connection with the Iuuentus also in Coralini 2005, 352.
134
mind, however, that the applied marbles had gradually become common in the course of the first century and
might thus not represent a specific feature. Despite the clumsy connection between the two buildings – precise
axes are missing and other correspondences are lacking - the cella of the Aedes Augustalium follows more or less
the axis of the rear wall of the portico (the two quadrigae within the entrance would guide the gaze of the spec-
tators) and the painted Herakles cycles are in opposite positions. We are as yet unable to attribute the paintings
in both complexes to the same painters and the data necessary to do so might eventually be found in the not
yet excavated wall systems in the portico. These would show the framing of the removed central mythologi-
cal scenes. The paintings in both buildings have a syntax of forms usual for the Fourth Style and while their
architectural elements are rather heavy, a Flavian date is rather plausible.57 The images show a mythological
person who is extremely important for the history of Herculaneum, being its founder, and can be characterised
as ‘sacred’ in this environment. As such, the pictorial decoration would not have been out of place in a private
setting.
Fabrizio Pesando, finally, relies upon the motif of the paideia, symbolised in the couples Cheiron and Achil-
les and Marsyas and Olympos, and reaches the same conclusion as Najbjerg that the Augusteum should be com-
pared with the Saepta Iulia in Rome, where these figures stood exposed as statues, and be seen as a conscious
imitation of the complex in the capital of the Empire. He follows some scholars in interpreting the whole set of
images as expressions of the liberation of Rome from the tyranny of Nero by Vespasian. The building, then, was
an Augusteum.58
We have already mentioned Torelli’s equation of the building with gymnasia because of architectural simi-
larities, who argues that this is demonstrated by the four mythological scenes in the apses (fig. 61).59 Torelli sees
them as metaphors for the phases of education, institutio, coined after the more subtle Greek subdivision into
four stages, which can be presented in the following scheme:
Painting Greek Roman

Telephos Νήπιοι Infantes
Theseus Παῖδες Pueri
Marsyas & Olympos Ἔφεβοι Adolescentes
Cheiron & Achilles Μειράκια Iuuenes
The heroes also represent the ideal of the gymnasium and warrant the success of education there. Torelli con-
cludes that the building, despite its iconography, is not transformed into a gymnasium but remains a high-level
Augusteum.
57
Najbjerg 2002, 147 dates the preserved structure as well as see Anne Weis, LIMC VII (1994) 40 no. 15 and 44, com-
the decoration of the portico to the Flavian era. Cf. supra her mentary. Peter Weiss, LIMC VIII (1997) 931, Chapter IV.A
connection with Claudius; I concur with this most recent refers to Pan & Olympos without any comment on the
conclusion. Saepta Iulia. As we see many references to Ovid’s version of
58
Pesando 2003. See also Mühlenbrock 2003, 132. The con- myth, Weis’ reference to his Pont. 3.3.42-343, where both
nection with the Saepta Iulia at Rome has also been made by pairs are mentioned together, is relevant.
59
Salomonson 1957, Allroggen-Bedel 1983, 153, and others. Torelli 2005, 117-139. He is apparently not well informed
These authors rely on the testimony of Pliny, NH 36.29, when saying that the paintings have been rather neglected
where groups of Cheiron and Achilles and Pan and Olympos in scholarship, which is contradicted by my summary of the
are mentioned. The latter should be seen, according to many diverse opinions. The comparison with the Saepta Iulia in
scholars, as Marsyas and Oympos, but two very different, Rome (see text and previous note) is too far-fetched accord-
even contrasting aspects of education might be alluded to, ing to Torelli (pp. 128-130).
135
The theme of the paideia is even present in some of the other pictures, e.g. Herakles strangling the snakes
and Medea contemplating her children (figs. 62-63). These serve as warnings about hybris and insane behaviour,
both being a negative example of tutela iuuenum. One might also expect to find a Niobe panel! In this context
the iuuentus is, again, an interesting aspect for which reason one might perhaps expect, in a mythical form, Ves-
pasian’s second son Domitian.
In conclusion, the building’s function is similar to that of the Aedes Augustalium and we see here a higher
grade of social class. The ordo built this Augusteum, probably more or less at the same time as the aedes Augus-
talium was built, and it gradually grew more prestigious. The decorations must be attributed to the same short
lapse of time during the reign of Vespasian or Titus, most probably 76-79. The presence of two augustea is not
problematic since different groups of Herculaneum’s class-conscious society wanted to show their devotion (or
would-be devotion) to the emperors.
There is a third building that must be taken into account, namely the one opposite cardo III, of which the
outer wall is visible and sometimes labelled ‘Galleria Balbi’ thanks to the five portraits of members of the gens
Nonia found there in the eighteenth century. It has also been called Basilica Noniana.60 Mario Pagano published
a group of paintings representing some thirteen of Hercules’ aggressive encounters, belonging to the praxeis
and parerga and not to his athloi, among which Alkyoneus (i.e. Gigantomachy), Pholos (i.e. Centauromachy),
Sarpedon (i.e. killing the son of Poseidon at Ainos) and Kyknos (i.e. killing this hero at Itonos) are known,
partly in figural form partly thanks to plaster fragments bearing the Greek painted names.61 The frieze adorned
the epistyle of the lower colonnade which ran along the inner side of the exterior walls.62 Because of the rather
peculiar stories of Hercules, Pagano suggests that this choice is based on literary works. The production of the
paintings is dated to the age of Vespasian. As to the building’s function it has been interpreted as the seat of the
Augustales, but according to Allroggen-Bedel, Stefania Adamo Muscettola and Pagano it might be the Basilica
proper, an interpretation also supported by Torelli.63
In sum, all three buildings along the decumanus maximus express in one way or the other aspects of the
emperor’s cult. It should be noted that Augustus devoted plenty of attention to the province of Campania,
unlike his successors.64 Furthermore, in this area Vespasian and Titus, who almost always appear together, imple-
mented a reform of the agrarian infrastructure. At the same time, the harbours in the bay of Naples also gained
increasing importance, as evidenced by the construction of the Via Domitiana.65 The local burghers profited
60
VII 16. Allroggen-Bedel 1974; 1983; De Vos and De Vos teum); Pagano 2001, 913 (“certainly” a Basilica); Coralini
1982, 298-300; Adamo Muscettola 1982, 5, figs. 29-30; 2005, 352; Torelli 2005, 116. The Aedes Augustalium is not
Boschung 2002, 121, 124; Torelli 2005, 112-117; Pesando taken into account by Pagano. Pagano 2000, 92 gives the
and Guidobaldi 2006a, 373-375 (‘Basilica Noniana’, with a same interpretation; the Aedes Augustalium might be the
list of the portraits); A. Allroggen-Bedel in Ercolano 2008, seat of the Augustales. Pagano 2001, 920-923, figs. 6-7, and
36-52, 261-262. Cf. the following notes. A beautiful female Coralini 2005, 348-349, 351-353, figs. 7-8 discuss the three
head with traces of polychromy has come to light during representations of Herakles in a room (Pagano: “bottega”)
recent clearing works. See Guidobaldi 2006a, 108, figs. 4-5; in the House of the Tuscan Colonnade, opening onto the
Guidobaldi 2006b, 139, figs. 5-7. Decumanus Maximus (VI 17). This might be part of the
61
Pagano 1990; 1996, 235; 2001. See also Coralini 2001, general Heraklean iconographic repertoire in Herculaneum.
30 and 2005, 341, 352. On Greek texts on paintings see The representations are dated to the late Third Style and
Thomas 1995. thus predate the examples discussed here, which date to the
62
Pagano 1990, 154, fig. 1 (reconstruction) and pls. 43.1, 42.1; time of Vespasian and Titus.
64
Pagano 2001; Coralini 2005, 341, figs. 2-4. D’Arms 1970, 79-84.
63 65
Allroggen-Bedel 1974 and 1983; Adamo Muscettola 1982; D’Arms 1970, 100-103.
Pagano 1996, 238-240 (his Basilica), 240-243 (his Augus-
136
'. -- ",.
Fig. 64 Pompeii, shrine in the eastern part of the Macellum (photo author).
from this development and showed their gratitude by means of the construction of imperial shrines, an activity
which also enhanced their social status.66
T h e M acellum in P ompeii
The eastern part of the commercial hall, the Macellum, in Pompeii has a tripartite subdivision in which the
centre is occupied by a small temple on a podium and the side rooms are open areas for the sacrifice of animals
or banqueting rituals (fig. 64). The left space also contains a small shrine (k). The vestibule of the central cult
room (g) possessed panel decoration in the Fourth Style and candelabra separating these panels. Only faded
stucco panels survive67 and we must rely on rather sketchy early nineteenth-century documentation by François
Mazois and William Gell.68 According to these sources, the best preserved dado contained seated human figures
66
Cf. Wallace-Hadrill 2004, 121-126. See also Torelli 2005, 171, 244-245, figs. 278-279; Small 1996 (scanty documen-
125. F. Pesando offers a good overview of the expressions of tation, p. 118; dating probably before 62, contra Maiuri et
veneration of Vespasian and Titus in the towns of Campania al., with restorations after 62, p. 122); Romizzi 2006a and
in Coarelli 2009, 378-385. For Pompeii see Van Andringa 2006b and Stefani 2006 (Flavian era).
68
2009, 70, where he lists five shrines for the emperor’s cult. Mazois 1829, 64-65, pl. 42, 44, 45; Gell 1832, I, 65, pl.
67
VII 9, 7. De Vos and De Vos 1982, 43-45; De Ruyt 1983, XVIII; Van Andringa 2009, 202, fig. 15. The left and right
137-149, esp. 144-146; PPM VII (1997) 349; Coarelli 2002, walls seem to contain a central panel in red and side panel
106; F. Marcattili, ThesCRA IV (2005) 271 no. 1. s.v. Macel- in yellow with architectural motifs. The antae have fluted
lum; Van Andringa 2006; Romizzi 2006a, 64-70; 2006b, pilasters in white stucco relief. A watercolour by the French
119-130; Stefani 2006; Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006a, architect Jules Bouchet from 1826 shows more elements
46-47; Barnabei 2007, 76-79; Van Andringa 2009, 197-214. than we can see nowadays and are also depicted in other
An extensive discussion can be found in Wallat 1997, 169- illustrations (Pompei 1981, 146, 160 no. 32).
137
that cannot be gods because of their secondary position.69 The floors, stairs and the walls of the cella were all
covered with marble revetments. Those on the floors are still visible, the other slabs were removed either in
antiquity or by the French excavators, a common practice at the time. Each of the four niches in the side walls
contained statues, two of which have been found; plaster casts are on view in situ. These two statues - a man
represented in heroic nudity and a woman in official dress offering a libation - both have hairstyles which are
Neronian in fashion. The interpretation of the standing persons is hotly debated.70 They have been identified as
either portraits of members of the imperial family or Pompeian elite. The niche in the back wall contained the
seated figure of an emperor. The fragment of an arm found here (now apparently lost) held a globe and certainly
belongs to this figure venerated here. As a whole the decoration of this shrine, mainly based on marble veneer,
does not differ from the contemporaneous display of luxury in imperial Pompeii during the first century AD. A
Flavian date, as proposed by most scholars, is highly probable and is based on both the paintings and the use of
the marble revetments (cf. p. 125 on Herculaneum). The iconography of the paintings and the sculptures might
have enhanced the religious aura of the building.71
Most publications, including early ones, see this building as a shrine for the emperor’s cult. However, while
Gradel initially interpreted this as a shrine, he later questioned his own interpretation on the basis of the mix of
local and imperial figures.72 What could be the function of a ‘sculpture gallery’ in a commercial setting? From
Claire de Ruyt’s monograph on market buildings we learn that imperial cults were practiced in various complex-
es which served as market places.73 This may be an additional argument to accept the traditional interpretation
as a room for the imperial cult, but as in the case of the Aedes Augustalium in Herculaneum we might characterize
it as a sort of cult-specific lararium in which, or in front of which, offerings could be made on a portable altar.74
The small shrine k in the northern open room no longer shows traces of paintings, whereas the walls of the
surrounding space have black dadoes with ornaments and panel decorations on a white background in the main
zone.75 It was probably dedicated to the cult of the Genius Macelli, but Willem van Andringa follows Torelli in
attributing this shrine to Mercury, to whom the goats, skeletal remains of which have been found here, were
dedicated. The combination of the Emperor cult and that for the god of commerce would have occurred in the
last decades of Pompeii’s existence. Inscriptions date many Augustales to this period.76
69
For this motif, compare the numerous crouching, kneeling graphic repertoire from the House of the Dioscuri and con-
and standing figures in dadoes in Fourth Style paintings nects them with the Nigidii.
72
from the House of Meleager (Moormann 1988, 174-176 cat. Gradel 2002, 107. He misinterprets Zanker 1995, 94 and
202, with ills.; PPM IV (1993) 727-809) and the centaurs fig. 38: Zanker does not deny the function as a shrine for
in the atrium of the Villa of San Marco in Castellammare di emperor’s cult (see the caption to his fig. 38), but he stresses
Stabia (Moormann 1988, 94 cat. 009/1, with ill.). the importance of the local elite. As to the shrine, Small 1996
70
See the overview of opinions in Stefani 2006, 205-223 and and Van Andringa 2006 both view the absence of an altar as
compare her own conclusions (members of the Flavian a point of contention.
73
imperial family) with those of Lucia Romizzi 2006b in the De Ruyt 1983, 374-375. See also Romizzi 2006b, 121 note
same volume of Ostraka (emperor and members of the gens 64.
74
Nigidia) and of Armando Cristilli (2008: imperial persons). This assumption has been extensively debated in Van

The statue of the youth is also listed in Hallett 2005, 324 no Andringa 2006, 193-199 and Stefani 2006.
75
204. As to the lady, G. Stefani in Coarelli 2009, 488-489, sees Van Andringa 2006, 191-192, figs. 6-7. Cf. Mazois 1829,
her as Flavis Iulia, daughter of Titus. Van Andringa 2009, plate 44 (reproduced in Van Andringa 2006, fig. 4).
76
204, sees them as portraits of local people. Torelli 1998, 262-263; Van Andringa 2006, 193-199; cf.
71
See esp. Romizzi 2006b, 122-124, who includes the images Romizzi 2006a and 2006b.
of the portico. She sees a clear connection with the icono-

As in Herculaneum, several buildings were erected along the eastern side of the forum to celebrate the
emperors.77 While not as wealthy as other groups, they built a sanctuary in a prominent location. The four
marble statues and marble revetments enhanced its prestige. The most modest one is the shrine in the Macel-
lum, for which we may presume the merchants were the patrons. As in Herculaneum, different social groups
displayed their wealth and status and devotion to the emperor via the many cult buildings and their decoration,
including statuary.
I mperial C ult in M isenum
The effects of the bradysism at Pozzuoli and surroundings in 1970s led to the discovery of various important
buildings in this area which was densely inhabited in the imperial era and known as an area of villeggiatura. One
of the main showpieces in the local museum in the Castello di Bacoli is the reconstruction of the front of the
Temple of the Augustales in Misenum, where two nude marble portrait statues of Vespasian and Titus in heroic
poses were found. Still more spectacular is the bronze equestrian statue of Domitian transformed into a Nerva
after Domitian’s damnatio memoriae.78 Some painted decorations are also known. The three cellae must have
had a mixed decoration of marble slabs and murals, destroyed around AD 200, and the floor was embellished
with a mosaic in opus sectile. Little is known about these paintings. The small monograph by the excavator of the
complex, Alfonso de Franciscis, provides little information. The published scant remains suggest the presence
of a panel decoration in red and green on a white background with figural vignettes in the middle, all above a
dado in marble veneer. Room 1 had white walls subdivided into isodomic blocks.79 The apse in the back wall of
the cella proper, Room 2, housed stucco elements like the shell motif in the calotte and Nereids, fish and other
marine motifs in a frieze running below that. Its two lateral niches contained the portraits of the Flavian emper-
ors. The greater part of the walls and the floor were in marble, the latter in the shape of a mosaic in opus sectile.
Carmela Capaldi dates the pieces to the Fourth Style and suggests a more precise date of production around
AD 80.80 Room 3, which served for the organisation of sacral meals, epula, by members of the collegium, has no
remaining decoration.81
The specific reasons for the erection of the complex are not known, but one might think of the completion of
the Via Domitiana in AD 95, which created a much better route from the harbours of Puteoli and its surround-
ings to Rome.82 The importance of Campania for the Flavians could already be attested in Herculaneum (see
supra p. 136).
The few fragments illustrated hitherto in publications do not give a lavish impression and contain roughly
painted foliate motifs, belonging to garlands, and modest cornices in stucco. As a whole, no specific stylistic
characteristics enable dating. It is likely they are a later product, possibly dating to the time when the building’s
77
For a quick overview see Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006a, and Gradel 2002, 229 briefly mention the complex. Listed
47-49: VII 9, 1 (also seen as a library) and VII 9, 2 (sanctuary in ThesCRA IV (2005) 194 no. 7 s.v. Augusteum. See also P.
of the imperial cult), with bibliography on pp. 457-458. Miniero in Zevi 2008, III, 185-189 and the presentation of
78
Adamo Muscettola 2000; Fejfer 2008, 79-82, figs. 36-38, pls. all finds but the paintings (Zevi 2008, III, 190-209).
80
6-7; Coarelli 2009, 476-478. See also Hallett 2005, 179-180, C. Capaldi in Miniero 2000, 23-28. See also Mielsch 1975,
pls. 102-104, fig. 10. 76; de Franciscis 1991, 37, figs. 30-38, 46.
79 81
De Franciscis 1991, 31 speaks about “specchiature a leggero De Franciscis 1991, 45.
82
rilievo”, but the photographs (figs. 21-23) do not show such D’Arms 1970, 101-102. The idea of an augusteum can even
a First Style-like relief. Fig. 3 has traces of axe marks, which refer to the activities of the first princeps in this area (D’Arms
means that the paintings had to be replaced by new ones. 1970, 80-81) and in that case the early date can be accepted.
The fragments might date to the first, Domitianic phase and Cf. Ostrow 1985, 85-98 for the great interest for the emper-
the traces of destruction possibly date to restoration in the or’s cult in Campania.
second century. Ostrow 1985, 75-76, Etienne 1993, 347-348
139
marble façade was dedicated by Cassia Victoria, whose portrait and that of her husband Lucius Lecanius Primi-
tivus are clearly Antonine in fashion and style.83
A small shrine in Pozzuoli consisting of two small rooms has been connected with the Flavian cult in Mis-
enum.84 An anteroom in the vast hypogeum recently discovered in Pozzuoli has white frescoes adorned with
roses in a Streumuster pattern. The main room in the area on the acropolis of ancient Puteoli contains a tradi-
tional lararium with lares franked by laurel trees on the north wall, opposite the entrance. On the east and west
walls two groups of six gods can be distinguished. Together they form the twelve Olympian gods in their specific
function of Dei consentes. The south wall has a monochrome depiction of Herakles. This figure might not be
contemporary with the gods. The modest complex expresses the veneration of the Flavian emperors by groups
of corn merchants working in the port of Puteoli, where they had their collegium. Salvatore de Vincenzo argues
that the roses in the anteroom refer to the feast of the Rosalia. I doubt this assumption, since they are not a very
specific type of decoration (and are also found in Misenum) and the Rosalia do not have a specific connection
with this kind of trade. The find in Pozzuoli, however, makes clear that similar surprises may be expected. The
sacellum is a good example of the various ways, modest and opulent, of venerating the emperor and his tutelary
deities.
S ilvanus and C aracalla in O stia ?
Apart from Mithraea and the instance of the ‘quattro tempietti’ (see Chapter 3, p. 60), very few cult buildings in
Ostia still contain traces of the original interior decoration of the cella, whereas no outer walls show remains of
mural paintings.85 Here, in the imperial era, marble had become the ordinary material used for the wall decora-
tions in public and religious buildings. As in Rome, the consumption of expensive materials generated plenty
of income.86
The privately funded Sacellum of Silvanus is incorporated into a big bakery complex, the Caseggiato dei
mulini (I iii 1). It consists of a former passageway between two buildings, roofed and closed off at one side.
The walls are clad with stucco and two layers of paintings, which unfortunately have faded considerably (figs.
65-69).87 The lower layer contains an extremely simple panel painting in red bands on a white surface. Yellow
lines and green horizontal bands similar to those in the Mithraeum of the Painted Walls (see p. 169-170, fig. 93)
form horizontal subdivisions. The second layer, executed in very thin paint directly on the existing murals of the
long walls, shows large, monochrome red figures, standing in rows on the long walls and in some cases repainted
at a later point in time (figs. 65-67). The still visible figures on both the east and west walls are difficult to read,
precisely because of the wear of the paintings as a whole. The left and right walls, next to the entrances, have
depictions of the Dioscuri and their horses. At the rear of the room, several deities and historical personages can
be recognised on the left eastern wall (fig. 67): Augustus (or a later emperor), Harpocrates, Isis (repainted as
a genius), Fortuna (with rudder and cornucopiae), Annona (with rod and corn), Genius (with cornucopiae and
halo) and a nude Alexander the Great with a halo. Isis, Fortuna and Annona can be connected with the guild of
the bakers, as has been made clear by Bakker.88 Harpocrates, who joins the party as a small boy, merits his posi-
83
See Stefania Adamo Muscettola in Miniero 2000, 38-42 and, ker, Les boulangeries à moulin et les distributions de blé
more extensively, Adamo Muscettola 2000 on the statuary. gratuites, in Ostie 2001, 179-185, esp. 181-183, figs. 6-7;
84
De Vincenzo 2008. Steuernagel 2001, 43-48 and 2004, 106, 186-187, fig. 19; M.
85
See citation from Meiggs 1973, 437, p. 67 note 71. Menichetti, ThesCRA IV (2005) 315 no. 6, pl. 31, s.v. Sacel-
86
A fascinating work in this respect is Pensabene 2007. lum.
87 88
Bakker 1994, 134-167, pl. 85-100; Moormann 1994; LIMC Bakker 1994, 134-167, pl. 85-100.
VII (1994) 766 no. 46; Bollmann 1998, 434-436; J.Th. Bak-
140
Fig. 65 Ostia, Sacellum of Silvanus, west wall (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour version of this figure, see page 249.
tion as the son and companion of Isis. The two princes are more problematic. Michel Fuchs argues they should
also be interpreted as mythological figures and suggests they are Mars and Mercury.89
The rear wall was completely repainted. In the centre of this south wall a figure can be seen, preserved up
to its waist and not yet satisfactorily interpreted (fig. 68). It was accompanied by the marble statuette of a Lar
standing in a niche and now in the Ostia Museum. Silvanus stood next to him on the western wall. This image
was removed and transported to the same museum (fig. 69). The panel shows him holding a patera next to a
pillar-like altar on which sits a snake. Silvanus’ dog is seated on the ground.
The composition scheme of the long walls does not differ from other white walls in Ostia dating to the late
second and early third century AD and studied by Claudia Liedtke.90 The figural motifs were added briefly later.
A graffito with the date of 25 April 215 gives a terminus ante quem and the text records a dedication to emperor
Caracalla and thus the historical persons should be interpreted as illustrious predecessors. Caracalla had a spe-
cial affection for Alexander. The Egyptian deities might allude to the bakers’ connection with Egypt, from where
the cereals were imported for the Roman market.91
89 91
Personal communication (see Moormann 1994, 269 note A specific relationship between Egypt and Caracalla is not
32). The caduceus and purse noted by M. Fuchs are not vis- materially identifiable and might be a cliché. Caracalla’s visit
ible. Because of this I prefer the older interpretation. in 215-216 to the country could not be the immediate cause
90
Liedtke 2002, 18-20. As to the chronological and stylistic because he arrived there in autumn and we have the graffito
development of paintings in Ostia see also Mols 2002 and of 25 April. Furthermore, all Roman emperors had a con-
Falzone 2004 and Mols’ review of Liedtke in BABesch 80 nection with Egypt.
(2005) 240-241. Silvanus: Mols 2002, 170.
141
Fig. 66 Ostia, Sacellum of Silvanus,
west wall, donkey (courtesy
Soprintendenza alle antichità di
Ostia).
The decoration is subordinate to the precise selection of the iconographic theme. Instead of a display of
intricate decorative schemes or a rich palette, the iconography enhances the prestige of the room.92 Bollmann’s
study proposes that the graffiti and the presence of the emperor make this a place for the emperor’s cult. It is not
clear how intensively Alexander and Augustus were still venerated in the late imperial era, but their dominant
presence cannot be dismissed as occasional because it is rare and therefore specifically invented for this room.93
Finally, I wish to discuss another building in Ostia dedicated to an emperor. The ‘Tempio Collegiale’ was a
building dedicated to diuus Pertinax in 192-193. In the large cella small traces of paint can be seen in the niches.94
Fig. 67 Ostia, Sacellum of Silvanus, east wall with gods and emperors (water colour, courtesy Soprintendenza alle antichità di Ostia).
92
See Liedtke 2002, 18-20. 233, with plan on p. 217; Pensabene 2007, 353-357. The
93
Cf. Moormann 1994, 266-268; Bollmann 1998, 436. dedication was made by a collegium fabrorum tignuariorum.
94
V xi, 1. Pavolini 1983, 223, plan on p. 217; Pavolini 2006,
142
Fig. 68 Ostia, Sacellum of
Silvanus, south wall with
Silvanus (photo S.T.A.M.
Mols). For a colour ver-
sion of this figure, see page
249.
Fig. 69 Ostia, Sacellum of Silvanus, west

wall, Silvanus (courtesy Soprintendenza
alle antichità di Ostia).
143
Fig. 70 Sabratha, apse of the west portico of
the Temple of Hercules, apotheosis of Marcus
Aurelius, AD 186 or later (from Caputo and
Ghedini 1984, pl. 23,1).
The poorly-preserved remains are not particularly informative but we can deduce that there was no marble
revetment, whereas the exterior was richly adorned with marble elements. The portico has a thicker lower layer
over which a thinner whitewash can be observed. The niches in the left wall also contain small bits and pieces
of plaster. Stephan Mols has suggested95 that a garden painting like those published by Paola Baccini Leotardi96 –
who argues they are always found in bath complexes – might have been appropriate on these walls. The different
strata of plaster could lend support to this assumption.
Hercules and M arcus A urelius in S abrat h a
A further example of imperial cult is the temple built by Commodus for Hercules and his father, Marcus Aure-
lius, in the Libyan city of Sabratha. The podium temple rose on a spacious square and was surrounded on the
east and west sides by porticoes which had an apsidal room at their upper (i.e. southern) sides. Italian excava-
tions conducted before the Second World War uncovered fragments of wall plaster covered with figural scenes
from these niches. The walls of the niches, including the lower parts of the calottes, were clad with marble, while
the rounded top elements had painted decorations.97 In the western apse the representation of the dead emperor
could be reconstructed: he was represented being carried to heaven, seated on the back of an eagle. He had a
sceptre and a wreath and was about to be received in the union of the Olympian gods (fig. 70). The celestial blue
roundel was framed by a band studded with the signs of the zodiac, alternating with heads of human figures in
medallions. The latter could represent imitations of precious gems and cameos. At a certain point on the outer
circumference, the excavators could join the fragment of a Tellus so that one may presume the presence of a
95
Personal communication as a comment on this section. pieces apparently were lost during the Second World War).
96
See Baccini Leotardi 1978. Other cases of the emperor cult in North Africa are briefly
97
Caputo and Ghedini 1984, 36-12, pls. 8-9, 19-24, A-D (water discussed on pp. 52-53, Luxor (here pp. 146-147) is not
colours and reconstructions of the fragments; the original mentioned. Briefly mentioned in Moormann 1994, 265.
144
Fig. 71 Sabratha, apse of the
east portico of the Temple
of Hercules, Dea Roma, AD
186 or later (from Caputo
and Ghedini 1984, pl. 24,1).
group of similar allegorical persons on all other sides of this composition. The representation of the emperor
on the back of Jupiter’s eagle shows the same iconography we know from the relief showing the apotheosis of
Sabina from the Arco di Portogallo on the Via Recta in Rome (now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori) and in the
form of a winged genius, that of Antoninus Pius and Faustina, on the basis of their commemorative column in
Rome (now in the Vatican Museums).
The decoration of the eastern apse cannot easily be reconstructed. The scant fragments show the figure of an
armed, standing Dea Roma within an octagonal field (fig. 71). In AD 186 Commodus had the temple dedicated
by a certain Messius Rufinus, with whom he could have shared responsibility for the decorative programme.98
The emperor personally worshipped his father Marcus and saw his own policy as the best continuation of the
government of his predecessor. Marcus continues to triumph after his death by taking his place among the gods
and various famous deified predecessors here shown in medallions.
Barely no other decoration survives and it is thus impossible to reconstruct the whole repertoire. It seems
obvious that the apse decorations stress the theme of Rome and its emperors. The reconstruction of the paint-
ings makes clear that the iconography was specific with respect to the function of the sacred building, while the
wall decoration followed the contemporary fashion of marble revetments.
T h e S everi in B ulla R egia
Unfortunately, the French excavators of Bulla Regia are quite silent about the temples found along the two
monumental esplanades in the centre of this town in Africa Proconsularis. The central cella of a temple complex
in the second esplanade yielded mosaic floors, opus sectile decorations and paintings. An inscription confirms
that Septimius Severus and his sons Geta and Caracalla were worshipped here. This means that this text pertains
to the period before Septimius’ death in AD 205. The nature of these paintings remains unknown.99
98
Almost nothing is known about him (cf. W. Eck, RE Supple- 117-129.
99
ment 14, 1974, 281). Neither he nor the temple is discussed Beschaouch, Hanoune and Thébert 1977, 108-111, fig. 108
in Hekster’s excellent book about Commodus of 2002. For (mosaic). The cella of a temple next to the monumental
Commodus’ relationship with Hercules, see Hekster 2002, esplanade contains remains of a mosaic (ibid. 107, fig. 103).
145
" ---t"'---~-rll-""'-
Fig. 72 Luxor, Temple of Amun, cult room, east wall, Tetrarchs’ period, water colour by J.G. Wilkinson, around 1852-1856 (from Deckers
1979, figs. 13).
T h e T etrarc h s in L u x or
In the year 295-296, under the government of Diocletian and his colleagues of the Tetrarchy, the old Temple
of Amun in Luxor was changed into the headquarters of a military base. A part of the previous shrine now
functioned as the cult room for the worship of the Tetrarchs. Little of its decoration is still in situ, but thanks to
these remains and nineteenth-century watercolours, important details can be reconstructed (figs. 72-73). The
northern, western and eastern walls contain processions of dignitaries and officials on a white background above
a dado with fancy opus sectile motifs. The south wall blocks the previous entrance to the original Egyptian cult
room and possesses an apse decorated with portraits of the emperor and his colleagues, and Jupiter’s eagle in the
calotte.100 Large panels on its left and right showed figures in a procession beneath the images of two enthroned
pairs of emperors in the upper part of the panels. The standing men in the apse can be regarded as substitutes for
the cult statue (or statues), which were never erected. The identification of these persons, the reigning Augusti
and Caesares, and the other four men on the wall around the apse, possibly princes who have resigned or were
their successors, is a matter of debate. Frank Kolb gives the following options, in which the same persons re-
appear in different functions:
1) Diocletian and Maximianus as ex-emperors, seniores Augusti, and their successors Constantius and
Galerius as Augusti in the apse, flanked on the sides by the Caesares of the second tetrarchy, namely
Constantius and Severus, and Maximinus Daia and Galerius around 305;
2) Diocletian and Maximianus and Galerius and Licinius as ex-emperors, seniores Augusti in the apse,
flanked by Galerius and Maximinus Daia and Severus and Licinius or Constantine as Augusti. This
would mean a later date, at least until 307, which is when Daia was murdered.
The state of preservation precludes precise identification. However, it is clear that the paintings were especially
made for the room, stressing its new function as a shrine for the emperor cult. The composition of the long
100
Deckers 1973; Kalavrezou-Maxeiner 1975; Deckers 1979; discusses all previous publications. Elsner 1995, 173-176,
El-Saghir 1986, 27-31; Moormann 1994, 265-266; Kuhoff figs. 22-24 remarks that Kalavrezou-Maxeiner denied the
2001, 628-632; Kolb 2001, 41, 175-186, figs. 16-22; E. La cult function of the room, a suggestion not substantiated in
Rocca, in Aurea Roma 2001, 19; Lembke 2004, 81, figs. her essay. See Adams 2004 on Diocletian and Egypt.
145-146; McKenzie 2007, 170, 314, figs. 294, 297. Kolb
146
---
___0 - - .
•
_. -
Fig. 73 Luxor, Temple of Amun, cult room, east and south walls, Tetrarchs’ period, drawing of the paintings of 1977 (from Deckers 1979,
figs. 34).
processions of people who bring presents precedes the early Christian iconography of offering ministers, for
example those in the Church of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna. However, as Johannes Deckers has rightly
observed, they also recall the depiction of series of worshippers in sacral rooms like the Mithraeum of S. Prisca
in Rome (see Chapter 7) and the Temple for Bel and Zeus Theos in Dura Europos (see Chapter 8). Deckers,
who has published two very helpful, excellent studies, argued that images of this kind were painted by special-
ised artists and are found across the whole empire. Unfortunately, there are no comparable contemporary (or
earlier and later) decorations which can substantiate this hypothesis. Following Kolb it should be noted that
these particular paintings contain details which pertain to a specific Egyptian context. They could possibly refer
to an homage to the Tetrarchs in this military base, perhaps when one of them personally visited and received
the inhabitants and the soldiers in a solemn audience rarely granted in this remote area.
Michel Reddé characterises the image as a theophany because of the eagle with the wreath above the emper-
ors’ heads and sees the scene as an expression of imperial majesty found in the signa of the legions, similar
examples of which are found in niches in fana or aedes in other military camps. The ensemble can be compared
to the Dura Europos painting in light of its composition of superposed rectangular panels and groups of persons
standing within framed windows.101
C onclusions
The monuments for the emperor’s cult discussed in this chapter display a rich array of figural scenes and motifs.
It appears that we have a different category of cult buildings. A study of room functions shows they are not
houses of the gods, here the diui and their family, but rather lararia, sometimes with the objects of veneration
(e.g. Lares and Genii) depicted in the household shrines. There is a chronological development, as far as we can
judge from the surviving remains, starting with mythological themes which likely allude to emperors. An exam-
ple is Herculaneum’s focus on its founder Herakles. Later, this theme reappears in painted images of princes.
This scheme reaches its peak in the temple in Luxor, where the painted tetrarchs are substitutes for the real four
dynasts and have become objects of veneration.
101
Reddé 2004, 457-458, figs. 19-20.
147
As a result, it can be established that the buildings in Ostia and Luxor received an entirely appropriate ico-
nography, in that the paintings matched the function of the cult room. In the case of Herculaneum this reper-
toire is less evident and the unprepared visitor could guess that the murals belong to private dwellings, unless
the architectural features betrayed the religious or public character of the building. In Ostia the architecture is
entirely insignificant. The cult room is located in a recycled space and the identification of the new function is
completely dependent on the painting. Even if we cannot know whether specialists worked in Luxor, it is clear
that all elements have been arranged within a composition scheme that matches the iconography and that the
imagery is unequivocal. The room could even have been used by the emperor for his audiences, albeit not for
large groups of people. Indeed, a more likely interpretation is an emperor cult by military troops. In this view,
the decorative scheme matches the room’s function. The Temple of Hercules in Sabratha and that of the Severi
in Bulla Regia could have been similar to that in Luxor, but for the moment any proposal remains purely specula-
tive. The few painted fragments found at Misenum, finally, belong to ordinary schemes of the late Fourth Style
and are in no way specific to the three cult rooms.
148
7 Roman Shrines Housing Non-Roman Cults
Several gods and goddesses possessed cults in which the worshippers had to be initiated and formed communi-
ties closed to people not religiously involved. This does not mean that all of them were strictly secret, as has
often been argued, but that people had to be physically or psychologically separated from the rest of the com-
munity.1 The sanctuaries of Isis and Mithras are relevant to this study because many shrines were decorated with
paintings. While there are not many temples of Isis with painted decoration, her temple in Pompeii offers an
excellent example which deserves a lengthy discussion. Mithras’ artificial grottoes (spelaea) have been studied
in many good contributions but also need to be discussed within the framework of this book. Concerning the
cults of Demeter and Dionysos, I cannot identify any relevant building which contains paintings. The chapter
will conclude with a short section on various other non-Roman shrines.
S h rines for I sis
In the Greco-Roman world Isis was venerated as a syncretic deity with Egyptian roots and Hellenistic Greek
flavours.2 Her shrines could be found everywhere in the ancient world and would have been the symbol of Egypt
for many inhabitants. Unfortunately, the murals in her temple in Pompeii are the only well-known examples.
Removed from the walls and now housed in the Naples Museum, they are well-preserved and appear to be rep-
resentative of images from the Egyptian realm.3
T h e T emple of I sis in P ompeii
It is obvious that the paintings in the Temple of Isis can be connected with Egypt, but that does not mean that
a detailed analysis cannot bring new insights to the interpretation of the various elements.4 Whoever visits the
1 4
Fundamental: Burkert 1987 (and translations as well as VIII 7, 28. Tran Tam Tinh 1964, 30-39, 135-146, 155-
updates in Italian, 1989, German, 1990, and French, 2003); 158, 176, 183; Alla ricerca 1992; Hoffmann 1993; Golvin
Fritz Graf, Mysterien, DNP 8 (2000) 615-626. See also 1994; contributions by J.-C. Grenier, F. Zevi, S. Adamo
Klauck 1995, I, 77-128. Muscettola and F. Coarelli, PP 274-275 (1994); Iside 1997,
2
Wild 1981; Klauck 1995, I, 111-118; Takács 1995; Iside 338-343. 425-431; V. Sampaolo, PPM VIII (1998) 732-849;
1997; Versluys 2002; several contributions in Bricault, Ver- Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 185-199; Blanc, Eristov and Fincker
sluys and Meyboom 2006. 2000, 227-309; Versluys 2002, 143-146, 259-260; Coarelli
3
Synopsis and evaluation of Isaea in Hoffmann 1993, 176- 2002, 92-100; Krzyszowska 2002, 241-248; Poole 2004;
198. Cf. Iside 1997, which includes a comprehensive manual. De Caro 2006a and 2006b; Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006a,
See also Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 228 about the impossibility 68-72; Bianchi 2006; Barnabei 2007, 56-63; F. De Angelis in
of making sound comparisons. The temples of Isis have been Coarelli 2009, 392-399; D‘Alessio 2009, 67-78; Van Andringa
inventoried in Bricault 2001: no other temple with paint- 2009, 161-171, fig. 123-125; Wolf 2009, 291-298, figs 83-91.
ings. But see the Iseum in Mainz (infra). For Temple A in On the older phase De Caro 1991a, 38 and D‘Alessio 2009,
Herculaneum, see Chapter 3. 67-78, on the latter see De Caro 1991b, 23-25. Now mostly
149
Fig. 74 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, plan (from
Blanc, Eristov and Fincker 2000, fig. 1).
Fig. 75 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, backside of

podium temple (photo author).
ruins nowadays (figs. 74-75) can scarcely imagine the great admiration and bewilderment when the complex
was discovered in December 1764. It was gradually excavated until 1766 and thus widely known in travelogues
and scientific reports.5 The extremely rich finds were immediately brought to the museum in the King’s palace in
Portici. The excavators quickly decided to remove the paintings from the walls as they were deteriorating rapidly
and were in danger of being lost.6 In a way, this was a good decision because we can still admire the murals. Fur-
out of date Elia 1942. A slightly different version of this sec- en Italie, Paris 1769, vol. VII, letter XX, 545-559 (winter
tion on the Temple of Isis in Pompeii is found in E.M. Moor- 1765-1766) and Johann Joachim Winckelmann’s letter of
mann, The Temple of Isis at Pompeii, in Bricault, Versluys 28 December 1765 to his friend Heyne: W. Rehm, ed., J.J.
and Meyboom 2006, 137-154. I was not able to consult M.R. Winckelmann, Briefe 3, Berlin 1956, 143-147, esp. 144-146.
6
Swetnam-Burland, Egypt in the Roman Imagination: A Study That must be why Gell and Gandy, who are so generous with
of Aegyptiaca from Pompeii, unpublished PhD University of their information in all other cases, do not dedicate much
Michigan 2002, but see her contribution in Bricault, Versluys space to the Temple of Isis and illustrate only one image
and Meyboom 2006, 113-136. (Gell and Gandy 1852, 185, 192, pl. 69). More can be found
5
Among the oldest mentions are Jérôme De Lalande, Voyage in Mazois 1838, 24-33, pl. VII-XI.
150
Fig. 76 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, Nilometer, pilaster (photo N. Blanc).
thermore, the original documentation is excellent, thus making it

possible to accurately reconstruct their original context.7
The temple itself (fig. 75), erected in Roman style on a
podium, is stuccoed in the mode of the First Style, but these
murals probably date to the post-62 period and can be seen as a
restoration or as a reference to tradition. The outer walls of the
cella imitate blocks rendered in stucco relief, whereas the front
walls have stucco reliefs displaying architectural schemes of the
Fourth Style.8 A horizontal scroll runs above the whole decora-
tion. The inner walls show two tiers of fake marble plates which
create a rich and solemn atmosphere. Figural motifs are almost
completely absent.9 This repertoire reflects the austere and tra-
ditional look of marble temples, as we have seen in the cellae of
the Temple of Jupiter and that of Apollo in Pompeii. The floors,
partly in opus sectile, partly in opus tessellatum, are only known
from eighteenth- and nineteenth-century illustrations. They
probably date to the beginning of the first century AD, or in any
case from before Popidius Celsinus’ reconstruction of the build-
ing.10 The building’s back wall has a niche at the exterior which
contained a statue of Dionysos represented as Osiris. The niche’s
arch was adorned with the benevolent ears of Isis, who was will-
ing to listen to the prayers of her worshippers.
The back wall of the exterior of the Nilometer, the place of
conservation of the (real or symbolic) holy water from the Nile,11
has a stucco imitation of blocks. The front side has stucco reliefs
with garlands, similar to those on the portico, also containing
Egyptian cult objects like the sistrum and the hydria (fig. 76).
Panels flanking the door are adorned with Isis figures standing
7 11
See Alla ricerca 1992 and Pannuti 1992, but one should also PPM VIII (1998) 798-811. Cf. Laidlaw 1985, 312. As to the
consult the old descriptions in Helbig 1868, 2-5, with refer- interpretation of the small building there is a lot of discus-
ences to his catalogue entries, and Elia 1942. sion. Most authors see it as a Purgatorium. Wild 1981, 44-47,
8
See the good description in Mols 2005 (Temple of Isis: p. speaks of a “Nile water crypt”, whereas Hoffmann 1993, 207-
244). 208 and Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 187 give good arguments
9
PPM VIII (1998) 785-797. Mistakenly, Gros 1996, 168, for the interpretation as a Nilometer, agreeing with Wild:
refers to information on Egyptian religion derived from the room had no roof. The water stored in this precinct
the images present in the temple. Apparently, he alludes was ‘Ersatznilwasser’ (Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 332). See also
to those in the ekklesiasterion and the portico around the Brenk 1999, 139 note 33; P. Gallo in Iside 1997, 294. Golvin
temple itself. 1994, 242 does not adhere to a specific interpretation. See
10
Blanck, Eristov and Fincker 2000, 281-287. Laidlaw 1985, about Nilometers Meyboom 1995, 51-53 and notes 61-66 on
311-312 has a date around 100 BC. But see the dedicatory pp. 293-295; Hélène Girard in Bricault, Versluys and Mey-
inscription in the ekklesiasterion (here p. 153). boom 2006, 435.
151
Fig. 77 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, Nilometer, Perseus and
Andromeda and flying Eros (photo N. Blanc).
on tiny consoles. In the frieze over the entrance

one can see cult ministers. The exterior side walls
have panels framed in stucco relief with floating
mythological couples (Perseus and Andromeda,
Mars and Venus, fig. 77), the outer panels display
Erotes. The inside, in contrast, is smooth and does
not contain any decorations. As a whole, the build-
ing’s decorative repertoire shows the combination
of cult-specific motifs and themes taken from
Greek mythology that, in my opinion, have noth-
ing to do with Egypt.
The portico, which constitutes the precinct
around the temple and the Nilometer, has a rich
and multi-coloured paratactic panel decoration
that contrasts with the white decoration in the
shrine and the small precinct for the water from
the Nile (figs. 78-79). The dado consists of oblong
panels in yellow enlivened by sea monsters (ketè)
and sphinxes heraldically flanking Medusa heads.
Thin architectural elements, flanking large panels
with fine garland ornamentation and vignettes,
divide the main zone while a scroll on a black
background closes the central zone at the top, separating it from a white upper zone with slim aediculae. Small
pictures enliven the architectural capricci: landscapes, still lifes with food and animals and at least eight sea bat-
tles. The panels contain vignettes, alternating landscapes and twelve standing cult ministers.12 The big panel in
front of the entrance of the temple, marked by a niche, contains the representation of a statue of Harpocrates
(fig. 80). The corresponding, central intercolumniation on the east side of the portico is much wider than the
other ones, which suggests that the niche, with its depiction of Harpocrates, communicates with the συννάοι
θέοι, Isis and Osiris, in the cella of the temple. It is striking how precisely the cult objects carried by the priests
are rendered (figs. 80-82).13
The ekklesiasterion at the west side of the portico (room 6) was used for solemn reunions and possibly
also for religious banquets.14 The pilasters that support the arches of the entrances were adorned on the intra-
12
PPM VIII (1998) 736-78. Brenk 1999, 139 compares the questions may be raised on Egelhaaf-Gaiser’s (2000, 190)
priests to the dignitaries depicted on the columns of Philae, assumption that the pictures definitely do not represent
whereas the granite columns from the Iseum Campense in actual sanctuary functions, but rather an idealized repre-
Rome (now in the Musei Capitolini) are later depictions of sentation thereof: “Mit Sicherheit geben die Bilder nicht die
the same Philae shrine. im Heiligtum real vorhandenen Amtsfunktionen, sondern eine
13
Compare the candlesticks carried by the painted priests of idealisierte Darstellung wieder.”
14
fig. 80 with the real bronze ones found in the temple: Alla PPM VIII (1998) 822-841. Cf. Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 189-
ricerca 1992, 75 cat. 5.4; Iside 1997, 431 cat. V50. Therefore, 190.
152
Fig. 78 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, decoration of the portico, after AD 62 (from Alla ricerca 1992, 31).
Fig. 79 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, northern portico, section

with architectural elements, naval battle and frieze with
Egyptian motifs, after AD 62, from De Caro, 2006a, page
76. For a colour version of this figure, see page 250.
dos with golden candelabra painted on a white

background, crowned by statues of Isis and her
priestesses and priests. These candelabra might
be compared to the candelabra carried by the
priests painted in the portico (fig. 80).15 The
ekklesiasterion’s floor in cocciopesto contained
inscriptions recording father, son and mother
in genitive and nominative: N. Popidi Ampliati,
N. Popidi Celsini and Corelia Celsa. The walls
had a decorative structure like the portico and
the panels contain large landscapes which have
been interpreted as an evocation of the funerary
islands in the region of Philae.16 The separating
elements contain heavy columns and cornices
(fig. 84). The upper zone was already lost when
excavations started. While Egyptian elements
can be distinguished in some of the landscapes,
Egypt itself is never really depicted (fig. 85).
The landscapes largely correspond with the
general fashion of landscape depictions in the
15
Alla ricerca 1992, 54 (five of ten candelabra preserved);
Moormann 1988, 208, gives an incorrect indication of
the original location.
16
For these islands see Meyboom 1995, 61-62; Brenk
1993 (he only mentions one island, namely the Aba-
ton or Bigga).
153
Fig. 80 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, eastern portico, Harpocrates (photo author). For a colour version of this figure, see page 250.
Fourth Style and one may compare them with those in houses, for example the House of the Old Hunt and
the House of the Small Fountain.17 It is only on close inspection that typical, place-determining objects like
the sarcophagus of Osiris (also seen as the Djed pillar, an object used in the veneration of Osiris), and the male
sphinxes become clear.18 Moreover, there are mythological scenes, two of which (from the side walls) have been
17
See Peters 1963, 167-170; Croisille 1988. For landscapes Bricault, Versluys and Meyboom 2006), K. Parlasca argued
with Egyptian islands see Meyboom 1995, 62, figs. 50-51. that the usual interpretation as a sarcophagus is false: such an
18
Tran Tam Tinh 1964, 142-143; Merkelbach 1965, 148-149, object would never have stood erect in this type of context
who proposes that the bird sitting on top of the sarcophagus (cf. Parlasca 1988, 178-179, pl. 68.2 and Meyboom’s com-
is a phoenix (similarly Capriotti Vittozzi 2000, 137); Moor- ment in Meyboom 1995, 302-303 note 97). Egelhaaf-Gaiser
mann 1988, 208. See (most extensively) Meyboom 1995, 2000, 189 calls the decorations a “hellenisierte Version
58-59, fig. 76, whose thorough treatment argues that the des Isiskultes”. Scagliarini Corlàita 2006, 151, fig. 7, again
bird might be a falcon representing Isis or Horus. During the interprets the bird on the sarcophagus as a phoenix with a
2005 Leiden congress on aegyptiaca romana (proceedings: tripartite apex on its head.
154
Fig. 81 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, eastern portico, priest, after AD 62, Fig. 82 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, cult minister from the portico,
now MN Naples, from Alla ricerca 1992, pl. VII. For a colour version from Alla ricerca 1992, pl. VII. For a colour version of this figure,
of this figure, see page 250. see page 250.
preserved. Io is the protagonist in both scenes. In the scene on the northern wall she is seen under the vigilance
of Argos who is offered a syrinx by Hermes. The god will not lull him with his songs and music, but will make
him sleep by touching him with the caduceus.19 On the southern wall Isis receives Io in Canopus. Io will give
birth to Epaphos, the son begotten by Zeus, in Egypt. She is seen as the founding mother of the Greek cult of
Isis (fig. 86).20 The piece, now missing, from the western (back) wall, possibly showed the couple of Io and
Zeus,21 but in that case it interrupts the story told on the side walls and applied in the usual order from left to
right. However, the presence of Zeus at the focal point of the rear wall would have enhanced Io’s prestige as the
19
MN inv. 9548, see Alla ricerca 1992, 57-58 cat. 1.69, plate sketchy style of the rest of the scene); Bianchi 2006, 482,
XIV, where the variation of the story is attributed to Ovid, 498, 502 fig. 6. There is a copy of this scene in the House of
Met. 1.669-687 and 713-721. Cf. Wesenberg 1988 and Berg- the Duke of Aumale (De Caro 2006a, 89; Bianchi 2006, 502,
mann 1995, 95, fig. 5 on a possible relationship with a lost fig. 8; Nava 2007, 100).
21
masterpiece by Nikias and the other examples such as those Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 189; G. Stefani in Bragantini 2010,
in the House of Livia in Rome and the Macellum in Pompeii. 206-207, pl. XXII.2. N. Icard-Ganolio, Io, LIMC V (1990)
Another version is known from the House of Meleager (De 669 gives one (Greek) example only, whereas our two
Caro 2006a, 89; Nava 2007, 98). themes (ibid., p. 667 cat. 36 and p. 670 ca. 65) are more
20
MN inv. 9558, see Alla ricerca 1992, 55-56 cat. 1.63, pl. X; frequently, though not abundantly depicted. A landscape has
Grenier 1993; Iside 1997, 439 (it is pointed out here how been proposed more frequently, probably, because it fits the
meticulously precise are the depictions of the attributes series of landscapes in the room well.
like the caduceus and the sistrum, which contrasts with the
155
Fig. 83 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, portico, entrance to ekklesiasterion, candelabrum
with Isis (photo H. van de Sluis).
lover of the most important Olympian god. Their history connects

Greek mythology with that of Egypt.22
A French team has made clear that the original decoration from
before AD 62 in this room consisted of the imitation of isodome
wall structures in a shallow stucco relief.23 With or without refer-
ences to Egypt, the paintings in the portico and the ekklesiasterion
(figs. 78-86) do not differ with respect to their compositions and
, their use of details from contemporary interior decoration of hous-
es in Pompeii. It is clear that qualitatively good painters received
the commission. The colours are variegated, but not extremely
, expensive – Egyptian blue and purple are lacking – and hence the
paintings reflect the taste of determinate social classes in Pompeian
society after AD 62, mainly formed by former freedmen like the
Popidii who financed the temple’s refurbishment after the earth-
quake.24
As to these freedmen, an original approach to the Iseum is that
of Lauren Hackworth Petersen who tries to define specific features
in architecture and decoration after AD 62 that could illuminate
the influence of upstarts like the Popidii. Unfortunately, the results
are not conclusive, as the author also states, and do not offer a new
interpretation. She points to the possibility that the choice of the
gens Popidia to finance the reconstruction of the Iseum did not only
stem from sheer religious feelings, but was also due to the popular-
ity of “things Egyptian that permeated all sectors of society.”25
While all these decorations can be seen as normal mural decora-
tions in the Fourth Style albeit with iconography slightly adapted to
fit the sacred environment, the frescoes in room 5, called sacrarium,
located at the southern side next to the theatre, are very different
(figs. 87-88). The wall surfaces are not subdivided into the usual
horizontal and vertical partitions and the plain white background is covered with roughly painted, large figures
which seemed to float on the surface. They have been executed in few colours (yellow, red, brown) with broad
brushstrokes and represent Egyptian figures. Interestingly, the Minister Bernardo Tanucci ordered the coarse
paintings to be removed in 1765 because he found the iconography of interest, whereas the museum custodian,
22
Cf. Grenier 1994; Merkelbach 1997, 86-88, pl. 17-19. 132. On Egyptian blue and its price Delamare, Monge and
Lorenz 2005, 218 stresses the peculiar combination, lacking Repoux 2004, esp. 90. Concerning the principal members of
in domestic contexts. the gens Popidia see Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 197. See also note
23
Blanck, Eristov and Fincker 2000, 291. Already their compa- 40.
25
triot Mazois (1838, 25) had discovered many irregularities Petersen 2006, 17-56, figs. 7-10, 12-14, 16-25, 31-32, pls.
that were attributed to a previous phase. Not so in Laidlaw I-II. Quotation on p. 55. On freedmen and art see also
1985. D’Ambra and Métraux 2006.
24
On pigments and technique see Alla ricerca 1992, 123-
156
Fig. 84 Pompeii, Temple of
Isis, south wall of ekklesiaste-
rion, from Alla ricerca 1992,
pl XVI. For a colour version
Giuseppe Canart, viewed them as unimportant and wanted to keep them in situ.26 The original context can be
reconstructed more or less precisely. The southern wall, that was the back of the theatre, had no decorations.
The western wall showed the couple Isis and Osiris sitting on a throne and a rock respectively, as we know from
an old print. To the left of Isis, probably at the north edge, next to the corner, one saw a scarab, a resting lion and
two cobras under a wreath and two rods. The Osiris, on the right, is flanked by two cobras and, on the right, by
a sycamore in which the snake of Aesculapius is curling upwards; the state of preservation was so good that the
piece of plaster could be cut out.27 The longest, northern wall still has a niche in the centre and an old illustra-
tion gives an almost complete overview of this wall.28 On the niche’s left (west), Bes was sitting on a throne. To
its right followed two large pieces. First is the discovery of Osiris by Isis. Isis, standing on her boat, is towing
another boat on which Osiris’ bodily remains are guarded in a chest (fig. 88). She is returning from her search
on the Nile, the inuentio Osiridis.29 The large heads flanking this scene might represent the Upper and Lower
Nile. In the lower section of this fragment, the largest that was cut out, are the two snakes of a Roman lararium
flanking a cista mystica, so that we have a sort of synthesis of two religious realms in one room and, at the same
time an Egyptian lararium. To date we know of only one parallel to this, that in the peristyle of the House of the
Gilded Cupids.30 Four single pieces contain the animals (seen on the old engraving) next to the right boat (lion,
cobra, vulture and ibis). Finally, another large fragment contains six more animals (baboon, ram, jackal, mouse,
vulture, and ichneumon: Toth, Khnum, Anubis, Nekbeth and Horus from Letopolis). Paul Meyboom has sug-
26
De Caro 2006a, 75-79. Images in PPM VIII (1998) 813-82. Osiridis: Petersen 2006, 33, fig. 22. On the large heads, see
Short descriptions in Alla ricerca 1992, 34, 59-61, 84 and Meyboom 1995, 253 note 105.
30
Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 188-189. Seiler 1992, 46, figs. 249-250, 270-275; Krzyszowska 2002,
27
Drawing in PPM VIII, 820. Cf. Alla ricerca 1992, 59. 152-153, fig. 26; Petersen 2006, 45-46, fig. 28. Here are the
28
Engraving in Alla ricerca 1992, 85 (= cat. 7.9). Cf. S. De Caro same snakes and a cista mystica in the lower zone. Krzyszows-
in Iside 1997, 342. ka 2002,143-157 gives a good overview of private cult places
29
Extensively Meyboom 1995, 58, 302 note 96, fig. 75; Poole for Egyptian divinities.
2004. Seen as either the nauigium Isidis or the inuentio
157
Fig. 85 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, south wall of ekklesiasterion, landscape with sarcophagus of Osiris (from Alla ricerca 1992, pl. XIII).
gested that the group of animals could represent the Nile area of the first cataract.31 The east wall, finally, had a
large depiction of the bull Apis, but there must have been much more, now definitely lost.
Jean-Claude Golvin has argued that the figures served a didactic goal, to instruct the new members of the
cult.32 It is of some relevance to know that cult objects were stored in this room, much like the sacristy in a
Roman Catholic church.33
Finally, there are some private rooms at the southern side where the priests or other cult personnel could
have lived.34 As far as the decorations are known, they are ordinary schemes in the Fourth Style without specific
Egyptian elements. They contain normal mythological images and medallions similar to those in the Bacchus
room in the Temple of Apollo. The only image which stands out is that of a large white cat lying on a footstool.
This does not represent the Egyptian bastet, but an ordinary pet animal (MNN 848).
There is a diversity of views on how to interpret the Egyptian and/or Greco-Roman motifs in some of the
paintings described earlier. Robert A. Wild and Reinhold Merkelbach give a purely Egyptian interpretation of
31 34
Pers. comm. Cf. Meyboom 1995, 233 note 46. PPM VIII (1998) 842-849. Room 9: kitchen (see ThesCRA
32
Golvin 1994, 244 note 48. De Caro 2006a, 75-79, speaks IV (2005) 244 no. 3 (s.v. kitchen), 255 no. 8, s.v. Iseum et
about a “catechismo dipinto”. Serapeum); rooms 7-8: living rooms; room 11: private bath
33
Thanks to the richness of finds, the room might interpreted (Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 188). Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 459-
as a storeroom (Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 188). As to the 460 points to the efficiency of this small house. A similar
objects in the niche see Alla ricerca 1992, 86-87 Plans nos. arrangement can be seen at the north side of the portico of
5a-c; 73 cat. 5.2 (terracotta sphinx inv.no. 22572). the Temple of Apollo in Pompeii.
158
Figure 86 Pompeii, Temple of Isis,
south wall of ekklesiasterion, Isis and Io
in Canopus (from Alla ricerca 1992, pl.
X). For a colour version of this figure,
see page 252.
Perseus and Andromeda in the Nilometer (fig. 77). Merkelbach is very strong-minded in his opinion, saying that
any Greek representation in Isis temples (for example Narcissus) should be related to the cult of Isis.35
Perseus had contacts with Egypt and Kepheus, the father of Andromeda, and came to the Temple of Ammon
in the Siwa oasis for advice. For Wild the liberation of Andromeda stands for the liberation of Egypt by Seth/
Typhon. In the stucco reliefs, however, no references to these details are identifiable and, moreover, the presence
of the putti cannot be explained in this manner. The focus is on the amorous couple and I fear that Merkelbach’s
opinion is too rigid, even if specific Egyptian elements are present. Therefore, I concur with Ulrike Egelhaaf-
Gaiser who stresses the decorative function which corresponds to contemporary tastes.36 A possible connection
with Egypt might be that the love between Perseus and Andromeda is a reflection of the bounties from the
land of the Nile.
35 36
Wild 1981, 76-84, pl. 5.2; Merkelbach 1997, 82: “Wenn Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000, 188: “Diese mythologischen Mittelbilder
in diesem Tempel ein griechischer Mythos abgebildet wird haben primär dekorative Funktion, die dem Zeitgeschmack ent-
(z.B. Narziss), dann darf man annehmen, daß der Mythos in spricht, wie auch die typischen Motive von Eroten und Delphinen
Beziehung zur Isisreligion gesetzt worden ist.” They refer to am Architrav der drei ‘Nebenseiten’ bestätigen.” She does not
depictions of Perseus in the Serapeion in Alexandria and quote Merkelbach 1997, but characterises Wild’s interpreta-
the Temple of Harpocrates in Pelusion. As to the latter the tion (1981, 76) as difficult. At p. 249-250 Egelhaaf-Gaiser
source would be Aphthonios, Progymnasmata (ed. H. Rabe suggests that the story refers to the indeterminate antiquity of
1926, 40, lines 9-11). Cf. McKensie, Gibson and Reyer 2004, the cult, but such a historicism does not occur frequently in
105 note 175. Pompeian mythological painting.
159
Fig. 87 Pompeii, Temple of Isis,
north wall of sacrarium, AD 62,
fragment with animals from
De Caro, 2006a, page 76. For a
colour version of this figure, see
page 253.
Fig. 88 Pompeii, Temple of Isis,

north wall of sacrarium, AD 62,
fragment with animals from
De Caro, 2006a, page 76. For a
colour version of this figure, see
page 253.
Jean-Michel Croisille sees the sea battles (fig. 79) in the portico of this temple as a an evident symbol of the
yearly festivals for Isis, Nauigium Isidis.37 During this Roman (!) feast at the beginning of the sea trade season
in spring, a small boat is driven into the water to mark this event. Eventually this celebration changed into a
carnival-like festival. The images in the Temple of Isis, however, show real battleships that are in open sea, not
far from the coast, or in a lake. Another point is that naumachiae (the usual interpretation of these images) were
never staged during this festival. Croisille’s idea, therefore, has no sound basis and ought to be dismissed.38
Another reason suggested for the presence of these boats is that sea merchants venerated Isis as their patroness.
Golvin argues that it is not surprising to find such an instance of the evocation of the marine world since we
37
Croisille 1988, 131. See also Merkelbach 1965, 145; Capri- battles or naumachiae. On naumachiae see Berlan-Bajard
otti Vittozzi 2000, 137. 2006, who dismisses these images as representations of such
38
In Wild 1981, Takács 1995 and Alvar 2008, 296-300 the battles (p. 43-45).
Nauigium Isidis is discussed, albeit without allusions to sea
160
know that Isis became the Roman goddess of sailors.39 But, again, the ships are not mercantile vessels! Finally,
because of the obvious relationship of Isis with Egypt, one might think that the ships represent Augustus’s vic-
tory near Actium. These depictions were made by the same painters (or workshop) active in the Temple of
Apollo and the atrium of the House of the Vettii.40 Had the Vettii brothers chosen this motif for specific reasons,
perhaps because some ancestor had fought at Actium? Since they were freedmen, this ancestor would have been
their patronus. Alternatively, the Vettii brothers might have had commercial contacts with Egypt.41 This raises
the question whether they exercised some influence regarding the paintings in the temples for Apollo and Isis.
Concerning the Temple of Isis, however, the famous inscription about the reconstruction reports the name of
the six-year-old Numerius Popidius Celsinus as the patron and financer of the restoration works.42 Furthermore,
none of the many objects in the temple bears an inscription referring to the Vettii brothers. Because this thesis
cannot be substantiated, it should be rejected as untenable. The choice of the same themes and the same paint-
ers can be explained on purely practical grounds.43
Pygmies are only present in the festoon in the paintings of the portico, where they fit in with the Egyptian
imagery, together with the priests, the cult objects and typically Egyptian animals. Apparently, no special func-
tion can be attributed to them in the context of bounty represented by the scrolls.44 The food still lives in the
same murals might either refer to the meals that took place here, or simply be generic references to the richness
brought by Isis.45 But, again, it should not be forgotten that they are among the most beloved stock figures in
Fourth Style painting and may rather be more or less meaningless.
There is a distinct hierarchy in the emphasis on Egypt in the temple’s decorative schemes.46 The sacrarium
in this respect is at the top, although pictorially the murals are of low quality and the room’s main function is
that of storage (figs. 87-88). In terms of iconography, style and composition, these decorations are quite spe-
39
Golvin 1994, 243: “Il n’est pas étonnant non plus de trouver 483), whereas father, son and mother Cor<n>elia Celsa
ici avec une telle instance l’évocation du monde marin, puisque are mentioned in the mosaic floor of the sacrarium (see p.
l’on sait qu’Isis était devenue à l’époque romaine la déesse des 153; CIL X 848; Vidman 1969, no. 484). Concerning the
navigateurs.” principal members of the gens Popidia see Egelhaaf-Gaiser
40
Avilia and Jacobelli 1989; Sampaolo 1994 and 1995. On 2000, 197. U. Pappalardo suggests in Mazzoleni and Pap-
the Vettii painters and their work in the Temple of Isis and palardo 2005, 49 that the young man with the situla, who
elsewhere in Pompeii, see Esposito 2007, 156-157, figs. is the only one to have hair instead of the usual baldness,
17-18, 21 (candelabra Ekklesiasterion) and, most important- might be this Numerius (Museo Nazionale, inv. 8918; Alla
ly Esposito 2009, 18-19, 45, 49-132. Within the workshop’s ricerca 1992, 47 cat. 1.26 with colour ill. plate VII, here fig.
chronology, the paintings in the Temple of Isis should be 82), which is not an implausible idea.
43
dated to the early Vespasian era (Esposito 2009, 57). On the Further references are given by Sampaolo 1994 and 1995.
44
Vettii as social climbers in Pompeian society see Petersen On the symbolic value of scrolls see most extensively
2006, 5-6, figs. 1-4. Cf. note 39. Mathea-Förtsch 1999. Cf. supra p. 110.
41 45
Avilia and Jacobelli 1989, Sampaolo 1995 and Hoffmann As to tokens of xenia see Moormann 1984. Or even as offer-
1993, 142 report the connection with the Vettii, without ings, so S. De Caro in Iside 1997, 340: “senza dubbio alludenti
further discussion. alle offerte di cibo che erano tipiche del culto della dea.”
42 46
CIL X 846; Vidman 1969, no. 482, cited in all relevant This gradual process of Egyptianisation is well described in
literature. Thanks to French scholarship (Blanck, Eristov Brenk 1993, 157-163. In my opinion, he attributes too much
and Fincker 2000), it has become clear that he (or, more of a mystical meaning to the decorations in the portico and
probably, his father) had grossly exaggerated his interven- the ekklesiasterion. He points out the peculiarity of the two Io
tion by using the formula a fundamento p(ecunia) s(ua) res- depictions in the latter room. David Balch (2003 and 2008,
tituit. The father, Numerius Popidius Ampliatus, dedicated 59-83) compares the sufferings of Io with the martyrdom of
a statue of Bacchus-Osiris (CIL X 847; Vidman 1969, no. Saint Paul.
161
cific and they might have been intended for the eyes of the experts, those who believed in Isis. Their quality is
considerably lower than the other decorations and the palette is more modest, while the lack of structure in this
‘floating’ composition barely matches the usual repertoire of compositional schemes. This simplification of the
painter’s technique is so peculiar that one wonders whether this room was painted by a believer who painted
images unfamiliar and possibly inaccessible to most Pompeians, rather than a professional painter.47 Or did the
painters who decorated the remainder of the complex in a normal style, unfamiliar with Egyptian iconography,
try to represent examples seen on papyrus scrolls? Personally, I am inclined to opt for the first solution, precisely
because of the qualitative discrepancy between the sacrarium and the other rooms.48 The patrons and users of
the complex were apparently not offended by the differences in quality. In other words, the Temple of Isis is
like a Janus, it has both an Egyptian and a Roman face. A similar phenomenon can be observed in the painted
tombs from the same period in Alexandria, so well analysed by Marjorie Susan Venit. Following earlier studies
by Laszló Castiglione, she defines his ‘double style’ in the same vein as is proposed in my analysis.49 When she
compares some figures from the Tigrane Tomb with priests and attendants in the portico of the Temple of Isis
in Pompeii, she labels the latter as “classical”, which might evoke a false understanding, as they are really Roman
and possess nothing Greek.50 But as a whole, the Tigrane Tomb, to single out just one example, dated to the late
first or early second century AD, displays a similar dichotomy of style. This gradual Egyptianisation can also be
substantiated by the rooms’ functions and accessibility to visitors, as we have seen.51
Some of the objects found by the excavators have purely cultic functions, but others are votive offerings.52
The statues of Dionysos and Aphrodite, like the stuccoed couple of Perseus and Andromeda and the putti on
the side walls of the Nilometer, represent the power of Isis to bring bounty and luck to the people and they also
represent the conceptual link between the Roman and the Egyptian world that was familiar to most inhabitants
of Pompeii. It remains unclear whether Isis was religiously connected with the city goddess Venus Pompeiana;
the material found in the temple is not conclusive in this regard. The preserved monuments differ from our
shrine in many other respects. Whether Pompeii’s Iseum, as it was set up to function between 62 and 79, formed
an exception to the rule cannot be verified.53
I sis in R ome ?
A problematic complex is the Iseum on the Esquiline of which large remains of the substructure are still standing
in Via Pasquale Villari. The problem is the paucity of data about the architecture and environment for which
we can only rely on old finds. Mariette de Vos was able to connect two stucco reliefs known from designs in the
47
S. De Caro observes the difference and suggests a painter of Poole 2004.
53
lararia painted these murals (in Alla ricerca 1992, 11). Krzyszowska 2002, 243-244 dismisses suggestions by F.
48
Cf. what is said by S. De Caro in Iside 1997, 342: “Prive di Zevi and M. de Vos of a connection between the first
qualità artistica, ma di carattere più eminentemente religioso, temple and the House of the Faun (with bibliography). I
erano invece le pitture della stanza accanto, il cosiddetto sacrar- agree with her and thus refrain from further comments on
ium.” V. Sampaolo (Alla ricerca 1992, 37) even feels the the matter. Krzyszowska’s inclusion of the temple in her
religious atmosphere is only present in the sacrarium. monograph on private cults is based on the assumption
49
Venit 2002, 125-126. She discusses various examples which that the famous dedication implies a private foundation. As
do not require further comment here (pp. 124-165). to the Hellenistic date of the first sacral building, probably
50
Venit 2002, 155; other comparisons pp. 153-155 [our com- dedicated to a female deity, see Varone and Iorio 2005 and
plex is not included in Venit’s index]. Marcatilli 2006, 39, who connects a cult of Isis with that of
51
Cf. Takács 1995 and Wild 1981; V. Sampaolo, in D’Ambrosio, Asklepios in the ‘Temple of Zeus Meilichios’ (here p. 70
Guzzo and Mastroroberto 2003, 233-235. note 89), both dating to the second century BC. Esposito
52
The really Egyptian objects are gathered in Alla ricerca 1992, 2009, 57 (with bibliography) connects the latest phase with
77-79. On the mixture of Egyptian and other objects see also Vespasian.
162
seventeenth-century collection of Cassiano dal Pozzo with this sanctuary. One of them shows the left half of a
vault, subdivided into coffers. In the central panel Isis and Harpocrates are standing together, whereas the small-
er lacunars contain vignettes which show Egyptian worshippers and falcons of Horus. The second piece must
be the adornment of a lunette. Its central aedicula has a standing Isis, which has a Fortuna and a Harpocrates as
secondary figures next to her. De Vos attributes these decorations to room 16, well preserved under a nunnery,
and dates the complex and its decorations to the Flavian period or the subsequent years up to Hadrian. It is clear
that the iconography of these decorations is strictly connected with the goddess of the temple, as is the case in
the Iseum in Pompeii.54
A G erman O utpost : M ainz
Very little is known about the decoration of the Iseum in Mainz and definitive conclusions are thus not possible.
The outer walls of the two shrines were whitewashed. The only published figural painting is the head of an Anu-
bis on a red background found in the interior of a cult room. The image of this god of the underworld (or one of
the worshippers in the god’s retinue) and inscriptions made it possible to attribute the sanctuary to Isis and her
fellow deities. This means that the building had a cult-specific decoration, at least in terms of iconography, like
that in Pompeii. The cult houses were erected in the Flavian era and also housed the Magna Mater. Moreover,
there was a well symbolizing the Nilometer.55
M it h ras and His G rottoes
Spelaea, the grottoes dedicated to Mithras built by worshippers, are widespread acrossed the Roman world.
While some are newly built, in urban contexts they are often housed in existing buildings. The latter date from
the end of the first (Caesarea) until the late third, possibly the fourth century AD (Huarte). Cult practices dic-
tated specific rules in terms of architecture and layout and, as a result, decorations show the same characteristics.
Among the elements connected with the god of Light are planets and stars. The number of spelaea could be
rather high in large towns since a typical Mithraic community numbered some 20 to 40 people. It is likely that
multiple groups used the same building during different rituals, so that there was an intensive use of the grottoes,
probably enhanced by the relatively low status of the followers of Mithras.56
Decoration mainly consists of painting, followed by floor mosaics, stone or concrete benches along the side
walls and removable sculptural elements. One cannot say that these shrines were rich in their decoration, marble
revetments are rare and one instance of well-executed stucco reliefs can be singled out as extraordinary, namely
the Mithraeum under the church of S. Stefano Rotondo in Rome. The sculptures were considered the most pre-
cious objects which enhanced the monument’s status and worshippers who could afford it certainly dedicated
a relief or statue(ette) to their beloved god. However, it is not clear if this simplicity can be solely explained by
the modest social and economic status of the members of the cult groups since the nature of the cult required
modest apparatus.57 L. Michael White observed an increase in the wealth and type of cultic objects and decora-
54
De Vos 1997, 99-142, esp. 100, 107, figs. 157-158, 166. Cf. M.J. Vermaseren listed in the bibliography and Merkelbach
M. de Vos, LTUR III (1996) 110-112; LTUR V (1999) 269, 1984; Beck 2006; Hijmans 2009, 166-186. For the eastern
with further bibliography; Whitehouse 2001, 249-253 nos. part of the Roman Epire see Topoi(Lyon) 11.1, 2001. Klauck
61-62. 1995, I, 119-126, gives a succinct, but clear overview. For
55
Klose and Angermeyer 2003, 524; Witteyer 2004, 29. numbers of Mithraea see note 60.
56 57
The bibliography is very vast and the main studies will be Rieger 2004, 256-257 (on the basis of epigraphic data about
cited in the following notes. See the fundamental studies by the commissioners of these shrines).
163
tion in the course of time.58 In the following a short survey of the most important instances of Mithraea with
mural paintings will be given, starting with Rome and Ostia, where we find the most examples with remains of
the original decorations.59
R ome
Among the thirty Mithraea which are known in the city of Rome60 some eleven have remains of painted decora-
tions or are reported to have had such. In a number of cases the god is represented in this form instead of a relief
or statue, other buildings contained traces of wall and vault decorations.
Painted examples of the Mithras tauroctonos on the back wall of cult rooms are known from the Mithraea
under Palazzo Barberini and in Marino (see infra), whereas a similar depiction must have adorned a shrine of
Mithras in the Via Firenze.61 In the latter, the paintings must date to the end of the second century and they were
covered with another version in stucco relief at the beginning of the third century.
The painting in Palazzo Barberini also shows the life of Mithras. This feature is normally found in the
northern provinces in the form of reliefs and in the East it appears in its painted form (see infra). The holy
space was constructed around the middle of the second century in what must have been a private nymphaeum.
Some remains of that structure were found by the excavators. According to them, the paintings date to the
third century, although the late second century is also plausible.62 Paul Meyboom discussed the chronologi-
cal developments of the Mithraeum Barberini and those in Capua and Marino. He observed a transition from
plastic rendering of the figures towards a linear depiction. These features are linked to chronology, rather than
just the painters’ skills and personal styles. According to Meyboom, the realistic Capua decoration is thus the
oldest, painted shortly after 180, whereas the slightly less realistic rendition of the Marino paintings dates them
to around 200. Barberini, with paintings in the linear style, dates to between 225 and 250. Meyboom also dates
Mithraea in Ostia, arguing that the Mithraeum of Lucretius Menander (figs. 89-91) dates to 160-180, that of
the Seven Gates from around 210 and that of the Painted Walls around 200. Although there is no hard evidence
for Meyboom’s proposal, his reasoning is sound and the proposed chronology is the best currently available.
A combination of the two techniques of stucco and painting can be seen in the Mithraeum under the early
Christian church of S. Stefano Rotondo on the Aventine that formed part of the Castra peregrinorum, the camp
for troops from outside Rome.63 The room was adorned with white panels around 160, when it still formed part
of the camp and was partly preserved within the Mithraeum installed during the reconstruction of 180, when
the back wall above the altar was adorned with an elaborate Mithras tauroctonos in painting and stucco, preserved
in the form of fragments. Mithras’ head, with its gilded skin, is particularly striking and the colour alludes to
the sun. As in Marino, Sol and Luna were juxtaposed in the form of medallions and there must have been other
cult images, of which, however, barely anything has been preserved. During the the third century the room was
58
White 1990, 47-59. Cf. Rieger 2004, 256-257. is doubtful. For this reason, it is omitted from discussion
59
See in general Merkelbach 1984, which includes an over- even if there are traces of paintings ( J. Calzini Gysens, ibid.,
view of Mithraea and their furnishings (pp. 133-146 and pp. 261-262). About this area, without this Mithraeum, Pavolini
274-395, images). A good update in Rieger 2004, 252-257, 2006, 67-92. Rieger 2004, 252 only identifies nine examples
also valuable for Mithraea outside of Ostia. See also Lucia as definite Mithraea.
61
Romizzi, Mithraeum, ThesCRA IV (2005) 275-280. For a J. Calzini Gysens, LTUR III (1996) 262, with bibliography.
62
discussion of the iconography of Mithras see R. Volkommer, J. Calzini Gysens, LTUR III (1996) 263-264; Meyboom
LIMC VI (1992) 583-626. 1982: 220-250 AD; Hijmans 2009, 291 n. E5-2. Picture of
60
Coarelli 1979 gives a list of 40 Mithraea and supposes that the Barberini painting in Baldassarre 2002, 350.
63
there must have been at least 700 of them in Rome. LTUR III Lissi Caronna 1986, 11-14, pls. I-III, XVIII (phase 1), 24-28,
(1996) 257-270 has 28 instances, the identification of one pls. III-IV, XXI-XXIV (phase 2); ead., LTUR I (1993) 251;
on the grounds of the Ospedale di San Giovanni sul Celio Pavolini 2006, 57-60, figs. 29-32.
164
Fig. 89 Ostia, Mithraeum of C. Lucretius Menander, right side wall (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour version of this figure, see page
254.
extended, resulting in an entirely new decoration which destroyed the existing paintings and consisted mostly
of imitations of marble incrustations (giallo antico, rosso antico, etc.). The back wall’s stuccoes were replaced by
a marble relief above a painted red dado with large craters and doves. Sol and Luna were retouched. The variety
of the colours was enhanced by the numerous sculptures which display a strong sense of polychromy.64 The new,
extremely richly furnished Mithraeum was probably used until 370-380, as proposed by Elisa Lissi Caronna, or
even the beginning of the fifth century as suggested by Carlo Pavolini.65 This Mithraeum is the only example in
the city of Rome that can definitely be associated with military people as the principal users of the shrine.
In the Mithraeum under the church of Santa Prisca on the Aventine, the cult room’s long walls were occupied
by a procession of believers, including male figures representing the seven degrees of initiation. Furthermore,
there are murals of a taurobolium and Sol and Mithras. Two layers of painting have been distinguished by the
excavators Maarten J. Vermaseren and Carel Claudius van Essen, who date them to 200 and 220 respectively.66
The spelaeum is located in a late first century AD domus, interpreted by the Dutch scholars as the privata Traiani,
the house of the future emperor. This stood until c. 400 circa, when the complex was destroyed by Christians.67
A painted Mithras carrying a solar disc embellished the cult room’s western wall in the Mithraeum discov-
ered under the Baths of Caracalla. The shrine was built in a subterranean corridor shortly after the opening
of the thermae themselves and its decoration must belong to this phase. Some suggest that the man should
be a torchbearer, dadophoros, an identification that might fit better considering his secondary position on the
64 67
Lissi Caronna 1986, 29-38. Vermaseren and Van Essen 1965, 107-116; Hijmans 2009,
65
Lissi Caronna 1986, 46; Pavolini 2006, 59-60. 291 n. E5-3. Cf. however F. Coarelli, LTUR IV (1999) 164-
66
Vermaseren and van Essen 1965, 148-178, esp. 173-178; M. 165 and Liedtke 2002, 157-159, who identifies a nearby
Andreussi, LTUR III (1996) 268-269 with additional bibli- complex as Trajan’s private dwellings.
ography.
165
Fig. 90 Ostia, Mithraeum of C. Lucretius
Menander, entrance wall (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
side wall. The back wall had a relief of

which fragments have been found show-
ing Mithras tauroctonos.68
The Mithraeum under San Clemente
was constructed around 180-200 in a
former rich domus dating to the late first
century AD (brick stamps: AD 90-96).
It can be observed that the decorations
in stucco relief and mosaic from the age
of Domitian were considered as rich and
relevant when the complex was changed
into the shrine. They were not removed
from the walls and were instead inte-
grated within the new structure. They
still adorn the antechamber and “Mith-
raic school” on the eastern side of the
cult room. The walls of another room
received a new decoration that nowadays
is barely distinguishable and contains fig-
ures that cannot be interpreted.69
Remains of a Mithraeum were
unearthed in 1928 on Via Giuseppe Pas-
salacqua 20 on the Caelian Hill. The
excavator Pietro Mottini noted traces of
the painting showing Cautopates in a niche in the back wall. He saw fragments of another figure, probably Cautes.
Its date is unknown, but the complex fell into disuse under Constantine.70
Few remains of far simpler wall decorations were encountered in 1931 in a Mithraeum on the northern
side of the Circus Maximus, next to its carceres. The excavators found red bands and a pattern of concentric
circles which Carlo Pietrangeli compares with a decoration in the Oberflohrstadt Mithraeum (see p. 178). The
Mithraeum was built in the third century and the builders made use of an existing building with rich marble
decorations.71
68
M. Piranomonte, LTUR III (1996) 267-268. Messineo 1994, 73 and 77.
69 71
Bragantini 1992, 315-326; I. Della Giovampaola, LTUR III Pietrangeli 1940, 155, 159-160; A.M. Ramieri, LTUR III
(1996) 257-259 with bibliography; Bassani 2003, 424. (1996) 266-267.
70
J. Calzini Gysens, LTUR III (1996) 259-260; Bellelli and
166
Fig. 91 Ostia, Mithraeum of C. Lucretius Menander, detail of fig. 90: ‘mensa agonistica’ (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
Remains of vault decorations have been found in the Mithraeum on the crossroads Via XX Settembre and
Via Firenze, next to the Ministry of Defence. The room had stone couches and the floor was covered with a
simple black and white mosaic. The vault decoration imitated the rocky Mithras’ grotto in grey and probably
enhanced the place’s dark atmosphere. The back wall had a Mithras tauroctonos, picked with axes and covered
by whitewash, which according to excavator Alessandro Capannari could not be preserved. Capannari notes that
the whitewash was a preparatory surface for the application of a new image in stucco relief. However, he does not
report finding such a representation or fragments thereof.72 The dating of the sanctuary, built into the domus of
the Nummii Albini who owned the place for a considerable time in late antiquity, is not known. However, since
the house was actively used in the early fourth century the construction might date to that era, although Capan-
nari proposes a date around 200 for the Mithras painting since it was of such a high quality.73
In the Mithraeum found under the church of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, within the Palazzo della Cancelleria, the
main room of the sanctuary had a star-studded red wall decoration and some half moons. From the notes of the
excavator A. Prandi, Manuel Royo concludes that the Mithraeum was constructed within an existing building
in the middle of the third century.74
72
Capannari 1886, 20-23; J. Calzini Gysens, LTUR III (1996) muro una traccia di pittura in rosso con lunule e stelle.” The
262; Bassani 2003, 423-424, fig. 156. remainder of their contribution concentrates on inscrip-
73
F. Guidobaldi, LTUR II (1995) 146-147 discusses the house tions and statues found here. Royo 1984, 883-886 (no
of the Nummii, but is silent about the Mithraeum. paintings mentioned); J. Calzini Gysens, LTUR III (1996)
74
Nogara and Magi 1949, 230: “Notevole su un tratto di 266.
167
The highly complex excavations in the area of the Crypta Balbi in the Campus Martius also brought to light
remains of a flat building from the age of Trajan. Part of it was transformed into a Mithraeum in the middle of
the second century or at the beginning of the third century. Contemporary fragments of wall plaster and (pos-
sibly) paintings are very scant but the excavators found fragments of fake marble veneer in red, yellow, brown
and green, and of panel-like paintings in red on white. About AD 300 the walls were whitewashed and the room’s
ceiling was lowered. Then it was painted in what is generally called Catacomb-Style stripe paintings. These are
in no way specific to the cult room. The floors of some adjacent rooms, however, were covered with an expen-
sive opus sectile.75 The cult room lost its function at the end of the fourth century, probably due to the restrictive
rules of Theodosius.
All Roman Mithraea with paintings were built in existing, sometimes prestigious buildings which had prob-
ably lost their original function and changed owner or tenant. Elements of the architecture and the furnishings
were not removed but recycled according to a practice also encountered in Ostia.
O stia
The seventeen Mithraea discovered in Ostia contain the usual images of the god in relief and there are only two
painted examples (Mithraea of the Painted Walls and the Seven Gates). As in Rome, most shrines form part
of, or were built into, existing building complexes. Rieger views this practice as advantageous, arguing that the
complexes would have been better hidden from non-members.76 The modest financial circumstances of most of
these cult communities, however, was probably the more important reason for reuse, rather than a desire to con-
ceal secret rituals from outsiders. These properties could have been owned by cult members. Whether secrecy
was essential is not known (cf. infra, p. 187). In the following the main results of Giovanni Becatti’s monograph
on the Mithraea in Ostia will be revisited in light of more recent insights. The problem is that nowadays much
less is visible than in Becatti’s time and his inventory thus remains the most important source.77
In the late second century AD a large room in a domus from the Hadrianic era was converted into a Mith-
raeum (figs. 89-91). A certain Gaius Lucretius Menander is recorded in an inscription on the altar as the pater
and the leader of the community. The decorations above the stone couches contain landscapes and still lifes
(birds, fruit, mensa agonistica, fig. 91) on white panels with broad red frames (six on the side walls, three on the
back wall) and belong to the house’s existing secular decoration dating to the mid-second century.78 Traces of
the original dado are still visible on the entrance wall. It has a green surface with two horizontal yellow bands
flanked by yellow lines and one vertical yellow band. The dado had a white background and contained red lines
75
Ricci 2004a and 2004b. The finds, among which a glazed Mithraea see Coarelli 1979, 76-77.
78
crater showing the deeds of Herakles, are discussed in the I iii 5. As to the original function of the room, it is mostly
same volume as Ricci 2004a, pp. 242-277, by L. Saguì and identified as an oecus (cf. Falzone 2004, 59 note 16). The
C.M. Coletti. On the floors: Del Vecchio, Petrianni and Ricci chronology of the paintings has been debated and ranges
2005 (paintings mentioned on p. 354). Fragments of floor from the middle of the second to the beginning of the
and wall decorations are on display in the museum of the third century AD. See Becatti 1954, 17-20, pl. II; Liedtke
Crypta Balbi. 2002, 26-28; Falzone 2004, 60; Pavolini 2006, 86. N. Oome
76
Cf. Rieger 2004, 256. (2007) proposes 155-160 the beginning of the third century
77
All Mithraea in Ostia are documented in Becatti 1954. as a probable date for these murals and the installation of the
Cf. Meyboom 1982, 43; Bakker 1994, 111-117, 204-206; Mithraeum.
Steuernagel 2004, 107-108. For the plausible number of 40
168
Fig. 92 Ostia, Mithraeum of the Painted Walls, wall with lost Mithras and altar, mural of Mithraeum phase (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For
a colour version of this figure, see page 255.
and strips. Apparently, the ‘idyllic scenes’ in the main zone did not conflict with the room’s new use and could
have been subsequently linked with Mithras’ life-giving force.79 The paintings on the new couches follow the
style of the existing murals.80
Similar landscapes have been found in the Mithraeum of the Painted Walls.81 The cult room is located in a
17 m long corridor in the eastern part of a living quarter and has two sections, a vestibule and the sanctum. The
floor has a simple white mosaic in opus tessellatum without figural elements. The original context before the
Mithraeum was built is recognisable in the form of remains of a panel decoration with landscapes and architec-
tural elements on the back wall, the side walls and the small wall pieces between vestibule and main room (figs.
92-94). When the Mithraeum was built, this layer was not picked with axes and was immediately covered with
decoration in lime wash. On the back wall a painted Mithras tauroctonos must have been applied, with plants on
its left and right. This overpaint has almost entirely become brittle and disappeared, leaving nothing but traces
of red and blue. In front of this wall a precinct with an altar was constructed, using spolia-like marble slabs with
inscriptions. Furthermore, the right side wall has been preserved and has two layers of paint. The older decora-
tion served as a good under layer for a set of religious figures in red and brown on a white background, only
79 80
Becatti suggests that the paintings were in a good state when Liedtke 2002, 28-29 raises doubts about a real ‘phase’: the
the complex was converted into a shrine at an unknown excavators could have applied fragments from the same
moment and therefore did not need to be replaced. The altar decoration as the Antonine house murals.
81
of Lucretius is dated to the third century. Cf. Spurza 1999, III i 6. Becatti 1954, 59-68, pls. XI-XIII; Spurza 1999, 250-
250; Liedtke 2002, 26-31, pl. 41; Mols 2002, 171; Falzone 252; Pavolini 2006, 144-145.
2004, 51-60; Oome 2007.
169
Fig. 93 Ostia, Mithraeum of the Painted Walls, right wall: nymphus, miles, heliodromus, Cautopates (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour
version of this figure, see page 255.
preserved on this right wall (fig. 93). In the shrine next to the back wall, Becatti rightly recognised nymphus (man
clad as a woman, left hand raised), miles (man moving to right and pushing a spear as if hunting), heliodromus (a
naked man with round shield and long torch), whereas his Cautopates at the right must also be a cult member
since he is wearing a long dress, is standing next to a tree and holds an object in his left hand. They are standing
between pilasters accentuated in stucco relief. Flowers and plants enliven the white surface. A similar sequence
is known in the form of mosaics with symbolic signs in the Ostia Mithraea of the Seven Spheres and of Felicis-
simus,82 while in Capua the sequence of stages of initiation (if so; see infra) has been executed in paint. The
anteroom’s right wall has a large white field subdivided into four panels by means of red bands above the beds
(fig. 94). Four men, probably members of the cult community, stand on green lozenges which look like consoles
of statues.83 The figure on the upper left has a towel (mappa) in his left hand, the figure under him holds a torch
in his outstretched right hand, whereas the other two, who are mostly no longer visible, do not have any discern-
ible attributes. Next to them there must have been space for four more figures and the same can be assumed
for the left wall. They are presumably leones, members of the first degree of initiation. Regarding the opposite
wall, Becatti observed that the few fragments of the then visible wall painting showed a different theme. He
recognised, among others, a human figure with a nimbus and a globe. In my opinion, the attributes identify this
person as a god, probably Apollo. The use of stucco in the main room renders the painting more conspicuous,
even if the execution of the figures is rather simple and not very refined. Moreover, the colour palette is limited.
Becatti dates the shrine to the end of the second century AD. Liedtke discusses more recent proposed dates and
concludes that the murals must have been applied in the late Antonine period.84
Little is known about the paintings in the Mithraeum’s vault under the bath complex named after Mithras.
Becatti mentions a vegetal ornament in these Baths of Mithras that, like landscapes in similar contexts, could
allude to the god’s benevolence. It is the only Mithras shrine clearly installed in an underground room. An enor-
82 83
II viii 6: Becatti 1954, 47-51, pls. VI-VIII; Pavolini 2006, For further details see Moormann 1988, 28-30 (excluding
74-75 (Seven Spheres). V ix, 1: Becatti 1954, 105-112, pls. this example). Cult members are also seen on the murals of
XXIV-XXV; Pavolini 2006, 228-231 (Felicissimus). Cf. Beck the Mithraeum in Dura Europos (see p. 179-180).
84
2006, 103-108. Liedtke 2002, 47-48.
170
Fig. 94 Ostia, Mithraeum of the Painted Walls, anteroom, right wall, four leones (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour version of this
mous marble Mithras tauroctonos dominates the place, with a floor of red tiles (bipedales) and decorations which
have now entirely disappeared.85
The Mithraeum in the Palazzo Imperiale on the outskirts of regio III only had red, unadorned panels which
are not particularly informative. The monument is poorly documented.86 According to Joanne Spurza, it is the
only Mithraeum constructed as such as a part of the whole building complex. Thanks to the inscription on a
85
I xvii 2. Becatti 1954, 30, pl. IV; Pavolini 2006, 126-127. The 1864, 158-159 for basic data. According to him the red,
Mithras statue is signed by a Greek artist: Kρίτων Ἀθηναῖος also found in the Mithraeum in Nida-Heddernheim, might
ἐποίει. allude to fire, seen as an essential element in the cult of this
86
Becatti 1954, 53, pl. IX; Pavolini 2006, 130. See Visconti Persian deity.
171
Fig. 95 Ostia, Mithraeum of the Seven Gates, back wall with Mithras niche (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour version of this figure,
see page 256.
base of a statue featuring Cautopates and dated AD 162, the erection of the palace and the shrine can be placed
in this period and, as a consequence, the Mithraeum is the oldest well dated shrine of its type in Ostia.87
The Mithraeum of the Seven Gates owes its name to the depiction of an arcade with seven openings on the
floor mosaic at the entrance of the cult room.88 The floor and benches are adorned with simple but effectively
executed figural mosaics in which cultic elements are clearly emphasized. They show representations of the
stages of initiation in the form of the seven gods who personify the corresponding planets (Mars, Venus, Jupiter,
etc.) and give the interior its relatively rich distinctive character. Paintings in the cult niche and on the side walls
over the couches show motifs pertaining to the cult. Two phases can be distinguished. The first has only been
preserved on the left back wall next to the entrance and consists of two zones of white panels with red frames.
The right panel has a vignette of a stylised flower. The second phase is that described by Becatti. It was applied
without preparing the older layer by picking with axes. The back wall had a red surface around the round niche,
which had a blue surface and once contained a statue of Mithras (fig. 95). The white side walls were subdivided
into three panels filled with garden representations containing date palms and shrubs behind a yellow lattice
fence (figs. 96-97). Another garden panel can be seen on the entrance wall. The vegetation should be connected
with Mithras because in and next to his cult grotto there was opulent vegetation, a result of the god’s benevo-
lence. Comparable motifs are found in landscapes in the previously Mithraea. Liedtke, however, suggests that
they might also be generic scenes. The garden paintings are extraordinary in the context of Mithraeum decora-
tions and recall the fashion of garden representations from first century AD Pompeii and elsewhere on the walls
87
J.M. Spurza, The Life of the Shrine: The Mithraeum of the Spurza 1999, 244.
88
“Palazzo Imperiale” at Ostia, AJA 95 (1991) 322 (summary IV v 13. Becatti 1954, 93-99, pls. XIX-XXII; Beck 2006, 114;
of a paper given at the 1991 AIA congress); Spurza 1999, Pavolini 2006, 194-195.
211, 239-252. The inscription mentioned is CIL XIV, 58-59;
172
Fig. 96 Ostia, Mithraeum of the Seven Gates, garden painting (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour version of this figure, see page 256.
of real gardens. The shrine has been dated to AD 160-170 on the basis of the mosaics and, more importantly, of
coins. The paintings are not conclusive in this regard.89
The Mithraeum of the Snakes takes its name from the representation of two huge snakes part of a garden
representation on a white background and crowned by garlands. It stretches across the cult room’s back and left
side walls.90 A partly preserved genius wearing a white toga with red clavi, a wreath on his head and a cornucopiae
in his left hand stands in the upper corner of the left side wall. The snakes’ scales are red and blue on the back
and yellow and green on the belly. Following the Roman tradition, the male snake (on the back wall) has a crest
on its head. The representation belongs to the decorations of the former apartment and was made in the second
century. At the time it was a rare decorative motif. The sanctuary was incorporated in the large tenement at the
end of the third century AD.
Finally, I will discuss the problematic Mithraeum of the Three Aisles. Dating to the mid-second century, it
has remains of paintings on the rear and side walls (figs. 98-99).91 The shrine was constructed between the por-
tico of the Caseggiato of the Aurighi and an adjacent building in a former construction of unknown function.92
89
Liedtke 2002, 107-108. For the garden: Jashemski 1993, 388 Stephan Mols did not take it into account in his analysis.
fig. 468. According to him the outer wall of the tenement, now the
90
V vi 6. Becatti 1954, 101-104, pls. XXIII-XIX; Pavolini 2006, right wall of the sanctuary, was closed around 150, when
223-224. water basins were installed in that section (Mols 2002, 162,
91
III ii 12. Becatti 1954, 69-75, pl. XIV; Spurza 1999, 249-250; 163). The left wall in opus reticulatum is some decades older
Pavolini 2006, 143-144. than its counterpart. Our construction might already have
92
Becatti 1954, 69 suggests that the shrine was integrated been a shrine before it was changed into a Mithraic sanctu-
into the Caseggiato degli Aurighi (“impiantandovi”), but ary with couches.
173
Fig. 97 Ostia, Mithraeum of the
Seven Gates, garden painting
(courtesy Soprintendenza Ostia).
The latter consisted of an apse executed in a beautiful Trajanic or Hadrianic opus reticulatum and two rows of
four brickwork columns. The cultic couches were installed between columns and outer walls and the floor of the
central aisle might have been deepened to create the atmosphere of a Mithraeum-like spelaeum. The decoration
of the apse shows fancy marble incrustations in garish colours in the dado and above them three panels, a red
one in the centre and yellow ones at the sides. A small floating figure (Maenad?) adorns the right panel that also
contains a large graffito of a ship. This painting belongs to the phase of construction and the painter followed
the contemporary practice of real marble revetments where a similar use of vivid combinations of colours can
be observed. On the small walls in front of the apse traces of similar red panels in the main zone are present in
the corners next to the apse, whereas the remaining walls, like those of the shrine, have white panel decorations
dating to two subsequent phases. As a whole, the long walls were much more modest in their presentation. The
two layers of later paint, a Severan over a late Antonine mural, only show small changes.93 The first shrine-related
layer has five very broad panels on each long wall with altering vignettes and horizontal braces. The central panel
shows a pediment and a thyrsos suspended from a garland. The colours used are red, green and yellow. The
same colours were chosen in the last phase, when the decorator(s) made white panels with frames of double
green lines and a red band, between which flowers and festoons can be seen. Other figural motifs are lacking.
The floor has a white mosaic in opus tessellatum showing a burning altar in front of the real altar and served as
an attention focusing device.
The sacellum has been defined as a Mithraeum but the decoration shows no reference to Mithras and thus
this interpretation is extremely dubious. The altar in mosaic and the beds along the long walls are the only ele-
ments that might be cultic. The tympanum and thyrsos refer to Dionysus but also form part of the standard
decorative repertoire and are thus not conclusive. Nevertheless, the building appears to have had a religious
function.94
93
Liedtke 2002, 48-52. discussion and I find her conclusions convincing. Similarly
94
Already doubts in Becatti 1954, 69-75 and Bakker 1994, 114 Steuernagel 2004, 188 note 946. Charles-Laforge 2006, 180-
note 28. Bollmann 1998, 443-446 clearly summarises the 181 suggests that here was a shrine for Sabazios.
174
Fig. 98 Ostia, Sacellum of the
Three Aisles, back wall (photo
S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour ver-
Rieger offers a clear summary of Mithrea in Ostia. She interprets the numerous shrines as an expression of
the wish to withdraw with some companions from the hectic and tumultuous life in a busy harbour city. The
various collegia, including those dedicated to Mithras, guaranteed a moment of relaxation and spiritual rest in
their closed houses – a function which had less to do with real ‘mysteries’ and more to do with the search for
intimacy.95 Most of them were installed in existing buildings and paintings and mosaics identify rooms as shrines
for Mithras.96
95 96
Rieger 2004, 254-256. On the collegia Bollmann 1998; Steuernagel 2004, 108.
Rieger 2004, 27-30; Pensabene 2007, 343-344.
175
Fig. 99 Ostia, Sacellum of the Three Aisles (photo S.T.A.M. Mols). For a colour version of this figure, see page 257.
O t h er M it h raea in I taly
The Mithraeum of Ponza provides the only example of a cult niche adorned with a stucco relief outside of
Rome. The now lost Mithras tauroctonos was executed in this technique, as were other iconographic elements in
this sanctum, namely Sol and Luna, Cautes and Cautopates. There is a peculiar zodiac on the vault of the room.
Vermaseren tentatively dates the monument to the third century AD, noting the lack of concrete data.97 In his
monograph he addresses at length the importance of the zodiac signs within the cult. For the purposes of the
current discussion it is sufficient to note that all preserved elements strongly pertain to Mithraism.
There are many references to the cult members and ministers visible in the well-preserved Mithraeum in
old Capua, nowadays S. Maria di Capua Vetere.98 Vermaseren dedicated a slim monograph to this monument,
from which we may recall the most important aspects. The vault was covered with a painted, starred sky. The
stucco contains pieces of glass to enhance the effect of brilliant stars. The back wall shows the killing of the bull,
whereas the couches along the side walls have images of the various grades or ranks of cult members (fig. 100).
These paintings were most likely applied around 170-180 AD (see p. 164).99
The Mithraeum of Marino was constructed and decorated some 20-30 years later.100 Again, a painted Mith-
ras tauroctonos dominates the back wall (fig. 101). He is surrounded by circle-shaped cycles of the zodiac and
97 99
Vermaseren 1974. Meyboom 1982, 45 suggests 200. See also Meyboom 1982, 44.
100
Beck 2006, 109. Vermaseren 1982, passim, pls. XI-XIX; Hijmans 2009, 292
98
Vermaseren 1971; Hijmans 2009, 291 n. E5-1. n. E5-6. Cf. Devoti 1994. Here p. 164.
176
Fig. 100 Capua, Mithraeum (after
Vermaseren 1971, pl. 2).
the Life of Mithras in a style that one mainly encounters in the northern provinces on sandstone or limestone
reliefs. Meyboom dates the paintings to c.AD 200 (see p. 164), which might be correct. Neither he nor Verma-
seren could definitively connect this construction with the presence of the Legio II Parthica at Marino, which is
dated to the year 193.101
The Mithraeum of Spoleto was discovered as early as 1878 and partly excavated afterwards. Remains are no
longer visible but the couches apparently contained depictions of the planetary deities, probably similar to the
zodiac elsewhere in Mithraea. However, zodiac scenes are not normally found on couches. The figures might
have instead showed initiates and some elements could perhaps have been confused with zodiac signs.102
The only Mithraeum known from Sicily up to now was found in Syracuse in the area of S. Lucia but it is
now lost.103 On the side walls hunting scenes must have been present as well as red flowers. The latter probably
belong to the well-known category of strewn flowers filling the surface of vaults. The former are unique in Mith-
ras’ iconography, unless we connect them with the god himself and compare them to the hunt in the Mithraeum
in Dura Europos (fig. 102).
M it h raea A cross t h e A lps
Mithraea in military sites in the northern rovinces are connected with the spread of the cult by the troops. How-
ever, some spelaea situated in urban contexts are also known.
In 1915 Robert Forrer published an excellent study of the excavation of a Mithraeum in Strasbourg.104 He
found traces of wall paintings adorning the inner walls, which unfortunately were not studied by him or others in
further detail. The few pieces illustrated by Forrer show remains of panels with striped frames lacking figural ele-
ments. These fragments should belong to both the adornment of walls and long barrel vault. Forrer documented
101 103
Vermaseren 1982, 19; Meyboom 1982, 45. For the Legion Wilson 1990, 301.
104
see DNP 7 (1999) 15. Forrer 1915, 27-28, fig. 10 (paintings).
102
Vermaseren 1956, 247-248.
177
Fig. 101 Marino, Mithraeum, bull
attacked by dog and snake (after
Vermaseren 1982, pl. 1).
the colours of the relief sculpture of Mithras tauroctonos and there are two interesting tablets with inscriptions
by a certain C. Celsinius Matutinus informing the reader that he repainted (repinxit) the typus of the god.105
The text also shows that the building and its many statues and reliefs were renovated in the time of Alexander
Severus. The paintings, therefore, should be attributed to this phase.
In Germany painted Mithraic shrines are found in Mainz and (already mentioned) Oberflorstadt, but the
scant fragments do not permit a reconstruction of the interior decoration.106 A recently unearthed Mithraeum
in Königsbrunn in ancient Raetia, not far from Augsburg, had several rooms. Thus far a simple white panel
decoration from the central room R4 can be reconstructed and it is likely that it belonged to the side walls; no
figural motifs showing Mithras or his entourage have yet been found in this second century AD complex.107
105
Forrer 1915, 69-73, pl. XXV. the Mainz Mithraeum, R. Gogräfe reports in a letter from 8
106
Gogräfe 1999, 218. The remains are discussed on pp. 397- September 2005 that a complete publication of the complex
398, cat. 372, fig. 289 (Mainz, Mithraeum in Ballplatz, not is being prepared by Ingeborg Zetsche; she will, however,
dated) and pp. 314-315, cat. 157 (Oberflorstadt; not dated). not offer any new insights on decoration.
107
Nothing can be said about the decorations of the ‘third Willburger 2004, 104-105, fig. 47 (with bibliography). It is
Mithraeum’ and the ‘first Mithraeum’ in Frankfurt-Heddern- building 5, measuring 9.80 x 9.10 m.
heim (Gogräfe 1999, 327-328, cat.185; 209, cat. 209). As to
178
The remains of a Mithraeum in Martigny (VS), discovered in 1993, have no counterparts in Switzerland.
The building explored by François Wiblé was designed according to the usual rules and possessed a painted bar-
rel vault showing a starred sky. This belongs to its first phase, dated to the late second century AD on the basis
of the archaeological context.108 Numerous plaster fragments belong to a second, Severan ceiling decoration
that consisted of a central lozenge and rectangular fields intermingled with festoons. One of these smaller fields
contains a running dog on the right and another shows a hare. Friezes with polyedric panels, mostly filled with
imitations of marble plaques, can be reconstructed on the vault’s lower sides. Fake marble veneer, fragments of
representations of the Sun, the Moon and stars have been identified on the walls. The decoration seems to have
remained simple so as not to interfere with the bronze relief of a taurobolium.
The Mithraeum in the military encampment of Aquincum (Budapest) possessed a relief of Mithras tauroc-
tonos on the rear wall surrounded by an extended series of small scenes showing the life of the god. The side
walls, in contrast, were rather simple and were not the work of an experienced decorator. A dedicatory inscrip-
tion dates the complex to 201-202. Similar decorations have been found in Virunum.109
Almost nothing has been preserved from the Mithraeum of Badajoz in Spain,110 but the excavation reports
record traces of red and black surfaces in the lower zone of the cult room’s walls. The identification of the shrine
is based on the discovery of statues and inscriptions related to the cult. The scant remains do not allow for a
precise chronology.
M it h raea in t h e E ast : Huarte , D ura E uropos and C aesarea
There are several Mithraea in Syria but the ones in Huarte and Dura Europos stand out for their extremely rich
decorations.111 The one in Dura, on the Euphrates, was founded by Palmyrene archers, as we know from two cult
reliefs from AD 168-169 and 170-171, i.e. shortly after the arrival of these Roman troops. The cult room is the
same as in other Mithraea because of the use of the canonical iconography.112 The cult niche possessed a relief
of Mithras tauroctonos and its arch was adorned by paintings showing the life of the god in thirteen episodes.
The vault contains twelve images of the zodiac. Finally, two magicians were depicted on the wall pilasters of the
arcosolium and the relief ’s motif was repeated on top. The walls of the adytum, in front of the cult niche, show
Mithras during a hunt, a rare motif in the Mithras iconography (fig. 102). The walls above the beds contained
depictions of worshippers. The vault was decorated with a starry sky.
Franz Cumont distinguished three phases in both the construction and the decoration of the sanctuary. The
first is that of the sculpted reliefs, AD 168, the second one is to be dated to the period of Caracalla, thanks to
a dedicatory inscription, and is known from fragments that show a more colourful palette than the second set
of decorations applied in the third phase, shortly before AD 250. These rather simple scenes, composed with
few colours, bear the signature of a certain Mareos. The figures are roughly drawn and colour accents enliven
the features. Their importance does not lie in their scant quality but the iconographical abundance. The same
is true for the modest sculptures from the first phase found in the cult room. Cumont suggested that the paint-
ings had been executed by a local member of the cult, but the translator of Cumont’s text rightly notes that the
108
Wiblé 1993; 1995. Find reported in JbSchwUrgesch 77 is an English translation of a French manuscript of 1947,
(1994) 203-204; Dubois and Fuch 2004. edited and actualised by E.D. Francis. See also Dirven 1999,
109
Madarassy 1991. Some technical observations about the 260-272; pls. VIII-IX; Elsner 2001, 278-280; Gordon 2001,
restoration are given by István Bóna in Borhy 2004, 300. 90-91; Leriche 2001; Dirven 2004, 13-16, pls. 5-6; Sommer
110
Abad Casal 1982, cat. Ba 1.7. 2005, 332-334; Beck 2006, 111, 141; Hijmans 2009, 291 n.
111
See various contributions in Topoi(Lyon) 11.1, 2001. E5-4. Briefly mentioned in Balty 1989, 528 and Elsner 1998,
112
Block J7. Rostovtzeff, Brown and Wells 1939, 62-134; Per- 213-214 fig. 140. The paintings are in the Yale Gallery of
kins 1973, 49-52; Cumont 1975 with pls. 21-30, whose text Fine Arts, New Haven.
179
Fig. 102 Dura Europos, Mithraeum, side wall, hunt of Mithras (photo L. Dirven). For a colour version of this figure, see page 258.
painter might have come from elsewhere.113 However, Cumont’s idea should not be dismissed.114 Two peculiar
touches within the traditional repertoire are the hunt of Mithras and portraits with inscribed names of the cult
members,115 the latter are also present in the Mithraeum of the Painted Walls in Ostia. For Jaś Elsner, this set of
murals, like those in the other sanctuaries of Dura Europos should be seen as an expression of ‘cultural resist-
ance’ (see Chapter 8).
The Huarte Mithraeum shows a similar richness in figural scenes, as we know from Polish studies carried
out in the late 1990s by Michał Gawlikowski in this village 15 km north of Apameia. The cult room has been
preserved admirably well under an early Christian church dating to the 480s.116 The Mithraeum must have been
used until the late fourth century and at least two phases can be identified.117 The earliest has some remains of
monochrome preparatory painting in the cult niche in the rear wall, meant to be a fond for a relief of a taurobo-
lium (lost or taken away by worshippers). The figural scenes described below date to the middle of the fourth
century. This chronology makes the monument the latest Mithraeum recorded hitherto in the Empire.
The entrance room has a guardian lion on the wall in front of the entrance, whereas the outer room contains
two riders flanking the entrance to the shrine itself and, on the northern wall, a pair of two symmetrical lions
devouring black men. A nude, small black man with two heads is sitting at the feet of the preserved rider, who
wears a richly coloured Persian dress and may be Mithras himself (fig. 103). The godly twins Castor and Pollux
would not fit within this repertoire. The small man’s hands are chained. These scenes are unique in a Mithraic
setting. Rather improbably, Robert Turcan sees the small nude bicephalous man as Sol, similar to the submissive
113
E.D. Francis in Cumont 1975, 169-170, note 104. Parandowska and Trochimowicz 2004; Gawlikowski 2007.
114
Cf. a similar reasoning about the paintings in the sacrarium Briefly mentioned in Butcher 2003, 325, 326. See also M.
of the Temple of Isis in Pompeii, here pp. 162. Gawlikowski, Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 10
115
Dirven 2004, 14, pl. 6. Dirven explains the group on the late (1999) 197-204; 11 (2000) 261-271; 12 (2001) 309-314;
relief as a type of family. This is normally found in Palmyrene 13 (2002) 271-278; 15 (2003) 325-334. Michał Gaw-
temples, where it stresses the importance of family clans. We likowski has been so kind to provide some photographs and
might apply this explanation to the painted figures. corrections to the text.
116 117
This is the name used in the Barrington Atlas of the Greek Gawlikowski 2000, 165 even mentions six layers of painting.
and Roman World, map 68, but it is also called Hawarte or Gawlikowski 2007, 350 and 352 mentions five layers (see his
Hawarti. Gawlikowski 2000; 2001; Gordon 2001; Chabiera, fig. 10).
180
Fig. 103 Huarte, Mithraeum, north wall of anteroom, Persian rider (Mithras?) with black Siamese twins (photo M. Gawlikowski). For
a colour version of this figure, see page 258.
figure in Caesarea (see infra), showing his servant status to Mithras.118 Both scenes might refer to the taming or
even destruction of evil by the riders and the lions respectively.119
The grotto’s walls are decorated with a rich iconography above a dado filled in with representations of
fences.120 Next to the northern post of the entrance stands Cautopates and we may assume Cautes’ presence at
on other side, where nothing has preserved. Two unique scenes were discovered in the northwestern corner.
On the left wall there are elements of a banquet referring to Mithras. The scene to the left of the cult niche on
the north wall comprises a city wall with an arched entrance above which there are hairy male monsters’ heads
(fig. 104). One of them has apparently fallen down and lies on the ground. All are touched by light beams,
maybe the rays of Mithras himself. This should be the ‘City of Darkness’.121 On the other side of the niche there
is a painted episode of the Gigantomachy featuring Zeus and two giants. This god is also the first figure on the
118 119
Comment by Robert Turcan in Gawlikowski 2000, 170-171. Cf. Gordon 2001, 114.
120
On these scenes see Gawlikowski 2007, 353-354, figs. 9-10. Chabiera, Parandowska and Trochimowicz 2004, 322 and
Lucinda Dirven (pers. comm.) suggested that the small Galikowski 2007, 355 describe the decoration of the dado
person might be two men. According to her, such an image as ‘geometric patterns’, but see the clear three-dimensional
would match the iconographic tradition of the Middle East. forms in Gawlikowski 2007, figs. 8, 14a, 15.
121
The images, however, clearly show Siamese twins with one Gawlikowski 2000, 167, fig. 4: “Cité des Ténèbres”; Gordon
body, two legs, two arms and two heads. 2001, 106-109; Galikowski 2007, 355, fig. 12.
181
Fig. 104 Huarte, Mithraeum,
north wall of Mithras room,
city wall with hairy heads
(photo M. Gawlikowski). For
a colour version of this figure,
see page 258.
long eastern wall. The excavators explain this myth as a phase prior to Mithras’ birth referring to the creation of
earth.122 Mithras’ life continues on the east wall, he is born out of the rock and probably also a cypress. Helios
flanks a bull-carrying Mithras. The central scene shows the taurobolium, whereas underneath the symbols of the
seven grades are painted on a white panel. To its right Helios worships Mithras who carries an arrow (fig. 105).
The southern wall, opposite the cult niche, shows a hunt similar to the one in Dura Europos (fig. 102) and some
animals are still visible. The ceiling has traces of vines and birds (including a peacock). Most of the remains from
this area, including walls, are now lost. An inscription mentions a charioteers’ race:123
[Νικᾷ ἡ] Τύχη [τοῦ ἀνικ]ήτου Μείθρα.

May the Fortune of the invincible Mithras win.
Undoubtedly, this Mithraeum is exceptional for its iconographic richness and, based on the published pho-
tographs, the pictorial quality of the several elements. Two main themes dominate the iconography: the life of
Mithras and the struggle of good against evil or light against darkness.124
Finally, the painted interior of the Mithraeum in Caesarea Maritima must be mentioned. This was discov-
ered in the foundations of a warehouse in field C. Having a sturdy barrel vault, the room was preserved rather
well. The vault is covered with the representation of a starry sky, whereas the walls contain scenes from the life
of Mithras and cult members. The three scenes having Mithras’ life on the side walls have Mithras kneeling in
front of Sol, Mithras shaking hands with Sol and Mithras riding on a bull to Oceanus or Saturnus. The images
are framed by trees which look like cypresses. A Mithras tauroctonos on the east wall is now lost.125 According
to the excavators the installation of Mithras’ shrine should be dated to the end of the first century AD, making
122
Gawlikowski 2007, 355-356, fig. 13. alternative interpretations.
123 125
Gawlikowski 2007, 360. Gawlikowski informs me in a per- Gordon 2001, 78-82, figs. 2-4; Richardson 2002, 118.
sonal communication that he does not believe in a reference Extensively Holum 1988, 148-153, figs. 105-107 (with refer-
to a real chariot race. ences).
124
Gawlikowski 2007, 360-361 suggests further research and
182
Fig. 105 Huarte, Mithraeum, north
wall of Mithras room, Helios worship-
ping Mithras (photo M. Gawlikowski).
it the oldest known Mithraeum, but Israel Roll has argued that this Mithraeum would rather date to the third
century.126
A P rivate S h rine to S abazios in P ompeii
Another exotic god venerated at Pompeii is the Phrygian Sabazios. The nature of the cult is not thoroughly
known and it is also unclear exactly how the cult room in Pompeii functioned.127 The interpretation of the com-
plex is based on the find of two typical bronze ‘magic hands’ and two peculiar terracotta pots with appliqués
showing animals, Hermes’ caduceus and an Agathos daimon. Other objects that support this hypothesis are
bronze snakes and a marble head of Jupiter-Ammon.128 Roughly painted deities can be seen on the building’s
façade. These are Aphrodite Anadyomene with Amor and a dolphin on the left side of the door and Dionysos
and Hermes on the right side. Two Priapoi adorn the pilasters at the inner sides of the fauces. A large altar in the
house’s peristyle would have been used for sacrifices. At the northern side of the peristyle a large room opens
onto the garden. It has a high podium (too high to be a couch) at the back. Its antae have graffiti and paint-
ings. The left pilaster bears the word antrum and the name of a certain Sextilius Pyrricus, whereas the other
anta shows a dancing nude person and a Demotic inscription to be translated as “he who is devoted to the god
Thot”.129 The scanty remains of the paintings in the interior of this ‘grotto’ are in the Fourth Style. Rossella Pace,
126
Roll 1977. Reference kindly provided by Michał Gawlikowski. ing collapsed in Fall 2010). On the cult S.A. Takács, Sabazi-
127
II 1, 12, ‘Complex of the magical rites’. See Jashemski 1979, os, DNP 10 (2001) 1180-82, with references to late antique
135-137; De Vos and De Vos 1982, 136; M. de Vos, PPM depictions of cult scenes in the Catacombs of Praetextatus in
III (1991) 19-41; Fröhlich 1991, 312 cat. F16, pl. 54.1-2; Rome.
128
Jashemski 1993, 76 no. 131; Turcan 1993, 501-503; Pace These objects have been found in two small side rooms. See
1997; Krzyszowska 2002, 215-220, figs. 40-41; Charles- Krzyszowska 2002, 216-219, fig. 41; Charles-Deforge 2006,
Laforge 2006; Pesando and Guidobaldi 2006a, 137-138; 166-168, 170-172, fig. 6-7.
129
Van Andringa 2009, 331-337, figs. 249, 251-252. All paint- CIL IV 10104g has the Latin rendition: Is qui deo Thot addic-
ings mentioned have been removed. The depictions of tus est. See Krzyszowska 2002, 216. Charles-Laforge 2006,
Venus and Mercury can be seen in the schola armaturarum 165-166, omits the Egyptian text.
(last observed by the author in the summer of 2005; build-
183
following Turcan, outlines the possible uses of this room. Dances might have been performed on the podium
and Sextilius could have been a dancer of the pyrrhiche.130 Another important room within the complex is a tri-
clinium to the left of the entrance used for ritual meals prepared in one of the two kitchens on the premises. Its
murals illustrate the room’s function as a banqueting hall and consist of black panels with large still lifes which
display some of the food which was eaten. The decoration is dated to the first decades of the first century AD
and belongs to the last phase of the Third Style. Other rooms have panel paintings in the Fourth Style and there
are even some traces of a First Style decoration. Pace makes clear that around 62 radical changes were made in
the complex that was subsequently transformed into the shrine. The podium was inserted in the room next to
the peristyle and the house probably lost its function as a private dwelling.
Concerning our subject, we must conclude that the peculiarity of the cult is in no way reflected in the
mural decorations. Iconographic hints are lacking in the preserved murals, apart from the images of food in the
triclinium, where birds can also be seen in the dado. The remaining figures are the deities on the outer wall of
the house who potentially are the only figures which indicate the presence of a sanctuary. This sort of mural
must have been much more frequent throughout Pompeii. Many façade decorations were lost during or after
the excavations and we cannot precisely identify their meaning.131 The combination of Aphrodite, Hermes and
Dionysos is also known from other houses.132 Priapos is the son of Aphrodite and Dionysos. By themselves, the
gods do not specifically point to a household shrine but the combination of these five figures might have been
a signifier for cult members. At first sight, these gods have little in common with Sabazios but there are certain
points of correspondence, for example Hermes’ caduceus in the magic hand, his scales and Dionysos’ grapes
on the vases.133 Priapos’ fertility and apotropaic forces are also found in the Sabazios iconography. Nevertheless,
the presence of the small sanctuary is confirmed by the sacred objects and the altar in the garden and we must
not exclude the possibility that a private owner offered his house for religious functions.134 In this respect, the
house does not differ from the collective buildings used by many communities throughout the imperial period
(Vereinshäuser, see p. 119). Finally, the shrine’s location is important. Turcan points to a connection with a spe-
cific group of worshippers, namely gladiators. As a matter of fact, the house lies between the amphitheatre and
the Schola armaturarum.135
O t h er S h rines for ‘ S mall ’ C ults
The shrine of Jupiter Heliopolitanus on the eastern slope of the Janiculum, also erected by a cult group, was the
subject of various studies from the late nineteenth century onwards. While the marble and sculptural decorative
elements received plenty of attention, little was published about the scant remains of paintings in the two cellae.
The excavator A. Pasqui noted remains of painted plaster in various colours and with traces of figures in Egyp-
130
Turcan 1993; Pace 1997, 87-89. B. Amadio, RStPomp 2 rather ‘normal’, being situated within a popular quarter.
132
(1988) 194, sees this room as a ritual room on the basis The example in Krzyszowska (2002, 208-209) is VI 14, 28,
of the cult objects found and the cella and the favissa. See but these are figural scenes within a shop, not on a façade
Turcan 1993; Pace 1997, 87-89. (PPM V, 1994, 344-349).
131 133
On façade paintings see Fröhlich 1991. Turcan 1993, 502- Krzyszowska 2002, 218: syncretism of Sabazios and Mer-
505 gives possible hints and connects the gods with Sabazi- cury.
134
os. As the house was a space for “sciences occultes (et donc Pace 1997, 91 makes clear that in the last phase the building
condamnées par la loi romaine)” the façade’s images may be could no longer have served as a private house. The same
deliberately vague in order to conceal the house’s real pur- opinion is expressed in Charles-Laforge 2006.
135
pose. Krzyszowska 2002, 219-220 rightly questions Turcan’s Turcan 1993, 506-508. But cf. note 133.
allusions to orgiastic rituals. The cult house might have been
184
tian style.136 The decorations should be dated to the phase of construction in the second century AD.137 These
poor remains, no longer visible, do not have the required elements for the proposed oriental cults.138
No longer visible are substantial remains of a sanctuary dedicated to Jupiter Dolichenus on the Aventine. It
was excavated in 1935 by Antonio Maria Colini and immediately backfilled after exploration.139 Only the lower
parts of the wall structures and a large number of statues, reliefs and other objects were found. More recent exca-
vations uncovered houses under and at the back of the building.140 The shrine had three rooms. The niches at the
northern side of the entrance room B had plaster coverings and marble revetment. The central room (A), which
functioned as the triclinium or cenatorium for sacral meals, had a painted decoration. This consisted of a red
dado with leaf motifs, whereas the main zone was covered with imitations of marble slabs. The adjacent room
C was also decorated with paintings and red murals. As to the floors a simple white mosaic in opus tessellatum is
reported in room A, tiles were found in room C. The little information gathered from the various reports does
not point to any paintings or sculptural decoration linked with the cult of this eastern god. Other gods were also
present, emphasizing the syncretic nature of Jupiter from Doliche. The shrine was installed within an existing
early second century domus from the era of Antoninus Pius. It was restored at the end of that same century or
at the beginning of the third century and remained in use until the Constantine period. The monument is the
Dolocenum mentioned in the catalogue of the Regionarii and was not far from the Baths of Decius.
Herakles was worshipped in many places in Rome. A small sacellum, excavated in 1889 on the slope of
Monteverde during works for the construction of the Trastevere station (near modern-day Porta Portese), was
immediately destroyed during these rough explorations. It must have had a colourful interior of yellow flowers
spread over a red surface in the cult niche and birds and flowers of various colours on a yellow layer on the outer
wall. These finds are briefly reported by the excavator Domenico Marchetti.141 An inscription on the lintel of the
cult niche names the painter or the patron: L. Domitius Permissus fecit.
Herakles was venerated here as Hercules Cubans, as the excavators deduced from a record in the Regionarii
lists, whilst the cult of Dionysos was also important. The decorations strengthen this assumption. Leila Nista
dates the complex to the first century BC and it remained in use until circa AD 200. These dates are confirmed
by the sculptures and inscriptions. Nista does not date this rustic shrine, but the Streublumen pattern is common
during the second and third centuries AD and, since it was applied on the outer wall and thus subject to the ele-
ments, it would not have lasted very long. Therefore, I suggest that the paintings belong to a late phase, possibly
the fourth century, shortly before the end of the shrine’s existence.
136
A. Pasqui, NSc 1909, 393. The courtyard’s walls apparently bibliography; no mention of paintings). P. Chini, in Aurea
had traces of a preparatory layer (p. 394). No mention of Roma 2001, 288-294, provides the essential information,
decorations in Nicole and Darier 1909, 3-86. J. Calzini Gys- but little is known about the paintings. In the same volume
ens in Mele 1982, 66 adds the presence of fragments show- S. Ensoli presents some of the sculptural finds, now in the
ing floral elements found in the apse. Versluys 2002 does not Capitoline Museums: Aurea Roma 2001, 526-530 cat. nos.
mention the ‘Egyptian’ figures. 166-172.
137 140
J. Calzini Gysens, LTUR III (1996) 139-143 (with bibl.), See P. Chini, in D. Scagliarini Corlaita (ed.), I temi figurativi
citation on paintings p. 140, and L. Nista in Aurea Roma nella pittura parietale antica (IV sec. a.C.-IV sec.d.C.). Atti del
2001, 298-300. VI Convegno Internazionale sulla Pittura Parietale Antica,
138
R. Meneghini in Mele 1982, 51. This booklet contains a Bologna, 185-187.
141
good overview of the various opinions regarding the shrine, D. Marchetti, NSc 1889, 243-247, esp. p. 244 (illustration).
to which may be added the bibliography in Calzini Gysens See Nista 1991, 9-13; L. Nista, LTUR III (1996) 12-13. The
(see note 137). image from NSc is reproduced in Hülsen 1891, 149-150
139
Colini 1936 [almost nothing on paintings]; P. Chini, LTUR (also a plan), Nash I, 462 and Nista 1991, 8.
III (1996) 133-134 s.v. Iuppiter Dolichenus, Templum (with
185
An extremely modest private sacellum gave its name to the ‘Caseggiato del sacello’ in Ostia.142 It is a rectangu-
lar room with a barrel vault in the inner part and a groined vault in the front. Two bases are in the corners at the
back. The walls were covered with plaster on which almost no traces of paint can be seen. The barrel vault shows
remains of a stucco decoration containing lacunars. The lower row is completely preserved but only traces of
the second remain, including from left to right, a yellow rectangle, a red medallion and another yellow rectangle.
Sculptures found during excavation include a terracotta statue of a seated goddess, identified as Fortuna. These
scant remains do not reveal the building’s function. The interpretation as a small shrine is based on the Fortuna.
In terms of dates, Jan Theo Bakker suggests that the remains visible today might date to the time of Commodus
or the Severi.
In the entrance room of the Ostian Caseggiato of Sarapis there is a small shrine dedicated to this god. As
the building has a public character, being a bath house, it should be mentioned here, although it is not a proper
sanctuary but a lararium. The god is depicted in a stucco relief seated on a throne and holding a sceptre in his left
hand. The god’s iconography is typical. The shrine would have served visitors of the baths on entering the build-
ing and might have also promoted the cult of the popular Egyptian god. Bakker, Mols and Patrizio Pensabene
stress his importance and popularity at the time of Septimius Severus, the time when the niche was constructed
within the existing complex.143
C onclusions
The monuments discussed in this chapter all date to the Imperial period. Apart from the Temple of Isis in Pom-
peii, which seems to date to the early first century BC and flourished from the Augustan period onwards, they
were constructed during the second and third centuries, with some exceptions dating to the first and even the
fourth centuries AD. The buildings were not only houses for the gods but also the houses of the worshippers.
The altar was located either outside or inside. The sanctuaries’ outer appearance is modest, unlike classical
Greek and Roman temples, and does not reveal what happened inside.
The Greco-Roman cult of Isis became immensely popular during the imperial period and its roots date to
the Hellenistic era. Few monuments contain painted interiors, although known examples are very interesting.
The Temple of Isis in Pompeii is an extraordinary example of lavish painted decoration in a mix of Roman and
local architecture. I have tried to show that we must distinguish two ways of representing the cult of Isis in the
AD 62-79 shrine. The first is a ‘Pompeian’ fashion, with Fourth-Style paintings executed by masters who worked
in other buildings in the city from that period and in which the Egyptian characteristics are integrated in an ideal
compromise. Secondly there are the less sophisticated scenes of purely Egyptian motifs in side rooms only used
by specialists. However, these also include Roman elements, for example the lararium is arranged in a Roman
manner. The other Isea are much more problematic due to the scant remains and it is therefore impossible to
draw overarching conclusions.
The architecture, interior decoration and furnishings of Mithraea are strictly connected with the cult and
its appropriate rituals. Visitors would immediately understand their surroundings, partly because they were
members of the cult but also because of the highly standardised cultic and decorative elements. The painted
iconography illustrates the gifts of the god, namely a rich landscape and vegetation, and elements of the cult’s
procedures such as the degrees of initiation and membership.144 The iconography of paintings, mosaics and
142 144
IV v, 4. Pavolini 1983, 184; Bakker 1994, 37, 101-102, 188, The notion of degrees of initiation might be a classification
190, 233-234 cat. 75, pls 67-69; Pavolini 2006, 193; Pensa- of the member corresponding to their function within the
bene 2007, 572-573. community and their social status. The existence of ini-
143
Bakker 1994, 89-90, 93, 185, 225-226 cat. 52 (with previous tiation rites has not been proven: Rieger 2004, 255 and her
bibliography), figs. 12-13; Mols 1999b, 251, 261, 264-267, note 1242 on p. 254 on the initiation theory.
fig. 2; Mols 2007, 229, fig. 2; Pensabene 2007, 318-319.
186
sculptural elements is homogeneous and in this sense the Mithraea are unique. There was a preference for cer-
tain themes in relief sculpture, but few differences can be observed in painting and mosaics. Even if we do not
possess a thorough knowledge of the actual rituals, the images help us understand the various statuses of the
members and of the life of Mithras. One may wonder if the painters’ names in Strasbourg and Dura show that
paintings were made by cult members, as in the sacrarium of the Temple of Isis in Pompeii. The cult’s secretive
nature probably forbade non-members from learning about the decorative themes and prevented their diffu-
sion outside the cult. It is thus possible that paintings were made by initiates, which might explain their relative
simplicity.145 On the other hand, there are some qualitatively good examples, such as the paintings in Marino and
Capua and the stucco relief under S. Stefano Rotondo in Rome. If we accept the confidentiality hypothesis, one
should assume that these more affluent communities included a talented professional painter or stucco worker
among their members. The same questions about craftsmen must also be raised in relation to all other elements,
possibly excluding the masons but including the mosaic makers, the relief carvers, sculptors and the producers
of other cult objects. In particular, the figural scenes required knowledge of the iconography of Mithras and his
cult.
Lissi Caronna has pointed to the abundant use of various colours in the Mithraeum under S. Stefano Roton-
do in Rome, both in the mural decorations and the statues. This love of colour can also be recognized in other
locations and the inscription of Celsinius in Strasbourg monumentalises this preference of polychromy. The use
of colour provided the opportunity to brighten up the darkness of the grotto in a cheerful way and promised
a prosperous and abundant afterlife as prophesised by Mithras himself. The decorations in the Mithraea are
almost always designed to emphasize the function of the rooms and the presence of the venerated god and his
assistants. Marble veneers on the walls in real and painted forms and floor mosaics gave a certain degree of opu-
lence to the otherwise modest rooms. Gardens, craters, flowers and birds belong to the natural surroundings of
Mithras. Over the centuries this fashion did not change considerably, as far as we may deduce from the examples
preserved. Decorative schemes and iconographic rules were transmitted from one generation to another and
bear witness to a conservative attitude towards the cult rooms’ interiors. Roger Beck has frequently argued that
the Mithraeum was a blueprint of the universe.146 If this is true, the wide range of themes represented would
endorse this suggestion.
Finally, the Dura Europos and Huarte Mithraea in Syria deserve special mention because of their rich deco-
ration. The Dura Europos spelaeum is less peculiar when compared to other richly decorated shrines for other
gods in town. However, compared with Mithraea in the west, Dura Europos has more figural scenes. Huarte
remains a remarkable case within its area and shows similarities to the Dura Mithraeum.
Finally, this chapter includes some spurious examples of non-Roman worship. Scant data do not allow for a
sound chronology and conclusions but it appears that the decorative elements were related to cult. Figural ele-
ments were extremely important and showed gods and their entourage, making the room’s cultic nature immedi-
ately clear to the visitor. The paucity of remains of shrines for Mithras, Isis and other non-Roman gods probably
does not correspond to their popularity, but the modest nature of the cults and their worshippers, making long
term preservation difficult.147
145
I accept some of the traditional notions of secrecy and think Dionysos by a type of guild, is a remarkable example of the
that communities were comprised of various classes, but in latter tendency: a rather lavish building from the first half
general I prefer the more cautious and less mystic interpreta- of the second century BC restyled after AD 62, when the
tion of Rieger (2004, 254-256). exterior walls were completely whitewashed and the interior
146
Beck 2006, esp. 112: “image of the universe”. was simplified. See Bielefeld 2007, 225-336, 352-353, fig. 15.
147
The Temple of Sant’Abbondio in Pompeii, dedicated to
187
8 Dura Europos: A Case Study
During the late Roman Empire, the city of Dura Europos possessed some extremely interesting examples of
temple paintings. The painted rooms are located along the city wall on the town’s land side. They were backfilled
during the final years of Dura’s existence, when the city defences had to be enlarged, thereby ensuring their
preservation. Like the Mithraea in Dura itself and also in Rome and Ostia (see Chapter 7), the synagogue and
the church are architecturally modest rooms integrated into existing houses and constructed of local materials.1
The mudbrick walls are covered with lavish images which illustrate or emphasize the building’s function. The
decorations can be characterised as local products because of their style and their chronology is thus difficult
to establish. The human figures stand in a frontal and stiff position and are set against a coloured background.
The paintings lack the ordinary subdivision of walls into three horizontal and three or more vertical zones char-
acteristic of Roman wall painting and are replaced by various panels in the form of friezes. Janine Balty argues
that these murals neither constitute examples of real Roman painting, nor are they representative for the whole
of Syria and are instead a unique example.2
The following discussion is based on excavation reports, the well-known monograph on the art of Dura
Europos by Ann Perkins and overviews of Palmyrene art and painting by Balty and Nicole Kaminski-Gdalia.
The more recent contributions to the discussion by Jaś Elsner, Lucinda Dirven and Michael Sommer consider-
ably enhance our understanding of the decorations.3
B el or A llat ?
I will start, however, with a rather recent find made during excavations in 1993. French archaeologists unearthed
plaster fragments from the south wall (the only decorated one) in a small shrine along the main street (Block
M5). After painstakingly lifting and preserving the pieces, Claudine Allag presented a partial reconstruction.4
Several persons were depicted on a white surface: two standing men in Parthian dress, a person wearing a hel-
met and another 30 cm painting of a human figure (fig. 106). The background was embellished with trees and
garlands, many elements of which have been recovered. This means that the scene was located in the open air,
possibly the temple’s courtyard.5 The scene must represent one of the typical offerings found in Dura temples.
The helmeted figure has a white complexion, which leads Allag to the hypothesis that she may represent a god-
1 3
About the social implication and the growth of importance Rostovtzeff, Brown and Wells 1939; Perkins 1973, 33-69,
see White 1990, 40-44. pl. 10-28; Balty 1989; Kaminski-Gdalia 1995; Elsner 1998,
2
Balty 1989, 525: “Mais – fait paradoxal – ces témoignages, 212-218; Dirven 1999; Elsner 2001; Dirven 2004; Sommer
tout nombreux qu’ils sont, ne viennent guère éclairer notre 2005, 329-354. I could not make use of the recent, very
connaissance de la peinture proprement romaine de la Syrie. En informative collective volume edited by Lisa Brody and Gail
effet, soumise au pouvoir des Parthes pendant près de trois siècles, Hoffman (2011).
4
Doura n’avait été romaine que peu de temps (moins de cent ans); Allag 2004. See also Dirven 1999, 275-278.
5
aussi bien n’est-ce pas un art de tradition gréco-romaine que Allag 2004, 109.
révèlent les documents conservés.”
189
Fig. 106 Dura Europos, Temple in Block M5, hel-
meted head (photo C. Allag). For a colour version
dess, perhaps Athena Allat.6 The small person is a servant. Since the paintings were found next to the altar, the
scene must originally have been located above it. Allag dates them to the early third century.7 In that time the
wall was whitewashed and a cult for Bel, either next to Allat or as a new cult, was installed. It remains uncertain
who was venerated here. It might still have been Bel, to whom a relief had been dedicated by ‘the son of Allat’,
as we can read in a relief mounted above the altar and probably dating to 173-174. This relief must have been
installed around 170 and remained on display after successive renovations.8
B el and Z eus
The temple in Blocks J3 and J5 is known as the Temple of Bel or the Palmyrene Gods. In the Parthian period
it was dedicated to Zeus and was dedicated to Bel and the Palmyrene gods after the arrival of the Palmyrenes.9
The complex dates from the middle of the first century AD and the cult room K was enlarged around 180 with
a pronaos and embellished with new wall paintings. The oldest decorations, dated around AD 80, are the frag-
6 8
Allag 2004, 110. According to Dirven 1999, the person is Dirven 1999, 275-278, pl. X; Rousselle 2004, 132, 146, fig. 1.
9
male and represents an unidentified god. Dirven 1999, 295.
7
Allag 2004, 112.
190
Fig. 107 Dura Europos, Temple of Bel, pronaos (from Cumont 1926, pl. XLIX).
mentarily preserved large figure on the back wall and the panel on the southern wall with an offering scene next
to an incense burner and an altar interpreted as a purification ritual. One of the priests has his name written in
Greek next to his head: Konon. He is accompanied by members of his family. The decorations on the south wall
show colourful depictions of Palmyrene worshippers in two horizontal registers (the upper one is lost almost
entirely). They are identified by painted labels as Lysias, son of Achieias, Lysias, son of Bargathes, Apollophanes,
son of Athenodores, and his brother Zenodotes. The paintings have been signed by a certain Ilasamsos.10 Franz
Cumont’s dating to the late Antonine period relies on epigraphic data and is substantiated by the hairstyles of
the painted persons.11 Furthermore, there is the frequently discussed illustrated scene on the northern wall of
the pronaos showing soldiers guided by the tribune Julius Terentius (fig. 107). All make an offering to three
gods, mostly seen as the Palmyrene Trias Bel, Iarhibol and Aglibol, and the painting dates to around 240. These
figures represent statues, probably small bronzes, standing on the typical round and convex bases of such figures
venerated in house shrines. The Tuchai of Palmyra and Dura Europos are sitting in the lower register; they are
depicted in the shape of well-known statuary types.12 Following Cumont, Thomas Pékary argues that the three
figures might be the emperors Pupienus, Balbinus and Gordianus III, a suggestion which has been accepted by
Michel Reddé.13 That would imply a date between AD 238 and 243/244. The scene would be a combination
of an honour guard and an offering made to the emperors. By this time it is likely that the building no longer
functioned as a shrine.14 The halos around their heads suggest a divine status and thus implies dead and deified
10
Cumont 1926, 361-362 no 6. previous interpretations; M. Le Glay, LIMC I (1981) 299
11
Cumont 1975. Pékary 1986, 96 gives a date of 70-100 as no. 2 s.v. Aglibol; E. Will, LIMC III (1986) 99 no. 1 s.v. Bel;
does Balty 1989; Dirven 1999, 298-318. See also Elsner Moormann 1988, 100-101, cat. 013 with bibl. ; P. Linant de
2001, 276-277; Allag 2004, 111, fig. 17. Dirven 2004, 9-12, Bellefonds, LIMC V (1990) 695 no. 11 s.v. Iarhibol; Som-
pl. 3 implicitly dates the murals to the early second century mer 2005, 346-350. Dirven 1999, 306-307: Aglibol (with
on the basis of an inscription dated to AD 115. Elsner 1998, crescent), Iarhibol and Arsu.
13
213 fig. 139 dates them to the third century AD. Briefly Pékary 1986; Reddé 2004, 458-460, fig. 21.
14
mentioned in Butcher 2003, 325. See also Sommer 2005, Pékary 1986, 95; he does not say what its function was at this
346-350. time, but one might guess a residence of the officer in charge.
12
I.a. Pékary 1986 with bibl. and extensive discussion of
191
Fig. 108 Dura Europos, Temple of Zeus Theos, fragment
from one of the side walls with Bithnanaia, now depot at Yale
(photo L. Dirven). For a colour version of this figure, see
page 259.
emperors, a point which Pékary does not take into account. Pupienus and Balbinus died in 238 and were suc-
ceeded by Gordianus III who had been co-emperor (caesar) with these augusti. He died in AD 244 near Ctesi-
phon and has a cenotaph in Dura Europos.15 In sum, I follow the old interpretation, missing the correspondence
with imperial iconography. The set of figures on the left side resembles a lararium and represents a group of
Palmyrene gods. The decoration dates to the 230s and attests to the building’s long use.16
Finally, paintings are also found in room ‘K’, a chapel situated in the northern corner of the courtyard’s south
side. The back wall of this room, the western one, contained an aedicula similar to the niche of the Torah in the
Synagogue. Above it there was a painting showing the eunuch Otes during a sacrifice to five Palmyrene deities
standing on globes.17 The gods are not identified by inscriptions but can be recognised by their costumes and
attributes as Bel, Iarhibol, Aglibol, Arsu and a goddess, probably Allat. The painting dates to the beginning of
the third century AD.
15
SHA Gordianus 34.2; Amm. 23.5.7. figs. 188-189.
16 17
On the chronology see also Allag 2004, 111-112. The paint- Cumont 1926, 122-134, fig. 26, pls. LV-LVII; Perkins 1973,
ings are in the National Museum of Damascus and the Yale 45-47; M. Le Glay, LIMC I (1981) 298-299 no. 1 s.v. Aglibol
Gallery of Fine Arts in New Haven. See Balty 1989, 526-528, (dating to 75 AD); Dirven 1999, 300-302.
192
Z eus T h eos
Block B3 is occupied by the Temple of Zeus Theos, precisely dated to AD 114.18 Houses were renovated in order
to build a large single room used as a temple. A painting of Zeus was located at the back of the naos behind the
altar. Frank Brown’s reconstruction shows Zeus in Iranian-Parthian dress holding a globe and a spear, while he
is crowned by two Victories. On his left there are standing guards and the Trias palmyrensis whereas on his right
there is a chariot with three horses. The painting is on a white background and lacks landscape or architectural
elements. It should be noted that Brown’s reconstruction is made up of elements from different contexts. The
foot and leg in Parthian dress flanked by three pairs of small feet were found in the Temple of Bel and the heads
of a Victory and a horse were found elsewhere in Block B3. The side walls can be reconstructed with more con-
fidence. They were subdivided into three horizontal registers filled with three or four priests and worshippers
per zone in Parthian attire, some of whom are making an offering.19
A donis
Little is known about the decoration of the Temple of Adonis in Block L5. Some fragments, now in Yale, show
Adonis-Eshmun in Parthian dress standing on a globe or a block against a yellow background. He is surrounded
by an arch, possibly a depiction of an aedicula. On the right two offering and two other men can be seen and there
would have been other bystanders. The paintings decorated the first, southern adyton of the complex.20 The fig-
ures measure some 115-120 cm, whereas the god is much smaller, painted to look like a statue or statuette within
a shrine. Thanks to inscriptions the murals can be dated to the middle of the second century AD.21
G adde
The Temple of the Gadde also yielded some paintings.22 Some pieces adorning naos 2b date to Period III. These
show worshippers, measuring some 95 cm, surrounding a god clad in military attire and possibly date to the
late first century AD. Pronaos 2 has murals from Period IV, dated to the beginning of the third century. The
small fragments include heads of figures, about one third life-size, seen as representations of Ba‘al Shamin and
Malakbel. We may conclude that all these fragments belong to figural scenes mainly showing rows of gods and
their worshippers.
18
Rostovtzeff, Brown and Wells 1939, 180-217, esp. 196-210, that Adonis is standing on a block but it might also be inter-
fig. 50, pl. XXI-XXV; Perkins 1973, 47-49; Elsner 2001, 277; preted as a globe (p. 158). Adonis also in LIMC I (1981)
Dirven 2004, 9, fig. 2; Sommer 2005, 280-281. 227 no. 2 (Iranian dress; dating: AD 150-160).
19 21
I was warned by Lucinda Dirven about Brown’s problematic Rostovtzeff, Brown and Wells 1939, 152-153, 162-163:
reconstruction which is unfortunately widely accepted. See contemporaneous with the now lost Otes painting in the
as an example LIMC VIII (1997) 386 no. 160 (with illustra- Temple of Bel and Zeus.
22
tion and bibliography). Block H1. Rostovtzeff, Brown and Wells 1939, 218-283, esp.
20
Rostovtzeff, Brown and Wells 1939, 135-179, esp. 158-163, 269-274, fig. 72, pl. XXVI-XXVIII; Dirven 1999, 222-26.
fig. 44, pl. XIX-XX; Sommer 2005, 288-289. Sommer notes
193
Fig. 109 Dura Europos, Synagogue west (back) and north walls (photo L. Dirven). For a colour version of this figure, see page 259.
T h e S ynagogue
The paintings in the synagogue belong to the most famous and most discussed monuments in Dura (figs. 109-
113).23 They were discovered in 1932 and were taken to the National Museum in Damascus where they remain
on view. The excavators established that a private house in Block L7 was changed into a synagogue.24 The prayer
room retained the original dwelling’s decoration from 165-200 and consisted of a dado with a marble imitation
and a main zone with orthostates. The upper zone was undecorated. The niche containing the Torah scrolls was
indicated by modest architecture and marked by depictions of the menorah, the façade of the Temple in Jerusa-
lem and the sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham. During the second phase (244-245, dating based on an inscription on
a roof tile) the synagogue was monumentalized and, with the exception of the Torah niche, was entirely adorned
with a marble imitation in the dado, including figural elements, above which rose three horizontal registers with
28 panels containing some 58 figural scenes (figs. 110-113). Like the previous examples, the paintings display
23
Balty 1989, 529-530, figs. 190-191; Kasminski-Gdalia 1995, direct interest to the present study. On these monuments
224-230; Moon 1995; Levine 2000, 234-239; Henderson see also De Blaauw 2007, 249-261 (synagogues), 261-389
2000; Elsner 2001, 281-299; Butcher 2003, 326; Elsner (churches).
24
1998, 215-216 fig. 141; Dirven 2004, 5-9, pls. 1-2; Sommer It might even have been a synagogue in an earlier period.
2005, 329-332, 337-345, pl. 16-19; Fine 2005, 172-183. Confusingly, White 1990, 74, mentions three phases of this
Extensive documentation is given by Kraeling 1956 and Jewish cult room. On p. 93 he considers phase 2, namely the
Weitzmann and Kessler 1990. I will not discuss other syna- second half of the second century AD, as the first phase of
gogues and Christian churches in the Roman world except the synagogue.
for the relevant monuments in Dura Europos which are of
194
Fig. 110 Dura Europos, Synagogue, west wall, Torah niche
(from Kraeling 1956, plate XVIV).
Fig. 111 Dura Europos,

Synagogue, north wall
(from Kraeling 1956,
plate XXI).
195
Fig. 112 Dura Europos, Synagogue, west wall, northern part (from Kraeling 1956, plate XIX).
the local style depicting people and their adventures. The representations have been taken from Pentateuch,
the Book of the Prophets, the Midrash and rabbinical texts. The viewer would have difficulty identifying the
sequence from the holy books but the choice of the themes reflects the notion of Yahweh as the saviour of the
God’s chosen people. King David is the central figure and is often seen as a messianic person equal to Orpheus.25
Jewish monotheism is also stressed.26
An entirely religious interpretation has been offered by several scholars, including Steven Fine who argues
that the paintings match prayers found on fragments of a parchment manuscript from Dura containing a “con-
glomeration of rabbinic and Biblical formulae”.27 The manuscript illustrates the existence of a Jewish community
in Dura which welcomed visitors to its services. Fine does not see an “overarching, global theme to the paint-
ings.” 28 Each scene could form a starting point for a homily of the serving and preaching rabbi. As such, this is
the way a Midrash functions. Moreover, the prayers of the individuals could be inspired by scenes chosen by
25 26
See the synopsis in Levine 2000, 238. Cf. H.L. Kessler in Sommer 2005, 343 singles out the history of Elias, the failed
Weitzmann and Kessler 1990, 151-183, who sees a mix of offerings of the Ba‘als prophets, the crossing of the Red Sea
Jewish and Christian elements. Extensively on David and and the Esther scenes as important indications.
27
(non-existing) Messianism Flesher 1998. Dirven 2004, 5 Fine 2005, 176, 177.
28
and note 23 clearly states there is no specific iconographic Fine 2005, 181 (citation), 182. Cf. Sommer 2005, 343: “Die
repertoire. See also Fine 2005, 173-174: local variation of Wandgemälde konstituieren, in aller Subtilität, einen Kommen-
centrally conceived rabbinic prayer (Tefillah). tar zu biblischen Themen, einen Midrash eigenen Rechts.”
196
Fig. 113 Dura Europos, Synagogue, west wall, southern part (from Kraeling 1956, plate XVIII).
them. By singling out some of the most important ancestors (Abraham, Isaac etc.), the rabbis could emphasize
the importance of history and tradition.29 And, I might suggest without having great knowledge of this specific
subject, in doing so they also alluded to Roman notions of tradition.
The unique representation raises questions about the origins and interpretations of the scenes. There might
have been other similar cult rooms in this area. Dura Europos itself has, as we saw, comparable decorations.
What is particularly striking is that the Jewish community in Dura Europos seems to have overlooked the
interdiction of the Second Commandment, although in their art there was a common resistance against the
depiction of human figures.30 Only motifs like the menorah, the shofar (ram’s horn), the lulav (palm branch)
and the ethrog (cedar) regularly appear on objects like sarcophagi and sepulchral reliefs as well as in the shape
of graffiti in the catacombs of Rome.31 We must admit that the Jews in Dura Europos, and possibly those in
other remote outposts in the eastern part of the Roman Empire, followed the local trend for colourful images
in different artistic media. This trend was rooted in a Parthian-Iranian and Greco-Hellenistic tradition in which
there existed a strong preference for figural depictions. Details like the toga and the Polycleitan stance of the
29
Fine 2005, 182-183. Critical notes on Fine’s “rabbinocentric ibid. 339-340. For mosaics in synagogues, see also Leibner
and traditional” interpretation have been made by Jodi Mag- and Miller 2010. Cf. p. 111.
31
ness in her BMCR review (2006.04.05). See Levine 2000, passim for these objects, i.a. 285 (s.v. in
30
Levine 2000, 278, 337-339 gives examples of figural motifs index). I use his spelling of the terms. On Jewish iconogra-
in other synagogues, mainly on floor mosaics. Paintings: phy Levine 2000, 561-579.
197
single figures betray the connection with the official art.32 The high degree of figurative elements apparently did
not offend their belief and has even been viewed as the result of specific rabbinic interpretations. I argue that
this choice of figural scenes presented a sharp contrast with the representations of state cults in public temples
precisely because of the love of detail. The Jews adopted the trends encountered in other non-official Roman
religions, for example the cults for Isis and Mithras. The Diaspora helped bring influences from the non-Jewish
world.33 They manifested their religious difference in a form that differed from the general orthodox practice.34
Kaminski-Gdalia makes a relevant statement, arguing that these Jews were neither iconodules nor iconoclasts
and re-interpreted the fashion of oriental narrative reliefs in their synagogue. They conveyed their message of
identification by means of the paintings to Jews, Christians and other Dura people alike.35
During the third century, the Jewish community in Dura increased in terms of population and social and
political prestige and could thus afford a large temple. They were ‘internationally’ oriented, as we learn from the
inscriptions in various synagogues. L. Michael White even speaks of a “cosmopolitan membership”.36 The Jews
chose elements from the pagan cultures to adapt their synagogue to the local culture.37
Some scholars interpret the victory scenes in some of these paintings as expressions of Jewish superiority or,
at least, fierceness. Elsner argues that “the Synagogue frescoes actively promulgate Judaism by denigrating other
religions.” 38 As a matter of fact, Elsner considers all decorations in sanctuaries in Dura, including the Mithraeum
(see Chapter 7), the synagogue and the Christian church, as expressions of cultural resistance, a type of silent
opposition against the people who represented Roman power. The frequent appearance of offering scenes
would support his view as they show contrasting religious activities in honour of the official gods.39 However, it
seems unconvincing to see them as “criticism of the pagan neighbours”, as Dirven correctly remarks.40 If religions
are denigrated, it is those being fought against in the traditional Biblical texts, not contemporary ones in Dura
or beyond. Moreover, Dirven clearly explains that the shrines of Bel or the Palmyrene Gods and Zeus Theos
were not public sanctuaries, but served for “family religion” (or that of groups in the sense of the Kultvereine,
as we saw before), according to a custom prevalent in many eastern areas. This implies that decorations are not
an expression of patrons competing with each other.41 The many attendants in the offering scenes stress this
32
Moon 1995, 290-293, fig. 16.10, makes clear that even the way by L. Michael White.
35
nudity of some female figures like the daughter of the Pharaoh, Kaminski-Gdalia 1995, 230: “Ni iconodules, ni iconoclastes,
who finds the little Moses in the Nile, can be explained by the les juifs des IIème et IIIème siècles en diaspora mésopotamienne,
Holy Scripture. The nude Mars statue (fig. 16.14) standing on en milieu païen, gorgé d’images et d’idoles, ont réinterprété le
top of a gate of the town abandoned by the Jews, on the other principe des bas-reliefs narratifs d’orient.
hand, stresses the paganism of the inhabitants, i.c. the religion Peu préoccupés d’esthétique, ils ont mis leur peinture au service
of the Egyptians (p. 294). Here one finds other examples (figs. d’un message identitaire à transmettre aux fidèles, membres de
16.7, 16.9 (door of the Temple of Dagon). See Dirven 2004, la communauté, mais aussi aux païens ‘craignant Dieu’, ‘prosé-
5-6 for various interpretations of the statues inside the Temple lytes de la porte’ et encore aux chrétiens voisins, dans le contexte
of Dagon. Fine 2005, 180-181, points at reflections of Roman d’une polémique sur la validité ou la caducité de l’Alliance et de
art in the attitude of the worshippers as orantes, the scrolls and la Torah.”
36
the shape of the buildings’ façades. White 1990, 97. Cf. Levine 2000, 340 who refers to the art
33
Levine 2000, 238, 563-564. Dirven 2004, 8 gives other of painting in Dura Europos.
37
explanations like that of poor Jews scattered in the Diaspora A good sketch of this development in White 1990, 93-97. Cf.
(not shared by the author!). Elsner 2003.
34 38
Compare this colourful synagogue with that in Ostia which Elsner 2001, 299. Sommer 2005, 344 follows Elsner.
39
lacks figural elements (White 1990, 69-71; Levine 2000, Elsner 2001, esp. 272-275, 301-304. Cf. Elsner 1998, 216.
40
255-258; M. Floriani Squarciapino, La synagogue d’Ostie, Dirven 2004, 6-7 (her words).
41
in Ostie 2001, 272-277; Pensabene 2007, 532-536). The Dirven 2004, 12. Contra Elsner 1998, 216. Dirven could
most detailed study on the Ostia synagogue is Olsson, Mit- have referred to Bollmann 1998, who discusses shrines in
ternacht and Brandt 2001. A new project is currently under- Herculaneum and Ostia (see supra).
198
Church, Good Shepherd
above the baptism basin on
the west wall (from Kraeling
1967, pl. XXXI).
familiar character which, indeed, is lacking from traditional offering scenes in the Roman world but common to
Greek votive reliefs from the late Classical and Hellenistic period. Dirven points to the private character of the
architecture of the shrines, including that of the Christian church and the synagogue. She explains the increase
in decorations in the 240s in terms of the increase of the Roman military occupation.42 Finally, it must be
remembered that most gods and their iconographies stem from Palmyra43 and prove the substantial presence of
Palmerenes in this town. As to Elsner’s proposal one might also argue that all decorations have a similar outlook
and correspond with a local koine. They are neither working against each other nor against the imperial order.
In sum, Kamiski-Gdalia hit the mark very well.
T h e C h urc h
Block M8 inside the western wall and next to the Temple of Zeus Kyrios contains the scant remains of a Chris-
tian church constructed within an existing house.44 A small chapel with a baptismal fount was built in the open
courtyard’s northern side around 230-240 when other cult buildings were also built in the east section. As far
as we know, the murals in this small room are the first unequivocally Christian murals in the history of art. All
decorations were removed after the excavation in the 1930s and transferred to Yale (figs. 114-115).
The basin containing holy water at the western side is covered by a niche with marbling and columns in
the same guise. Its ceiling is blue and the lunette-shaped background shows a good shepherd with his flock on
42
Dirven 2004, 4-5. Cf. above Chapter 7, section on the Dura P.V.C. Bauer in Rostovtzeff 1934, 254-288 (paintings);
Mithraeum: the worshippers are portrayed here. Kraeling 1967, 40-88; Perkins 1973, 29, 52-55; Sommer 2005,
43
Dirven 2004, 13. 334-337, with references; De Blaauw 2007, 278-279, 284.
44
C. Hopkins in Rostovtzeff 1934, 238-253 (architecture);
199
Church, reconstruction
of the decorations of the
north and south walls
(from Kraeling 1967, pl.
XLVI).
SOUTH WALL
• •
••
• ••
•••
r
~I ~_
NORTH WALL
~"~"~"-'~-',"
the right ( John 10.11-15; fig. 114). The man is young, wears a tunic (or even the exomis, typical garment of a
Greco-Roman workman) and has a large sheep on the shoulders. He does not represent Christ but is a metaphor
of baptism in that the baptised will become members of the Lord’s flock. In the lower section a later decoration
shows Adam and Eve flanking the Tree of Eden with the snake (Genesis 3.1-7). Since their genitals are covered
the scene also alludes to the episodes of eating the forbidden fruit and ensuing shame.
The side walls have two registers with unframed figural scenes (fig. 115). In the lower part of the walls a
white band separates the floor from the first register. The north and east walls depict Mary Magdalene, Salome
and Mary the mother of James visiting the tomb of Christ on Easter Sunday (Mark 16.1-18). The feet of five
women walking towards two (partially preserved) half-open doors can be seen on the eastern wall. The north
wall has remains of three ladies next to a large white sarcophagus-like block followed by two half open doors that
might represent the next stage in the story, namely the empty tomb. The dark red background of this section
suggests the interior of the tomb as does the black in the synagogue scenes. On the western wall next to the basin
there is the Samaritan woman at the well lifting a bucket from the pithos-like container.45
45
John 4.5-42. Kraeling 1967, 68-69 gives Rebecca (Genesis sons for preferring the New Testament story.
24.10-21) as an alternative, but also explains his good rea-
200
The upper sections on the north wall show two stories. On the left, next to the niche, a man carries a bed
on his back, whereas another man is lying on a bed next to a standing Jesus. The two men represent the same
person and the right to left sequence tells the story of either the paralytic from Capernaum (Mark 2.1-12) or
that of the pool of Bethesda ( John 5.2-9).46 Right next to this seen are Jesus and S. Peter walking on the Sea of
Galilee under a grand vessel occupied by at least five men of whom the four left are entirely preserved and are
shown gesticulating (Matth. 14.22-34, Mark 6.45-61). The western wall has no preserved paintings and three
panels can be distinguished on the southern wall. Excavators identified garden representations on this side and
tentatively interpreted them as the Garden of the Blessed, rather than Paradise, due to the presence of the first
human couple on the opposite wall with the niche. In the middle, between the two doors, an oblong panel shows
David after slaying Goliath, whose corpse is lying on the ground (I Samuel 17).47 Their names are written in
partially incorrect Greek: Δαουίδ and Γολιόδ. This theme appears to be rare in early Christian art, whereas the
other themes are rather popular.
The ceiling showed a star-studded dark blue sky, probably with a moon crescent in the centre.
The composition, colour scheme and style of the decoration are similar to those in the other religious build-
ings in Dura Europos but they seem to be rougher in execution. Apparently, the painters were not very talented
but they must have been well instructed because the iconography shows very specific scenes. They all refer to
rescue and a prosperous future and also to sin and danger in life. Elsner considers this iconography in light of
mystery cults and compares it to the scenes in the Mithraeum. He rightly observes a great difference: here – and
in the synagogue – God is absent in the representations, whilst the god dominates the murals and reliefs of
Mithraea and other sanctuaries.48
C onclusions
The discussion on Dura Europos as an exceptional case study can be justified by the peculiar character of the
cult rooms in this town, mostly decorated in the second quarter of the third century before Dura’s destruction
in 256. First, we find the numerous shrines for local or regional deities like Bel and Gadde and second we find
shrines for more commonly known gods like Mithras. Finally, the synagogue and the Christian church are
unique examples. All of them show a great deal of common features. They are rich in figural scenes systemized
in horizontal registers and frames, thus giving the viewer a comprehensive picture of the main aspects of the
belief. In the cases of the Mithraeum, synagogue and church the painters seem to have taken their material from
the sacred texts used in the cult.
46
Kraeling 1967, 57-58 gives plausible reasons for accepting tively at the drawings on pls. XXXIII and XLVI, here fig. 115,
the first interpretation, arguing that this is the first impres- we can see that their level is more or less in the middle of the
sive deed by Jesus. south wall. The scheme from the north and west wall clearly
47
Kraeling 1967, 69 positions it in the lower section like the did not continue on the south wall.
48
Woman at the Well (p. 67), but they are on as higher level Elsner 1998, 210, 212, 215.
than the scenes of the Resurrection. When looking atten-
201
9 Final Remarks
It is clear that while paintings formed an important decorative element in temples, their composition differed
only slightly from the general fashions of domestic wall decorations. The shrines were conceived of as the hous-
es of the gods and consequently were adorned with decorations similar to those of the houses of the worship-
pers, both on inside and outside of the cult building. Such an observation justifies the conclusion that the cult
statue and gifts must have drawn almost all the attention of the worshippers. It therefore appears that the rest of
the decoration, even lavish reliefs or architectural ornaments, was subordinate to the image of the god.1 This is
especially true for the grand classical temples of the Greek and Roman world and the sanctuaries in the periph-
ery that followed or imitated the Greco-Roman way. During the Roman period, only cult buildings such as
Mithraea built by groups of specific worshippers, display a richer and more meaningful iconographic repertoire.
W all S ystems
Whether we are in Gerasa in Jordan, Elst in the Netherlands or Pompeii in the old patria of the Romans, most
temple decorations follow the dominant fashion of the time. The decorative systems do not differ from those
adorning other buildings and are not specific to cult buildings. Many of the same decorative schemes are found
in religious, public and private buildings. As a result, the famous four Pompeian Styles are prevalent in all cult
buildings between 200 BC and AD 100, whereas before and after this period temples show the same decorative
modes as all other categories of edifices.
As far as ancient written sources refer to decorative systems, they seem to stress the importance of decora-
tions as a way of enriching the cult building. They do not mention specific trends and schemes known to people
at the time. Sources mention both older and current trends and also note strange types of decoration.
The decorative schemes in naoi and cellae generally enhanced notions of value, for example by suggest-
ing walls composed of large limestone or marble blocks (with or without stucco relief). Furthermore, these
schemes followed contemporary trends, for example marble imitations and combinations of stucco and real
marble on the interior and exterior of the temples where the floors also often displayed rich mosaics in opus tes-
sellatum or opus sectile. This fashion starts as early as the sixth century BC in Corinth via tiers of isodome blocks
of limestone or marble, while the suggestions of columns and architraves were introduced as late as the second
century. The reliefs created by means of fine stucco work resulted in impressive wall decoration but grand
examples such as late Republican houses and the Basilica in Pompeii are rare. Recent scholarship has linked the
introduction of architectural elements other than building blocks in Italy with Delos, but there are few specific
historical indications to substantiate this suggestion. The transmission of culture from the Greek world to the
west is an example of Hellenisation in the Italic peninsula that is better understood as a more general phenom-
enon and can also be seen in other areas around the Mediterraneum like Israel and Jordan.
Over the course of time across the Roman Empire, the wish to imitate precious materials and recognizable
architectural forms was replaced by panel decorations and fancy architecture. These schemes were used both
1
On this aspect, especially Roman cult statues, see Martin
1987, 7-53.
203
in the interior and on the exterior of buildings. On exterior walls and in porticoes panel decorations were the
preferred compositional schemes because their repetitive character was ideal for filling the long wall surfaces
(cf. figs 7, 25-26). The separation between these panels was generally designed according to the actual fashions
or local trends and mostly consisted of architectural elements (figs 4-6, 13) or candelabra (figs 36-37, 42, 48).
These syntactically simple systems remained in use throughout the Empire. The same is true for the architec-
tural forms that could cover parts of or the entire wall. In the former instance they were combined with panels.
During the imperial period the importance of painting diminished because of the increasing use of marble
revetment on entire walls or their lower sections. If there was no money to apply real marble plaques, the paint-
ers filled in the lower parts of the walls with imitations of marble veneer. These veneers could be rather precise
renderings, but we also find elaborate marblings only possible in paint. In some cases the relief used until 100
BC was introduced again in the time of the Empire and made the temples look more venerable thanks to a
feigned antiquity (figs 21-24, 75).
The diminished status of painting in the interiors of temples, public buildings, palaces and even houses also
caused a reduction in the variety of decorative schemes in the remaining parts of the walls. As a rule, wall paint-
ing grew less complicated and from the third century onwards its formal language became even more stylised.
These ‘official’ styles were found across the Greco-Roman world. Yet, there are exceptions to the rule. These
occur in buildings dedicated to gods that did not belong to the traditional pantheon of Greeks and Romans.
Mithraea and other more or less exotic cult rooms obtained an entirely different sort of decoration that did not
follow the fashion of the day (figs 89-105). They were an expression of the cult language in which a greater
emphasis was placed on the iconography of the god and other persons involved in the cult. Since these cult
rooms were not only the houses of the god but also the rooms where the worshippers came together, the paint-
ings and other forms of decoration had to satisfy both categories, the god and the believers.
F igural E lements
Our collection of data concerning decorations in ancient temples shows that figural motifs are rather rare in
the cellae. An exception can be made for some cult-specific complexes and for the shrines in the town of Dura
Europos (figs 106-115). We rarely find a lot of iconographic variety in classical temples. There is in short a clear
dichotomy between the classical temple – simple, but solemn – and the shrines of gods who do not belong to
the Greek or Roman pantheon and who received their worshippers within the cult rooms. Figural elements in
the classical temple consisted of mobile works of art like statues, tripods and – hung on the walls – weapons,
reliefs and wooden painted panels. Mural paintings were sometimes described by the literary sources when they
were particularly exceptional, but none of those has survived. Based on existing surviving material, it appears
that temples in the Roman provinces have more figural elements than those in the centre of the empire. This is
either due to the vagaries of preservation or to a special wish of Romans and local elite members in the provinces
to emphasize the gods living in the shrine and their history for the benefit of visitors.
The themes of the figural scenes often have a relationship with the particular god venerated in a temple, but
this is not always the case. Patrons who dictated the themes are almost uniquely known from literary sources.
In the Roman cases we deal principally with examples of the pictura triumphalis: the scenes that eternalise the
victorious general and the relationship with the god was possibly only related to a votum made by the (future)
conqueror and not with a specific god. Part of the manubiae could have been spent for the decoration of such a
temple and, especially during the Republican period, the wall paintings formed part of that decoration next to
reliefs and architectural adornments.2
2
See the discussion on the destiny of manubiae in Aberson 1994,
10-38 and Orlin 1997, 117-139, with different conclusions.
204
Some cult buildings have a cult-specific iconography, as evidenced by the Mithraea, the Iseum in Pompeii
and the rooms for the cult of the Emperor. In the latter case it would have been immediately clear to the visitor
which Emperor was worshipped in the sanctum for which a less specific decoration would not be at all effective.
To this group also belong those temples where victories were celebrated, starting with the Temple of Theseus
erected by Cimon in Athens. The three cult centres for the emperors in Herculaneum also belong to this cat-
egory, where the presence of the emperor, however, is not defined by means of the paintings but by the sculpted
images, which shows the predominance of sculpture in the form of a cult statue or a portrait of the Emperor
rather than painted images.
In the Mithraea the presence of the god and his cult personnel and members can be experienced in the
most intensive way. When existing private dwellings were transformed into Mithraea, it is striking that paint-
ings belonging to the corresponding previous building phases often remained on view and in use, for example
in Rome and Ostia. Did the worshippers lack money for redecoration or did the owner prevent a too radical
change to his domus for unknown reasons? The latter might be likely in some cases, but the preference for a
statue or sculpted relief instead of paintings may also have played a role. More than in other cult buildings, one
observes a mix of medium techniques (painting, stucco relief, mosaic and sculpture) in these sanctuaries dedi-
cated to Mithras.
The Iseum in Pompeii shows the increasing influence of Egyptian religion in the Roman world. The decora-
tions of the more or less public rooms do not differ considerably from those in contemporary houses, whereas
a closed room has unique representations of Egyptian gods that do not match any other depiction in the town,
neither formally nor iconographically. As to this ‘mystery room’ and those of Mithras one might even ask
whether their decorations were produced by ordinary workmen or by members of the cult community who
maintained the silence required by the cult in order to preserve its secrets.
The themes represented illustrate the function of the building and form a part of the veneration of the god
or one of his worshippers. The literary sources only record this category of themes and do not mention wall
decorations, which apparently were not considered worthy of description. As in the private sphere the images
barely serve to illustrate the function of the rooms they decorate and were not necessary to enhance the holy
atmosphere of the temples. In general it is true that the ‘holy’ paintings had the same function as decorations in
the private sphere, namely that of decorating rooms.
L ocation of W all P aintings
Here it is important to take into account the accessibility of the various rooms of a temple complex, as this,
inevitably, impacts the visibility of the paintings. The location of paintings, either described in ancient sources
or found as fragments in the temple’s debris, is not always known but some remarks can be made on the basis
of the textual sources discussed in the first chapter of this study. Without pretending to give a full analysis of the
cultic functions of the temple and its rooms, both of which are outside the scope of this study, I want to refer to
some relevant lines in a letter of Pliny the Younger. In letter 9.39 Pliny writes to Mustius that he has to restore
and enlarge an old Temple of Ceres in one of his villae (reficienda est mihi aedes ... in melius et maius – I must
restore the temple for the better and the larger). Then he writes:
Videor ergo munifice simul religiose facturus, si aedem quam pulcherrimam exstruxero, addidero porticus aedi,
illam ad usum deae has ad hominum.
It appears that I will be both a big spender and a pious man if I rebuild the temple as beautifully as possible and
add porticoes to the temple, the first for use by the goddess, the latter for use by the people.
This study of painted shrines shows that images were located in public rooms. An exception is made for mystery
cults open only to certain sections of the population.
205
The wall decoration of the naos or cella normally rarely contained figural motifs and when present they
played a secondary rôle. This was the living room of the divinity who was materialized by means of the cultic
image. A plain decoration fitted the austere atmosphere. Even in the case of Olympia images were to be seen only
in the anterior part of the sanctuary, accessible or at least visible to the athletes through the open doors. If the
sources are silent about the location of the images, this probably means that they were applied to a highly visible
spot, like the exterior walls and the porticoes. The two fictitious temples in Carthage and Liternum, immortal-
ised in the ekphraseis by Virgil and Silius Italicus, are good examples of this practice. So are the preserved exam-
ples of the shrines for Apollo and Isis in Pompeii (Chapter 3 and 7). Similarly, the maps in the Roman temples
of Tellus and Mater Matuta (Chapter 1) must have been visible to passers-by and visitors. Their decorative value
was as important as that of the marble Forma Urbis Romae in the Severan phase of the Templum Pacis in Rome.
C onclusion
I hope to have made clear that we cannot consider ‘temple paintings’ as a distinct decorative genre of its own,
next to house painting, for they lack specific proper rules, shapes and contents that differ from secular deco-
rations. Wall decorations in temples are akin to those in houses and public buildings. This similarity can be
explained by the fact that they decorated the houses of the gods and could communicate to the visitors the sug-
gestion that these gods were living in appropriate quarters, namely the homely decorated temples. As in private
dwellings, figural elements were decorative and did not necessarily serve to emphasize the religious atmosphere.
This lack of distinction between sacred and secular decorations does not mean that a study dedicated to
this category of monuments and their decoration is meaningless. The degree of correspondence between the
decoration of sacred and secular realms needed to be investigated. The decorators of temples strived to create
an atmosphere of wealth and happiness for the gods. If opulence was not the first characteristic one associated
with mural painting in general, this goal is clearly seen in the sacred context. While the figural images were
decorative, they could also illustrate the world of the god. When we consider the rituals within the walls of the
sanctuary, or in the naos or cella itself, these images had a greater importance in that they provided participants
with visual support.
In conclusion, if we could get into an ancient temple preserved in its full material form, including its mural
decorations, we would consider the wall paintings as an apt means to create ‘divine interiors’. This study provides
an insight into the god’s dwelling and enables the reader to enter the temple and experience the sacred atmos-
phere. As a result, the reader will be somewhat more familiar with the houses of the superior powers who were
so influential in Greek and Roman society.
206
B ibliograp h y
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(see http://www.dainst.org/medien/de/richtlinien_abkuerzungen.html).
Abad Casal, L., 1982: La pintura romana en España, Alicante and Sevilla.
Aberson, M., 1994: Temples votifs et butin de guerre dans la Rome républicaine, Rome.
Adam, J.-P., 1994: Le temple de Portunus au Forum Boarium, Rome.
Adamo Muscettola, S., 1982: Nuove letture borboniche: i Nonii Balbi ed il Foro di Ercolano, Prospettiva 28,
2-16.
Adamo Muscettola, S., 2000: Miseno: culto imperiale e politica nel complesso degli Augustali, RM 107, 79-108.
Adams, C., 2004: Diocletian’s Egypt, in S. Swain and M. Edwards (eds), Approaching Late Antiquity. The
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226
Index of Textual Sources
Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and - 20.79-85 80n115 - 89 79

Clitophon 29 - 20.375-378 80n115 Philostratos
Aphthonios, Progymnasmata 159n35 - 20.441-446 80n115 - Apollonius 2.20-41 34n91
Artemidorus papyrus 22 - 21.435-468 80n115 - Imagines 4 122n8
Athenaios 10.424.f 10 - 21.543-611 80n115 Plautus, Persa 23
Cassius Dio 62.18.1 79n111 - 22.1-20 80n115 Pliny the Elder 4, 7, 8, 39
Cicero 38n101 - 22.213 80n115 - 5.32 81n119
- Brutus 46.169 68n77 - 22.359-360 80n115 - 35.17 17
- In Verrem 2.4.122 15 - 22.396-404 77 - 35.19 19, 24
- Tusculanae Disputationes 1.2.4 18, - 23.185-191 80n115 - 35.20 24, 25
20 - 24.18-21 80n115 - 35.54 9
CIL - 24.33-54 80n115 - 35.57 9n10
- I2 765 58n38 - 24.469-506 77 - 35.59 15n31
- I2 990 48n5 - Odyssey 8 40 - 35.99 2n4
- IV 101049 183n129 Inscriptions de Délos - 35.115-116 17, 27
- IX 5052 58n38 - 1417 16 - 35.120 25
- X 787 8n129 - 2085 16 - 35.123 14
- X 800 85n133 - 2086 16 - 35.135 24n68
X 846-8 161n42 Livy - 35.138 14s
- X 1425 126n22 - 9.40 21 - 35.144 79
- XIV 5859 172n87 - 10.38-42 21n54 - 35.154 18
Dionysius from Halicarnassus 16.3.2 - 24.16.19 23 - 36.29 135n58
19 - 40.51.3 70n87 - 36.43 25
Festus, De significatu uerborum 20 - 41.28.8-10 22 - 36.177 10
Florus, Epitome 1.14 21n57 Martial, epigram 1148 101n38 Pliny the Younger, Letters 9.39 205
Frontinus, Stratagemata 1.12.3 22n59 Ovid 56 Plutarch 4
Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium - Metamorphoses - Themistocles 1.4 10, 11
haeresium 5.20.6-7 11n18 - 1.669-687 155n19 - Aristides 20.3 13
Homer, Iliad - 1.713-721 155n19 - Eis Empedoclea frgt. 24 11
- 1.8-16 80 - 9.1-88 122n8 Propertius
- 1.188-218 77 - 9.242-261 122n9 - 2.31 31n87, 34
- 4.507-514 80n115 - Pontica 3.342-343 135n58 - 4.6 26s
- 5.431-460 80n115 - Tristia 3.1.60 47n4 Silius Italicus 22n22, 24, 29, 38n101,
- 7.17-53 80n115 Pausanias 4, 7 40, 41, 206
- 9.162-642 77 - 1.17.2-3 11s - 3.32-44 38s
- 10.515-525 80n115 - 1.18.1 12s - 6.653-716 35ss
- 11.349-353 80n115 - 1.20.3 13 - 17 38
- 12.1-35 80n115 - 5.11.4-6 9 Strabo
- 15.219-262 80n115 - 6.6.11 11n17 - 8.3.12 8
- 16.666-683 80n115 - 9.4.2 14 - 8.3.30 8s
- 16.707-709 80n115 Petronius - 13.1.48 81n119
- 16.788-794 80n115 - 29 79 - 13.1.63 80n119
227
Suetonius, Nero 38.2 79n111
Tacitus, Annales 15.39.3 79n111
Valerius Maximus 8.14.6 19, 20
Varro 18
- De Lingua Latina 7.57 23
- De Re rustica 1.2.1 21s
Vergil 29, 38, 40, 41, 79n112, 206
- Aeneis
- 1.441-493 29ss
- 6.20-33 33s
- 8.720 26, 79
Vitruvius 4, 7
- 3.3.5 18
- 4.4 7n1
- 7.5.2-3 79
228
Index of Names, Places and Subjects
A Amazons 12, 30, 31 - ‘Hope’ 63

Aachen 94 Ambulatio 79 - Parthenos 12, 19
Abai, Manteion 44 Amphitrite 12 Athens 2
Abraham 194, 197 Amplero 57s, 58fig12, 83 - Aglauros grotto 11n19
Abundantia 100, 123 Anchises 34 - Agora 11
Achatos 30 Andromeda 29, 152, 152fig77, 159, - Akropolis 2, 12s
Acheloos 39, 122, 122fig54 162 - Anakeion 12
Achilles 9, 30ss, 75n100, 76fig29ss, Annona 140 - Erechtheion 2
77ss, 77fig33, 127, 127fig58, 133, Antaios 39 - Hephaisteion 44s
134, 135 Antoninus Pius 145, 185 - Parthenon 3, 10
Actium 26, 27, 82, 161 Anubis 16,157, 163 - Popylaea 2
Admetos 127n26, 130 Apameia 180 - Stoa poikile 9, 28
Adonis 193 Apelles 14 - Temple Dionysos 29
Adrastos 14 Apis 158 - Theseion 11s, 28, 205
Aegina, Temple Aphaia 2 Apollo 11, 31, 34, 35, 44, 50, 72ss, Atlas 9, 104
Aemilius Lepidus, M. 25 89, 94, 102, 103, 170 Atreus 30
Aemilius Paullus, L. 24 - Grannus 94, 95 Attica 12, 14
Aeneas 29ss, 38, 40, 49, 78n103, - Smintheus 81 Attilius Regulus 37
80n115, 81 Apollonius from Tyana 34n91 Attis 106s
Agamemnon 31, 75n100, 76fig29, 77, Apollophanes 191 Attius Priscus 25s
78, 80 Appius Claudius Celer 35 Atuatuca Tungrorum > Tongres
Agathokles 15 Aquincum > Budapest Augsburg 94, 178
Aghlibol 191, 192 Arados 4n12 Augst 97
Agrasius, P. 21 Arcadia 127, 133n44 Augusta Raurica > Augst
Agrigento 2 Ardea, Temple Juno 16ss Augusta Vindelicum > Augsburg
Agrius, C. 21 Aregon 8 Augustales 119, 124, 134n56, 138
Ajax 9, 30, 80n115 Aretas IV 112, 113 Augusteum 124, 139n79, 139n82
Aix-la-Chapelle > Aachen Ariadne 13, 28, 33, 102 Augustus 25, 26, 27, 31, 35, 49, 60,
Akastos 13 Aristokleides 14s 61, 81, 84, 99, 111, 115, 119, 120,
Akragas > Agrigento Aristotle 29n28 124, 126, 140, 142, 161
Alba Fucens 68 Arras 104, 106s, 107sfig47s, 110 Autun 107
Alexander the Great 14, 15, 34n94, Arsu 192 Avalon 97n63
129n28, 140, 141, 142 Artemis/Diana 4n14, 8, 25, 48, 50, Avenches/Aventicum 96
Alexander Severus 178 54, 94, 96, 102, 106 Azaila 108s
Alexandria 50, 117, 162 Asciburgium > Krefeld
- Serapeion 159n35 Atalante 17 B
Alise-Sainte-Reine 97n63 Athena/Minerva 2, 8, 63, 65, 76fig32, Ba’al Shamin 193
Alkestis 130 77, 78n103, 80n115, 122, Bacchus 71, 74, 158, 161n42
Allat 152, 190 123fig55, 127n26 Badajoz, Mithraeum 108n91, 179
Allonnes 102 - Allat 190 Bagrada 35s
Alphoneia 8 - Areia 14 Balbinus 191s
Amazonomachy 12 - ‘Farnese’ 63 Batavi 91, 92
229
Beauclair 97n63 Carthage 24 - Temple Apollo 33s, 38, 49
Beaumont-le-Roger 97n63 - Temple Juno 29ss, 38, 39, 40, 79, Curia 124n14, 131
Bel 191, 192 206
Beneventum 23 Casus/Cassus 95n52 D
Bern 96n57 Cassia Victoria 140 Dadophoros 166
Berthouville 97n63 Castel di Guido 68n73 Daidalos 33s
Bilbilis > Calatayud Castel di Ieri 58n38 Dakleh > Kellis
Bingen 96 Caucasus 9 Dalheim 90n18
Bolsena 58n37 Cautes 166, 176, 181 Damis 34n91
Borno, Temple Minerva 63s, 63fig16 Cautopates 166, 170, 170fig93, 172, Damophilus 18
Brachtendorf 94 176, 181 David 196, 201
Braquemont 97n63 Celsinius Matutinus, C. 178, 187 Dea Roma 99, 119, 145, 145fig71
Breno, Temple Minerva 62s, 62fig15 Centauromachy 12, 49, 136 Dei Consentes 140
Brescia 62 Centaurs 12, 39, 49, 138 Delos 45n13, 51, 55, 203
- Capitolium 59ss, 59fig13, Centuripe 59 - Aphrodision 15s
61fig14, 63, 68, 83 Cerveteri 4n13 - Serapeion C 16
Brig 96n57 Champlieu 97s, 98fig38 Delphi
Briseis 31, 80 Chassey 97n63 - Lesche Cnidians 15n31
Britannicus 134 Châteauneuf 99, 100 - Temple Apollo 14s
Bryes 14 Cheiron 127, 127fig58, 128, 129, 135 - Tholos 4n14
Budapest, Mithraeum 179 Chryseis 80 - Treasury Sikyon 12n21, 18n41
Chryses 80, 81 - Treasury Siphnos 18n41
C Cividate Camuno/Civitas Demeter 10, 44, 149
Cadiz Camumnorum 64n59 Diana > Artemis
- Capitolium 108 Claudius 20, 66, 73, 126, 131, 132, Dido 29, 31s, 35
- Temple Herakles 38s 134 Diocletian 146
Caecilius Metellus Dalmaticus, L. 48 Cleopatra 26 Diomedes 78n103, 80n115
Caere > Cerveteri Cobra 157 Diomedes, Horses 39
Caesarea 115, 163s, 182s Cologne 93n38, 97n60 Dione 36s
Calatayud 109 Commodus 144, 145, 186 Dionysos 13, 29, 41, 80s, 103, 117,
Caledonian Boar 17, 130 Constantine 146, 166, 185 149, 151, 160, 183, 184, 185,
Caligula, Gaius 17 Constantius 146 187n147
Calpurnius Piso, Gn. 60 Corelia Celsa 153, 161n42 Dioscuri 50, 140
Campania 31, 45, 40, 49, 83, 132, Corfu, Temple Artemis 2 Domitian 49, 62, 68, 133, 136, 139
136, 139 Cori 31n49, 68 Domitius Permissus, L. 185
candelabrum/-a 9 53, 62, 65, 87, 91, Cornelius Pinus 25s Dosio, G. 48
91fig37, 92, 94, 97, 98, 98fig38, Cornelius Scipio, L. 36ss Duilius, C. 35s
99, 100, 102, 103, 103fig42, 104, Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. 24 Dougga > Thugga
106, 107, 108fig48,110, 121, 137, Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. 38 Dura Europos 4, 5, 147, 189ss
153, 156fig83, 204 Cornificius, L. 48 - Church 199ss, 199sfig114s
Cannstatt 94 Cracouville 99s - Mithraeum 170n83, 179s,
Canopus 155, 159fig86 Crain 97n63 180fig102, 187
Cantelu 97n63 Craon 97n63 - Synagogue 5, 32, 34, 194ss,
Caparra, Temple Jupiter 108 Crete 12, 33, 133, 134 194ssfig109ss
Capua, Mithraeum 164, 170, 176, Cryptoporticus 61, 62 - Temple Adonis 193
177fig100, 187 Cybele 49, 88, 106s, 109, 110, 134 - Temple Bel-Allat 147, 189s,
Caracalla 50, 140s, 145, 179 Cumae 20s, 33s, 38, 40, 49 190fig106
Carnac 97n63 - Capitolium 49 - Temple Bel-Zeus 147, 190ss,
230
190fig107 - garden paintings 65fig18s, 66, 67, Herculaneum
- Temple Gadde 193 83, 144, 172, 173s, 173sfig96s, - Aedes Augustalium 39, 83, 104,
- Temple Zeus Theos 191, 201 120, 120ssfig52ss, 121ss, 131,
192fig108 Galerius 146 136n 63, 138
Gamsen 96n57 - Augusteum 120, 125ss,
E Gauls 28, 34 125ssfig56ss
Eburones 92 Genainville 106, 106fig46, 110 - ‘Basilica’ > Augusteum
Egnatius Postumus, C. 84 Genève 96n57 - Basilica Noniana 120, 136
Egypt 74, 113, 116, 118, 141, 149, Genius/-ii 62, 71, 138, 140, 145, 147, - ‘Collegio degli Augustali’ > Aedes
152, 153, 155, 156, 159, 161 173 Augustalium
ekphrasis 4, 7, 26, 28, 32n88, 34, 38, Gerasa > Jarash - decumanus maximus 119, 125,
40, 206 Gergovie 97n63 136
Elis 8 Geta 145 - Temple A 65fig18s, 66, 149n3
Elis, Temple Athena 10 Giants 181 - Temple B 64
Elst 3, 90ss, 90sfig36s, 94, 102, 203 Gigantomachy 136, 181 - Temple Magna Mater 134
Empel 92 Gladiators 104, 184 - Tetrapylon 125
encaustics 14s, 16 Goh-Illis 97n63 Herdonia > Ordona
Ennius 24 Gordianus III 191s Hermaphrodite 71s
Epaphos 155 Gorgasos 18 Hermes 155, 183s
Epidauros, Tholos 4n14 graffito/-i 11, 50, 60, 99, 100, 112, Herod 111, 112
Eryce 36s 124, 141s, 174, 183, 197 Herodion 111
Eschenz 96n57 Grée-Mahé 97n63 Heron 113fig49, 114s, 118
ethrog 197 Greenwich 89 Heroon 28, 38, 46
Eu 102s, 110 Grannus 94, 95 Hesperids 9, 39
Euphranor 34 Gué-de-Sciaux 97n63 Hesperos 127n26
Eurymanthian Boar 38s Hippodameia 9
H Hippomenes 17
F Hadrian 104, 110, 163 Hochscheid 95
Fabius Pictor, C. 16, 18ss, 24, 34n92 Hamilcar 36s Holconius Rufus, M. 84
Faimingen-Phoebiana 94 Hannibal 29, 35ss, 40 Homer 31, 34n91, 40, 77
Falerii 4n13 Harfleur 97n63 Horus 157
Faustina 145 Harlow 88 Huarte, Mithraeum 180ss,
Faye-l’Abbesse 97n63 Harpokrates 16, 140, 152, 154fig80, 181ssfig103ss
Feronia 54 163 Hydra 39
Flaminius 36s Hector/Hektor 30ss, 76fig30, 77, Hydria 151
Forma Urbis Romae 48, 206 80n115 Hylas 127n26, 131n30
Fortuna 66, 92, 95n52, 100, 109n98, Helena 17
140, 163, 182, 186 heliodromus 170, 170fig93 I
Frankfurt, Mithraeum 178n106 Helios 122n7, 182, 183fig105 Iarhibol 191, 192
Fregellae, Temple Aesculapius 50, 51, Hephaistos 13, 34n91, 44 Ibis 157
51fig4, 57, 83 Herakles/Hercules 2, 8, 9s, 29, 38s, Icarus/Ikaros 33s
Fulvius Flaccus, M. 20 46, 122ss, 122sfig54s, 126fig57, Ilasamsos 191
Fundianus, C. 21 127n26, 131fig62, 133ss, 140, Ilioneus 32
Furius Saturninus, A. 67 147, 185 interpretatio romana 63, 122n9
- Cubans 185 Io 155, 159fig86, 161n46,
G - Deusoniensis 96 Isaac 194, 197
Gabinius, A. 111 - Magusanus 92 Isis 16, 49, 50, 66, 67, 74, 83, 115,
Gades Herapel 57n63 140, 149ss, 186
231
- Pelagia 109n98 Kolchos 13 Luxembourg 88, 90n18
Isthmia, Temple Poseidon 43s Kolotes 9 Luxor, Temple Amun 146, 147fig73
Italia picta 22 Konon 191 Lydney Park 89
Iuliomagus > Schleitheim Kore 44 Lykomidae 10
Iunius Bubulcus Brutus, C. 19, 20 Kornelimünster 94 Lykosoura 4n14
iuuentus Herculanensis 123, 134, 136 Kos 46, 51n18, 55 Lysias 191
Iuvanum 58n31 Krefeld 96 Lysippos, Herakles Tarentum 68, 122
Izernore 97n63 Kriton Athenaios 171n85
Kultverein 5, 198 M
J Kyknos 136 Macstarnas 41
Janus 107, 162 Madaba 22
Jarash 46 L Magdola 114
Jason 13 La Graufesenque 97n63 Magna Graecia 18, 41, 61, 126
Jericho 111, 112 La Londe 97n63 Magna Mater > Cybele 134
Jerusalem, Great Temple 111s, 194 La Mare-de-Puits 97n63 Maia 99
John Hircanus I 111 Lago Fucino 57 Mainz
Jona-Kempraten 97 landscape painting/-s 27, 49, 73, 75, - Iseum 149n3, 163
Jublains 100fig39 82, 84, 152, 153, 168, 169, 170, - Mithraeum 178
Julius Caesar, C. 119, 120 172 Malakbel 193
Julius Terentius 191 Lanuvium 17 Mantegna, Andrea 20
Juno 25, 31s, 35 Lapiths 12 Marathon 9, 13
Jupiter 22s, 26, 37, 57, 70, 94, 133, Lar/Lares 140, 141, 147 Marcellus, M. 15
145, 172, 185 Lararium 4, 85n132, 109n98, 121, Marcus Aurelius 112, 144fig70
- Ammon 183 124, 138, 140, 157, 186, 192 Mareos 179
- Anxur 54 Lardiers 98 Marino, Mithraeum 164, 176,
- Capitolinus 23, 69 Le Catelier-de-Criqueboeuf-sur-Seine 178fig101
- Conservator 49, 83 97n63 Marius, C. 51
- Libertas 23n64 Lecanius Primitivus, L. 140 Mark Antony 34
- Stator 25 legio linteata 21 Mars 36s, 96, 102, 141, 152, 172,
leo 170, 171fig94 198n32
K Les Tournelles 97n63 - Mullo 102
Kadmeioi 14 Les Tournelles 97n63 - Ultor 103
Kalapodi, Temple Artemis 44 Leukippos 13 Masada 46, 111ss
Kalchas 78n103, 80 Licinius 146 Matagne-la-Grande 93
Kalydon 44 Limetus 99 Matagne-la-Petite 93
- Boar 131n30 Lindos, Temple Athena 45 Matrona 94
- Heroon Leon 46 Liternum 22n59, 24, 29, 32, 35ss, 40, Maximianus 146
Kassandra 9, 40 206 Maximinus Daia 146
Kekrops 33 Louberon 106 Medea 127n26, 131, 136,
Kellis 116s, 116fig51 Loubers 99 131fig63,n51
Kepheus 159 Louviers 97n63 Medusa 2, 62, 68, 152
Kerberos 39 Luco dei Marsi 58n37 Megaira 39
Kerynean Stag 39 Ludius 27 Melqart 39
Kessel 92 lulav 197 Memnon 31
Khnum 114, 157 Lullingstone 88n7 Menelaos 30
Kimon 11s, 26n78 Luna 164s, 176 menorah 194, 197
Kleanthes 8 Lutatius 37, 47n3 Mercury 92, 99
Knossos 33 Luttre-Liberchies 93n63 Meroe115
232
Messius Rufinus 145 Niobe 136 - Synagogue 198n34
Metrodoros 24 Niobids 34 - Temple Bellona 68
Meyriez 96n57 Nizy-le-Comte 104, 105fig44s, 110 - ‘terzi tempietti’ 60
Mikon 11ss Nonius Balbus, M. 126, 126n22, Otes 192
miles 178 131n32, 133, 134n53 Otrang 96
Minerva > Athena Norba, Temple Diana 54 Ovius 72n92
Minos 12 Nuits-Saint-Georges 99
Minotaur 33, 125fig56, 133 Nymphus 170 P
Misenum 33 Paapiis Militeis, C. 56
- Augusteum 124, 139 O Pacuvius 24
Mithraeum 50, 99, 163ss, 171n86 Oberflohrstadt, Mithraeum 166 Pagans Hill 88n7
Mithras 50, 149, 163ss, 187, 198, Obodas III 112 painting
201, 205 Odysseus 14, 40, 78n103, 80n115 - funerary 21, 49, 153
Mont-Berny 97n63 Oineus 122 - > candelabrum/-a, encaustics,
Mont-Saint-Vincent 97n63 Oinomaos 9 garden p., landscape p., pictor,
Morphou 46 Oita 39, 123 pictura triumphalis, pinax,
mosaic floor 23, 48, 54n28, 60, 68, Olympia, Temple Zeus 2, 4, 8, 10 skiagraphia
83, 90, 145, 161n42 Olympos (boy) 127n26, 128, 134, Palestrina > Praeneste
Mummius, L. 84s 135 Palladion 78n103
Mystery cult 3, 5, 201, Olympus (mountain) 39, 123fig55 Pallanteum 134
omphalos 72n92 Palmyra 191, 199
N Onasias 14 - Temple Nebu 113n15
Naintré-Vieux-Poitiers 97n63 Oppius > Ovius Panainos 8ss
Namur 93 Ordona, Temple B 61 Papirius Cursor, T. 20
Narcissus 159 Orgeville 97n63 Paris, Musée du Louvre 127n26
Naumachia 27, 81, 160 Orival 97n63 Parnassus 34
Nauigium Isidis 157n29, 160 Orpheus 196 Parrhasios 19
Naxos, Temple Demeter 44 Osiris 151s, 154, 157 Parthenos 127
Nea Paphos 46 Ostia Pasiphae 33
Neith 117 - Caseggiato degli Aurighi 173 Patroclus/Patroklos 31, 80n115
Nekbeth 157 - Caseggiato dei mulini 140 Pausias 14
Nemea, Lion 9, 39, 127n26, 130, - Caseggiato del sacello 186 Peirithoos 9
131n29 - House of Muses 117 Pelusion, Temple Harpocrates
Nemi, Temple Diana 54fig7, 55 - Mithraeum Felicissimus 170 159n35
Neptune 65, 70n89 - Mithraeum C. Lucretius Penates 35, 71
Nereids 139 Menander 164ss Penthesileia 9, 31, 32n88
Nero 3, 26, 73, 79, 80n113, 123n10, - Mithraeum Painted Walls 140, Periboia 12
124, 125, 134s 164, 168ss, 180 Pergamon, Great Altar 134n54
Nerva 139 - Mithraeum Seven Gates 164, Perseus (myth) 29, 152fig77, 159,
Nessos 39, 123 168, 172ss 162
Nettleton 89 - Mithraeum Seven Spheres 170 Perseus (king) 24n68
Nida-Heddernheim, Mithraeum - Mithraeum Snakes 173 Pertinax 142
171n86 - Mithraeum Baths of Mithras 170 Petra 118
Nijmegen 3, 92 - ‘quattro tempietti’ 60, 140 - Dushara 113
Nile 22, 29, 114, 151s, 157ss, - Sacellum Silvanus 140s, - Great Temple 112, 113n15,
198n32, 142fig66s, 143fig68s Petronius Arbiter 79n109
Nilometer 151s, 159, 162, 163 - Sacellum Three Aisles 175fig98, Petronius, C. or P. 116
Nîmes, Maison Carrée 87 176fig99 Pheidias 4n12, 8ss, 19
233
Philae 152n12, 153 - Temple Aesculapius 23, 60 Regillus, Lake 18
Phlyai 44 - Temple Apollo 32s, 37n97, 48, Regulus > Attilius Regulus 37
- Daphnophoreion 11 68, 70, 72fig23s, 74fig25s, 71ss, Remus 134
- Telesterion 10 151, 158, 158n34, 161 Rhesos 30
Phoenicians 31, 36ss - Temple Fortuna Augusta 69, 71 Rhodes 45, 51n18
Pholos 136 - Temple Genius Augusti 62, Riaz 29n57
Picenians 21 70n89, 71 Ribemont-sur-Ancre 102, 110
pictor imaginarius 87 - Temple Isis 68, 71, 74, 81, 117, Rieux 97n63
pictor parietarius 87 149n163, 180n114, 186s, 206 Rijsbergen 93
pictura triumphalis 16, 20, 23, 41, 204 - Temple Jupiter 23, 48, 54, 60, Roma > Dea Roma
pietas 49, 110 61, 69ss, 70sfig21s, 73, 83, 84, 99, Rome
pinax/pinakes 4, 8, 14, 29, 98fig38, 112, 151 - Arch of Titus 20
129, 131n31 - Temple Penates 71 - Aventine 18, 20, 23, 48, 83, 164s,
Piso 60, 79n109, - Temple Sabazios 71, 174n94 185
Plataea, Temple Athena 13s - Temple S. Abbondio 187n147 - Caelius 25
Plautius Marcus 17s - Temple Venus 64, 66, 67n70, 69, - Campus Martius 25, 168
Plautus 23 71s, 78n103, - Capitol 48, 49n10, 61, 67n70,
Pleistainetos 8 - Temple Zeus Meilichios 70n89, - Carinae 21
Pnepheros 113s, 113fig49, 115 162n53 - Castra Peregrinorum 164
Polygnotos 11ss, 34n91 Pompey 109 - Circus Maximus 18, 166
Polyklitos 19 Pontius Eros, P. 48 - Column of Trajan 41
Pommern (Koblenz) 94n42 Ponza, Mithraeum 176 - Domus Aurea 79, 125
Pompeii Popidii 156 - Forum Augustum 2, 47n4
- Amphitheatre 184 Popidius Ampliatus, N. 153, 161n42 - Forum Boarium 24, 47
- Basilica 84, 203 Popidius Celsinus, N. 151, 153, 161 - Forum Romanum 48, 70,
- ‘Complex of magic rites’ 183s Populonia, Acropolis, Temple 51, 85n132, 119
- Eumachia Building 126, 131n32 52fig5, 70 - House Augustus 31
- Forum 61, 69ss, 79n106, 126, Poros 34n91, 43 - House Livia 32, 155n19
139 porticus triplex 37, 50, 51fig4 - House Nummii Albini 167
- House of Cryptoporticus 78, Poseidon 2, 12, 29, 80n115, 122n8, - Janiculum 84, 184
79n107 136 - Mithraeum Baths Caracalla 165
- House of Dioscuri 78, 131n31, Postumius Albinus, A. 18 - Mithraeum Circus Maximus 166
138n71 Postumus 84, 96 - Mithraeum Crypta Balbi 168
- House of Faun 51n20, 70, 84s, Pozzuoli 139s - Mithraeum Pal. Barberini 164
162n53 Praeneste, Temple Fortuna Primigenia - Mithraeum S. Clemente 166
- House of Gilded Cupids 157 52, 55 - Mithraeum S. Lorenzo in Damaso
- House of Golden Bracelet 66, 84 Priam 29ss, 76fig31, 77, 78n103, 167
- House of Labyrinth 59, 85n133, 80n115 - Mithraeum S. Prisca 147, 165
134n53 Priapos 184 - Mithraeum S. Stefano Rotondo
- House of Old Hunt 154 Prometheus 9, 29 163s, 187
- House of Painted Orchard 66 Pupienus 191s - Mithraeum Via G. Passalacqua
- House of Silver Wedding 59 Puteoli > Pozzuoli 166
- House of Small Fountain 154 Pygmies 74s, 81s, 161 - Mithraeum Via Firenze 164, 167
- House of Vettii 81, 161 - Palatine 2, 4, 26, 31, 34, 47n4, 49,
- Macellum 137, 139, 155n19 R 134
- Schola armaturarum 183n127, Rabbel II 112 - Palazzo Senatorio 48
184 Rajat 97n63 - Porta Capena 25
- Suburban Baths 81n123 Ramm, Temple 112 - Porticus Argonautorum 133
234
- Porticus Meleagri 133 - Villa della Farnesina 32, 81n124 Sirona 95
- Porticus Metelli 25, 84 Romulus 134 Sistrum 151, 155n20
- Porticus Octavia 25 Rosalia 50, 140 skiagraphia 8
-Porticus Philippi 79 S Skyros 11
- Privata Traiani 165 Sabazios 174n94, 183s Smintheion 81
- Quirinal 18 Sabina 145 sodalitas/-ates 119
- Saepta Iulia 133, 135 Sabratha 62n51, 117, 144, 148 Sol 164s, 176, 180, 182
- Temple Aesculapius 23, 50, 60, - Temple Hercules 144s, Solunto 59
70n89 144sfig70s, 148 Sophists 10
- Temple Apollo Actiacus 2, 4, 26, Saguntum 36ss Soubattos 114
31, 34, 47n4 Saint-Aubin-sur-Gallion 97n63 Souchos 114
- Temple Apollo in Circo 2 Saint-Germain d’Esteuil 100, Sphinx 113, 152, 154
- Temple Castor and Pollux 48, 68, 101fig40s, 110 Spoleto, Mithraeum 177
70 Saint-Léomer 97n63 St. Albans 88, 95n53
- Temple Ceres 18, 74, 205 Saint-Marcel 97n63 still lifes 68, 73, 84, 122, 152, 161,
- Temple Concordia 85n132, Saint-Ouen-de-Thouberville 97n63 168, 184
117n33 Saintes 97n63 Strasbourg, Mithraeum 177, 187
- Temple Consus 20 Salamis 9 Studius > Ludius
- Temple Cybele 49, 88, 106, Samothrace, Hieron 45 Stuttgart, Cannstatt 94
107sfig47s, 109s, 134 S. Giovanni in Galdo 58n38 Stymphalian Birds 130
- Temple Diana 25, 48, 54s, 83, 96 S. Maria di Capua Vetere > Capua Styx 39
- Temple Fons/Fontus 48 176 Sulla, P. Cornelius 51, 53, 61, 73n96,
- Temple Fortuna Huisce Diei 47n3 Sandraudiga 93 85n133,
- Temple Hercules 24, 47, 56s, 68, Sanxay 97n63 Sulmona, Temple Hercules Curinus
92, 144s, 148 Sarapis 16, 114, 115, 118, 186 56ss
- Temple Hercules Victor 47n3 Sardinia 22, 37 Sulpicius Galba, S. 54
- Temple Honos and Virtus 25 Sarpedon 80n115, 136 Sunuxsal 94
- Temple Isis 152n12 Sarrana 35s Syracuse 1, 16, 18n41, 50, 61
- Temple Jupiter Capitolinus 23 70, Satricum 2 - Mithraeum 177
84, 85 Schiavi d’Abruzzo 55 - Temple Athena 15
- Temple Jupiter Conservator 49, ‘Schirmkandelaber’ > candelabrum
83, 184 94 T
- Temple Jupiter Dolichenus 185 Schleitheim 96n57 Tapsais 117
- Temple Jupiter Heliopolitanus Scipio > Cornelius Tarentum 18n41, 122
184s Sebaste 111, 112 Tarquinia, Priest sarcophagus 41n11
- Temple Jupiter (Tiber Island) 47 Selinous 1s Tawern 95
- Temple Jupiter Libertas 23n64 Sempronius Gracchus, Ti. 22s Taxila, Temple 34n91
- Temple Jupiter Stator 25 Sempronius Sophus, P. 21, 22n59 Tebia 37
- Temple Libertas 23 Septimius Severus 145s, 186 Telephos 126fig57, 127s, 129n27,
- Temple Mars Ultor 2 Sertorius, Q. 109 133ss
- Temple Mater Matuta 18n43, 22s, Servius Tullius 48 Tellus 144
214 Seth 159 temple
- Temple Portunus 47 Sethiani 11 - cella/naos 7, 25, 40, 45
- Temple Salus 18s Sextilius Pyrricus 183 - door decorations 16, 26, 33s,
- Temple Sant’Omobono 18n43 Shofar 197 34n91, 38s
- Temple Tellus 21, 206 signature 19, 149 - Etruscan 1n3, 10, 32
- Temple Veiovis 48, 8 Silvanus 140s - Italic 1n3, 10, 17s, 32, 54, 73, 93
- Temple Vertumnus 20 Simonides 10, 18n42, - portico 4, 32, 37, 40
235
- pronaos 4n14, 7, 21s, 40, 44, Urbisaglia, Temple Salus Augusta 61, Y
67n70, 190s, 193 62n53, 83 Yahweh 196
Terracina Ursins 96n57 Yverdon-Les-Bains 96n57
- ‘Piccolo tempio’ 53 V Yvonard 96n57
- Temple Jupiter Anxur 54 Varneno 94
Terracotta 1s, 4n13, 8, 10, 17, 18, 44, Veii 2 Z
49s, 54, 84, 183 Velzeke-Steenbeke 93n33 Zadar 109
Thargelia 11 Venetia 25 Zeus 10, 29, 80, 122, 123fig55,
Theadelphia 113s, 113fig49, 115 Venus 37, 64, 66, 67, 69, 71s, 78n103, 127n26, 155, 181, 193, 198
Thebes 14, 28 83, 152, 162, 172, 183n127 Zeuxis 34n91
Themistokles 10 - Pompeiana 162
Thermos, Temple Apollo 13n13 Veratius Fortunatus, C. 48
Theodosius 168 ‘Vereinshaus’ 124
Theorus 79n108 Verona 16n34, 25
Theseus 9, 11s, 33, 102, 122n8, Verres 15
125fig56, 127s, 129n27, 129n28, Verulamium > St. Albans
133s Vespasian 80n113, 123, 125, 131ss,
Thespiai 14 137n66, 139, 161n40, 162n53
Thrasymenian Lake 37 Vettius Apronius, Q. 68n77
Thugga 117 Vettius brothers 68
Tiberius 109 Vettius, L. 68
Ticinus 37 Vibidia Saturnina 67
Titus (emperor) 20, 59, 123, 125s, Vich 109
131s, 134, 136, 137n66, 139 Vieil-Évreux 99
Tongres 93 Viganella 4n13
Torah 192, 194, 195fig110s, 198n35 Virunum, Mithraeum 179
Toth 157 Vulcanus 27, 65
Trajan 41, 88, 92, 165n67, 168 Vulci, Tomba François 40
Treia 62n52 Volsinians 20
Tremblois 97n63 Volterra, Temple Acropolis 51,
Trias Capitolina 55, 59, 69n82, 122n9 53fig6, 54, 57, 73, 83,
Trier 95s
Triguères 97n63 V
Trimalchio 79 Wadi Ramm > Ramm
Triton 4n14 Wars
triumph 16, 19s, 22, 24, 36, 41, 84 - First Punic 35, 37s
Troilos/-us 31s - Persian 12
Troy 8, 17, 30ss, 75n100, 77, 79s, - Second Punic 23s, 35, 38
82n125 - Third Punic 24
Tuff 21, 47, 48s, 60, 82 - Third Samnite 20
Turnus 32, - Trojan 2, 29, 31, 74, 77, 79, 80s
Turpilius 25
Tutu 115fig50, 116s, 116fig51 X
Typhon 159 Xanten 93n38
Xanthippus 36s
U Xanthos 4n14, 30s
Uley 88n7, 89
Ulpia Noviomagus > Nijmegen
236
Colour plates
"
'm
Fig. 3 Gerasa, Temple, reconstruction of the decoration by H. Eristov.
Fig. 7 Nemi, Temple of Diana (photo B.D. Rous). Fig. 8 Nemi, Temple of Diana (photo B.D. Rous).
237
Fig. 11 Sulmona, paintings on the north and east walls of the cella of the Hercules Temple, around 80-70 BC (Van Wonterghem 1989,
pl. IV, with permission of the author).
Fig. 12 Sulmona, paintings on the south and west walls of the cella of the Hercules Temple, around 80-70 BC (Van Wonterghem 1989,
pl. IV, with permission of the author).
238
Fig. 15 Brescia, Republican Temple, western shrine, wall decoration (photo L. Monopoli and L. Caldera, Soprintendenza Archeologica
della Lombardia).
Fig. 16 Brescia, Republican Temple, paint-

ing of a ship (photo L. Monopoli and L.
Caldera, Soprintendenza Archeologica della
Lombardia).
239
Fig. 20 Ostia, Temple of Bona Dea, portico (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
Fig. 22 Pompeii, Temple of Jupiter, cella (reconstruction from Mazois III, 1829,
pl. 36).
Fig. 25 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, transsection of the portico, 1823 drawing by the French architect F.-E. Callet (from Pompei 1981,
148-148).
240
Fig. 35 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, central scene, after AD 62: scenes of figs. 34 and 36, watercolour by F. Morelli from 1818
(= PPM Disegnatori, 112-115).
Fig. 38 Champlieu, temple candelabrum with small pinax, monkey (?), and phoenix, now
Museé Vivenel, Compiègne (photo A. Barbet).
Fig. 39 Jublains, temple, exterior wall of

precinct, pigeon (photo A. Barbet).
241
Fig. 40 Saint-Germain d’Esteuil, temple, person in front of
group, now Depot of Verteuil (photo A. Barbet).
Fig. 41 Saint-Germain d’Esteuil, temple, seated person with inscrip-

tion ABOVNV, now Depot of Verteuil (photo A. Barbet).
Fig. 42 Eu, Bois-l’Abbé, temple, candelabrum with two lyres

(photo A. Barbet).
242
Fig. 50 Dakhleh Oasis, Temple of Tutu (photo O. Kaper).
Fig. 51 Dakhleh Oasis, Temple of Tutu, dado decoration (photo O. Kaper).
243
Fig. 52 Herculaneum, Aedes Augustalium, unfinished murals (photo author).
244
Fig. 53 Herculaneum, Aedes Augustalium, painted sacellum (photo author).
245
Fig. 54 Herculaneum, Aedes Augustalium, Herakles and Acheloos on the north wall (photo author).
Fig. 55 Herculaneum, Aedes Augustalium, Herakles on the Olympus with Hera, Athena and Zeus as a rainbow (photo author).
246
Fig. 56 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Theseus and Minotauros Fig. 57 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Herakles and Telephos
after the restoration of 2007 (photo Museo Nazionale Romano, (photo author).
Rome).
Fig. 58 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Cheiron and Achilles (photo Fig. 62 Herculaneum, Augusteum, Herakles kills the snakes
author). (photo author).
247
Fig. 61 Herculaneum, Augusteum, reconstruction of the niches (montage author, with the use of figs 60-64 and the plan from Cochin
and Bellicard 1752, pl. 5).
248

Fig. 65 Ostia, Sacellum of Silvanus, west wall (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
Fig. 68 Ostia, Sacellum of Silvanus, south wall with Silvanus (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
249
Fig. 79 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, northern portico, section with architectural ele-
ments, naval battle and frieze with Egyptian motifs, after AD 62 (from De Caro,
2006a, page 76).
Fig. 80 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, eastern portico, Harpocrates (photo author).
Fig. 81 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, eastern portico, priest, after AD Fig. 82 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, cult minister from the
62, now MN Naples (from Alla ricerca pl. VII). portico (from Alla ricerca pl. VII).
250
'. I,
Pol"" ...I'"~ ~'rol".ft,

~
Fig. 84 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, south wall of ekklesiasterion (from Alla ricerca 1992, pl XVI).
Fig. 85 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, south wall of ekklesiasterion, landscape with sarcophagus of Osiris (from Alla ricerca, pl. XIII).
251
Figure 86 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, south wall of ekklesiasterion, Isis and Io in Canopus (from Alla ricerca, pl. X).
252
Fig. 87 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, north wall of sacrarium, AD 62, fragment with animals (from De Caro, 2006a, page 76).
Fig. 88 Pompeii, Temple of Isis, north wall of sacrarium, AD 62, fragment with animals (from De Caro, 2006a, page 76).
253
Fig. 89 Ostia, Mithraeum of C. Lucretius Menander, right side wall (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
Fig. 90 Ostia, Mithraeum of C. Lucretius Menander, entrance

wall (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
254
Fig. 92 Ostia, Mithraeum of
the Painted Walls, wall with
lost Mithras and altar, mural of
prae-nymphaeum phase (photo
S.T.A.M. Mols).
Fig. 93 Ostia, Mithraeum of the

Painted Walls, right wall: nymphus,
miles, heliodromus, Cautopates (photo
S.T.A.M. Mols).
Fig. 94 Ostia, Mithraeum of the Painted Walls, ante-

room, right wall, four leones (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
255
Fig. 95 Ostia, Mithraeum of the Seven Gates, back wall with Mithras niche (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
Fig. 96 Ostia, Mithraeum of the Seven Gates, garden, painting (2005 photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
256
Fig. 98. Ostia, Sacellum of the Three
Aisles, back wall (photo S.T.A.M.
Mols).
Fig. 99 Ostia, Sacellum of the Three Aisles (photo S.T.A.M. Mols).
257
Fig. 102 Dura Europos, Mithraeum, side wall, hunt of Mithras (photo L. Dirven).
Fig. 103 Huarte, Mithraeum, north wall of ante-

room, Persian rider (Mithras?) with black Siamese
twins (photo M. Gawlikowski).
Fig. 104 Huarte, Mithraeum, north wall of Mithras

room, city wall with hairy heads (photo M.
Gawlikowski).
258
Fig. 106 Dura Europos, Temple in Block M5, helmeted head
(photo C. Allag).
Fig. 108 Dura Europos, Temple of Zeus Theos, fragment from

one of the side walls with Bithnanaia, now depot at Yale (photo
L. Dirven).
Fig. 109 Dura Europos, Synagogue

west (back) and north walls (photo
L. Dirven).
259

Divine Interiors - Mural Paintings in Greek and Roman Sanctuaries (PDFDrive) PDF

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S t u d i e s

Other titles in the series:

J. Bazelmans: By Weapons made Worthy

R. Corbey / W. Roebroeks (eds): Studying Human Origins

M. Diepeveen-Jansen: People, Ideas and Goods

G. J. van Wijngaarden: Use and Appreciation of Mycenean Pottery in the

F.A. Gerritsen: Local Identities

N. Roymans: Ethnic Identity and Imperial Power

J.A.W. Nicolay: Armed Batavians

M. Groot: Animals in ritual and economy in a Roman frontier community

AMSTERDAM UNIVER SIT Y PRESS

Cover illustration: Detail, see Figure 15, page 240

ISBN 978 90 8964 2615

1 P aintings D escribed in A ncient T e x ts 7

2 P aintings F ound in P ublic T emples of t h e G reek W orld 43

3 P aintings F ound in P ublic T emples in R oman I taly 47

4 P aintings in P rovincial R oman T emples A cross t h e A lps 87

5 T h e E astern Half of t h e E mpire and N ort h A frica 111

6 P ainted S h rines D edicated to t h e R oman E mperor 119

8 D ura E uropos : A case - study 189

9 FINAL REMARKS 203

Index of Ancient Text Sources 227

Colour plates 237

Amsterdam and Nijmegen, January 2011

It is reported that the paintings remained visible for a long time:16

Pliny writes the following in his chapter on early paintings in Rome:46

est Phoebi fugiens Athamana ad litora portus, 15

There is a receding harbour of Phoebus on the shore of Athamas,

L iterary D escriptions of T emple D ecorations

Mnesikles reacts (paragraph 8):

Mnesikles reacts (paragraph 8):

T h e T emple of J uno in C art h age

namque sub ingenti lustrat dum singula templo

hic dum stagnosi spectat templumque domosque

in foribus labor Alcidae: Lernaea recisis

Fig. 1 Samos, Hekatompedos II,

Fig. 2 Samos, Hekatompedos II,

R epublican and I mperial T emples in R ome

R epublican T emples in I taly

Fig. 10 Sulmona, paintings on the

I mperial T emples in I taly

Fig. 19 Herculaneum, Temple A, cella, northwest corner (photo

embellished with colourful marble plaques, stand on top.62

P ublic T emples in P ompeii

These walls, surely, must have been covered with a marble

The Temple of Apollo is situated on a north-south axis

Fig. 24 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo,

Fig. 26 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, part of the wall paint-

people making votive offerings and Pygmies

Fig. 28 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, land-

Fig. 29 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico, central scene, after

Fig. 34 Pompeii, Temple of Apollo, portico,

A ppendi x : T h e P ortico of t h e T emple of A pollo in P ompeii

Paint coating Chalk coating Marble

Fig. 41 Saint-Germain d’Esteuil,

Fig. 45 Nizy-le-Comte, temple, hunter with laurel

(1) Ἥρων Σούβαττος ὑπὲρ εὐχαριστίας ἀνεθηκων [sic] ἐπ’ ἀ<γα>θῶι.

Εὐτύχως τῶ κυρίω Σούχω ἐπὶ ἀγαθῶ πασικαίου.

T h ree C entres for I mperial C ult in Herculaneum

for the moment, unknown.37 Even if the architectural

Painting Greek Roman

I mperial C ult in M isenum

S ilvanus and C aracalla in O stia ?