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IUCN <strong>WATER</strong> AND NATURE INITIATIVE<br />

IUCN IUCN IUCN <strong>WATER</strong> <strong>WATER</strong> AND AND NATURE NATURE INITIATIVE<br />

INITIATIVE<br />

<strong>PANGANI</strong> <strong>BASIN</strong> <strong>WATER</strong> <strong>BOARD</strong> 1<br />

<strong>PANGANI</strong> <strong>PANGANI</strong> <strong>BASIN</strong> <strong>BASIN</strong> <strong>WATER</strong> <strong>BOARD</strong> 1<br />

Basin Delineation Report<br />

Basin Delineation Report<br />

<strong>PANGANI</strong> RIVER <strong>BASIN</strong> FLOW ASSESSMENT<br />

Basin Delineation Report<br />

Pangani Basin: Final Situation Report<br />

Analysis (2 nd Edition)<br />

Pangani Basin: A Situation Analysis (2 nd Edition)<br />

<strong>PANGANI</strong> RIVER <strong>BASIN</strong> FLOW ASSESSMENT<br />

J. King, C. Brown, J. Turpie, B. Clark, A. Duffel-Graham, G. Lugomela, H. Sadiki, B. L. Benno, A.<br />

Hepelwa, L. T Kaaya, D Salum, L. Lukambuzi, E. Materu, Felix Peter, S. Kamugisha, F. Mahay and H.<br />

Beuster<br />

Basin Delineation 2009<br />

2009 Report<br />

January 2008<br />

Final Report<br />

J. King, C. Brown, J. Turpie, B. Clark, A. Duffel-Graham, G. Lugomela, H. Sadiki, B. L. Benno, A.<br />

Hepelwa, L. T Kaaya, D Salum, L. Lukambuzi, E. Materu, Felix Peter, S. Kamugisha, F. Mahay and H.<br />

Beuster<br />

1 As of 2010, 1 As of Pangani 2010, Pangani Basin Basin Water Water Office Office is known is known as as Pangani Pangani Basin Water Board<br />

1 As of 2010, Pangani Basin Water Office is known as Pangani Basin Water Board<br />

January 2008


Coast Development Authority<br />

Pangani Basin:<br />

A Situation Analysis (2 nd Edition)


Pangani Basin:<br />

A Situation Analysis (2 nd Edition)<br />

IUCN Eastern and Southern Africa Programme<br />

2009<br />

i


Published by:<br />

Copyright: © 2009 International Union for Conservation of Nature and Naturals<br />

Resources<br />

This publication may be produced in whole or part and in any form for education<br />

or non-profit uses, without special permission from the copyright holder,<br />

provided acknowledgement of the source is made. IUCN would appreciate<br />

receiving a copy of any publication which uses this publication as a source.<br />

No use of this publication may be made for resale or other commercial<br />

purpose without the prior written permission of IUCN.<br />

Citation:<br />

IUCN Eastern and Southern Africa Programme, 2009. The Pangani River<br />

Basin: A Situation Analysis, 2 nd Edition, xii + 82pp.<br />

ISBN: 978-2-8317-1186-7<br />

Design and layout:<br />

Printed by:<br />

1<br />

2 3 4<br />

5<br />

6<br />

9 10<br />

7 8<br />

Gordon O. Arara<br />

Colourprint Ltd.<br />

Photo 1: The summit of Mount Kilimanjaro; Photo 2: Forest stand at Shire<br />

Njoro; Photo 3: Gate controlling the release of water into irrigation furrows;<br />

Photo 4: Children swimming in an irrigation reservoir; Photo 5: Sisal<br />

plantations; Photo 6: Irrigated rice scheme; Photo 7: Water gauging station<br />

at Chemka Spring; Photo 8: Vandalized gate controlling the release of water<br />

into irrigation furrows; Photo 9: Dam wall at Nyumba ya Mungu Reservoir<br />

(color changes mark the declining water levels); Photo 10: A vendor sells<br />

water from a borehole.<br />

Photos 1, 3, 5, 6, 8, 9 copyright 2003 Kelly West; Photos 2, 7 copyright 2002<br />

Kim Geheb; Photos 4, 10 copyright 2003 Ger Bergkamp.<br />

Available from:<br />

IUCN - ESARO Publications Service Unit, P. O. Box 68200 - 00200, Nairobi,<br />

Kenya; Telephone ++ 254 20 890605-12; Fax ++ 254 20 890615; E-mail:<br />

earo@iucn.org<br />

The designations of geographical entities in this book, and the presentation of the material, do not imply<br />

the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the participating organizations concerning the<br />

legal status of any country, territory, or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its<br />

frontiers or boundaries.<br />

The opinions expressed by the authors in this publication do not necessarily represent the view of PBWO,<br />

CDA, WANI or IUCN.<br />

ii


Contents<br />

Abbreviations ....................................................................................................................................v<br />

Preface..............................................................................................................................................vii<br />

Executive summary........................................................................................................................viii<br />

A Introduction to the Pangani River Basin Situation Analysis ..................................................1<br />

A.1 An overview of the Pangani River Basin..................................................................................1<br />

A.2 Integrated River Basin Management (IRBM) ..........................................................................5<br />

A.3 The Water and Nature Initiative (WANI) .................................................................................6<br />

A.4 Situation Analysis: objectives and outputs...............................................................................7<br />

A.5 Data sources...........................................................................................................................7<br />

A.6 Situation Analysis Structure.....................................................................................................8<br />

B<br />

C<br />

D<br />

The Pangani River Basin’s natural resources..........................................................................9<br />

B.1 Introduction..............................................................................................................................9<br />

B.2 Basin forests............................................................................................................................9<br />

B.3 Water and wetlands...............................................................................................................15<br />

B.4 Protected areas.....................................................................................................................18<br />

B.5 Biodiversity and conservation................................................................................................19<br />

B.6 Fisheries................................................................................................................................22<br />

B.7 Soils.......................................................................................................................................22<br />

B.8 Summary of points ................................................................................................................22<br />

The socio-economy of the Pangani River Basin....................................................................24<br />

C.1 Overview...............................................................................................................................24<br />

C.2 Industrial interests.................................................................................................................26<br />

C.3 Farming interests..................................................................................................................26<br />

C.4 Pastoralist interests...............................................................................................................29<br />

C.5 Urban interests......................................................................................................................30<br />

C.6 Interventions by NGOs and international organisations in the PRB.....................................30<br />

C.7 Conflict..................................................................................................................................32<br />

C.8 Summary of points................................................................................................................38<br />

Natural Resource Management in the Pangani River Basin.................................................45<br />

D.1 Introduction...........................................................................................................................45<br />

D.2 Government management, Legislation and policy................................................................45<br />

D.3 Community-level administration............................................................................................50<br />

D.4 Transboundary basin management......................................................................................53<br />

D.5 Data collection and monitoring..............................................................................................54<br />

D.6 Summary of points................................................................................................................54<br />

E Pangani River Basin problems and issues.............................................................................56<br />

E.1 Introduction...........................................................................................................................56<br />

E.2 Problems and issues of the PRB..........................................................................................56<br />

E.3 Priority areas for Action.........................................................................................................60<br />

F<br />

Conclusions...............................................................................................................................62<br />

F.1 Synthesis of findings..............................................................................................................62<br />

G References................................................................................................................................. 66<br />

iii


H<br />

Appendix 1: Smaller basins included in the administrative Pangani Basin........................74<br />

H.1 Introduction...........................................................................................................................74<br />

H.2 The Umba River Catchment.................................................................................................74<br />

H.3 The Zigi River Catchment ....................................................................................................75<br />

H.4 The Msangazi River Catchment...........................................................................................77<br />

H.5 The Coastal River Catchment (Mkulumuzi)..........................................................................80<br />

List of Tables<br />

Table 1: Tanzanian forest types, uses and legal status........................................................................9<br />

Table 2: Eastern Arc Mountain forest cover loss in the Pangani River Basin....................................13<br />

Table 3: Estimated water demand in 1995 and anticipated water demand in 2015...........................17<br />

Table 4: Tanzanian and Kenyan socio-economic basics 2001...........................................................25<br />

Table 5: Livestock population in selected areas of the Pangani River Basin (2002) .........................30<br />

Table 6: Water rights (WR) in the Pangani River Basin (Tanzania), May, 2003.................................47<br />

Table 7: Forest area under Joint Forest Management by region ......................................................52<br />

List of Figures<br />

Figure 1: The Pangani River Basin, spanning Tanzania and Kenya....................................................2<br />

Figure 2: The Pangani River Basin......................................................................................................3<br />

Figure 3: Forestry Administration in Tanzania....................................................................................49<br />

Figure 4: The Administrative Pangani River Basin.............................................................................81<br />

List of Plates<br />

Plate 1: The Pangani River Basin map..............................................................................................33<br />

Plate 2: The Administrative Pangani River Basin map.......................................................................34<br />

Plate 3: Kilimanjaro’s famous snowcap in 1993 and 2000.................................................................35<br />

Plate 4: The River Karanga at Moshi.................................................................................................36<br />

Plate 5: Mount Kilimanjaro.................................................................................................................36<br />

Plate 6: An Irrigation furrow in Moshi District.....................................................................................37<br />

Plate 7: The capped spring at Shiri - Njoro........................................................................................38<br />

Plate 8: Forested slopes on Mt. Meru................................................................................................38<br />

List of Boxes<br />

Box 1: Water Demand Management....................................................................................................6<br />

Box 2: Pangani River Basin forest basics..........................................................................................10<br />

Box 3: The Taita Hills.........................................................................................................................11<br />

Box 4: Threats to the PRB’s forests...................................................................................................14<br />

Box 5: Pangani River Basin water and wetland basics......................................................................15<br />

Box 6: Threats to the PRB’s water and wetland resources................................................................16<br />

Box 7: Pangani River Basin Protected Area threats..........................................................................19<br />

Box 8: Biodiversity hotspots...............................................................................................................20<br />

Box 9: Category 1 Globally threatened bird species of the Usambara Mountains.............................21<br />

Box 10: Traditional furrow design flaws.............................................................................................27<br />

Box 11: Sodicity and salinity...............................................................................................................29<br />

Box 12: Kenyan Water Administration................................................................................................48<br />

Box 13: The development of community-based management in Duru - Haitemba Forest,<br />

Arusha Region.....................................................................................................................50<br />

Box 14: An example of a Water User’s Association...........................................................................53<br />

iv


Abbreviations<br />

ANR ..................... Amani Nature Reserve<br />

ASL ...................... Above Sea Level<br />

AUWSA ................ Arusha Urban Water and Sanitation Authority<br />

BWB...................... Basin Water Board<br />

BWO..................... Basin Water Office<br />

CBNRM ................ Community-based Natural Resource Management<br />

CCM ..................... Chama Cha Mapinduzi<br />

CDA ...................... Coast Development Authority<br />

CFP ...................... Catchment Forest Project<br />

CFR ...................... Community Forest Reserves<br />

CPRs .................... Common Property Resources<br />

DFO ..................... District Forestry Officer<br />

DGIS..................... Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs<br />

EACBP ................. East Africa Cross-border Biodiversity Project<br />

EU-ACP................. European Union - Africa, Caribbean and Pacific region<br />

EU ........................ European Union<br />

FAO ...................... Food and Agricultural Organization<br />

FBD ...................... Forestry and Beekeeping Division<br />

GEF ...................... Global Environment Facility<br />

GIS ....................... Geographical Information Systems<br />

GoK ...................... Government of Kenya<br />

ha ......................... Hectares<br />

IRBM .................... Integrated River Basin Management<br />

IBA ....................... Important Bird Area<br />

IDA ....................... International Development Agency<br />

IUCN .................... International Union for Conservation of Nature<br />

JFM ...................... Joint Forestry Management<br />

kWh ...................... Kilo Watts per hour<br />

LGA....................... Local Government Authority<br />

LMIS ..................... Lower Moshi Irrigation Scheme<br />

MAFS ................... Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security<br />

MCM ..................... Million Cubic Metres<br />

MGR ..................... Mkomazi Game Reserve<br />

MMP ..................... Mangrove Management Project<br />

MOU ..................... Memoranda of Understanding<br />

MoWLD ................ Ministry of Water and Livestock Development<br />

MW ....................... Mega Watt<br />

NAWAPO.............. National Water Policy<br />

v


n.d. ....................... No Date<br />

NEMC ................... National Environmental Management Council<br />

NGO ..................... Non-governmental organisation<br />

NPF ...................... New Pangani Falls<br />

NORAD ................ Norwegian Aid<br />

NRM ..................... Natural Resources Management<br />

NWSDS................. National Water Sector Development Strategy<br />

NYM ..................... Nyumba ya Mungu Dam<br />

PA ......................... Protected Areas<br />

PBWB .................. Pangani Basin Water Board<br />

PBWO .................. Pangani Basin Water Office<br />

PRB ...................... Pangani River Basin<br />

PRBMP................. Pangani River Basin Management Project<br />

RBM ..................... River Basin Management<br />

RBMSIIP .............. River Basin Management and Small-scale Irrigation Improvement Project<br />

RCE ..................... Regional Centre of Endemism<br />

RHO ..................... Regional Hydrological Officer<br />

RNRO ................... Regional Natural Resources Officer<br />

SA ........................ Situation Analysis<br />

SNV....................... Netherlands Development Organization<br />

TANAPA ............... Tanzania National Parks<br />

TANESCO ............ Tanzania Electric Supply Company<br />

TCMP ................... Tanzania Coastal Management Partnership<br />

TCZCDP ............... Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation and Development Programme<br />

TFAP .................... Tanzania Forestry Action Plan<br />

TFCG ................... Tanzania Forest Conservation Group<br />

TIP ........................ Traditional Irrigation and Environmental Development Organisation<br />

TPC ...................... Tanzania Planting Company<br />

UNICEF ................ United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund<br />

UNDP ................... United Nations Development Program<br />

USAID .................. United States Agency for International Development<br />

VNRC ................... Village Natural Resource Committee<br />

VWN ..................... Vision for Water and Nature<br />

WANI .................... Water and Nature Initiative<br />

WDM .................... Water Demand Management<br />

WHO .................... World Health Organization<br />

WRMA .................. Water Resources Management Authority (Kenya)<br />

WRM Act .............. Water Resources Management Act<br />

WUA ..................... Water Users’ Association<br />

vi


Preface<br />

The objectives of the first edition of the Pangani Situation Analysis included identifying the resources that<br />

occupy the Pangani River Basin (PRB) and the processes and events that affect them, and identifying<br />

a series of broad action areas wherein interventions may feasibly be delivered. The final objective was<br />

to identify other organisations, interests or institutions with which IUCN may develop partnerships as it<br />

seeks to develop the Water and Nature initiative (WANI) initiative in the PRB.<br />

The IUCN Water and Nature Initiative (WANI) is an ongoing collaborative effort to address the world’s<br />

water crisis. WANI builds on the Water and Nature Vision and Framework for Action and is a response<br />

to the call for action expressed before, during and after the 2 nd World Water Forum in The Hague (March<br />

2000).The goal of WANI is to mainstream the ecosystem approach into river basin policies, planning and<br />

management. In selected demonstration site basins around the world, WANI strives to: demonstrate<br />

ecosystem management, empower people to participate in sustainable water management, support wise<br />

governance of water resources and wetlands, develop and apply economic tools and incentives, improve<br />

knowledge to support decision making and learn lessons and raise awareness about wise water use.<br />

Following consultations with stakeholders in the basin and culminating in a workshop hosted by Pangani<br />

Basin Water Office (PBWO) and IUCN – The International Union for Conservation of Nature in Moshi,<br />

Tanzania from 8-10 May 2002, the Pangani River Basin in Tanzania and Kenya was selected as a WANI<br />

demonstration site.<br />

As part of its project development activities for the Pangani River Basin, IUCN commissioned a consultant,<br />

Dr. Kim Geheb, to develop a Situation Analysis of this basin. The fieldwork for the Situation Analysis was<br />

carried out in November 2002, and involved interviews with a wide variety of stakeholders within the<br />

basin. Additional sources of information included published sources and the proceedings of the abovementioned<br />

workshop, entitled, ‘The Pangani River Basin: Options for Integrated Management.’<br />

A first draft of the Situation Analysis was completed in late 2002 and distributed to stakeholders for<br />

review and comment. At a workshop hosted by PBWO and IUCN in Moshi in March, 2003, stakeholders<br />

gathered to comment on the Situation Analysis and suggest amendments. Additional comments and<br />

contributions have subsequently been received from both the PBWO and the Coastal Development<br />

Authority (CDA - Kenya) at a meeting held in Nairobi in May 2003 between IUCN, PBWO and CDA.<br />

In 2009, a reprint of the Situation Analysis was needed so it was decided to take this opportunity to<br />

update some of the information in light of the operation of the Water Resource Management Act in July<br />

2009. It should be noted that mainly information pertaining to the administrative structure, institutional<br />

arrangements, water law and policy has been addressed, as well as the impact of the Situation Analysis<br />

in developing the Pangani River Basin Management Project, but the remainder of the Situation Analysis<br />

has not been changed. Funding for the update and printing of this situation analysis comes from the<br />

Global Water Initiative which is supported by the Howard G. Buffett Foundation.<br />

Felix Peter, Helen Lema, Fatuma Omar and Renalda Mukaja of the River Basin Management Project in<br />

the Ministry of Water & Livestock Development of Tanzania kindly provided the maps and area estimates<br />

in this document.<br />

vii


Executive summary<br />

The Pangani River Basin (PRB) covers an area of about 43,650 km 2 , mostly in Tanzania with approximately<br />

5% in Kenya. In Tanzania, the Basin is spread over four administrative regions: Kilimanjaro, Arusha,<br />

Manyara and Tanga. Most of the Kenyan portion of the Basin falls within the Taita – Taveta District. The<br />

Pangani River has two main tributaries, the Kikuletwa and the Ruvu, which join at Nyumba ya Mungu, a<br />

reservoir of some 140 km 2 . The effluent of the reservoir is known as the Pangani River, which flows for<br />

432 km before emptying into the Indian Ocean.<br />

The Basin contains a wide array of resources. For its 3.7 million Tanzanian inhabitants, water and arable<br />

land are arguably the most important. The Basin’s highlands receive substantially more rainfall than<br />

its lowlands. Nevertheless, highland farming intensities and the competition for land have meant that<br />

farmers have had to start irrigating their farms in order to maximise outputs. Those unable to obtain<br />

highland land have been forced to seek farmland in lowland areas, where rainfall is substantially less,<br />

and where irrigation is of paramount importance. This difficulty has been exacerbated by general rainfall<br />

declines within the Basin.<br />

The competition for land has ensured that other land uses within the Basin, such as forestry, have<br />

come into direct competition with agriculture. In some cases, forests are protected by their national<br />

park status, such as that in the Mt. Kilimanjaro National Park, which falls under the purview of Tanzania<br />

National Parks (TANAPA). Other forests are ostensibly protected by the Kenyan and Tanzanian forestry<br />

departments. Through a combination of low staffing levels and difficult financial circumstances, however,<br />

these often do not enjoy the same standards of protection as those lying within TANAPA territory. The<br />

pressure on the PRB’s coastal and Eastern Arc forests is of particular concern, given the high levels of<br />

biotic endemism within them.<br />

Other resources within the Basin are its mineral deposits, which include tanzanite, tin and gemstones, its<br />

fisheries, wetlands and its numerous tourist attractions.<br />

A host of different actors exploit these resources, and this Situation Analysis groups them as follows:<br />

• Industrial interests, which include the Basin’s important hydropower contributions to the<br />

national grid, mining and agro-industries such as sugar refineries and sisal processing<br />

plants.<br />

• Farming interests: much traditional farming in the Basin is supported by irrigation. Traditional<br />

irrigation furrows are highly inefficient, and may loose as much as 85% of water between the<br />

point of abstraction and its destination. There are also several large-scale farming interests<br />

in the Basin, including sugar cane, sisal and flowers. Between 29,000 and 40,000 ha of<br />

the Tanzanian part of the PRB are irrigated, consuming between 400 and 480 million cubic<br />

metres of water annually.<br />

• Pastoralist interests: present livestock population levels in the Basin are unknown. It is thought<br />

that, by 2015, pastoralism will consume 36,400 m 3 of water a day.<br />

• Urban interests: the Basin contains two major Tanzanian urban conurbations: Moshi and<br />

Arusha. As they grow, their demand for water has also escalated on two fronts: for industrial<br />

and domestic use, and as a means of disposing of waste. It is expected that, by 2015, urban<br />

water demand in the Basin will reach 163,600 m 3 /day.<br />

There are, therefore, a diversity of interests in the Basin, and these are able to wield various degrees of<br />

power as they seek to lay claim to its resources. These differences in power underlie the many conflicts<br />

that characterise natural resource exploitation within the Basin. This Situation Analysis classifies these<br />

different types of conflict as follows:<br />

viii


• Conflicts of scale: the relationship between water users of different sizes and power in the<br />

PRB is often described in dichotomous terms. Hence, large-scale plantations using hundreds<br />

of litres of water a second and employing highly efficient irrigation systems, differ starkly from<br />

small-scale users using far less water and employing very inefficient irrigation systems. The<br />

extremes involved in these regards are fertile grounds for conflict. This Situation Analysis<br />

provides empirical examples of such scale conflicts between urban and rural users, and<br />

between large and small-scale mining interests.<br />

• Conflicts of tenure: this document refers to tenure as the right to manage a resource.<br />

Throughout Tanzania, Community-based Natural Resources Management (CBNRM) has<br />

been seen as an attractive way of increasing the efficiency of the nation’s Natural Resources<br />

Management (NRM) systems. This trend has been less marked in Kenya. The contention<br />

with these systems relates to the manner of their application and design. Here, communities<br />

may not be involved in the design of the management strategy, its implementation or even its<br />

justice systems. This may ensure that these institutions do not fulfil the management tasks<br />

that they were created to perform. Examples are provided of conflicts between communitylevel<br />

and government forestry management initiatives; between resource users of different<br />

kinds; and conflict over different management perspectives.<br />

• Conflicts of location: users located in upstream areas are placed more favourably visà-vis<br />

water abstraction than are downstream users. At its most basic, these problems can be<br />

seen along irrigation furrows where users close to the water source are able to grow crops<br />

with high water demands (such as irrigated rice) and those located at the end of the furrow<br />

obliged to plant low water demand crops. The serious problems faced by downstream<br />

hydropower plants are another example. Examples of such conflicts are those between<br />

upstream and down-stream water users, and conflicts between hydropower interests and<br />

small-scale irrigators.<br />

Conflict over resources is just one manifestation of the very high levels of competition that exist between<br />

the Basin’s resource users. The impact of a growing population, the Basin’s variable resource distribution<br />

and the finite nature of its resources mean that exploitation patterns are often deleterious. Examples of<br />

resource damage are as follows:<br />

• The Basin’s forests are threatened by logging, encroachment along their peripheries, demands<br />

for land, charcoal manufacture and fuelwood collection. Estimates suggest that up to 77% of<br />

the Eastern Arc Mountains’ forest has been lost over the past 2,000 years due to human<br />

activities, while 41 km 2 of Kilimanjaro’s natural forest was lost between 1952 and 1982.<br />

• The Basin’s water supplies are threatened by extremely high demands that have ensured that<br />

its water resources are considered ‘stressed’. The main sources of demand are inefficient<br />

furrow-based irrigation systems. The Basin’s swamps are threatened by the regulation of<br />

water by damming.<br />

• The Basin’s Protected Areas are threatened by poaching, and by threats similar to those<br />

faced by forest resources.<br />

• Most of the Basin’s biodiversity has been gained as a result of its unique array of forest habitat<br />

types. Threats to biodiversity, as a result, arise because of threats to habitat.<br />

• The fisheries of the PRB are threatened by excessive fishing pressure, and weed growth<br />

occasioned by high nutrient loads. Indeed, 24 tonnes of soil per hectare of catchment flows<br />

into the Nyumba ya Mungu (NYM) reservoir every year. In 1970, 28,509 tonnes of fish were<br />

landed from the NYM reservoir. Catches have declined substantially since then, and in 1983,<br />

2,430 tonnes of fish were landed.<br />

ix


A large number of governmental and non-governmental organisations exist within the Basin seeking to<br />

curb these trends and trying to improve the livelihoods of resource users. In recent years, perhaps the most<br />

important large-scale initiatives in the Basin are those of the World Bank-funded River Basin Management<br />

and Small-scale Irrigation Improvement Project (RBMSIIP), and the UNDP-GEF East Africa Cross-border<br />

Biodiversity Project (EACBP). The former project has been particularly important in strengthening the<br />

Pangani Basin Water Office (PBWO), as well as improving water-monitoring capabilities within the Basin.<br />

NGO initiatives in the Basin include those concerned with the integrated management of Tanzania’s<br />

coastline and its mangrove forests, and, in the north of the Basin, those concerned with the improvement<br />

of traditional irrigation practises, and facilitating lines of communication between local level resource<br />

users and the Basin’s formal administration. Additional initiatives have concentrated on the conservation<br />

of the Basin’s forests and wildlife resources.<br />

The formal administration of the Basin is complex. In Tanzania, typically two sources of management occur<br />

for any one resource: that provided by central government, and that provided by regional government.<br />

At the same time, the Pangani Basin Water Board (PBWB) has been introduced to the Basin with a view<br />

to providing a Basin-wide approach to the management of its water resources. This means that, in many<br />

instances, the lines of authority between the management of a resource and management providers may<br />

be ambiguous and/or confused. This type of confusion is replicated at the local level. As mentioned earlier,<br />

Tanzania has turned increasingly to Community-based Natural Resources Management (CBNRM) as a<br />

way of improving its NRM. However, this has meant that committees or other community-level organisations<br />

have been created to deal with specific resources, and not natural resources generally. Hence, there are<br />

Village Natural Resource Committees (VNRCs), Water Users’ Associations (WUAs), Village Governments<br />

and others, complicating the delivery of management and augmenting transaction costs considerably.<br />

In Kenya, water resources have recently been placed under a Water Resources Management Authority<br />

(WRMA), which uses the river basin as its focus, and which is charged with the responsibility of integrating<br />

the management of such basins, and including stakeholder groups in the management structure. This is<br />

a relatively new initiative, and is likely to facing teething problems with respect to including stakeholders<br />

in the management structure, and difficulty integrating the various sectors of basins’ administration.<br />

Such a ‘sectoral’ approach to management is, therefore, present on both sides of the border, and refers to situations<br />

where departments are involved with the management of forests, water, irrigation, wildlife and other resources.<br />

This may ensure that management objectives and approaches run parallel to one another, and complicates the<br />

possibilities for integrated approaches to the Basin’s management. The PBWB, however, has representation from<br />

the various departments to at least ensure that they communicate with one another, the Board is mandated by<br />

the new Water Resources Management Act (WRM Act) to formulate the Pangani Integrated Water resources<br />

Management plan by mobilizing all players all resources users and managers in the basin.<br />

This Situation Analysis summarises the above problems and difficulties by identifying a series of issues<br />

that, it suggests, warrant significant managerial attention. Arguably, environmental problems are social<br />

ones. For convenience, and for the sake of highlighting the state of the PRB environment, these are<br />

divided between environmental and social issues as follows:<br />

Environmental issues:<br />

• Deforestation – causing water retention problems, increases runoff and hence promoting erosion,<br />

flooding and increased silt loads.<br />

• Demands for land – many forests are located in prime agricultural areas that receive high levels of<br />

rainfall. This is a significant threat to the Basin’s forest reserves<br />

• Farming practises: many of the basin’s farming techniques were developed at a time when<br />

populations were far smaller, and access to resources much better. As populations have increased,<br />

however, these same techniques may seriously threaten the Basin’s environmental integrity. The<br />

systems are not water efficient, and repeated irrigation may prompt salinity and/or sodicity.<br />

x


• Livestock increases: these are unknown, but are suspected to be considerable. With farming<br />

on the increase in the Basin’s lowland areas, pastoralist land has been taken out of production,<br />

exacerbating the potential for over-stocking.<br />

• Development: unmanaged development in the Basin is a concern given the potential for pollution<br />

and inadequate waste disposal that it represents.<br />

• Water quality: this is threatened by pollution, but also damaged by localised geological characteristics<br />

that may give rise to fluoride contamination.<br />

• Over-fishing: fishing pressures on the NYM appear to be excessive. Fishing is also threatened by the<br />

growth of waterweed on rivers and lakes, itself prompted by the increased nutrient loads of the Basin.<br />

• Mining: uncontrolled mining activities in the Basin threaten its landscape and the future productivity<br />

of its land. It also has serious pollution potential. Sand mining along rivers undermines the stability<br />

of riverbanks.<br />

• Lack of environmental awareness amongst the Basin’s inhabitants.<br />

Socio-economic and political issues<br />

• Poverty: because secondary and tertiary forms of employment are typically unavailable in the<br />

Basin’s commercial and industrial sectors, many of its inhabitants seek livelihoods in primary<br />

activities such as agriculture, the harvest of forest products, fishing etc.<br />

• Conflict: because so many are involved in primary activities, the potential for conflict arises between<br />

small-scale users, and between small and large-scale users.<br />

• Political expediency: politicians, eager to obtain votes from their constituents may sometimes<br />

encourage the wholesale exploitation of vulnerable resources.<br />

Issues of management and administration<br />

• Inadequate policies: policies that appear perfectly reasonable and carefully developed may be<br />

rendered impotent because their implementation cannot be monitored, and offenders are not<br />

sanctioned.<br />

• Funding problems: these arise at virtually every point of the Basin’s administration and range from<br />

difficulties in providing adequate remuneration to the purchase of technology to assist with Basin<br />

monitoring.<br />

• Lack of management integration: the divisions between regional and national level administration<br />

coupled with ‘sectoral’ management approaches, ensures that much of the Natural Resources<br />

Management (NRM) in the Basin is not integrated, with one sector or level of administration<br />

pursuing objectives and management styles different to the other levels or sectors of the Basin. This<br />

difficulty also occurs across international frontiers: no mechanism exists for Kenya and Tanzania to<br />

co-ordinate their management of the Pangani River Basin.<br />

• Problems with community administration: this relates, firstly, to the poor contributions communities<br />

make to the design, implementation and enforcement of the NRM systems that they are<br />

encumbered with. Second, many of these approaches, imposed from outside the community, seek<br />

the establishment of NRM committees of various types, resulting in a confusing plethora of locallevel<br />

organisations and prompting the sectoral difficulties described above, conflicts of authority<br />

and limited managerial success.<br />

On the basis of the issues defined above, the Situation Analysis identifies a series of priority areas for<br />

action. These are:<br />

xi


The development of integrated management strategies for the PRB along with attendant forums. There<br />

appears to be little doubt that the Pangani River Basin (PRB) urgently needs integrated management<br />

strategies that can cope with its diverse and complicated issues. Possible options that could be considered<br />

include the development of water demand strategies, assessing downstream water requirements for<br />

people and the environment, water incremental approaches to management, streamlining management<br />

and increasing the role played by communities in the design and implementation of integrated NRM.<br />

The development of effective strategies to facilitate dialogue amongst and between resource users<br />

and managers of different types and involved in different sectors with a view to improving awareness<br />

at all levels of management. Mechanisms are needed to ensure that dialogue opportunities between<br />

and amongst stakeholders and managers are maximised, so as to ensure that two-way exchanges of<br />

information may occur, dissemination improved and the knowledge of how stakeholders all play a part<br />

in the well-being of the Basin delivered. It is necessary that awareness is created about all aspects of<br />

the condition and management of the Basin and its stakeholders at all levels of management and its<br />

co-ordination. Additional components of this priority area are the development of forums capable of<br />

assuming this task, as well as serving as a mechanism to remedy conflict, and to bridge gaps between<br />

different levels of administration<br />

The identification and development of an adequate data collection and monitoring system. This action<br />

area is not restricted to the development of data collection systems for hydrological data. A satellite<br />

and GIS assessment of land use, exploitation rates and geographical change is a pre-requisite for the<br />

development of land-use planning and monitoring. The development of methodologies to assess and<br />

gauge the underlying social and economic causes of environmental degradation and resource overexploitation<br />

also needs to be identified. Such systems should also be capable of identifying water<br />

demands within the Basin. The data and monitoring systems recommended must match local funding<br />

and maintenance capabilities.<br />

xii


A Introduction to the Pangani River Basin<br />

Situation Analysis<br />

A.1 An overview of the Pangani River Basin<br />

The Pangani basin is one of 9-river basins gazetted in Tanzania according to the Water Utilization<br />

(Control and Regulation) Act No. 42 as amended in 1981 (Amendment No. 10) (repealed by Water<br />

Resources Management Act 2009) to devolve the responsibility for water management to the basin<br />

level. The Pangani Basin covers an area of about 58,800 km 2,1 administratively and includes the main<br />

Pangani River Basin and the smaller river basins of Umba, Msangazi, Zigi 2 , and Coastal Rivers, including<br />

Mukulumuzi. This Situation Analysis concentrates on the main Pangani River Basin. However, details of<br />

the smaller river basins governed by Pangani Basin Water Office are provided in Annex 1.<br />

The Pangani River Basin covers an area of 43,650 km 2,1 , out of which 3,914 km 2,1 lies in Kenya (Figure 1).<br />

In Tanzania, the Basin in distributed amongst the Kilimanjaro, Manyara, Arusha, and Tanga administrative<br />

regions of. The Kenyan portion of the Basin falls almost entirely within the district of Taita – Taveta.<br />

The Pangani River itself has two main tributaries, both of which rise in the basin’s northernmost portions.<br />

The first of these, the Kikuletwa, rises on the slopes of Mount Meru and the southern slopes of Mount<br />

Kilimanjaro, while the second, the Ruvu, rises on the eastern slopes of Mt. Kilimanjaro and Lake Jipe.<br />

These rivers join at Nyumba ya Mungu, a reservoir of some 140 km 2 (Røhr and Killingtveit, 2002). The<br />

Pangani River 3 drains the reservoir, flowing for 432 km before emptying into the Indian Ocean.<br />

Generally, the basin comprises a low elevation slope that drops gently south and southeastwards towards<br />

the Indian Ocean. On average, this landscape of ‘Maasai steppe’ lies at 800 m, and much of it receives<br />

little more than 500 mm of rain a year. In stark contrast, rising up out of the plain are a series of mountains<br />

whose altitude more than compensates for the difficult conditions of the plains. Up here, 2,000 mm of<br />

rain may fall per year. In effect, these mountains represent islands: while the plains around them display<br />

an unremarkable biodiversity and difficult livelihood conditions, the mountains are islands of spectacular<br />

biodiversity and biotic endemism. Humans have not failed to observe the qualities of these mountains,<br />

and even before the advent of Tanzania’s colonial administration, the mountains of the Pangani River<br />

Basin (PRB) were the most densely populated areas on the plain.<br />

As the Pangani River curves eastwards, and descends onto Tanzania’s coastal plain, it yet again<br />

encounters enigmatic climatological and environmental conditions. Unlike the climates of the north,<br />

which have changed substantially over millennia from ice age to ice age, the climate generated out of<br />

the Indian Ocean has remained remarkably stable. The entire coastal plain of East Africa exhibits forest<br />

1<br />

Many previous studies cite the catchment area of the administrative Pangani Basin in Tanzania as 56,300 km 2 ,<br />

and the area of the main Pangani River Basin in Tanzania and Kenya as 42,200 km 2 based on planimeter estimates<br />

made by S. Kamugisha (1992). Subsequently two different institutions (TANRIC at University of Dar es Salaam<br />

and the River Basin Management Project in the Ministry of Water & Livestock Development) have estimated these<br />

areas using GIS. These recent estimates are larger than the previous planimeter estimates. These discrepancies<br />

are probably a result of different interpretations of the basin boundaries, especially on the west side and differences<br />

between planimeter and GIS methods (Kamugisha & Mwakalinga pers. com., 2003).<br />

2<br />

Some authors use ‘Sigi’ spelling, ‘Zigi’ is the preferred spelling of the catchment’s residents (pers. comm., 2003)<br />

3<br />

Some maps and studies refer to the effluent of Nyumba ya Mungu reservoir as the Ruvu River until it joins with the<br />

Mkomazi River, at which point it becomes the Pangani River. This study will refer to the entire stretch, from Nyumba<br />

ya Mungu to the estuary, as the Pangani River.<br />

1


patches of great antiquity, and its<br />

climate has ensured that these<br />

forests have been preserved in<br />

climatological stability. Climate<br />

change elsewhere on the African<br />

continent completely altered<br />

environmental conditions, forcing<br />

wholesale extinctions and the<br />

recommencement of evolutionary<br />

processes, so that Tanzania’s<br />

coastal forests little resemble<br />

forest elsewhere on the continent.<br />

Like the mountains of the PRB,<br />

these forests display staggering<br />

biodiversity and endemism.<br />

Today, there live an estimated 3.7<br />

million people in the Tanzanian<br />

portion of the Basin, while in Kenya<br />

the Taita – Taveta’s population<br />

is around 40,900. Settlement<br />

patterns within the Basin reflect the<br />

uneven environmental conditions<br />

of the Basin. In Tanzania, 90%<br />

of the Basin’s population live in<br />

its highlands, and 80% of them<br />

depend, directly or indirectly,<br />

on agriculture for a livelihood<br />

Figure 1: The Pangani River Basin, spanning Tanzania and Kenya<br />

(Source: River Basin Management Project)<br />

(Mwamfupe, 2002). This settlement concentration yields population densities of up to 300 people per<br />

km 2 . In 1988, Tanzania’s coastal regions had a population density of 28.4 people per km 2 (excluding Dar<br />

es Salaam), up from just 18 per km 2 in 1967. On the West Usambara Mountains, populations have grown<br />

23-fold since 1900, while in the highland areas of Mt. Kilimanjaro, population densities are as high as 900<br />

people per km 2 (Gillingham, 1999). In contrast, lowland areas exhibited substantially lower densities of<br />

around 65 people per km 2<br />

Historically, the Basin’s occupants have practised economies that have reflected the divergent environmental<br />

conditions of the Basin. The lowlands supported pastoralists, while the highlands have supported<br />

agriculturalists. With the advent of European colonialists, great swathes of farming land were ‘alienated’<br />

for plantation farming. In Kenya’s Taita – Taveta District, virtually all land was set aside for sisal cultivation.<br />

This ensured that farming intensities magnified. Johnston (1946) claims that, in 1943, landholdings in the<br />

Kilimanjaro highlands were, on average, 1.2 ha apiece. In 1946, they were just 2.5 m 2 .<br />

Average holding sizes in the Kilimanjaro highlands have, apparently, grown since then, and Lein (2002)<br />

claims holding sizes to be an average of 0.6 ha per household. Lowland households farm an average<br />

area of 10.4 ha.<br />

The latter average is likely to decline. As plot sizes in the highlands become smaller and smaller, plots<br />

less able to provide a livelihood, and soils exhausted from excessive cropping and irrigation, people have<br />

been forced to seek land in the lowland areas. Naturally, population has concentrated along the Pangani<br />

River Basin’s (PRB’s) rivers, and irrigation is extremely widespread. As a result, the biodiverse islands<br />

that pepper the Basin floor are under unrelenting pressure.<br />

2


Figure 2: The Pangani River Basin<br />

see also Plate 1, page 43<br />

(Source: River Basin Management Project)<br />

3


At its core, therefore, the problems of the PRB relate to population density and the two key farming and<br />

pastoralist ingredients: land and water. The interaction of these variables, and the claims that people<br />

make on the Basin’s resources, has yielded a series of different conflict types:<br />

Conflicts of scale<br />

The relationship between water users of different sizes in the Pangani River Basin is often described<br />

in dichotomous terms. Hence, large-scale plantations using hundreds of litres of water a second and<br />

employing highly efficient irrigation systems differ starkly from small-scale users using far lower water<br />

volumes and employing very inefficient irrigation systems. These scale differences are not restricted to<br />

technologies, but to land. Large-scale users nearly always use more land than small-scale users. One<br />

important exception is hydropower interests along the river. The land actually occupied by these interests<br />

is (relatively) not that large, but their water demands are very high. This water, of course, is returned<br />

to the river, so that, arguably, power generation interests leave in as much water as they use. Their<br />

interests, however, are national in scope. The PRB generates up to 17% of Tanzania’s electricity, and<br />

many of its hydropower units are designed with very specific water flows in mind. If water abstractions<br />

between the water source and the hydropower plant are excessive, the plants have to operate at less<br />

than optimal capacity. The conflict here brings to bear national interests against small-scale concerns.<br />

Conflicts of tenure<br />

This document refers to tenure as the right to manage a resource. Like in most parts of the world, the notion of<br />

community-based management in Tanzania and Kenya is new. In countries where state-based management<br />

systems have, after more than half a century of operation, yielded lacklustre results, and the gravity of the<br />

countries’ environmental problems increases, community-based natural resources management (CBNRM)<br />

can seem a remarkably attractive management option. Hence, in Tanzania, there are a plethora of such<br />

community-based management institutions. Community-based NRM remains very nascent in Kenya. The<br />

contention with these systems relates to the manner of their application and design. Here, communities may<br />

not be involved in the design of the management system, its implementation or even its justice systems.<br />

Conflicts of location<br />

The location of up-stream water users favours their resource exploitation over the location of downstream<br />

users. At its most basic, these problems can be seen along irrigation furrows where users close to the<br />

water source are able to grow crops with very high water demands (such as irrigated rice) and those<br />

located at the end of the furrow obliged to plant low water demand crops. The serious problems faced by<br />

downstream hydropower plants are another example.<br />

Two main institutions administer the water resources of the Pangani River Basin. In Tanzania, it is the Pangani<br />

Basin Water Office (PBWO), while in Kenya it is the Water Resources Management Authority (WRMA). Under<br />

recent Tanzanian legislation, all of Tanzania’s basins have (or will be) placed under similar offices. However, some<br />

Basins are too small to merit the creation of an independent office to manage them. Four such basins surround<br />

the PRB (the Umba, the Zigi, the Msangazi and a collection of tiny catchments referred to as the ‘Coastal River<br />

Catchment’). These fall within the administrative jurisdiction of the PBWO, and are not considered in the main body<br />

of this document. Summary information about these basins is, however, assigned to Appendix 1.<br />

The PRB faces a number of serious management problems. In view of the extremely disparate natural<br />

resources of the Basin, along with its multitude of different interests and hopes, the need for an integrated<br />

approach to its management cannot be underestimated. In the past, the very ‘sectoral’ approach to the<br />

PRB’s management meant that wildlife resources were managed in isolation of forestry concerns, in turn<br />

largely ignorant of water management priorities. The problem is also articulated in terms of priorities,<br />

with the water sector arguing that water is the strand that links all of the Basin’s resources, but foresters<br />

complaining that most of the Basin’s waters issue from forests in their jurisdiction.<br />

4


A.2 Integrated River Basin Management (IRBM)<br />

In many respects, river basins are extremely convenient Natural Resources Management (NRM) units.<br />

River basins comprise all the sources and processes that ultimately ensure that water is delivered to a<br />

river’s terminus. Hence, a river basin will include a river’s primary channel, secondary streams and its<br />

drainage basin. It will also include any delta associated with the river, and sub-surface water, wetlands<br />

and any impoundments.<br />

The combination of processes that ensure that water is delivered from a river’s source to its terminus<br />

is complicated and multidimensional. Additional resources, such as forests and wetlands, play integral<br />

roles in this process. The amount of water that ultimately emerges at a river’s terminus will also depend<br />

on the number of abstractions that occur along its course, as well as evapotranspiration rates in wetlands<br />

and from aquatic and riparian vegetation. Finally, the quality of the water at a river’s terminus will also<br />

reflect processes within the basin, such as farming techniques that increase or reduce erosion, industrial<br />

and urban development etc.<br />

River Basin Management (RBM) recognises that a river’s management cannot be implemented in isolation<br />

of the multifarious processes and conditions that impinge on the river’s flow and the quality of its water.<br />

RBM considers the river basin as the management unit and involves consideration of the utilisation and<br />

conservation of (a) sub-ecosystems (sub-catchments, forests, wetlands, montane areas, drylands, etc.);<br />

and (b) human use systems within the watershed (agriculture, irrigation, fisheries, transport, mining,<br />

industry, etc.). RBM is usually based on the principle that water connects the ecosystems within the river<br />

basin (Howard, 2002).<br />

Integrated River Basin Management (IRBM) attempts to balance the interests of all river basin users,<br />

while optimising the use of resources and promoting the sustainability of the water upon which the<br />

systems depend (Howard, 2002). It may be defined as follows:<br />

“…a process that promotes the coordinated development and management of water, land and related<br />

resources in order to maximise the resultant economic and social welfare in an equitable manner without<br />

compromising the sustainability of vital ecosystems” (GWP, 2002: 1).<br />

IRBM deals with resources in the widest possible manner. It has to look at water resources in the context<br />

of the entire social, economic and ecological systems of a region or country. Operationally, this means<br />

that policies and programmes in other resource areas have to be carefully analysed to see how they<br />

influence the demands placed upon the water sector (GWP, 2002). IRBM regards environmental interests<br />

as equally important as peoples’ needs for water resources. IRBM should work towards the objectives<br />

agreed upon by a majority of river basin stakeholders and include the principles of water resources<br />

management, ecosystem management, biodiversity conservation, sustainable natural resources<br />

management and ecosystem restoration (Howard, 2002).<br />

An important part of integrated river basin management (IRBM) is land-use planning. Because so much<br />

of what happens to water concerns developments on land, it is important that land use is managed in<br />

such a way that water supply can be assured and that hydrological processes are not interrupted. Urban<br />

growth, for example, often has a serious impact on water resources through the massive increases in<br />

waste effluent that it represents. In the same way, forestry and agriculture can have repercussions for<br />

both the quantity and quality of water supplies.<br />

Examples of land use management options include (a) zoning – here, specified areas are identified<br />

in which certain types of land use are prohibited. For example, drinking water zones, or areas where<br />

construction is banned because of flooding fears. (b) Soil protection and erosion control measures, such<br />

as ploughing parallel to contour lines, or the prescribed planting of trees. (c) Waste disposal regulations,<br />

such as where to locate waste disposal sites (Source: GWP, 2002).<br />

5


Box 1: Water Demand Management<br />

Water Demand Management (WDM) has developed from the recognition that (a) demand for<br />

water is increasing without any concomitant increase to water supplies; (b) as a result, the cost<br />

of increasing water supplies escalates as new sources become more difficult to abstract. Costs<br />

associated with the development of new abstraction technologies or methods may be prohibitive.<br />

WDM, then, seeks to save water abstracted from present water supplies, yielding both economic<br />

and environmental advantages. WDM may be defined as a strategy to improve the efficiency<br />

and sustainable use of water resources taking into account economic, social and environmental<br />

considerations (Wegelin-Schuringa, 1998). The main objective of WDM is to contribute to more<br />

efficient and equitable provision of water and sanitation services. IUCN believes that this may be<br />

attained via the application of selective, economic incentives, to promote efficient and equitable<br />

use of water as well as a number of water conservation measures aimed at raising awareness on<br />

the scarcity and finite nature of the resource. WDM embraces a wide range of measures leading<br />

to sustainable management. These include:<br />

• the protection of water quality<br />

• the reduction of wastage<br />

• the improved allocation of water amongst competing users<br />

• appropriate pricing mechanisms<br />

• water conservation measures<br />

A.3 The Water and Nature Initiative (WANI)<br />

IUCN, the International Union for Conservation of Nature, helps the world find pragmatic solutions to our<br />

most pressing environment and development challenges. IUCN supports scientific research; manages field<br />

projects all over the world; and brings governments, non-government organizations, United Nations agencies,<br />

companies and local communities together to develop and implement policy, laws and best practice.<br />

IUCN is the world’s oldest and largest global environmental network. It is a democratic membership union<br />

with more than 1,000 government and Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) member organizations,<br />

and some 10,000 volunteer scientists in more than 160 countries. IUCN’s work is supported by 1,100<br />

professional staff in 62 offices and hundreds of partners in public, NGO and private sectors around the<br />

world. The headquarters are located in Gland, near Geneva, in Switzerland (IUCN, 2008).<br />

IUCN launched the Water and Nature Initiative (WANI) in 2001. WANI is an action based programme that<br />

has worked with more than 80 partners in more than 30 countries to mainstream environmental and social<br />

issues into water resources planning and management. The initiative uses ecosystem management as<br />

a strategy for integrated management of land, water, biodiversity and communities. WANI helps to solve<br />

the dilemma between fulfilling development options and conserving aquatic resources by resolving water<br />

conflicts, reviving rivers and spurring local economic development.<br />

WANI develops and demonstrates practical approaches to the implementation of IWRM. It supports and<br />

catalyses national water reforms and builds needed capacities in local communities. The first phase of WANI<br />

worked in 12 river basins and in over 30 countries worldwide from 2001 to 2008, with funding exceeding $40m.<br />

Core funding was provided by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGIS). WANI demonstration projects showed<br />

how to improve the well-being of both people and ecosystems using sustainable river basin management. WANI<br />

projects are partnerships of local communities, IUCN members, civil society and governments.<br />

6


WANI helps to catalyse change, by integrating into practice development priorities, ecosystem services,<br />

good water governance, stakeholder participation, sustainable financing, learning and leadership.<br />

The first edition of this situation analysis was conducted at the beginning of work in the Pangani and<br />

laid a foundation for subsequent projects. The first phase of WANI went on to work extensively in the<br />

Pangani River Basin and based on this work the PBWO secured significant co-funding from the European<br />

Commission through a grant from the EU-ACP (European Union - Water Facility, and the Global<br />

Environment Facility through UNDP to form the Pangani River Basin Management Project (PRBMP).<br />

A.4 Situation Analysis: objectives and outputs<br />

A Situation Analysis (SA) comprises an integral part of the IUCN’s project cycle. It is ‘an analysis of the<br />

status, conditions, trends and key issues affecting ecosystems, people and institutions in a given geographic<br />

context at any level (local, national, regional, international)’ (IUCN, 1999: 1). The purpose of an SA is to<br />

provide an assessment sufficiently adequate for priority themes or areas for action to be developed.<br />

Within this remit, this SA’s objectives are as follows:<br />

• To identify the resources that occupy the Pangani River Basin (PRB) and the processes and events<br />

that affect them. The SA will highlight those specific areas that require remedial interventions,<br />

based on evidence to suggest that the balance between obtaining adequate livelihoods for the<br />

Basin’s inhabitants and the sustainability of the Basin’s resources has been disrupted.<br />

• To identify a series of broad action areas wherein interventions may feasibly be delivered. The<br />

SA recognises that many of these interventions may not be within the IUCN’s expertise. It will<br />

therefore seek to identify other organisations, interests or institutions with which the IUCN may<br />

develop partnerships as it seeks to develop the WANI initiative in the PRB.<br />

A.5. Data sources<br />

This Situation Analysis (SA) is based on data derived from two main sources:<br />

• Published information. Of particular importance are outputs from the research on Water Resources<br />

Management in the Pangani River Basin, a collaborative effort between the University of Dar<br />

es Salaam and the Norwegian University of Technology and Science. In addition, the SA also<br />

draws on the Report on a workshop called the ‘The Pangani River Basin: Options for Integrated<br />

Management’, and held at the Kilimanjaro Crane Hotel, Moshi, Tanzania, 8 – 10 May, 2002.<br />

• Semi-structured interviews carried out by the author with PRB stakeholders. These included<br />

water administrators, forestry interests, farming communities, wildlife and conservation<br />

interests and private water users. Interviews were held in Arusha, Moshi, Hale, Tanga and<br />

Dar es Salaam between November 12 and 22, 2002. The interviews, respondents and their<br />

institutional affiliation are provided as part of this document’s references.<br />

This Situation Analysis has been reviewed by a large number of the Pangani River Basin’s stakeholders.<br />

During a workshop held in Moshi, Tanzania, between the 10th and 12th March, 2003, the Situation<br />

Analysis was presented to stakeholders for review and comment. In May, 2003, additional comments<br />

were received from the Pangani Basin Water Office (PBWO) and the Coast Development Authority (CDA<br />

– Kenya). Suggested amendments have subsequently been noted and incorporated.<br />

7


A.6 Situation Analysis Structure<br />

This Situation Analysis commences with an overview of the Basin’s resources and the difficulties facing<br />

them. It then considers the activities of the Basin’s human resources, their economies, problems and<br />

resource access constraints. The SA then goes on to consider the problems and issues that various<br />

stakeholders perceive to exist in the Basin as a basis upon which to discuss the Natural Resource<br />

Management (NRM) structure of the Basin. In most chapters, the SA summarises relevant points that<br />

the reader should be aware of and which s/he should bear in mind as s/he proceeds to subsequent<br />

sections of the analysis. These summaries are brought together in the document’s conclusion, where<br />

the discussion will return to its objectives, and consider how the problems that have been identified, the<br />

management initiatives that have been embarked upon and the options that have been considered in the<br />

text may all serve as a viable basis for WANI intervention and collaboration.<br />

8


B<br />

The Pangani River Basin’s<br />

natural resources<br />

B.1 Introduction<br />

The introduction to this Situation Analysis (SA) has already provided some insight into the diversity of<br />

resources contained within the Pangani River Basin (PRB). In this Chapter, we commence by taking a<br />

look at the PRB’s forests, the role they play in the basin and the conservation threats that challenge them.<br />

Much the same format is then used to consider additional resources within the Basin, including water and<br />

wetlands, protected areas and biodiversity. The chapter concludes with a summary of important points.<br />

This chapter is concerned primarily with the Basin’s water and biotic resources. Attention is not given to<br />

the PRB’s mineral deposits for lack of data.<br />

B.2 Basin forests<br />

The distribution of forest, types and legal status in Tanzania is as follows:<br />

Table 1: Tanzanian forest types, uses and legal status.<br />

1,000 ha %<br />

Forest type<br />

Forests (other than mangrove forests) 1,141 3.4<br />

Mangrove forests 115 0.3<br />

Woodlands 32,299 96.3<br />

Total 33,555 100.0<br />

Use of forest land<br />

Production forest area 23,810 71.0<br />

Protection forest area (mostly catchment areas) 9,745 29.0<br />

Total 33,555 100.0<br />

Legal status<br />

Forest reserves 12,517 37.3<br />

Forest/woodlands in national parks, etc. 2,000 6.0<br />

Non-reserved forest land 19,038 56.7<br />

Total 33,555 100<br />

(Source: Lambrechts et al., 2002).<br />

The forests of the Pangani River Basin (PRB) are represented by five broad types: (a) Afromontane<br />

forests (b) Mangrove forests (c) Coastal forests (d) Miombo woodland and (e) Riverine forest. The<br />

forests may be reserves, production forests or forests without any kind of designation. The Coastal and<br />

Afromontane forests, because of their unique biodiversity features, gain the most consideration here.<br />

International biodiversity interest in these forests also ensures that there tends to be more data on them<br />

than there are on other forest types. This is reflected in the text.<br />

9


Box 2: Pangani River Basin forest basics<br />

The Pangani River Basin’s (PRB) forests are crucial to its hydrology because:<br />

• they regulate run-off, prevent soil erosion, store water and improve water quality;<br />

• they contribute to the maintenance and conservation of the gene pool;<br />

• they yield timber and medicinal products to local communities.<br />

There are five main types of forest within the basin:<br />

• Mangrove forests: these play a crucial role in the protection of coastlines. They protect soft<br />

sediment shorelines from erosion, trap sediments and recycle nutrients. The trees themselves<br />

and the mud around their roots are important habitats to a variety of aquatic and avian life.<br />

• East African coastal forests: these are unique to East Africa and contain remarkable<br />

biodiversity and endemism. They lie in the coastal plain between the mangrove forests and<br />

the Eastern Arc Mountains.<br />

• Afromontane forests: those of the Eastern Arc Mountains share the same high levels of<br />

endemism and bio-diversity as coastal forests. On Mounts Kilimanjaro and Meru, the forests<br />

do not display similar diversity, but play vital hydrological functions.<br />

• Riverine forests: these fortify riverbanks, and as the Pangani descends down through the<br />

semi-arid and arid lowlands, represent a unique oasis for both humans and wildlife.<br />

• Miombo woodland: this comprises extensive stands of tall Brachystegia, Isoberlinia and<br />

Julbernadia trees Unlike rainforest, Miombo woodland are not so densely packed together<br />

that they prevent light from reaching the forest floor. As a result, grass covers much of the<br />

forest floor, and, during the rainy season, this may grow to a metre in height.<br />

A large part of the Pangani River Basin’s (PRB) ability to deliver water has to do with its forests. On Mt.<br />

Kilimanjaro, for example, an estimated 96% of the water flowing from the mountain originates from the forest<br />

belt alone (Lambrechts et al., 1992), and Mount Kilimanjaro is estimated to provide 60% of the inflow to the<br />

Nyumba ya Mungu (NYM) Reservoir, and 55% of the PRB’s surface water (Røhr and Killingtveit, 2002)<br />

Catchment forests perform three important functions (Akitanda, 2002):<br />

• Forests contribute to water conservation by regulating run-off, preventing soil erosion, storing<br />

water and improving water quality.<br />

• Gene-pool conservation: forests, such as tropical moist forests, display very high levels of<br />

biodiversity, and contribute to the maintenance of the global gene pool.<br />

• Forests yield products for local communities such as timber and medicinal plants.<br />

Mangrove forests<br />

Mangrove forests play a crucial role in the protection of coastlines. They protect soft sediment shorelines<br />

from erosion, trap sediments and recycle nutrients. The trees themselves and the mud around their roots are<br />

important habitats to a variety of aquatic and avian life. At high tide, hundreds of fish species move into the<br />

mangrove forests to feed or breed. Many fish and prawns rely on mangroves as nursery grounds for their<br />

young. Mangrove wood is very dense, and can therefore resist termites and fungi. They are used for a variety<br />

of purposes. The trunks of Rhizophora, Ceriops and Bruguiera are long and straight, and are therefore used<br />

almost exclusively as building poles, although they are also used as masts, in the construction of fish traps<br />

10


and in furniture construction. In recent years, mangroves are also being used to make charcoal and collected<br />

as fuelwood. Mangrove forest close to urban areas is heavily exploited for these purposes. Mangroves can be<br />

coppiced to increase branch growth, and replanting is relatively straightforward. Neither activity is commonly<br />

practised along the Tanzanian coast, however (Richmond, 1997).<br />

Virtually all of Tanzania’s coastline is fringed by mangrove forest. In the PRB, they are restricted<br />

to the Tanga Region, where almost 11% of Tanzania’s mangroves are to be found (Bwathondi and<br />

Mwamsojo, 1993). This includes the 753 ha of mangrove forest clustered around the mouth of the<br />

Pangani River (Kijazi, 2002).<br />

East African Coastal Forests<br />

East African coastal forests are found on the coastal plain between the Eastern Arc Mountains and the<br />

mangroves of the coast. The forests are extremely scattered, and forest patches are separated by stretches<br />

of semi-arid ecosystems. They range from between 500 and 1,000 m ASL. An important characteristic of<br />

coastal forest (which they share with the Eastern Arc Mountain forests) is their dependence on the Indian<br />

Ocean’s climate and the historical stability this has provided. Restricted to the East African coastal plain,<br />

the forests’ isolation from other African forest systems has resulted in high levels of species endemism<br />

(see below) (Burgess et al., 1996). There are believed to be 76 coastal forests in Tanzania (Burgess et<br />

al., 1996). They are very numerous in the swathe of coastal plain between the Pangani River’s mouth<br />

and the foothills of the Usambara Mountains (see Baker and Baker, 2001).<br />

Afromontane forests<br />

The Eastern Arc Mountains range from Tanzania’s<br />

border with Zambia through to the Taita- Hills<br />

in Kenya. They comprise ancient crystalline<br />

mountains located in eastern Tanzania and<br />

southeastern Kenya under the direct climatic<br />

influence of the Indian Ocean. Within the PRB, they<br />

comprise the North and South Pare Mountains,<br />

the East and West Usambara Mountains and the<br />

Taita Hills. The mountains are of great age, and<br />

the most recent period of tectonic uplift to affect<br />

them occurred 7 million years ago. In comparison,<br />

the oldest lavas on Mt. Kilimanjaro are just 1<br />

million years old. (Burgess et al., 1996).<br />

The proximity of these mountains to the sea has<br />

also ensured that their climate has remained<br />

remarkably stable. During the last ice age, sea<br />

surface temperatures in the Indian Ocean did not<br />

change. Thus, while the ice age may have altered<br />

climate in other parts of Africa, it did not do so<br />

for the Eastern Arc Mountains. The mountains<br />

have, therefore, enjoyed very long periods of<br />

environmental stability, and have also been<br />

isolated from other forests and, indeed, from one<br />

another (Burgess et al., 1996).<br />

Box 3: The Taita Hills<br />

The Taita Hills are the only Kenyan<br />

representatives of the Eastern Arc Mountains.<br />

The hills and their forests harbour over 2,000<br />

species of flora and fauna, of which 13 taxa are<br />

known to be endemic. 67 known indigenous<br />

plants, including wild coffee (Coffea fadenii),<br />

grow on the hills. The Taita Hills are an Important<br />

Bird Area (IBA), and contain three endemic<br />

species: the Taita Apalis, the Taita Thrush<br />

and the Taita White-eye. The hills’ forests are<br />

also rich in amphibian, insect and other life.<br />

Just 6 km 2 of forest remain in the Taita Hills,<br />

divided into 13 forest patches. Newmark (1998)<br />

estimates that this remnant forest represents<br />

just 2% of the forests’ extent 2,000 years ago.<br />

The Taita Hills have lost more forest than any<br />

other Eastern Arc mountain.<br />

The result of this evolution is that the biotic characteristics of the mountains are remarkably diverse and<br />

characterised by high levels of endemism or near endemism (see below). It is probable that the somewhat<br />

lower level of species diversity and endemism on Mount Kilimanjaro is a result of its relative youth.<br />

11


Mt. Kilimanjaro’s forest is classified into a series of vegetation types: the savannah zone, the densely<br />

populated agro-forest area, the forest belt, the sub-alpine and alpine vegetation zones. In terms of<br />

ecosystems and biodiversity, the forest belt is the most important on the mountain, and contains almost<br />

half of the mountains vegetation species (Lambrechts et al., 2002).<br />

Riverine forest<br />

Riverine forest around the Kirua Swamp may be divided into seven groups as follows (IVO –<br />

NORPLAN, 1997):<br />

• Riparian vegetation: this comprises vegetation extending to about 50 m to either side of the river channel.<br />

On the eastern side, dominant species comprise Cyperaceae (e.g. Cyperus alticulatus, C. laevigatus),<br />

Gramineae (e.g. Phragmites mauritianus, Echnochloa colonum) and Typhaceae (e.g. Typha domingensis).<br />

Where the riverbank is deep, Ficus sur and Acacia zanzibarica are common. The western bank is dominated<br />

by Ficus sur, Trichilia emitica, Elaeis guineense, Albizia graberrima, Antidesma venosum and A. zanzibarica.<br />

The riparian shrub layer is dominated by species such as Sesbania sesbans and Phyllanthus muellerianus.<br />

• Cyperus and Sesbania marshland: in areas that are permanently waterlogged, species such as<br />

Cyperus axaltatus and Typha domingensis predomiate. In those areas that are seasonally flooded,<br />

Sesbania sesbands, Cyperus laevigatus and Acacia xanthophloea are the only tree species<br />

associated with this type of vegetation. This is the most common vegetation category within the<br />

Kirua Swamps, although it is more common on the eastern bank of the river than on the western.<br />

On the eastern side, it may extend up to 3 km away from the river, while at its widest point it is just<br />

700 m from the river on the western side of the river.<br />

• Sporobolus pyramidalis and Cynodon dactylon grassland: Poaceae family members dominate<br />

here, with a few scattered trees and shrubs. In the Kirua Swamps, this vegetation type covers the<br />

largest area. It may occur in patches or continuous swaths.<br />

• Acacia xanthophloea woodland: this vegetation type sees these Acacia species dominating, rising<br />

up to 18 m, and with a canopy cover of over 20% of the ground area. This vegetation type has high<br />

social and economic values to the wetland’s human inhabitants.<br />

• Desert with clumps of Suaeda monoica: a self-explanatory vegetation type, typically found fairly far<br />

from the river beyond the grassland vegetation sections.<br />

• Commiphora africana bushland: an extended zone of bushland dominated by C. africana that is<br />

found at the foot of the Martin Escarpment. Typically, individual bushes are less than 6 m in height,<br />

and their canopy will cover more than 20% of ground area.<br />

• Cultivated land: in 1997, cultivation within the Kirua Swamps was restricted to a fairly small area, and<br />

dominated by crops with high water demand such as bananas and sugar cane, but also maize.<br />

Miombo woodland<br />

Miombo woodland covers some 50 per cent of Tanzania and is East Africa’s largest single vegetation type. East<br />

Africa’s miombo woodlands are an impoverished form of the more extensive and species rich miombo woodlands<br />

of Central Africa (Rogers, 1996). They may be described as follows: ‘A deciduous unarmed (having few tree species<br />

with spines or thorns) woodland occurring in the unimodal rainfall areas on geologically old, acid, sandy soils. It<br />

is characterized by trees in the sub-family Caesalpinoideae, especially species in the genera Brachystegia and<br />

Julbenardia. The shrub layer is variable in density, percent cover and species composition. It is often dominated by<br />

Diplorhynchus and Combretum spp. The ground cover varies from a dense course grass growth to a sparse cover<br />

of herbs and small grasses. The structure and species composition is largely maintained by periodic season fires’<br />

(Rogers, 1996: 301). Some 3 million km 2 of Africa are covered in miombo woodland. In the Pangani River Basin<br />

(PRB) it is confined mainly to coastal areas, both to the immediate north and south of the Pangani River’s mouth.<br />

12


Conservation threats and status<br />

On Mt. Kilimanjaro, the forest is increasingly threatened by encroaching agriculture, itself arising from<br />

increasing population densities. Additional threats are timber extraction, the development of softwood<br />

plantations, fire, illegal and excessive timber harvesting, poaching and illegal honey harvesting (Yanda<br />

and Shishira, 2001). On all but its northern slopes, ‘heavy’ illegal logging occurs in forest areas below<br />

2,500 m, concentrating on camphor, cedar and other indigenous trees (Lambrechts et al., 2002).<br />

Additional threats comprise the establishment of ‘forest villages’ (of which there are 18 covering some<br />

215 ha) within the forest reserve. ‘Shamba’ farms are also increasingly common within the reserve. In<br />

August 2001, there were 125 charcoal kilns observed on the mountains southeastern slopes (Lambrechts<br />

et al., 2002). Grazing occurs up to 8 km into the forest, and in August 2001, 814 livestock animals were<br />

counted, concentrated on the mountains northern slopes (Lambrechts et al., 2002).<br />

Between 1952 and 1982, Kilimanjaro’s natural forest area declined by 41 km 2 . The areas where natural forest<br />

once stood have been replaced by cultivation or degraded vegetation. Worst affected are the edges of the<br />

forest reserve (Yanda and Shishira, 2001), particularly in the so-called ‘half mile strip’. In 1941, the Tanzanian<br />

colonial government designated an area of Kilimanjaro’s forest reserve as an agroforestry area. The strip<br />

stretches between the Kikuletwa and Sanya Rivers, and for half a mile uphill from the edge of the reserve. The<br />

‘half mile strip’ was intended for the cultivation of fast growing trees for use by the Chagga communities below<br />

the reserve, where land scarcity precluded the planting of forests (Baldwin, 1946). Today, about 66% of areas<br />

allocated to forest plantation are under agriculture or have been cleared (Lambrechts et al., 2002).<br />

In the PRB, the Eastern Arc Mountains occupy some of the most densely populated areas of the Basin. On<br />

the West Usambara Mountains, for example, populations have grown 23-fold since 1900 (Newmark, 1998).<br />

In a social environment characterised by poverty, the importance of land to farm is disproportionately high.<br />

The pressure that this represents on the Basin’s remaining forest reserves is formidable. If it is assumed that<br />

the Eastern Arc Mountains were, prehistorically, more or less continuously covered by forest, 77% of this<br />

has been lost to human disturbance and/or fire over the past 2,000 years (Newmark, 1998). An additional<br />

concern is that many of these processes have created forest patches, and animal species are often unwilling<br />

to cross over forest gaps. This means that in individual patches, the gene pool shrinks and species survival is<br />

threatened by in-breeding. In the Pangani River Basin, this loss is as presented in Table 2.<br />

Table 2: Eastern Arc Mountain forest cover loss in the Pangani River Basin<br />

Forest Natural forest No. forest Closed forest Loss of original<br />

(km 2 ) patches (km 2 ) forest cover (%)<br />

North Pare 151 2 28 50<br />

South Pare 333 5 120 73<br />

West Usambara 328 17 245 84<br />

East Usambara 413 8 221 57<br />

Taita 6 13 4 98<br />

Source: Newmark, 1998:4)<br />

The designation of a forest as a ‘forest reserve’ appears not to have had much impact on levels of<br />

deforestation. In the Nilo Forest Reserve (5,872.1 ha) in the Usambara Mountains, there are 33.8 ha of<br />

‘cultivation under forest’, 372.3 ha of ‘peasant cultivation’, 37.2 ha of barren land and 1.9 ha of human<br />

settlement (Cordeiro, 1998). The Tongwe-Muheza Coastal Forests used to cover 1,202 ha, but just 300<br />

ha of forest cover remain, while Gombero Forest Reserve has been completely cleared for agriculture<br />

(Baker and Baker, 2002).<br />

13


On Mt. Meru, the problems facing the forests are similar to those threatening Mt. Kilimanjaro, and are as<br />

follows (Bwoyo, pers. comm.):<br />

• Illegal cutting – the mountain’s forests are usually exploited for commercially attractive juniper<br />

and Olea capensis trees.<br />

• Grazing – in the dry season, adjacent communities graze their livestock inside the forest.<br />

• Land scarcity – on the eastern side of the mountain, encroachment is an increasingly serious<br />

problem.<br />

• Lack of support – in some villages, the Catchment Forest Project (CFP – described below) gets little<br />

support from village leaders, some of whom are personally involved in harvesting the forest.<br />

• Fire – this was a particularly serious problem between 1998 and 1999.<br />

• Funding – the CFP obtains virtually no money for its operational activities from the government.<br />

Bwoyo (pers. comm.) argues that because of the vital role played by forests in the PRB, funds<br />

should be invested in the CFP by power generating interests or the Pangani Basin Water Office<br />

(PBWO) (see also Evans, 1997).<br />

Box 4: Threats to the PRB’s forests<br />

• Demand for land: as population densities rise and rural economies remain poor, the demand<br />

for agricultural land increases and, hence, forests are felled to make way for these.<br />

• Demand for timber: many of the remaining forests within the PRB contain economically<br />

valuable timber species, which, as they become scarcer, attract higher prices. Timber is also<br />

felled for firewood and for charcoal manufacture.<br />

• Demand for pasture: livestock populations within the Basin appear to be on the increase.<br />

As agricultural land increases in area, grazing land decreases, and herders mount forest<br />

incursions to seek pasture.<br />

• Forest settlement: as communities seek to extend their agricultural and grazing land, so too<br />

they settle within forest boundaries.<br />

• Weak regulation: despite the reserve status of many of the Basins forests, the authorities<br />

cannot implement the restrictions that this implies because of low staffing levels, poor pay<br />

and corruption. In addition, the Forestry and Bee Keeping Division’s Catchment Forest Project<br />

is funded almost entirely by donors, giving rise to questions about its sustainability. Finally,<br />

community involvement in the management of the basin’s forests is nascent and, at present,<br />

largely ineffective.<br />

• Forestry development: the development of plantation forest at the expense of indigenous forest<br />

gives rise to conservation concerns.<br />

• Forest fragmentation: as pressure mounts on the Basin’s forests they often become fragmented.<br />

Many forest species are unwilling to cross over forest gaps, giving rise to biodiversity<br />

conservation concerns.<br />

• Fire: typically started by humans either deliberately (so as to destroy forest regarded as unfairly<br />

protected and closed to human exploitation) or, more typically, accidentally (from, for example,<br />

accidents during charcoal burning or ‘smoking-out’ bees from hives.<br />

14


B.3 Water and wetlands<br />

The Pangani River has two main tributaries: the Ruvu, which rises on the eastern slopes of Mt.<br />

Kilimanjaro; and the Kikuletwa, which rises on Mt. Meru and the southern slopes of Mt. Kilimanjaro.<br />

At the confluence of the Ruvu and Kikuletwa Rivers lies the Nyumba ya Mungu Dam, whose reservoir<br />

covers some 140 km 2 (Røhr and Killingtveit, 2002). The flow into the reservoir is thought to be 43.37<br />

m 3 /s (TANESCO, 1994). As the river leaves the reservoir, it becomes the Pangani, and thereafter<br />

flows for 432 km before emptying into the Indian Ocean, where it discharges some 0.85 km 2 of water<br />

annually (Vanden Bossche and Beracsek, 1990).<br />

Within the Pangani River Basin (PRB), Mt. Kilimanjaro is the single most important hydrological feature<br />

(Lambrechts et al., 2002). As mentioned earlier, rainfall on the mountain is estimated to provide 60% of<br />

the inflow to the Nyumba ya Mungu (NYM) Reservoir, and 55% of the PRB’s surface water (Røhr and<br />

Killingtveit, 2002).<br />

The PRB’s water supply is mainly derived from rainfall, which is very unevenly distributed within the Basin. On<br />

average, the Basin receives 34,773.4 m 3 annually, and its average yearly potential evapotranspiration is 1,410<br />

mm. Based on rainfall differences within the Basin, the PRB may be divided into two hydrological regimes.<br />

The highland area is considered to be that land lying ca. 900 m, such as the slopes of Mounts Meru<br />

and Kilimanjaro, as well as areas in the Usambara and Pare Mountains, which receive between 1,200<br />

and 2,000 mm of rainfall annually. Rainfall is bi-modal in these areas, peaking between March and May,<br />

with a smaller peak between October and November. Rainfall in the former season may exceed 600<br />

mm a month, and 300 mm in the latter. Above the Nymuba ya Mungu (NYM) Dam, rainfall has generally<br />

declined since record taking began in the early 1930s. Present rainfall patterns typically vary around 10%<br />

from the mean (Mkhandi and Ngana, 2001).<br />

Land below 900 m receives the least rainfall in the Basin, declining to as little as 500 mm a year (Mkhandi<br />

and Ngana, 2001). Indeed, 50% of the PRB is considered arid or semi-arid (Røhr and Killingtveit, 2002).<br />

An additional source of water in the Basin are springs. Some of the Basin’s larger springs contribute<br />

as much as 20 m 3 /s to the NYM’s inflow, a proportion that becomes vital during the dry season when<br />

rainfall contributions diminish (Røhr et al. n.d.). A major part of the Basin’s spring yield is concentrated<br />

in three areas of Kilimanjaro Region: Kambi ya Choka, Rundugai and Chemka (Røhr et al., 2002). The<br />

origin of the waters in the latter spring are unknown, and water output remains remarkably constant<br />

Box 5: Pangani River Basin water and wetland basics<br />

• The highland areas of the Pangani River Basin (PRB) receive markedly more rainfall than do<br />

the lowlands. Hence, agriculture is concentrated in the highlands, while the lowlands are better<br />

suited for pastoralism.<br />

• Most of the Pangani River’s water is derived from rainfall and glacial melt.<br />

• Most of the water to flow into the Nyumba ya Mungu (NYM) reservoir is derived from Mt.<br />

Kilimanjaro. Virtually all of the rest is derived from Mt. Meru and the North Pare Mountains.<br />

• The greatest use of water in the Basin is for irrigation. Electricity generation and fishing are<br />

important additional uses, as are urban and industrial demands.<br />

• The PRB has large wetland resources, including Lakes Jipe and Chala and the NYM reservoir.<br />

All of these support fisheries. The Basin contains considerable swamp resources, although<br />

little is known about their biodiversity or their hydrological contributions<br />

15


throughout the year - rainfall<br />

patterns on Mt. Kilimanjaro, which<br />

lies immediately to the north of the<br />

spring, appear to have no bearing<br />

on its output (Røhr et al., 2002). In<br />

Kenya, the Lumi River drains the<br />

southern slopes of Mt. Kilimanjaro,<br />

and is the main source of water to<br />

Lake Jipe. Almost all of the river’s<br />

discharge into the lake is derived<br />

from springs (Musyoki, 2003).<br />

About 5% of all the water used in the<br />

PRB is derived from groundwater<br />

sources. Boreholes yielding more<br />

than 100 cubic metres per hour have<br />

been drilled in the Kahe Plains while<br />

boreholes yielding between 10 to 50<br />

m3/h have been sunk in the Sanya<br />

plains and Karoo Rocks of Tanga.<br />

Groundwater recharge is mainly from<br />

rainfall and rivers (Makule, n.d.).<br />

As the Pangani leaves the Nyumba<br />

ya Mungu Reservoir, the following<br />

demands are placed upon it<br />

(Mujwahuzi, 2001):<br />

Box 6: Threats to the PRB’s water<br />

and wetland resources<br />

• By 2015, water demand within the Basin is expected<br />

to double, while, at the same time, evidence of water<br />

stress has been present since the 1940s.<br />

• Principal areas for concern are increasing irrigation<br />

and urban demands. In the case of irrigation, water<br />

losses can be as high as 85%.<br />

• As the number of water users increase, along with the<br />

competition between them, the likelihood of conflict<br />

between water users will also augment.<br />

• The fisheries of the Nyumba ya Mungu (NYM)<br />

Reservoir are said to be under considerable stress<br />

due to over-fishing.<br />

• Large portions of the largest wetland in the Basin – the<br />

Kirua Swamp – have dried up as a result of the regulation<br />

of water flows issuing from the NYM dam.<br />

• Large nutrient inflows into Lake Jipe have encouraged<br />

excessive papyrus and Typha growth that threatens<br />

to overwhelm to lake.<br />

Firm flow for power production..................................................24 m 3 /s<br />

Irrigation.......................................................................................7m 3 /s<br />

Domestic uses........................................................................1–2 m 3 /s<br />

Total....................................................................................32–33 m 3 /s<br />

Sarmett (pers. comm.) states, however, that the NYM is rarely able to release more than 22 m 3 /s.<br />

The NYM Reservoir is the largest water body in the Basin. There are three others: Lake Ambussel, and,<br />

lying on Tanzania’s border with Kenya, Lakes Chala and Jipe. These lakes feature prominently in the<br />

irrigation and hydrological planning of Kenya’s Taita-Taveta District, in which they lie. Lake Jipe’s water<br />

level and surface area vary substantially with rainfall. Thus, its surface area varies from 18 km 2 (1954)<br />

to 28 km 2 (1947), while the amount of water contained within it varies from 20 to 60 MCM (Musyoki and<br />

Mwandotto, 1999). Within the Kenyan portion of Lake Jipe’s catchment lies part of Tsavo West National<br />

Park, 48.5 km 2 of swamp, 435 km 2 of sisal estates and 196.5 km 2 of what is described as ‘public land’<br />

set aside for the Lake Jipe Settlement Scheme (Musyoki and Mwandotto, 1999). An estimated 300,000<br />

tonnes of silt are washed into the lake annually (Musyoki, 2003).<br />

Lake Chala lies in a small volcanic crater on Mt. Kilimanjaro’s southern slopes. It is between 85 and 90 m.<br />

deep, and covers a surface area of about 3.15 km 2 . It contains between 300 - 350 MCM of water (Musyoki<br />

and Mwandotto, 1999). Its water quality is very good, and for this reason is being considered a source for<br />

Kenya’s growing coastal urban areas. Projected future abstraction rates are for 7 MCM annually (Musyoki,<br />

2003). Its elevated situation means that water may be conveyed by gravity to its destination.<br />

16


The PRB is thought to have about 90,000 ha of swamp, most of which comprises the Kirua Swamps, lying to<br />

the south of the Nyumba ya Mungu (NYM) Dam. These have already been severely affected by the Dam’s<br />

control of the river’s flow, and large areas of the swamp have dried up. Nevertheless, they are still thought<br />

to retain large amounts of the Pangani River’s water. If the river were ‘trained’ and a canal built through the<br />

swamp, an additional 42.4 million m 3 would reach downstream dams annually (IVO – NORPLAN, 1997).<br />

The vegetation of these swamplands is described above as examples of riverine forest.<br />

Other swamplands are the Ruvu Swamp (approx. 35 km 2 ) that lies at the point where the Ruvu River<br />

exits from Lake Jipe, and a swamp lying in the confluence of the Ruvu and Kikuletwa Rivers where they<br />

join the NYM. The latter swamp area is said to cover some 40 km 2 (Baker and Baker, 2001).<br />

Conservation threats and status<br />

In the Tanzanian portion of the Basin, estimated and anticipated water demand in 1995 and 2015 are<br />

presented in Table 3. In the Taita-Taveta District, lying in the Kenyan part of the Basin, water demand<br />

was calculated to be 5,625 m 3 per day. By 2005, this is projected to increase to 8,844 m 3 per day, and to<br />

12,521 m 3 a day by 2015 (Taita – Taveta District Water Plan 1995, cited in Musyoki, 2003). With water<br />

demand set to double by 2015, the pressure on the PRB’s water resources may be considered to be<br />

very high. The Basin is already considered to be facing water stress, and in the absence of any emphatic<br />

regulation to date, it seems unlikely that this threat will dissipate.<br />

Table 3: Estimated water demand in 1995 and anticipated water demand in 2015<br />

Water demand (m 3 /day)<br />

Use 1995 2015<br />

Urban 71,200 163,600<br />

Rural 52,000 83,500<br />

Livestock 30,500 36,400<br />

Sisal 1,300 1,300<br />

Total 155,000 284,700<br />

(Source: IVO- NORPLAN, 1997)<br />

Evidence of water stress is ample. Mujwahuzi (2001) reveals that at station 1DC1 on the Ruvu River,<br />

mean monthly flows have declined from 14.2 m 3 /s between 1958 – 65 to 11.45 m 3 /s between 1987 – 97.<br />

Many of the streams in the highland areas of the Basin no longer flow during the dry season (September to<br />

February) because of the intensity of irrigation abstractions. After abstractions for irrigation, the Rau River<br />

runs completely dry (Mujwahuzi, 2001). Water demand from the Kikafu and Weru Rivers ranges from 90 –<br />

125%, substantially exceeding the rivers’ 80% assured discharge (Mwamfupe, 2002). As water is released<br />

from the NYM Reservoir, a series of abstractions occur before it reaches Pangani Falls. Often – and<br />

especially during the dry season – the water arriving is inadequate to run the turbines of the hydropower<br />

station based there (Lugeiyamu, pers. comm.). Perhaps the most compelling evidence of water stress are<br />

the escalating numbers of water-related conflicts in the Basin. These are considered fully below.<br />

Between 1912 and 1989, the area of Kilimanjaro’s ice cap reduced by 75%, from 12.5 km 2 to 2.6 km 2 .<br />

Between 1989 and 2000, nearly a quarter of the remaining ice was lost. The cause of this sudden and<br />

rapid change has been blamed on human influences, although this is by no means clear (Hastenrath<br />

and Greischar, 1997). If this decline is maintained, the Pangani River Basin’s (PRB’s) will soon receive<br />

no more water from glacial melt.<br />

17


Lake Jipe’s Typha growth is said to be sufficiently out of control that the water weed almost completely<br />

covers the lake. This trend has apparently arisen as a result of nutrients and silt washed down off Mt.<br />

Kilimanjaro and the North Pare Mountains. Silt has decreased the lake’s depth, and occasioned a small<br />

water level rise. Nutrient inflows to the lake are thought to have prompted rises in alkalinity and/or<br />

sodicty, causing its lilies to disappear. Silting also affects the NYM reservoir, but this is apparently not yet<br />

a problem given the reservoir’s very large ‘dead storage’ area.<br />

As discussed earlier, the regulation of the Pangani River has reduced flooding in the Kirua Swamps, and<br />

hence large areas of the swamp have dried out. At a water release rate of 25 m 3 /s from NYM, the swamp<br />

floods, but farmers encroaching upon it then voice serious complaint (Ngula, pers. comm.).<br />

The NYM reservoir supports a substantial fishery that is heavily exploited, as will be discussed<br />

further below.<br />

B.4 Protected areas<br />

In Tanzania, the Pangani River Basin (PRB) contains one wildlife reserve (Mkomazi - 3,276 km 2 ), while<br />

parts of the Kilimanjaro (756 km 2 ) and Arusha (137 km 2 ) National Parks also lie within the Basin. Part<br />

of Kenya’s Tsavo West National Park (9,065 km 2 ) also falls within the Basin, and is contiguous with the<br />

Mkomazi Game Reserve. The Sadani National Park partially falls within the Basin, but will not be dealt<br />

with here. Arguably, forest reserves are also protected areas, but these are not dealt with here (see<br />

above). All of these make valuable contributions to Tanzania’s economy by attracting tourists. Kilimanjaro<br />

in particular draws some 67,000 visitors annually (WCMC, 1987).<br />

Mt. Kilimanjaro is the world’s highest freestanding mountain and Africa’s tallest. It rises 5,000 metres<br />

above an open undulating plain that averages 800 m ASL (Lambrechts et al., 2002). The park is the<br />

oldest protected area in Africa, having gained this status in the early part of the 20 th Century. In 1921, the<br />

park was gazetted as a forest reserve, and then, in 1973, the area above the 2,700 metre contour was<br />

reclassified as a national park. At present, the park covers 75,353 ha and is surrounded by a 107,828<br />

ha forest reserve (Lambrechts et al., 2002). In 1987, the Kilimanjaro National Park was inscribed on the<br />

World Heritage Site list, the seventh Tanzanian World Heritage Site (Lambrechts et al., 2002).<br />

The Mkomazi Wildlife Reserve is an extension of Kenya’s Tsavo West National Park. Like Tsavo and<br />

Arusha National Parks, Mkomazi lies within the Somali – Maasai Regional Centre of Endemism (RCE).<br />

It stretches from the Tanzania – Kenya border to the foothills of the Pare and the West Usambaras. The<br />

reserve is characterised by savannah woodland, and, until 1988, pastoralists of various ethnic origins were<br />

allowed to exploit its pasture. Homewood and Brockington (1999) argue that although the reserve has<br />

some biodiversity interest to Tanzania, it is far over-shadowed by other regional centres of considerable<br />

biodiversity interest, not least the Pare and Usambara Mountains. Keith Eltringham et al., (1999) identified<br />

102 mammal species as present within Mkomazi, including the recently re-introduced Black rhino.<br />

The Arusha National Park lies in the foothills of Mt. Meru (4,565 m.), and was established in 1967. The<br />

park contains a very wide array of environments, including fine examples of montane forest on Mt. Meru,<br />

the Momel Crater Lakes and lowland savannah and miombo woodland. The park’s bird list comprises<br />

some 400 species, and it is one of the few Tanzanian parks where black and white colobus monkeys are<br />

commonly seen. Contiguous to the park is the 300 km 2 Mt Meru Game Reserve. Arusha National Park is<br />

said to contain the highest giraffe densities in the world.<br />

The Nairobi - Mombasa Highway, separates Tsavo West National Park from Tsavo East. Together, these<br />

parks, created in 1948, form Kenya’s largest national park, and one of the world’s largest protected<br />

areas. In 1983, Tsavo West’s northwestern boundary was extended to include the Chyulu Hills, the main<br />

source of water to the park’s famous Mzima Springs. 225 million litres of water emerge from these springs<br />

daily, which supply Mombasa, Kenya’s second largest city. In excess of 150,000 people visit Tsavo<br />

West annually. The park’s rugged scenery has been shaped by ancient volcanic activities, leaving in its<br />

18


wake lava flows, cinder fields and small volcanic cones. The park contains Kenya’s largest population of<br />

elephants. The park area of Ngulia has become one of Kenya’s most important rhino sanctuaries. The<br />

cliffs at Ngulia are an important stop-off point for migratory birds from the Northern Hemisphere, many<br />

of which are very rare.<br />

Conservation threats and status<br />

In the late 1980s, the Tanzanian Wildlife<br />

Division judged the Mkomazi to be in a florally<br />

and faunally degraded state. Amongst the<br />

problems facing the park was the extinction<br />

of its rhinos. In the mid-1960s, there were<br />

at least 150 rhinoceros in the reserve, but<br />

the species was extirpated, mainly through<br />

poaching. In 1997, rhinos were re-introduced<br />

to the reserve (Keith Eltringham et al., 1999),<br />

along with wild dogs. The reserve’s close<br />

proximity to the Kenyan border poses a<br />

poaching threat.<br />

Kilimanjaro does not appear to face any similar<br />

poaching threat. Here, threats appear to be<br />

restricted mainly to the park and the forest<br />

reserve’s edges, where logging, farming,<br />

fuelwood collection and charcoal burning are concentrated. An additional problem in this national park is<br />

its high number of visitors, who leave behind them large amounts of waste that cannot decompose in the<br />

mountain’s freezing and rarefied air.<br />

The areas surrounding Arusha National Park are heavily populated, and the park is said to be threatened<br />

by encroachment and widespread poaching (WCMC, 1985).<br />

Tsavo West National Park faces significant poaching difficulties. The slaughter of the park’s elephants in<br />

the past has often been dramatically portrayed in the media. In addition, the park lies in a climatic zone<br />

prone to drought and variable climate, leaving it vulnerable to bush fires. Fires are also a problem on Mt.<br />

Kilimanjaro, as discussed above.<br />

Other wildlife resources also occur throughout the Basin, including much of the wildlife to be found in the<br />

Eastern Arc and Coastal forests. The threats to the latter are very serious (see below). In the Maasai steppe<br />

of the lowlands of the Basin, ungulates are common, while the river and other wetlands also harbour wildlife.<br />

B.5 Biodiversity and conservation<br />

Box 7: Pangani River Basin<br />

Protected Area threats<br />

• Most of the parks within the Pangani River<br />

Basin are threatened by poaching.<br />

• The threats confronting Kilimanjaro National<br />

Park relate more to encroachment on its forest<br />

reserves and the exploitation of their timber.<br />

• Large tourist numbers on Mt. Kilimanjaro<br />

cause serious waste disposal problems, in<br />

large measure because waste freezes and<br />

does not decompose.<br />

The biodiversity resources of Kenya and Tanzania are substantial. In terms of number of species per unit<br />

of area, Kenya has the third highest mammalian diversity in Africa, the second highest bird diversity and<br />

the third highest reptile diversity.<br />

Tanzania has the second highest reptile, amphibian and plant biodiversity on the African continent (Rodgers<br />

et al., 2001). The Eastern Arc and Coastal Forests are one of just 25 global biodiversity ‘hotspots’. The<br />

biodiversity and associated species endemism in the mountains is virtually unparalleled in the world. As<br />

much as 30% of the 2,000 or so plant species and more than 80% of their spider and millipede groups are<br />

endemic to the mountains. Famed African Saintpaulia violets are only found naturally in the Eastern Arc<br />

19


and Coastal forests. At least four mammal<br />

species, five bird species, four amphibian<br />

species, twenty seven reptiles, forty<br />

butterflies, twenty millipedes, four hundred<br />

plants and an unknown number of flies,<br />

beetles and other invertebrates are endemic<br />

to East African coastal forests (Burgess<br />

et al., 1996). This level of endemism has<br />

arisen because of the forests’ isolation from<br />

other African forests, their old age and the<br />

fact that the Indian Ocean’s climate has<br />

remained more or less stable over very long<br />

periods of time.<br />

As a result, the threats that many of these<br />

species face relate to the preservation<br />

of their environment. Because so much<br />

of the Eastern Arc and Coastal Forest is<br />

threatened, many of their animal species<br />

are considered endangered (see box 9).<br />

On Mt. Kilimanjaro, 2,500 species of plants<br />

have been recorded, including 130 tree species<br />

from 100 genera and 50 families. 170<br />

shrub species have been identified from the<br />

mountain’s forests, and these belong to over<br />

100 genera and 40 families (Lambrechts et<br />

al. 2002). Some 140 mammal species are<br />

recorded from the mountain, including the<br />

world’s largest known population of Abbot’s<br />

duiker, a globally threatened species (Lambrechts<br />

et al., 2002). The park contains an<br />

endemic shrew, four endemic species and<br />

subspecies of butterfly, six endemic plants,<br />

twelve endemic mosses and liverworts<br />

(Baker and Baker, 2001).<br />

Box 8: Biodiversity hotspots<br />

Biodiversity hotspots are designated by the American<br />

conservation organisation, Conservation International.<br />

They are regions of the globe that harbour a great<br />

diversity of species but which, at the same time, have<br />

been significantly impacted and altered by human<br />

activities. Plant diversity is the basis for hotspot<br />

designation, because plants are the foundation for<br />

diversity in other taxonomic groups. In order to qualify,<br />

a site must contain at least 1,500 endemic plant<br />

species, fully 0.5% of the global total of known plants.<br />

In addition, 70% or more of the site’s original habitat<br />

must have been destroyed or altered.<br />

Between them, the world’s 25 biodiversity hotspots<br />

cover just 1.4% of the globe’s area, but contain 44%<br />

of the world’s known plants, and 35% of all known<br />

terrestrial vertebrates.<br />

Such hotspots are often ‘islands’ of biodiversity<br />

surrounded by areas of relatively poor biodiversity.<br />

As is the case with the Eastern Arc Mountains, these<br />

areas have typically obtained their biodiversity as<br />

a result of environmental conditions that have not<br />

changed over great lengths of time.<br />

Besides the Eastern Arc and Coastal Forests<br />

Biodiversity Hotspots, there are four other hotspots<br />

in Africa: the Madagascar and the Indian Ocean<br />

Islands, the Guinean Forests of West Africa, the<br />

Cape Floristic Region and the Succulent Karoo<br />

along Africa’s south-western coast.<br />

Source: www.biodiversityhotspots.org.<br />

A rare and endangered bull shark<br />

(Carcharrhinus leucas) occasionally swims<br />

up the Pangani River from its delta, and has been seen as far up its course as Jambe (TANESCO,<br />

1994). Besides the shark, however, none of the river’s 41 species of fish are thought to be endangered.<br />

It does contain several endemics, comprising two cyprinids (Barbus paegnstecheri and Labeo coubie),<br />

one characin (Rhabdalestes leleupi) and three cichlids (Ctenochromis pectoralis, Oreochromis korogwe<br />

and O. pangani) (TANESCO, 1994).<br />

The tilapia genus, Oreochromis, derives its name from the Latin for ‘mountain chromis’, which Gunther<br />

gave it in 1889 after discovering Oreochromis hunterti in Lake Chala, on the slopes of Mt. Kilimanjaro<br />

(Dadzie et al., 1988). In Lake Jipe, an additional two endemic tilapia are to be found: Tilapia jipe and<br />

T. girigan. Oreochromis esculentus, a Lake Victoria endemic 4 , has been introduced to the basin and<br />

comprises a substantial part of the catch in Nyumba ya Mungu Reservoir. An additional exotic, T. rendalii,<br />

has been collected from Lake Chala.<br />

I4<br />

n a curious twist of fate, this species is now extinct from Lake Victoria.<br />

20


Box 9: Category 1 Globally threatened bird species of the Usambara Mountains<br />

Critically endangered<br />

• Long-billed Tailorbird (Orthotomus moreaui): not described until 1931 and still a little known species.<br />

Vulnerable<br />

• Sokoke Scops Owl (Otus ireneae): only discovered in 1965 in Kenya’s coastal Arabuko-Sokoke<br />

forest, where it was considered an endemic species until another population was discovered in<br />

the Usambaras in 1995.<br />

• Usambara Eagle Owl (Bubo vosseleri): discovered amongst the Usambara’s lowland forests in<br />

1992, after having been thought of as a low density high-altitude bird previously.<br />

• Swynnerton’s Robin (Swynnertonia swynnertoni): only discovered in the Usambaras in 1990.<br />

• East Coast Akalat (Shepperdia gunningi): discovered in the Usambaras in 1992.<br />

• Dappled Mountain Robin (Modulatrix orostruthus): rarity in the East Usambaras probably as a<br />

result of forest fragmentation.<br />

• Amani Sunbird (Hedydipna pallidigaster): first described by Sclater and famed ornithologist,<br />

Moreau, in 1935, this tiny sunbird is known from just three localities in East Africa. In the<br />

Usambaras, just 320 km 2 of suitable habitat remain (Cheke et al., 2001).<br />

• Banded Sunbird (Anthreptes rubritorques): known from only four localities in Tanzania. Its<br />

largest habitat area is the Udzungwa Mountains.<br />

• Usambara Weaver (Ploceus nicolli): weaver endemic to the Usambaras where, Zimmerman et al.<br />

(1996) estimate, less than 100 remain.<br />

Near-threatened<br />

• Southern-banded Snake Eagle (Circaetus fasciolatus): previously thought a fairly common<br />

resident of coastal forests stretching from northeastern Kenya to northeastern South Africa.<br />

Now considered threatened by human population density and excessive exploitation of forests,<br />

its main habitat. An estimated one pair per 100 km 2 remain within its range (Ferguson-Lees<br />

and Christie, 2001).<br />

• Fischer’s Turaco (Tauraco fischeri): locally common throughout the forest. Threatened by the<br />

international trade in wild birds.<br />

• Plain-backed Sunbird (Anthreptes reichenowi): the race reichenowi an Eastern Arc endemic.<br />

Threatened by deforestation.<br />

Conservation threats and status<br />

The primary threats facing the biodiversity of the Pangani River Basin (PRB) relate to habitat destruction.<br />

The very high levels of endemism typically equate with the high levels of unique and diverse habitat types<br />

in the Basin, particularly its Afromontane and coastal forests. For example, virtually all of the Basin’s<br />

endemic bird species are also considered restricted range species, making them extremely vulnerable to<br />

habitat destruction and fragmentation.<br />

Fears for the destruction of these valuable forest habitats have ensured that Tanzania’s coastal forests<br />

and Eastern Arc Mountains have received international attention. Virtually all of them hold Important Bird<br />

Area (IBA) status (Baker and Baker, 2001), serving to focus international conservation attention on these<br />

delicate and very vulnerable ecosystems. Nevertheless, very few of the PRB’s Eastern Arc or Coastal<br />

forests are anything but forest reserves.<br />

21


B. 6 Fisheries<br />

Fisheries are often a vital source of animal protein to rural African communities, In 1970, the NYM fishery<br />

supported 3,161 fishers, who landed 28,509 tonnes of fish between them. By 1983, there were 1,342<br />

fishers, who managed to land just 2,430 tonnes of fish (Vanden Bossche and Bernacsek, 1999).<br />

Typha and papyrus cover almost half of Lake Jipe’s surface, and has almost halted fishing activities on<br />

the Tanzanian side of the lake (Sarmett and Kamugisha, 2002). On the Kenyan side of Lake Jipe, some<br />

200 villagers in three villages are said to rely on the lake’s fisheries. Besides problems associated with<br />

water weed, the siltation of the lake is also a threat to the fishery (Musyoki, 2003).<br />

Villagers around the Kirua Swamp downstream of the NYM dam complain of fish declines due to the<br />

regulation of water flow from the dam (Sarmett and Kamugisha, 2002).<br />

B.7 Soils<br />

Most of the Pangani River Basin comprises a crystalline and limestone geological series, along with patches<br />

of lacustrine deposits. Closer to the coast, the geology is one of fluvial and estuarine deposits. Areas close<br />

to Mt. Meru and Mt. Kilimanjaro are typically highly fertile alkaline volcanics (Geological Survey, 1960). This<br />

combination of soils of lacustrine and volcanic origin, as well as areas of high average annual rainfall mean<br />

that parts of the Pangani River Basin have come to be seen as the ‘breadbasket’ of Tanzania.<br />

The principal concerns regarding the soils of the Pangani River Basin (PRB) are reduction to soil fertility,<br />

and soil loss to erosion. Stoorvogel and Smaling (1990) estimated that arable Tanzania soils lost 27 kg<br />

of N, 9 kg of P 2<br />

O 2<br />

and 21 kg of K 2<br />

O per hectare per annum in 1983. They predicted that, by 2000, these<br />

rates of loss would increase to 32 kg of N, 12 kg of P 2<br />

O 2<br />

and 25 kg of K 2<br />

O per hectare per annum if<br />

the nutrient losses observed in 1983 were not reversed. For nitrogen and phosphorous, these rates of<br />

loss are equivalent to 251,448 tonnes and 115,112 tonnes per annum respectively. Losses, Stoorvogel<br />

and Smaling claimed, were due to three factors: first, the normal harvest of the crop, through which<br />

most nutrients are lost. Second, through the removal of crop residues. For example, when beans are<br />

harvested in Arumeru District in the Arusha region, the whole plant is removed from the ground. Third,<br />

through erosion, particularly as a result of cultivation of steep slopes (Kaihura et al., 2001). It should be<br />

noted that not all agriculture within the Pangani River Basin is deleterious (Kaihura et al., 2001).<br />

B.8 Summary of points<br />

The resources of the Pangani River Basin (PRB) are all heavily exploited. In this section, we first briefly<br />

summarise the important contributions that these resources make to the PRB and, in the second part,<br />

summarise the threats to them.<br />

PRB resources<br />

• Forests play a crucial role in the PRB’s hydrology, serving to regulate water run off, minimise erosion,<br />

store and purify water. In the PRB, they also make a vital contribution to global biodiversity. In the PRB’s<br />

forests some of the world’s highest levels of species endemism and biodiversity are to be found.<br />

• Water in the PRB is integral to the Basin’s agricultural economy, its power generation, its urban,<br />

industrial and domestic demands and to livestock. Swamps are also common in the Basin and<br />

play a vital role in water retention and regulation.<br />

• The Basin contains four Protected Areas (PAs). Kilimanjaro, in particular, plays an important role<br />

in the nation’s tourism economy, and also harbours a wide array of plant and animal species.<br />

22


• The Basin’s biodiversity is almost unparalleled globally, and the centre of a great deal of<br />

international interest and conservation concerns.<br />

• The PRB’s fisheries make important nutritional and economic contributions to the Basin’s rural<br />

communities.<br />

• Soils are at the heart of the Basin’s agricultural economy. The area’s history of volcanic activity<br />

and patches of fertile lacustrine deposits, contribute to the Pangani River Basin’s reputation of<br />

being the breadbasket of Tanzania.<br />

Threats to the PRB’s resources<br />

• The Basin’s forests are threatened by logging, encroachment along their peripheries, demands for<br />

land, charcoal manufacture and fuelwood collection.<br />

• The Basin’s water supplies are threatened by extremely high demands that have ensured that its<br />

water resources are considered ‘stressed’. The main sources of demand are inefficient furrowbased<br />

irrigation systems. The Basin’s swamps are threatened by the regulation of water by<br />

damming.<br />

• The Basin’s PAs are threatened, on the one hand, by poaching, and, on the other hand, by threats<br />

similar to those faced by forest resources.<br />

• Most of the Basin’s biodiversity has been gained as a result of its unique array of forest habitat<br />

types. Threats to biodiversity, as a result, arise because of threats to habitat.<br />

• The fisheries of the PRB are threatened by excessive fishing pressure, and weed growth<br />

occasioned by high nutrient loads.<br />

• Low levels of nutrient return and inputs, as well as high rates of erosion, threaten the Basin’s<br />

soils.<br />

23


C The socio-economy of the<br />

Pangani River Basin<br />

C.1 Overview<br />

There are an estimated 3.7 million people in the PRB, 80% of whom rely, either directly or indirectly,<br />

on agriculture for their livelihoods. 90% of the Basin’s population live in its upper parts. This settlement<br />

concentration yields population densities of up to 300 people per km 2 . In the highland areas of Kilimanjaro<br />

there are some 900 people per km 2 with average farm holdings of just 0.2 ha per household. In lowland<br />

areas at the same time, there were only 65 people per km 2 , and each household farmed an average area<br />

of 10.4 ha. (Lein, 2002).<br />

The Basin’s urban and industrial economies are not sufficiently large to absorb this labour force. As a<br />

result, its burgeoning population seeks livelihoods in agriculture, a large part of which is irrigated. As the<br />

number of claims on water increase, so too do the number of conflicts. Demands for access to water are<br />

symptomatic of wider demands for access to a whole variety of resources, including land, forest products,<br />

pasture, mineral deposits and, ultimately, livelihoods. A livelihood may be described as follows:<br />

“...a means of securing a living...Encompassed in a livelihood is the totality of resources, activities<br />

and products which go to securing a living. It relies on ownership of, or access to products or<br />

income-generating activities. A livelihood is measurable in terms of both stocks – that is the<br />

reserves and assets – and the flows of food and cash” (Conway and Barbier, 1990: 117).<br />

The notion of access to resources is the most important factor in determining whether or not the pursuit<br />

of a livelihood is successful (cf. Ellis, 2000). It follows, then, that where a resource on which a community<br />

relies becomes scarce, then access to it is curtailed. As resources become ever more scarce, then the<br />

measures that people will adopt to try and procure resources may become increasingly more desperate,<br />

and more difficult for the resource concerned to sustain. This trend may then reach a point where the<br />

pursuit of livelihoods actually starts to undermine the ability of a resource to regenerate itself.<br />

A factor that serves to amplify the problems associated with livelihood claims is if the resources<br />

involved are Common Property Resources (CPRs). These are resources that share two fundamental<br />

characteristics: (a) they are ‘subtractable’. The subtraction of a unit of water upstream yields a unit less<br />

of water downstream. Equally, a fisherman landing 100 kg of fish ensures that there is 100 kg less fish for<br />

others to catch. (b) It is difficult or impossible to ‘fence off’ CPRs. ‘Fencing off’ metaphorically refers to the<br />

serious problems of policing CPRs. Due to their nature, CPRs (such as oceans, the atmosphere or river<br />

courses) cannot be fenced off. They are also remarkably difficult to monitor and police. CPRs, therefore,<br />

are best managed in common, with inputs by all users. If such a communal style of management is<br />

absent, CPRs are very vulnerable to becoming ‘open-access’, in which patterns of exploitation are<br />

characterised as ‘free-for-all’, with resources users taking more than is necessary today for fear that<br />

they may gain nothing tomorrow. Such patterns of exploitation are characterised with very high levels<br />

of competition between users, and any intrinsic worth associated with resource conservation is typically<br />

disregarded. When resources are exploited in such a fashion, the ‘tragedy of the commons’ is often said<br />

to have occurred, and the demise of the resource is fairly certain.<br />

To varying degrees, and depending on resource type, many of the PRB’s resources display open-access<br />

traits and serious livelihood difficulties. The relationships that characterise the exploitation of the Basin’s<br />

resources are often characterised as conflicting. To simplify and clarify these difficulties, this chapter<br />

considers the interests of the Basin’s various economic interests, starting with its industrial interests that<br />

include electricity generation, and then going on to consider the largest part of the Basin’s economy, its<br />

agriculture. Other interests are also considered in turn, and the Chapter culminates with an assessment<br />

of the conflicts that characterise exploitation in this Basin.<br />

24


Table 4: Tanzanian and Kenyan socio-economic basics<br />

2001 unless otherwise indicated<br />

Kenya<br />

Tanzania<br />

Population 29m 32m<br />

Population annual growth rate in 2000 2.6 2.8<br />

Infant mortality rate/1000 live births 75.0 91.0<br />

Under-5 mortality rate/1000 live births 117.0 142.0<br />

Probability of dying, male < 5 yrs (per 1000) 100.0 157.0<br />

Probability of dying, female < 5 yrs (per 1000) 99.0 48.0<br />

Life expectancy at birth (males) 47.3 44.4<br />

Life expectancy at birth (females) 48.1 45.6<br />

% access to safe drinking water 44.0 66.0<br />

% access to adequate sanitation 85.0 86.0<br />

% infants with low birth weight 1 16.0 14.0<br />

% stunted children (moderate and severe) 2 33.0 42.0<br />

% wasted children (moderate and severe) 3 6.0 6.0<br />

Average per capita daily calorie intake (1999) 4 1,886.0 1,940.0<br />

GNP (US$) per capita 340.0 210.0<br />

Notes<br />

1<br />

Low birth weight is often an indication of maternal stress while the foetus is carried, such as illhealth (including<br />

malnutrition).<br />

2<br />

Stunting is a chronic form of malnutrition derived from not obtaining sufficient, quality, nutrients over the long<br />

term.<br />

3<br />

Wasting is a dangerous, acute, form of malnutrition derived from not obtaining sufficient, quality, nutrients in the<br />

short term.<br />

4<br />

The FAO sets the minimum daily energy requirement for humans at 2,600 kilocalories (kcal) a day.<br />

Sources: UNICEF, 2001; FAO, 2001; WHO, 2001<br />

25


C.2 Industrial interests<br />

Probably the largest industrial interest in the Pangani River Basin (PRB) is power generation. The main<br />

supplier in this regard is the state-owned Tanzania Electric Supply Co. [sic.] (TANESCO), which owns<br />

four hydropower facilities on the Pangani River. These are Nyumba ya Mungu (NYM) (with an 8 MW<br />

capacity), Hale (21 MW), and New Pangani Falls (68 MW. All the power plants are connected to the<br />

national grid and they contribute about 17% to the total hydropower production of the country (Ngula,<br />

2002). The firm discharge through the power plants is about 24 m 3 /s, whereas the maximum designed<br />

discharge is 45 m 3 /s. Old Pangani (17.5 MW) operates only occasionally, crippled by lack of adequate<br />

water (Lugeiyamu, pers. comm.).<br />

In the dry season, water shortages may cause power generation within the basin to drop to as low as 32<br />

MW (Sarmett and Kamugisha, 2002).<br />

There are extensive mining interests in the Pangani River Basin. These include tin mining in Korogwe,<br />

tanzanite and phosphate mines in the Arusha Region, and limestone mines in the Tanga Region (Mkuula,<br />

1993). Genstones are also an important quest, and 80% of the world’s known tanzanite reserves are to<br />

be found at Merelani, 100 km northeast of Arusha. Sand mining for building purposes is common along<br />

riverbanks, and in Kenyan parts of the Basin, ruby mining is carried out.<br />

Other industry within the basin is that associated with farming, such as sugar refineries and sisal<br />

processing plants. In Kenya’s Taita – Taveta District, sisal production is the main agricultural activity.<br />

C. 3 Farming interests<br />

The Chagga peoples have lived on Mt. Kilimanjaro’s slopes for between 300 – 450 years. Their farmland<br />

is divided into two types of tenure. The first is ‘shamba’, and is typically restricted to the lower slopes of<br />

the mountain where rainfall is much less reliable, and irrigation commensurately more important. The<br />

use of shamba land was overseen by Chagga chiefs, who would allocate parcels of land to farmers on<br />

a seasonal basis. While a farmer might exploit the land for a long period of time, it was never his to own<br />

(Johnston, 1946). The second type of Chagga land tenure is the ‘kihamba’, which was set aside for the<br />

private use of Chagga denizens. Kihamba was – and still is – farmed with remarkable intensity. Even<br />

in the 1940s, at the time of Johnston’s (1942) writing, there was very little kihamba land left that could<br />

be used as pasture, and most livestock was stall-fed. In those areas where farming intensities became<br />

too high, and no additional kihamba land was available, Chagga chiefs were obliged to convert shamba<br />

land to kihamba. In effect, this gesture served to siphon off excess farming from the upper slopes to the<br />

lower slopes of the mountain. The Chagga could not expand up the mountain because this was already<br />

set aside as forest reserve, and they could not expand into the middle slope areas because this was<br />

‘alienated’ land for European settlers (Lein, 2002).<br />

Against this background of high farming intensity, the Chagga devised furrow systems to deliver water<br />

from natural watercourses to their crops. This system is said to be one of the oldest (thought to have<br />

started in the 18 th Century (Gillingham, 1999)) and most extensive furrowbased irrigation systems in<br />

Africa (Røhr et al. n.d.). To obtain such furrow water, a Chagga had to be a member of a furrow board,<br />

which was governed by furrow elders whose instructions farmers had to follow on pain of fines or<br />

prohibition from using furrow water (Johnston, 1946). Furrow board members were also expected to play<br />

a part in the maintenance of the furrows. Furrow members who abstracted water from furrows owned by<br />

individuals or claims had to pay fees to do so.<br />

Despite the apparent farming intensity and population pressure on kihamba land, traditional institutions of<br />

governance and conflict prevention appear to have been effective. Johnston (1942) commented that “…it is<br />

remarkable that, with a big and complicated furrow system in the kihamba land, so well are matters run by the<br />

furrow elders, that the number of cases arising out of disputes over water rights are relatively few” (p. 4).<br />

26


Further to the south, farming intensities in the Usambaras were also proving problematic to colonial<br />

observers. “The necessity for the natives to cultivate perpetually on hillsides makes soil erosion an acute<br />

problem, and large tracts of land…are badly eroded” (Dobson, 1940: 3). The Sambaa faced similar<br />

problems to the Chagga. The middle-slope areas of the mountains possessed a climate pleasing to early<br />

German farmers, who alienated large tracts of land for sisal farming.<br />

Water amongst the Sambaa was considered communal property, and a person who had a natural water<br />

source upon his land could not prevent outsiders from using it. Landowners could impose fines if livestock<br />

damaged their crops, or if the water was fouled.<br />

Water from furrows, which were in common usage in the early 1940s, belonged to those who had<br />

constructed the furrow (Dobson, 1940). “When the furrow is dug the shamba owners decide amongst<br />

themselves who shall have the water and on which days” (p. 22). Again, despite apparently heavy farming<br />

intensities and population density, water use right disputes appeared to be minimal. “There appear to<br />

be surprisingly few disputes”, wrote Dobson (1940), “…but in the case of very long furrows, the elders<br />

generally put in a reliable man to supervise and see that everyone gets their fair share of water and that<br />

none is wasted…” (p. 22).<br />

Unlike the Chagga, the Sambaa were very reluctant to descend down the mountain slopes to find<br />

alternative sources of farmland. The absence of water user rights disputes and the fact that moving into<br />

lowland areas was still a matter of choice, suggests that farming intensities were not, in 1940, anywhere<br />

near as pronounced as they are today.<br />

The Pangani River Basin (PRB) was, during Tanzania’s colonial period, a core development area, with<br />

large-scale coffee, sisal, wheat and sugar interests becoming established within the Basin. The demand<br />

for labour therefore grew, attracting migrants from all over the country and even as far afield as Rwanda,<br />

Burundi and Mozambique (Mbonile, 2002).<br />

It is not clear how much of the Pangani River<br />

Basin (PRB) is irrigated today. In the part of<br />

the Basin that lies in Tanzania, Mujwahuzi<br />

(2001) estimates that 40,000 ha of land are<br />

under irrigation, Røhr et al. (n.d.) claim that<br />

29,000 ha are effectively irrigated, while Ngula<br />

(2002) estimates that 31,075 ha of the PRB<br />

are irrigated (Ngula, 2002).<br />

In the Kenyan portion of the PRB, the single<br />

biggest demand on Lake Jipe’s waters is<br />

irrigation. Within the lake’s Kenyan watershed,<br />

there are 10 irrigation schemes covering<br />

a combined area of 1,717 ha. This area is<br />

expected to increase. The Lake Jipe Irrigation<br />

Scheme will lie along the lake’s shoreline, and<br />

will cover 77.2 ha. and will require 308 m 3<br />

of water per hour (Musyoki and Mwandotto,<br />

1999). At present, most water is abstracted<br />

from that portion of the Lumi River that flows<br />

through Kenya, along which there are 21<br />

water supply schemes. Total abstraction<br />

within the Kenyan portion of the lake’s basin<br />

is 77,274 m 3 per day. An additional 54,681 m 3<br />

are abstracted during flood periods (Musyoki<br />

and Mwandotto, 1999).<br />

Box 10: Traditional furrow design flaws<br />

According to Mwamfupe (2001), the problems<br />

with traditional furrow design in the PRB are as<br />

follows:<br />

• much water is lost at the point of abstraction<br />

because of the materials (banana logs) used<br />

to divert water into the irrigation furrows;<br />

• the design of plots is poor – they are not<br />

typically levelled, causing water to pool,<br />

prompting salinisation and low crop yields;<br />

• furrows are poorly constructed with weak<br />

banks, causing water to break out.<br />

Additional problems are that farmers often relate<br />

their abstraction size to the amount of land that<br />

they have to irrigate, and not to the amount of water<br />

that is available. Water abstracted is retained, and<br />

in many cases allowed to pool. It is not typical for<br />

farmers to construct return furrows to the water<br />

source. “Tanzanian irrigation systems are just a<br />

waste of water” (Nasari, pers. comm.).<br />

27


According to Ngula (2002) current water demand within the Tanzanian part of the Basin is 807.99 million m 3<br />

for 20% irrigation efficiency. Irrigation in the PRB uses between 400 and 480 Million Cubic Metres (MCM)<br />

of water annually (Mujwahuzi, 2001). Distribution of this usage appears to be uneven – with half of the<br />

Basin’s water consumption concentrated around Mt. Kilimanjaro. Here, 500 traditional irrigation furrows,<br />

that, combined, stretch for 1,800 km, draw an estimated 200 MCM annually from the mountain’s rivers<br />

(Gillingham, 1999). Røhr et al. (n.d.) refer to work that indicates that, between 1997 and 2007, for every<br />

1.5% increment to the Basin’s population, low season river flow is reduced by 8 m 3 /s. In the Kilimanjaro<br />

Region, 80% of water abstraction is for irrigation (Ngana, 2001). Areas of Hai and Moshi Rural Districts<br />

(around Mt. Kilimanjaro) display the highest traditional furrow densities in Africa (Tagseth, 2002). As a<br />

result, erosion rates from Mt. Kilimanjaro are high (Mtalo and Ndomba, 2002). 24 tonnes of soil per hectare<br />

of catchment flows into the Nyumba ya Mungu reservoir every year (Mtalo and Ndomba, 2002).<br />

All of this irrigation is assured by the PRB’s 2,000 traditional furrows (Mujwahuzi, 2001), which corresponds,<br />

Mwamfupe (2001) says, to 80% of the Basin’s irrigated area. This may not be an indication of farming<br />

intensity, however. Tagseth (2002), drawing on data for his study area comprising three locations in<br />

southern Moshi Rural District, argues that the amount of water abstracted actually declined between<br />

1940 and 1993, as did the number of furrows.<br />

The reasons for irrigation are twofold. In the highland areas, average plot sizes are between 0.1 and 0.2<br />

ha. Up here, population densities are in the region of 700 – 1,000 people per km 2 (Mwamfupe, 2001).<br />

To compensate for small farm sizes and ensure that such land as is available will be as productive as<br />

possible, irrigation is practised. Lower down in the basin, in the traditional ‘shamba’ areas, plot sizes tend<br />

to be larger (0.8 – 1.5 ha), and farming less intense (Mwamfupe, 2001). Down here, however, rainfall<br />

patterns tend to be irregular, and irrigation is practised to mitigate climatic vagaries.<br />

It is clear that with such levels of irrigation, upstream water users are more favourably placed than are<br />

downstream users. Water shortages are very common within the basin. Mwamfupe’s (2001) study is<br />

drawn from two locations: Makuyuni, on Kilimanjaro’s slopes, and Kahe, lower down in the mountain’s<br />

foothills. His respondents said that they did not receive enough water for irrigation. The largest proportion<br />

of respondents – most of whom were from Kahe – blamed this on prolonged drought; followed by those<br />

– mainly from Makuyuni – who blamed increased water uses and demand. Just 7.3% blamed their water<br />

supply problems on inefficient furrow design.<br />

It is important to recognise that a large part of the reason why these traditional irrigation systems have<br />

not changed, despite their inefficiencies, is because of the costs involved in obtaining efficient, lowmaintenance<br />

and durable irrigation alternatives. It is also important to note that furrow design may yield<br />

social and economic benefits that outweigh the losses incurred from inefficient water conveyance.<br />

The amount of vegetation cover in the Basin has declined, contributing towards reduced dry season<br />

discharges, and threatening livelihoods. Farmers have responded to water shortages in a number of<br />

ways. They have reduced the amount of cotton that they grow, preferring to cultivate tomatoes, which<br />

have a short growing period and a good market. Mwamfupe (2001) also claims that coffee is being<br />

abandoned because of fluctuating prices 5 . Farming households have also, increasingly, sought to<br />

diversify their livelihood bases by seeking off-farm incomes. Interestingly, the type of alternative income<br />

pursued appears to vary on the farming area from which the farmer comes. Alternatives obtained by<br />

highland households included tailoring, radio and TV repair, watch repair and shoe-making. In the<br />

lowlands, alternatives included selling cattle fodder, stone-crushing, charcoal-making and casual labour.<br />

Mwamfupe (2002) suggests that this is because the highland zone is better developed and contains<br />

more urban areas than lowland areas, so opportunities to enter the service sector are better.<br />

5<br />

It should be noted that fluctuations in the global coffee market, as well as markets for other agricultural goods,<br />

and variable trends in Tanzania’s tourist economy, all contribute towards altering the stability of the Basin’s own<br />

economy and influence the ability of its inhabitants to secure adequate livelihoods.<br />

28


Box 11: Sodicity and salinity<br />

Sodicity is the presence of excess ‘exchangeable sodium’ (sodium salts capable of alkaline hydrolysis) and<br />

results in poor soil permeability and tilth. Salinity is common in arid/semi-arid areas because there is not<br />

enough water to flush accumulated salts from the crop root zone. Salinisation may occur when the supply of<br />

salts exceeds their removal by flooding or leaching. Amongst many problems associated with salinisation is<br />

its impact on soil absorption and moisture retention. The breakdown of the soil’s physical properties causes<br />

its top layer to compact, ensuring that water infiltration from the surface layers to the root zone is restricted.<br />

In the Pangani River Basin, the problem of salinity has been reported in some irrigation schemes, including<br />

Musa Mwijanga, Kikafu Chini (both in Hai District) and Mawala (Moshi Rural District) (Misana and Makoi,<br />

2001), as well as on some of the Basin’s large private irrigation schemes (Sahib, 2002).<br />

Amongst the difficulties arising from high levels of irrigation intensity are sodicity and salinity. At Misana<br />

and Makoi’s (2001) three survey sites (all in Moshi Rural District), irrigation water has not been the cause<br />

of salinity, although there has been a ‘slight to severe’ restriction in infiltration rate in the topsoil at all<br />

study sites. At two sites, irrigation did contribute to sodicity. ‘Good quality’ water, they say, is needed to<br />

address this problem. Irrigation was not found to have negatively affected the fertility of the soil except<br />

at one site. Misana and Makoi (2001) recommend the use of low levels of various fertilisers to address<br />

problems of less than satisfactory soil fertility. They suggest that salts may well be leached by irrigation,<br />

but where the water stands, then the problem is not solved because it causes structural change to topsoil<br />

layers, affecting water transfer from top soil to the crop root zone.<br />

The largest farms in the Basin are the Tanzania Planting Company (TPC) (17,000 ha), the Kilimanjaro<br />

Agricultural Development Programme (KADP – 6,320 ha), and the Burka Coffee Estate in Arusha.<br />

TPC lies just south of Moshi, and was first established by Danish investors in the early 1930’s. It was<br />

nationalized in 1980, and re-privatised in 2000 through Mauritian (Deep River Bean Champ Sugar<br />

Estate, Mauritius) and French investors (Group Quartier Francais Reunion Island). The estate covers<br />

some 17,000 ha of which some 5,750 ha are presently under sugar cane. It is planned to increase this to<br />

some 7,500 ha in the near future (Sahib, 2002).<br />

Benefiting from only some 450mm rainfall a year, irrigation is a pre-requisite for sugar cane cultivation.<br />

The effective crop water deficit has been estimated at a minimum of 1,200 mm/year thus requiring<br />

irrigation applications varying between 1,500–1,900 mm per year depending on the irrigation system and<br />

methodology. Roughly half the estate is overhead irrigated, while the remainder is surface furrow irrigated.<br />

Rivers lying on the western boundary of the estate provide part of the irrigation water, the rest being<br />

pumped from an underlying aquifer through high delivery flow boreholes (500 m 3 /hr) (Sahib, 2002).<br />

In Tanzania, water may only be legally abstracted if users are in possession of a water right, which, for<br />

Pangani Basin, is issued by the Pangani Basin Water Board (PBWB), and priced depending on the use<br />

to which the water is to be put. The PBWB has encountered serious problems implementing the water<br />

rights system because most small-scale users believe that water is a ‘gift from God’. While they wish to<br />

abstract water legally, they typically do not believe that they should have to pay to do so. Most large-scale<br />

users do, however, pay for water rights (Sarmett, pers. comm.).<br />

C. 4 Pastoralist interests<br />

Between 1994 and 1995, livestock contributed some 30% to Tanzania’s GDP. The country has an<br />

estimated 60 million hectares of land suitable for livestock grazing, and believes it can support some 20<br />

million livestock units. The country has an estimated 16 million livestock units at present.<br />

29


There are few data on the pastoralists of the Pangani River Basin. In 1995, livestock within the Basin was<br />

estimated to need 30,500 m 3 of water a day, while they are expected to require 36,400 m 3 /day in 2015<br />

(IVO – NORPLAN, 1997). Current livestock numbers in the Basin are not known. The most recent figures<br />

available to this survey come from 2002, and are derived from scattered districts and municipalities<br />

throughout the Basin (Table 4).<br />

Table 5: Livestock population in selected areas of the Pangani River Basin (2002)<br />

Region Cattle Shoats* Donkeys<br />

Simanjiro District, Manyara Region 305,075 133,000 11,000<br />

Arusha Municipality & Arumeru District, 470,000 461,450 21,991<br />

Arusha Region.<br />

Kilimanjaro Region 568,689 534,420 12,380<br />

Tanga Region 421,261 378,442 Not counted<br />

Taita – Taveta District (Kenya) 37,800 40,277 Not counted<br />

Total 1,765,025 902,972<br />

Source: Various sources. *‘Shoats’ are goats and sheep combined.<br />

C. 5 Urban interests<br />

The Pangani River Basin (PRB) contains two main urban areas. In the north, and located relatively close to<br />

one another, are Moshi and Arusha. In 1995, urban water use from the Basin was estimated to be 71,200<br />

m 3 /day, and was expected to grow to 163,600 m 3 /day in 2015 (IVO – NORPLAN, 1997). The volumes of<br />

water used at present, Sarmett and Kamugisha (2002) estimate are low, and no more than 1.1 m 3 /s.<br />

Arusha municipality has a population of between 250,000 and 350,000 (depending on authority).<br />

Although most of the water coming off Mt. Meru is used for irrigation and domestic purposes, the biggest<br />

commercial water user is the Arusha Urban Water and Sanitation Authority (AUWSA). It has 15 boreholes<br />

and an average annual capacity of 7.4 million m 3 (Schechambo, 2002). The Authority also taps water<br />

from two springs with an average combined annual yield of almost 6.4 million m 3 (Schechambo, 2002).<br />

The rivers are also used to dispose of urban waste. Moshi Municipality, Ngana (2001) says disposes<br />

sewerage directly into rivers, while Mkuula (1993) claims that the rivers Themi (near Arusha), Karanga,<br />

Njoro and Rau (near Moshi) are all polluted by urban-based industrial waste.<br />

C.6 Interventions by NGOs and international organisations in<br />

the PRB<br />

There are large numbers of NGOs operating in the Pangani River Basin (PRB), and far fewer<br />

international organisations. In this section, it is understood that these interests do not typically make<br />

demands upon the PRB’s natural resources, but that their interests are often focussed upon Natural<br />

Resource Management (NRM), conservation and the development and sustenance of livelihoods.<br />

There are far more NGO and international donor interventions than those considered. Those discussed<br />

below may form the basis for collaborative integrated management activities in the Basin, as will be<br />

discussed in the conclusion.<br />

30


Non-governmental organisations<br />

PAMOJA is a Tanzanian-based NGO that believes that dialogue is necessary in a conflict situation. It<br />

argues that ‘if the voices of the unofficial and marginalised community groups are heard and listened to<br />

by policy and decision makers, local actors can effectively contribute to the protection and rehabilitation<br />

of water catchments, while also increasing the efficiency of economic production and use of water’<br />

(PAMOJA, 2002: 3). Mutual agreement, they say, works better than law. Of late, PAMOJA has increasingly<br />

come under the scrutiny of the Pangani Basin Water Office (PBWO) as a possible route through which<br />

dialogue and mutual understanding between the PBWO and the Basin’s water users can be developed.<br />

Launched in 1992, the Tanzania Forestry Action Plan (TFAP) Project in the North Pare Mountains<br />

was concerned with a number of serious problems, including high population density, small plot sizes,<br />

exhausted soils and alarming levels of forest encroachment. Using an approach that sought to draw<br />

up site-specific management plans in collaboration with the project area’s communities, it was able to<br />

improve soil fertility, reduce surface run-off and stabilise river banks. TFAP also sought to utilise irrigation<br />

systems developed by the Wapare and used by them for centuries. Plot sizes, however, remain small,<br />

and the only cash crop cultivated in the area was coffee, leading Mndeme (n.d.) to suggest that the<br />

development of off-farm income-making opportunities and the diversification of the cash crop base would<br />

be necessary for the future success of the project (source: Mndeme, n.d.).<br />

The Traditional Irrigation and Environmental Development Organisation (TIP) has been registered in<br />

Tanzania since 1999. The organisation inherited the assets and took over the functions of a former<br />

13-year old donor-funded project called the Traditional Irrigation Programme. As it was with the latter<br />

programme, the main focus of TIP is to assist in poverty alleviation and sustaining food security for the<br />

small-scale traditional irrigation community in selected areas of Tanzania by improving traditional irrigation<br />

practices. TIP emphasises land use planning as a basis for basin management, and argues that, as an<br />

initial starting point, the Basin should be divided into sub-catchments. In each of these, there should be<br />

a sub-catchment board comprising representatives sent by each village within the sub-catchment. Each<br />

sub-catchment board will send representatives to a Basin water board (Mjata, pers. comm.).<br />

TIP works through Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) with four Tanzanian districts: Same and Mwanga<br />

in Kilimanjaro Region, Lushoto in Tanga Region and Arumeru in Arusha Region. It reaches other clients<br />

and/or interested partners elsewhere through contracts and assignments upon request (Mjata, 2002).<br />

The Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation and Development Programme (TCZCDP) has partnerships with<br />

the District Councils of Pangani and Muheza, the Tanga Municipal Council, the Tanga Regional Authority,<br />

Irish Aid (donors), and the IUCN (The Word Conservation Union) for technical and managerial advice.<br />

The overall objective of the TCZCDP is the sustainable use of coastal resources. The programme aims to<br />

enhance the well-being of coastal communities in the region by improving the health of the environment<br />

that they depend upon and diversifying the options for using the coastal environment. The TCZDP started<br />

its work in 1987 and its activities are ongoing (Mgongo, 2002).<br />

The Tanzania Coastal Management Partnership (TCMP) is a joint initiative between the National<br />

Environmental Management Council (NEMC), the Coastal Resources Center/University of Rhode Island<br />

and USAID. The partnership was initiated in 1997 to develop and apply a national coastal management<br />

framework. This latter framework is based on a series of strategies that aim to develop an integrated<br />

management plan for Tanzania’s coastline and to develop sustainable and environmentally friendly<br />

economic activities in the area (Luhikula, 2002).<br />

The Tanzania Forest Conservation Group (TFCG) was established in 1985, and promotes the conservation<br />

of forests with high biodiversity in Tanzania. The group counts amongst its successes lobbying for the<br />

creation of the Udzungwa National Park, Tanzania’s first rainforest park; the purchase of the Mazumbai<br />

Forest in the West Usambaras for research purposes by the University of Dar es Salaam; and lobbying<br />

for the EU – IUCN/Ministry of Livestock and Agriculture funded East Usambara Conservation and<br />

31


Development Project. Amongst its present activities within the PRB is the development of a Joint Forest<br />

Management (JFM) framework for the Ambangulu Forest (West Usambaras) between local communities,<br />

local government and a nearby tea estate. Through its work with communities adjacent to the Kambai<br />

Forest (West Usambaras), the TFCG has managed to have 600,000 trees planted. At Ngulwi (West<br />

Usambaras), the TFCG is trying to afforest denuded slopes and establish an ecotourism programme.<br />

International interventions<br />

Probably the largest intervention in the Pangani River Basin (PRB) has been the River Basin Management<br />

and Smallholder Irrigation Improvement Project (RBMSIIP). This is a twocomponent project being<br />

implemented by the Ministry of Water and Livestock Development (MoWLD) through its Water Resources<br />

Department; and the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security (MAFS) through its Irrigation Department.<br />

RBMSIIP was originally designed as a six year programme (1996/97-2001/02) funded with IDA credit<br />

and government counterpart funding. Following a mid-term review in 2001, the project’s new completion<br />

date was extended by a year to June 2003 to finalise planned activities.<br />

The primary objectives of the project are to strengthen the government’s capacity to manage its water<br />

resources in an integrated and comprehensive manner that ensures the equitable, efficient and sustainable<br />

development of the resource and to address water-related environmental concerns at the national level<br />

and in the Rufiji and Pangani River Basins; and, to improve irrigation efficiencies of selected smallholder<br />

traditional irrigation schemes in the two target basins. Its major achievement to date has been a review of<br />

the national water policy and the drafting of a new water policy. The latter was approved by the Tanzanian<br />

Parliament in July 2002.<br />

The UNDP-GEF East Africa Cross-border Biodiversity Project (EACBP) is a regional project funded<br />

by the Global Environment Facility (GEF) through the UNDP, and, in Tanzania, is implemented by the<br />

National Environmental Management Council (NEMC). The project works through existing administrative<br />

structures in the region, with a strong community involvement as a backbone. The project’s major<br />

objective is to reduce the rate of biodiversity loss at selected cross-border sites in East Africa. It has<br />

two immediate objectives. The first is to create an enabling environment in which government agencies<br />

and communities can jointly regulate resource use; the second is to balance the supply and demand<br />

factors that impact upon biodiversity conservation and wise use. In the Basin area, the EACBP has been<br />

working in the Shegena Forest Reserve, the largest forest block in the North Pare Mountains, where it<br />

has sought to establish a JFM framework with local communities.<br />

The Pangani River Basin Management Project (PRBMP) is generating technical information and developing<br />

participatory forums to strengthen Integrated Water Resources Management in the Pangani Basin, including<br />

mainstreaming climate change, to support the equitable provision and wise governance of freshwater<br />

for livelihoods and environment for current and future generations. The Pangani Basin Water Office is<br />

implementing the project with technical assistance from IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature),<br />

the Netherlands Development Organization (SNV) and the local NGO PAMOJA. The project is financially<br />

supported by the IUCN Water & Nature Initiative, the Government of Tanzania, the European Commission<br />

through a grant from the EU-ACP Water Facility, and the Global Environment Facility through UNDP.<br />

C.7 Conflict<br />

As mentioned above, water users are legally obliged to hold water rights issued by the Pangani Basin<br />

Water Office. The cost of a water right depends on the end to which the water is to be put. Small-scale<br />

users are often reluctant to apply and pay for water rights, arguing that water is a ‘gift from God’. According<br />

to Mujwahuzi (2001) there are 1,028 water rights in the Basin with a capacity to abstract 30.7 m 3 /s. There<br />

are, however, an additional 2,094 abstractions with a capacity to abstract about 40 m 3 /s. “The present and<br />

potential water use conflicts [in the Basin] are the result of past uncoordinated and increased development<br />

of the water resources of the Pangani especially above Nyumba ya Mungu Dam” (Mujwahuzi, 2001: 131).<br />

32


Plate 1: The Pangani River Basin<br />

(Source: River Basin Management Project)<br />

33


34<br />

Plate 2: The Administrative Pangani Basin<br />

(Source: River Basin Management Project)


Plate 3: Kilimanjaro’s famous snowcap in 1993 (at the top) and in 2000<br />

(Source: Bergkamp et al. 2003)<br />

35


Plate 4: The River Karanga at<br />

Moshi (Kim Geheb, 2002).<br />

Plate 5: Mount Kilimanjaro<br />

(Kim Geheb, 2002).<br />

36


Plate 6: An irrigation furrow in Moshi<br />

Rural District. The upper image shows<br />

it close to its source, while the lower<br />

near its terminus. (Kim Geheb, 2002).<br />

37


Plate 7: The capped spring at Shiri – Njoro. The spillway in the foreground directs<br />

water into the village’s furrows, while the control gate mounted on a concrete<br />

structure in the background directs water to Moshi.<br />

(Kim Geheb, 2002).<br />

Plate 8: Forested slopes on Mt. Meru<br />

(Kim Geheb, 2002).<br />

38


Conflict within the Pangani River Basin (PRB) is not, however, restricted to water users alone. In the<br />

examples provided below, it will become clear that many of the conflicts facing the water sector are<br />

replicated in other resource use sectors, and between different types and claims over resource use.<br />

The types of conflict identified here are a simplification of the highly complex and contentious nature<br />

of conflict development. This Situation Analysis groups conflict into three broad categories designed to<br />

provide an overview of the various types and scales of conflict present within the PRB. The categories<br />

are not mutually exclusive, given that it is in the nature of natural resources conflict and livelihood claims<br />

that the problems that affect resource access overlap, and often feed off one another. Hence, conflicts of<br />

scale may exacerbate conflicts of tenure and vice versa. The categories are: conflicts of scale, conflicts<br />

of tenure and conflicts of location.<br />

Conflicts of scale<br />

The relationship between water users of different sizes and power in the Pangani River Basin is often<br />

described in dichotomous terms. Hence, large-scale plantations using hundreds of litres of water a<br />

second and employing highly efficient irrigation systems, differ starkly from small-scale users using far<br />

less water and employing very inefficient irrigation systems. It should be noted that similar conflicts may<br />

also occur within communities, between vested power interests (such as village governments) and other<br />

community members. The extremes involved in these regards are fertile grounds for conflict to erupt.<br />

Examples of these kinds of conflict are as follows:<br />

The Shiri – Njoro Village and the Moshi Municipal Water and Sewage Authority<br />

Shiri – Njoro lies along the Moshi – Arusha Road, close to Moshi Town. Moshi is a rapidly growing urban<br />

area supported, in the main, by agriculture. As the town grows, so too has its demand for water. In 2000,<br />

engineers from the municipal water authority arrived in Shiri – Njoro and capped the community’s main<br />

spring. The spring yields 218 L/s, and the Moshi Municipal Water and Sewage Company (MMWSA)<br />

obtained a water right to abstract 116 L/s. The village had three furrows originating from the spring that<br />

abstracted about 30 L/s each. Urban Water abstraction, therefore, should have left the community with<br />

sufficient water to fill its furrows.<br />

The MMWSA, however, abstracts around 24 L/s more than it is entitled to. The Shiri – Njoro Village Council<br />

claims that it can no longer operate the three furrows from the spring, and that their community – and its<br />

agricultural economy - has been hit very hard. It is their intention to take the MMWSA to court and ‘we will<br />

sell our goats and dogs to raise the money’ to do so (Source: pers comm., Shiri – Njoro Village Council).<br />

Afgem and the small-scale miners of Merelani<br />

Tanzanite is a semiprecious bluish-purple gemstone found only in Tanzania. Tanzanite-bearing soils are said<br />

to cover an area of just 20 km 2 at Merelani. The area is divided into a series of blocks, A, B, C and D. The 8<br />

km 2 Block C is said to contain the richest deposit, an estimated 2.2 million tonnes of tanzanite. Tanzanite was<br />

discovered in the area in 1967, and Merelani town now has 75,000 inhabitants (Majtenyi and Muindi, 2001). It<br />

is ‘a boisterous, lawless settlement reminiscent of a California gold rush town’ (Lovgren, 2001: 1).<br />

In 1999, a South African multinational, African Gem Resources Ltd (Afgem), sought, and obtained, a 13-<br />

year mining concession for Block C. By 2001, Afgem had invested US$ 8 million in the concession, and<br />

another $12 million will follow once the company starts full-scale operations (Majtenyi and Muindi, 2001).<br />

Afgem, however, are not the only miners in Merelani. In fact, the industry is dominated by 10,000 smallscale<br />

miners, who oppose Afgem’s activities for the following reasons (Majtenyi and Muindi, 2001):<br />

• They accuse Afgem of trying to monopolise tanzanite mining in the area, and of attempting to<br />

drive small-scale miners away. Afgem retorts that 70 percent of its concession is mined illegally.<br />

In the second of the mine’s two shafts, workers discovered a tunnel that lead all the way to the<br />

small-scale mining plots in Block B (Lovgren, 2001).<br />

39


• Soon after obtaining its concession, Afgem started fencing off Block C. Local miners claim,<br />

however, the boundaries between the blocks are indistinct and that Afgem has no right to fence<br />

off the area.<br />

• It is claimed that Afgem has sought to laser-brand its gems as a mark of quality and authenticity.<br />

Local miners argue that this is, in fact, a ruse to ensure that their own gems are perceived as fake,<br />

forcing them to sell their gems only to Afgem’s agents.<br />

In 2000, soon after Afgem sought to fence off its concession, local miners invaded. Afgem’s security<br />

guards opened fire, killing seven and injuring many more. In April, 2001, another invasion was mounted,<br />

and a teenager killed. The following May, dozens of miners were injured when 400 of them invaded Block<br />

C, demanding Afgem’s expulsion (Majtenyi and Muindi, 2001).<br />

The miners have since sued the company, alleging that Afgem’s security guards tortured six of them. In the<br />

court papers, they also claim that Afgem’s mining licence is invalid, that company officials conduct illegal<br />

searches on pedestrians and have buried 30 small-scale miners in an abandoned mine. Against this backdrop<br />

of violence, the Tanzanian Minister for Energy and Mines, declared Merelani a controlled area, and police<br />

patrol the roadblock linking the town to the main road at the Kilimanjaro International Airport, 14 km away. The<br />

government has also formed two committees to probe the clashes (Majtenyi and Muindi, 2001).<br />

Afgem is supported by the Tanzanian Government, which argues that expelling the company would run<br />

contrary to the policy supporting the 1998 Mining Act. The Regional Commissioner, furthermore, argues<br />

that Afgem’s expulsion would be tantamount to giving in to lawlessness (Majtenyi and Muindi, 2001).<br />

Conflicts of tenure<br />

This document defines tenure as the right to manage a resource. Throughout Tanzania (and rather<br />

less so in Kenya), Community-based Natural Resources Management (CBNRM) has been seen as an<br />

attractive option with which to increase the efficiency of the nation’s Natural Resources Management<br />

(NRM) systems. Hence, Beach Management Units in fisheries, Village Natural Resource Committees<br />

in forests and Water Users Associations along river courses have all been created. The contention with<br />

these systems relates to the manner of their application and design. Here, communities may not be<br />

involved in the design of the management system, its implementation or even its justice systems. This<br />

may ensure that these institutions do not fulfil the management tasks that they were created to perform.<br />

In addition, such styles of implementation may ensure that newly formed local resource management<br />

institutions may come into conflict with pre-existing community institutions. What will also be clear from<br />

the examples provided below is that tenure relates to the right of choosing the use to which a resource is<br />

put, and the power to prevent others from putting it to different uses. Hence, conflicts of tenure will also<br />

include conflicts between different types of resource users.<br />

The Duru – Haitemba Forest management conflict<br />

The Duru – Haitemba Forest is a miombo woodland covering 40,000 ha. Along the forest’s edge lie<br />

eight, long-established villages, whose inhabitants had maintained control over the forest – albeit loosely.<br />

Charcoal-burning, in-forest cultivation and habitation, and the setting of fires, were all strictly prohibited.<br />

In 1983, reacting to a government policy directive, these villages had started the process of applying for<br />

ownership of village lands, including adjacent forested ridges. In 1985, however, the Duru – Haitemba<br />

Forest was ear-marked for reservation so as to guarantee its future productivity, assure its conservation<br />

and, novely (at the time) to make the forest pay for its own management via, for example, the imposition<br />

of exploitation permits or fines. The mainstay of the forest’s protection was to be delivered via large<br />

numbers of forest guards. Village representatives clearly indicated to government foresters that while<br />

they supported the conservation of the forest, they resented the need for them to lose their forest in order<br />

for this to be achieved. Once the Forest Guards were established, all semblance of community concern<br />

for the forest was discarded. Fields were cleared well into the forest, charcoal burning commenced,<br />

40


felling started and outsiders, perceiving that government control of the forest equated with a free-forall,<br />

started bring their cattle into the forest to graze. “By eliminating the local sense of proprietorship,<br />

no matter how weakly local rights were backed up in statutory law or implemented on the ground, the<br />

government also eliminated local guardianship, or recognition in the wider community that the forests<br />

were not public property…” (Wiley, 1999: 53 – 54). (Source: Wiley, 1999).<br />

Conflicts between resource users of different types<br />

As land becomes increasingly scarce in upstream areas of the PRB, farmers seek additional land and<br />

irrigation opportunities downstream. As early as 1946, Johnston noted that “…as the Chagga extend<br />

their kihamba land lower down the slopes of Kilimanjaro, they will begin to resent the aliens there whom<br />

chiefs in the past allowed to settle” (p. 4). This friction between people of different ethnic origins is<br />

accentuated when the demands of both are for land and water. Different resource demands, however,<br />

may not necessarily cancel out a basis for conflict. Much of the land in the lowland areas of the Basin<br />

has traditionally been utilised by pastoralist Maasai. The Maasai consider migration into their traditional<br />

lands as an invasion of their territory, and the transformation of productive pastoral land into other uses.<br />

Simanjiro District lies to the south of Arusha town, and contains within it the mining town of Merelani.<br />

In 1995, 85% of its 65,000 inhabitants were Maasai pastoralists. Pastoralism is often considered<br />

the most appropriate form of land use in Africa’s arid and semi-arid lands (cf. Warren, 1995). These<br />

systems, however, assume a certain degree of resource permanence. Pastoralist resource management<br />

institutions, associated lifestyles and social patterns are often built upon the premise that the area covered<br />

by their pasture will not be altered. This has not been the case in Simanjiro.<br />

The traditional pastureland of the Simanjiro Maasai has been threatened from three directions:<br />

• Commercial farming: by 1994, 50,000 hectares of Simanjiro land had been set aside for use by<br />

large-scale farms of between 90 and 13,000 ha size. The farms produced mainly seed beans for<br />

export to Holland. ‘To discourage and prevent pastoralists from grazing their cattle on these farms,<br />

all biomass residues are burnt immediately after harvest’ (ole Sikar, 1996: 1). Land owners also<br />

confiscated cattle, fined trespassers and, ole Sikar claims, shot livestock and their herders.<br />

• Mining activities - of both small and large-scale varieties, have assumed control over large tracts of<br />

Simanjiro land that are then either so badly damaged that they yield no useful grazing product, or<br />

else are closed to grazing completely.<br />

• Tourism: As has been the case for pastoralists in and around Mkomazi Game Reserve, land in<br />

Simanjiro has been alienated for the purposes of protecting wildlife. The district’s Maasai argue that<br />

this is unnecessary, given that they have co-existed with wildlife for centuries. ‘Households have<br />

been forced to stop grazing their animals in these areas. At the same time the wild animals have<br />

been allowed to graze with domestic animals in traditional grazing areas such as the Simanjiro<br />

Plains’ (ole Sikar, 1996: 2). In addition, the Maasai complain, wildlife transmits disease to Maasai<br />

livestock. The Simanjiro Maasai have been compensated neither for lost pasture nor for livestock<br />

lost to wildlife diseases.<br />

These trends have occurred against a background of official government policy seeking, in particular,<br />

large-scale farming and industrial investment aimed at satisfying national needs over and above localised<br />

pastoralist interests. Hence, strategies aimed at meeting national goals may result in difficult-to-solve local<br />

management problems, and intractable resource exploitation difficulties giving rise to over-exploitation and<br />

localised conflict. In this sense, the conflicts of the Simanjiro and other Maasai are also conflicts of scale,<br />

and provide a graphic example of how scale conflicts may also be tenurial conflicts at the same time.<br />

Kenya’s Taita – Taveta District is not immune from these conflicts. Two thirds of the district’s land is<br />

owned by just two land owners and the county council. As a result, many of Taita–Taveta’s indigenous<br />

population are squatters. As a result, serious conflict exists between the landless and land-owners.<br />

Such conflict complicates the management of the district’s natural resources considerably, a problem<br />

41


that extends into the water sector. Squatters seeking to till the land in this semi-arid area are wholly<br />

dependent on irrigation (Musyoki, pers. comm.). They do not, however, possess water rights, as they<br />

are obliged to do, and much of the water is in any case abstracted upstream by the district’s large-scale<br />

sisal interests. Partly in an effort to address the conflict in the area, the government has purchased some<br />

9,700 ha in an effort to find land on which to settle small-scale farming interests.<br />

Conflicts between differing water management perspectives: an example from Mt. Kilimanjaro<br />

Tagseth (2002) argues that the failure of formal administrative systems within the Basin to recognise<br />

customary rights to water and its administration has been a cause of conflict between such customary<br />

interests and the formal administration of the Pangani River Basin (PRB). One method employed by<br />

formal administrative sources within the Basin has been the use of water control gates. It is said that<br />

because small-scale irrigating communities were not consulted first, they viewed the control gates as<br />

a gross violation of their right to water. In many cases, the gates have been vandalised or completely<br />

destroyed (Figure 4). In other areas, villagers have simply cut new inflow points in the riverbank, bypassing<br />

control gates (Shishira, 2002).<br />

PAMOJA (2002) argues that communities within the PRB perceive access to water as being one of their basic<br />

rights, and take a dim view of government attempts to impose tariffs on water use and rules on its exploitation.<br />

Part of communities’ reluctance with the PRB’s administration stems from their perception that large-scale<br />

commercial interests are favoured over their own, smaller claims for water. The ‘top-down’ approaches so<br />

far adopted by the government, PAMOJA argues, are characterised by an absence of dialogue, and yields<br />

difficult-to-solve conflicts. Dialogue-based approaches, they feel, are more likely to ‘forge a way forward that<br />

meets the needs and interests of policy makers, legislators and communities alike’ (PAMOJA, 2002: 2).<br />

On Mt. Kilimanjaro, a furrow committee chairman has traditionally managed irrigation furrows. Chairmen<br />

are always male, and are drawn from the lineage of the person who originally dug the furrow. The furrow<br />

passes through or along the land of various potential water users, many of whom wish to use the water<br />

for irrigation purposes. To qualify for an allocation, users must contribute towards maintenance crews<br />

who regularly patrol the furrow looking for damage. Various additional rules regulate water use, such as<br />

times between which abstraction may occur, how water use is to be rotated amongst users and so on.<br />

These rules are not set in stone. This is useful, because some people alongside furrows may need less<br />

water than others, while some need considerably more. Gillingham (1999) describes five ways in which<br />

people who need more water than their allocation permits may obtain additional water: the first is to<br />

‘borrow’ water – someone who needs more water than their allocation will borrow water from someone<br />

they know who needs less. This is the most common method of obtaining water additional to a person’s<br />

allocation. The second is to obtain additional water from another nearby furrow. The third is to buy water<br />

– here, someone who has used less water than he needs offers to sell the remainder of his allocation to<br />

someone he knows who needs more than his allocation. Because water is considered a ‘gift from God’,<br />

then it is illegal to buy it directly. Sellers get around this by selling their labour to the buyer, and then, if<br />

questioned, saying that the buyer is borrowing the remainder of their water allocation. The fourth way of<br />

obtaining water is to irrigate at night when there are no water allocations. Finally, the fifth way of gaining<br />

additional water is to steal it by, for example, irrigating while it is someone else’s allocation day, although<br />

this is very unusual (Gillingham, 1999).<br />

This flexibility in the rules, Gillingham (1999) argues, ‘…is crucial to the allocative efficiency and sustainability<br />

of the irrigation system…If all furrow users were restricted to the use of their formal allocation only, the<br />

furrow irrigation system would meet the irrigation water needs of only a few furrow users’. Gillingham<br />

argues that this system is reliable, because stealing is permitted neither under the formal allocation system<br />

nor under the working rules – if the system were unreliable, people would not contribute to the furrow’s<br />

maintenance. This complementary relationship between formal and working rules takes a great deal of time<br />

to develop – the first furrows on Mt. Kilimanjaro were dug in the 18 th century. In the lowland areas, where<br />

settlement is more recent, the climate drier, the population more scattered and social diversity much higher,<br />

then the cohesion between formal and working rules is not so great.<br />

42


These rules emphasise social equity and conflict minimisation. They sit uneasily alongside new, externally<br />

imposed, rules that demand efficient water use. In addition, these new rules seek the establishment of Water<br />

Users’ Associations (WUAs), which are not the same as Furrow Committees. WUAs are expected to collect fees<br />

from water users that then contribute towards the payment of a water right, obtainable from the Pangani Basin<br />

Water Office. In a culture where water is perceived to be a ‘gift from God’, the notion that it must be paid for is<br />

simply illogical. In addition, Gillingham worries, externally imposed sets of rules are far less likely to succeed than<br />

internally generated ones that have been altered and moulded to local cultural and environmental peculiarities<br />

over long periods of time. Gillingham believes that the mismatch between the management process at the local<br />

level and that at the external level may endanger the success of externally sourced management initiatives.<br />

Conflicts of location<br />

Users located in upstream areas are placed more favourably vis-à-vis water abstraction than are downstream<br />

users. At its most basic, these problems can be seen along irrigation furrows where users close to the water<br />

source are able to grow crops with very high water demands. Irrigated rice, for example, requires 3,000 litres<br />

of water to produce a kilo of harvest. Users located at the end of a furrow, however, are obliged to plant low<br />

water demand crops. The serious problems faced by downstream hydropower plants are another example.<br />

The Lower Moshi Irrigation Scheme<br />

Before the Lower Moshi Irrigation Scheme (LMIS) was developed in 1987, there was very little irrigated<br />

rice paddy in the area, and farmers could expect to harvest about 2 tonnes of rice per hectare. Following<br />

completion of the scheme, yields increased to 8 tonnes per hectare, prompting farmers outside the project<br />

to try to replicate the Scheme’s farming techniques. As a result, water demands increased substantially,<br />

causing a constant water shortage supply problem downstream of the project. The Scheme itself has<br />

suffered from water shortages on account of intense abstractions upstream, and has been forced to<br />

reduce the hectarage under irrigation from 2,300 to 647 in 1994. Farmers involved in the Scheme were<br />

very unhappy. They explained that their water allocations followed a well-planned programme. Upstream<br />

users had no such programme, so causing the water scarcity at the Scheme. In addition, farmers claimed,<br />

upstream users had influence within the government and Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) (Tanzania’s<br />

ruling party) circles, so they could not be challenged (Mujwahuzi, 2001: 134 and 136).<br />

The case of small-scale irrigators and the Tanzania Electric Supply Co.<br />

TANESCO claims that it needs at least 40 m 3 /s to run the New Pangani Falls (NPF) Hydropower facility.<br />

After the Nyumba ya Mungu Dam (NYM) has released water into the Pangani, additional water joins it<br />

via a few tributaries. By the time the water arrives at NPF, however, it is often insufficient to drive the<br />

turbines. “Sometimes we have so little water that we have to close down the station and allow the water<br />

to pool overnight, so that we can open again in the morning” (Lugeiyamu pers. comm.).<br />

As land becomes more and more scarce upstream of the NYM, farming downstream of the dam has also<br />

increased. Because conditions down here are much warmer and rainfall much lower, the need to irrigate<br />

is commensurately greater. The NPF’s manager, therefore, blames unregulated water abstractions for<br />

the inadequate amounts of water that he receives. He points out that while water to his plant has declined,<br />

the area under irrigation has not. “Small-scale irrigators do not use electricity, so they do not understand<br />

these problems” (Lugeiyama, pers. comm.).<br />

At the same time, control over abstractions has declined. When the NPF facility was constructed, money<br />

was also available to construct water control gates along the river’s main abstraction points, and to<br />

monitor these. As funding has declined, monitoring has become more infrequent, the control gates have<br />

been destroyed and/or new abstraction points cut into the riverbank.<br />

As a result, electricity generation has declined. In April 1999, the NPF facility generated 45 million<br />

kWh. In April, 2002, it generated 25 million kWh. This, of course, has a direct impact on the investment<br />

attractiveness of the plant. TANESCO is, at present, seeking to privatise itself. “If the NYM power plant<br />

has an 8 MW capacity and we can deliver only 3, who will invest in us?” (Lugeiyamu, pers. comm.).<br />

43


C.8 Summary of points<br />

At its core, the problems that face resource use in the Pangani River Basin (PRB) relate to an increasing<br />

population against a background of high levels of poverty. Poverty and environmental degradation are<br />

often perceived to be interlinked (cf. WCED, 1987). The problems of managing Common Property<br />

Resources (CPRs) are often thought to increase when there are large numbers of people involved,<br />

particularly when their cultural homogeneity may be weak (cf. Ostrom, 1990). The structure and function<br />

of rural livelihoods may become imperilled when the ability of rural people to control and secure adequate<br />

sources of livelihood are threatened.<br />

This chapter has reviewed these difficulties by first identifying a series of major ‘interests’ within the<br />

Basin. It has then gone on to consider the various conflicts that exist between them. The main points to<br />

be derived from this discussion are as follows:<br />

• The major interests within the Basin comprise industrial interests (electricity, mining and<br />

farming), farming (large and small scale farming, both associated with a considerable reliance<br />

on irrigation), pastoralist interests (particularly in lowland areas), and growing urban interests.<br />

This chapter has focussed primarily on the water usage of these interests. Operating between<br />

these diverse interests and the multiplicity of natural resources within the Basin are NGOs<br />

and international donor agencies. The mandate of these is primarily conservation and/or the<br />

development and enhancement of rural livelihoods.<br />

• It is important to note that the population of the Basin is high, that for many of them, livelihoods are<br />

derived from farming, and that there is much to suggest that they are economically vulnerable. In<br />

addition, the diversity and richness of the Basin’s resources mean that large(er)-scale interests<br />

are attracted to the Basin, and substantial investments have been made. There exists, between<br />

these large-scale interests and small-scale livelihood security, room for conflict.<br />

• This Chapter divided conflicts into three broad, inter-related, categories. The first related to<br />

conflicts of scale, in which it was argued that small-scale users often had to compete against<br />

much larger claims for the same resource. The second conflict area related to conflicts of tenure.<br />

‘Tenure’ here refers to the right to manage one’s resources, and conflict arises between different<br />

management sources and priorities. The third class of conflict is related to location. Here, the<br />

way in which the location of a group of resource users can bring them into conflict with users<br />

elsewhere, was considered. The classic example of such ‘location’ conflict arising between<br />

upstream and downstream users was provided.<br />

• It is clear, therefore, that the diversity of resources in the Pangani River Basin (PRB) brings with<br />

it an equal diversity of conflict types. What concerns the PRB is the extent to which management<br />

is able to deal with conflict of all degrees of intensity and the natural resource allocation problems<br />

that underlie them.<br />

44


D<br />

Natural Resource Management<br />

in the Pangani River Basin<br />

D.1 Introduction<br />

This Chapter considers the Natural Resources Management (NRM) of the Pangani River Basin (PRB). In<br />

the first section, the ‘formal’ administration of the Basin is considered. Many arms of government administer<br />

the basin. This is, in and of itself, problematic because it can mean that the initiative of one branch may<br />

undermine the activities of others. For example, water conservation initiatives may be undermined by<br />

irrigation development activities. In addition, it may also mean that Central Government may seek to<br />

implement national policies within the Basin without reference to local conditions, demands and resource<br />

difficulties. Finally, it also means that a highly ‘sectoral’ approach to management occurs, with forestry<br />

departments unaware of, for example, wildlife development initiatives. While the latter initiatives may not<br />

directly concern forests, they do concern the overall management of the Basin, of which both sectors are<br />

an integral part. The first section of this Chapter considers the activities of two important sectors within the<br />

Basin: water and forestry, and assesses these in the light of management delivery.<br />

The second section assesses the activities of management at the community level, while the third considers<br />

cross-border management of the Basin. The fourth section addresses the difficulties of monitoring and<br />

data collection in the Basin. The final section will summarise the findings of this Chapter.<br />

D. 2 Government management, Legislation and policy<br />

Water administration, legislation and policy<br />

The principal legislation governing water resources in Tanzania is the Water Resources Management<br />

Act 2009 (WRM Act) that provides for implementation of the National Water Policy 2002. The WRM Act<br />

repeals the Water Utilization Act No. 42 of 1974 and its Amendment Act No.10 of 1981; and Written<br />

Laws (Miscellaneous) Act No.17 of 1989 and General (Regulations) Amendment. Particularly Act No. 10<br />

of 1981 introduced the concept of allocating water based on hydrological boundaries. Accordingly nine<br />

river/lake basins were gazetted, although it was not until 10-years later that administrative authorities<br />

(Basin Water Offices) to manage water resources started to be established. The Pangani River Basin<br />

was firstly appointed in 1991 followed by the Rufiji Basin in (1993), by 2004 all 9-Basin Water Offices<br />

were established. The establishment of PBWO in 1991 was a product of donor concerns that there would<br />

be inadequate water to run the New Pangani Falls Hydroelectric Plant, at the same time serious water<br />

use conflicts were emerging and escalating in both the Pangani and Rufiji basins.<br />

The WRM Act provides for the legal and institutional framework for river basin management as envisaged<br />

by the policy and provides for three levels of basin management: national, basin, and catchment. Local<br />

government authorities and community based organizations or water associations are key players in<br />

some of these institutions and the minister may delegate some functions to these entities. All water is<br />

public water and is vested in the President as the trustee for the benefit of the citizens; thus at the national<br />

level the Minister responsible for water resources is in-charge of all water resources affairs and is the<br />

appellate authority. The Minister is responsible for National Policy and strategy formulation, appoints<br />

members of the National Water Board, the Director for water resources, Basin Water Officers of the Basin<br />

Water Boards (BWB). The Minister establishes BWBs and catchment or sub-catchment committees and<br />

facilitates sectoral coordination and planning. The Minister is assisted by the Director of Water Resources,<br />

and advised by the National Water Board on matters related to multi-sectoral coordination in integrated<br />

water resources planning and management. The Director is the chief advisor to the Government on all<br />

matters of water resources, supervises and coordinates activities of the Basin Water Boards, prepares<br />

45


the National Water Resources Plan an implementation strategy, coordinates preparation of basin plans<br />

and generally ensures coordinated water resources development, management and protection.<br />

The new BWBs are fully responsible for all matters related to allocation, management and protection of<br />

water resources and formulation of policies and programmes aiming at management and development<br />

of water resources and control of water pollution. The BWBs have legal powers and functions to prepare<br />

basin water resources management plans in which sectoral and district plans are integrated. They<br />

coordinate inter-sectoral water management and serve as a channel of communication for the sectors at<br />

the basin level. They approve issuance of water permits and effluent discharge permits, monitor, evaluate<br />

and approve construction of hydraulic structures, and generally monitor the health of rivers, aquifers, lakes,<br />

wetlands and enforce the law. The new Basin Water Board advises the Director and coordinates activities<br />

of the catchment committees. The Basin Water Officer is the principal officer of the BWB responsible for the<br />

management of the affairs of the Board and serves as the ex-officio Secretary. The Pangani Water Board<br />

is expected to function in accordance with the institutional set-up prescribed by the WRM Act<br />

The PBWO encourages the formation of Water User’s Associations (WUAs) and, typically small scale<br />

farmers using one source and the same water infrastructure are formed into a WUA which applies for<br />

a water permit on behalf of its members. It is said that the WUAs make administration easier, because<br />

then the PBWO deals with the WUA alone and not multiple individuals. WUAs are also supposed to<br />

collect fees from water users that will ultimately be used to pay for their water permit.<br />

In the early 1990s, water rights in the PRB consumed a total of 33.4 m 3 /s, but an inspection carried out<br />

by the PBWO in 1992/93 suggested that actual abstraction came to 48 m 3 /s (Mujwahuzi, 2002). There<br />

are 567 approved water rights in the four Tanzanian Regions sharing the Pangani River Basin, while an<br />

additional 300 have provisionally been granted. There are, however, almost twice as many abstractions<br />

carried out without any water right (Table 5). About 46% of final and provisional water right grants come<br />

from the Kilimanjaro Region. Almost 66% of the Basin’s illegal abstractions occur in this Region.<br />

Clearly, therefore, there exist serious difficulties in monitoring abstractions and in implementing the tenets<br />

of Tanzania’s water legislation. Amongst the problems confronting the PBWO are the following;<br />

• Although there are many monitoring stations throughout the PRB, their operation is erratic, and<br />

data series often interrupted because the stations fail. Manual monitoring can also be carried<br />

out, but data collectors are often insufficiently enumerated and may lack any incentive to collect<br />

these. As a result, water rights are issued without really knowing how much water can, in fact,<br />

be allocated. Additional important data, such as environmental flow data, is unavailable, and the<br />

PBWO does not know how much water must be retained within the basin to supply its ecosystems<br />

(Sarmett, pers. comm.).<br />

• Because so many abstractions are illegal, it is not possible for the PBWO to know how much<br />

water is being abstracted.<br />

• The PRB and all other basins in the country are not institutionally and financially strong enough<br />

to manage and monitor and control all water use in the basin. Thus control gates built at the<br />

junctions of furrows and rivers by PBWO in 1994 have largely been destroyed by communities<br />

unable to see their utility and reluctant to pay water users’ fees. There is no way that this could<br />

have been prevented unless the affected saw the need and value of the gates, and unless the<br />

local authorities were involved in their planning in the first place.<br />

• The PBWO is supposed to be administratively and financially independent. However, many<br />

water users believe that water is a ‘gift from God’, and refuse to pay for their water rights, even<br />

though the rates are very low. The PBWO therefore faces serious funding difficulties. The law is<br />

silent on how to deal with debtors. As a result, almost 60% of annual water rights bills fail to be<br />

settled (Sarmett and Kamugisha, 2002).<br />

46


Table 6: Water rights (WR) in the Pangani River Basin (Tanzania), May, 2003<br />

Region Final Provisional Application Without Dormant Total<br />

Grant Grant WR. WR. WR.<br />

Arusha 184 135 57 141 144 661<br />

Manyara 3 3 2 10 0 18<br />

Kilimanjaro 264 138 118 1224 203 1947<br />

Tanga 116 24 25 488 118 771<br />

Total 567 300 202 1863 465 3397<br />

Notes<br />

Final grant: a water right granted and operational.<br />

Provisional grant: a water right granted, but for which the applicant has yet to complete the construction of<br />

water conveyance systems to the satisfaction of the PBWO. Normally, s/he has a year to do so, after which an<br />

extension must be sought.<br />

Application WR: water rights applied for. The PBWO processes such applications following existing procedures<br />

before submission to the PBWB meeting for approval and issuing the right.<br />

Without WR: these refer to illegal abstractions (i.e. abstractions without a water right). Half of these are thought<br />

to abstract around 10 litres per second; this estimate needs to be verified.<br />

Dormant WR: these are water rights granted, but whose owners are currently not utilising them. If the right is<br />

not used for three years, the permit will be withdrawn. A water right and water use survey is needed to verify the<br />

number of dormant rights in the Basin, and to determine whether or not any should be withdrawn.<br />

Source: Pangani Basin Water Office.<br />

• The WRM Act does not provide a direct link between the PBWB and Local Government Authorities<br />

(LGAs) or other lower levels of administration save for representations in the basin board and<br />

catchment committees. However the Minister may delegate the performance of any function<br />

stipulated in the act to a local government authority. The BWOs are not part of the LGAs and<br />

do not have the same responsibilities in the basin, but necessarily must work together under the<br />

principles of common but differentiated responsibilities. Working with the LGAs and a multitude of<br />

other stakeholders and sectoral interests is a challenge for the basin water officers who must be<br />

resourceful in this matter. The BWB are required, by the WRM Act to integrate District plans into the<br />

basin water resources management plan which will be legally binding to every player in the basin.<br />

• The administrative jurisdiction of the PBWO is the PRB, which does not follow formal administrative<br />

boundaries. In the PRB, the PBWO must work with a multitude of local government authorities.<br />

• River basins comprise large numbers of resources that are inter-connected with one another<br />

and changes to one resource may have repercussions for the other basin resources. In the PRB,<br />

planning is fragmented, sectoral and regionally or district oriented. The WRM Act mandates<br />

BWBs to prepare Integrated Water Resources Management Plans in their respective basins that<br />

will be legally binding to all water developments, management and protection.<br />

Water administration in Kenya is governed by the Water Act of 2002 (RoK, 2002). Insofar as basin-wide<br />

management is concerned (provision for which is contained within the Water Act), the National Water<br />

Resources Management Strategy (RoK, 2003) is highly relevant. The Water Act established a Water<br />

Resources Management Authority (WRMA) charged with the management and administration of most<br />

aspects of Kenya’s water resources. There are numerous organisations arranged beneath the WRMA,<br />

which are described in the Box to the right. Here, the incorporation of stakeholders into the management<br />

and administration of the Act is considered.<br />

47


The management unit that the WRMA is expected focus upon is water catchment areas, which it is<br />

charged with defining. Each catchment is supposed to have a Catchment Area Advisory Committee<br />

(CAAC) of 15 members, appointed by the WRMA, and comprising representatives from a wide array of<br />

private and public stakeholder sectors. Under the Water Act, the CAAC is charged to ‘advise officers of<br />

the Authority [WRMA] at the appropriate regional office concerning:<br />

48<br />

Box 12: Kenyan Water Administration<br />

• The Minister for Water: exercises control over all water resources in accordance with the 2002<br />

Water Act.<br />

• Director of Water: assists the Minister with the discharge of his/her duties.<br />

• Water Resources Management Authority (WRMA): undertakes water resources management<br />

functions.<br />

• Catchment Area Advisory Committee (CAAC): advises officers of the WRMA on matters of water<br />

management relevant to the catchment area under its jurisdiction.<br />

• National Water Conservation and Pipeline Corporation (NWC&PC); on behalf of the Minister,<br />

carries out the development of state schemes that provide bulk water for use by licensees and<br />

other water services providers.<br />

• Water Appeal Board (WAB): hears and determines any suit of any person having a right or<br />

proprietary interest which is directly affected by the decision of order of the Authority.<br />

• Water resources users associations: assist the authority in water resources protection at the<br />

grassroots level.<br />

(a) water resources conservation, use and apportionment;<br />

(b) the grant, adjustment, cancellation or variation of any [water] permit; and<br />

(c) any other matters pertinent to the proper management of water resources’ (RoK, 2000: 953).<br />

Actual power for the administration of the Water Act (including powers of arrest, prosecution and issuing water<br />

permits) rests with the WRMA. The latter is also charged with the development of a national water strategy,<br />

which was published in 2003 (RoK, 2003). The Strategy explains stakeholder involvement in Kenya’s water<br />

management and administration as follows: ‘The National Water Policy (NWP) foresees a situation whereby<br />

NGOs and communities will play a greater role in the water sector including water resources management.<br />

This would require that the new actors undergo capacity building…’ (RoK, 2003: 73).<br />

The Strategy emphasises environmental protection in whole catchments, and provides the following<br />

policy guideline:<br />

‘To ensure environmentally sustainable development, geared towards the integrating and<br />

strengthening of environmental values and considerations into water resources planning,<br />

management and development and increasing awareness on [sic.] their impact on human health,<br />

development and other natural resources. Focus will primarily be concentrated on clarifying,<br />

improving and streamlining the institutions and processes responsible for the integration of<br />

environmental aspects in overall water resources management’ (RoK, 2003: 23).<br />

In addition, the Strategy places considerable emphasis on catchment protection, particularly on the<br />

conservation of Kenya’s rapidly declining forest reserves:<br />

‘Water catchment areas need…to be identified and delineated and water catchment<br />

preservation and protection programmes instituted with the relevant ministry in-charge of<br />

forestry. In addition, groundwater conservation zones need to be identified to avoid depletion<br />

of this resource to promote integrated catchment management. All stakeholders will be<br />

encouraged to pool their resources to protect the country’s catchments’ (RoK, 2003: 33).


In this respect, Kenya’s Water Policy provides a basis upon which the trans-boundary management of<br />

the Pangani River Basin’s resources may be managed, given that it is deforestation on Mt. Kilimanjaro’s<br />

slopes (in Tanzania) that directly affect Lake Jipe’s water level and quality (in Kenya).<br />

Forestry administration, legislation and policy<br />

The management of Tanzania’s forests is<br />

divided between two main authorities. The main<br />

custodian of the nation’s forests is the Forestry<br />

and Beekeeping Division (FBD), which falls under<br />

the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism.<br />

The President’s Office is also a managerial<br />

player in Tanzania’s forests through roles played<br />

by regional governments and local government.<br />

A third managerial interest is Tanzania National<br />

Parks (TANAPA), which administers those<br />

forests that fall within national park boundaries<br />

(Lambrechts et al., 2002).<br />

Central<br />

Government<br />

FBD<br />

Local<br />

Government<br />

District<br />

Executive<br />

Officer<br />

Like the present water administration, the forestry<br />

administration is also dualist. At the regional level,<br />

a Regional Natural Resources Officer (RNRO)<br />

sits on the Regional Secretariat, representing<br />

forestry. Reporting to the RNRO are District<br />

Executive Officers, below whom are District<br />

Natural Resources Officers.<br />

The regional administration does not have<br />

jurisdiction over Catchment Forests. The<br />

Catchment Forestry Project (CFP) was launched<br />

in 1976 by the Forest and Beekeeping Division<br />

(FBD). In the Arusha Region, 118,921 ha of forest<br />

are covered by the project. In Kilimanjaro Region,<br />

it is 138,785, while in Tanga it is 107,499 (Kijazi,<br />

2002). Catchment forests are considered ‘core<br />

protected areas’, and are administered from the<br />

CFP office in the FBD Headquarters, which reports<br />

to central government. Reporting to the CFP office<br />

are Regional Catchment Forest Managers – one<br />

in each region. Reporting to these are District<br />

Catchment Forest Managers. These managers<br />

receive funds straight from the CFP office, and<br />

must have a management plan for each of the<br />

RNRO<br />

FCFO<br />

Catchment<br />

forests in<br />

Regional<br />

Districts<br />

Production<br />

Forest<br />

DNRO<br />

DFO<br />

Forests<br />

Local<br />

Forest<br />

Reserves<br />

Figure 3: Forestry administration in<br />

Tanzania<br />

forests within their jurisdiction. These two separate hierarchies are presented in Figure 3. At the district<br />

level, District Forestry Officers (DFOs) implement FBD activities, including revenue collection. Most of<br />

the time, local and production forests fall under the district administration, but catchment forests may also<br />

fall within their remit. Because DFOs collect revenues on behalf of the FBD, then all of those holding a<br />

diploma or better are paid by the FBD (Kijazi and Nashanda, pers. comm.).<br />

The 1998 Forest Policy encourages community participation in the management of natural resources<br />

and this includes those communities adjacent to mangrove forest reserves. The Management Strategy<br />

requires that efforts be made to include local communities in different activities, from planning to<br />

implementation. Such activities include control of harvesting, planting mangroves in depleted areas,<br />

protection activities like patrols, and awareness creation (Kijazi, 2002).<br />

49


In Kenya, forests are remarkably under-regulated, a fact borne out by the crippling rates of deforestation that<br />

have ensured that just 2–3% of the country is covered by forest. Urgent remedial measures carried out by the<br />

government, including significant reform of the Forestry Department and the introduction of a new Forestry<br />

Bill, have yet to bear fruit. Within Kenya’s portion of the PRB, very few forest reserves remain, except for small<br />

patches of forest in the Taita Hills, Kenya’s only representative of the Eastern Arc Mountains. Most of the<br />

difficulties associated with deforestation arising in Kenya relate to tree cutting across the border in Tanzania,<br />

providing an excellent example of the need for an adequate cross-border management strategy for the Basin.<br />

D.3 Community-level administration<br />

Ideas concerning the joint management of resources have, of late, become a much-vaunted option<br />

in the management of natural resources. Typically (but not always) the ‘stakeholders’ involved in the<br />

management scheme are the state and resource using communities. At this broad level of discussion,<br />

the concept of joint management is extremely ambiguous, in part, because of the need to develop Natural<br />

Resources Management (NRM) systems that are site and society-specific.<br />

Typically, at these levels of managerial intervention, management seeks institutions as their building blocks.<br />

Institutions are “...the rules of the game in a society or, more formally...the humanly devised constraints that shape<br />

human interaction” (North, 1993: 3). In this sense, institutions form the limits within which daily lives are conducted.<br />

Care should be taken to understand that institutions are not static end products, but dynamic processes that alter to<br />

respond to external pressures, internal changes and conflict and other pressures. A society’s institutions may play<br />

an important role in shaping how it develops its economies and, indeed, how it responds to external economies.<br />

Institutions are not organisations, the success and operation of which will often depend on institutions.<br />

In much of the literature on common property resource management, it is traditional institutions that are<br />

recommended as the basis for co-managerial development (see examples in Berkes, 1989 and MacKay<br />

and Acheson, 1983). Typically, these are heralded as evidence that communities are capable of managing<br />

Box 13: The development of community-based forestry management in<br />

the Duru – Haitemba Forest, Arusha Region<br />

Above, the conflict that erupted between community members living alongside the Duru–Haitemba<br />

Forest and the Tanzanian government when the forest was turned into a reserve was described.<br />

Once it was clear that the forest was not benefiting from state management, and given that local<br />

government had few remaining resources with which to support forestry staff, it was decided to<br />

give the forest communities the opportunity to run the forest for themselves. The only condition<br />

stipulated was success: that the Duru – Haitemba became and remained uninhabited, that its<br />

degraded condition be reversed and that its products be exploited sustainably.<br />

Early steps taken by the communities commenced with the demarcation of the forest into zones<br />

for which each peripheral community would assume responsibility. A very simple management plan<br />

was then produced for each zone. These plans stipulated (a) who could or could not use the forest<br />

(b) the forest uses that the communities allowed themselves to undertake (c) what uses could<br />

be effected only on a village-managed quota and permit system; and (d) what forest uses were<br />

wholly forbidden. Encroachers were promptly evicted, charcoal burning, ring-barking and forest<br />

clearing were banned, and non-local loggers ‘encouraged’ to leave. Damaged areas were closed<br />

off to community exploitation, while an increasingly nuanced range of regulations served to ensure<br />

that what exploitation did occur was sustainable. Sophisticated ‘closed’ and ‘open’ seasons were<br />

developed, allowing certain types of exploitation to occur in certain places at certain times of the<br />

year (such as grazing). Finally, young men from the communities were taken on to patrol the forest,<br />

and rewarded with a share of the fines they managed to collect (Source: Wily, 1997).<br />

50


their resources. However, institutions are contextual and temporal, and are developed in response to<br />

particular social and economic needs set within particular times and places (North, 1993; Ostrom, 1990;<br />

Crean and Geheb, 2001). Hence, traditional institutions designed to manage forests may have worked<br />

well under conditions where user rights were in place, markets were restricted and populations low. Under<br />

opposite conditions, these institutions may have little managerial value. Nevertheless, they retain attractions<br />

because they may be socially and culturally more attractive than novel, externally-derived institutions.<br />

A second batch of institutions of potential managerial value are government implemented structures and<br />

organisations that have been in place for a sufficiently long time that communities view them as ‘normal’ within<br />

the remit of their daily lives. In this sense, such structures have become institutionalised to a host society.<br />

As discussed earlier, Tanzania has been keen to establish Community-based Natural Resource<br />

Management (CBNRM) institutions in virtually all of its resource areas. In the Pangani River Basin (PRB),<br />

amongst the most important are Water Users Associations (WUAs) and Village Natural Resources<br />

Committees (VNRCs). Attention is given to both of these in this section.<br />

Tagseth (2002) identified two types of village-level furrow organisation. The first of these is centred on unnamed<br />

and informal groups of users described above, lead by a chairman who organises users into work groups<br />

to maintain the furrow in return for an allocation of water. Chairmen have typically owned their furrows for<br />

generations. This historical claim of the organisation over the furrow and its water means that the organisation<br />

perceives seeking permission to use the furrow’s water from, for example, the PBWO, as completely alien.<br />

The second type of furrow organisation identified by Tagseth (2002) is much more formal. Its leader is<br />

either elected or appointed. There are more rules governing, for example, contributions towards the<br />

scheme and water allocation. Access to water is regulated with the use of membership fees, fines for<br />

violations and possibly bribery.<br />

It is clear that the first of these two types of institutions is the least formal, which may render it unappealing to<br />

government administrative systems keen to develop bureaucratic structures and clarity. It is, however, also<br />

based on traditional social structures and ideologies which probably mean that (a) it is better able to deal with<br />

very localised difficulties and conflicts; and (b) it is more compatible with local perceptions and ways of thinking.<br />

In this sense, the first, informal, institution is better able to deal with the high levels of social, resource and cultural<br />

heterogeneity present in the PRB, while the second may not be able to deal with these kinds of vagaries.<br />

Earlier, thoughts criticising the establishment and implementation of WUAs were discussed. It was<br />

claimed that irrespective of the community emphasis contained in this approach, WUAs still represented<br />

impositions on communities which they had little respect for (PAMOJA, 2002). It should be stressed,<br />

however, that such institutions, despite being imposed upon communities, may still become ‘socialised’,<br />

in the sense that they may be warped to meet communities’ needs and so as not to endanger community<br />

livelihood claims. This may not mean that the institution then delivers a desired managerial outcome,<br />

however. In order for this to occur, management objectives must also, in some way, curb communities’<br />

fears and, to some extent, ensure that it contributes to meeting their aspirations. In order for this to occur,<br />

communities must play an important role in the design and implementation of management systems, in<br />

particular associated sanctioning (punishment) systems.<br />

The Catchment Forestry Project (CFP) in Tanzania manages forests jointly with local communities<br />

adjacent to 23 catchment forests on a pilot basis. 36.5% of the forest in the three Tanzanian regions<br />

sharing the Pangani River Basin (PRB) is under Joint Forest Management (JFM: Table 6). The main<br />

community component of this initiative are the Village Natural Resource Committees (VNRC). Each<br />

VNRC has between 8 to 15 members who are democratically elected. At least two members must be<br />

female. About 129 (70%) of the VNRCs participate in planning and decision-making, as well as sensitising<br />

and mobilising villagers in JFM. Draft management plans for nine priority Community Forest Reserves<br />

(CFRs) have been produced, including Mt. Kilimanjaro, Chome and Kindoroko CFRs in Kilimanjaro<br />

region and Kwani/Tongwe and Mafi Hill forest reserves in Tanga region.<br />

51


The Tanzanian Forestry and Beekeeping Division has also implemented the Mangrove Management<br />

Project (MMP), which it launched in 1988. This started with the preparation of a management plan for the<br />

mangrove ecosystems of Tanzania’s mainland. The management strategy devised required that efforts<br />

were made to include local communities in different activities, from planning to implementation. Such<br />

activities included control of harvesting, planting mangroves in depleted areas, protection activities like<br />

patrols, and awareness creation.<br />

The MMP has involved 100 out of 130 villages adjacent to the mangrove forests in their management.<br />

Furthermore, the project has been improving the mangrove stock through climber cutting in 430 ha, and<br />

promoting alternative income-generating activities for local communities, such as seaweed farming and<br />

beekeeping activities (Kijazi, 2002).<br />

The MMP has rehabilitated 1,300 ha of mangrove forest out of a planned 2000 ha, of which 100 ha were<br />

rehabilitated voluntarily by villagers and environmental NGOs. The performance of newly planted stock<br />

varies from 80% to 40%. It is especially poor in areas where paddy farming is practiced, such as the Rufiji<br />

Delta, due to the reluctance of some plot owners to allow mangrove regeneration.<br />

VNRCs co-operate with project management by observing harvesting procedures. Through this<br />

supervision, revenue realised by Central Government has increased from Tshs. 12 million in 1999/2000<br />

to 17 million in 2001 from pole sales and management fees from saltpans (Kijazi, 2002).<br />

Insofar as creating alternative income-generating activities, the MMP has introduced 830 traditional and 28<br />

transitional beehives to the mangrove forests in 2001. In addition, seaweed farming is practised along the coast.<br />

Table 7: Forest area under Joint Forest Management by region<br />

Region Area (ha) # villages involved<br />

Arusha* 7,0248 70<br />

Kilimanjaro 122,996 63<br />

Morogoro 58,579 33<br />

Tanga 15,233 19<br />

Total 267,056 185<br />

(Source: Kijazi, 2002). *includes Manyara Region.<br />

In the process of awareness creation, a mangrove ecology teaching programme was held in 47 primary<br />

schools in the Northern and Southern Zones. Village meetings, radio programmes and interactive video<br />

shows were also employed.<br />

52


Box 14: An example of a Water Users’ Association<br />

Tegemeo WUA, Kawaya Village, Hai District<br />

Tegemeo was formed in 1999 by the PBWO to solve the problems of water distribution in five villages<br />

in Hai District. 5,000 people use the water that Tegemeo abstracts, but only 300 are registered with<br />

the WUA. People, it says, need to be educated about the benefits of membership. These are (a) that<br />

they will learn about water policy and law (b) that they can get water rights more easily (c) that they<br />

can attract donor and NGO interest (d) they can rehabilitate their water infrastructure more easily as a<br />

group; and (e) they can try to solve their problems as a group. Their main water sources are a series of<br />

springs. The water is fed into traditional furrows, often named after the people who initially dug them.<br />

Some are very long – the longest is 14 km. Tegemeo presently has three water rights totalling 720 L/s,<br />

and has applied for additions. The WUA collects users’ fees from the plots that line the channels, and<br />

every user will have to pay irrespective of whether or not they are members of the Association.<br />

Users at the beginning of the furrow tend to benefit far more than those at the end of it. The Association<br />

has byelaws limiting the amount of water that users at the source end of the furrow can take, but people<br />

cheat. Another problem that they face is that it is very flat in the area. In the absence of a gradient, their<br />

water often pools and does not flow. Additional problems that they faced are, amongst others:<br />

• Conflict between upstream and downstream water users.<br />

• Cultivation in water source areas and tree felling.<br />

• Paddy farmers often do not release unused water back into the furrows.<br />

• Salinity.<br />

• Pastoralists bring their livestock to water off the furrows and damage their banks.<br />

• The WUA’s jurisdiction is very large and it is often difficult for WUA members to get to problem spots.<br />

• Their water is not clean. During the rains, the water table rises, flooding latrines. Some people<br />

do not boil the water that they collect and so get sick.<br />

• Irrigation for long periods of time reduces soil fertility.<br />

Source: Tegemeo Water Users’ Association and Kawaya Village Government<br />

D.4 Transboundary basin management<br />

Facilities to manage the resources of the Pangani River Basin (PRB) between its benefactor states<br />

of Kenya and Tanzania are limited. Efforts to remedy this difficulty have largely been based around<br />

IUCN - EARO initiatives to conserve Lake Jipe. In Kenya, the Coast Development Authority (CDA) has<br />

the mandate to co-ordinate and plan developments in the Kenyan portion of the PRB. In 1993, it was<br />

determined that the CDA should work towards a comprehensive management and development plan<br />

for those parts of the Basin located in Kenya, as well as looking into ways of dealing with the specific<br />

problems of Lake Jipe. The CDA felt that they should co-operate with similarly mandated counterparts in<br />

Tanzania (Howard, 1999).<br />

In 1994, the CDA and the Pangani Basin Water Office (PBWO) met in Mombasa, Kenya to discuss<br />

common interests and possible ways of working together to develop a coordinated management<br />

system for the Basin, wetlands and the open waters of Lake Jipe. In 1996, the PBWO and the CDA<br />

finalised their assessments of the needs of the Lake Jipe catchment and its wetlands. In 1999, the<br />

CDA, PBWB and other stakeholders participated in a workshop to develop mechanisms to manage<br />

Lake Jipe (Howard, 1999).<br />

53


The PBWO has now taken the matter of waterweed on Lake Jipe to the legislative assembly of the East African<br />

Community for Action. Since then, the momentum has slowed, and the need to develop some mechanism by<br />

which to co-ordinate management between the two countries remains as important as ever. This is particularly<br />

true in the light of recent Kenyan developments that have seen the creation of Water Resources Management<br />

authorities. What their creation means for the Pangani River Basin and how they will liase with their Tanzanian<br />

counterparts is still not known.<br />

D.5 Data collection and monitoring<br />

A persistently raised cause for concern amongst the professionals interviewed for this Situation Analysis<br />

and in the literature on the Pangani River Basin (PRB) relates to the absence of adequate data on the<br />

Basin. Typically, these concerns focus on the absence of hydrological data, and the worry is that a<br />

regulatory system based on the issuance of water rights must be able to know the size of the water stock.<br />

There exist, on the PRB’s rivers, many hydrological stations. For a variety of reasons – such as poor<br />

maintenance and batteries running out – many of these have not operated for a statistically adequate<br />

length of time. In some cases, stations have stopped running after just two years of operation, and<br />

nothing has been done to return them to service.<br />

It is possible to carry out manual measurements, but the incentive for the technician to do so had, informants<br />

claimed, to be balanced against his/her inadequate remuneration. Respondents typically seemed preoccupied<br />

with the development of an automated hydrological network against which manual measurements could be<br />

compared, and which could serve as the backbone of a substantial monitoring system.<br />

Monitoring, of course, does not only comprise the collection of data. The translation of such data into a<br />

regulatory system is worthwhile only insofar as some sort of regulatory back-up is available to ensure<br />

that these data play a managerially significant task. Hence, knowing how much fish is available to the<br />

Nyumba ya Mungu Dam has no relevance if that information cannot translate into a managerial output.<br />

In much the same way, the development of an automated hydrological data collection system makes no<br />

sense if illegal water abstractions cannot be prevented.<br />

It is also important to emphasise that data on the technical dimensions of resource change (such as reduced<br />

flows, or variations in forest area) only yield information on the outcomes of trends and processes occurring<br />

elsewhere, typically in social and economic arenas (although not always e.g. climate change). If the causes<br />

of environmental and natural resource change have social and economic origins, it is necessary to develop<br />

dynamic systems of monitoring socio-economic variation, the underlying causes of these and the development<br />

of conflict. Such systems should also be capable of determining water demand within the Basin.<br />

D.6 Summary of points<br />

The administration of the Pangani River Basin’s (PRB) natural resources is sectoral. The activities of<br />

forestry departments are not necessarily synchronised to some wider and over-riding PRB management<br />

plan, but the outcome of forestry policies, in much the same way that the activities of institutions<br />

responsible for water management react to the nation’s water policy. This sectoralism permeates down<br />

into local-level administrative strategies. Hence, Village Natural Resources Committees utilised in Joint<br />

Forestry Management are not the same as Water Users’ Associations. Communities located close to<br />

fisheries and protected areas, may also be obliged to create Beach Management Units and wildlife<br />

protection committees as per the policies of the Wildlife Division and the Fisheries Division. The plethora<br />

of village-based organisations in Tanzania overlay previously created ones like Village Governments. In<br />

many respects, the tasks that each group is charged with are not dissimilar to the tasks other groups are<br />

charged with. Ultimately, all of these organisations have to deal with the fair division of resources within<br />

a community, their sustainable exploitation and their conservation.<br />

54


From the above discussion, the following points are emphasised:<br />

• The WRM Act gives executive powers to the Pangani Basin Water Board to prepare basin water<br />

management plans and upon which to base water allocations. The new water legislation has put<br />

in place a streamlined administrative hierarchy and a clear institutional set-up with the necessary<br />

powers to implement the policy and legislation. Kenya’s water resources are distributed over six<br />

catchment areas of five drainage basins namely the Lake Victoria which comprises a North<br />

catchment and a South catchment; Rift Valley; Athi; Tana; and Ewaso Ng’iro. The portion of the<br />

Pangani Basin that lies in Kenya is within the Athi Catchment. The 2002 Water Act shaped a<br />

new institutional framework for the management and protection of Kenya’s water resources at<br />

national, catchment and sub-catchment levels.<br />

• The Forestry and Beekeeping Division appears not to have any similar plans for restructuring,<br />

and forestry administration within the Basin remains dualised between national and regional<br />

level administrations, and between the two countries that share the PRB.<br />

• Both the water and forestry policies in the Basin increasingly emphasise the use of communitybased<br />

organisations in their implementation. Concerns have been raised as to the extent to<br />

which these organisations have been imposed upon communities. If communities have not<br />

been involved in the design and implementation of these organisations, there may be negative<br />

repercussions on management outputs. An understanding of this problem may yield important<br />

lessons for Kenya as it seeks to include users in the management of the nation’s resources.<br />

• The transboundary management of the Basin is nascent. There exist, however, authorities with a<br />

mandate to manage and develop it on both sides of the Tanzania-Kenya border, and discussions<br />

geared towards identifying management solutions to the Basin’s problems have commenced.<br />

• The data collection and monitoring network within the Basin appears to be poor, irrespective of<br />

the resource sector. This Chapter has cautioned that emphasising data collection as integral to a<br />

management system makes no sense if the data cannot generate a managerial follow-through.<br />

It also emphasises the need to develop methods of monitoring social and economic change, and<br />

of establishing what the Basin’s water demands are, in addition to the technical parameters of<br />

resource change.<br />

The next Chapter sets out to summarise the ‘issues’ that confront the Pangani River Basin. It commences<br />

with a summary of the issues gained from the proceedings of a recent Pangani River Basin workshop,<br />

along with those raised during interviews conducted for this Situation Analysis. The Chapter evaluates<br />

these issues as a basis for establishing priority areas for action, and suggestions in this respect are<br />

provided in its final section.<br />

55


E<br />

Pangani River Basin<br />

problems and issues<br />

E.1 Introduction<br />

This Chapter is based on two sources of in formation. The first is the proceedings of a workshop on<br />

the Pangani River Basin, held in May 2002 in Moshi. The second is the interviews conducted for the<br />

purposes of this Situation Analysis. This Chapter is an attempt to assemble the perspectives of various<br />

stakeholders on the Pangani River Basin (PRB) as a potential basis upon which to identify priority areas<br />

for future action. The PRB’s issues are divided between environmental issues, socio-economic and<br />

political issues, issues of management and administration, areas for research and, finally, the thoughts<br />

of respondents on what the management priorities of the Basin should be. On the basis of these issues,<br />

the concluding section lays out a number of priority areas for action.<br />

In almost every case, the issues considered below occur against a background of rapid and high population<br />

growth and attendant increasing population densities. The finite nature of the Basin’s resources ensures<br />

that population increases and slow developmental growth within the PRB may create the problems and<br />

issues considered here, or else exacerbate them.<br />

E.2 Problems and issues of the PRB<br />

Environmental issues<br />

Amongst the Basin’s most serious difficulties is deforestation, which directly affects its water retention<br />

capabilities, increases runoff and hence causes erosion within the Basin. Downstream, such processes<br />

ensure that flooding may occur and that the silt load of the Basin’s watercourses is considerable.<br />

In some measure, deforestation has been wrought by high demands for forest products. Many of the<br />

Basin’s remaining forests contain highly valuable timber, which, in the absence of any effective monitoring<br />

and sanctioning system, is logged fairly easily. Forests are also exploited for charcoal production, as well<br />

as for fuelwood to meet domestic demand. In addition, the Basin’s forests often occupy prime agricultural<br />

areas. The Eastern Arc forests, for example, are located in high altitude areas where rainfall is good. As<br />

populations within the Basin increase, the amount of human settlement along forest edges has grown,<br />

escalating the risk of forest fires. Fire is also used to clear land for agriculture.<br />

In many cases, the farming practises employed have been developed at times when resources were<br />

considerably more abundant than they are now, and may not be compatible with conditions of resource<br />

scarcity. Hence, much of the traditional irrigation within the Basin is highly inefficient and was developed<br />

against a background of ample per capita water supplies. As water abstractions have increased with<br />

population densities, these farming systems can have serious impacts on the Basin’s environment.<br />

These pressures have prompted farming along riverbanks, in stream-valley bottoms and spring sources.<br />

Increased siltation has repercussions for the river course (it may prompt meandering), as well as for<br />

down-stream industry, particularly hydropower water retention facilities.<br />

The high farming intensities in the Basin have ensured that soils are increasingly exhausted as crop<br />

rotation systems are replaced by perennial agriculture. Because land is now rarely fallow, it has to be<br />

irrigated to maintain outputs. The Basin’s traditional water abstraction systems are very inefficient and<br />

the amount of water reaching crops may be up to 85% less than at the point of abstraction. Repetitive<br />

irrigation increases the likelihood of soil salinisation and/or sodicty. The very large number of abstractions<br />

in the Basin, furthermore, have reduced water flows, presumably including the amount of water available<br />

for environmental maintenance.<br />

56


In the Basin’s lowland areas, it would appear that livestock numbers have increased considerably, while<br />

the amount of pasture has declined as a result of agricultural development. This has prompted concerns<br />

for livestock over-stocking and consequent degradation of pastoralist lands.<br />

As development within the Basin increases without any concomitant waste disposal systems, so too<br />

the likelihood of pollution at both local and Basin-wide levels has increased. Water quality concerns<br />

also arise in a different form – locally high levels of fluoride content can have serious consequences for<br />

riparian populations.<br />

Like elsewhere in Tanzania, overfishing within the Basin is a problem, with its coastal and Nyumba ya<br />

Mungu (NYM) dam fisheries being of particular concern. In Lake Jipe, the growth of waterweed has been<br />

so substantial that fishing is impeded. The latter has itself been prompted by increased nutrient inflows<br />

coming down from agricultural areas on Mt. Kilimanjaro and the North Pare Mountains. Elsewhere in the<br />

Basin, water hyacinth is a problem.<br />

The problems facing the Basin’s swampland are contrary. On the one hand, the drainage of swamp<br />

has serious repercussions for the regulation of river flow, as well as the biodiversity supported by such<br />

wetlands. On the other hand, the training of watercourses (including those that pass through swampland)<br />

can increase the amount of water available downstream, particularly for hydropower production. It is not<br />

only the water retained by such swamps that reduce river flows, but also the increased evapotranspiration<br />

rates that they imply.<br />

Uncontrolled mining can adversely affect landscapes and may even have pollution implications if the<br />

extraction of minerals from ore requires the use of chemical processes. Sand mining in river courses can<br />

undermine the stability of riverbanks.<br />

Many of the above trends occur against a background of considerable environmental ignorance. On<br />

the one hand, these relate to the absence of data concerning the Basin’s flows and the water needed<br />

to meet environmental demands. On the other hand, many of the Basin’s population are unaware of the<br />

environmental consequences of their economic activities.<br />

The high intensity of resource exploitation, development, manipulation and change within the Basin has very<br />

serious consequences for the Basin’s biodiversity. The PRB contains some of the globe’s most outstanding<br />

biodiversity resources with high levels of associated endemism and many restricted range species. Much<br />

of this (but by no means all) is forest-based. With so many of the Basin’s resource bases threatened in the<br />

ways described above, these biodiversity resources face very real and serious threats.<br />

Socio-economic and political issues<br />

Like many of Tanzania’s other populations, most of the Pangani River Basin’s (PRB) inhabitants are<br />

not wealthy. Although the Basin contains substantial urban conglomerations, these are not sufficiently<br />

large to absorb much of surplus labour contained within its rural areas. Many (if not most) of the Basin’s<br />

inhabitants are under-educated and/or under-skilled. In any case, even if skills were available, it is<br />

doubtful that the labour market is sufficiently developed to absorb them. Development within the Basin -<br />

as elsewhere in Tanzania - has failed to yield alternative income-generating opportunities that match the<br />

technical and skills levels of the Basin’s inhabitants.<br />

As a result, the only source of livelihood available to many in the Basin is primary i.e. a livelihood based<br />

on the direct exploitation of the Basin’s natural resources, be it forests, fisheries, wildlife resources or,<br />

most importantly, agriculture. For many, the success of these small-scale ventures is directly related to<br />

land and water availability. As populations increase, however, so too does conflict between various types<br />

and scales of users. As a result, this Situation Analysis has presented examples of the conflict that occurs<br />

between upstream and downstream users, as well as that between large-scale and small-scale ones.<br />

57


Of course, conflict is but one manifestation of competition for resources. As this intensifies in upstream<br />

areas of the Basin, agriculturalists are forced to travel downstream to attempt agriculture in less than<br />

adequate farming conditions. As discussed earlier, this takes land out of pastoralist production, bringing<br />

agriculturalists into conflict with livestock herders.<br />

As described above, much of the land use within the Basin can have very serious environmental<br />

repercussions. Indeed, the nature of these consequences may directly impinge upon the ability of the<br />

land to support the economic uses to which it is put. In some cases, the political support to alter or stop<br />

these trends is absent or even contrary, with politicians encouraging people to over-exploit resources in<br />

order to garner votes.<br />

A final political problem voiced by respondents was that the Central Government of Tanzania, in its<br />

efforts to implement policy, may make management and resource-related decisions without reference<br />

to administrators and resource managers within the Basin. Of particular concern were large-scale<br />

developments (such as irrigation schemes and mining concessions) that were perceived to provoke<br />

additional, localised, conflict or to seriously impact the condition of the resource.<br />

Issues of management and administration<br />

The Basin’s natural resource management legislation and policy is, in many cases, adequate, but is<br />

only potent insofar as it is supported by effective monitoring and law enforcement. Monitoring entails<br />

not only the ability to observe illegal resource use, but also the ability to gauge resource production and<br />

change. For example, the absence of an adequate water flow monitoring network means that the water<br />

authorities do not know how much water travels through the Basin, and cannot therefore allocate water<br />

rights on this basis. Similarly, there exists no methodology for monitoring and gauging the social and<br />

economic causes that underlie much environmental degradation and resource over-exploitation.<br />

Monitors assigned by the state to keep an eye on resource trends and exploitation may be disinclined<br />

to monitor the resource if they are not adequately remunerated to do so. Poor remuneration may also<br />

be the basis upon which officials are bribed to turn a blind eye on illegal resource use. Low levels of<br />

expertise, or the absence of adequate technology, may also compound resource monitoring difficulties.<br />

Funding problems may affect other aspects of the management system. In the absence of adequate<br />

finances, for example, it is difficult to see how an adequate monitoring system may be implemented<br />

within the Basin, regardless of the resource involved. Lack of funding may also ensure that such data as<br />

can be collected may not be analysed or findings correctly interpreted. Finally, funding difficulties may<br />

also impede the development of managerial capacity and efficiency.<br />

In addition, management may be undermined by the manner in which it is arranged. In the Pangani<br />

River Basin (PRB), this problem appears to occur on two levels. On the one hand, management is not<br />

integrated, so that management activities in one sector – such as the development of irrigation – may<br />

have serious repercussions in other sectors – such as water conservation. On the other hand, the lines<br />

of authority often appear confused, with overlapping administrative jurisdictions or, indeed, inadequate<br />

jurisdictions. Hence, the Tanzanian system of central and regional government ensures that there are<br />

potentially two administrative actors involved in the management of any one resource. In Kenya, the<br />

developmental mandate of the Coast Development Authority appears to overlap with that of the newly<br />

created Water Resources Management Authority.<br />

Communities of resource users can solve many of the problems of administrative confusion and inadequate<br />

monitoring via different degrees of participation. In the PRB, the implementation of this process has<br />

faced a number of problems. First, many of the structures by which it is intended that communities<br />

should be involved in management have been imposed upon them, with no community participation in<br />

administrative design, in the implementation of management strategies or the sanctioning of offenders.<br />

Second, because communities may not have much input in management design and implementation,<br />

58


these types of systems may actually undermine the ability of communities to meet livelihood needs or<br />

their ability to compete effectively against other resource users. Thirdly, a plethora of various resource<br />

‘committee’ types have been created throughout the Basin, instead of simply increasing the mandate of<br />

pre-existing village governments. Hence, village-level administration has been complicated and many<br />

Natural Resource Management (NRM) committees have overlapping or contrary jurisdictions. Finally,<br />

the lines of communication between central NRM authorities and communities may be inadequately<br />

developed. As a result, community demands and views may be overlooked or unrecognised. In the<br />

same way, the resource management or conservation goals of centralised NRM authorities may not be<br />

understood – or even wholly misunderstood – by communities.<br />

The administrative and bureaucratic process may hamper or undermine well-intentioned management<br />

gestures. For example, communities of resource users are empowered to create bye-laws which have<br />

the recognition of central government, regional and district authorities. However, the process of endorsing<br />

these may take so long that a community’s initiative and managerial momentum is undermined and<br />

authorities perceived not to be supporting them.<br />

The Pangani River Basin (PRB) is a cross-border resource. The mechanisms needed to ensure that<br />

management in both Kenya and Tanzania is harmonised do not exist.<br />

Areas for research<br />

The above difficulties are, in many respects, exacerbated by the absence of clear and adequate data on<br />

the trends and processes that shape the Pangani River Basin (PRB), and affect its management. There<br />

is no clear understanding of how the Basin’s increasing population will affect its resources in the future.<br />

Nor is there a good understanding of what kinds of Natural Resource Management (NRM) techniques<br />

can be employed that are able to operate under such population densities.<br />

Many of the research demands in the Basin concern its water and hydrology. Thus, while the total<br />

number of licensed abstractions are known, accumulated illegal abstractions are unknown. In addition,<br />

the amount of water required to maintain the Basin’s environmental systems is also unknown. The<br />

implications for the Pangani River of its training through the Kirua Swamps requires additional research<br />

(although see IVO – NORPLAN, 1997). The contribution of Kilimanjaro’s snowcap to the Basin’s water<br />

flows is unknown, as are the implications of the cap’s reduction.<br />

Finally, little research has been carried out to identify effective management practises that will be able<br />

to cope with the Basin’s particular characteristics and problems. There is no understanding of how<br />

water may be adequately and fairly distributed between up-stream and downstream users. There is no<br />

knowledge of how a management system can be efficiently monitored and implemented in an environment<br />

characterised by inadequate and intermittent funding, limited technical inputs, low skill levels and poorly<br />

developed community involvement. Importantly, the development of management systems capable of<br />

surviving under such constraints into the future has not occurred. Finally, an effective institutional basis<br />

upon which the integrated management of the Basin’s resources has not yet been developed.<br />

The management of the PRB<br />

Discussions that occurred during the May 2002 Workshop on the Pangani River Basin, as well as interviews<br />

carried out in support of this Situation Analysis, suggested a number of options that management of the<br />

Basin may wish to consider. Amongst these was the argument that the Basin’s inhabitants need to be<br />

aware of the PRB and the functions that it plays. Complaints have been raised that the river basin is not<br />

adequately recognised as an administrative unit, and that vested administrative and bureaucratic interests<br />

do vie to maintain the country’s regional and national administrative emphasis. Funding, respondents<br />

said, needs to be adequate, and associated remitting mechanisms need to be efficient.<br />

59


The management of the Basin will need to ensure that government departments are coordinated with<br />

other managerial institutions. Good quality data needs to be collected to inform management, and<br />

management should be integrated. Finally, amongst a number of macrolevel planning suggestions put<br />

forward was that the management of the PRB be linked to population growth control strategies.<br />

Given that many of the Workshop’s participants and the individuals interviewed for this Situation Analysis<br />

came from the water sector, many of the management suggestions obtained were concerned directly<br />

with water use and its regulation. Hence, it was suggested that management will need to follow clear work<br />

plans, which should contain measures to deal with water loss and inefficient water use. Management will<br />

need to be able to cater for the fair and adequate allocation of water, and illegal or inappropriate water<br />

use must be monitored and sanctioned. Water abstractions should be licensed so that abstractions can<br />

be monitored. The management of the Basin, respondents argued, would also need to be able to reverse<br />

the degradation of water sources, and the PBWO should have an improved fee-collection structure.<br />

Some Workshop participants felt that water shortages were not adequately recognised in Tanzania’s policies<br />

and that this needed to be remedied. In order to ensure that stakeholders’ views are adequately represented in<br />

the Basin’s water management, calls were made for better stakeholder representation on the PRB Water Board.<br />

Finally, an adequate strategy is needed to oversee the implementation of Tanzania’s new Water Policy.<br />

Following the National Water Policy 2002 (NAWAPO) as approved by the Cabinet on July 21, 2002,<br />

the National Water Sector Development Strategy (NWSDS) was prepared. The NWSDS sets out how<br />

NAWAPO, will be implemented and describes the institutional and legislative changes necessary so<br />

that the specified actions contained in the NWSDS can be implemented. On Institutional frameworks for<br />

water resources management the NWSDS say: “Water is a national and international resource, which<br />

cuts across villages, districts, regions, national and international administrative boundaries and can only<br />

be effectively managed on the basis of water basins through Basin Boards and Catchment Committees.<br />

Representation from district councils and lower local government authorities to these Boards and<br />

Committees is arranged so as to ensure the presence of the elected voice of the people during core<br />

decision making regarding water resources conservation, management, allocation, development and<br />

utilisation.” The NWSDS further states: “The NWSDS support re-alignment of the water related aspects<br />

of other key sectoral policies with the National Water Policy, and to provide a focus on specific roles of the<br />

various actors through clearly defined roles and responsibilities and hence the removal of duplications<br />

and omissions.” In order to provide the enabling legislative framework for water resources management<br />

a Water Resources Management Bill and enacted into law by parliament in April 2009.<br />

E. 3 Priority areas for Action<br />

On the Basis of the above discussion, three priority areas for action are identified:<br />

1. The development of integrated management strategies for the PRB along with attendant forums.<br />

There appears to be little doubt that the Pangani River Basin (PRB) urgently needs integrated<br />

management strategies that can cope with the diverse and complicated issues that have been<br />

described in this Situation Analysis. As such, it is proposed that the first priority area that needs<br />

to be considered is the development of such strategies. Within this remit, attention is drawn to the<br />

following constituent parts of any such strategy:<br />

• Integration is necessary in the environmental perceptions of planners and administrators to<br />

ensure that management adopts holistic, basin-wide planning strategies capable of dealing<br />

with the diversity of resources and problems confronting the PRB.<br />

60<br />

• It is important that the river basin should be seen as an administrative unit around which<br />

management integration can occur and resource conflicts can be resolved. It is also important<br />

that the use of the river basin as an administrative unit need not be contrary to the fulfilment of<br />

national and regional administrative and policy objectives.


• An additional administrative device that could be considered is the adoption of Water Demand<br />

Management (WDM) (see A.2 above). Given that such evidence as is available suggests<br />

that the Basin’s water supply is stressed, and that present demand outstrips supply, the<br />

implementation of mechanisms that serve to conserve water and encourage its efficient use<br />

would be valuable within the context of the Basin’s integrated management.<br />

• There is some sense in constructing strategies that can, in their early stages, be implemented<br />

incrementally as logistics and funding permits. In the absence of adequate logistical and<br />

financial support, strategies that can only work via an immediate, blanket, application are likely<br />

to fail. One possibility is to focus planning on the sub-basin.<br />

• The multitude of community-based institutions dealing with all sectors of natural resources<br />

exploitation is confusing and administratively inefficient. Hence, it makes sense to consider<br />

ways in which broad-spectrum local institutions can be developed with the capability and<br />

power to tackle all natural resource management difficulties within their jurisdiction. Each<br />

institution will require state support, particularly in the form of endorsing community byelaws,<br />

and supporting community management initiatives.<br />

• Land use planning should be considered an integral planning strategy from the outset.<br />

• Planning strategies should be matched against an understanding of capabilities and funding<br />

in the long run. It makes little sense to develop planning strategies dependent on funding, data<br />

and logistical support that will either disappear once donor funding is withdrawn or which do<br />

not match the underlying institutional make-up of the Basin.<br />

2. The development of effective strategies to facilitate dialogue amongst and between resource users<br />

and managers of different types and involved in different sectors with a view to improving awareness<br />

at all levels of management. Mechanisms are needed to ensure that opportunities for dialogue<br />

opportunities between and amongst stakeholders and managers are maximised, so as to ensure<br />

that two-way exchanges of information may occur, dissemination improved and the knowledge<br />

of how stakeholders all play a part within the well-being of the Basin delivered. It is necessary<br />

that awareness is created about all aspects of the condition and management of the Basin and<br />

its stakeholders at all levels of management and its co-ordination. It is suggested that forums be<br />

developed for this purpose, the mandate of which will extend to the resolution of conflict.<br />

In addition, such forums could have administrative and executive powers, in which all sectors of the<br />

Basin’s administration are represented. An important component of this process is ensuring that adequate<br />

lines of communication and dialogue are established between the upper echelons of administration with<br />

the lowest, community-levels.<br />

The possibility of using radio and other forms of mass media must be considered as possible avenues for<br />

the development of dialogue and effective, two-way, information dissemination. Care should be taken to<br />

ensure that all stakeholders and managers are aware of new policy developments and changes to resource<br />

administration and regulation. The role of forums developed for the purposes of integration should be expanded<br />

to include dialogue responsibilities and information exchange. These initiatives could be backed up with<br />

extension initiatives, which could also be used to obtain an impression of local concerns and grievances.<br />

3. The identification and development of an adequate data collection and monitoring system. This<br />

action area is not restricted to the development of data collection systems for hydrological data.<br />

Satellite and GIS assessments of land use, exploitation rates and geographical change are prerequisites<br />

for the development of land-use planning and monitoring. In addition, methodologies<br />

designed to monitor and gauge social and economic change and the development of conflict need<br />

to be identified and implemented. The data and monitoring systems recommended must match<br />

local funding and maintenance capabilities. Finally, the use of community-based natural resource<br />

management organisation as a way of monitoring resource use should also be explored.<br />

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F Conclusions<br />

F. 1 Synthesis of findings<br />

It will be recalled that the first objective of the Situation analysis was to identify the resources that occupy<br />

the Pangani River Basin (PRB) and the processes and events that affect them.<br />

The Pangani River Basin has a very wide diversity of resources. Some of these, and the important role<br />

they play in the Basin, are as follows::<br />

• Forests play a crucial role in the PRB’s hydrology, serving to regulate water run off, minimise<br />

erosion, store and purify water. In the PRB, they also make a vital contribution to global<br />

biodiversity.<br />

• Water in the PRB is integral to the Basin’s agricultural economy, its power generation, its urban,<br />

industrial and domestic demands and to livestock. It sustains all life in the Basin.<br />

• The Basin contains four protected areas (PAs). Kilimanjaro, in particular, plays an important role<br />

in the nation’s tourism economy, and also harbours a wide array of plant and animal species. The<br />

Mkomazi Game Reserve and Tsavo West National Park are examples of the Maasai – Somali<br />

Regional Centre of Endemism (RCE).<br />

• The Basin’s biodiversity is almost unparalleled globally, and the centre of a great deal of<br />

international interest and conservation concerns.<br />

• The PRB’s fisheries make important nutritional and economic contributions to the Basin’s rural<br />

communities.<br />

• The fertile volcanic soils of the Pangani River Basin are the basis of its agricultural economy, and<br />

turned it into the ‘breadbasket of Tanzania’.<br />

• Mining plays an important role in the nation’s economy and in the generation of employment. Its<br />

benefits must be considered against its negative impacts, including pollution of the environment<br />

and the destabilisation of riverbanks.<br />

The threats faced by the Basin’s resources are almost all related to over-exploitation. At their core,<br />

these threats relate to an increasing population against a background of high levels of poverty. Poverty<br />

and environmental degradation are often perceived to be interlinked (cf. WCED, 1987). The problems<br />

of managing Common Property Resources (CPRs) are often thought to increase when there are large<br />

numbers of people involved, particularly when their cultural homogeneity may be weak (cf. Ostrom,<br />

1990). The structure and function of rural livelihoods may become imperilled when the ability of rural<br />

people to control and secure adequate sources of livelihood is threatened.<br />

Above, the stakeholders of the Basin and their interests were described as follows:<br />

• The major interests within the Basin comprise industrial interests (electricity, mining and<br />

farming), farming (large and small scale farming, both associated with a considerable reliance<br />

on irrigation), pastoralist interests (particularly in lowland areas), and growing urban interests.<br />

Operating between these diverse interests and the multiplicity of natural resources within<br />

the Basin are NGOs and international donor agencies. The mandate of these is primarily<br />

conservation and/or the development and enhancement of rural livelihoods.<br />

• It is important to note that the population of the Basin is high. For a large proportion of this<br />

population, livelihoods are derived from farming, and there is much to suggest that they are<br />

economically vulnerable. In addition, the diversity and richness of the Basin’s resources mean<br />

62


that large(er)-scale interests are attracted to the Basin, and substantial investments have been<br />

made. There exists, between these large-scale interests and small-scale livelihood security,<br />

room for conflict.<br />

• This Situation Analysis has divided the PRB’s conflicts into three broad categories. The first<br />

relates to conflicts of scale, in which it was argued that small-scale users often have to compete<br />

against much larger and more powerful claims for the same resource. The second conflict<br />

area identified related to conflicts of tenure. ‘Tenure’ here relates to the right to manage one’s<br />

resources. It was pointed out that it is increasingly popular in Tanzania to assign communities<br />

of resource users with various types of associations and/or committees with which to manage<br />

their resources. The hope is that the creation of such institutions will yield better management<br />

outcomes. It was argued, however, that the way in which these institutions were often imposed<br />

upon communities, who then had no input into their design, goals or regulations, could<br />

potentially undermine the quality of their outputs. The third class of conflict related to location.<br />

Here, the way in which the location of a group of resource users can bring them into conflict<br />

with users elsewhere, was considered. The classic example of such ‘location’ conflict arising<br />

between upstream and downstream users was provided. Here, downstream users suffer from<br />

the excesses of upstream users.<br />

Chapter D argued that the administration of the Pangani River Basin’s (PRB) natural resources is<br />

sectoral. The activities of the Forestry and Beekeeping Division is not necessarily synchronised to some<br />

wider and over-riding set of PRB management strategies, but the outcome of forestry and beekeeping<br />

policies, in much the same way that the activities of the Pangani Basin Water Office (PBWO) reacts to<br />

the nation’s water policy.<br />

This sectoralism permeates down into local-level administrative strategies. Thus, in Tanzania’s Village<br />

Natural Resources Committees utilised in Joint Forestry Management are not the same as Water Users’<br />

Associations. Communities located close to fisheries and protected areas, may also be obliged to create<br />

Beach Management Units and wildlife protection committees as per the policies of the Wildlife Division<br />

and the Fisheries Division. The plethora of village-based organisations in Tanzania overlay previously<br />

created ones like Village Governments. In many respects, the tasks that each group is charged with<br />

are not dissimilar to the tasks other groups are charged with. Ultimately, all of these organisations have<br />

to deal with the fair division of resources within a community, their sustainable exploitation and their<br />

protection from outsiders.<br />

In Kenya, conversely, very few such groups exist, although new natural resource policies increasingly<br />

seek to incorporate users into their management structures.<br />

Chapter D emphasised the following points:<br />

• The WRM Act gives executive powers to the Pangani Basin Water Board to prepare basin<br />

water management plans and upon which to base water allocations. The new water legislation<br />

has put in place a streamlined administrative hierarchy and a clear institutional set-up with the<br />

necessary powers to implement the policy and legislation.. In Kenya, the New Water Policy sees<br />

the creation of a Water Resources Management Authority and the inclusion of stakeholders in<br />

catchment management.<br />

• The Forestry and Beekeeping Division appears not to have any similar plans for restructuring,<br />

and forestry administration within the Basin remains dualised between national and regional<br />

level administrations. In Kenya, the restructuring of the Forestry Department has yet to yield<br />

dividends. This may be of little consequence to the well-being of the Kenyan part of the basin,<br />

which suffers mainly from the consequences of deforestation in Tanzania.<br />

63


• Both the water and forestry policies in the Basin increasingly emphasise the use of communitybased<br />

organisations in their implementation. As far as Tanzania is concerned, there are<br />

worries over the extent to which these organisations have been imposed upon communities. If<br />

communities have not been involved in their design and implementation, management outputs<br />

may be less than satisfactory. The lessons that the Tanzanians learn from these experiences<br />

may be valuable in the design and implementation of similar systems in Kenya.<br />

• The data collection and monitoring network within the Basin appears to be poor, irrespective of<br />

the resource sector. This Chapter has cautioned that emphasising data collection as integral<br />

to a management system makes no sense if the data cannot generate a managerial followthrough.<br />

The second Objective of the Situation Analysis was to identify a series of broad action areas wherein<br />

interventions may feasibly be delivered.<br />

Chapter E drew of the proceedings of a workshop on the Pangani River Basin and a series of interviews<br />

with Basin stakeholders to list the problems and issues of the Basin. Based on this, three areas for<br />

priority action were identified. These were:<br />

• The development of integrated management strategies for the PRB along with attendant forums.<br />

There appears to be little doubt that the Pangani River Basin (PRB) urgently needs integrated<br />

management strategies capable of coping with the diverse and complicated issues that have<br />

been described in this situation analysis.<br />

• The development of effective strategies to facilitate dialogue amongst and between resource<br />

users and managers of different types and involved in different sectors with a view to improving<br />

awareness at all levels of management. Mechanisms are needed to ensure that dialogue<br />

opportunities between and amongst stakeholders and managers are maximised, so as to<br />

ensure that two-way exchanges of information may occur, dissemination improved and the<br />

knowledge of how stakeholders all play a part within the well-being of the Basin delivered. It<br />

is necessary that awareness is created about all aspects of the condition and management<br />

of the Basin and its stakeholders at all levels of management and its coordination. Additional<br />

components of this priority area are the development of forums capable of assuming this task,<br />

as well as serving as a mechanism to remedy conflict, and to bridge gaps between different<br />

levels of administration.<br />

• The identification and development of an adequate data collection and monitoring system.<br />

This action area is not restricted to the development of data collection systems for hydrological<br />

data. A satellite and GIS assessment of land use, exploitation rates and geographical change<br />

is a pre-requisite for the development of land-use planning and monitoring. The development<br />

of methodologies to assess and gauge the underlying social and economic causes of<br />

environmental degradation and resource over-exploitation also needs to be identified. Such<br />

systems should also be capable of identifying water demands within the Basin. The data and<br />

monitoring systems recommended must match local funding and maintenance capabilities.<br />

The third objective of the first edition of the SA was to identify other organisations, interests or institutions<br />

with which the IUCN was to develop partnerships as developed the WANI initiative in the PRB.<br />

In section C6, a number of interventions by NGOs and international organisations were considered and<br />

assessed in terms of their potential contribution to the development and implementation of integrated<br />

management strategies for the PRB. Here, we develop that analysis further, and suggest ways in which<br />

these organisations may contribute towards the integrated management of the PRB:.<br />

64


• PAMOJA’s expertise lies in the area of developing dialogue, particularly between government<br />

and community interests. This expertise could play a crucial role in the integration of government<br />

planning and administration with local level community resource management. At the same<br />

time, it is crucial that community concerns and ideas are adequately reflected in government<br />

decision-making and actions. PAMOJA can potentially ensure that this can occur.<br />

• The Traditional Irrigation and Environmental Development Organisation (TIP) has experience<br />

similar to that of PAMOJA, and could enhance its application. Of greater interest, however, are<br />

the technical inputs that TIP can supply in the form of furrow design and development that can<br />

improve water conveyance systems and their administration.<br />

• The Tanzania Forestry Action Plan’s (TFAP) experience in the development of local level,<br />

integrated, resource problem solutions appear particularly pertinent to the Pangani River<br />

Basin. The development of such systems for communities living alongside the Basin’s forests<br />

would be a welcome component to any effective management planning within the Basin. If<br />

coupled with the activities of the Tanzania Forest Conservation Group (TFCG), the coverage<br />

of these initiatives could be increased, the two organisations could mutually benefit from their<br />

shared experiences and knowledge, and an effective strategy for dealing with forest loss and<br />

degradation developed.<br />

• Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation and Development Programme (TCZCDP) possesses<br />

important practical experience in the development of an integrated natural resource<br />

management strategy, from which the PRB could learn and potentially build upon, expanding<br />

these lessons upwards and away from the TCZCDP’s jurisdictional area. The jurisdiction of the<br />

Tanzania Coastal Management Partnership (TCMP) is considerably larger, and for that reason,<br />

the latter NGO could possess valuable experience on the integrated management of large<br />

areas containing a very wide variety of natural resources.<br />

• The River Basin Management and Smallholder Irrigation Improvement Project (RBMSIIP) is<br />

the only project to have attempted a Basin-wide approach to solving the PRB’s problems. In<br />

addition, it has also sought to integrate water conservation issues with water development<br />

initiatives. The knowledge possessed by the Project in these areas is extremely important<br />

for the development of management strategies for the Basin. In addition, the experience of<br />

the Project in the development of a hydrological data collection network for the Basin is also<br />

pertinent for the PRB.<br />

• The UNDP-GEF East Africa Cross-border Biodiversity Project (EACBP) experience with crossborder<br />

resource management is important for the PRB. In addition, the EACBPs experiences<br />

with the development and implementation of community-based joint forestry management<br />

could be useful for the integrated management of the Basin.<br />

The PBWO has engaged with some of these organisations and this still can be a useful list for<br />

reference.<br />

65


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Kilimanjaro. In Ngana, J. O. (ed.) Water resources management: the case of Pangani River<br />

Basin. Issues and approaches. Dar es Salaam, Dar es Salaam University Press: 48 - 63.<br />

TANESCO, 1994. Environmental Impact Assessment of the redevelopment of the hydroelectric power<br />

station at Pangani Falls: Baseline studies: mitigation of adverse impacts and monitoring the<br />

attainment of intended mitigation. IVO – NORPLAN Joint Venture.<br />

URT (United Republic of Tanzania), 2002. National Water Policy. Dar es Salaam, Ministry of Water and<br />

Livestock Development.<br />

Vanden Bossche, J.-P. and Bernacsek, G. M. 1990. Sourcebook for the inland fishery resources of<br />

Africa. Vol. 1. Cifa Technical Paper 18/1. Rome, Food and Agricultural Organization.<br />

Warren, A. 1995. Changing understandings of the nature of environmental paradigms. Transactions of<br />

the Institute of British Geographers NS 20 (1995): 193 - 203.<br />

W.C.E.D. 1987. Our common future. Oxford, O.U.P for the World Commission on Environment and Development.<br />

W.C.M.C. (World Conservation Monitoring Centre). 1985. Arusha National Park Factsheet. www.unep.wcmc. org<br />

70


W.C.M.C. (World Conservation Monitoring Centre). 1987. Kilimanjaro National Park Factsheet. www.<br />

unep. wcmc.org<br />

Wegelin-Schuringa, M. 1998. Water Demand Management and the Urban Poor. The Netherlands, IRC<br />

International Water and Sanitation Centre.<br />

West, K. 2002. The Water and Nature Initiative Challenge. In: The Pangani River Basin: Options for<br />

Integrated Management. Report on a Workshop held at the Kilimanjaro Crane Hotel, Moshi,<br />

Tanzania, 8 – 10 May, 2002. Nairobi, IUCN – EARO: 95 – 96.<br />

WHO (World Health Organization). 2001. National health statistics. www.who.org. Geneva, World Health<br />

Organization.<br />

Wily, L. 1999. Moving forward in African community forestry: trading power, not use rights. Society and<br />

Natural Resources 12 (1999): 49 – 61.<br />

Wilson, D. C., Medard, M. Harris, C. K. and Wiley, D. S. 1996. Potentials for comanagement of the Nile perch<br />

fishery – Lake Victoria, Tanzania. Paper presented at the ‘Voices from the Commons’ conference,<br />

International Association for the study of common property, Berkeley, CA, June 5-8, 1996.<br />

UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund). 2001. The State of the World’s<br />

Children 2000. www.unicef.org. New York, UNICEF.<br />

Yanda, P. Z. and Shishira, E. K. 2001. Forestry conservation and resource utilisation on the southern<br />

slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro: trends, conflicts and resolutions. In Ngana, J. O. (ed.). Water<br />

resources management in the Pangani River Basin: challenges and opportunities. Dar es<br />

Salaam, Dar es Salaam University Press: 104 - 117.<br />

Zimmerman, D., Turner, D. Pratt, D Willis, I. 1996. Birds of Kenya and Northern Tanzania. London,<br />

Christopher Helm.<br />

71


Interview sources<br />

Burra, R., ................................ Advisor, PAMOJA, Arusha 13th November 2002<br />

Bwoyo, D. ............................... Catchment Forest Manager, Arusha, 22nd November 2002.<br />

Fundi, H. ................................ Regional Hydrologist, Tanga Region, Tanga, November 18th 2002.<br />

Kijazi, A. and Nashanda, E. ... Forestry and Beekeeping Division, Dar es Salaam, November 15 th , 2002<br />

Lugeiyamu, J. ......................... Manager, TANESCO Systems, Hale, November 18th, 2002<br />

Mihayo, J. M., ......................... Director, Water Division, Dar es Salaam, November 15th, 2002<br />

Mjata, P. J., ............................. Land-use Planner, TIP, Moshi, November 21st, 2002.<br />

Msuha, M. ..............................BirdLife Officer, Wildlife Conservation Society of Tanzania, Dar es Salaam,<br />

November 14 th , 2002<br />

Nasari, J. ................................Regional Hydrologist, Arusha Region, Arusha 13th November, 2002<br />

Ngana, J. ................................Associated Research Professor, Institute of Natural Resource Assessment,<br />

University of Dar es Salaam, 14th November, 2002<br />

Ngula, D. ................................Manager, Research and Development, TANESCO, 14 th November 2002<br />

Rumambo, O., .........................Basin Management Advisor, River Basin Management Project, Ministry of<br />

Water and Livestock Development, Dar es Salaam, November 15 th , 2002.<br />

Salehe, J. ...............................National Project Manager, UNDP/GEF - East Africa Cross-Border<br />

Biodiversity Project, Arusha, November 22 nd , 2002.<br />

Sarmett, J. .....................................Water Officer; Pangani Basin Water Office, Dar es Salaam 14 th November 2002<br />

Shiri – Njoro Village Government, Moshi 22 nd November 2002<br />

Tegemeo and Kiwayo Village Government, Kiwayo, November 21 st , 2002<br />

72


Interview sources for Appendix 1<br />

Aram, F. V. .......... Tanga Urban Water Supply and Sewerage Authority<br />

Denis, E. M.........DWE’s Office, Handeni<br />

Fundi, H. ............Regional Hydrologist, Tanga Region<br />

Hamisi, H. ...........Coordinator, Hellen Keller International (APOC)<br />

Kisheru, N. .........Regional Natural Resources Officer, RAS Tanga<br />

Lyimo, Z. C. ........Regional Livestock Officer, RAS Tanga<br />

Maggid, R. B. .....Coordinator, Tanga CDTI Project<br />

Malange, J. P. .....RWE, RAS Tanga<br />

Materu, E. A. ......anga Water Laboratory<br />

Matiku, W. ..........East Usambara Catchments Forest.<br />

Mwakibuzi, H. .....District Planning Officer, Muheza<br />

Mzee, R. S..........Amani Nature Reserve<br />

Ntemi, A. ............Amani Nature Reserve<br />

Sasame, M. ........DWE’s Office, Handeni<br />

Tungu, L. S. M.....Regional Agricultural Officer, RAS Tanga<br />

73


H.1 Introduction<br />

H. Appendix 1: Smaller basins included in the<br />

administrative Pangani Basin 6<br />

The Pangani River Basin (PRB) covers an area of 43,650 km 2 . The Basin is surrounded by a series of<br />

small, independent, basins, which while not strictly part of the Pangani River Basin hydrologically, they are<br />

administered by the Pangani Basin Water Office (PBWO) because they are too small to merit their own<br />

Basin office. The area administered by Pangani Basin Water Office includes the main Pangani, Umba,<br />

Msangazi, Zigi 7 , Coastal Rivers and Mkulumuzi Catchments, together totalling 58,510 km 2 . In this Appendix,<br />

information about these additional basins is summarised as a basis upon which future project activities<br />

within the PRB may expand to include these additional basins. The basins concerned are as follows:<br />

• The Umba River Catchment (8,070 km 2 )<br />

• The Msangazi River Catchment (5,030 km 2 )<br />

• The Zigi River Catchment (see Coastal Rivers)<br />

• The Coastal Rivers Catchments (2,080 km 2 including Zigi and Mkulumuzi). Besides the Mkulumuzi,<br />

most of the Coastal Catchment’s rivers are seasonal.<br />

Each of these catchments is discussed in turn.<br />

H.2 The Umba River Catchment<br />

The Umba River Catchment covers a total area of 8,070 km 2 (of which about 2,560 km 2 lies in Kenya),<br />

where the Umba’s mouth lies at Vanga on the Kenya coast. The river has a dense network of tributaries<br />

most of which drain the north-western slopes of the Usambara Mountains. These enter the Umba from<br />

the south. The river receives very few tributaries from the north. The catchment receives an annual<br />

average of 600 mm of rainfall.<br />

The Umba Game Reserve, formerly part of the Mkomazi Game Reserve, lies within the Basin. Vegetation<br />

typical of this park covers much of the catchment: sparse, dry, savannah-type bush and low trees.<br />

Mountainous slopes in the Basin are covered by afro-montane forest. The Umba River Catchment is<br />

sparsely populated. The main land use in its northern part is wildlife conservation, while cattle grazing is<br />

the main land use in the south.<br />

Agriculture and irrigation<br />

Rainfed agriculture in considerably more common than irrigated agriculture. Nevertheless, besides the<br />

Mkomazi and Luengera valleys, which lie in the main Pangani River Catchment, most of the present or<br />

proposed small irrigation schemes in the Tanga Region are situated along the Umba River and its tributaries.<br />

These schemes include Mnazi, Kitivo, Kivingo Mnazi village and Mwakijembe Irrigation schemes. The main<br />

irrigated crop is rice, followed by maize. In the upper parts of the catchment; vegetables and Irish potatoes<br />

are also under irrigation. The total area under irrigation is estimated at 1,475 ha, consuming an estimated<br />

25.2 m 3 x 10 6 annually.<br />

6<br />

This Appendix has been prepared by the Pangani Basin Water Office.<br />

7<br />

Some authors use the ‘Sigi’ spelling, ‘Zigi’ is the preferred spelling of the catchment’s residents (pers.<br />

comm., 2003)<br />

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Natural Resources<br />

Protected Areas<br />

The Umba Game Reserve contains an area of some 450 km 2 contiguous to Kenya’s Tsavo National Park.<br />

The reserve’s wildlife comprises, amongst others, buffaloes, elephants, lions and various buck and antelope.<br />

The main threat facing this wildlife is poaching by locals, and people entering the area from Kenya.<br />

Forests<br />

The Umba catchment was once rich in forests that included tree species such as Brachylaena hulensis<br />

(‘Mkarambati’) and Albizia vesicular (‘Mkingu’). Brachylaena hulensis is used mainly for making carvings,<br />

building poles and furniture. It is heavily harvested and is considered an endangered species. Illegal<br />

forest harvesting for charcoal manufacture also occurs.<br />

To address the problem of illegal forest harvesting, community-based forest management approaches have<br />

been developed with villagers, such as those in Mwakijembe, Mwanyumba, Mavovo and Daluni villages.<br />

Minerals<br />

The Umba River Catchment is rich in mineral deposits, particularly gemstones. Around the Mghwashi<br />

and Kararani areas, blue sapphire is to be found, along with green tourmaline and the rose garnet.<br />

Mining is presently carried out by small-scale miners who lack internal markets, forcing them to sell their<br />

gems on the black market in Kenya (Kisheru, pers. comm.).<br />

Water use conflict<br />

Conflict exists between water users due to insufficient supply, especially in those areas where irrigation<br />

is practiced.<br />

Data collection network<br />

• Umba River at Mlalo (1B1): a secondary station, with range of staff gauges (0 - 3m.); the station<br />

is operational with a rating curve, but needs updating.<br />

• Umba River at Mwakijembe (1B4A): a primary station, with staff gauges (0 - 4m); it is installed<br />

with a, ‘Orpheus’ type data logger. The station is operational, although it requires updating.<br />

• Mbalamo River at Kivingo (1B1A): a secondary station with staff gauges (0 – 2m). Requires<br />

rehabilitation.<br />

• Bombo River at Kwamkole (1B5): an operational secondary station with staff gauges (0 - 3m).<br />

• Mlalo rainfall station (9438068): operational and in good condition.<br />

• Mnazi meteorological station (9438075): well-functioning, with both auto-met and manual stations.<br />

H. 3 The Msangazi River Catchment<br />

The Msangazi River Catchments covers an area of 5030 km 2 and is considered to include a series of<br />

narrow catchments extending from west to east over almost the entire width of the Tanga Region. The<br />

catchments border the Pangani River Basin to the South. Most of the rivers only flow during exceptionally<br />

wet rainy seasons in their upper reaches. Downstream of Handeni Township, however, the Msangazi<br />

River flows regularly during the rainy season.<br />

The entire catchment has uniform geographical features and can be classified as hilly, although the lower<br />

reaches, where sisal and coconut plantations are cultivated, are flat. The vegetation cover is comprised<br />

of bush and low tree savannah. Besides scattered agriculture, most of the land is unused economically.<br />

Average annual rainfall is about 900mm.<br />

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Population<br />

The Msangazi sub-catchments cover three districts in the Tanga Region: Kilindi, Handeni and Pangani.<br />

The total population within the catchments in the Kilindi District was 31,177 in 2002, and 141,263 in the<br />

Handeni District. This represents about 44% of the population of the two districts. The population of the<br />

Msangazi Catchments within Pangani district is 10,298 people.<br />

Land use<br />

• Agriculture: mainly subsistence farming. Crops grown include maize, cassava, beans, banana,<br />

sugar cane and various vegetables. A newly introduced crop, Moringa oleifera (‘Mirongeronge’)<br />

is used in the manufacture of cooking oil and in water purification.<br />

• Livestock: small quantities of cattle, goats and sheep are kept in the catchments.<br />

Natural resources<br />

Water<br />

The main town in the catchment is the Handeni Township (population 7,700). The town’s main water<br />

supply is derived from water pumped from the Pangani River. In addition, the town derives water from<br />

two boreholes: Nderema (9 m 3 /hr) and Mnazini (12m 3 /hr). These serve 35% of township’s population.<br />

The town’s final water source is derived from one of the Msangazi River’s tributaries, which has been<br />

ponded nearby. The pond’s capacity 22,500 m 3 , and about 12m 3 /hr is abstracted from it.<br />

Forests<br />

The Bondo and Kwamsisi forests both lie within these catchments. Available species of trees are Jubernalia<br />

gloriflora (‘mtondoro’), Dalbergia Melanoxylon (‘mpingu’), Pterocaptus angolensis (‘mninga’) and<br />

‘mkomba’.<br />

Wildlife<br />

Spartan wildlife reserves occur in the upper reaches of the catchments, and include wild pigs, monkeys/<br />

baboons and reedbuck. In the lower parts of the catchments (in Pangani District) lies the Sadani National<br />

Park, within which elephants, giraffes, antelopes, sable antelope and reedbuck.<br />

Minerals<br />

The catchments have no known mineral potential.<br />

Problems and potential conflicts<br />

• Encroachment and cultivation around water sources, including riverbanks.<br />

• Bush fires: these are a serious problem, and are set to clear bush for agricultural use.<br />

• Illegal tree harvesting: for timber, building poles and charcoal. The most sought after timber<br />

trees are Pterocaptus angolensis (‘mninga’), Dalbergia melanocylon (‘mpingu’), and Julbernalia<br />

gloriflora (‘mtondoro’) and Mkomba<br />

• There is an emerging conflict between livestock keepers and farmers over watering points.<br />

Disease<br />

The most common diseases in the catchment area are malaria and typhoid. Cholera and other diseases<br />

that cause diarrhoea occur occasionally.<br />

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Data collection network<br />

• Msangazi River at Kideleko (1E3): an operational secondary station with a number of gauges<br />

(0 - 1m ranges).<br />

• Msangazi River at Kwedilomba (1E1): an operational station (0 - 2m ranges), installed with a<br />

‘Thalamides’ type data logger.<br />

• Handeni Meteorological Station (9538079): operational, with an auto-met station.<br />

• Rainfall station at Kwedilomba: operational.<br />

Governmental and non-governmental organisations operating in the catchment<br />

• World Vision (NGO)<br />

• HADEA - (Handeni Development Association)<br />

• HIAP - Handeni Integrated Agro-forest Project (Phased out 2000.)<br />

• Ded - GTZ –Technical and advisory support in the district (water)<br />

H.4 The Zigi River Catchment<br />

The perennial Zigi River drains the eastern slopes of the Usambara Mountains, and has two main tributaries<br />

flowing from north and south (Muzi and Kihuhwi). After their confluence, the Zigi drains eastwards into<br />

the Indian Ocean via the Mabayani Dam, a source for the Tanga Municipal Water Supply.<br />

The upper reaches of the catchment are mountainous, consisting mainly of dense forest interspersed<br />

with tea plantations. Its lower parts are hilly, comprising dry savannah-type bushes and low trees, as well<br />

as sisal estates. Along the coast, coconut and palm trees are common. As such, the entire catchment is<br />

fairly well vegetated, and the risk of erosion minimal.<br />

Rainfall in the Zigi catchment is bi-modal. However, its distribution varies from 1,000 to 2,000 mm. Yearly<br />

average rainfall is estimated at 1200 to 1400 mm.<br />

Natural resources<br />

Forests<br />

There are 30,000 ha of forest in the Zigi Catchment, which include the East Usambara Catchment<br />

Forest, part of the Eastern Arc Mountain forests. The importance of the catchment’s forests includes:<br />

• provision of timber and medicinal plants to local communities;<br />

• forests are the source of the Zigi River, which provides domestic water for Tanga Municipality;<br />

• conserving water by regulating run-off, preventing soil erosion, improving infiltration to groundwater<br />

aquifers and water quality;<br />

• habitat for very high levels of biodiversity, and contributing to the maintenance of the global gene pool;<br />

• the escarpment forests of the East Usambara Mountains prevent erosion and landslides.<br />

Biodiversity and protected areas<br />

Amani Nature Reserve (ANR) was established in 1997 and has a total area of 8,380 ha. The Reserve<br />

is located in the East Usambara Catchment Forest. The East Usambara Mountains are the largest<br />

mountain block in the Eastern Arc Mountain chain. The ANR consists of tall luxurious montane forest and<br />

deciduous lowland forest with an average altitude boundary of 850m.<br />

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Biologically, the ANR has a very rich species composition. The East Usambara Mountains are regarded<br />

as a global centre of plant diversity. Amongst the reserve’s and forests’ endemic plant genera and<br />

species are Saintpaulia (9 species), Cynometra (4 species), Streptocarpus (2 species), Impatients katae,<br />

Vernonia amaniencis, Dolichometra leucantha and Cordia peter.<br />

In addition, the East Usambara Mountains are recognised as having the second most diverse fauna<br />

in Africa. Some of the ANR’s mammals are classified as globally threatened, such as the East African<br />

Collared Fruit Bat (Myonyctris relicta), the Black and Rufous Elephant Shrew (Rhyncoyon petersi), the<br />

Bushy-tailed Mongoose (Bdeogade crassicauda omnivore) and Abbot’s Duiker (Cephalophus spadix).<br />

The International Council for Bird Preservation (ICBP) has classified both the montane and lowland<br />

forests of the East Usambara as an Endemic Bird Area (EBA). Thirteen globally endangered species<br />

of birds, such as the Usambara Eagle Owl (Bubo vosseleri), the Usambara Mountain Weaver (Ploseus<br />

nicolli), the Amani Sunbird (Anthreptes pallidigaster), and the Long-Billed Apalis (Apalismoreaui moreaui),<br />

are known to live in ANR.<br />

Amongst the Reserve’s and forests’ amphibians, reptiles and invertebrate species, biodiversity and<br />

endemism are also very high. Many amphibians breed and find habitat in and along the Zigi River, which<br />

also provides habitat to numerous reptile and insect species.<br />

Water and soils<br />

The Amani Nature Reserve is one of the most important water catchments areas in the East Usambara<br />

Mountains. The montane rain forest that covers the larger part of the Reserve plays a significant role in<br />

the hydrological cycle of the Tanga Region. The Zigi River provides domestic water to Tanga Municipality<br />

(population 300,000), associated industries, estates and adjacent local communities.<br />

The Mabayani dam lies on the Zigi River, water from which supplies Tanga Municipality. Its reservoir is<br />

approximately 3,500m long with an average width of 400m. Initially (in 1978), the reservoir had a nominal<br />

storage capacity of 7.7 million m 3 , but this has gradually decreased due to siltation caused by erosion<br />

and landslides. Additional deposits are derived from plants uprooted by floodwaters, effluent from the<br />

decortication of sisal leaves and matter synthesised in the reservoir itself by phyto- and zooplankton<br />

communities, fish and other invertebrate animals.<br />

The decay of organic matter requires oxygen, resulting in the de-oxygenation of surrounding waters. The<br />

presence of such organic nutrients also stimulates the production of more plant material, causing the<br />

production of more organic matter and subsequent oxygen depletion at the bottom of the dam. Combined,<br />

these processes of nutrient inflows and subsequent deoxygenation may cause eutrophication, although<br />

no evidence of this has yet been obtained from the dam. The concern that this may occur nevertheless<br />

exists, and the following are recommended as possible mitigating measures:<br />

• to monitor the accumulation of sediment /organic matter in the dam;<br />

• to frequently remove aquatic weeds (e.g. water hyacinth or the Nile cabbage) from the surface of<br />

the dam manually, biologically or mechanically;<br />

• to control the quality and volume of effluent from upstream sisal factories;<br />

• to identify the proportion of aquatic macrophytes that are swept over the dam spillway. If the<br />

proportion is small, methods for increasing it should be undertaken.<br />

Fisheries<br />

Fishing is carried out mainly along the coast of Indian Ocean, where the Zigi River’s mouth is to be<br />

found. Minor fisheries exist along its course, targeting fish such as Clarias spp. (a cat fish, ‘kambare’),<br />

Tilapia spp. (‘perege’), Labeo (‘ningu’), Synodontis (‘ngogogo’), Barbus (‘kuyu’) and others. Fishing on<br />

the Mabayani reservoir is forbidden because its water is intended as a source of domestic water for the<br />

Tanga Municipality.<br />

78


Land<br />

The main land use in the catchment is agriculture, practised mainly on a small-scale level. Crops such as<br />

maize, cassava, banana and fruit are cultivated, while cash crops such as sisal, tea and forest (like the<br />

Longuza Teak Plantation project). To a minor extent, cattle grazing is also practiced.<br />

Problems<br />

• Deforestation: this occurs mainly as a result of illegal tree harvesting for timber, firewood, building<br />

poles, clearing for agriculture etc., and serves to increase surface runoff, while decreasing<br />

groundwater recharge.<br />

• Effluent discharge: the discharge of raw or partially treated effluent from sisal decortications<br />

causes the de-oxygenation of the water into which it is deposited, and works as a nutrient, so<br />

assisting eutrophication.<br />

• Agrochemical application: although there is no available data on the effect of agrochemicals on water<br />

sources in the catchment, it is likely that agrochemical residues/spills reach water bodies via storm<br />

water. Depending on agrochemical type and concentration, human health and the aquatic life can be<br />

affected by such residue. In the Zigi River Catchment, agrochemicals, including pesticides, herbicides<br />

and fertilisers are mainly used in Amani tea estates and tree nurseries (Materu, pers. comm.).<br />

• Human settlement close to water sources: this causes land degradation and increased sediment<br />

concentrations in water; the pollution of water by faecal seepage from toilets or the direct disposal<br />

of faeces, as well as physically and chemically by solid waste disposal to water bodies<br />

• Aquatic weed: several species of aquatic weed occur in the Zigi River and Mabayani dam,<br />

e.g. Water hyacinth (Eichhornia crassipes), Nile cabbage (Pistia stratiotes) and the water ivy<br />

(Lpomoea aquatica). The water hyacinth is capable of blanketing the water surface such that it<br />

affects water quality. This may also affect human health by improving the conditions needed for<br />

the reproduction of various vectors important in the life cycle of various human pathogens, such<br />

as mosquitoes (malaria), and snails (bilharzia).<br />

• Poor farming methods: the use of fire to clear vegetation, the cultivation of mountain slopes,<br />

tree felling and other human activities in water catchments may serve to increase water turbidity,<br />

colour and sediment load, especially during the rainy season. These causes have been attributed<br />

to the December 1999 increase in water turbidity on the Mabayani Dam from 20-30 NTU to 1,400<br />

NTU (Materu, pers. comm.).<br />

• Disease: river blindness occurs in the Muheza District of the Zigi Catchment. This is caused by a<br />

worm (filaria) called Onchocerca volvulus. The parasite is transmitted to humans through the bite<br />

of a small black fly. Besides blindness, the disease also causes severe skin problems. The flies<br />

breed in well oxygenated fast moving water. Other diseases in the Zigi Catchment related to water<br />

are cholera, typhoid and malaria (Maggid, pers. comm.)<br />

Existing and potential conflict<br />

• Conflict is expected between water users in the Tanga Municipality and Muheza town. The latter’s<br />

water supply is presently inadequate, and a proposal exists to tap water from the Zigi River on<br />

which the whole population of the Tanga Municipality presently depends on.<br />

• Conflict between domestic water use and environmental requirements: the minimum water flow<br />

required to sustain the ecosystem below the Mabayani Dam is unknown.<br />

• Conflict between polluters and water managers: for example, conflict between water management<br />

and agricultural interests as the former seeks to control water pollution, for example, organic<br />

pollution from sisal estates (Mjesani, Kibaranga, Lanconi and Bamba), and agro-chemical<br />

pollution from tea estates.<br />

79


Data collection network.<br />

• Zigi River at Lancon (1C1): an operational primary station with staff gauges (0 - 10m); installed<br />

with an ‘Orpheus’ type data logger.<br />

• Zigi River at Miembeni (1C2): an operational secondary station with staff gauges (0 - 4m); the<br />

rating curve needs updating.<br />

• Zigi River at Kisiwani (1C4): a secondary station with staff gauges (0 - 3m) for catchment forestry<br />

use. Rating curve needs updating. 0 - 1m gauge has been washed away by floods.<br />

• Muzi River at Msakazi (1CA1): operational, but rating curve needs updating.<br />

• Zigi-Lancon Rainfall Station: operational.<br />

• Mabayani dam, water level and rainfall stations: operational.<br />

• There are additional rainfall stations in the catchment operated by various institutions, such as<br />

Longuza Forest, East Usambara Catchment Forest etc.<br />

H.5 The Coastal River Catchment (Mkulumuzi)<br />

The coastal rivers originate in the escarpment that runs parallel to the coast at a distance of 20 to 30<br />

km. Average rainfall within the catchments is 1,100 mm. Their ecology is fairly uniform. Slopes at the<br />

headwaters are generally hilly, and gradually flatten as they enter the coastal plain. Coconut, palm and<br />

cashew nut trees dominate vegetation. Sisal is also grown on a large scale. Erosion problems have not<br />

been observed in these catchments.<br />

Most coastal rivers only flow during short periods in the rainy season and are dry for the rest of the year.<br />

The only exception is the perennial Mkulumuzi River. This river’s catchment covers 337 km 2 , and is<br />

situated directly to the south of the Zigi River catchment. Its source lies in the Magoroto Forest.<br />

Natural resources<br />

Water supply<br />

The Mkulumuzi River supplies water to Muheza town, with a population of about 25,700 people.<br />

Agriculture<br />

Agriculture in the area is mainly practised at a subsistence level, with an exception of sisal, which is<br />

grown at commercial scales. Subsistence crops grown include maize, banana, cassava, rice and sweet<br />

potatoes. Fruit (particularly oranges), coconuts, cashew nuts and spices are cultivated as cash crops.<br />

Livestock<br />

Livestock keeping in the catchments is fairly insignificant. Small numbers of dairy cattle, goats and pigs<br />

are kept.<br />

Fisheries<br />

Although fishing is a common activity along the coast, no significant fishing activity occurs in the coastal<br />

river catchments.<br />

Existing and potential conflicts<br />

• Settlement: serious demands for settlement land occur after sisal plantations have collapsed,<br />

and staff evicted.<br />

• Insufficient water for Muheza Township.<br />

80


Figure 4: The Administrative Pangani Basin<br />

see also Plate 2, page 44<br />

(Source: River Basin Management Project)<br />

81


The data collection network<br />

• Mkulumuzi at Upare (unregistered): a new river gauging station equipped with a ‘Thalimedes’<br />

type data logger.<br />

• Msimbazi River at Lugongo: a new river gauging station equipped with staff gauges (ranging<br />

from 0 - 2m)<br />

• Mlingano Meteorological Station (under the Ministry of Agriculture): operational.<br />

Supporting organisations<br />

• Irish Aid: supports integrated planned programmes in the area.<br />

• TASAF<br />

• NORAD: Village Transport and Travel Programme (VTTP)<br />

• IUCN: Coastal environmental conservation, in collaboration with Ireland Aid.<br />

• AXIOS International: assists orphans and vulnerable children<br />

• GTZ: assists health infrastructure, support of basic drug distribution to the health centres.<br />

• APOC/CDTI: Onchoceriasis control<br />

82


Coast Development Authority<br />

IUCN – International Union for Conservation of Nature<br />

IUCN, International Union for Conservation of Nature, helps the world find pragmatic solutions to our most pressing<br />

environment and development challenges.<br />

IUCN works on biodiversity, climate change, energy, human livelihoods and greening the world economy by<br />

supporting scientific research, managing field projects all over the world, and bringing governments, NGOs, the UN<br />

and companies together to develop policy, laws and best practice.<br />

IUCN is the world’s oldest and largest global environmental organization, with more than 1,000 government and NGO<br />

members and almost 11,000 volunteer experts in some 160 countries. IUCN’s work is supported by over 1,000 staff<br />

in 60 offices and hundreds of partners in public, NGO and private sectors around the world.<br />

IUCN Water and Nature Initiative<br />

The IUCN Water and Nature Initiative is a 5 year action programme to demonstrate that ecosystem-based management<br />

and stakeholder participation will help to solve the water dilema today - bringing rivers back to life and maintaining<br />

the resources for many.<br />

Pangani Basin Water Office<br />

Amendments to Tanzania’s Water Utilization Act (Act No. 10 of 1981) introduced the concept of managing and allocating<br />

water based hydrological boundaries. The Pangani Basin Water Office was subsequently established in 1991. Its main<br />

duties are to control and regulate the uses of water in Pangani Basin both in terms of quality and quantity.<br />

Coast Development Authority<br />

CDA is a Regional Development Authority established to provide integrated development planning, facilitation, initiation,<br />

coordination and implementation for projects and programmes within its area of jurisdiction, namely the whole of Coast<br />

Province and Ijara District and the Kenya Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).<br />

Global Water Initiative<br />

The Global Water Initiative (GWI) is funded by Howard G. Buffet Foundation and was developed in September 2006 with the<br />

aim of ‘ensuring that vulnerable populations world-wide have reliable access to clean water in such a way that their dignity,<br />

rights, culture and natural environment are not negatively impacted’. The strategic objectives of the initiative are to support<br />

Integrated Water Resources Management programs in identified countries, to develop a water constituency in those countries<br />

and regions, and to influence beyond this initiative for wider scale-up. The initiative focuses on developing partnerships amongst<br />

key organizations in three geographic clusters: Eastern Africa (Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda), Western Africa (Burkina<br />

Faso, Ghana, Mali, Niger, and Senegal) and Central America (El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua). Organizations<br />

currently involved in the initiative are Action against Hunger, CARE, Catholic Relief Services (CRS), International Institute for<br />

Environment and Development (IIED), International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), Oxfam America and SOS Sahel.<br />

In Eastern Africa cluster, the initiative is referred to as ‘GWI Running Dry’ coordinated from a Regional Office based in Addis<br />

Ababa, Ethiopia (housed by CARE International in Ethiopia).<br />

Pangani Basin Water Office<br />

P.O. Box 5978<br />

Hale Tanga Tanzania<br />

Tel + + 255 27 2640836<br />

Fax + + 255 27 2641031<br />

IUCN Eastern and Southern Africa<br />

Regional Office<br />

P.O. Box 68200-00200<br />

Nairobi Kenya<br />

Tel + + 254 20 890605-12<br />

Fax + + 254 20 890615<br />

E-mail: earo@iucn.org<br />

Coastal Development Authority (CDA)<br />

P.O. Box 1322<br />

Mombasa Kenya<br />

Tel + + 254 41 22440<br />

E-mail cda@africaonline.co.ke<br />

IUCN Water and Nature Initiative<br />

Rue Mauverney 28<br />

CH-1196 Gland<br />

Switzerland<br />

Tel + 41 22 999 0001<br />

Faxl + 41 22 999 0002<br />

E-mail: waterandnature@iucn.org<br />

GWI Running Dry Program<br />

CARE International in Ethiopia<br />

P.O.Box 4710; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia<br />

Phone: 251-11-618 3294 Ext 160<br />

Fax: 251-11-618 3295<br />

Web: http://www.care.org.et

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