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OF THx:;-<br />
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. I<br />
VOLUME XII.<br />
1885-86.
(iicurr.<br />
i
TRANSACTIONS<br />
OF THE<br />
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.<br />
VOLUME XII.<br />
1885-86.
TRANSACTIONS, ^"-^ i^^^<br />
THE GAELIC SOCIETY<br />
OF INVERNESS.<br />
1885-86.<br />
Climn nan 6aibl^eal an iwaUlcan a Cljcile.<br />
rUINTKD FOR THE GAELIC SOCIETY OK INVERNESS,<br />
BY R. CARRUTHKRS & SONS;<br />
AND SOLD BY JOHN NOBLE, JAMES H. MACKENZIE, JAMES MELVEN<br />
WILLIAM MACKAY, AND A. & W. MACKENZIE,<br />
BOOKSELLERS, INVERNESS<br />
AND MACLACHLAN & STf:WART, EDINBURGH.<br />
1886.<br />
;
coisrTEisrTS<br />
PAGE,<br />
Office-bearers for 1885 and 1886 vii<br />
Constitution , . viii<br />
Introduction xiii<br />
Fourteenth Annual Assembly—Speeches by Mr A. R. Mac-<br />
kenzie, yr. of Kintail, and Rev. Archibald Macdonald . 1<br />
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland— Provost Macandrew . 15<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds—Mr Charles Fergusson . . 28<br />
Donnachadh Ban Mac-an-t-Saoir—Mr Neil Macleod . .<br />
Fourteenth Annual Dinner—Speeches by Provost Macandrew,<br />
Mr James Barron, Mr A. Macbain, Mr Duncan Campbell,<br />
94<br />
Mr A. C. Mackenzie, Mr E. H. Macmillan, Dr Aitken, Mr<br />
Alexander Mackenzie, Mr William Mackay, Mr G. J.<br />
Campbell, Mr A. Mackenzie (Silverwells) .... 98<br />
First Impressions of America, a Gaelic Poem—Mr Wm. Eraser,<br />
Illinois 1<strong>12</strong><br />
Old Gaelic Songs—Mr Colin Chisholm 118<br />
The Isle of Man, its History and Language—Mr Duncan<br />
Campbell 1G7<br />
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature—Mr Alexander Macbain . 180<br />
Unknown Lochaber Bards—Mrs Mary Mackellar . . .211<br />
Archibald Grant, the Glenmoriston Bard— ^Ir Alexander Macdonald<br />
A Famous Minister of Daviot, 1672-1726—Mr Wm. Mackay .<br />
226<br />
244<br />
Smuggling in the Highlands—Mr John Macdonald . . . 256<br />
The Gael, his Characteristics and Social History— Rev. Mr<br />
Bisset 287<br />
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire, 1756-1853—<br />
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, Bart 293<br />
The Parish of Rosskeen—Mr Roderick Maclean . . .<br />
Etymological Links between Welsh and Gaelic—Canon Thoyts<br />
324<br />
340<br />
The Dialects of Scottish Gaelic— Professor Mackinnon . . 345
Some Unpublished Letters of Simon Lord Lovat to Lochiel of<br />
the '4r)—Mr Cameron of Locliiel 367<br />
Granting Diplomas of Gentle Birth, itc, by Scottish Kings :<br />
Case of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Munro of Obsdale,<br />
inr.3—Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P 383<br />
Old Highland Industries—Mr Alexander Ross .<br />
. . 387<br />
Gleanings from the Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch—<br />
Mr Alexander Macpherson 415<br />
Honorary Chieftains 431<br />
Life Members 431<br />
Honorary Members<br />
'<br />
. 431<br />
Ordinary Members 433<br />
Apprentice Members 438<br />
Decea-sed Members 438<br />
List of Books in the Society's Library 439
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.<br />
OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1885.<br />
Chief.<br />
A. R. Mackenzie, yr. of Kintail.<br />
Chieftains.<br />
Provost ]\racandrew.<br />
D. Campbell.<br />
Councillor W. G. Stuart.<br />
Hon. Secretary.<br />
William Mackay, solicitor.<br />
Secretary.<br />
Wm. Mackenzie, 3 Union Street.<br />
Treasurer.<br />
Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of<br />
Scotland, Inverness.<br />
Members of Council.<br />
Colin Chisholm.<br />
Alexander Macbain.<br />
John ^^^lyte.<br />
John Macdonald.<br />
Bailie Mackay.<br />
John \^^lyte.<br />
Librarian.<br />
Piper.<br />
Pipe-Major Maclennan.<br />
Bard.<br />
Mrs Mary Mackellar.<br />
OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1886.<br />
Chief.<br />
R. C. Munro-Ferguson of Novar.<br />
Chieftains.<br />
Alexander Mackenzie,Silverwells.<br />
Provost Macandrew.<br />
A. Macbain.<br />
Hon. Secretary.<br />
William Mackay, solicitor.<br />
Secretary.<br />
Wm. Mackenzie, 3 Union Street.<br />
Treasurer.<br />
Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of<br />
Scotland, Inverness.<br />
Members of Council.<br />
William Gunn.<br />
John Macdonald.<br />
Bailie Mackay.<br />
Councillor Stuart.<br />
John Whyte.<br />
Librarian.<br />
John Whyte.<br />
Piper.<br />
Pipe-Major Maclennan.<br />
Bard.<br />
Mrs Mary Mackellar.
COMUNN GAILIG INBHIR-NIS.<br />
CO-SHUIDHEACHADH.<br />
1. 'S e ainm a' Chomuinn " Comunn Gailig Inbhir-Nis.'<br />
2. 'S e tlia an run a' Chomuinn :—Na buill a dheanamli<br />
iomlan 'sa' Gluiilig ; cinneas Canaine, Bardachd, agus Ciuil na<br />
Gaidhealtaclul ; Bardachd, Seanachas, Sgeulachd, Leabhraichean<br />
agus Sgrioblianna 's a' chanain sin a theai-nadh o dhearmad<br />
Loabhar-hmn a chur suas ann am baile Inbhir-Nis de loabhraichibh<br />
agus sgriol)liannaibh—ann an canain sam bith—a bhuineas do<br />
Chaileachd, lonnsachadh, Eachdraidheachd agus Sheanachasaibh<br />
coir agus cliu nan<br />
nan Gaidlieal no do thairljhe na Gaidhealtachd ;<br />
Gaidheal a dhion ; agus na Gaidheil a slioirbheachadh a glina ge<br />
b'e ait' am bi iad.<br />
3. 'S iad a bhitheas 'nam buill, cuideachd a tha gabhail suim<br />
do runtaibh a' Chomuinn ; agus so mar gheibh iad a staigh : —<br />
Tairgidh aon bhall an t-iarradaii*, daingnichidh ball eilc an tairgse,<br />
agus, aig an ath choinneimh, ma roghnaicheas a' mhor-chuid le<br />
crannchur, nithear ball dhith-se no dheth-san cho luath 's a<br />
phaidhoar an comh-thoirt ; cuirear crainn le ponair dhubh agus<br />
gheal, acli, gu so ])\n dligheach, feumaidh tri buill dheug an crann<br />
a chur, Feudaidh an Comunn Urram Cheannardan a thoirt do<br />
uiTad 'u8 soachd daoinc cliuiteach.<br />
10 6<br />
Ball Cumanta<br />
Foghlainte<br />
5<br />
10<br />
7 7<br />
4. Paidhidh Ball Urramach, 'sa' bhliadhna . £0<br />
Agua ni Ball-beatha aon chomh-tlioirt de .<br />
5. 'S a' cheud-mhios, gach bliadhna, roghnaichear, le crainn,<br />
Co-chomhairle a riaglihus gnothuichcan a' Chomuinn, 's e sin—aon<br />
Oheann, tri Tar-chinn, Ch-iroach Urramach, Riniairc, lonmhasair,<br />
agUH coig ])uill eile — feumaidli iad uilc Gailig a thuigsinn 's a<br />
bhruidliinn ;<br />
agus ni coigcar dhiubh coinneamh.<br />
;
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.<br />
CONSTITUTION.<br />
1. The Society shall be called the "Gaelic Society of<br />
Inverness."<br />
2. The objects of the Society are the perfecting of the Members<br />
in the use of the Gaelic language ; the cultivation of the<br />
language, poetry, and music of the Scottish Highlands ; the rescuing<br />
from oblivion of Gaelic poetry, traditions, legends, books,<br />
and manuscripts ; the establishing in Inverness of a librai-y, to<br />
consist of books and manuscripts, in whatever language, bearing<br />
upon the genius, the literature, the history, the antiquities, and<br />
the material interests of the Highlands and Highland people ; the<br />
vindication of the rights and character of the Gaelic people ; and,<br />
generally,<br />
abroad.<br />
the furtherance of their interests whether at home or<br />
3. The Society shall consist of persons who take a lively interest<br />
in its objects. Admission to be as follows :—The candidate<br />
shall be proposed by one member, seconded by another, balloted<br />
for at the next meeting, and, if he or she have a majority of votes<br />
and have paid the subscription, be declared a member. The ballot<br />
shall be taken with black beans and white ; and no election shall<br />
be valid unless thirteen members vote. The Society has power to<br />
elect distinguished men as Honorary Chieftains to the number of<br />
seven.<br />
4. The Annual Subscription shall be, for<br />
Honorary Members ..... £0 10<br />
Ordinary Members .....<br />
Apprentices ......<br />
A Life Member shall make one payment of<br />
5. The management of the affairs of the Society shall be entrusted<br />
to a Coxmcil, chosen annually, by ballot, in the month of<br />
January, to consist of a Chief, three Chieftains, an Honorary<br />
Secretary, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and five other Members of the<br />
Society, all of whom shall understand and speak Gaelic ; five to<br />
form a (quorum.<br />
—<br />
.
X CO-SHUIDHEACHADH.<br />
6. Cumar coinneamhan a' Chomuinn gach seachduin o thoiseach<br />
an Doicheamh niios gu deireacUi Mhai)'t, agus gach ceithirla-doug<br />
o thoisoaoli Gliiblein gu deireadh an Naothamh-mois. 'S<br />
i a' Gliailig a labhrai gach oiilhche mu'n seacb aig a' cliuid a's<br />
higha.<br />
7. Cuiridh a' Clio-chomhairle hi air leth anns an t-Seachdanihniios<br />
air-son Coinneamh Bhliadluiail aig an cumar Co-dheuchainn<br />
agns air an toircar duaisean air-son Piobaireachd 'us ciuil Ghaidh-<br />
anns an flieasgar bithidh co-dheuchainn air Leughadh<br />
cahicli eile ;<br />
agus aitliris Bardaehd agus Eosg nuadh agus taghta ; an deigh sin<br />
cumar Cuirm chuidheaclidail aig am faigh nitlie Gaidheahach roghainn<br />
'san uirghioll, ach gun roinn a dhiultadh diiaibh-san nach tuig<br />
Gailig. Giulainear cosdas na co-dheuchainne le trusadh sonraichte<br />
a dlieannamh agus cuideachadh iarraidh o'n t-shiagh.<br />
8. Cha deanar atharrachadh sam bith air coinih-dhealbhadh a'<br />
Chomuinn gun aontachadh dha thrian de na'm bheil de luchdbruidhinn<br />
Gailig air a' chh\r-ainm. Ma's miann atharrachadh a<br />
dheatiamh is ciginn sin a chur an ceill do gach ball, mios, aig a'<br />
chuid a's lugha, roimh'n choinneimh a dh'fjieudas an t-atharrachadh<br />
a dhoanamh. Feudaidh ball nach bi a lathair roghnachadh le<br />
lamh-aithne.<br />
9. Taghaidh an Comunn Bard, Piobaire, agus Fear-leabhar-<br />
TJllaichear gach Paipear agus Leughadh, agus giulainear gach<br />
Dcasboireachd le run fosgailte, duineil, durachhdach air-son na<br />
fiiinn, agus cuircar gach ni air aghaidh ann an spiorad caomh,<br />
glan, agus a reir riaghailtean dearbhta.
COXSTITUTION. XI<br />
G. The Society shall hold its meetings weekly from the<br />
beginning of October to the end of March, and fortnightly from<br />
the beginning of April to the end of September. The business<br />
shall be carried on in Gaelic on every alternate night at least.<br />
7. T<strong>here</strong> shall be an Annual Meeting in the month of July,<br />
the day to be named by the Committee for the time being, when<br />
Competitions for Prizes shall take place in Pipe and other Highland<br />
Music. In the evening t<strong>here</strong> shall be Competitions in Reading<br />
and Reciting Gaelic Poetry and Prose, both original and select.<br />
After which tliere will be a Social Meeting, at which Gaelic sub-<br />
jects shall have the preference, but not to such an extent as<br />
entirely to preclude participation by persons who do not understand<br />
Gaelic. The expenses of the competitions shall be defrayed<br />
out of a special fund, to which the genei'al public shall be invited<br />
to subscribe.<br />
8. It is a fundamental rule of the Society that no part of the<br />
Constitution shall be altered without the assent of two-thirds of<br />
the Gaelic speaking Members on the roll ; but if any alterations<br />
be required, due notice of the same must be given to each member,<br />
at least one month before the meeting takes place at which the<br />
alteration is proposed to be made. Absent Members may vote by<br />
mandates.<br />
9. The Society shall elect a Bard, a Pipei-, and a Librarian.<br />
All Papei's and Lectures shall be prepared, and all Discussions<br />
carried on, with an honest, earnest, and manful desire for truth<br />
and all proceedings shall be conducted in a pure and gentle spirit,<br />
and according to the usually recognised rules.<br />
;
INTRODUCTION.<br />
In presenting the Society with its twelfth <strong>Volume</strong>, the<br />
Council has again to announce a larger <strong>Volume</strong> than any of its<br />
predecessors ; and it is a further matter of congratulation that,<br />
while former <strong>Volume</strong>s were larger by reason of two or more years'<br />
work being issued together, this <strong>Volume</strong> contains but the record<br />
of one Session's work only. Nothing could at once better prove<br />
the wealth of the Gaelic material with which we deal, the usefulness<br />
of the Society's work, and the energy and vitality of its mem-<br />
bei-s. It Avill be found that the papers and lectures in this book<br />
are not merely interesting in themselves, but also most important<br />
in their bearing on Highland History, Antiquities, and literature.<br />
The <strong>Volume</strong> begins with the Society's July Assembly last year,<br />
and ends with the winter and spring papers in May, thus contain-<br />
ing exactly a year's record of work. The last Session has probably,<br />
in respect of papers, lectures, and discussions, been the most active<br />
the Society has ever had.<br />
In taking a general survey over men and work in the Gaelic<br />
and also in the wider Celtic field, we have first, with son*ow, to<br />
record the death of the veteran Gaelic scholai', the Rev. Dr<br />
Thomas Maclauchlan, of Edinburgh. For the last generation Dr<br />
Maclauchlan was our leading Gaelic scholar; he was practically<br />
arbiter in matters of Gaelic literature and scholai-ship, a position<br />
which he filled with honour and good judgment. He was the<br />
connecting link between the old literary school of Gaelic writers<br />
and scholars, and the new school of critics and philologists. His<br />
works have had a most potent effect in bringing Gaelic studies<br />
into good repute among British scholars, and his editions of the<br />
Dean of Lismore's Book, and Bishop Carsewell's Prayer Book,<br />
have done more than anything else to give people a proper idea<br />
of what the history of the Gaelic language must have been. The
XIV INTRODUCTION.<br />
translation of the Dean's Book was a most arduous task, and,<br />
considering the state of Celtic scholarship at the time, a marvel<br />
of accuracy and learning. His other chief works are "Celtic<br />
Gleanings," and the "Early Scottish Church," while he also wrote<br />
the history of Gaelic Literature in Keltie's History of the Highlands,<br />
a piece of work which is unique in its excellence. He was<br />
also engaged on the revision of the translation of the Gaelic Bible.<br />
Dr Maclauchlan was chief of our Gaelic Society in 1880, and. be-<br />
sides doing his duty as that year's chief, his name appears often<br />
in our <strong>Volume</strong>s as the author of papers delivered before the Society<br />
and printed in our Transactions.<br />
In Gaelic literature, considerable activity and interest are<br />
manifested. Mr Lachlan Macbean, a well-known member of our<br />
body, besides translating into beautiful English verse the poems of<br />
Dugald Buchanan, has returned to his old love of music, and has<br />
issued a selection of the most popular Gaelic psalm tunes; while<br />
Mr Henx'y Whyte is still adding to his " Celtic Lyre." Rev. Mr<br />
Cameron's first volume of the Scottish Celtic Review has been com-<br />
pleted by the issue of number four. And while these words are<br />
being penned, Mrs Mackellar's translation of the Queen's " More<br />
Leaves " has been handed in to us, fresh from the press. Who<br />
but the queen of our modern Gaelic poets should translate our<br />
Queen's book %<br />
In general Celtic scholarship and literature t<strong>here</strong> are one or<br />
two events of importance to record. The Revue Celtique, the<br />
most important of Celtic periodicals, devoted as it is to Celtic<br />
philology, antiquities, and the editing of texts and MSS., is now<br />
edited l)y M. D'Arbois de Jubainville, one of our foremost Celtic<br />
philologists, M. Gaidoz, who started and who so ably conducted<br />
the Revue for fifteen years, having sought well-earned repose.<br />
Mr Stokes has published in the last volume of the Philological<br />
Society's Transactions two treatises of vast importance to Celtic<br />
Philology. The first work— over one hundred pages in length<br />
—diHcu.sHcs in a concise form " Celtic Declension." It is undoubtedly<br />
the most important contribution that has yet been made<br />
to the sulject since the time of Zeuss. It contains not only Old
INTRODUCTION. XV<br />
Irish and Old "Welsh Declensions, but also attempts to x'cstore the<br />
Old Celtic Declension. A concise account is given of the " des-<br />
mential changes," and also of the Gaulish inscriptions. The other<br />
paper is upon the Neo-Celtic Verb Substantive, and it contains a<br />
most important account of vocalic change. Dr Kuno Meyer has<br />
published valucible editions of the Cath Finntraga and Merugvd<br />
Uilix. Professor Rhys has been the Hibbert Lecturer for this<br />
year; his subject was "the Origin and Growth of Religion as<br />
Illustrated by Celtic Heathendom." He passed in review the<br />
whole subject of Celtic Religion and Mythology, and advanced<br />
such interesting and startling theories that his published work<br />
will be waited for with some eagerness by enthusiastic Celtists.<br />
The Educational Minute of May of last yeai-, which we de-<br />
scribed in Vol. XI., has been embodied in the new Scotch Code.<br />
But unfortunately, though Gaelic is allowed as a specific subject,<br />
it is, nevertheless, not placed upon the specific schedule: only a<br />
note at the bottom of the page informs the public that Gaelic may<br />
be taken as a specific subject, "provided it be taught upon a<br />
graduated scheme, to be approved by Her Majesty's Inspectors" !<br />
The Gaelic to be taught is to be settled for each school by the<br />
caprices of teachers and inspectors ! Evidently, however, this is<br />
only a temporary device, and next year we may hope to see Gaelic<br />
on Schedule Four beside Latin and Greek. A committee of this<br />
Society drew up a Gaelic Scheme that may be worth reproducing<br />
in the circumstances :<br />
—<br />
1st Stage. Reading of 50 pages of ordinary Gaelic prose.<br />
Reciting of 50 lines of Gaelic Poetry. General knowledge of<br />
Gaelic Declension.<br />
2nd Stage. Reading 100 pages of Gaelic poetry and verse.<br />
Writing to dictation from the same. Reciting of 100 lines of<br />
Gaelic Poetry, -svith meanings and allusions. General knowledge<br />
of Gaelic Grammar.<br />
3rd Stage. Reading of Gaelic prose and verse. Reciting of<br />
150 lines of Gaelic poetry. Composition of a theme in Gaelic,<br />
and some knowledge of the history, construction, and literature<br />
of the Gaelic language.
XVI INTRODUCTION.<br />
The above scheme is as difficult as can be allowed with a<br />
view to any practical good being intended to result from the con-<br />
cession of Gaelic as a specific subject ; and, as such, we venture to<br />
think, it is worthy of consideration in official quarters.<br />
We must not close the introduction to this <strong>Volume</strong>, the<br />
iimgnum opus of the Society, without refemng to its editor, our<br />
secretary, Mr Mackenzie. Mr Mackenzie has been appointed<br />
Principal Clerk to the Crofter Commission, and, although tliis<br />
means the loss of his invaluable services to us, we sincerely con-<br />
gratulate him on a step of advancement so well-deserved for his<br />
unremitting energy in the Gaelic cause. Our very best wishes<br />
follow him. His decade of work for the Society will be a proud<br />
memory for him as it is, in the excellence of its results, an honour<br />
to us. He has fitly cro^vned his woi'k by the energy of last<br />
session, leaving to his successor the Gaelic Society in a condition<br />
which, because flourishing and in good order, will be all the more<br />
difficult to maintain.<br />
Inverness, August 1886.
TIJ ANSACTiONS.<br />
ANNUAL ASSEMBLY.<br />
The Fourtecntli Annual Assembly of the Society took place<br />
in (lie Music Hall, luveruess, on the evening of Thursday, 9th<br />
July 1885. The chair was occupied by Mr Allan R. Mackenzie,<br />
yr. of Kintai), Chief of the Society. He was supported by Sir<br />
K. S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart.; Rev. A. Macdonald, Logie-<br />
Easter; Mr William Eraser, of Elgin, Illinois; Mr A. Macdonald,<br />
Balranald ; Captain A. M. Chisholm, Glassburn; Mr Alexander<br />
Macdonald of Treaslane; Bailie Mackay, Bailie Ross, Mr Duncan<br />
Shaw, W.S., Inverness; Mr "William Mackay, solicitor; Mr G.<br />
J. Campbell, solicitor ; Mr F. Macdonald, Druidaig ; Mr R. Maclean,<br />
Ardross ; Mr Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage ; Mr E. H.<br />
]\[acniillan, Caledonian Bank; Mr A. Macbain, Raining's School;<br />
Mr A. Mackenzie, Ballifeary; Mr A. Mackenzie, Silverwells; Mr<br />
P. H. Smai t, drawing-master ; Mr A. C. Mackenzie, Maryburgh<br />
Pr F. M. Mackenzie, High Street; Mr AVilliam Mackenzie,<br />
secretary, &.c. T<strong>here</strong> was a large attendance of the members of<br />
the Society aiid their friends, as well as the general public and<br />
strangers from a distance who came to Inverness to take pai-t in<br />
the Wool Fair. While the company were assembling, the pipers<br />
of the Rifle Volunteers, under Pipe-Major Ferguson, perambulated<br />
the principal streets, Pipe-Majors Maclennan, of the 2nd Battalion<br />
Cameron Highlanders, and Mackenzie, of the 3rd Battalion<br />
Seaforth Highlanders, at the same time jjlaying a selection of<br />
Highland au's in the entrance lobby.<br />
the proceedings commenced by<br />
Shortly after eight o'clock<br />
Mr Mackenzie, the Secretai-y, intimating apologies for absence<br />
from the following gentlemen :—Lord Dunmore, the Earl of Sea-<br />
field, Lord Archibald Campbell, The Chisholm, Mr D. Camex'on of<br />
Lochiel, M.P.; Mr Munro-Ferguson of Novar, M.P.; Mr Charles<br />
Frascr-Mackintofih, 31. P.; INIr Osgood H. ]\Lackenzie of Inverewe;<br />
Mr K. J. Matluson, yr. of Lochalsh ; Major Rose of Kilravock ;<br />
Mr J. Douglas Fletcher, yr. of Rosehaugh ; Mr Angus Mack-<br />
;
2 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
—<br />
intosh of Holme ; Sheriti" Blair, Inverness , Rov. A. D. Mackenzie,<br />
Kiliuorack ; Captain O' Sullivan, Inverness ; Mr Charles<br />
Innes, solicitor, Inverness ; Mr A. Burgess, banker, Gairloch ;<br />
Mr P. Burgess, factor, Glennioriston ; Ex-Bailie Macdonakl,<br />
Aberdeen ; Mr James Barron, Inverness ; Mr L. Macdonald of<br />
Skeabost, and others.<br />
Professor Blackie wrote :<br />
" Broughton, Peeblesshire, 3rd July.<br />
" Dear Sir,—You are very kind to \vish to keep nie longer as<br />
a Highlander, but I have done my work in that quarter, and must<br />
now submit to die as I was born, a Lowlander. Nevertheless,<br />
liad I been free to wandei- about at this season, I might have done<br />
myself the pleasure to visit the fair city, whose beauties, I think,<br />
I once sang in a sonnet ; but, unfortunately, this year I am tied<br />
down to Tweedside, doing family duty from which only the imperative<br />
call of public work could withdraw me. With best<br />
wishes for the success of your gathering on the 9th, believe me,<br />
sincerely yours, " John S. Blackie."<br />
The Chief, on rising to speak, was received with loud cheers.<br />
He said—When travelling in a railway caniage a few months ago,<br />
I read a report of a meeting of this Society, and saw that<br />
I had been elected Chief for the year, I thought t<strong>here</strong> must<br />
have been some mistake, and it was not until I arrived at<br />
home and found a letter from our worthy Secretary, confirming<br />
the report, that I fully realised the great honour which<br />
had been bestowed upon me. (Applause.) Ladies and gentlemen,<br />
we have met <strong>here</strong> to-night to celebrate the fourteenth annual<br />
assembly of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, and holding as I do<br />
a very strong opinion that, if we, as a Society, ever allow politicid<br />
questions of any sort, no matter how important, or of how great<br />
interest they may be to us, to a})pear at our assemblies, from that<br />
time dissension and strife will spring up amongst us— (Hear, hear)<br />
—and we will soon drift apart, and tlius do away with the great<br />
power for good, which I am certain this Society can bring to bear<br />
on the people in whoso welfare and prosjierity we take, and should<br />
take, so active an interest. (Ai)plause.) Holding these opinions, I<br />
do not intend to say one word which can betui-ned by my bitterest<br />
political opponent into a channel which I never intended, or even<br />
to nKmtion a subject wjiich is never for long out of our thoughts,<br />
or our daily conversation. That our Chief at the last annual<br />
dinner had to do this we are aware, but on that occasion it was
Annual Assembly. 3<br />
aliuost t'oived upon hiiu, ;md you would all have; been much disappointed<br />
if he had not chosen the subject he did foi- his speech,<br />
but I know he is the last man who would wish to establish that as<br />
a precedent. (Applause.) I have to congratulate the Society<br />
that since the loss of Cluny, which was so feelingly referred to by<br />
Lochiel on that occasion, none of our members have been taken<br />
from us, and on the other hand we have to welcome a great<br />
number of gentlemen who have since joined us. It is, as I have<br />
already stated, now fourteen years since this Society was first<br />
started, and the success which has attended it is remarkable.<br />
Not only is it still living and flourishing, but it appears destined<br />
in the future to exercise a still more powerful intiuence over all that<br />
pertains to Celtic literature and Celtic life than it has even hitherto<br />
accomplished, and those of lis who have followed the Transactions, as<br />
they appeared from year to year, must have been struck with the<br />
mai-vellous amount of research, involving enormous labour, and in<br />
cill cases a labour of love, on the part of the authors of those<br />
papers ; and it is not too much to say that it is principally owing<br />
to the efforts of the members of this Society that a large quantity<br />
of Celtic poetry, history, and tradition have been rescued from<br />
oblivion. (Cheers.) The success of the past ought to encourage<br />
us to harder work in the cultivation of the language, ])oetry,<br />
anticpiities, and history of the Scottish Highlands, to promote<br />
which is one of the main objects of the Society. The revival<br />
of Celtic literature must, I think, produce good results on the<br />
character and interests of the Gaelic people. When the revival<br />
took place, as you may i-emember, the language and customs of<br />
the race were on the eve of disappearing ; the movement for a<br />
Celtic Chair was brought forward, and mainly owing to the great<br />
zeal and enthusiasm of one of the honorary chieftains of this<br />
Society, successfully carried out ; from that time, the interests<br />
which it is the province of this Society to preserve have prospered,<br />
and all thii,t is worth preserving is now certain to be saved from<br />
destruction. (Cheers.) T<strong>here</strong> is one subject which this Society<br />
has always taken a great intei-est in, and that is the teaching of<br />
Gaelic in Highland schools Last year, for a I'eason which I need<br />
not mention, it was my duty, as well as my pleasure, to enter into<br />
more schools, and to converse with more teachers than often falls<br />
to the lot of one man— (Laughter)—and I found that the feeling<br />
was unanimous that it was essential that t<strong>here</strong> should be a special<br />
gi'ant for the teaching of Gaelic, and I cannot see any reason why<br />
a boy or a girl should not be taught Gaelic as thoroughly as they<br />
are taught English. (Cheers.) Necessary as it is for children to
4 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
leuni English, so that they may lie able when they grow up<br />
to fight the battle of life, I am not at all certain that they<br />
would not be able to fight this battle better, and with more hopes<br />
of success, if they could speak not only English but Gaelic as well.<br />
(Hear, hear.) Personally, I regret that T am not able to s])eak<br />
Gaelic, and though, perhaps, I am now too old to hope to attain any<br />
gi'eat result if I were to try and overcome this defect, I can only<br />
trust that if, in years to come, it should be your wish to confer<br />
the honour you have paid me on my son, 1 may be one of the<br />
company who will listen to him making a Gaelic speech in this<br />
room, even though I may have to get him to translate it afterwards<br />
for my special benefit.<br />
much struck—in spite of the<br />
(Applause.) I have often been<br />
concessions which were granted by<br />
the Government in 1875 and 1878, practically teachers, even<br />
when the children only understand Gaelic, make very little use of<br />
that language in the schools— at the rapid strides which the<br />
children make, and which speaks very highly both of the natural<br />
sharpness and cleverness of Highland children, as well as the<br />
trouble and jiatience which teachers must exercise to bring this<br />
about. I remember one teacher in a Highland i)arish telling me<br />
that though he himself was quite ignorant of Gaelic, he found the<br />
children who attended his school very soon, by the help of the<br />
ditterent i)icture majjs on the walls, and with a little patience on<br />
his part, were able to understand and speak Englisli thoroughly.<br />
The day for saying that a knowledge of Gaelic was any hindrance<br />
to success in life is of the past. (Cheers.) Now that it is recognised<br />
as one of the ancient languages, we shall find that these amongst<br />
us who are not only able to s})eak, 1)ut read, and what I believe is<br />
more diificult still, to spell Gaelic— (Laughter)—will be looked up<br />
to as lieing a great deal superior to those poor unfortunates who<br />
cannot do any one of them. (Cheers.) I was talking to our<br />
Secretary the other day, and asked if it was not probable that we<br />
could devote some of our funds towards forming a<br />
for the promotion of Gaelic. He told me that at<br />
bursary<br />
present<br />
we were hai'dly in a position to do so, and I wish to impress<br />
upon you that the remedy for this lies in your own hands.<br />
Those of you who are not memljtis jf this Society, I hope will<br />
at once belong to it — (Applause)— and those of you who are<br />
should try and pnsvail upoiv as many of your friends as you can<br />
to join it, so that we may ha in a position not only to go on preserving<br />
and publisliing works beai'ing on Gaelic literature in our<br />
Transactions, Init that we shall be abk; togivc si>ecial prizes to the<br />
poorer amongst our children for proficiency in tiiat language.
Annual Assembly.<br />
(Cheers.) You must romonibfr, if it had not been for this and<br />
kindred Societies, Highhmd education would never have received<br />
the attention whicli it now does, and I think t<strong>here</strong>fore it is incumbent<br />
on us all to do what we can to help and increase their prosperity.<br />
In conclusion, let me add that though 1 have briefly referred to one<br />
or two of the main objects which this Society has in view, one of<br />
the most imjjortant of them—notwithstanding that you will not find<br />
it in its constitution ; for it is supposed to be so well understood<br />
and so engrafted in our hearts, that it was unnecessary to put it<br />
into print—is, that it is desirous above everything to encourage<br />
kindly feeling among all classes, and to promote the welfare and<br />
happiness of everyone ; that it is not only our business to see to<br />
the preservation of the language and customs, but to maintain all<br />
that is elevating and noble in the character of the Celt at home<br />
and abroad ; and that we wish to uphold that character for honour<br />
and right feeling which has always hitherto been characteristic of<br />
Scotland, and which has enabled her to enroll in the most brilliant<br />
pages of history so many of the names of her sons— (Cheers)—and<br />
I earnestly trust that some of the able and influential Gaelic<br />
speakers who belong to this Society will, even at some self-sacrifice,<br />
ti'y and instil this important object into the minds of the people,<br />
and let them understand that our great desire is, not to set class<br />
against class, but to recruit in our ranks all men, whether they<br />
be rich, or whether they be poor, so that in time those who may<br />
be in need of either advice or counsel may come to look upon this<br />
Society as a sure place to obtain it. (Loud cheers.)<br />
Rev. Archibald Macdonald, Logie-Easter, delivered the Gaelic<br />
address. He was received with loud and hearty cheers. He said<br />
— Fhir na Catlirach, a mhnathan uaisle, agus a dhaoin uaisle,<br />
— :<br />
Tha mise an comain Comunn Gaidhlig Inbhirnis, air son gu 'n do<br />
ghabh iad a leithid de dheagh bharail dhiom 's gun do chuir iad<br />
romham beagan bhriathran a labhairt 'n 'ur eisdeachd 's an ionad<br />
so anns a' chanain a tha ro dhluth do chridhe gach fior Ghaidheil<br />
—canain bliinn, mhilis nam beann. Agus a nis b'fhearr leam gu'n<br />
robh air a thiodhlacadh orm a h-aon de na teangaibh sgoilte bha<br />
aig na ciad Chriosduidhean a chum, ma tha feadhainn an so aig<br />
am bheil cluasan Sasunnach gu 'n cluinneadh iad mise labhairt<br />
riutha 'nan canain fein. Ach o nach gabh sin deanamh, dh'<br />
iarrainn air gach aon fa leth misneachd a ghlacadh car beagan<br />
mhionaidean, agus cuimhneachadh gu faigh foighidinn furtachd<br />
agus gur searbli a' ghloir nach faodar eisdeachd rithe. 'Nuair a<br />
sgi-iobh an Run Chleireach thiigamsa ag innse gu 'n robh 'n dleasnas<br />
tlachdmhor so air a chur romham dh'fheoraich mi dliiom fein,<br />
^
6 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
—<br />
c'arson a chuir iad ciiireadh ormsa air son oraid Ghailig a thoirt<br />
seachad? Thubliairt mi rium fein gu faoda
Annual Assembly. 7<br />
bhaile Gaidhealtaclid na h-Alba ; gu bhcil sibli a' cur romhaibh<br />
gu 'u cum sibh suas cliu bhur sinusir agus iiacli talaidli ui sani<br />
bith bhur cridheachan air falbli blio gliradh 'ur duthclia agus 'ur<br />
canaiu. l^ha la eile ann, Fliir na Cathracli, eadar ceud agus lethcheud<br />
bliadhua roinili 'n diugli, agus clia nilior nach biodh naire<br />
air duiue air sou a bhi 'na Ghaidheal. Bha na Goill a' deauauih<br />
tair air a' h-uile ni Gaidliealach, agus cha b'urrainn dliuit di-moladli<br />
bu nilio a dlieananih air rud sam bith na radh gu'n robh c "gle<br />
Hielan'." Bha diioine do nach b'aithne Ghaidhlig a deananih a<br />
mach nach robh innt' ach sf^ann ghoileam gun doigh ; gu'n robh i<br />
deananih tuilleadh cron no niaith, agus mar bu huiithe gheibheadh<br />
i bas gur e b'fliearr. A leig mi leas a radh ribhse gu'n d'tliainig<br />
caochladh cur air clo Chaluim 1 Fhuair ard luchd-foghluim a<br />
mach gu'n robh a' Ghaidhlig na canain gle aosda agus mar sin<br />
gu'n robh i 'na meadhon ro fheuinail air son a bhi tilgeil soluis air<br />
eachdraidh agus gne chanain eil. Thuig na Gaidheil fein gu'n<br />
robh ionmhasan ro luachmhor foluichte ann an canain, bardachd,<br />
ceol, beul-aithris, agus cleachdaidhean an duthcha, a bhiodh nan<br />
call do-labhairt an leigeil air di-chuimhn; agus a bharrachd air a<br />
sin, gii'n robh coraichean aig na Ghaidlieil fein a dh' fheumadh a<br />
bhi air an agairt. B'ann uaith sin, Fhir na Cathrach, a dh' flias<br />
suas na Comuinn Ghaidhealach a tha'n diugh air feadh na righeachd,<br />
mar tha Comum Oiseineach Oil-Thigh Ghlascho, anns an<br />
na robh mi fein aon uair na'm Run-Chleireach, agus an t-aon is<br />
sine tha mi 'm barail de na Comuinn Ghaidhealach ; Comunn<br />
Gaidhlig Inbhirnis, agus feadhain eile de 'n t-seorsa cheudna ann<br />
an Glascho, an Duneidin, agus an Lunainn. Anns na Comuinn<br />
sin tha na Gaidheil a'feuchainn ri bhi seasamh guallainn ri guallainn<br />
a'cumail greim daingean air canain agus cleachdaidhean an duthcha,<br />
agus mar sin a bhi coimhlionadh na h-oibre a thug am Freasdal<br />
dhoibh ri dheanamh mar mheanglan maiseach agus torrach ann an<br />
craoibh mhoir chinneach na talmhaiim. Ach faodaidh a' cheisd a<br />
bhi air a faighneachd, Ciod a tha agaibh r'a radh air bhur son fein]<br />
A blieil bhur n-eachdraidh mar chomunn ag innsc gu bheil sibh<br />
torrach ann an oibribh. ? Agus 's e mo bharail-sa nach leig<br />
Comunn Gaidhlig Inbhirnis a leas eagal a ghabhail roimh'n cheisd.<br />
Cha chreid mi gu'n canar mu bhur timchoill gu'n can sibh moran<br />
's nach dean sibh ach beagan. Cha'n urrainn donihsa 'nam sheasamh<br />
am Baile Inbhirnis a bhi diochuimhneachadh batail a bha o<br />
chionn cheithir bliadhna eadar sibh fein agus ard chomunn riaghlaidh<br />
na righeachd ann a' Lunnain, 'nuair a dh' fheuch na daoine<br />
mora a bha 'n ughdarras atharrachadh a thabhairt air tartain nan<br />
reiseamaidean Gaidhealach. Tha cuimhn' ayam mar a chuir sibhse
8 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
bhur cinn agus bhur guallainn I'a cheile—mar a chaidh an cranutara<br />
mil 'n cuairt bho ghleann gu gleann, blio sgir gu sgir, agus<br />
bho sliiorramaclid gu siorramaclid, gus mu dheireadli, mar bu dual s<br />
mar bu ghnath, gu'n d'tlmg sibh striochdadh aii' na Goill. Ghleidh<br />
sibh do na reiseamaidean Gaidliealach an t-eideadli a bhuineadh<br />
dlioibh o cliian, auns an deachaidh iad gu iomadh batail agus buaidli,<br />
le brosnacliadli agus caismeachd na pioba-moire— eideadh anns 'n<br />
do dhoirt iomadh gaisgeach bho thir nam l)eann, full chraobhach<br />
a' chuim, a' seasamh suas air son coir agus cliu na righeachd, air<br />
son coir theallach agus dhacbaidhean a dhuthcha. A.£us is<br />
cinnteach mi nach biodh so cho furasda dheanamh mur a b'e<br />
gu'n robh sibli a' faotainn neart o' bhi air 'ur n-aonadh r'a cheilo<br />
ann an coraunn de'n t-seorsa so. Tha e 'na chomharra maith air<br />
an deagh obair a tha na Comuinn Ghaidheahich a' deanamh, nach<br />
robh riamh a leithid de mheas air canain agus litieachas nan Gaidh-<br />
eal 's a tha 'nar linn fein. Bha cheist air a cur riumsa, 's cha'n 'eil<br />
fada uaith, Ciod e 'm feum a bhi cumail suas na Gaidhlig— 's cinnteach<br />
gu faigh i bas co dhiubli, agus nach 'eil e cho maith siubhal a<br />
leigeil leatha ann an sith 1 B'e so an fhreagairt a thug mi dha, Ciod e<br />
'm feum dhuitse bhi 'g a d' chumail fein suas le ithe 's le ol, oir<br />
glieibh thusa mar an ceudna bas la eigin 1 Tha Ghaidhlig<br />
cosmhuil ris a' h-uUe ni talmhaidh agus aimsireil, tha i cosmhuil<br />
ris a' Bheurla fein, gheidh i bas ' nuair a thig a ham. Clia'n 'eil<br />
i 'n deigh galar a' bais a ghabhail fhathast ; tha i beo, slan, fallainn,<br />
agus c'arson nach faigheadh i 'n ceartas a tha cauiiiue eile 'faotainn<br />
le bhi g'a labhaii't, g'a sgriobhadh, agus g'a teaga.sg, an aite<br />
feuchainn air gach laimh a bhi tabhairt dhi a buille bais 1 Cha'n<br />
'eil againne, dhaoin' uaisle, ach aon fhreagairt do 'n cheist am bu<br />
choir a' Ghaidhlig a bhi air a cumail suas. Air a chor is lugha<br />
bhiodh e iomchuidh urram na h-aoise a thabhairt dhi, oir cha'n<br />
'eil teagamh nach i li-aon de na canainibh is sine tha 'n diugh air<br />
a labhairt air aghaidh na tahuhainn. Bha leabhar air a sgriobhadh<br />
le fear a mhuinntir Ghlascho, Lachlan Mac-a-Leathain, no<br />
" Lachlain nam Mogan " mar a theirte ris, gu bhi dearbhadli gu<br />
'm b'i Ghaidhlig a' cheud chanain. Cha 'n o mhain gur<br />
" I labhair Padruig Innisfail nan Righ,<br />
'S a' faidh naomh sin Calum caomh an I,"<br />
ach, fada cian roimh sin, gur<br />
" I labhair Adhamh ann am P;i rras fein<br />
'S gum l)u bhinn a' (Jhaidhlig<br />
Ni-headh, Fhir na Cathrach, ma 'ii it<br />
tlia .seanii fliilidli ag iiuise (lliuiiui:—
Annual Assembly. 9<br />
" Nuair a bha Gaidhligaig na li-coin,<br />
'S a thuigeadh iad gloir nan dan ;<br />
Bu trie an comhi-adli 's a' choill,<br />
Air iomadh pone, ma's fior am bard."<br />
Ma bha Gaidlilig aig na h-eoin 's mov m' eagal gu 'n do cliaill iad<br />
i. Co dhiubli chreideas sinn e no nach creid, clia d' fhuair miso<br />
naighcachd riandi air duine chual eun a' labhaiit Gaidhlig, ach<br />
aon fhear, agus b'e sin Murchadh nam Port. Air dha tigh'n<br />
dhachaidh blio chuairt air Tir Mor, bha e gearan nacli cuala o<br />
focal Gaidhlig fod 's a bha e air falbh, giis an cual e coileach a'<br />
gairm ann a' Forres. Ach eiod air bith cia mar tha so, co dhiubh<br />
tha Ghaidhlig aosda no chaochladh, 's fhiach i bhi air a cumail<br />
suas, agus air a' cleachdadh agus a rannsaehiulh air a sgath fein.<br />
Nach i so an teanga 's 'n do chuir Oisein an ceill euehdau Fliinn<br />
agus Chuchullain, 'nuair a thul)hairt e ann am fcasgar a bhreoiteachd<br />
agus a dhoille,<br />
" Mar ghath soluis do m' anam fein,<br />
Tha sgeula na h-aimsir a ilh' fhalbh."<br />
Nach aim innte sheinn Donncha Ban " Moladh Beinn Dorain "<br />
agus "Cead Deireannach nam Beann,' agus a chuir Mac ]\Ihaii;h.stir<br />
Alastair i-'a cheile a' bhardachd chumhachdach sin " Sgiol)air('achd<br />
Chlann Raonaill," agus a chuir Tormod Mac Leoid a mach an<br />
" Cuairtear," agus an "Teachdaire Gaidhealach " ann am briatliraibh<br />
cho milis, ceolmhor, binn, ri sruthaibh seimh na Marbhairu.<br />
C aite 'm bheil orain is luraiche na tha r' am faotainn ann an "Sar<br />
Obair nam Bard Gaidhealach," no 's an "Oranaiche" fein, agus<br />
c'aite 'm faigh tliu leithid de ghliocas, de thuigse, agus de<br />
dli'abhachdas 's tha r' am faicinn ann a Leabhar 8hean-fhocal an<br />
t-Siorraim Mhic Neachdainni Ni mo bu clioir dhuinn a bhi<br />
smaointinn gu bheil linn nam bard air siubhal seachad, gu bheil<br />
clarsach nam beann air tuiteam ann an tosd bliithbhuan. Tha<br />
trusgain nan seann fhilidli an deigh teachd a nuas air guaillibli it<br />
chaitheas iad le urram, agus fhatl 's a bhitheas Mairi Nic<br />
Ealair, Eoghainn Mac Cola, agus Niall Mac Leoid, agus<br />
feadhain (die 's 'a cholluinn daonna, cha bhi na Gaidheil gun<br />
bhaird 'nam measg a chumas suas an cliu agus an onoir. Ach,<br />
Fhir na Cathrach, bu choir a' Ghaidhlig a chumail suas agus a l)hi<br />
faotainn ceartais air sgath an t-sluaigh a tha 'ga labhairt—na<br />
ceudan mile de luchd-aiteachaidh na Gaidhealtachd d' an i<br />
is cainnt mhathaireil ; agus d' am bheil liheurla mar theanga<br />
choimhich. (iidheadh 's aithne dliomhsa na sgireachdan<br />
is Gaidhealaiche ann an Gaidhealtachd na h-Alba, a'Mis an sin tha
10 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
maighistearau sgoile a' teagasg, aig iiach 'eil lideadh (iaidlig 'n an<br />
ceann ; agus eadlion far a blieil inaighstii sgoile Gaidhealach, cha<br />
chluinn thu l)ho bliliadhn' iir gu Nollaig focal Gaidhlig air a<br />
leughadli no oran Gaidhlig air a sheinn. Tlia so' nam bharail-sa<br />
na aobhar naire, ach tha mi nis toilichte fhaicinn gu'm bi misneachd<br />
air a tabliaii-t seachad le tabhartasan bho 'n Pharlamaid, air son<br />
a' Gliaidhlig a tbeagasg ann an sgoilean na Gaidhealtachd, agus do'n<br />
luchd teagaisg is fearr fuireach anns a' Ghaidbealtachd, agus iad<br />
fein a dheanamh ni's eolaichc air canain an duthcha. Ami a bhi<br />
tabliairt fainear an t-suidheachaidh anns a bheil litreachas agus<br />
canain nan Gaidlieal cha'n nrrainn domh a bhi di-chuimhneachadJi<br />
gu bheil a nis Cathair Ghaidhlig air a suidheachadh ann an Oil-<br />
Thigh Dhuneidin, agus gu'n robh so air a thabhairt mu'n cuairt le<br />
saothair agus dealas aon duine— duine bhitheas ainm air chuimhne<br />
aig na Gaidheil fhad 's a bhitheas bainne aig boin duibh, no fhad<br />
'sa dh'fhasas fraoch air sliabh. Agus tha Ohathair sin air a<br />
lionadh le duine tha 'n a smior Gaidheil, 'n a ard sgoilear, agus a tha<br />
'n deigh e fein a thabhairt suas do'n obair le uile chridhe agus le<br />
\iile neart. Agus a nis canamaid le durachd ar cridhe; gu ma<br />
fada beo Blackie gu bhi faicinn saothair a laimhe soirbheachadh,<br />
agus gu ma fada beo Maclonmhuinn gu bhi teagasg ann an<br />
Cathair Ghaidhlig Dhuneidin. Buaidh 'us piseach orra ; saoghal<br />
fada 'n deagh bheatha dhoibh le cheile. Tha mi'n dochas, agus<br />
tha mi ciunteach, gu'n dean a' Chathair Ghaidhlig feum ann an<br />
iomadli doigh agus do iomadh aon. Far a bheil doctairean, hichd-<br />
lagha, luchd-teagaisg, agus ministeirean aig am blieil suil am beatlia<br />
a chui' seachad anns a' Ghaidcaltachd bu choir dhoibh, air a' char is<br />
lugha dol aon seisein a dh'iounsachadh gu Professor Maclonmhuinn<br />
an Duneidin. Bu choir gu h-araidh do'n chleir so a dheanamh.<br />
'S iomadh ministeir a tha deanamh' droch dhiol air deagh chomhthional<br />
leis an t-seorsa Gaidhlig anns am bheil iad a searmonachadh<br />
an t-soisgeil dhoibh. Chuala mi mu aon fhear, agus 'n uair a<br />
bha e 'g urnuigh air son nam bochdan 's ann a thubiiairt e—"A<br />
Thighearn, bi cuimhneach air na buic." Bha aon fhear sonruichte<br />
na mhinisteir aim a' Sgire Dhiurinnis 's an Eilein Sgianach, ris an<br />
cainte' "Sutar," agus tha ainm gu maith air chuimhne, leis na rainn<br />
a bha air an deanamh dha le Gilleasbuig Aotrom. Ged a bha<br />
"Sutar" 'na sgoilear ann an canainilih eile cha robh e ach gle fhad'<br />
air ais's a' Ghaidhlig. B'ann mar so a thubhairt Gileasbuig ris:<br />
"'Nuair a theid thu do'n chubaid<br />
Ni thu urnuigh l)hios gleusda,<br />
Bidh pairt dli'i 'iia Gaidhlig<br />
'Us pairt dh'i 'na Beurla;<br />
—
—<br />
Annual Assembly. 11<br />
Bidh pairt dh'i 'na h-Eabhra,<br />
'Na Fraingis, 's 'na Greugais,<br />
'S a' chuid nach tuig each dhi<br />
Bheir i gair' air Fear Gheusto."<br />
Agus a nis am faod lui uia'u crioclmaicli mi tarruing a tlialihairt<br />
air ni eile tha na Comuinu Ghaidhealacli air a ghabhail os laimli.<br />
'Se sin cuis nan croitearan Chan 'eil mise dol a chur mo slieuhi<br />
ris na rinn na croitearan no leis na blia air a dheanamh 'n an ainm.<br />
B'fhearr learn nach robh iad air an cuis a Jagachadh le aon ghniomh<br />
mi-Uighail. Ni mo tha mi dol a shuidhe ann am breitheanas<br />
agus a dhiteadh nan uachdaran gu h-iomlan. " Clian 'eil gur gun<br />
ghoirean, 's cha'n 'eil coille gun chrianaich," agus cuiridh beagan<br />
de dhroch uachdarain droch ainm dhe'n chorr. Ach tha mi 'ga<br />
i-adh so, 'nam biodh na h-uachdarain Ghaidhealach- -cha'n e an<br />
fheadhainn a tha ann an duigh, ach an fheadhainn a bha rompa<br />
— air fuireach ni bu mho am measg an tuatha ; 'nam biodh iad<br />
air an canain ionnsachadh agus dol a mach 's a steacli 'nam measg<br />
air la feille 'us Di-domhnaich, an aite bhi cosg an storais le<br />
struidhealachd agus straic ann an Lunainn ; agus 'nan robh iad<br />
mar so an deigh greim a chumail air an oighreachdan, cha bhiodh<br />
an fhicheadamh cuid dhe na h-uilc fo'n lobh iad ag osnaicli air<br />
teachd air luchd aitichidh na Gaidhealtachd. Bha'n t-uachdaran<br />
mar bu trice mo 's coltach ris a' chuthaig ; dirfhaodadh e tighinn<br />
do'n duthaich beagan laithean 's an t-samliradli, ach cha b'fhada<br />
gu uair am fhalbh. B'e sin aon rud air an robh duine bochd aon<br />
nair a' gearan 'n uair a thubhairt e<br />
—<br />
" Uachdaran nach faic sin,<br />
Bailidh nach dean ceartas,<br />
Ministeir nach dean baisteadh<br />
Dotair nacli toir feairt oirnn,<br />
Agus sgaoth do dhiabhuil bheag eile de mhaoir 's de clionstabuill,<br />
's am fear is isle post 's e 's airde focal." Clia'n 'eile duine air<br />
thalamh leis an docha tir a' bhreith na'n Gaidheal. Co dhiu tha e<br />
bochd no beairteach, tha e 'na fhior fhaoileig an droch-cladaich,<br />
ged a dh'fhaodas an gleanu 'san robh e og a bhi lom creagacli<br />
agus neo-thiorail, ged nach tigeadh as deigh na curaclul ach a<br />
V)huinteag 's an t^sealbhag cha'n 'eil cearn dhe'n chniinnece clio<br />
alluinn 'na shuilibh-san. Tha e coltach ris an fliaoileig ann an oniu<br />
Dhomhuill nan Gran
<strong>12</strong> Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
" 'S anil air slinnein an aigeich<br />
A rinn mo mhathair an t-eun dioni,<br />
'S a dh'aindooin iiidil 'us anraidh,<br />
Cha tig an la tlieid air di-clmimlm'<br />
Mo ghaol do'n bhad."<br />
Fliii" na catliracli, clia'n 'eil mise 'g radh :dr a shon sin gn'm bu<br />
clioir do dhaoin' oga, laidir, fallain, fuireach an diamhanas aig an<br />
tigh far am bheil ni 's leoir aig a' cliirc le sgrioban gu'n lion i<br />
SL,'roban. B'fliearr dhoibh gu mor a bhi bogadh nan gad, agus ged<br />
nacli biodh aca ach an t-ubh beag le bheannachd, mar a bha aig<br />
mac na bantraich's a' sgeulachd, dol a shiubhal an t-saoghail 's a<br />
dh'iarraidh an fhortain. Ach ma dh'flialbhas iad, falbliadh iad<br />
le'n toil fein, agus na biodh iad air an co-eigneachadh. Cha'n<br />
nrrainn do dhuine air bith a thoirt a chreidsinn ormsa gu'n do<br />
rinn na tighearnan Gaidhealach an ceartas 'n uair a dh'fhasaich<br />
iad bailtean agus sgireachdan, 'n uair a blia iomadh aitreabh agus<br />
coisir mhuirneach air a sgapadh agus gun air fhagail fiir an robh<br />
iad ach larach lom gun chloich gun chrann. 'N uair a bha luchd<br />
shoithichean dhe'n tuath air am fogradh a dheoin no dh'aindeoin<br />
gu duthchana cein a chum aite reidh a dheanamh do chaoirich<br />
agus do fheidh. Agus ged a tha mi cinnteach gu'ni bu choir<br />
cothrom a thabhairt do chuid dhe na croitearan dol far am fearr<br />
an dean iad beoiaint, bhiodh e chum maith na righeachd gu'm<br />
biodh aite taimh air fhaotainn dhoibli ann an Alba chivomh nan<br />
stuc 's nan earn. 'S e na croitearan cnaimh-droma agus feithean<br />
na Gaidhealtachd agns b'olc a dheanadh an duthaich as an aonais<br />
anil a' latlia chunnart agus ann an nair na deuchainn<br />
" Ged a gheibheadh tu caogad<br />
Mhuilt'us reithichean maola,<br />
'S beag a thogadh a h-aon diubh<br />
Claidheamh faobharrach stailinn."<br />
(Jha'n 'eil e furasda dha na Gaidheil an cruaidhclias troimh 'n<br />
deach' an hichd-duthcha a dhi-chuimhneachadh. Acli cha'n<br />
urrainn do Achd Parlamaid peanas a dheanamh air na mairbli no<br />
furtachd a thabhairt do mhuinntir a tha na ticheadan l>Iiadhna<br />
fo'n fhod. " Beannaclid leis 'na dh'fhalblias, cha 'n c dh'fhoghnas."<br />
Ach tha mi'n dochas gu leasaichear cor na nuiinntir a tha beo.<br />
'H e so seachduin Feill na Cloimhe agus tha mi cluinntinn gu<br />
bheil cuid dhe no tuathanaich ndiora a bhitheas cruinn an<br />
Inbhirnis a leigeil seachad pairt dhe'n gal)ha]aicliean. Cha'n 'eil<br />
iad a' faotainn a mach gur fearr cluan a dh'flKvuran na cuan a<br />
—
Annual Assembly. 13<br />
(lirt'lic.uanu. Ma tlia so tior, tlia iiii'n doclias ,i;ii fai-li na cioit-<br />
caiaii tuillra.Ui fcaiaiiiu. cu dliiubli -lioibli iad' c lo Ac-IhI Ki,i,'li<br />
amis I'ailamaitl no ;iir dlioigh air bitli eile, ai;iis ,i(u'iii bi an<br />
suidlu-acliadli anus gacli ait' am blieil iad air adheananih ni's fearr<br />
ua bha e o chionn fliada. Cha do thogadl' an Roimli an aon la,<br />
agiis clia'n fhaigli na Gaidheil an ooraichean ann an latlia ; ach is<br />
cinnteach mi gu'n tig am an soirbheachadh ann a' freasdal De,<br />
luath no mall ; gu'm bi coir air a cur air steidhe agus eiicoir air a<br />
smaladli Fhir na cathrach, 's mor m' eagal gu'n do chum mi ro<br />
fliada sibli, ach ge fada 'n duan ruigear a cheann. Rachaihh air<br />
aghaibh mar fhior Ghaidlieil gu duineil, misneachdail, treibhdhireach;<br />
cumaibh suas canain, bardachd, beul-aithris agus cleachdaidhean<br />
nam beann ; tagraibh cuis 'ur luchd-duthcha a tha<br />
diblidh agus bochd, agus na cuireadh a h-aon agaibh smal air<br />
ainm agus cliu a' Ghaidlieil. 'S e deireadh gach comuinn dealachadh.<br />
Beannachd Dlie leibh. (Loud cheers.)<br />
An attractive programme of Highlaml music and dances was<br />
gout; through in admirable style. Some interest was evinced in<br />
the first public appearance in Inverness of Miss Jessie N. Maclachlan,<br />
whose musical abilities were so highly spoken of, and<br />
judging from the hearty reception which she met with on this occasion,<br />
the expectations formed were more than sustained. Her<br />
lendei'ing of " Caismeachd Chlann-Chamaroin " and other Gaelic<br />
as well as English songs, was marked by perfect enunciation and<br />
genuine feeling. Her voice is clear and ringing, with well balanced<br />
strength both in the lower as well as in the ui)per registers, and as<br />
a ballad singer she exhibits a thorough appreciation of her theme.<br />
An encore was awarded on each appearance. Miss Nora Thomson<br />
of Aberdeen, gave "Wae's me forPrince Charlie" with much feeling,<br />
and as an encore sang " Cam' ye by Athole." She subsequently<br />
gave the " Macgregor's Gathering " with much spirit. ]\[iss<br />
Hutcheson, whose reappearance showed that her efforts at former<br />
festivals of the Society were appreciated, sang with her accustomed<br />
sweetness "Fear a' Bhata," and "Thug mi Gaol," securing a<br />
hearty encore for her first song. A selection of Highland melodies,<br />
consisting of okl bagpipe airs, was played in an admirable manner<br />
by Miss Shaw, Thoriihill, whose arrangements were at once appreciative<br />
and sympathetic. Mr Paul Fraser in " Mniri Bhoidh-<br />
each," sang with nuich care, and his rendering of " The Garb of<br />
Old Gaid " was full of spirit. Mr Ross Campbell, elocutionist,<br />
gave "The Gowk's Errand" in a style which convulsed the<br />
audience with laughter, and proved Mr Campbell to be a mimic of<br />
considerable talent. Pipe-Major R. Mackenzie danced Gille-
14 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Caluai with his customary ability, and ho also took part in the<br />
Highland tiing with Pipe-Major Ferguson, Mr Mackenzie, jun.,<br />
and others. In an interval of five minutes between the tirst and<br />
second parts of the programme, Captain Chisholm discoursed<br />
excellent music on the pipe, and also played a reel in which the<br />
dancers joined. The pianoforte accompaniments were played with<br />
much taste by Mr M' Walter, Inverness. At the close of the<br />
programme,<br />
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie proposed a vote of thanks to the<br />
speakers, and to the ladies and gentlemen who had entertained<br />
them that evening. (Loud applause.)<br />
The Chairman, on behalf of the performers, as well as on<br />
l^ehalf of Rev. Mr Macdonald and himself, leturned thanks, intimating<br />
at the same time that at the close of the meeting an<br />
opportunity would be given to such as desired to join the Societ)'.<br />
A most successful gathering was then brought to a termination.<br />
Through the kindness of Messrs Macbean & Sons, Union<br />
Street, and Councillor Snowie, the platform was decorated with<br />
tartans and stags' heads.<br />
The following is a copy of the programme :<br />
PART I.<br />
Address—The Chief.<br />
Oran Gailig— " Caismeaclid Chlann-Chamaroin "— Miss Jessie N.<br />
Maclachlan.<br />
Scotch Song— " Wae's me for Prince Charlie "—Miss Nora Thom-<br />
son.<br />
Oran Gailig — " Mairi Bhoidheach "—Mr Paul Fraser.<br />
Sword Dance— " Gill(;-Calum "—Pipe-Major R. Mackenzie.<br />
Pianofoi-te Selections— " Highland Melodies "— Miss Shaw.<br />
Oran (lailig— " Fear a' Bhata "— Miss Hutcheson.<br />
Scotch vSoug — " Dark Lochnagar "—Miss Jessie N. Maclachlan.<br />
Dance— " Highland Reels "—Oganaich Ghaidhealach.<br />
—<br />
Interval of Five Minutes—Bagpipe Music.<br />
PART II.<br />
Gaelic Address.—Rev. Archibald Macdonald.<br />
Scotch Song— " Macgregor's Gathering "— Miss Nora Thomson.<br />
Oran Gailig— "Thug mi gaol do'n fhear bhh,n"—Miss Hutcheson.<br />
Oran Gailig— " Muile nam j\lor-bheann "-Miss Jessie N. Mac-<br />
lachlan.
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 15<br />
Song— "The Garb of Old Gaul"— 3lr Paul Fiusit.<br />
Humorous Scotch lloading—"A (iowk's En and"—Mr Ross<br />
Cauipbell, Elocutionist.<br />
Oran Gailig—<br />
" Cruinneacliadh nan Gaidlieal "—Miss Jessie K.<br />
Maclachlan.<br />
Dance — "Highland<br />
Ghaidhealach.<br />
Fling and Reel o' Tulloch " — Oganaich<br />
Vote of thanks to the speakers and performers— Sir K. S. Mac-<br />
kenzie.<br />
8th December 1885.<br />
A largely attended meeting was held on tl.is date, when<br />
Pi-ovost IVIacandrew delivered the inaugural address for the<br />
Session of 1885-6— the subject being "The Early Celtic Church<br />
in Scotland." Provost Macandrew's paper was as follows:<br />
THE EARLY CELTIC CHURCH IN SCOTLAND.<br />
What I have undertaken to do to-night is to give some account<br />
of the Christian Church as it existed in Scotland in the earliest<br />
Christian times, and before it fell under the influence and authority<br />
of the Bishop of Rome. The Christianity of Scotland came from<br />
Ireland, and at the outset of our enquiry it is necessary to consider<br />
when and by whom the Irish were converted. The Roman world<br />
become oflicially Christian about 321, and at that time Britain, up<br />
at least to the Southern wall, was a Roman province, and presumably<br />
it became Christian as the rest of the Empire did. We<br />
know that a Christian Church existed among the provincial<br />
Britons at the time the Romans took their departure, and continued<br />
to exist among those Britons who were not subdued by the<br />
Saxons. But whether the Christianity of the Roman Province<br />
extended itself among the unsubdued Caledonians to the North,<br />
or among the inhabitants of Ireland, is a matter as to which we<br />
have no certain light. Aboxit 397, thirteen years before the linal<br />
abandonment of the province by the Romans, St Ninian, a bishop<br />
of the Britons, built a Church at Whithern, in Galloway, and is<br />
said by Bede to have converted the Southern Picts; and the<br />
Southern Picts are said by Bede to have been those living<br />
between the Firths of Foitli and Clyde and the Grampian range.<br />
Whether Bede is right in this is a matter about which I shall ImAC<br />
something to say farther on ; but if the Picts to the south of the<br />
—
16 Gaelic Society of Inueniess.<br />
Grampians were converted by Ninian, they appear soon to baxe<br />
lapsed into i)aganism. Again t<strong>here</strong> are evidences of a tradition<br />
in Trehmd tliat Ninian went to that country and preached<br />
Christianity, and he is commemorated t<strong>here</strong> under the name of<br />
Monen—tlie term of endearment " mo " being very frequently<br />
prefixed to the names of saints—while, at a later period, the<br />
monastery at Whithern, supposed to have been founded by<br />
Ninian, was undoubtedly resorted to by Irish ecclesiastics for<br />
instruction. Bede states that about 430, Palladius was sent by<br />
(/'destine, the Roman Pontift', to the Scots (that is the Irish) that<br />
believed, to be their first bishop, and from this it might be inferred<br />
that Christianity had made some progress in Ireland before that.<br />
In the 8th century t<strong>here</strong> is no doubt the Irisli believed that they<br />
had been converted by Saint Patrick : and that a saint of this<br />
name did go to Ireland about the year 432, and became at least a<br />
main instrument in tJie conversion of the Irisli, is beyond doubt.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> remains a confession or account of himself by St Patrick,<br />
and a letter by him to Coroticus, the British prince then reigning<br />
at Dumbarton, which those competent to judge accept as genuine.<br />
From these it appears he was born in the Roman })rovince of<br />
Britain, that his father was a deacon, and also a decurio or<br />
" bailie" of a Roman provincial town, that his grandfother was a<br />
presbyter, that his father lived in " Bannavern of Tabernia," that<br />
in his youth he was carried as a captive to Ireland and remained<br />
t<strong>here</strong> for six years, that he then escaped and returned to his<br />
parents, and that he afterwards went back to Ireland as a mission-<br />
ary, and in or about his 45th year was ordained a bishop In his<br />
confession he says that he converted many in Ireland who had<br />
liitlicrto worshipjjcd unclean idols, that he had ordained many<br />
cU'iics, and that the sons of the Scoti, and the daughters of<br />
princes, were seen to be monks and virgins of Christ. All this<br />
seems to be authentic, but it is singular that Bede, while he<br />
mentions Palladius, makes no mention uf Patrick, and that, when<br />
about 100 years after his death, the Irish and Scottish Church<br />
came in contact witli the Cluirch of Rome, and liad to defend<br />
tlieir peculiar customs, tliey do not appeal to tlie authority of<br />
Patrie. Columbanus, in his controversy with the Clergy of (Jaul<br />
does not mention him, nor does Colman of Lindesfarne, in his<br />
controversy witli Wilfred, in presence of King Oswy, a))pcal to<br />
his authority, and Adamnan only once mentions him incid
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 17<br />
been the same
—<br />
18 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
ScotbiiuL nortli of the Friths, were divided into two nations, the<br />
Northern and the Southern Picts, and that tlie mission of St<br />
(Jolumba was to the Northern Picts. I venture to suggest, however,<br />
that this is a mistake. The statement rests on the authority<br />
of Bede, who, as I have mentioned, says that Ninian converted<br />
the Southern Picts. But in Bede's time King Oswy had<br />
extended liis dominions up to tlie Grampians, and thus for a time<br />
created a division between the Picts subject to his aiithority, and<br />
those beyond the mountains wlio remained independent, and thus<br />
probably misled Bede. He heard or read that Ninian had conveited<br />
the Southern Picts, and assumed that they were those<br />
subject to the Saxons ; but I think it is obvious that the Picts,<br />
with whom St Ninian came in contact, were those of Galloway,<br />
and they would naturally, in his time, be designated as Southern<br />
Picts, as distinguished from the Picts dwelling beyond the<br />
Northern Wall. The statement in the Saxon Chronicle is as<br />
follows :<br />
" A. r)G5. This year Ethelbert succeeded to the Kingdom of<br />
the Kentish-men, and held it tifty-three years. In his days the<br />
hfily Pope Gregory sent us baptism, that was in the two and<br />
thirtieth year of his reign ; and Columba, a mass-priest, came to<br />
the Picts, and converted them to the faith of Christ ; they are<br />
dwellers by the northern mountains. And their king gave him<br />
the Island which is called li [lona] ; t<strong>here</strong>in are live hides of land,<br />
as men say. T<strong>here</strong> Columba built a monastery, and he was<br />
abbat t<strong>here</strong> thirty-seven years, and t<strong>here</strong> he died when he was<br />
seventy-two years old. His successors still have the ])lace. The<br />
Southern Picts had been baptized long before : Bishop Ninia, who<br />
had been instructed at Home, had preached baptism to them,<br />
whose church and his monastery is at Whitherne, consecrated in<br />
the name of St Martin : t<strong>here</strong> he resteth, with many holy men.<br />
Now in li t<strong>here</strong> must ever be an abbat, and not a bishop ; and<br />
all the Scottish bishops ought to be subject to him, because<br />
Columba was an abbat and not a bishop.<br />
"A. 5G5. Tins year Columba, the presbyter, came from the<br />
Scots among the Britons, to instruct the Picts, and he built a<br />
monastery in the Island of Hii."<br />
Be this as it may, however, it is (juite clear that the Picts never<br />
were divided jiolitically into two nations. We have lists of their<br />
kings, and they never had more than one king at a time, and<br />
t<strong>here</strong> can l>e no doubt that Brude M'Mailchon, who was converted<br />
by Saint Columba, reigned over the whole Pictish race north of
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 10<br />
the Friths—his seat being at Inverness. His successor appears<br />
to liave had his capital at Abornetliy, and t<strong>here</strong> is some gi-ound<br />
for the conjecture that the Pictish kings may liave been chosen<br />
alternately from two families, the one having its possessions and<br />
settlements south of the mountains, and the other north of them,<br />
but so far as I have been able to trace, t<strong>here</strong> is no authority for<br />
holding tliat t<strong>here</strong> was any political separation except during the<br />
thirty years that the Saxims held dominion up to the Grampians.<br />
I think, t<strong>here</strong>fore, that we may safely hold that St Columba's<br />
mission was to the whole Pictish nation ruled by Brude, as his<br />
Church undoubtedly was established among them.<br />
Thje reason of Saint Columba leaving Ireland is by one tradition<br />
said to have been that he was excommunicated, and sentenced<br />
to perpetual exile by a Council of the Irish Clergy on account of<br />
his having been the cause of the bloody Battle of Cuildreanhne.<br />
But this is contradicted by all the facts of the Saint's life—for he<br />
repeatedly went from lona to Ireland, and undoubtedly retained<br />
the rule over all the monasteries which ho had founded in Ireland,<br />
and a most powerful influence in that country till his death.<br />
Adamnan mentions, however, that a sentence of excommunication<br />
was unjustly passed on him, but that it never took effect, or was<br />
recalled at the Council at which it was pronounced. His removal<br />
from Ireland, t<strong>here</strong>fore, need not be attributed to any other cause<br />
than the missionary zeal which had taken possession of him and<br />
his contemporaries at that time ; but it may have had a partly<br />
political object, for at that time his kindred, the Scots of Dalriada,<br />
were being hard pressed by King Brude ; they Avere Christian,<br />
and he may have feared that they would be destroyed, and resolved<br />
to make an effort to save them. And it is a fact that from his<br />
time for very many years t<strong>here</strong> was peace between the Plots and<br />
the Scots.<br />
Whatever the impelling cause, in 565 Saint Columba sailed<br />
from Ireland and landed in lona, and, finding it a suitable place<br />
for his purpose, he established t<strong>here</strong> a monastery of monks on the<br />
model of that which he and others had previously established in<br />
Ireland, having obtained a grant of the island, according to Bede,<br />
from Brude ; l)ut, according to other accounts, from the King of<br />
the Scots of Dalriada. From thence he went to the Court of<br />
King Brude, then at Inverness ; and he appears soon to have<br />
gained him over to the faith, and to have always retained a great<br />
influence over him. During the remaining years of his life he<br />
seems to have laboured mainly among the Picts, and before his<br />
death he had converted the whole nation and established his
20 Gaelic Society oj Inuerness.<br />
Church securely among them ;<br />
and<br />
—<br />
so vigorous was it that, within<br />
less than forty years after Coluniba's ileatli, it undertook the (.H)nversion<br />
of the Northumbrians, and established a Church among<br />
them which existed, under the primacy of lona, for thirty years,<br />
when it retired before the advancing Church of Rome.<br />
As I have said, the Church which developed itself in Ireland,<br />
and of which the Scottish Church was long a branch, had certain<br />
peculiarities which distinguished it from all other Churches. To<br />
state these distinctions in a word, it may bt; said that the Church was<br />
a monastictribal Church, not subject to the jurisdiction of Bishops.<br />
Monasti'-ism was first introduced from the East, but it wag<br />
well known in the Roman Church before the time of St Patrick,<br />
and we have seen that he says that through his means the sons of<br />
the Scoti and the daughters of princes became monks and virgins<br />
of Christ ; but in the Roman Church monasticism was an order<br />
within the Church, existing along with a secular clergy, and<br />
subject to the jurisdiction of the bishops. In the Church which<br />
developed itself in Ireland, and was introduced into Scotland, on<br />
the other hand, the whole Church was monastic, and subject to<br />
the jurisdiction, not o? bishops, but of abbots, who were not necessarily,<br />
and, in point of fact, seldom were bishojis, and while the Episcopal<br />
Order and the special functions of the Episcopate in the<br />
matter of ordination and the celebration of the mass with Pontifical<br />
rites, was recognised, the bishop was not a prelate, but a functionary<br />
and official of the Church, living as a monk in the monastery, and<br />
subject to the abbot. This peculiarity of the Church was for<br />
long a battle ground between Presbyterians and Episcopalians,<br />
and founding on a passage in Fordun, it was maintained by the<br />
advocates of Presbyterianism that the Church of St Columba was<br />
a Presbyterian Church, in something of the sense in which that<br />
word is applied to the present Churches in Scotland—but this<br />
contention is now exploded. In the sense of equality among the<br />
clergy, either in the matter of power or of functions, the Church<br />
was entirely different from the Presbyterian Churches. The<br />
abbot, although he might be only a presbyter, ruled over the<br />
whole community with absolute power. On the other hand,<br />
while the bishops had no jurisdiction, they were recognised as a<br />
distinct and necessary order of clergy, with certain functions<br />
which the presbyter could not assume, and tlio Church liad thus<br />
the three orders of clergy, and that regular succession of Bishoi)s,<br />
which are looked on by some as essential requisites of a Church.<br />
The respect in which St Columba himself held bishops is shown<br />
by an anecdote told by Adamnan as follows :
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 21<br />
"(y Cromin the Bishop.—At another time a stranger from<br />
the province of the Munstormen. wlin, in his iuunility, did all he<br />
could to disguise himself, so that nobody might know that he was a<br />
bishop, came to the saint ; but his rank could not be hidden from<br />
the saint. For next I,ord's day, being invited by the saint, as<br />
the custom was, to consecrate the Body of Christ, he asked the<br />
saint to join him, that, as two priests, they might break the<br />
bread of the Loi'd together. The saint went to the altar accordingly,<br />
and, suddenly looking into the stranger's face, thus<br />
addressed him:— 'Christ bless thee, brother; do thou break the<br />
bread alone, according to the Episcopal rite, for I know now that<br />
thou art a bishop. Why has thou disguised thyself so long, and<br />
prevented our giving thee the honour we owe to thee? On hearing<br />
the saint's words, the humble stranger was greatly astonished,<br />
and adored Chiist in His saint, and the bystanders in amazement<br />
gave glory to God."<br />
We tind too that when a mission was sent to a distance, the<br />
leader was ordained a bishop, so that he might be able to ordain<br />
local clergy, and in this case the office of abbot and bishop was<br />
generally combined. The three abbots who ruled at Lindesfarne,<br />
while the Church t<strong>here</strong> was subject to lona, wei-e ordained bishops<br />
at lona.<br />
The tribal organisation of the Church seems to have been a<br />
counterpart of the tribal organisation of the people among whom it<br />
arose. T<strong>here</strong> seems to have been no head of the Irish Church. Each<br />
saint boi"e rule over all the monasteries founded by him, and hia<br />
disciples, and the abbot of the head monastery succeeded to this<br />
jurisdiction. Thus the Abbot of lona, which had the premacy<br />
among the foundations of Columba, ruled over all the monasteries<br />
founded by him in Ireland and Scotland, and this continued till<br />
the community at lona was broken up. The monks belonging to<br />
the foundations of one saint thus formed an ecclesiastical tribe,<br />
and in the same way the monks in each monastery foimed a subtribe.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> was, too, a regular law of succession to the headship<br />
of a monastery. We find mention of lay tribes and monastic<br />
tribes in the Brehon laws, and elaborate rules are laid down for<br />
the succession to an Abbacy. Thus the succession was first in the<br />
tribe of the patron saint, next in the tribe of the land, or to whicli<br />
the land had belonged, next to one of the tine manach, that is,<br />
the monastic tribe, or family li\ing in the monastery, next to the<br />
anoit Church, next to a dalta Church, next to a compairche<br />
Church, next to neighbouring cill Church, and lastly to a pilgrim.<br />
That is, if t<strong>here</strong> was a person in the monastery of the tribe of the
22 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
patron saint tit to be abbot, he succeeded ; if not, then the succession<br />
went to one of the tribe from whom the land had been acquired,<br />
and if t<strong>here</strong> was no such, then it went to all the others in succession,<br />
the Churches mentioned being connected in various degrees<br />
with the foundation, the headsliij) of wliich was vacant. According<br />
to this rule, we find that for more than a hundred years the<br />
Abbots of loiia were all of the tribe and family from wliich<br />
Columba himself was descended.<br />
The peculiarity which, however, appears to have attracted<br />
most attention from the Roman clergy, when the two Churches<br />
came in contact in the seventh century, was the time at which the<br />
Scottish clergy celebrated the festival of Easter, and their form of<br />
tonsure, and these M'ere for long subjects of contention. The<br />
difference in the mode of calculating Easter is easily accounted<br />
for, as the Scottish Church ad<strong>here</strong>d to the method which was<br />
common to the whole Western Church, previous to 457, when all<br />
connection between Britain and Ireland and the Continent ceased;<br />
and during the time of isolation a new method of computation was<br />
adopted by the Roman Church ; but the mode of tonsure is not so<br />
easily accounted for. The Columban Monks tonsured the front of<br />
the head from ear to ear, while in the Roman Church the crown<br />
of the head was tonsured. The former mode of tonsure was<br />
that adopted at oue time by the Eastern Church, and it may point<br />
to some Eastern influence on the Irish Monastic Church at the<br />
time of its development.<br />
Such, then, was the Church established by St C^olumba in<br />
Scotland in its outward aspect and organisation. Of its internal<br />
economy and of the daily life of its members, as exhibited in tlie<br />
parent Monastery of lona, we can, by careful reading, obtain<br />
ii tolerably clear jjicture from Adamiiaii's life of the founder,<br />
written by an Abbot of lona, about eighty years after St<br />
Columba's death. And, as lona was the parent uionastery, it<br />
was no doubt the pattern and example of the others. The monks<br />
in lona lived together as one family, each having his separate<br />
house or bothy, but taking tlieir meals in common. Tliey lived in<br />
strict obedience to the abbot, they w(>re celebate, they had all<br />
their property in common, and they supported themselves by<br />
their own labour. T<strong>here</strong> are numei'ous notices of them labouring<br />
in the fields, bringing home the corn, milking cows, and<br />
so forth, and they had a mill and a kiln. Their food seems to<br />
have consisted of milk, bread, fisli, the flesh of seals, and beef<br />
and mutton. They had numerous services in tlie church, they<br />
were much gi\-eii to i-eading and repeating the Scriptures, and
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 23<br />
particularly the Psaluis, ami they weie diligent scribes. T<strong>here</strong> are<br />
repeated notices of their labours in writing—the last labour in<br />
which St Columba was engaged was copying the psalter—and,<br />
naturally, they became the teachers of the community. They<br />
were also much given to hospitality, for t<strong>here</strong> are frequent notices<br />
of the guest chamber, and ol the arrival of guests, and of additions<br />
made to the meals on account of such arrivals.<br />
From this monastery, as a home, Columbas mission was<br />
conducted. As we have seen, he got a gi-ant of the Island of<br />
lona, either from the King of the Picts or the King of the Scots ;<br />
and his method seems to have been to go in the tirst instance to<br />
the King or Chief of the territory in which he arrived, to interest<br />
him in his mission, then to obtain a grant of a village or rath, or<br />
dune with surrounding land, and then to (3stablish a monastery,<br />
under the protection and patronage of the chief : in fact, to<br />
establish and endow his Church. Of this method we hav(j an<br />
account in the Book of Deer, the contents of which, philologically,<br />
were so ably dealt with by Mr Macbain last season. The<br />
morastery of Deer was, perhaps, the very last of the Columban<br />
foundations which retained anything of its original character, and<br />
in this relict of it which has come down to us we have the legend<br />
of its es^aV^lishment, which admirably illustrates St Columba's<br />
method.<br />
Columcille, and Drostan, son of Cosgrach, his pupil, came<br />
from Hi, as God had shown to them, unto Abbordoboir, and Bede,<br />
the Pict. was Mormaer of Buchan before them, and it was he that<br />
gave them that town in freedom for ever from Mormaer and<br />
toisech. They came after that to the otJier town, and it was<br />
plciising to Columcille because it was full of God's grace, and he<br />
asked of the Mormaer, to wit, Bede, that he should give it to him,<br />
and he did not give it, and a son of his took an illness after (or<br />
in consequence of) refusing the clerics, and he was nearly dead<br />
(lit. he was dead, but if it were a little). After this the Mormaer<br />
went to entreat the clerics that they should make a p)'ayer for the<br />
son, that health should come to him ; and he gave an oti'ering to<br />
them from Cloch in Tij)rat to Cloch pette meic Garnait. They<br />
made the prayer, ai.d health came to him. After that Columcille<br />
gave to Drostan that town, and blessed it, and left as (his) word<br />
" Whosoever should come against it, let him not be many yeaied<br />
(or) victorious." Drostan's tears came on parting from Collumcille.<br />
Said Columcille, "Let Dear be its name henceforward."<br />
Having thus established a community, they were placed under<br />
tlie superintendence of a suVjject abbot to prosecute their woik of
24 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
bringing the tribe among which they were established to a knowledge<br />
of tlie truth, and from tlie monastery thus established t<strong>here</strong><br />
branched out cill cliurclies, anoit churches, and all the other subordinate<br />
establishments which I have mentioned, and t<strong>here</strong> went<br />
forth pilgrims and teacliers, and sometimes colonies of monks, to<br />
establish other monasteries. Columba's idea of tlie method of<br />
spreading Christianity seems to have been— fii'st the establishment<br />
of a separate Christian community in the midst of the people to<br />
be converted, the leading by the members of this community of a<br />
pure and self-denying Christian life, practising the precepts which<br />
they taught, and exhibiting the effect on their own lives of a belief<br />
in the doctrines which they preached ; and next, the reading<br />
and teaching of the Scriptui'es, and the preaching of its doctrines.<br />
That his influence long survived him, and that a pure and holy life<br />
was long characteristic of the clergy of his Church, is amply testified<br />
by Bede, who never mentions any of the clergy of the branch<br />
of the Church of lona, which existed, as I have said, for 30 years in<br />
Northumberland, wathout— -while deploring their ignorance and perversity<br />
in not observing Easter at the proper time— praising their<br />
chaste and self-denying lives. Thus he says of Colman, the last<br />
of the three abbots and bishops of this Church, who ruled at<br />
Lindesfarne, and who returned to lona on the King and people<br />
adopting the Roman time of celebrating Easter :<br />
"The place which he governed shows how frugal he and his<br />
predecessor were, for t<strong>here</strong> were very few houses besides the<br />
church found at their departure; indeed, no more than were<br />
Ijarely sufficient for their daily residence; they had also no money,<br />
but cattle ; for if they received any money from rich persons,<br />
they immediately gave it to the poor ; their being no need to<br />
gather money, or provide houses for the entertainment of the<br />
great men of the world ; for sucli never resorted to the church,<br />
except to pray and hear the Word of God. The King himself,<br />
when opportunity offered, came only with Ave or six servants,<br />
and having performed his devotions in the church, departed.<br />
But if tiiey happened to take a re])ast t<strong>here</strong>, they were satisfied<br />
with only the ))lain and daily food of the brethren, and required<br />
no more ; for the whole care of those teachers was to serve God,<br />
not the world— to feed the soul, and not the belly."<br />
And again of Aiden, the first of these bishops, he says:<br />
" I have written thus much concerning tlie i)erson and works<br />
(if the aforesaid Aidan, in no way connnending or approving what<br />
lie i?ii perfectly undei-stood in relation to the observance of Easter;<br />
—<br />
—
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 25<br />
nay, very much detostiug the sainc, as 1 have most manifestly<br />
proved in the book 1 have writen, "De Temporibus;" but, like<br />
an impartial historian relating what was done by or with him,<br />
and commending such things as ar(; praiseworthy in his actions,<br />
and preserving the memory t<strong>here</strong>of for the benefit of the readers;<br />
viz., his love of peace and charity ; his continence and humility;<br />
his mind superior to anger and avarice, and despising piide and<br />
vainglory ; his industry in keeping and teaching the heavenly<br />
commandments ; his diligence in reading and watching ; his<br />
authority becoming a priest in reproving the haughty and powei--<br />
fid, and at the same time his tenderness in comforting the afflicted,<br />
and relieving or defending the poor. To say all in a few woi'ds,<br />
as near as I could be informed by those that knew him, he took<br />
care to omit none of those things which he found in the a])ostolical<br />
or prophetical writings, but to the utmost of his power endeavoured<br />
to perform them all."<br />
As I have said, the Columl)an monks naturally became the<br />
teachers of the community, and their are numerous notices of<br />
persons of distinction residing in the monasteries for the purpose<br />
of being instructed. Oswald, the King of Xorthumbria, when<br />
driven into exile, ^lived for several years in Tona, and was thei-e<br />
in.structed. The clergy had a great reputation for learning, and<br />
Bede tells us that many of the nobles and princes of the English<br />
resorted to them for instruction. In what their learning consisted<br />
is an interesting question. That they wrote Latin well is e\'id-<br />
enced by writings which have come down to us, and we are told<br />
that when Columbanus, in the year 590, went to Gaul, he was<br />
able to converse freely in that language. It would also appear<br />
that he had some knowledge of Greek, for he talks about the<br />
meaning of his own name in that language. It does not appear,<br />
however, that, previous to their coming in contact with the outer<br />
world, they had any knowledge of Roman or Greek literature, or of<br />
the wntings of any of the fathers of the Roman, Greek, or Eastern<br />
Ghurches. And Bede more than once, as in the passage I have<br />
read about Aidan, mentions that they taught only what was<br />
contained in the Scriptures. The litei-ary remains of the Church<br />
which have come down to us, consist entirely of the lives of saints,<br />
with the exception of an account of the holy places, written by<br />
Adamnan, from information given to him by a bishop of Gaul, who<br />
was driven to lona by stress of weather, and resided t<strong>here</strong> for a<br />
winter—some letters of Columbanus to the Pope, and to a Council<br />
of the clergy of Gaul : and t<strong>here</strong> are some hymns and poems<br />
attributed to St ('oluniba, but whether any of them are authentic
26 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
seems doubtful. That he wrote poetry, .and was a friend and<br />
patron of l)ards, is beyond all doubt, and Bede mentions that<br />
writings of his were said to bo in existence in his time. It would<br />
rather appeal-, t<strong>here</strong>fore, that as the lives of the Columban clergy<br />
were an effort to translate its teaching into practice, so their<br />
learning consisted in a knowledge of the Bible, the transcribing<br />
of which was one of their chief occupations.<br />
Their architecture was of the simplest and rudest, and if their<br />
general state of culture were to be jutlged by it, we should pronounce<br />
it of the lowest. Their churches<br />
wattle work of branches, covered with clay.<br />
were constructed of<br />
We frequently hear<br />
of the cutting of branches for the building or repair of churches<br />
and Bede tells us that when Aidan settled at Lindesfarne he built<br />
a church t<strong>here</strong>, after the manner of his country, of wood thatched<br />
with reeds. The monks, as has been said, lived in "bothies, " and<br />
these seem to have been ei-ected by the occuj)ants, and to have<br />
been of slight construction. In the Irish Life of St Columba, we<br />
are told of his asking, when he went to a monastery for instruction,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> he was to set up his bothy, and in another place mention is<br />
made of a bothy being removed from one side of a river to<br />
another. But, as we should commit a grievous error if we judged<br />
of the general intelligence and culture of our own peasantry by<br />
the houses in which they live, so we should commit a like error if<br />
we judged of the culture of these monks by their churches and<br />
dwellings. That they had examples of more substantial and<br />
elaborate structures we know, and the poorness of their building<br />
was probably only one mode of expressing the highest thought<br />
that was in them, that taking for themselves no more of this<br />
world's goods than was necessary for existence, they should teach<br />
and illustrate<br />
and holy lives.<br />
their religion not by stately edifices, but by pure<br />
In metals they seem to have been skilful workers. Adamnan<br />
tells us that, on one occasion, St Columba had blessed a certain<br />
knife, and said that it would never injure man or beast, and that<br />
t<strong>here</strong>u))on the monks had the iron of which it was made melted,<br />
and a number of other tools in the monastery coated with it. The<br />
ceard or artificer seems to have been a regular ofiicial in the<br />
monasteries, and specimens which have come down to us in the<br />
decoration of shrines, cases for books, bells, itc, show that they<br />
had acquired a pi'oficiency in art work of this descri[)tion which<br />
has never been surpassed.<br />
Another branch of art in wliicli they have never been excelled<br />
was the ornamentation and illumination of tiicir Bil)l('S and service<br />
;
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 27<br />
lM)oks. The only nuuuiscripts whicli liave come down to us, and<br />
wiiich can be traced to the hands ot Columban monks in Scothmd,<br />
arc tlie T^ook of Deer and one of the manuscripts of Adam nan's<br />
lite of St Columba, and these are not hiyhly ornamented. But<br />
t<strong>here</strong> are numerous examples in Ireland, some of the more elaborate<br />
of which can be almost traced to the hands of St Columba, and<br />
t<strong>here</strong> can be no doubt that the art wliich produced the Irish<br />
s])ecimens was the common property of both Churches, if, indeed,<br />
some of the books now existing in Ireland were not actually produced<br />
in lona. One of these books was seen in Ireland by<br />
Ceraldus Cambriensis, who accompanied some of the first Norman<br />
and Wflsli invaders in the twelfth century, .md he thus describes<br />
it :<br />
—<br />
" Among all the miracles in Kildare, none appears to me nioi-e<br />
wonderful than that marvellous book which they say was written<br />
in the time of the Virgin [St Brigit] at the dictation of an angel.<br />
It contains the Four Gospels according to St Jerom, and almost<br />
I'very Jiage is illustrated by drawings illuminated with a variety of<br />
l)rilliant coloui's. In one page you see the countenance of the<br />
Divine Majesty supernaturally pictured ; in another, the mystic<br />
forms of the evangelists, with either six, four, or two wings ; <strong>here</strong><br />
are depicted the eagle, t<strong>here</strong> the calf; <strong>here</strong> the face of a man,<br />
tliere of a lion; with other figures in almost endless variety. If<br />
you observe them superficially, and in the usual careless manner,<br />
you would imagine them to be daubs, rather than careful com-<br />
positions ; expecting to find nothing exquisite, w<strong>here</strong>, in truth,<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is nothing which is not exquisite. But if you ajjply yourself<br />
to a more close examination, and are able to penetrate the seci'ets<br />
ot the art displayed in these pictures, you will find them so<br />
delicate and exquisite, so finely drawn, and the work of interlacing<br />
so elaborated, while the colours with which they are illuminated<br />
are so blended, and still so fresh, that you will be ready to assert<br />
that all this is the work of angelic, and not human, skill. The<br />
more often and closely I scrutinise them, the more I am surprised,<br />
and always find them new, discovering fresh causes for increased<br />
admiration."<br />
And art critics of our own day speak of tlie work in terms of equal<br />
commendation.<br />
Such was the first Christian Church established among us,<br />
and such the mode of life and state of culture of its clergy. It<br />
existed in full vigour among us for about two hundred years, and<br />
then, partly from external causes, and partly from internal, it<br />
l)egan to decay; but it was not finally superseded by a system of
28 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
diocesan episcopacy under the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome,<br />
until the time of King David thtj First. To trace the process of its<br />
decay would ])e iuterestiiii;, but this paper has already extended to<br />
too great a length.<br />
16th December 1885.<br />
At tlie meeting on this date the following new members were<br />
elected, viz.: —Miss Marion Ferguson, 2.3 Grove Road, St John's<br />
Wood, London, lionorary member; Mr George Black, National<br />
Museum, Edinburgh ; and Dr Thomas Aitken, Lunatic Asylum,<br />
Inverness, ordinary members.<br />
Some routine business having been transacted, the Secretaiy<br />
read the .second* instalment of the paper on " The Gaelic Names<br />
of Birds,"<br />
cudbi-ight.<br />
by Mr Charles Fergusson, Oally, Gatehouse,<br />
Mr Fergusson's paper was as follows<br />
Kirk-<br />
:—<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
—<br />
—<br />
GAELIC NAMES OF BIRDS.<br />
Part II.<br />
LONG-EARED OWL.<br />
Otusvufgm'is. Gaelic Cotnhachag,Cii))ihncJiag-a(/hnrc(iicfi.<br />
Welsh Dylluan goriiiog.<br />
SHORT-EARED OWL.<br />
Otus hrachyotus. Gaelic Cumhachag-chluasach. Welsli<br />
—Dylluan glustiog.<br />
BARN OWL.<br />
Latin Stiix Jlammea. Gaelic Cumhacluig, Caillench-oid/icJie,<br />
Cailleach-oidhche-bhan,<br />
wen.<br />
Cumhachag-bhan. Welsh Dyllnmi<br />
The hooting of this owl is supposed in the Highlands to fore-<br />
tell rain, hence the old saying— "Tha 'choinhacliag ri bron, thig<br />
tuiltean oirnn "—The owl is mourning, rain is coming.<br />
TAWNY OWL.<br />
Latin Syrniuim-strodch. Gaelic Gumhachag-dlioim, Cicnihachag-rnadh,<br />
JSodach-oidhche, Gailleachoidhche. Welsh<br />
Dylluan frech.<br />
Tliis owl is very common in the wooded parts of the High-<br />
lands, and his nielanchol;y hooting at night has been the cause of<br />
* For the first part of Mr Fermisson'a paper, sec "Transactions,"<br />
Vol. XI., page 240.<br />
—<br />
—
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 29<br />
many a good friglit to people coming from tlie un wooded glens,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> they are not acquainted with this mournful bird of night,<br />
and also the origin of many a ghost story. Alluding to this, the<br />
old phrase says— "Tha mi na's eolaiche air coille na bhi fo eagal<br />
na caillieh-oidhche''— I am more accustomed to a wood than tube<br />
afraid of an owl.<br />
Latin Surnia nyctea. (raelic<br />
Comhachag-mhor. Welsli<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
SNOWY OWL.<br />
Covihacliay hlian, Cdilleacli-Jihon,<br />
Dylluan mauer.<br />
This veiy beautiful bird may be said to be common in parts<br />
of the Highlands, especially the Hebrides, during the spring gen-<br />
erally.<br />
HAWK OWL.<br />
Latin — Surnia fiinerea. Gaelic — Seobliag-oidhche, Seobhayfheasgnir.<br />
This is a very rare bird, but I have often seen it on the<br />
Stiathardle hills, hunting in broad daylight. I remember seeing<br />
a very tine specimen shot in Glenderly when out grouse shooting<br />
aljout twenty yeai's ago. The day was clear and sunny, and we<br />
saw it hunting abroad for its prey a good while before it came<br />
within shot<br />
Latin<br />
LITTLE OWL.<br />
Noctua passei-iiia. Gaelic Cumhacltay-bJieay. Welsh<br />
Coeg daylluan.<br />
This finishes the Raptores, or rapacious birds, and brings us<br />
to the second ordei'—the Insessors, or tree-perchers.<br />
Latin<br />
INSESSORS.<br />
Group I.— Dentirostres. Family I. — Laniadce.<br />
GREAT GREY SHRIKE, OR BUTCHER BIRD.<br />
—<br />
Lanius excubitor. Gaelic Buidseir, Pioghaid-ghlas (Grey<br />
Fiet). Welsh Cigydd Mawr.<br />
The first Gaelic name, which I must say looks suspiciously<br />
like a mere translation from the English, is that given by Alexander<br />
Macdonald (Mac Mhaighstir Alastair) in his Gaelic<br />
Vocabulary, published in IT-tl. The second is the name by which<br />
the bird is known in Strathardle, w<strong>here</strong> it is often found, and<br />
w<strong>here</strong> 1 well remember shooting a very fine<br />
amongst the very first birds ever I shot— with<br />
male specimen<br />
an old Hint gun.
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
•"^O Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
—<br />
—<br />
with which in my boyish days T shot many ;i rare ))ii(l, tliotij^h it<br />
did sometimes take a very long time putting and tizzing fiom the<br />
time I pulled the trigger till the shot went oft'.<br />
Group II.—MuscicapidcB.<br />
SPOTTED FLYCATCHER.<br />
—<br />
Latin- Muscicnpa grisola. Gaelic<br />
Breacxasyiobalt, Glac-nan-cuileag.<br />
Breacan-glas, Bei(ein-
—<br />
Tlie Gaelic Names of Birds. 31<br />
MAVIS oil COMMON THRUSH.<br />
Latin — Tnri/its iJii(de7is. Gaelic Smeorach, ^Sineurach Lh/iidhc.<br />
Welsh Aderyn Croiifraith.<br />
Of all singing birds in the Highlands the mavis is the favourite,<br />
and reckoned the sweetest singer. All our bards, late and<br />
early, delight in comparing their sweet singers to the mavis,<br />
whirh is the highest praise they can give, hence the saying—<br />
"(Jho<br />
l)inn ri smeorach air geug" — as tuneful as a mavis on a bough.<br />
It is the tirst bird that begins to sing in the Highlands, often<br />
beginning, on an occasional fine day, before the storms of winter<br />
are over. As the old })roverb says— "Cha'n 'eil port a sheinneas<br />
an smebrach 's an Fhaoilleach, nach, caoin i<br />
t-Earrach"—For every song the mavis sings in<br />
mu'n ruith an<br />
February she'll<br />
lament ere the spi'ing be over. Another says, "Cha dean aon<br />
smeorach samhradh"—One mavis makes not summer. One of<br />
till" most ancient styles of composition in the Gaelic language,<br />
and a \ev\ favourite one with most Highland bards, is that in<br />
w iiich they represent themselves as the "smeorach," or mavis of<br />
their respective clans, to sing the praises of their chiefs and<br />
c-lans. Of this curious species of composition we have many<br />
examples, notably "Smeorach Chlann Jlaonuill"—The INlavis of<br />
Clan Ranald, by Alex. Macdonald (Mac Mhaighistir Alastair):<br />
—<br />
"Gur 'a mis an smeorach chreagach,<br />
An deis leum bharr cuaich mo nidein<br />
Sholar bidh do m' ianaibh beaga,<br />
Seinneam ceol air barr gach bidein.<br />
'S smeorach mise do Chlann Donuill,<br />
Dream a dhiteadh a 's a leonadh<br />
'S chaidh mo chur an riochd na smeoraich,<br />
Gu bhi seinn 's ag cur ri ceol dhaibh.<br />
'S mise 'n t-ianan beag le m' fheadan<br />
Am madainn-dhriuchd am barr gach badain,<br />
Sheinneadh na puirt ghrinn gun sgreadan<br />
'S ionmhuinn m' fheadag fead gach lagain."<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are also smeorachs by Mac Cotlrum, Macdougall, INhulach-<br />
lan, Macleod, and others—all admirable compositions of their<br />
kind.<br />
—<br />
RED-WING.<br />
Li^tin — Jardua iliacits. Gaelic — Sgiatli-dheargnn, Ean-an-t-<br />
s7ieachda,* Smeorach -ant- sneachda. Deargan - siieachdn<br />
Welsh Soccen yr lira, Y dresclen gocli.<br />
;<br />
—<br />
— .
32 Gaelic Society of itweniess.<br />
L;itii\<br />
—<br />
—<br />
Jvrdns merida.<br />
BLACKBIRD.<br />
Gaelic Lon-dubh, Euu-dubh. Welsh—<br />
Mwyalch, Aderyn du.<br />
The blackl)ird has always been I'eckoned a mournful bird in<br />
the Highlands, partly, perhaps, from its sombi-e colour, and more<br />
especially because of its sweet plaintive song, the I'apid warbling<br />
notes of which the Highlanders likened to some of their most<br />
mournful piobaireachd laments, whilst the mavis' song resembled<br />
the salute or welcome class of piobaireachd— "An smeorach ri<br />
failte, 's 'n lon-dubh ri cumha"— " The mavis sings a welcome, and<br />
the blackbird a lament." Ewan MacColl, the Lochfyne bard,<br />
expresses this old Highland belief very beautifully in his address<br />
to a blackbird, some of the verses of which I may quote<br />
" A. loin-duibh, a loin-duibh. 's fada dh" imich uait surd—<br />
Ciod e so, 'chuir mulad 'na d' dhan-s?<br />
Tha 'n samhradh a' tighinn, tha 'choille 'fas domh'il,<br />
'S gach eun iunt' le sunnd 'cur air failt.<br />
" A loin-duibh, a loin-duibh, 'n uair tha'n uiseag 's an speur,<br />
'Cur gean air Righ aobhach an Lo,<br />
'Nuair tha 'n smeorach 's a leannuan 'comh-shodan ri d' thaobh,<br />
'M bi thusa 'n ad aonar ri bron 1<br />
" A loin-duibh, tha do thuireadh a' lotadh mo chri<br />
'8 ioghnadh learn ciod a chradh tliu co glioirt<br />
'N e namh 'an riochd caraid a ghoid uait do shith ?<br />
'N e gu 'n d' mhealladh 'n ad dhoohas thu 'th' ort 1<br />
"A loin-duibh, a loin-duibh, 'm beil do leanuan riut dui'?<br />
Cha 'n urrainn do 'n chuis bin gu brath :<br />
Co ise air thalamh 's an cuireadh tu uidh,<br />
Nac mealladh 's nach maoth'cheadh do dhan '!<br />
" A loin-duil)h, a loin-duibh, dearc 'us suthag nam blar,<br />
Bi'dh deas dhuit gun dail air son bidh :<br />
Tha 'n clamhan 'san t-seobhag fad', fada o lainih ?<br />
Nach sguir thu, ma ta, de do chaoidh ]<br />
" A loin-duibh, a lion-duil^h, tha mi 'cuimhneachadli nis !<br />
Bha 'n t-eun'dair an ratliad so 'n de<br />
leannan thuit leis<br />
Koin ghrinn, 'se so 'ghuin thu—nach el"<br />
O an-iochd an trudair ! do<br />
—<br />
—<br />
:<br />
—<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 33<br />
Fond l)l;u'kl)ircl, fond hhu-khird, sad, sad is thy song—<br />
'J'lii' cause of thy grief I would Icar;; ;<br />
Bright summer is coming, hear hnw thf woods ring,<br />
And welcome his kingly return.<br />
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, the laik, soaring high,<br />
Salutes the l)right orb of the day;<br />
'Hie cuckoo and thrush sing together for joy,<br />
Why then art (Iloii joyless, O say?<br />
Fond blackbii-d, thy ])laint makes my Jieart almost bleed;<br />
Pire, dire must indeed be thy doom ;<br />
Has the friend of thy l)osom pi-oved false ! or did fade<br />
Each young ho))e that once promised to bloom "?<br />
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, say, lov'st thou in vain,<br />
Or is thy fair consort unkind 1<br />
Ah, no— could she listen to that melting strain,<br />
And leave the sweet warbler to pine<br />
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, the berry and sloe<br />
"Will soon be thy banquet so rare ;<br />
'J "he buzzard and falcon are far out of view,<br />
To wail, then, sweet mourner, forbear.<br />
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, now, now do I mind<br />
The fowler yestreen sought the l)rake ;<br />
'I'hy partner's soft jilumage he strew'd on the wind!<br />
Nought else could such deep woes awake.<br />
Very curiously the Gaelic name of the huge and long extinct deer,<br />
the elk, is the same as that of the blackbird, Lon-dubh, and most<br />
certainly it is the elk that is referred to, and not the blackbird in<br />
tlie very ancient saying— " An Lon-dubh, an Lon-dubh spagach !<br />
thug mise dha coille fhasgach fheurach, 's thug esan dhonih an<br />
Mionadh dubh fasach." Sheriff Nicholson translates this—The<br />
blackbird, the sprawling blackbird !<br />
!<br />
—<br />
T gave him a shelt(u-ed grassy<br />
wood, and he gave me the black desolute moor. Mackintosh in<br />
Ids (laelic Proverbs translates it—The ouzel, the club-footed ouzel,<br />
ic, (wiiich, of course, is wrontr, as the ouzel has no claim to this<br />
name), and adds a note— " Some say that this alludes to the<br />
Roman invasion, and others refer it to the Scandinavian incursions,<br />
when the Gael left the more sheltered spots and pasture ranges,<br />
and iJed to the fastnesses of the Grampian hills." I have no<br />
d(ml)t the propei' translation is—The elk, the bow-legged, or club-<br />
3
34 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
footed elk, kc; for who could possi})ly apply the word,<br />
" spagach " to the straight, slender, genteel feet of the blackbird 1<br />
w<strong>here</strong>as nothing could be so descriptive of the great clumsy clubfeet<br />
of the elk, whose hoofs are so much and so loosely divided<br />
that when it puts its weight on them, they spread out so wide<br />
that when it lifts its foot, the two divisions of the hoof fall together<br />
with a loud clattering noise, which would he, sure to draw<br />
the attention of our remote ancestors to them, and what would be<br />
more likely than that they would in derision liken the hated<br />
Roman soldiers, with their great broad sandals on their feet, to<br />
the clumsy lumbering elk; certainly they would be more likely to<br />
do so than to liken them to the s])rightly blackbird. If che saying<br />
does refer to the elk, which was extinct in Britain ages before all<br />
written history, it is another proof added to the many, of how the<br />
ancient lore of the Celts, though unwritten, was handed down<br />
through so many generations of the children of the Gael.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
— — —<br />
RING OUZEL.<br />
Tanlvs torqvatcs. Gaelic— Dvhhchraige, Druid-mhonaiJh<br />
Druid-dimhh. Welsh Mwyalchen y graiy.<br />
Group IV.— Sylviadce.<br />
HEDGE SPARROW.<br />
Latin —Accentor moJidaris. Gaelic Geallmonii-nam-jjreas,<br />
iSporag, Dnvnag. Welsh Llvyd y gwrych.<br />
I have no doubt the common English country name of this<br />
bird—Dunnock (Rev. J. C. Atkinson)— is simply a corruption of<br />
the Gaelic name, Donnag—Brownie, or little brown bird.<br />
ROBIN.<br />
Latin Erythaca rnbecida. Gaelic Bru-dhearg, Bru-dheargaii,<br />
Broinn-dhearg, Broinn-dliecn gan, Broinileag, Nigidh, Ruadhag,<br />
Rohaii-roid. Welsh— Yr Jiobi goch^ Bron-goch.<br />
Here also one of the English country names given by the<br />
Rev. J. Atkinson seems to come from the Gaelic— Ruddock,<br />
Ruadhag, little red bird— and as the English borrow from the<br />
Gaelic, it is only fair that we should do the same from their language<br />
(in modern times, of course, as everybody knows most of<br />
our Gaelic names of birds were in use many centuiies Ijefore the<br />
Engli.'^h language had an existence). 80, very curiously, one of<br />
our greatest l)ards, Alexander Macdonald, has done in this case,<br />
for though in his Gaelic Vocabulary he gives the Gaelic name of<br />
the robin as Broinn-dheargan, yet in his poems he always calls
— —<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 35<br />
this l)ii(l l)y the names of Richard aiul llobiu. In his '' Sung of<br />
Summer," " Oran an t' Sambiaidh," lie says<br />
"Agus Robin 'g a bheusadh<br />
Air a' gheig os a chionn,<br />
Gur glan gall-fheadau liidiurd<br />
A' seinu nan cuisleannau grinn."<br />
And in " The Sugar Brook," " Allt-an-t Siuoair "<br />
" Bha Richard 's Robin liru-dliearg<br />
Ri seinn, 's fear dhiul)h 'n a bhous."<br />
Macintyre again uses Bru-dhearg. in Coire-Cheathaich. He says :<br />
" An druid 's an bru-dhearg, le nioran uinich,<br />
Ri ceileir sunntach bu sliiubhlach i-ann."<br />
—<br />
—<br />
I Iiave never lieard the name Nigidh, for the robin, anywliere in<br />
rommon use, but it is given in the Highhmd Society's Dictionary.<br />
The common name in Perthsliive is Roban-roid. Most writers<br />
on birds have taken notice of tlie many wonderful places in which<br />
this bird will sometime build its nest. I remember, when a boy,<br />
l)reserving as a curiosity for several years a robin's nest which<br />
was actually l)uilt inside the ribs of a dried skeleton of a buzzard<br />
hawk, which the keepers had nailed to the back wall of a stable<br />
many years before. The impudent bird reared its young brood in<br />
that strange nesting place to the astonishment of the natives.<br />
Had that hawk known the fate that was before it, it might well<br />
say with Napoleon that t<strong>here</strong> was only one step between the sub-<br />
linie and the ridiculous.<br />
Latin<br />
liLUE-TIIKOATED WARBLER.<br />
Phcjenicura Suecica. Gaelic<br />
REDSTART.<br />
—<br />
Ceileiriche, Orauaiche^<br />
Latin -PJicenicnra rvticiUa. Gaelic Ceann-deary, Ceann-dltear-<br />
(jan, Earr-dhearg^ Ton-dhearfj. AVelsh Rhondl gocli.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
STONE-CHAT.<br />
Scwicola ruhicola. Gaelic Cloichearan, Clacharan (Grey).<br />
Welsh Clochder y cerrig.<br />
Sheriff Nicolson gives the following old Lismore saying,<br />
which, he adds, is suggestive of the devolopment theory :<br />
" Cloicheirean spagach, ogha na muile-maig."— The waddling stone-<br />
chat, the f)-og's grand-child.
—<br />
—<br />
36 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
WIIIX-CIIAT.<br />
Latin—Saxicola rubetro. Gaelic Gochdan, Gochcan. Welsh<br />
Clochder yr eithin.<br />
WHEATEAR.<br />
—<br />
I^tin—Saxicola cenanthe. Gaelic Cloichearan, Bru-ghpnL Crifhachan,<br />
Bogachan. Welsh Tinwyn y cerrig.<br />
This bird no doubt got its two last Gaelic names from its<br />
constant habit of shaking or quivering its tail. Grey gives the<br />
following old Hebridean superstition about this bird:— "T<strong>here</strong><br />
is a very curious superstition prevalent in North and South IJist<br />
regarding the bii-d on its arrival. When seen for the first time<br />
in the season, the natives are quite unhappy if it should happen<br />
to be perched on a rock or a stone— such a circumstance, as they<br />
say, being a sure sign of evil in jirospect ; but should the bird be<br />
seen perched on a bit of turf, it is looked upon as a happy omen."<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
SKDGE WARBLER.<br />
Salicaria phrnfjmitis. Ga,e\ic — Glas-emi, Uiseag-oidhcJie.<br />
Welsh Hedydd yr hdyg.<br />
This bird got its Gaelic name— Uiseag-oidhche, Night-lark<br />
—from its well-known habit of singing all through the night,<br />
which makes so many people mistake it for the nightingale.<br />
Latin<br />
NIGHTINGALE.<br />
PJiilomela Lttscinin. Gaelic Spideag, Beid-binn, Ros-anceol.<br />
Welsh Fos.<br />
The first Gaelic name is that given by Alex. Macdonald in<br />
his vocabulary, also in the Highland Society's Dictionary, which<br />
also gives the second name— Beul-binn, sweet mouth ; the third<br />
is that given by Logan in his Scottish Gael. He says— " The<br />
Nightingale, which has now forsaken the noithern part of the<br />
island, is supposed to have once frequented the woods of Scotland.<br />
Its name in Gaelic is beautifully expressive of the sweetness of its<br />
song and the character of the l^ird. In Ilos-an-ceol, tlie rose<br />
music, the melody is put for the melodist, the former being heard<br />
when the latter is unseen."<br />
Latin Curruca<br />
BLACKCAP.<br />
atricapilla. Gaelic — Cean.n-dubJt.<br />
Penddu 'r brwyn.<br />
Welsh<br />
Latin<br />
Curruca<br />
WHITE-THROAT.<br />
cinerea. Gaelic — Gcakoi-coille.<br />
gtoddfgwyn.<br />
W^clsh — Y
Latin<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 37<br />
WILLOW \VHE\.<br />
Sylvice trochilui-. Gaelic<br />
—<br />
—<br />
GOLDKN CRESTED WREN.<br />
Crionag-gliiuhhais.<br />
Latin — Reynlus cristatus. Gaelic — DreatJian-ceami-hhuidhe,<br />
Crioaag-bliu idhe, Bigein.<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
GREAT TITMOUSE.<br />
Parus major. Gaelic— Ciwrag-bhain-tij/ieania (the lady's<br />
nightcap). Welsh — Y Beuloya fwyaf.<br />
BLUE TITMOUSE.<br />
Pariis ccerideas. Gaalic — Cailleachag-cheatm-ghonn, An<br />
Snoileun (Grey). Welsh Y Lleiun.<br />
COLE, TITMOUSE, OR BLACKCAP.<br />
Parus ater. Gaelic^Smuiug, Cailleacliag-cheaiLii-duibh,<br />
Welsh— Y Benloyn lygliw.<br />
This bird got its name of " Smutag" no doubt from its habit<br />
of spitting and puffing, like an eni-aged cat, when on its nest, in a<br />
hole on a wall or tree, if disturbed.<br />
MARSH TITMOUSE.<br />
Latin — Parus pahistris. Gaelic — Ceann-duhh. Welsh — Btnloyii<br />
y cyrs.<br />
Lntin<br />
Latin<br />
Latiu<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
LOXG-TAILED TITMOUSE.<br />
Parus Condatus. Gaelic Ciochan, Ciochan-fada, Miontan.<br />
Welsh— }" Benloyn gynffonhir.<br />
Group I. Family VII. — Motacillidoe.<br />
PIED WAGTAIL.<br />
Jfotacilla Yarrellii. Gaelic Breac an, t-sil, Glaisean<br />
seilich. Welsh Brith y fyches, Tinsigl y gwys.<br />
GREY WAGTAIL.<br />
Motacilla hoarida. Gaelic Breacan-han-tighearna (spotted<br />
lady). Wehh.- Brith y fyches Iwyd.<br />
YELLOW, OR ray's WAGTAIL.<br />
Lixtin— Motacilla flava. Gaelic — Breacan-buidhe. Welsh—<br />
Brith y fyches fellen.<br />
Latin<br />
Group 1. Family VIII.—Anthidce.<br />
TREE PIPIT.<br />
Anthus a rboreus. Gaelic<br />
Piabhag-choille.
38 Gaelic Society of Inueniess.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
MEADOW PIPIT, OR HEATHER LINTIE.<br />
Anthns pratensis. Gaelic Snathay, liiabhay-inliondiiUi<br />
(Grey). Welsli Hedydd y cae.<br />
The first is the Gaelic name always given in Athole to tliis<br />
bird, and a story is told in Strathardle of an English gentleman,<br />
who had asked an old shepherd what were the commonest l)irds on<br />
his hill, getting for answer— "Needleag, whistleag, heatheraig-lien,<br />
and rashirag-horn ;" being the best English the old man could<br />
muster for snathag (heather lintie), feadag (golden })lover), ceai-cfhraoich<br />
(grouse), and adhai'can-luachrach (green plover).<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
ROCK PIPIT.<br />
Anthus petrosns. Gaelic<br />
eun (Grey).<br />
Oabhagan, Bigehi, Glas-<br />
Group II— Conirostres. Family 1.— Alandidoi.<br />
SKY-LARK, OR LAVEROCK.<br />
Latin Alaiida rp/estris. Gaelic Ciseag, Riahhag. Welsh<br />
Hedydd, Uchedydd.<br />
The Douglas said that he would rather hear the laverock sing<br />
than the mouse squeak. The old Highlanders expressed the same<br />
sentiment in their old proverb— " Cha 'n 'eil deatliach 'an tigh na<br />
h-uiseige"—T<strong>here</strong> is no smoke in the lark's house. Sheriff Nicolson<br />
says — "The bird of most aspiring and happy song has untainted<br />
air in its lowly home." As the mavis was honoured aa the prima<br />
donna of song in the woods and bushy glens, so the lark was<br />
reckoned the sweetest songster in the open moors and meadows.<br />
the bard says<br />
As<br />
Latin<br />
"Bidh uiseag air Ion<br />
Agus smeorach air geig."<br />
The lark on the meadow<br />
And the mavis on the tree.<br />
WOOD LARK.<br />
Ahinda arborea. Gaelic Uiseag-choille, liuibhoy-v/wU/e<br />
(Grey). Welsh Iledydd y coed.<br />
The wood lark is mentioned by Macintyre and amongst his<br />
other woodland birds in " Coirecheathaich "<br />
" Bha eoin an t-sleibhe 'nan ealtainn gle-ghlan,<br />
—<br />
A* gaVjhail Ijheusan air gheig sa' clioill.<br />
An uiseag cheutach, 's a luinneag fcin aico,<br />
Feadan speiseil gu reidh a' seinn :<br />
—
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
— —<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 39<br />
A chuag, 'sa smeurach, am ban- nan ogan,<br />
A' g-abhail orain gu cc-olmhor binn :<br />
'Nuair glioir an cuannal, gu loinneil guanach,<br />
'Se 's glain a clnialas am fuaim sa' ghleann."<br />
Group IT. Family II— Emberrizdce<br />
SNOW BUNTING.<br />
— Golfan-yr-eira.<br />
Fleetrop/umes nivalin. Gaelic<br />
— —<br />
—<br />
COMMON BUNTING.<br />
Eim-an-t-sneachda i. Welsh<br />
E)7iberi:a 7ni'>ari((. Gaelic Gealaq-hhuaehair, Gealaf'iijehi.<br />
Welsh By-as y ddriittan, Bras yr yd.<br />
BLACK-HEADED, OR REED BUNTING.<br />
Emheriza sckfeniclu.'t. Gaelic Gealag-dnhh-cheannach,<br />
Gealag-loui. 'Wchh—Gol/an ;/ ryr.s.<br />
YELLOW HAMMER.<br />
Emheriza citrinella. Gaelic Buidheag-bhealaidh, Buidheacj-<br />
UiKarkair, Buidhean. Welsh Llinos felen.<br />
This beautiful bird is of very evil repute in the Highlands*<br />
w<strong>here</strong> it is counted a very meritorious deed to harry its nest, from<br />
the old supei-stition that this bird is badly given to swearing ; also<br />
that it sang on Calvary during the time of the crucitixion. In<br />
the lowlands one of its country names is the yellow yeorling, and<br />
the old rhyme says—<br />
" The Brock, the Toad, and the Yellow Yeorling<br />
Get a drap o' the deil's bluid ilka May morning."<br />
So that, if it imbibes much of that blood, it will account for its<br />
swearing as well as for the evil re{)utation it has gained.<br />
Grovp II. Family III.— Frivgillido-<br />
CHAFFINCH.<br />
Latin Fringilla Ccelehs. (rAelic^Bricean-beifhe Breacan-heithe.<br />
"Welsh Asyell avian, W'itic.<br />
Alex. Macdonald in his Allt-an-t Siucair, says—<br />
Latin<br />
" Am-bricein-beithe 's lub air,<br />
'Se gleusadh luth a theud."<br />
MOUNTAIN FINCH.<br />
Frimiilla MotUifritujilla. Gaelic<br />
Wel.sh<br />
Bronrliuddyn ?/ mynydd.<br />
Lu-fun,Breirean-coarainn.
40 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
TREE SPARROW.<br />
Latin— Pas.srr Montnnns. Ga,e\ie—G'ealUionn Gealhhonn-nan-cmohh<br />
Glnss-mn. Welsh— Golfan y miimjdd.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
Latin<br />
HOUoE SPARROW.<br />
—<br />
Fasser Domesticus. Gaelic— G'edlbhonn, Sponuj. Wel-li—<br />
Aflerijn y to, (icdfan.<br />
GREKN FINCH.<br />
CoccothrausUs Chloiis. Gaelic Glaimm-dn raich<br />
Welsh— Y Geyid, Llinos werdd.<br />
HAWFINCH.<br />
Latin— Coccothranstes Vulgaris. (iaelic — Gobach. Welsh<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
— — — —<br />
—<br />
Gylsfinhraff.<br />
(JOLDFINCH.<br />
.<br />
—<br />
Cordnelin elegauf^. Gaelic Lasaii-choille, JUddliean-roilh'.<br />
Givds y Sierri.<br />
Welsh<br />
COMMON LINNET.<br />
Linota cunnabina. G-AeMc—Gealandin, GeaJan. Welsh<br />
Lli7ios.<br />
COMMON REDPOLE.<br />
Linota linaria. Gaelic Deargan-seilirh, Ceann-dearijan.<br />
Weliili— Llinos beufjoch leiaf.<br />
MOU.NTAIN LINNET.<br />
Latin — Linota Montium. Gaelic — Riabhag-mhonaidh, Riabhag-<br />
fhraoich, Bigean-bain-figheania (Uist). Welsh<br />
BULLFINCH.<br />
—<br />
IJinos pjnydd.<br />
\jsX\\\—Pyrrhida mdgaris. Gaelic Corran-coille, Deargan-fhraoich.<br />
Welsh^y C/uvybanydd, Rhaivn gorh.<br />
Latin<br />
PINE GKOSJ-.EAK.<br />
Pyrrknid caiicleator. Gaelic<br />
Cutig, Luir jdyli.<br />
Of this bird Logan says— " The Cnag, or Lair High, a bird<br />
like a parrot, whicli digs its nest with its beak in the trunks of<br />
trees, is thought peculiar to the county of Sutherland."<br />
Latin<br />
COMMON CROSSBILL.<br />
Jjorin ('urtiroKtra. Gaelic C
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 41<br />
G'rnuj) II. Familif IV.—Sturnidce.<br />
STARLING.<br />
Latin— 67«?7i«.
42 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Blacker than the raven his hair,<br />
Redder than calf's blood his cheek,<br />
Softer tlian the froth on the stream,<br />
Whiter than snow the body of Fraoch.<br />
—<br />
Though seldom mentioned in the poetry, t<strong>here</strong> is no other bird I<br />
know of so often mentioned in the proverbs of the Gael, generally<br />
not to its credit, though all showing an intimate knowledge of the<br />
nature and habits of the raven. Alluding to the ravages it commits<br />
amongst lambs, the old nursery rhyme, imitating the croak<br />
of the raven, says— " Gi'oc, groc', ars am litheach, 'se mo mhac-sa<br />
chrimeas na h-uain"—Groc, groc, says the raven, it is my son that<br />
will pick the lambs' bones. From its being a great glutton, whit-li<br />
often leads it into danger, we have— " Meallaidh am biadh am<br />
fitheach blio'n cliraoibh"—Food will lure the raven from the tree;<br />
and from its so quickly finding out any carrion or carcase we have<br />
" Fios tithicli gu ruic"—The raven's boding of a feast. And also<br />
" Cruinnichidh na tithich far am bi a chaii-bh"—W<strong>here</strong> the carcase<br />
is the ravens will gather. We cannot l)lame it for this, as we have<br />
it on the high authority of the Bible that the eagle, the king of<br />
l)irds, does the same— " W<strong>here</strong>soever the carcase is, t<strong>here</strong> will tlie<br />
eagles be gat<strong>here</strong>d togetlier"—Matthew xxiv. 28. From its wellknown<br />
habit of always attacking the eyes of an animal first, we<br />
have— " Am fitheach a dh' eireas moch, 's ann leis a bhios suil a'<br />
bheothaich a tha 's a' ph6H" —The raven that rises early gets the<br />
eye of the beast in the bog. So very fond is the raven of the eye<br />
of an animal that it wont even share that tit-bit with its own<br />
young, so the old saying is— " Cha toir am fitheach an t-suil dlia<br />
'isean fhoin"— The raven wont give the eye to his own chicken.<br />
When a raven liajjpened to perch on a house-top, or on a tree neaia<br />
house, it was sui)posed to portend death to one of the inmates,<br />
which explains the old saying— " Fitheach dubh air an tigh, fios<br />
gu nighean an dathadair"—A black raveji on the roof, a warning<br />
to the dyer's daugliters. This dyer's daughter was a famous Athole<br />
witch, who lived to an extreme old age, and when she was dying an<br />
old i-aven came andi)erched on the t(»pof the house, and croaked tlien;<br />
till she died, and vv;is suppo.sed to have been the messenger sent to<br />
claim her by the Evil One, to whom she had sold herself nearly a<br />
century before. If the old witch and her master were the company<br />
the raven kept, no wonder though another old Gaelic proverb says--<br />
"Ma s olc amfitheach, cha'nfliearrachomunn"—If badbetheraven,<br />
his company is no lietter. Another common old saying is— "Tlia<br />
fios fithich agad"— You liave a raven's knowledge. Of this Sheriti'
—<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 43<br />
Nicolson says— " Tliat is, knowledge more than is natural. The<br />
raven was believed to possess supernatural knowledge, and of<br />
coming events in particular. This was also the Norse belief. Odin<br />
was said to have two ravens which connnunicated everything to<br />
him." T<strong>here</strong> was also an old Highland su})erstition that the<br />
young ravens killed the old ones, which is the origin of one of the<br />
Ijitterest wishes or curses in the
44 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Havinc; given so many old sayings unfavourable to the raven, I<br />
think I must in justice now give other two more favourable ones,<br />
which say, " Feumaidh na fithich fhein a bhi beo"—The ravens<br />
themselves must live; and, " Ge dubh am litheach, is geal leis<br />
'isean"— Black as is the raven, he thinks his chickens white.<br />
Here, of course, the white raven's chicken is used figuratively,<br />
but as the old saying holds good that " truth is stranger than<br />
fiction," so we have even pure white ravens in the flesh, as will be<br />
seen from the following quotation from Grey's Birds of the West<br />
of Scotland :— " In Macgillivray's work on British Birds, it is<br />
stated that as many as two hundred ravens have been known to<br />
assemble in a flock on the Island of Pabby, in the Sound of Harris,<br />
a large herd of grampuses which was driven ashore t<strong>here</strong> ha^ing<br />
been the means of attracting them. Afraid of their jtrolonged<br />
stay, and not liking the company of so many birds of evil repute,<br />
the inhabitants resorted to the extraordinary expedient of capturing<br />
a few and plucking off all their feathers, except those of the<br />
wings and tail, in which plight they were set adrift as scare crows.<br />
The main flock then left in a fright and did not return. In this<br />
unusual congregation of ravens, an albino (or pure white one) was<br />
observed, and a pied specimen was noticed some time afterwards<br />
in Harris by Macgillivray. . . . These pied birds have been<br />
observed of late years in one or two of the Outer Hebrides." This<br />
mention of a white and pied raven reminds me of a story common<br />
in Strathardle, of a farmer who had a sheplierd, who thought the<br />
only way to gain favour with his master was to say with him in<br />
everything right or wrong, a practice, I am sorry to say, far too<br />
common. However, after a time the farmer began to have his<br />
.suspicions that the constant backing up of his opinions and sayings<br />
was not genuine, so to try the truth of them, he one day, on his<br />
return from the hill, said to the shepherd, " Chunna mi fitheach<br />
geal, am braighe a mhonaidh n' duigh"'— I saw a white raven today<br />
on the top of the hill. Now, this was a staggei-er, for even<br />
the obsequiousness of the shepherd, who, afraid to go quite that<br />
length, yet still true to his nature, answered, " Creididh mi sin,<br />
oir chunna mi fear bieac n' de ann !"—I can well believe that, for<br />
1 saw a spreckled one thei-e myself yesterday —an answer which<br />
soon convinced the farmer liow far his servant could be relied<br />
upon The raven is the first bird to breed in the Highlands,<br />
which was noticed and put iiito rhyme by our ancestors, like so<br />
much else of their knowledge, as being more easily remembered :<br />
" Nead air Brighde, ubh air Inid, ian air Cliaisg ;<br />
Mar bi sin aig an fhitheach, bithidh am bas."<br />
—
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. to<br />
Nest on Ciindlemas, egg at Shrove-tide, bird at Easter ;<br />
If the raven have them not, death then is liis lot.<br />
Anotlier old pi'overb about the raven's nest says— " Oiod a b'^ill<br />
loat fliaighinn 'an nead an fhithich ach am fitheach fein f—Wliat<br />
\vould you ox])ect to find in the raven's nest but tlie raven itself.<br />
The well-known f-rest of the INIacdonells of Glengarry is a raven<br />
})erched upon a rock, and the slogan or war-cry of that gallant<br />
CARRION CROW.<br />
Latin Covvks rorone. Gaelic — Feannag. Cnaimheach ;<br />
(jarrac/i—t\ie young. Welsh—Brdn di/ddi/n.<br />
Garrarj^<br />
A good friend of mine in Galloway, when questioned lately<br />
al)i)ut his religion, defined it— "That he aye tried to do as little<br />
ill and as muckle guid as he could," but I am afraid the conduct<br />
of the carrion crow is just the very rererse, as he seems "aye to do<br />
as muckle ill and as little guid as he can ;" an opinion in which<br />
Grey agrees with me, as he says, in his Birds of the West of Scotland—<br />
" On one occasion, when walking along the banks of Loch-<br />
Eck, in Argyllshire, I observed a small party of carrion crows in<br />
a rye-grass held, busily engaged in catching moths as they clung<br />
to the stems of grass. The birds drew up their bodies, md<br />
appeared as if wading at some disadvantage, the tall grass obliging<br />
them to jump occasionally off the ground to reach their prey.<br />
This is the only instance I can recollect in which it can be said<br />
that their rej)ast Avas not a work of mischief." The only redeeming<br />
trait in this bird's character is the extreme care it takes of its<br />
j'oung, and its untiring exertions in feeding them, a fact taken<br />
notice of and expressed by our ancestors in the old sayings :<br />
" Is toigh leis an fheannaig a h-isean garrach gorm " — the crow<br />
likes her greedy blue cliick ; and " Is l)oidheach leis an fheannaig<br />
a gorm garrach fhein"— the crow thinks her own blue chick a<br />
beaiity. We have also two other old sayings imitating the cry of<br />
the crow :— " Fag, fag ! thuirt an flieannaig, 's i mo nighea}! a<br />
gharrag dhonn " — go, go ! said<br />
the crow, that brown chick is my<br />
child ; " ' Gorach, gorach', ars an fheannag, ' 's e mo mhac-s' an<br />
garrach gorm ' " — gorach, gorach, said the crow, it is my son that<br />
is the blue chick. Other the old pi'overbs referring to the crow<br />
are :— " An taobh a theid an fheannag, bheir i 'feaman leatha "<br />
W<strong>here</strong>ver the crew goes, she takes her tail with her ; and "Is<br />
dithis dhuinn sin, mar thuirt an fheannag ri 'casan'—That's a<br />
pair, as tlie crow said to her feet.<br />
—
46 Gaelic Society of fnueniess.<br />
HOODED CROW.<br />
hatin—Corvus comix. GSieMc-- Feannaij-ffhlas, Garrar/-g/das, Garrachi/oioitj,<br />
Starracj-young, in Harris. Welsh Bran yr Jwerddon.<br />
Bad as the character of the carrion crow is, I am afraid that<br />
t\vi hoodie is worse, as will be seen from the following quotation<br />
from Cxrey— '-The hoodie has got a terrible name, and his best<br />
friend could hardly say one good word in his favour, supposing<br />
he ever had such a thing as a friend, which is improbable. A<br />
greedy, cowardly, destructive creature, his appearance is ugly,<br />
and his voice hateful. But though no doiibt ready enough to<br />
commit any villainy against eggs, young game, chickens, ajui even<br />
young lambs, yet in these wild districts w<strong>here</strong> t<strong>here</strong> is not much<br />
game to injure, he subsists almo.st entirely on the bountiful provision<br />
afforded by the receding tide, and upon this multiplies exceedingly."<br />
A well-known habit of the hoodie is that, when it<br />
gets a crab or shell-fish with too strong a shell to break with its<br />
bill, it carries it high up in the air and lets it f;ill on the rock to<br />
break it, and, if it does not succeed in the first attempt, it goes<br />
much higher the second time. T<strong>here</strong> is a very old Gaelic proverb<br />
common in AthoU—Clia tig olc a teine, ach ubli na glas fheannaig.<br />
—Nothing evil will come out of the fire but the grey crow's egg.<br />
Sherift' Nicolson explains— "T<strong>here</strong> is a strange story in Rannoch<br />
al>out the great wizard, Michael Scott, to account for this saying.<br />
It is said that, fearing his wife, to whom he had taught the<br />
Black Art, would excel him in it, he killed her by means of<br />
hoodie crows' eggs, heated in the fire and put into her arm-))its,<br />
as the only thing against which no counter charm could i)revail!"<br />
So commom and ?o destructive weie the hoodies at one time in<br />
the North that they gave rise to the old Morayshire proverb<br />
"The Guil, the Gordon, and the Hooded Craw<br />
Were the three worst things Moray ever saw."<br />
The gide is well-known weed, even yet too common amongst gi'owing<br />
crops, but at one time so very abundant that most tenants<br />
were bound by their leases to eradicate it. The Gordon was the<br />
famous Lord Lewis Gordon, who so often plundered Moray, and<br />
whose (xami)le seems to have been followed with a vengeance by<br />
the hoodie crow.<br />
liOOK.<br />
Latin - To/ (v/.s- friniHeiinx. Gaelic — Ronm, Cmimliach, darraq<br />
(Atiiolc). \\Q\A\-~-Ydfran.<br />
Clio (raidhealach ris na garragan — as Highlanil as tin- rooks^<br />
is a very (.•umiiiou saying in Atliolc, w<strong>here</strong>*, from the wooded<br />
—<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 47<br />
nature of the country, rooks ha\e always been very common,<br />
though never great favourites, for though such familiar neighbours<br />
in tlie every day life of the Gael, yet we very seldom tind the rook<br />
mentioned, either in their proverbs or poetry, excepting when<br />
some disagreeable noise is likened to their noisy cawing in their<br />
rookeries—as, for instance, when the bard Mac Codrum, disgusted<br />
with the bad pipe music of Donald Bane, likens it to the cawing<br />
of rooks.<br />
—<br />
" Ceol tha cho sgreataidh<br />
Ri sgreadail nan ruciis."<br />
In m;iny parts of the Higliiands, especially in Easter Ross, rooks<br />
have become so numerous that measures have been taken to reduce<br />
their numbers. However, rooks have been long accustomed to<br />
persecution, and it does not seem to affect their numbers much.<br />
As early as May 1424, we tind an Act of the Scots Parliament<br />
against " Ruikes biggan in trees"; and again in March 1457,<br />
James II. passed the following strict Act against looks and<br />
"uther foules of riefe":— "Anent ruikes, crawes, and uther foules<br />
of reife, as eirnes, bisseites, gleddes, mittales, the quhilk destroyis<br />
baith cornes, and wild foules, sik as pertrickes, plovares, and<br />
utheris. And as to the ruikes and crawes, biggand in orchards,<br />
trees and uther i)laces : It is seen speedeful that they that sik<br />
trees perteinis to, let tliem to big and destroy them Avith all their<br />
])0wer, and in no waies that their birdes flee awaie. And qiihair<br />
it is tainted that they big and their birdes flee, fmd the nest be<br />
iounden in the trees at Beltane: the tree shall be faulted to the<br />
King: bot gif they be redeemed fra him be them that they<br />
perteined fir.st, and five shillinges to the King's unlaw\ And that<br />
the said foules of reife all utterly be destroyed be all maner of<br />
men, be all ingine of all maner of crafts that may be founden.<br />
For the slaughter of them sail cause great multitudes of divers<br />
kinds of wilde foules for man's sustentation." Grey quotes the<br />
following original plan for catching rooks, from a curious old<br />
work called the " Gentleman's Recreation," published in 1678<br />
"How to take rooks when they ])ull up tlie corn by the roots.<br />
Take some thick brown paper and divide a sheet into eight parts,<br />
and make them up like sugar loaves ; then lime the inside of the<br />
paper a very little (let them be limed three or four days before<br />
you set them); then put some corn in them, and lay three-score of<br />
them or more up and down the ground ; lay them as near as you<br />
can under some clod of earth, and early in the morning before<br />
they come to fted, and tlien stand at a distance and vou will see<br />
—
—<br />
—<br />
is Gaelic Socifty of Inverness.<br />
most excel Ituit spurt, for as soon as i-ooks, crows, or pigeons come<br />
to ])ick out any of the corn, it will liang upon its head, and he<br />
will immediately fly, bolt upright .so high, that lie shall soar<br />
almost out of sight, and when he is sjjent, come tumbling down<br />
as if he had been sliot in the air."<br />
JACKDAWS.<br />
Latin Corvas f/fadurius. (Gaelic<br />
fkiach (Alex. Macdonakl), Corrachan (lona and >iull). Wel.'jh<br />
—<br />
Cat/iuij, t'tit/i'i
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 49<br />
being qiiite perffot, rxrc sometinips likened in our old songs and<br />
proverbs to magpies. For instance, Duncan Lothian, the Glenlyon<br />
bard, in his proverbs in verse, likens a young woman who,<br />
though she had gi-eat Bocks and wealth, was so headstrong that her<br />
husband had no peace with her, to a magpie<br />
" Pigheid chaileig air bheag ceill,<br />
Ged robh feudail aic 'us stor,<br />
Cha'n fhaod a fear a bhi sona,<br />
—<br />
j\Ia bhios i gnogach anns an t-sroin."<br />
An old IStrathardle saying, not very complimentary to either party,<br />
used sometimes when an old bachelor from that strath takes a wife<br />
from the Vale of Athole, goes<br />
" Cuiribh bonaid air bioran,<br />
'S gheibh e pioghaid a Adholl."<br />
Put a bonnet on a stick.<br />
And it will get a magpie (wife) from Athole.<br />
One of the old prophecies of Coinnich Odhar, the Brahan Seer, was<br />
that— '' When a magpie shall have made a nest for three successive<br />
years in the gable of the church of Ferrintosh, the church will fall<br />
when full of people." Regarding this, we read in the prophecies<br />
of the Brahan Seer— " T<strong>here</strong> were circumstances connected with<br />
tlie church of Ferrintosh in the time of the famous E.ev. Dr Macdonald,<br />
the Apostle of the North, which seemed to indicate the<br />
beginning of the fulfilment of the prophecy, and which led to very<br />
alarming consequences. A magpie actually did make her nest in<br />
the gable of the church, exactly as foretold. This, together with<br />
a rent between the church wall and the stone stair which led up<br />
to the gallery, seemed to favour the opinion that the prophecy was<br />
on the eve of being accomplished, and people felt uneasy when<br />
they glanced at the ominous nest, the rent in the wall, and the<br />
crowded congregation, and remembered Coinneach's prophecy, as<br />
they walked into the church to hear the Doctor. It so happened<br />
one day that the church was unusually full of people, insomuch<br />
that it was found necessary to connect the ends of the seats with<br />
planks in order to accommodate them all. Unfortunately, one of<br />
tiio.se temporary seats was either too weak or too heavily burdened;<br />
it snapped in two with a loud report, and startled the audience.<br />
Coinneach Odhar's prophecy flashed across their minds, and a<br />
simultaneous rush was made by the panic-struck congregation to<br />
tlie door. Many fell and were trampled under foot, while others<br />
fainted, being seriously crushed and bruised."<br />
4
50 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
Garrulns qlandanus. Gaelic Sgraicheag, Sgraichaq choiUe.<br />
Welsh Screch y coed.<br />
Group III.— Scaiisores. FamUy I.— Picida'.<br />
GREEN WOOD-PECKER.<br />
Picas viridis. Gaelic Lasair-choile (Lightfoot). Welsh<br />
CnoceU y coed, Delor y deriv.<br />
This beautiful bird, now very rare, if not extinct, in the<br />
Highlands, seems to have been quite common in olden times.<br />
Pennant mentions it in 1777. Lightfoot gives its Gaelic name in<br />
1772. It is mentioned as a common bird in Dunkeld parish in<br />
the Old Statistical Account in 1798, also in Don's Fauna of Forfar-<br />
shii-e, 18<strong>12</strong>. This is an example, like the nightingale and several<br />
others, of how some birds, without any known cause or reason,<br />
have left Scotland entirely, or else become very rare, within the<br />
last fifty years, while many others seem to be getting much more<br />
common.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
GREAT SPOTTED WOODPECKER.<br />
Piciis Major. Gaelic Smigan-daraich (Grey), Snagan-mor,<br />
Snag (Alexander Macdf)uald). Welsh Delor fraith.<br />
WRYNECK.<br />
Latin YunxtorquiUa. Gaelic Geocair, GUle-nn-cahhaig. Welsh—<br />
Gwas y gog, Givddfdro<br />
Very curiously I tind that in most countries tliis bird is<br />
reckoned the cuckoo's forerunner, or attendant, and so gets that<br />
name in most languages.<br />
In English Cuckoo's vuite. Gaelic GiUe-nn-cuhhaig. Welsh —<br />
Gwas y gog. Swedish Gjol-fi/ta, dr.<br />
In the Highlands we have the old nursery rhyme —<br />
Le theanga fad biorach<br />
Thug Gille-na-cubhaig, smugaid na cubhaig,<br />
A beul na cubhaig, gu brog-na-cubhaig.<br />
With his long sharp tongue.<br />
The cuckoo's attendant carried the cuckoo's spittle<br />
From the cuckoo's mouth to the cuckoo's shoe.<br />
The wryneck has an extremely long tongue, which it can ilart out<br />
to a great length to catch an ant or insect, and it was supposed to<br />
carry the " cuckoo's spittle," tlie well-known white frothy substance<br />
so often seen on plants, and to deposit it on the "cuckoo's<br />
—<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 51<br />
shoe," wliich is one of tlie names by which the corn-cockle, the<br />
cowslip, and tht- wild liyaeinth are known in Gaelic. li'tlu; wryneck<br />
had anytliinj; at all to do with the cuckoo's spittle, 1 should<br />
say it would be to dart its long tongue into it for the sake of the<br />
insect always to be found in it.<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
—<br />
Famihf II.— Cert/nache.<br />
Certhio /(imiliaris. Gaelic Snaicfear, Meanylau, Streajiach.<br />
Welsh— }' Gt epianog.<br />
WREN.<br />
Trogtodytes vulgaris. Gaelic<br />
Dreollan. Welsh<br />
DreatJmn, Dreatlum-donn,<br />
Dryiv.<br />
The lively little wren— "An dreathan surdail"—with its<br />
brisk, active, and sweet song, which it pours out even in winter,<br />
was a great favourite with our ancestors, and is very often mentioned<br />
in our poetry and ])roverbs. T)i fact, our best Gaelic bards<br />
s(;emed to think no picture of lural scenery complete unless this<br />
restless little songster figured in it. Macintyre, in his " Coire-<br />
Cheathaich," says<br />
" An dreathan surdail, 's a ribheid chiuil aige,<br />
A' cur nan smuid dheth gu lughor binn."<br />
And the lively wren, with his tuneful reed.<br />
Discourses music so soft and sweet.<br />
And in his " Oran-an-t-t Samhraidh," or " Song of Hummer "<br />
" San dreathan a' gleusadh sheannsairean<br />
Air a' glieig is aird a mhothaicheas e."<br />
And the wren then tunes his chanter<br />
And sings on some high bough.<br />
Alexander Macdonald mentions him in his " Allt-an-t-Suicair ;<br />
also says in his " Song of Summer "<br />
•' Bidh an dreathan gu bailceant ;<br />
Foirmeil, tailcearra, bagant',<br />
Sior-chur failt' air a' mhadainn,<br />
Le rifeid mhaisich, bhuig, bhinn."<br />
And the little wren is ready<br />
The morning light to greet,<br />
So cheerfully and gladly,<br />
AN'itii his re(;d so soft and sweet.<br />
—<br />
'
—<br />
52 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Again in his *' Allt-an-t-Siucair " the same bard says —<br />
" An dreathan-donn gu surdail,<br />
'Sa rifeid chiuil 'n bheul."<br />
And the wren t<strong>here</strong> sings so briskly<br />
With his musical reed in tune.<br />
Now let me draw attention to the curious fact that, in those four<br />
quotations from the masterpieces of our two best modern Gaelic<br />
bards, the song of the wren is always likened to pipe music or the<br />
sound of the chanter reed, and certainly t<strong>here</strong> is nothing to which<br />
I can compare the rapid wai-bling song of this bird so much as to<br />
the quick running notes in the crunluath of a piobaireachd<br />
when played on the small chanter. Alexander M 'Donald,<br />
in his " Failte na Morthir," also mentions the wren by its other<br />
name<br />
" Chiteadh Robin 'seinn a's sog air,<br />
Agus frog air dreollan."<br />
Though so much admired as a songster, and sj often mentioned in<br />
our poetry, yet when we turn to our proverbs, we find that they,<br />
in a good humoured, bantering sort of way, generally make fun oi<br />
the consequential little wren. For instance, we have— " Is bigid<br />
e sid, is bigid e sid, mar thuirt an dreathan, an uair a thug e Ian<br />
a ghuib as a mhuir" — 'Tis the less for that, the less for that, as the<br />
wren said when it sipped a bill-full out of the sea. Seemingly, the<br />
wren repented of the damage done to the sea, and hastened to<br />
repair it. As another proverb says— "Is moid i sid, is moid i sid,<br />
mu'n dubhairt an dreathan-donn, 'n uair a rinn e dhileag 's a mhuir<br />
mhoir"— It's the bigger of that, the bigger of that, as the wren<br />
said when it added a drop to the sea. Small things and smallminded<br />
men are generally compared to the wren, as when one<br />
receives a paltry gift he says—Oha d' thainig ubli mor riamh bho<br />
'n dreathan-donn— Large egg never came from the wren. And<br />
when a small man tries to make himself very big, the saying is<br />
applied— Is farsuinn a sgaoileas an dreathan a chasan 'n a thigh<br />
fh6in—The wren spreads his feet wide in his own house. Sherifl"<br />
Nicolson says— "T<strong>here</strong> is something felicitous in the idea of a<br />
wren spreading his legs like a potentate at his own hearth."<br />
Another old saying has it—Is farsuinn tigh an dreathainn—Wide<br />
is the wren's house. Alluding to the great number of the wren's<br />
young, we have—(led 's beag an dreatlian, 's mor a theaghlach -<br />
Though little is tlie wren, yet big is the family.
—<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 53<br />
HOOPOE.<br />
\/d['\n r/mjHi e/)oj)s. Gaelic Calmnn-cathaiche (Alex. Macdonald).<br />
Welsh— F iioppofj.<br />
Au old saving, which Sheriff Nicolson .says is applied to sick<br />
children, goes—Gob a' chalmain-chathaidh, hith tu slan mu 'm<br />
pus thu— B«,'ak of hoopoe, you'll be well before you marry.<br />
NUT-HATCH.<br />
Latin— .S'iV/(f Europaa. GsidXic—Sgoltan. Welsh—2)f/o/- y enan.<br />
This is mentioned as one of the rarer birds in the parish of<br />
Killin in the New Statistical Account in 1843. It would be<br />
interesting to know whether it has increased or decreased t<strong>here</strong><br />
since then.<br />
CUCKOO.<br />
Latin Cvndus canorus. Gaelic Cuthaq, Cuach^ Ciiacha
54 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
—<br />
"Thig a' chuthag sa' mhios Cheitein oirnn."<br />
And the cuckoo will come iu tlie month of May.<br />
A very common superstition in the Highlands was, that it was<br />
very unlucky to hear the cuckoo, for the first time in the season,<br />
before breakfast or while fasting, whence the old rhyme<br />
"Chuala mi 'chubhag gun bhiadli 'am blu-oinn.<br />
Ohunnaic mi'n seaiTach 's a chulaobh riura,<br />
Chunnaic mi'n t-seilcheag air an lie luim,<br />
'S dh'aithnich mi uach i-achadh a' bhliadhn'ud leam."<br />
I heard the cuckoo while fasting,<br />
I saw the foal with its back to me,<br />
I saw the snail on the flag-stone bare,<br />
And I knew the year would be bad for me.<br />
On the 1st April, All Fools' Day, when any one is sent on a fool's<br />
errand, it is in Gaelic—A chuir a ruith na cubhaig—sending him<br />
to chase the cuckoo—because, of course, t<strong>here</strong> are no cuckoos on<br />
that early date ; and in broad Scotch it is—to hunt the gowk,<br />
the word gowk being merely a corruption of the Gaelic cubhag,<br />
the pronunciation of both words being almost identical. And in<br />
some other languages the name of the cuckoo is even nearer to the<br />
Scotch word gowk—as in Swedish, gjok ; and in Danish, gouk.<br />
So that the Scotch gowk, though originally only ajjplicd to the<br />
1st of April cuckoo-hunting fool, is now applied to any fool during<br />
any of the other 3G4 days of the year. If we can rely u[)oii<br />
Pennant, time was when even a fool might hunt up a cuckoo on<br />
1st April or before, as he says—<br />
" I have two evidences of their<br />
being heard as early as February : one was in the latter end of<br />
that month, 1771, the other on the -Ith February 17G9 : the<br />
weather in the last Avas unconnnonly warm.'" Truly, these were<br />
the good old days, especially for the cuckoos. Alex. Macdonald<br />
generally in his poems calls it the blue-backed cuckoo<br />
And<br />
'S goic-mhoit aii- cuthaig chiil-ghuirm,<br />
'S gug-gug aic' ail- a' gheig.<br />
Cuthag chul-ghorm cur na'n smuid d' i<br />
Ann an duslainn challtainn.<br />
Another Gaelic bard, William Ross, in a well-known song, makes<br />
a pathetic appeal to the cuckoo to sympathise with him in his<br />
giief<br />
—
—<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 55<br />
••A cliuiuliag nan oraobh nacli truagh leat mo chaoidh<br />
'8 mi a g' osiiaich ri oidhclie ceodhair."<br />
O cuckoo oil the tree, won't you lament with me,<br />
And join in my giief, on a misty eve.<br />
And in another okl song we have a mountain dairymaid likened to<br />
the cuckoo of the w-ildeniess<br />
"A bhanarach dhonn a' chruidh,<br />
Chaoin a' chruidh, dhonn a chruidli<br />
Cailin deas, donn a chruidh<br />
Cuachag an fhasaich."<br />
Group IV.— Fissirostres. Famiiy I.—Meropidoi.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
ROLLKR.<br />
Caracias i/arrnla. Gaelic<br />
— —<br />
Family IL—Halcyonidie.<br />
KING-FISHER.<br />
Cuairsgean.<br />
Latin A Iccdo ispulu. Gaelic Biorra-cruidtin, Biona-an-t-iasgair<br />
(Alex. Macdonald), Gobhachan-iiisge {Alex. Macdonald). Welsh—<br />
56 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
ALPINE SWIFT.<br />
Cypselus alpimt!^. Gaelic (jobhlan-monaidh, Ainlewj-mhonaidh,<br />
(rob/ila)i-nan-cre((ff.<br />
This is a very rare bird. The Rev. J. E. Atkinson, in his<br />
" British Birds' Eggs and Nests," says— " A bird which is known<br />
to have visited us (in Britain) on some half-dozen occasions or<br />
so." However, I am inclined to believe that, in several parts of<br />
the Highlands, the Alpine Swift is to be found, though mistaken<br />
for the common swift. I know a very high precipice amongst the<br />
rocks of Strathardle, about 1400 feet above sea level, in which, in<br />
a crack or rent in the face of the clifi', the Alpine Swift has bred,<br />
and never missed a single season, from my earliest remembrance<br />
u]j till I left the district a few years ago, and I have no doubt<br />
they breed t<strong>here</strong> still. My uncle has told me that, when he was a<br />
boy, over fifty years ago, they bred t<strong>here</strong> then, and had been t<strong>here</strong><br />
from time immemorial. I do not wish to give the exact locality,<br />
for if I did, collectors would very likely have them shot this very<br />
season, and exterminate them, like so many more of our rarer biixls<br />
and even wild flowei-s, when their few habitats become known to<br />
the public. The common swift generally lays two eggs, but sometimes<br />
three or four. How many the Alpine Swdf t lays I do not<br />
know ; however, it must either lay a large nnmber, or else t<strong>here</strong><br />
must have been several pairs nesting together in the crack in the<br />
rock to which I refer, for T have lain for hours watching them,<br />
after the young ones had flown, in a flock of twelve or sixteen,<br />
flying about high in the air, and then all darting down suddenly<br />
into the crack in the rock, in which they held a chattering,<br />
screeching conceii; for a minute or so, and then all poui'ing out in<br />
a ton-ent quicker than the eye could almost follow them, screeching<br />
very loudly, and, after a while circling about, repeating the<br />
same performance again and again. I could not be mistaken about<br />
this being the Alpine Swift, as its white belly at once distinguishes<br />
it from the common swift. Old and young keep together in a flock<br />
till they leave the country early in August. I have never seen<br />
them anyw<strong>here</strong> else.<br />
Latin<br />
NIGHT-JAR OR GOAT-SUCKER.<br />
Caprimulcius Europaus. Gaelic Sgraichu(/-oidhche, Seobhagoidhche.<br />
(Grey.) \NQhh—Aderyn'ydroeU. Rhodivr.<br />
Order III.— Rasores. Family I.— Columbidce..<br />
RING-DOVE OR WOOL) PIGEON.<br />
Latin C >lumbnpalumbus. Gaelic Ciflman-failhaich, Calman-coUle-<br />
Fearan, Srmidan, Buradan, Guragug. Welsh Ys-guthan.<br />
—<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 57<br />
We lia\e in Ci;iolic, as will be seen l)y several examples T have<br />
already given, many old nursery rhymes which cleverl}' imitate the<br />
cry of the different birds. That about the ring-dove closely<br />
imitates its cooing— Cha 'n ann de mo chuideachd thii, cha 'n ann<br />
de mo chuideachd thu, ars an caiman—You are not of my flock,<br />
you arc not of my flock, said the pigeon.<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
Columbn wtuis. Gaelic<br />
Columba livUia. Gaelic<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
STOCK-DOVE.<br />
KOCK DOVE.<br />
Calman-fiadhaich, Cahnnn-gorm.<br />
Smudan, Suiud, Calman-nan-creag,<br />
Calman-mara.<br />
A very common bird in the Hebrides and all along the West<br />
Coast. Grey says, in his " Birds of the West of Scotland"— " In<br />
lona alone, though only a small island, we have as many as nine<br />
or ten caves frequented by pigeons, and in nearly every island of<br />
the Helirides t<strong>here</strong> is sure to be one called, 2^(^'''>' excellence, Uamh<br />
nan Caiman—The Pigeons' Cave."<br />
TUETLE-DOVE.<br />
Latin Columba tutsur. Gaelic Tnrtur (Alexander Macdonald),<br />
Gearrcach. Welsh Colommen fair.<br />
The hist Gaelic name I find given in the vocabujaiy of words<br />
not in common use given at the end of Kirk's Testament, published<br />
in 1690.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
Family II.— Phasianidos.<br />
PHEASANT.<br />
Phasianm Colchicns. Gaelic<br />
—<br />
Easag.<br />
Though not a native British bird, the pheasant has been long<br />
establi.shed amongst us in the wooded straths of the Highlands.<br />
Giey says— " The first mention of the pheasant in old Scots Acts<br />
is in one dated June 8th, 1594, in which year a keen sportsman<br />
occupied the Scottish throne (James VI.) He might also have<br />
been called ' James the Protector' of all kinds of game. In the<br />
aforesaid year he ordained that quhatsumever person or persones<br />
at ony time <strong>here</strong>after sail happen to slay deir, haits, phesants,<br />
foulls, 1 artricks, or uther wyld foule quhatsumever, ather with<br />
gun, croce bow, dagges, halkes, or girnes, or be uther ingine quhatsumever,<br />
or that he is found schutting with any gun t<strong>here</strong>in/ &c<br />
shall pay the usual ' hundreth punds,'
—<br />
58 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
—<br />
Family III.— Tetraonid(je.<br />
CAPERCAILLIE, OK COCK OF THE WOOD.<br />
Latin Tetrno urogallus. Gaelic Caper-coille, Ca/inl-coille (Lightfoot),<br />
Auer-coille (Pennant). Welsh Ceilioij coed.<br />
The Cock of the Wood, the king of British game birds, is a<br />
native of the Highlands, and of old was very common t<strong>here</strong>, but<br />
it became extinct, about 176U until it was introduced again from<br />
Norway by the late Marquis of Breadalbane, about thirty years<br />
ago. It is mentioned by Giraldus Cambrensis, Boethius, Bisliop<br />
Lesly, Pennant, and many other old writers. Pennant says—<br />
" This species is found in no other part of Great Britain than the<br />
Highlands of Scotland, north of Inverness ; and is very rare even<br />
in those parts. It is t<strong>here</strong> known by the name of Capercalze.<br />
Auer-calze, and in the old law books Caperkally.<br />
I have seen one specimen at Inverness, a male, killed in the woods<br />
of Mr Chisholme, north of that place." In the Old Statistical<br />
Account the Rev. John Grant says, in 1794— "The last seen in<br />
Scotland was in the woods of Strathglass about 32 years ago."<br />
And in the account of the parish of Kiltarlity we read— "The<br />
Caperkally, or king of the wood, said to be a species of wild<br />
turkey, was formerly a native of this parish, and bred in the woods<br />
of Strathglass ; one of these birds was killed about 50 or 60 years<br />
ago in the church-yard of Kiltarlity." It is also mentioned in the<br />
Statistical Accounts of Glen-Urquhart and Glenmoriston. Having<br />
been reintroduced first into Perthshire, the capercaillie is now<br />
naturally very common t<strong>here</strong>, and that it was also so in olden<br />
times will be seen from the following letter of King James VI.,<br />
after he had become James I. of Britain and gone to England,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> he seems to have "hungered after the llesh-pots "of Egypt"<br />
in the .shape of capercaillie (though to our modern tastes it would<br />
be the last game flesh likely to be hungered after, owing to its<br />
strong flavour of tir, consequent on its living almost entirely on<br />
the young shoots of that tree), as lie wrote to the Earl of Tullibardine,<br />
ancestor of the Duke of Athole, in 1617 :<br />
" James R,— Right trustie and right well-beloved cosen and<br />
counseller, we greet you well. Albeit our knowledge of your<br />
dutiful affection to the good of our service and your country's<br />
credit docth sufficientlie persuade us that you will earnestlie<br />
endeavour yourself to express the same be all the means in your<br />
power ; yet t<strong>here</strong> being some things in that behalf requisite, which<br />
.seem, notwithstanding, of so meane moment, as in that regard<br />
both you and others might neglect the same if our love and care<br />
—<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 59<br />
of that, our iiativo kingdoui, made us not tlio inoro to trio their<br />
nature ami necessity, and accordingly to give order for preparation<br />
of everything that may, in any part, import the honour and credit<br />
t<strong>here</strong>of. Which consideration, and the htowti. commoditie yee have<br />
to provide capercaillies and, termiyantes, have moved us very<br />
earnestly to request you to employ both your oune pains and the<br />
travelles of your friendis, for provision of each kind of the saidis<br />
foules, to be now and then sent to us be way of present, be means<br />
of our deputy thesuarer, and so as the first sent t<strong>here</strong>of may meet<br />
us on the 19th of April at Durham, and the rest as we shall happen<br />
to meet and rancounter th^^m in other places on our way from<br />
thence to Berwick. The raritie of these foules will both make<br />
their estimation the more ))retious, and confirm the good opinion<br />
conceaved of the good cheare to be had t<strong>here</strong>. For which respectis,<br />
not doubting but that yee will so much the more earnestlie endeavour<br />
your.self to give us acceptable service, we bid you farewell.<br />
At Whitehall, the Uth Marclie, 1617."<br />
In my native Strathardle, these birds have increased so much that,<br />
over a dozen years ago, I have seen them do a gi-eat deal of damage<br />
to Scotch fir and spruce trees by cutting ofi" the previous year's<br />
leading shoots ; tliough I well remember the first of them that<br />
came to the district. When T was a boy at school, about 1860,<br />
t<strong>here</strong> came on, in harve.;t, a tremendous gale from the west ; and<br />
it being then the holiday season, I was prowling about Kixidrogan<br />
Rock, a few days after the great storm, when I came upon a great<br />
black bird sitting ii]jon a tree, which I mistook for an eagle, only<br />
I was very much puzzled about its being so black. I duly informed<br />
my friend, the head keeper, about my black eagle, but he pooh-<br />
poohed me and told me it was only a big raven ;<br />
it shortly afterwards himself, and at once knew what bird it was,<br />
and he and the other keepers agreed that it must have been blown<br />
eastwai'ds by the great gale from the woods of A thole or Breadalbane—an<br />
opinion with which I now quite agi'ee, as I have often<br />
seen a capercaillie cock rise to a gi-eat height in the air and circle<br />
about for a long time like an eagle, when, if a smart gale came<br />
on, it might go a long distance before alighting. The woods of<br />
Faskally, a dozen miles to the west, and separated by a high<br />
range of mountains and bleak, open moors, was the nearest point<br />
w<strong>here</strong> the capercaillie was then known. However, come as he<br />
may, he was t<strong>here</strong> and stayed t<strong>here</strong>, and was often seen during<br />
the winter, but in early spring he disappeared, and it was thought<br />
he was gone for good. However, he seemed only to have followed<br />
the example of the patriarchs of old, and gone to his own couu<br />
however, he saw
60 Gaelic Society of Inueniess.<br />
try and Iiis own kin for his wives, for, Jacob-like, he returned<br />
with two of them. When the breeding season came on I knew<br />
the nests of both hens ; however, owing to an accident, only one<br />
of them hatched lier brood. Next year I knew of several nests,<br />
and they soon spread all over the strath, and then eastwards<br />
through Gleuisla into Forfarshire, thus recapercailling (if I may<br />
coin the word) Glenisla, w<strong>here</strong> of old they were very common, as<br />
will be seen from an old song (a version of which is given in Gil-<br />
lies' collection, page 136) by James Shaw, laird of Crathinard, in<br />
Glenisla, to his future wife. Miss Machardy, niece to the Earl of<br />
Mar, and heiress of Crathie. One of the inducements he held<br />
out to her to leave her native Braes o' Mar and come and settle<br />
with him in Glenisla was that, though he knew nothing about<br />
sowing barley, yet he would keep her well supplied with all kinds<br />
of game, amongst the rest capercaillies<br />
" Gar am bheil mis eolach mu chur an eorna,<br />
Gu 'n gleidhinn duit feoil nam mang.<br />
Fiadh a tireach, is breac a linne,<br />
'S boc biorach donn nan earn.<br />
An lachag riabhach, geadh glas nan lar-inns'<br />
Is eala 's ciataiche snamh.<br />
Eiin ruadh nan ciar-mhon', mac criosgheal liath-chirc<br />
Is cabaire riabhach coille."<br />
BLACK-COCK.<br />
Latin— T^e^mo tetrix. Gaelic— Coileach-du/jh (male), Liath-chearc<br />
(female). Welsh Ceiliog du.<br />
In the song just quoted about the capercaillie it will be noticed<br />
the l)ard gives the black-cock a very poetical name, " Mac criosgheal<br />
liatli-chii-c "— white-belted son of the grey-hen. The capercaillie<br />
is almost always found in woods, and the grouse on the<br />
open moors, whilst the black cock is the connecting-link, genei*ally<br />
frequenting moors boi'dering on woods. In the old proverb its<br />
fondness for the lieather is noted— " Is duilicli an coileach-dubh a<br />
ghleideadh Ijho'n fhraoch "--it is difficult to keep the black-cock<br />
from the heather. Whilst in many of our old songs he is repre<br />
sented as sitting crowing on the trees at daybreak<br />
—<br />
'' Bu tu sealgair a' choilich<br />
—<br />
'S moch a ghorreadh air craoibh."<br />
Thou art the slayer of the black-cock<br />
That crows at dawn on the tree.<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 61<br />
The crowing of the black-cock and the reply of the grey-hen are<br />
beautifully described by many of our best Gaelic bards. Macintyre<br />
in " Coire Cheathaich " says<br />
"'S a' nihaduinn chiuin-ghil, an aiii dhonih dusgadh,<br />
Aig bun na stuice b'e 'n sugradli leani ;<br />
A' chearc le sgiucan a' gabliail tuchain,<br />
'S an coileach cuirteil a' durdail croni."<br />
And Macdonald, in " AUt an t-Siucair," says —<br />
"An coileach-dubh ri durdan,<br />
—<br />
'S a chearc ri tuclian reidh."<br />
^racintyre also describes the black-cock in his "Song of Summer":<br />
" Bidh an coileach le thorman tuchanach,<br />
Air chnocaibh gorm a' durdanaich,<br />
Puirt fhileanta, cheolmhor, shiubhlacha,<br />
Le ribheid dluith chur seol oirre ;<br />
Gob crom nam poncan lughora,<br />
'S a chneas le dreach air dhublachadli,<br />
Gu slios-dubh, girt-gheal, ur-bhallach,<br />
'S da chirc a' sugradh boidheach ris.<br />
This shows us the handsome black-cock, when full of life and love,<br />
crowing his amorous chants to his wives (for he is of the Mormon<br />
creed), and that he is beautiful even in death is ])roved by our<br />
old Gaelic proverb^'-' Na triviir mharbh a's boidh'che air bith :<br />
leanamh beag, breac geal, 'us coileach dubh "—The three prettiest<br />
dead : a little child, a white trout, and a black-cock. One of the<br />
oldest dancing pipe tunes in the Highlands goes :<br />
"Ptuidhlidh na coilich-dhubha,<br />
'S dannsaidh na tunnagan<br />
Ruidhlidh na coilich-dhubha<br />
Air an tulaich lamh rium.<br />
The black-cocks will reel,<br />
And the wild ducks will dance ;<br />
The black-cocks will reel,<br />
On the knowe beside me.<br />
T hare no doubt the smart black-cock would go through liis part<br />
of the performance very creditably, but I am afraid the poor chick<br />
would make but an awkward attempt at tr-ipping it on the light<br />
fantastic toe.<br />
;<br />
—<br />
—
—<br />
62 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
GUOUSE.<br />
Latin — Lagopus Scotictcs. Gaelic — Coileach-ricculh, Coileachfruoich,<br />
Eiin-ftaoich (mas.), Cenrc-riuidli, Cearc-jhraoich (fern.)<br />
Welsh — Ceiliog Mynydd, Jdr fynydd.<br />
The grouse is now the bird ^^ar excellence of the Highlands,<br />
so much so indeed that the first inquiry about the value of a<br />
Highland estate is the number of gi-ouse that can be annually<br />
shot on it. Owing to the almost total extermination of all hawks,<br />
hooded crows, foxes, pole-cats, etc., and all such so-called vermin,<br />
on gi-ouse-moors, thg.t prey uj:)on the grouse or their eggs, and to<br />
the great care and protection given these birds, they have multi-<br />
plied to sucli an extent, that in this, as in all other similar cases,<br />
dire disease has been the result. On this point Grey says— " The<br />
jealous care with which this beautiful bird is protected appears of<br />
late years to have materially affected the well-being of the species.<br />
I cannot withhold expressing a fear that the Red Grouse of Scotland,<br />
if not soon left to its own resources, may ultimately become<br />
a victim to over-protection. The great changes that have taken<br />
place within the last thirty years in the management of moorland<br />
tracks, and the excessive rents now derived from such properties,<br />
have induced both land-owners and lessees to clear the ground of<br />
all animals that would naturally prey upon those birds which are<br />
not strong enough to protect themselves ; hence, sickly broods of<br />
grouse perpetuate other broods that year by year degenerate until<br />
disease ensues, and in some instances almost depopulates an entire<br />
district. T<strong>here</strong> can be no doubt that this unwarrantable destruction<br />
of hawks and buzzards atlects adversely the condition of the<br />
birds with which our Scottish mountains are stocked—the number<br />
of wounded birds alone which survive the unprecedented annual<br />
slaughter, through which the Red Grouse is now obliged to pass,<br />
being an argument sufficient to show that such merciful agents are<br />
wanted to pi'event the spread of enfeebled life." In olden times<br />
gi'ouse shoot'ng was a favourite sport, so we thercfoi-e tind the<br />
grouse very often mentioned in old songs, under many poetical<br />
names, such as— Eun-ruadh nan ciar-mhon'—red bird of the grey<br />
hills ; Coileach ruadh an dranndan—the crowing red eock ; An<br />
coileach is moiche a ghoii'eadh 's a bhruaich— the cock that earliest<br />
crows on the brae ; Eun ruadh nan sgiath caol— red bird of the<br />
narrow wing. In a very old song, to a hunter on the hills of<br />
Athole, we have :<br />
'S trie a shiubh'l thu mon' Adholl<br />
Ri la ceathach, fliuch, fuar.
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 63<br />
Bu tu soalgiiir an niiroiii<br />
'S eoin chrin nan sgiath ruadh,<br />
'S na circeige duiime<br />
A bheireadh gur as a' bliruaicli.<br />
Oft hast thou roamed o'er the hills of Athole<br />
On a cold, wet, misty day,<br />
And t<strong>here</strong> slain the eagle<br />
And the small bird of the red wing,<br />
And the little brown hen<br />
That lays in the heathei*.<br />
Latin— Lacjopns<br />
PTARMIGAN.<br />
vul-garis. Gaelic— Tarmachan, Tarmonach<br />
(Lightfoot). Welsh Coriar yr Alban (Scottish Partridge).<br />
I liave never heard the last Gaelic name in common use, but<br />
as it is given by Lightfoot, who got all his Gaelic names from Dr<br />
Stuart of Killin and Luss, we can have no better authority.<br />
The ptarmigan is a truly Highland bird, only to be found on the<br />
top of our highest mountains, from which it never descends, even<br />
in the most severe weather, but burrows and feeds under the snow.<br />
This gave rise to the old saying " Gus an tig an tarmachan thigh<br />
nan cearc "— till the ptarmigan comes to the hen-house— applied<br />
to anything that will never happen. " Cha chuir fuachd no acras<br />
an tarmachan gu srath "—neither cold nor hunger will send the<br />
ptarmigan down to the strath.<br />
PARTRIDGE.<br />
Latin Perdix cinerea. Gaelic Peirlog (mas., Alex. Macdonald),<br />
Peurstag, Cearc-thomain (fern.) Welsh Coriar, Peli'isen.<br />
The common partridge has increased very much in the Highlands<br />
since the inti'oduction of turnips and the increase of arable<br />
land. The hill partridge, the Perdix cinera var. montana of Sir<br />
William Jardine, is also very common on the hills and higher<br />
glens of the Highlands of Perthshire and Forfarshire. It is a<br />
much handsomer bird than the common partridge.<br />
Latin<br />
— .<br />
RED-LEGGED PARTRIDGE.<br />
Perdi.r rxfa. Gaelic — Peti,rstag-dhear(j-c]uimc]i, Cearctho<br />
laain-dhearg-cha sack
64 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
QUAIL.<br />
Cotnrnix vulgaris. Gaelic —Gearnulh yort. Welsh<br />
Sojliar, Rhino.<br />
The quail is far commoner in the Highlands than it is supposed<br />
to be, but, from its retired habits, it is seldom seen, and<br />
even when seen, it is generally mistaken for a partridge by ordinaiy<br />
obsei-vers. That it visits, and even breeds in, the remotest<br />
corners of the Highlands will be seen from the following quotation<br />
from Grey :—•" When in the island of North Uist in tlie beginning<br />
of August 1870, Mr John Macdonald, Newton, showed me a nest<br />
of twelve eggs which had been taken near his residence about ten<br />
days previously. These are in tlie collection of Captain Orde."<br />
However, it appears amongst us in very small numbers compared<br />
with what it did amongst the ancient Israelites in the Wilderness,<br />
or even with what it does to the present day in some countries,<br />
according to tlie Rev. J. C. Atkinson, who says in his " British<br />
Birds' Eggs and Nests ":— " In some countries its migi-atory hosts<br />
are so great than one hundred thousand are said to have been<br />
taken in a day.'<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
Cla.ss IV.— Grallatores. Famibj I.— Charadriidte.<br />
GOLDEN PLOVER.<br />
Charadrius plnvialis. Gaelic<br />
C%L'ttijn yr atvr.<br />
—<br />
Feadag. Welsh<br />
This beautiful bird takes its Gaelic name, feadag (whistler),<br />
from its plaintive, melancholy cry; about which I have lieard the<br />
following old legend in Strathardle :—Once upon a time the golden<br />
plover inhabited the low straths and river-sides, and was the<br />
sweetest songster of all the birds in the Highlands. It nestled and<br />
reared its young under the shelter of the thick bushes on the sunny<br />
braes, w<strong>here</strong> it had plenty of food and led a comfortable happy<br />
life till tliere came on a very hot, scorcliing summer, the like of<br />
which was never known before or since. The heat began on<br />
"Yellow May-day" (La buidhe Bealltain), and increased more and<br />
more ever}' day till midsummer, when every l)east and bird began<br />
to sufler and comphiin very much of tlie lieat. But amongst them<br />
all none grumbled so much as the golden plover, and it, at last,<br />
grew so discontented that it left its old haunts by the river-side<br />
and wandered upwards in search of cooler quarters. Up and up<br />
it went, over the banks and l)raes, through the wooils and l)0gs,<br />
till at last it came to the open hillside, w<strong>here</strong> it met the partridge,<br />
which then inhabited the highest hills and moors. Frenchmen of<br />
—<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 65<br />
to-day laugh at l?ritons aiul say that the first thiwg they do wlien<br />
they meet is to tell each other the very best thing thiiy know<br />
viz., what kind of day it is. Now, however ridicuh)us this habit<br />
may be, it, at least, has the merit of antiquity, for it was the very<br />
thing the paitridge and the plover did on this hot, hot day, long,<br />
long ago, so long ago that the birds could then speak to each other<br />
in good Gaelic. So, after they had told each other that it was a<br />
hot day, yes, a very hot day, each recounted its sulltnings. The<br />
plover said it had been nearly stifled with the heat in the close<br />
valley below, and if it could only get to the open hill-top to get the<br />
fresh breeze it would be all right; whilst the partridge said it had<br />
been nearly roasted alive by the glare of the sun on the open hill-<br />
side. So the upshot of the matter was that, as treaties were easier<br />
settled in those days than now, they decided to exchange places<br />
t<strong>here</strong> and then. So the partridge flew downwards and settled<br />
under the shelter of the friendly bushes on the low meadows,<br />
whilst the plover Avinged his way upwards, and only stopped when<br />
he reached the toj) of the highest stone on the cairn, w<strong>here</strong> he sang<br />
a sweet song in praise of the cool breeze always to be found at such<br />
a height. He cared nothing for the heat now, it was quite cool,<br />
and, with an extended view round about, and as everything had<br />
the charm of novelty, he led a haj)py life, and sang sweeter than<br />
ever, all through the sununer and early harvest. But when the<br />
frosty nights began to creep on in October he did not begin to sing<br />
so early in the morning, and always stopped when the sun went<br />
down. When cold November's wintry blasts came on his song<br />
ceased altogether, and he could only give a long shrill whistle, but<br />
dark December's wild storms reduced even that to the low plain-<br />
tive wail with which to this day the golden plover laments his folly<br />
in making such a hasty bargain. He never sang again, but has<br />
been mourning and lamenting ever since ; even though the pai-t-<br />
ridge, taking pity on his woeful condition, and touched by his<br />
mournful lament, afterwards relaxed the bargain so much as to<br />
allow the plover to retiu-n in winter to the low groinid, on condition<br />
that it would kee}) to the sea-f hore, and that the partridge<br />
would be allowed to go as far up the hills as it liked in summer.<br />
Such is the story as I got it— " Ma 's briag bh'uam e 's briag h-ugam<br />
e." From the swift flight of the plover we have the old saying,<br />
" Cho luath ris na feadagan firich"— as swift as the mountain<br />
plover.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
DOTTEREL.<br />
Charadrius vioyiiiellus. Gaelic<br />
\Yehh—nuttcm.<br />
—<br />
Amadan- Mointich.<br />
5<br />
—
66 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
The Gaelic name of this bird— "The Peat-moss Fool"—is<br />
siui^ularly appropriate, for, from its exceedingly foolish, simple,<br />
and unsuspicious habits, it falls an easy prey to all emenies.<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
HINGED PLOVER.<br />
Charadrius hiaticula. Gaelic —Trileachan-trai(/he, BolJutg.<br />
Welsh— ^l/6r Uedydd.<br />
GREY PLOVER.<br />
Squatarola cinerea. Gaelic Greagay, Trileachan, Feadagghlas<br />
(Grey). Welsh Cwttyn llwyd.<br />
LAPWING OR PEEWIT.<br />
Latin Vanellu)- cristatus. Gaelic Adharcan-luachrach, Adharcaghtachrach,<br />
Pibhinn (Grey). Welsh Cornchwigl.<br />
I find that m Galloway and many parts of the south of Scotland<br />
this bird is universally disliked, ever since the old Covenanting<br />
days, when it betrayed many a wanderer on the hills to the<br />
blood-thirsty troopers, by its well-known habit of following anyone<br />
who may come near its haunts, making a clamorous outcry.<br />
Captain Burt also, in his letters from the North of Scotland, mentions<br />
another rather curious reason why the peewit was disliked<br />
in olden times m Scotland; it is also mentioned by other writers,<br />
esjjecially by the Rev. James Headrick in his "Agricultural View<br />
of Forfarshire," published in 1 813. He says:— " The green plover<br />
or peeseweep appears early in spring and goes otf in autumn. As<br />
they only come north for the purpose of incubation, and are very<br />
lean, none of them ai-e liked for food. They return to the fenny<br />
districts of England, w<strong>here</strong> they get very fat, and are killed in<br />
great numbers. In consequence of the inveteracy excited by the<br />
ambitious pretensions of Edward I. to the Scottish crown, an old<br />
Scottish Parliament passed an Act ordering all the pceseweeps' nests<br />
to be demolished, and their eggs to be broken; assigning as a reason,<br />
that these birds might not go south and become a delicious rejMst<br />
to our unnatural enemies the English^<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
— —<br />
—<br />
—<br />
TURNSIONE OR HEBRIDAL SANDPIPER.<br />
b'trepsilas interpres. Gaelic (Jobhachan, Ttileachantraighe.<br />
Welsh Huttan y mdr.<br />
SANDERLING.<br />
Calidris arenaria. Gaelic Luadhearan-glas, TrUeachanglas.<br />
Welsh Llwyd y tywod.<br />
OYSTER-CATCHER OR SEA-PI ET.<br />
HcematoptLS ostralegus. Gaelic O'ille-bride Gille-bridein,<br />
Bridean, Dolid. Welsh Piogen y inor.<br />
—<br />
J
—<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 67<br />
Family II.— G'ritidce.<br />
L;itiii (jirus cinerea. Gaelic<br />
CRANE.<br />
Corra-mlionaidh. Welsh Ga^t un.<br />
This line bird, though now seldom or never seen in the Highlands,<br />
used to be very common, and to be reckoned equal in value<br />
to a swan. In the rental-roll of the old Abbey of Coupar- Angus,<br />
I tind the crane often mentioned in old tacks to tenants of the<br />
Abbey, who also held the office of fowler. I may give an example<br />
of one by Abbot Donald Campbell, son of the Duke of<br />
Argyll—an ecclesiastic who had a keen relish for the good things<br />
of this life:—Tack to John Sowter, of Mylnhorn, 1541. "Be it<br />
kend till all men be thir present letres, we Donald, be the permission<br />
cf God, Abbot of Cowper For the<br />
gratitudis and thanks done to ws and our said Abbey, be otir<br />
familiar seruitor Johane Sowter . . . and for vtheris gude<br />
caussis moving ws to have sett and formale latt, to our welebel-<br />
ouittis the said Johane Sowter, and to Isabell Pilmour, his spous,<br />
all and hale the tane half of our corn myln and landis of Milnhorn.<br />
•<br />
. the entres thairof to begyn at the fest of Witsunday in<br />
the zeir if God Im Vc and fourty-ane zeris . . . for three<br />
})Oundis gude and vsuall money, at Witsunday and Mertymes,<br />
togetlier with xviii. ca])ones for thair pidtre, and ilk tuay zeris<br />
arris ane fed bair, guide and sufficient (and every two years one<br />
fat boar, good and sufficient) vpoun thre monthis' Avarnying. And<br />
the said Johane sail hunt and vse the craft of fowlarie at all times<br />
at his power, and quhat fowlis at happynnis to be slain be him,<br />
or be any vtheris at he is pairtisman with, they sail present the<br />
saymn to our said place, to cellerar or stewartis thairof for the<br />
tyme, vpoun the pricis efter following, that is to say—Ilk wild<br />
guiss, tuay schillingis ; ilk cran and swan, five schillingis ; pluffar,<br />
dotrale, quhape, duik, reidschank, schotquhaij), and tele, and all<br />
vther sic small fowlis, ilk pece, four penneis petrik, ilk pece viiid.<br />
;<br />
And in cace that the said Johane Sowter failzies in his said craft,<br />
and diligence for using'of the samen, or at he absent the fowlis<br />
tane be him and vtheris as said is, it being notirlie knawing or<br />
sufficientlie preving befor ws, the said Abbot, or that he will<br />
nocht i)urge himself, inHhat cace the said Johane salbe in ane<br />
vulaw of xxxs. (thirty [shillings) for ilk fait beand preving or<br />
vnpurgit as said is."<br />
Family III.— Ardeida;.<br />
COMMON HERON.<br />
La.tm—Ardealci7ierea.'^ Ga,e\ic—Conri-f/hlos, Corra-riabliach, Corrasgriach,<br />
Corra-ehrithich, Corra-ghriobhach, Corra-ghlas (Deut. xiv.<br />
18.) Welsh—Cryr glds.<br />
—
68 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
—<br />
From tlie extreme patience of tlie heron when waiting for<br />
tish to come its way arose the old saying:— lasgach na corra<br />
The heron's fishing, a model of patience.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
Anlea alba. Gaelic<br />
— —<br />
—<br />
—<br />
WHITE HERON.<br />
Corra-hhan. Welsh<br />
. —<br />
Crip- gwijn.<br />
COMMON BITTERN.<br />
Latin Botaurus steilaris. Gaelic Corra-ghrain, BuOaire, Graineag,<br />
Stearnall (Alex. Macdonald). Welsh<br />
govs.<br />
Aderyn y bwmi, Bivmp y<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
WHITE STORK.<br />
Ciconia alba. Gaelic—Corm-bhan (Deut. xiv. 18).<br />
SPOON-BILL.<br />
Platalea leacorodia. Gaelic Gob-iathaimi.<br />
Family IV.— Scolopacidct.<br />
CURLEW.<br />
Latin Numenius arquata. Gaelic Guilbneach, Crotach-mhara.<br />
Welsh— Gylfinliir.<br />
This bird is so very wary in its habits that it gave rise to the<br />
old saying—Is sealgair math a mharbhas geadh, 'us corr', 'us<br />
guilbneach. He is a good sportsman who kills a wild goose, a<br />
heron, and a curlew.<br />
WHIMBREL.<br />
Latin Numenius phceopus. Gaelic — Eiui-Bealltainn, Lethyhuilbneach.<br />
Welsh Coeg ylfmliii<br />
The whimbrel, or, as its name means in Gaelic, the May-bird<br />
or lialf-curlew, is now almost, if not altogether, a migratory bird,<br />
though once breeding quite connnon with us. Lightfoot says, in<br />
1772 :— " The whimbrel breeds in the heath of the Highland hills,<br />
near Invercauld."<br />
RED-SHANK.<br />
Gaelic — Cavi-ghlaa, Ridyhuilavach (A. Macdonald), Goblabharrtha<br />
(A.<br />
Goengoch.<br />
Macdonald), Clabhais /each (Grey). Welsh<br />
COMMON SANDPIPER.<br />
Latin Totanus hypoleuca. Gaelic IWileachan-traighe, Trileachan-lraighich,<br />
Farr-ghuimnhicJi, Boag, LruUhrain. Welsh<br />
Pibydd-y-traeth.<br />
Latin<br />
UKEEN8HANK.<br />
Totanus gluliis. Gaelic Deuch BJdngh (Grey). Welsh<br />
Coeswerdd.<br />
—
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 69<br />
BLACK-WINGED STILT.<br />
Uimpantopics melnnopterus. Gaelic Fad-chat^ach, Luryannch.<br />
Welsh Cwttyii hirgoes.<br />
This is a very rare bird now in the HiLchlauds, though not<br />
so long ago it sc^eins to have been found in many different districts.<br />
Don mentions, in his Forfarshire list of birds, that it was found<br />
on the mountains of Glen-Clova, also on Ben-Lawers in Perthshire.<br />
It is also mentioned in the New Statistical Account of the parish<br />
of tJlensheil as being a rare bird in that parish in 183G ; also in<br />
several other districts.<br />
Latin<br />
Limosa rufa.<br />
—<br />
BAR-TAILED GODWIT.<br />
Gaelic Rhoid ghuilbneach (Grey). Welsh<br />
— Rhostog rhudd.<br />
RUFF.<br />
Latin — Machetes inujnax. Gaelic— Gibengan. Welsh — Yr<br />
ymladdgar.<br />
WOODCOCK.<br />
IsAtm—Scolopax ruRticola. Gaelic Coilleach-coille, Grom-nanduilleag,<br />
Greobha7,Grailbeag, Uddacag (A. Macdonald),<br />
Uday (Uist). Welsh—Gyffylog.<br />
T have already had to lament so often that so many of our<br />
birds have either become extinct altogether, or else extremely rare,<br />
that it is with great pleasure that I now come to one that seems<br />
to l)e increasing vastly witli us, and also now staying to breed<br />
with us regularly. Pennant says in 1772 : — "These birds appear<br />
in flights on the east coasts of Scotland about the end of October,<br />
and sometimes sooner ; if sooner, it is a certain sign of the winter<br />
being early and severe; if later, that the beginning of the winter will<br />
be mild. Woodcocks make a very short stay on the east coasts<br />
owing to their being destitute of wood ; but some of them resort<br />
to the n\oors, and always make their progress from east to west.<br />
They do not arrive in Breadalbane, a central pai't of the kingdom,<br />
till the begiianing or middle of November ; and the coasts of<br />
Northern Lorn or of Ross-shire till December or January; are very<br />
rare in the more remote Hebrides, or in the Orkneys. A few stragglers<br />
now and then arrive t<strong>here</strong>. They are equally scarce in Caithness.<br />
T do not recollect that any have Ijeen discovered to have bred<br />
in North Britain." As a proof that woodcocks arc not scarce in the<br />
Isles now, I may mention that Thompson, in his " Birds of Ire-<br />
land," tells us that in the winter of 184G-47 one thousand w(,odcocks<br />
were killed on two estates alone in Islay— Ardinniersy and<br />
—
—<br />
—<br />
70 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Islay House. And as for it not breeding in Scotland, whatever it<br />
did in Pennant's time it certainly breeds t<strong>here</strong> now by the lumdred,<br />
if not by the thousand, fi-oin Sutherland to Mull of Galloway.<br />
Grey, in his " Birds of the West of Scotland," says that it has bred<br />
regularly for the last thirty years at Tai-bat ; also at Beaufort<br />
Castle, and Captain Cash of Dingwall informed him that it nests<br />
in the woods of Brahan Castle and Castle Leod. I have known<br />
it breed at Raigmore. It has also bred in Kindrogan woods in<br />
Strathardle for at least fifty years, and I now find it breeding<br />
veiy commonly in Galloway. The Rev. J. C. Atkinson, Grey, and<br />
many other writers, mention the curious fact that the woodcock<br />
carries its young between its feet from the coverts to the feeding<br />
grounds in the neighbouring bogs ; and Mr Stewart, head-keeper<br />
to H. G. Murray Stewart, Esq. of Broughton and Cally, informs<br />
me that when he was wHli the Earl of Mansfield in Perthshire he,<br />
one evening about dusk, shot what he took to be a hawk carrying<br />
off a bird, but which, when he went to pick it up, turned out to<br />
be a woodcock carrying one of its young from a thick covert to a<br />
bog to feed. Alex. Macdonald says, in his "Failte na Morthir":<br />
" Coillich-choille 's iad ri coilleig<br />
Anns an doire chranntail."<br />
Alluding to its migratory habits, coming at the beginning of<br />
winter, the old Manx proverb says— " Cha jean un ghollan-geaye<br />
Sourey, ny un chellagh-keylley Geurey"—One swallow makes not<br />
summer, nor one woodcock winter.<br />
Latin Scolopax yallinago. Gaelic Crovian-loin, Buta-gochd,<br />
Meannan-adhair, Gabhar-iulhair, Gabhar-oidhche, Eun-ghnrag<br />
Eun-ghabhraig, Leondhrag, lanrag, Eiin-arag, Boc-sac, Bocanloin,<br />
Naosg. Welsh— Y sm ittan, Yfyniar.<br />
What a formidable list of Gaelic names— t<strong>here</strong> is a different<br />
name for the snipe in almost every glen in the Highlands. No<br />
wonder though the old proverb says—The uiread de ainmeannan<br />
air ris an naosg—He has as maiiy names as the snipe. It takes<br />
its Gaelic names of Gabhar-adhair (sky-goat or air goat), iNIeannan<br />
adhair (sky or air kid), from its cry being so very like the bleating<br />
of a goat.<br />
JACK SNIPK.<br />
Latin — Scolopax gidliimda. Gaelic — Crovian-beay, Cahhragbheay.<br />
Welsh Giach.<br />
—
—<br />
—<br />
— —<br />
— —<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 71<br />
DUNLIV.<br />
Latiii—Trine/ a vnriahilis. Gaelic PoUnrnn, PoUairenn (summer),<br />
Gille-fexdaig (-winter). Welsh Pihydd rhacldyoch.<br />
The Gaelic name of the Dunlin—Pollaran, small bird of the<br />
mud holes—describes its habits in a single word, as it is alwaj's to<br />
be found wading in muddy holes left by the receding tide, in<br />
search of its food.<br />
Family V.— Kcdlidoi.<br />
LAND RAIL.<br />
Latin Crex prtaensis. Gaelic Treun-ri-treim, Treuhhna,<br />
Trennna. Welsh — Rhegen yr yd.<br />
A very curious habit of this bird, which does not seem to be<br />
generally known, is that if it is quietly approached after dark in<br />
a hay field w<strong>here</strong> t<strong>here</strong> is a thick cover, when it is " craking " it<br />
will allow one to come so close as to stand right over it, and still<br />
continues to utter its harsh cry. I have often followed it so, right<br />
across a field ; but though I was within a few inches of it I could<br />
never see it. I have often tried to catch it, when leaning right<br />
over it, by suddenly dropping down upon it. However, it always<br />
.'Springs up some yards in front. It glides so very quietly and<br />
swiftly through the grass, and is so sharp that it can well allow a<br />
very near approach and still feel safe enough.<br />
Latin<br />
WATER-RAIN.<br />
Rnlliis aquaticus. Gaelic Snagan-cdlt, Duhh-snagan,<br />
Snagan-duhh. Welsh Cwtiar.<br />
This is one of the very shiest of British birds. It can slip<br />
away or hide itself w<strong>here</strong> t<strong>here</strong> is scarcely a particle of cover ;<br />
and from this comes the old proverb— B'e sin buachailleachd nan<br />
.snagan-duhh 's an luachair—That were the herding of the waterrail<br />
among the rushes ; applied to any impossible undertaking.<br />
WATER HEN.<br />
Latin— Gallinula chloropus. Gaelic — Cearc-uisge. Welsh -<br />
Dw/riar.<br />
Family VI.—Lobipedidce.<br />
COOT, OR BALD COOT.<br />
Latin Fulica atra. Gaelic Lacha-bhlar, Eun-snamhtha<br />
(Alex. Macdonald). Welsh Jar ddwfr foel fwyaf.<br />
RED-NECKED PHALAROPE.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
Phalaropus byperboreus. Gaelic — Deargan-allt (Grey).<br />
Welsh Pibydd each llydundroed.
— —<br />
72 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Latin<br />
Order V.— NaUdores. Family I.—Anatidce.<br />
GREY-LEGGED GOOSE, OR GREY-LAG.<br />
Anser ferus.<br />
—<br />
Gaelic<br />
—<br />
Geadh-glas. Welsh<br />
— — —<br />
Gwydd.<br />
In tlie old song, already quoted in the article on the<br />
Capercaillie, we have<br />
" An lachag riabhach, geadh-glas nan lar-innis',<br />
Is eala 's ciatfaiche snamh."<br />
The brown-striped duck, grey goose of the Western Isles,<br />
And the proudly-swimming swan.<br />
The grey-lag may well be called the "grey goose of the Western<br />
Isles," as it is a permanent resid nt t<strong>here</strong>, and is everything but<br />
a friend to the<br />
quotation from<br />
crofters. This will ))e seen from the following<br />
Grey :— •' The grey-lag is now almost wholly<br />
confined during the breeding season to some of the bleakest birdnurseries<br />
of the Outer Hebrides. T<strong>here</strong> it leads a comparatively<br />
quiet life, being but seldom molested, save at the season when the<br />
slender crops are being gat<strong>here</strong>d ; and even then the native<br />
farmers prefer the practice of driving it off by lighting fires to the<br />
extreme measure of powder and shot. For the last hundred years,<br />
indeed, the flocks of wild geese that collect about that season—and<br />
a very important one it is to these isolated husbandmen—have<br />
been kept at bay by fires alone. As soon as the breeding season<br />
is over the geese gather into large flocks, and are then vei-y<br />
destnictive to farm produce of all kinds ; indeed, it requires the<br />
utmost watchfulness on the i)art of the crofters to keep them in<br />
check. Several fires are made in the fields, and kept burning<br />
night and day, and by this means the crops are to a great extent<br />
saved. But the moment any of the fires are allowed to fail, the<br />
geese, which are continually shifting about on the wing, suddenly<br />
pitcli on the unprotected spot, and often do much mischief before<br />
they are discovered."<br />
BEAN GOOSE.<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
Anser segetum. Gaelic<br />
Anser-cdbifrons. Gaelic<br />
Muir-gheadli. Welsh<br />
WHITE FRONTED GOOSE.<br />
wyllt.<br />
BERNICLE GOOSE.<br />
Geadh-bhlar. Welsh<br />
Elcysen.<br />
Gwydd<br />
Latin — Anser leiicopsis. Gaelic — Cathav, Cath-ian Leadan.<br />
Welsh<br />
Gwyran.<br />
The Gaelic name of this goose means war-bird, llglitingbird.
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 73<br />
or warrior-birtl. Tt is only a winter visitor with us, going to tlie<br />
Arctic regions to breed. It was its coming to us in such vast<br />
flocks, and yet never being known to lay eggs or breed, that gave<br />
rise to the absurd old belief that the Bernicle Goose, instead of<br />
being bred from an egg like other birds, came from a shell that<br />
grew on trees in the Hebrides. E\en so late as the time of<br />
Gerald, the herbalist, we find this ridiculous theory still believed,<br />
as he tells us " that in the northern parts of Scotland t<strong>here</strong> existed<br />
certain trees bearing, instead of fruit, small russet coloured shells<br />
which opened at maturity, and let fall little living things which,<br />
at the touch of ocean, became bernicles." The worthy botanist<br />
then proceeds to relate " what his own eyes had seen and his own<br />
hands had touched on a small island strewed with sea-waifs, in the<br />
shape of wrecks and the trunks of trees covered with a froth or<br />
spume. This froth changed into shells containing something like<br />
lace of silk finely woven, as it were, together, one end being<br />
attached to the inside of the shell, and the other in a loose mass<br />
or lump of matter. When this is perfectly formed the shell gapeth<br />
open, and the first thing that appeareth is the foresaid lace or<br />
string, next come the legs of the bird hanging out, and as it<br />
gi'oweth greater it openeth the shell by degrees, till at length it<br />
is all come forth, and hangeth only by the bill ;<br />
in shoi^t space after<br />
it cometh to full maturity and falleth into the sea, w<strong>here</strong> it<br />
gat<strong>here</strong>th feathers, and groweth into a fowl Ingger that a mallard<br />
and lesser that a goose." Wild as this story is. Chambers says it<br />
is matched by even a higher authority. Sir Robert Murray, one of<br />
His Majesty's Council for Scotland, who records, in the Philosophical<br />
Transactions for 1678, how he plucked several shells from<br />
a rotten fir tree on the Isle of Uist, and upon opening them found<br />
each one containing the rudiments of a bird—the little bill like<br />
that of a goose, the eyes marked, the head, neck, breast, wings,<br />
tail, and feet formed, the feathers everywhei-e perfectly shaped and<br />
blackish coloured. So wides}n-ead was this belief, and .so thoroughly<br />
believed, that the high authorities of the Roman Catholic Church<br />
decreed that as the bernicles were not engendered of flesh they<br />
were not to be considered as birds, and might, t<strong>here</strong>fore, be eaten<br />
by the faithful on fast days. I may add that the shells from which<br />
the beniicle was supposed to come belongs to a variety of<br />
mollusks, now know to naturalists as Cirripedia. I suspect the<br />
word bernicle, as either applied to the bernicle goose or the shell-<br />
fish, comes from the Gaelic Bairnnach—a limpet or shell-fish<br />
(Alex. Mivcdonald)—literally, the notched or nicked shell. The<br />
bernicle goose is often mentioned in our old lore. In Gillies' rare<br />
work, in an old lorram, page 50, we have :
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
74 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
" Bu tu sealgair a' chathain<br />
Theid san athar le scaoim,"<br />
and in the same work we have in an old song by Donald Gorra's<br />
daughter to Lachlan og Mackinnon —<br />
:<br />
" Gur sealgair geoidh 's catliain tliu,<br />
Roin mliaoil re taobh na raara thii,<br />
Theid miol-choin ann an tabhann leat<br />
'S bidh abhaic air an lorg."<br />
BRENT GOOSE.<br />
Latin — Anser, Greuta. Gaelic Geadh-got, Got-qheadh, Giruenan<br />
(Grey). Welsh Gtvyran, fanyiv.<br />
HOOPER, OR WILD SWAN.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
Cynqas ferus. Gaelic<br />
Eala, Eala-fhiadhaich, Eala-hhan.<br />
Welsh—vl/rt?Y7i, cjivyUt.<br />
The wild swan—Nighean uchd-gheal nan sruth — " The whitebosomed<br />
maiden of the streams," as it is poetically called by<br />
some of our old bards, is perhaps oftener mentioned in the old<br />
lore of the Highlands than any other bird. Its graceful form,<br />
purity of colour, and majestic and easy motions on the water,<br />
made it a theme for the poet and the lover, who compared his<br />
lady-love to the graceful swan. Macintyre says of Iseabal Og :<br />
And Macdonald says of Morag :<br />
'S e coltas na h-ainnir<br />
An eal 'air an t-snamh.<br />
As graceful the maiden<br />
As swan on the lake.<br />
Maighdeann bhoidheach nam bas caoine,<br />
'S iad cho maoth ri cloimh na h-eala.<br />
Beautiful maiden, whose hands are as white<br />
And as soft as the down of the swan.<br />
And often when separated by the sea, the ardent lover wished he<br />
coiUd swim like the swan, and so reach his beloved, as we have it<br />
in C 'aite 'n caidil an ribhinn :<br />
'S e dh 'iarrninn riochd na h-eala bhain<br />
A shnandias thar a' chaolas,<br />
'Us rachainn feiii troimh thonnaibh breun<br />
A chuir an geill mo ghaoil dhuit.<br />
If, like the swan, I now could sail<br />
Across the trackless ocean ;<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 75<br />
Ere break of clay my love I'd hail,<br />
A nd prove my heart's devotion.<br />
From its great size, and extremely wary habits, making it so<br />
ditHcult to capture, the swan was always an object of ambition to<br />
the sportsman :<br />
—<br />
Bu til sealgair na h-eala,<br />
'S neul a fal' air a taobh.<br />
As I mentioned before, when at the eagle, no Highlander was reckoned<br />
a finished sportsman till he had killed an eagle, a swan, and<br />
a royal stag. The wild swans, with very few exceptions, always<br />
retire to the Arctic regions in summer to breed, a fact well known<br />
to our ancestors, for in " Miaiin a' Bhaii-d Aosda"- -" The Aged<br />
Bard's Wish "—tlie bard tells us that the swan—the beautiful<br />
maiden of the snow-white breast, that swims so gracefully o'er<br />
the waves, and rises on a light wing, flies through the clouds to the<br />
cold regions of the many waves, w<strong>here</strong> never a sail was spread on<br />
a mast, or the waves cut by an oaken prow of ship ; the swan<br />
that travelled from the region of waves shall sing her lament for<br />
lier love to the aged bard :<br />
—<br />
' Bithidh nighean aluinn an uchd-bhain<br />
A' snamh le sgriach air barr nan tonn ;<br />
'Nuair thogas i sgiath an aird<br />
A measg nan nial, cha'n fhas i trom.<br />
'S trie i ag asdar thar a chuan,<br />
Gu aisridh fhuar nan ioma tonn,<br />
Anns nach togar lireid ri crann,<br />
'S nach do reub sron daraich tuinn.<br />
Bithidh tusa ri dosan nan torn<br />
Le cumhadli do ghaoil aun ad bheul,<br />
Eala thrial) o thur nan tonn,<br />
'S tu seinn dhomh ciuil 'an aird nan speur.<br />
It is a very ancient belief common to most nations, especially the<br />
Celts, that the swan sings very sweetly when wounded or before<br />
it dies. Most naturalists deny this, but the inhabitants of the<br />
remote wild districts now frequented by the wild swans are just<br />
as positive that they do sing, and certainly they should know best.<br />
On this point Mr A. A. (krmichael sent me the following note<br />
from Uist :— "This exceedingly beautiful and graceful bird used<br />
to be a constant winter visitor to all those islands. It is not so<br />
much now. In a severe winter a flock of swans still comes to
76 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Lochbee in South Uist, but now<strong>here</strong> else that I have ascertamed.<br />
Lochbee is the largest fresh water lake in the Long Island, but<br />
the water was reduced in it some years ago, and since then th(;<br />
swans do not seem to have the same favour for it. It does not<br />
seem a settled point yet whether the swan sings or not. Naturalists<br />
maintain that it does not, And yet several persons who have<br />
had opportunity of judging have assui'ed me that it does. I have<br />
minutely examined persons who live near Lochbee, and all maintain<br />
that the swan sings. Some of these positively assert that<br />
they have often stood spell-bound listening to the music of the<br />
' swan— 'the most beautiful melodist in the ^' ealtaijui." They<br />
sing in part even at a long distance, a mile or more. This is<br />
declared by four brothers (Macinnes) at Lochcarnan, South Uist,<br />
each of which says that he often stood si)ell-bound to listen to the<br />
singing of the swan in early frosty mornings—when they sing<br />
best—ere sunrise. Nothing can exceed the sweet music of the<br />
swan. They come in November, and leave at St Bride. The<br />
song of the dying swan is often mentioned in our early literature,<br />
as in ' Dan an Deirg ' we have :<br />
—<br />
" Mar bhinn-ghuth eala 'n guin bais.<br />
No mar cheolan chaich mu 'n cuairt di."<br />
" Like the sweet voice of the swan, in the agony of death,<br />
Or like the songs of the others round about her."<br />
Dr Smith, in his "Sean Dana," in a note on these lines, says:<br />
"Some naturalists deny the singing of the swan, so often mentioned<br />
by the Greek and Latin, as well as by the Celtic poets. If<br />
the singing of the swan is to be reckoned among the vulgar errors,<br />
it has been a very universal one. Over the west of Scotland, it<br />
is still frequently affirmed, as a fact, that the swans that frequent<br />
those parts in winter are heard to sing sonie very melodious notes<br />
when wounded or about to take their flight. The note of the<br />
swan is called in Gaelic, Guileag; and a ditty called " Luinneag<br />
na li-eala," composed in imitation of it, begins thus :<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
" Guileag i, Guileag o,<br />
Sgeula mo dhunach<br />
Guileag i<br />
;<br />
Rinn mo 16ireadh,<br />
Guileag o<br />
Mo chasan dubh, ttc."<br />
BEWICK'S SWAN.<br />
Cj/anMS Bewickii. Ga,elic—Eala-Bheag.<br />
Lleiaf<br />
Welsh<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
Alrahc,
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 77<br />
of this bird, Mr Grey says :—In the Outer Hebrides this,<br />
the smallest of our IJritisli swans, is well recognised. It frequents<br />
the same lakes as the Hooper, and is easily distinguished from<br />
that species, even at a distance. Sometimes a iiock is seen to<br />
remain together in a compact body, and continue for some time<br />
feeding on the shallower parts of the loch, thus affording a good<br />
"family shot" to the watchful sportsman. In the east of Scotland<br />
it has likewise been noticed from Berwickshire to the Shetlands,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> it is known as<br />
s;ime time as the Hooper.<br />
a regular visitant, appearing at the<br />
MUTE SWAN.<br />
Laitin—C!/g7ius olor. Gaelic Eala. Welsh Aiarch.<br />
—<br />
COMMON SHIELDRAKE.<br />
Liitin I'adorna vulpaiinifi: GdcWc—Cradh-yheadh. Welsh<br />
llwyadyr eithin, Hywad fruith.<br />
The shieldrake, one of the most beautifid of all our wild fowl,<br />
is very common all over the Hebrides, so much so in Uist as to<br />
have given it the name of Ubhaist nan cradh-gheadh— Uist of the<br />
shieldrakes. Ian Lom, the bard, says: -<br />
Latin<br />
"Dol gu uidhe chuain fhiaghaich<br />
Mar bu chubhaidh leam iarraidh<br />
Gu Uidhist bheag riabhach nan cradh-gheadh."<br />
Going to the passage of the ocean wild<br />
As seemingly as we could desire<br />
To little brindled Uist of the shieldrakes.<br />
Anas clypeata.<br />
SHOVELLER.<br />
Gaelic — Goh-leathan.<br />
lydanbig.<br />
Welsh— Hwyad<br />
LaXin—Anas strepera. Gaelic<br />
—<br />
GADWALL.<br />
—<br />
—<br />
Lach-ghlas. Welsh— T gors hyivad<br />
Iwyd.<br />
WILD DUCK.<br />
Latin Aruis boschas. Gaelic Lack, Lach-a-chinn-uaine Lach-ghlas,<br />
Lach-ruadh (Uist), Lach-riahlach (mas.), Tunnag fhiadhaich,<br />
Tunnag-riahlmch (fern.) Welsh— Cors Hwyad, Garan Hivyad,<br />
Hrjdnwy.<br />
This being the most common of all the duck tribe, is very<br />
often mentioned in our old bird lore. Alex. Macdonald says in<br />
Allt-an-t-Siucair :<br />
—<br />
"An coire lachach, dracach.
— —<br />
—<br />
78 Gaelic Society of Inuenwss.<br />
—<br />
In olden times C.lcnlyon scorns to liave been famed for wild ducks,<br />
for ill that ancient poem, "Oran na Comhachaig," or "Song of the<br />
Owl," we have<br />
Thoir soraidh nam tliun an loch,<br />
Far am faic mi 'bhos 's tluiU,<br />
Gu uisge Leamhna nan lach.<br />
TEAL.<br />
— —<br />
Latin Anas orcca. Gaelic Crann-lach, Crion-iach (little duck),<br />
Siotta (A. Macdonald), Darcan (A. Macdonald). Welsh— Co/-<br />
Ihvyad, Crack Ilijad.<br />
WIDGEON.<br />
Latin Anas Penelope. Gaelic Gias-lach. Welsh Chioiw.<br />
EIDER DUCK.<br />
Latin Somateria moilissima. Gaelic Lach-lochlannach, Loch-mhur<br />
(Harris), Lach-Ckolonsa, Lavh-heisgnr (Uist), Catcach. Welsh—<br />
Hioyad Jwifthbki,.<br />
This duck gets its first Gaelic name— Scandinavian duck<br />
fi'om its being so common in these nortliern regions ; that of<br />
Lach-mhor— ]»ig duck—from its large size; and its third and fourth<br />
names from its being so common on the islands of Colonsa and<br />
Heiskcr. Mr Grey says— "The extraordinary number of Eider<br />
Ducks found on the island of Colonsa has gained for this bird the<br />
local name of Lach-Cholonsa over a considerable portion of the<br />
western districts of Scotland." Colcach seems to be tlie ancient<br />
name, for Dean Mnnro, who wi-ote his "Description of the<br />
Hybrides" in 1594, describes it under the name of Oolcach.<br />
Martin uses the same name in 1716, in his "Description of the<br />
Western Islands." Of Martin's description of the eider Mr Grey<br />
says— " Martin also mentions the bird which he describes by the<br />
name of colk (the Gaelic one still in use) and gives a most glowing<br />
and exaggerated descri]jtion of its plumage, which he compares to<br />
that of the peacock ! At the close of his ornithological records,<br />
however, he makes the following highly curious remark, which<br />
may, to some extent, account for his m:ignified descri})tion— 'The<br />
air is <strong>here</strong> moist and moderately cold, the natives qualifying it<br />
some times by drinking a glass of Ksquebavi/h. The moisture of<br />
this i)lace is such that a loaf of sugar is in danger to be dissolved.'<br />
The precise nature of the humidity is not exi)lained, nor yet the<br />
cause, though the melting of the sugar is rather suggestive."<br />
VELVET SCOTER.<br />
Latin — Oideniia fusca. Gaelic — Lach-dhubh, 7\mna(/ {/Meast.<br />
Welsh—Ilwyad /elfedog.<br />
—<br />
—
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 79<br />
COMMON SCOTEU.<br />
Oideviia nifjra. Gaelic Tunmui-dhiihh (Grey) Welsh— Y<br />
Fdr-llwyad dtlit<br />
POCHARD, OR DUN BIRD.<br />
—<br />
—<br />
Latin Fidi'mda ferma. Gaelic Lach-vihasach, Lach-dkear^-cheannach,<br />
TunmiQ-dhearrf-cJieamvxch. Welsh Uioyad bengock.<br />
Latia<br />
—<br />
Futi'jida cristata. Gaelic C urrachay, Cearm molach.<br />
Welsh Uwyad (joppo(j.<br />
LONC-TAILED DUCK.<br />
hunn—Fuligula gladalis. Gaelic Fun-buchuinn, lan-buchain, Lachbhinn.<br />
Welsh Hivyad (.lynffun (juennoL<br />
Mr Grey says:— "The cry of this bird is very remarkable,<br />
.uul has obtained for it the Gaelic name of Lach-lihinn—or<br />
musical duck—which is most api)ropriate, for when the voices cf<br />
a number of them are heard iii concert, rising and falling, borne<br />
along by the bi-eeze between the rollings of the surf, the effect is<br />
musical, wild, and startling. The united cry of a large flock<br />
sounds very like bagpipes at a distance; but the note of a single<br />
bird when heard very near is not so agi'eeable." The long-tailed<br />
duck is often mentioned as a sweet singer by our old bards.<br />
iMexander Macdonald says, in Allt an t-Siucair :<br />
" Bidh guileag eala 'tuchan,<br />
'S eoin-bhuchuinn am barr thonn,<br />
Aig ionbhar Alt an t-Siucaii-,<br />
'Snamh luth chleasach le fonn ;<br />
Ri seinn gii moiteil cuirteil,<br />
Le muineil-cliiuil 's iad crom,<br />
Mar mhala pioba 's lub air<br />
Ceol aoifidh, ciuin, nach trora."<br />
He also says, in "Gran Rioghail a' Bhotail :<br />
Latin<br />
'S binne na luinneag eoin-bhuchuinn,<br />
Bhiodh ri tuchan am barr thonn,<br />
Guileag do mhuineil a's giuig ort<br />
Cuisle-chiuil a dhuisgeadh fonn.<br />
GOLDEN EYE.<br />
Fxdifjxda dangxda. Gaelic Lach-a-chinn-uaine, Lach-bhreac<br />
\YQ\sh.—Llydad aur.<br />
;
80 Gaelic Society of Inueniess.<br />
h\xi\\\~Mcrjus alhclltis. Gaelic SloUaifhe-brtac, iSiuUati-ban, iSioltan-breac.<br />
Welsh Lleian iven.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
— — —<br />
—<br />
KED-BUEASTED MERGANSER.<br />
Mercus serrator. Gaelic — Sioltairhe (Liglitfoot) Siultau,<br />
SioUa-dhearrj (Grey). Welsh Trochijdd danheddog.<br />
GOOSANDER.<br />
Latin— J/t'/v/».s' vicrqansev. Gaelic Larh-fhiarillach. Tnmuig-jhiacillack,<br />
^ioltaiche, Sioitan, iSioUa-bhear/ (Grey). Welsh— l/wijad<br />
ddanheddoq.<br />
Family II.— Coli/mbidie.<br />
LITTLE GREBE, OR DABCIIICK.<br />
Latin — Podiceps minor. Gaelic — S/>a
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 81<br />
Fcmily TIL—Alondce.<br />
COMMON GUILLEMOT.<br />
Ldii\\\—Uria (mile. Gaelic Gearradh-hreac, Eim-a-chrubain. Eundubk-a-chruUain,<br />
Lanfjnch, LaiKjaidh (Barra) Eati-an-S
82 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
GREAT AUK.<br />
Alca inipennis. Gaelic Gearbhal, Bu)ina-bhuachaUle,<br />
Colca, Colcair. Welsh Carsil mawr.<br />
Tliis large, cuiious, and interesting bird is now extinct, not<br />
only in Britain, but also in all other known parts of the world,<br />
though it used to breed in 8t ]vilda, the last one known being<br />
captured ofl' that island in 1821 by Mr Macleiman, tacksman of<br />
Sciilpa. The great auk is mentioned by Sir George Mackenzie<br />
and other early writers, also by Martin, in his "Voyage to St<br />
Kilda," published in 1098. He says:— "The Sea Fowls are fii-st<br />
Gairfowl, being the stateliest, as well as the Largest of all the<br />
Fowls <strong>here</strong>, and above the size of a Solan Goose, of a Black<br />
Colour, Bed about the Eyes, a large white spot under each eye, a<br />
long broad bill ; stands stately, his whole body erected, his Wings<br />
short ; he Flyeth not at all ; lays his egg upon the<br />
which if taken away, he lays no more for that Year.<br />
bare rock,<br />
He comes<br />
without regard to any wind, appears about the first of May, and<br />
goes away about the middle of June." In his "History of St<br />
Kilda," published in 1764, the Rev. Kenneth Macaulay says:<br />
" 1 had not an 0])portunity of knowing a very curious fowl some-<br />
times seen upon this coast, and an absolute stranger, I am apt to<br />
believe, in every other part of Scotland. The men of Hirta call<br />
it the Garefowl. This biid is above four feet in length. From<br />
the bill to the extremities of the feet, its wings are, in proportion<br />
to its size, very short. The St Kildians do not receive an annual<br />
visit from this strange bird, as from all the rest in the list, and<br />
from many more. It keeps at a distance from them, they know<br />
not w<strong>here</strong>, for a course of years. From what land or ocean it<br />
makes its uncertain voyages to their isle, is, perhaps, a mystery in<br />
nature." In "A General View of the Agricultuie of the Hebrides,"<br />
by James Macdonald, published in 1811, that author gives<br />
a list of the birds of St Kilda, at the head of which comes the<br />
Auk:— 1. Bunna-bhuachaillc, or Great Auk, is the largest bird<br />
met with in the neighbourhood of St Kilda. It is larger than a<br />
common goose, of a black colour, the irides red, having a long<br />
white spot under each eye ; the bill is long and broad at the base.<br />
It cannot fly, by reason of the shortness of its wings ; lays only<br />
one egg, and if rob])ed of it, lays no more that season." The eggs<br />
of the Great Auk nuist have always been very rare, and now since<br />
th
—<br />
The Gaelic Names oj Birds. 83<br />
1 1 is hard to say what they may rise to yet, as t<strong>here</strong> are only Go<br />
known specimens in tlie workl, 41 of which are in Britain. Of<br />
course the Gg^ii are liable to destruction, whilst t<strong>here</strong> is no possi-<br />
bility of any more ever being added to the list.<br />
George Buchanan, in his '' History of Scotland," published in<br />
1580, in his account of the Isle of Suilkyr, says:— " In this island<br />
also t<strong>here</strong> is a rare kind of bird, unknown in other parts, called<br />
Ooli:a. It is little less than a goose. She comes every year<br />
thither, and t<strong>here</strong> hatches and feeds her young till they can shift<br />
for themselves. About that time, her feathers fall off of their<br />
own accord, and so leaves her naked, then she betakes herself to<br />
the sea again, and is never seen more till the next spring. Tliis<br />
also is singular in them, that their feathers have no quills or stalks,<br />
Ijut do cover their bodies with a gentle down, w<strong>here</strong>in t<strong>here</strong> is no<br />
hardness at all."<br />
— —<br />
Family IV. —Peleanidce.<br />
COJIMON CORMORANT.<br />
Latin Phalacrocora.v carbo. Gaelic Sgarbh,S(jarbh-buill, Syarbha-bhothain,<br />
Sgarbh-an-uchcl ghil, Ballaire-bothain, Ballaireboan,<br />
Sgaireag (Young). Welsh Mulfran, Morfran.<br />
This terrible gluttor., the most voracious of all our birds,<br />
though certainly no great ftivourite with the Highlanders, has<br />
escaped in Gaelic lore the extremely bad character w'hich it bears<br />
in English, caused no doubt, to a great extent, by some of the<br />
early English poets choosing this bird for an example of all that<br />
was bad. INIilton even goes the length, in " Paradise Lost," of<br />
making Satan assume the form of this bird, before he did that of<br />
the serpent, and entering the Garden of Eden :<br />
" Thence up he flew, and on the Tree of Life,<br />
The middle tree, and highest t<strong>here</strong> that grew,<br />
Sat like a Cormorant."<br />
As Pennant puts it :— " To survey undelighted the beauties of<br />
Paradise : and sit devising death on the Tree of Life." The only<br />
evil habit which I find in our Gaelic lore attributed to the cormorant<br />
is that its young, along with the jackdaw's, are accused,<br />
in the old proverb, of tiying to pass themselves off" as something<br />
better than what they really are by imitating tlie voices of better<br />
birds :— " Guth na cubhaig am bial na cathaig, 's guth na faoileig<br />
am bial na sgaireig"— the cuckoo's voice in the jackdaw's mouth,<br />
and the sea-gull's voice in the young scart's. The cormorant is an<br />
extremely dirty bird about its nest, which smells abominably. Mr<br />
—
—<br />
84 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Grey says:— " When cruisinq; past (their nests), when the wind is<br />
bloAving oli' shore, it is by no means pleasant to be assailed by the<br />
otiensive odours which are wafted on board ; the abomination is only<br />
exceeded when, on a hot day, yon venture within the precincts of<br />
the nursery itself. Tn such a place one can almost understand the<br />
aversion with which the bird is regai'ded by many persons who<br />
liave given it a bad charactei"." My pei^sonal experience of the<br />
abominations of the cormorant's nursery, a few hours before I<br />
write this, was even woi-se than what Mr Grey <strong>here</strong> describes as<br />
feeling when cruising past on the open sea. I had been hunting<br />
in vain for some time amongst the cliffs and caves of the most rocky<br />
part of the eastern shores of Fleet Bay in Kirkcudln-ightshire for<br />
cormorants' nests, and was i)assing along the top of a high cliff',<br />
over a large cave, into which the sea ran at high water, when I<br />
felt such a fearful smell that I thought I must have discovered<br />
the })reeding place of all the coromants in Galloway. I quickly<br />
scrambled down the face of the cliff", the smell getting worse every<br />
stej). On getting into the cave I found to my disgust that t<strong>here</strong><br />
were no cormorants breeding t<strong>here</strong>, only a f(;w innocent rock doves'<br />
nests, and that the cause of all the abomination was the putrifying<br />
carcases of two large horses and a sheep which the tide had<br />
washed into the cave. They had died on a neighbouring farm,<br />
and, to save the trouble of digging graves, the farmer had hurled<br />
them over the rocks several weeks before, and, as the day was<br />
very hot and the wind blowing right into the cave, the stench was<br />
something fearful—enough to make me remember it as long as Mr<br />
Grey says a friend of his did the bad taste of the cormorant's ffesh.<br />
He says :— " From living exclusively upon ffsh, its flesh, as I have<br />
been informed by those who have had the courage to taste it, is<br />
peculiarly rank and unpleasant. An old friend of mine told me<br />
lately that he had cooked one and eaten pai-t of it about forty<br />
years ago, and that the terribly ffshy flavour was in his mouth<br />
still." This gentleman with the long memory certainly never had<br />
the privilege of deriving his flrst support from an Isle of Skye<br />
nurse, lor jNIartin, in his description of Skye, says :— " The natives<br />
observe that the cormorant, if perfectly black, makes no good<br />
broth, nor is its flesh worth eating ; but a cormorant that has<br />
any white feathers or down, makes good broth and the flesh of it<br />
is good food, and the liroth is usually drunk by nurses to increase<br />
their milk."<br />
SIIAO, OR GREEN CORMORANT.<br />
Latin Phalacrocorax crisbantus. Gaelic S)/arbh, Sgarhh-an<br />
sgumain, Gray (Young). Welsh— Y Fnlfran leiaf.<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 85<br />
This is a very waiy bird, and very difficult to approach or<br />
capture, hence the old proverb :— "Trod nam ban niu'n sgarbh, 's<br />
an sgarbh a muigh air an loch "—the scolding of the wives above<br />
the shag, and the shag out on the loch. Quarrelling about it before<br />
they had captured it. Another old proverb, common in<br />
Hebrides, is<br />
the<br />
:— '• Biodli gach fear a' toirt sgairbh a' creagan dha<br />
fheiii "— let every man take shags out of rocks for himself. Sheriff<br />
Nicolson says :— "Alleged to have been said by a St Kilda man to<br />
his comrade, who was holding the rope above and asked if he had<br />
secured birds for them both. On hearing the answer above quoted,<br />
the holder of the rope is said to have replied, ' Let every man<br />
liold the rope for himself,' and let him go !" These bold cragsmen<br />
descend the rocks for the " oragan," or young shags, which are<br />
reckoned good eating t<strong>here</strong>. Mr A. A. Carmichael writes me<br />
frjm Uist :— " The oragan are so fat and helpless that they frequently<br />
tumble out of the nest down into the sea, then they<br />
scramble on shore on ledges of rock as best they can. In Minbiidh<br />
adventurous bird-catchers go to the rocks at nights and catch these<br />
asleci). These })irds sleep with their heads under their wings.<br />
Their enemies place them between their knees and wring their<br />
necks."<br />
GANNET, OR SOLAN GOOSE.<br />
Latin—
86 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
kind of thick substance manufactured in tlieir own way, they use<br />
by way of sauce, or ins'ead of butter, among their porridge and<br />
flummery. In tlie adjacent ishmds they administer this oily substance<br />
to their cattle if seized with violent colds or obstinate<br />
coughs ; and it is the general belief that the appliacation of the<br />
Giobain, in such cases, has a very good etiect." I have no doube<br />
the reverend gentleman was quite correct in his surmises of to tht<br />
beneficial effects of the Giobain on the cattle, for they seem to have<br />
the same on even the lords of creation, as I find in an old song<br />
by Archibald Macdonald, the Uist bard, to Dr Macleod, that lie<br />
ascribes the enoi-mous size and weight of the worthy doctor to<br />
his being fonder of " Giobainean nan Gugachan" than of milk or<br />
butter. As the whole song is illustrative of the art of the fowler<br />
amongst the I'ocks, and of the capture, not only of the solan<br />
goose—the " Sulair Garbh "— but also of the preceding and following<br />
birds, I may give the whole, as it is very cleverly written,<br />
and represents the bulky doctor in a ludicrous light all through<br />
his adventures, till at last his courage fails him when descending<br />
a high rock and all the wild fowl fly far beyond his reach when<br />
they get the scent of his drugs ofi him •<br />
—<br />
ORAN CNADAIL DO'n OLLA LEODACH.<br />
Le Gilleaspuig Donullach, am Bard Uisteach.<br />
Luinneag.—Thugaibh, thugaibh, bo bo bo,<br />
An Doctair Leodach 's biodag air,<br />
Faicill oirbh san taobh sin thall<br />
Nach toir e'n ceann a thiota dhibh.<br />
'Nuair a bha thu d'fhleasgach og,<br />
Bu mhorchuiseach le claidheamh thu,<br />
Chaidh Ailean Muillear riut a chorag,<br />
'S leon e le bloidh spealaidh thu.<br />
Bha thu na do bhasbair corr,<br />
'S claidheamh mor an tarruing ort,<br />
An saighidear 's measa th'aig Righ Deors'<br />
Choraigheadh e Alastair.<br />
Bhiodh sud ort air do thaobh,<br />
Claidlieamh caol 'sa ghliosgartaich ;<br />
Cha'n oil falcag thig o'n traigh,<br />
Nach cuir thu barr nan itean di.<br />
Biodag 's an deach an gath seirg<br />
Air crios seilg an luidoalaich,<br />
Bha .seachd oirlich oiro a mheirg,<br />
'S gnr mairg an rachadh bruide dhi.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 87<br />
Bhiotlag 's measa tli'annsan tir,<br />
'S a beairt-cliiun 's a' ghliogartaicli,<br />
Chnamh a faobliar leis an t-sutliaicili,<br />
'S cha gheari- i'n dh'im na dh'itlieadh tu.<br />
Biodag, agus «!gabard dearg,<br />
'S cearbach sad air aniadan,<br />
Gearradh anihaichean nan sgarl)h,<br />
D'fhaigte marbh gun anail iad.<br />
'Nuair a theid thu'n chreig gu li'ard<br />
Cluinnear gair nan iseanan,<br />
'S mu thig am fulamair a d dhail,<br />
Smalaidh tu do bhiodag ann.<br />
'S iomad farspag riun thu niliarbhadh,<br />
A 's sulair garbh a rug thu air,<br />
Bhliadhna sin, inu'n deach thu'n arm,<br />
Chuir uibhean sgarbh cioch slihigain ort.<br />
Cha deoch bhainne, no mheig,<br />
'S ciiinteach mi rinn ucsa dhiol ;<br />
Ach biaiih bu docha leat na'n t-im,<br />
Giobaincan nan gugachan.<br />
'Nuair a theid tliu air an rop',<br />
bu mhor do chudthrom air,<br />
A Righ !<br />
Direadh 's na li-iseanan a d' sgeth.<br />
Air learn gu'm feum thu cuideacha.<br />
Bu tu tlieannaicheadh an t-sreang,<br />
Cha'n eil i fann mur bris thu i,<br />
Mu thig an cipean as a ghrunnd,<br />
Cluinntear plumb 'nuair thuiteas tu.<br />
'Nuair a theid thu'n chreig gu hard,<br />
Failigidh do mhisneach tliu,<br />
Cha tig na h-eunlaidh a'd' dhail.<br />
Le faile do chuid dhrogaichean.<br />
'Nuair a theid thu'n chreig tha shuas<br />
Fuadaichidh tu chlisgeadh iad<br />
Le dearsa do bhutain ruadh,<br />
'S do bhucaill chruadha'ch 'sa ghliosgartaich.<br />
Cha ndiarbh thu urrad ri each,<br />
Ge leathan ladair mogur thu.<br />
T'airm cha dian a ])heag a sta,<br />
Mur sgriobar clar no praise leo.
88 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
—<br />
Family V.—Larida-.<br />
COMMON TERN, OR SEA SWALLOW.<br />
Stertux hirumlo. Gaelic Stearnan. Welsh<br />
rvemwl fioyaf, Ysci'aean.<br />
ARCTIC TERN.<br />
hatin— Stermi arctica. Graelic<br />
LESSER TERN.<br />
—<br />
Stearnal.<br />
—<br />
Y For-<br />
IjOXvo.—Sterna viinnta. Gaelic—Stearnal heag. Welsh— T Fdrivennol<br />
leiaf.<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
—<br />
Steima nigra .<br />
Gaelic<br />
BLACK TERN.<br />
Stearnal-dnhh. Welsh<br />
—<br />
Ysrraean dd/i.<br />
LITTLE GULL.<br />
Lams minntus. Gaelic Crann-jhaoileag, Crion-fhaoileag,<br />
Faoileag hheag.<br />
nLACK-nEA.DED GULL.<br />
Latin Larus ridibmulus. Gaelic Faoileag, Ceann-duhhan, Duhhcheammch,<br />
Faoileag-dhnhh-cheannach. Welsh— Yr ivylan henddti.<br />
KITTIWAKE.<br />
Latin — Lama tridadylns. Gaelic — Seagair, Faireag, Ruideag<br />
Sgaireag.<br />
Latin<br />
COMMON GULL.<br />
Lar^is canus. Gaelic — Faoileann, Fanleag, An t-iasgairdiomhain.<br />
Welsh G'wylan Iwyd, llnccan.<br />
This gull gets its name of An t-iasgair-diomhain (Idle Fisher),<br />
by which it is generally known in Atliolo, from its habit of flying<br />
along the course of a river or stream, and darting down on any small<br />
trout it sees near the surface, but as these shallow-water trout are<br />
very quick of sight they generally see it coming, and either dive<br />
into deep water, or under a stone, and escajjo, so its fishing exi)loits<br />
t<strong>here</strong> Ijeing generally a failure it got the name of the Idle Fisher,<br />
or, more literally, the Unsuccessful Fisher.<br />
Latin<br />
Latin<br />
LESSER BLACK-BACKED GULL.<br />
Lams fuscns. Gaelic Sgaireag, Fari^pach-hheag, Faoileag-<br />
Itheag (Grey).<br />
HERRING GULL.<br />
Lams argentafKit. Gaelic (Jlas-fJinnihag. Welsh<br />
henwaig.<br />
(hnjlan
— — —<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 89<br />
GREAT BLACK-RACKED GULL.<br />
Latin Larusviarinus. Gaelic Farspach, Farspacj Faoileann-mor,<br />
Sqlinireach, (first year state). vlahh—Gwijlnn f/efn-ddu.<br />
GLAUCOUS, OR GREAT WHITE GULL.<br />
Latin Lams gtaucus. Gaelic Faoileaij-mhor, Mnir-mhaighstir.<br />
This gull gets its last Gaelic name, " Master of the Sea," from<br />
its being such a tyrant over all the other gulls. In the Birds of tlie<br />
West of Scotland, Mr Angus writes from Aberdeenshire :— " I<br />
have never been out in the bay in winter without seeing this bird,<br />
which is a very conspicious object, being more oceanic in its habits<br />
than any of its congeners. Along the coast its advent is heralded<br />
l)y the screaming of the other gulls, whom it torments and tyrannises<br />
over like the skuas. Even the great black-backed gull must<br />
give place to the Burgo-master."<br />
COMMON SKUA.<br />
Latin Lestris catarractes. Gaelic Fasgadair, Fasgadan,<br />
Tzdiac (St Kilda). Welsh- —Gwylan frech.<br />
The skua gets its name of Fasgadair, i.e., "The Squeezer," from<br />
its habit of not going to fish much itself, but its watching the other<br />
gulls till they have caught a lot of fish, then it darts on them and<br />
makes them disgorge their prey, which it seizes before reaching the<br />
watei', and so may be said to wring or squeeze its food fi'om them.<br />
The Skuaused to be a terrible pest,not only to theother.sea birds, but<br />
to the inhabitants as well of the isles w<strong>here</strong> it used to breed, as will<br />
be seen from the following quotation from the Rev. K. Macaiilay's<br />
History of St Kilda :— " At Hirta is too frequently seen, and very<br />
severely felt, a large sea gull, which is detested by every St Kil-<br />
dian. This mischevious bird destroys every egg that falls in its<br />
w;iy, and very often the young fowls, and sometimes the weakest<br />
of the old. It is hardly possible to express the hatred with which<br />
this otherwise good-natured people pursue these gulls. If one<br />
happen to mention them, it ihrows their whole blood into a ferment<br />
; serpents are not at all such detestable objects anyw<strong>here</strong><br />
else. They exert their whole sti'cngth of industry and skill to get<br />
iiold of this cruel enemy, a task very far from beiirg easy, as they<br />
are no less vigilant than wicked. If caught they outvie one<br />
another in torturing this imp of hell to death ; such is the em<br />
pliatical language in which they express an action so grateful to<br />
their vindictive spirit. They pluck out his eyes, sew his wings<br />
together, and send him adrift ; to eat any of its eggs, thougli<br />
among the largest and l)est their isle aftbrds, would be accounted<br />
—
90 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
a most flagitious action, and worthy of a monster only. Tliey extract<br />
the meat out of the shell, and leave that quite empty in the<br />
nest ; the gull sits ui)on it till she pines away. They call it<br />
Tuliac in St Kilda, but in the other western isles it goes under a<br />
diflferent name" (Fasgadair).<br />
Richardson's skua, or arctic gull.<br />
Lat'm—Lesti-is liichardsoni. Gaelic—Fasr/adair. Welsh—Gwli/cni<br />
y Gorjledd.<br />
FULMAR PETREL.<br />
h^Wn—Procellaria glacialis. Gaelic—Fubnaire, Fahnaire. Welsh<br />
Gwylan y grau/.<br />
This is another inhabitant of St Kilda, but a very different<br />
one from the Skua, and after the very bad character the latter got<br />
from the rev. historian of St Kilda, it is pleasant to turn to the<br />
good one he gives the Fulmar :— " Another sea-fowl highly<br />
esteemed in this island is the Fulmar. 1 was not a little entertained<br />
with the econiums they bestowed on this bird. 'Can the world,'<br />
said one of the most sensible men in Hirta to me, 'exhibit a more<br />
valuable commodity 1 The Fulmar furnishes oil for the lamp, down<br />
for the bed, the most salubrious food, and the most efficacious<br />
ointments for healing wounds, besides a thousand other virtues of<br />
which he is possessed, which I have not time to enumerate. But,<br />
to say all in one word, deprive us of the Fulmar, and St Kilda is<br />
no more.' " The following account of the taking of the Fidmar<br />
in St Kilda is given in sketches of St Kilda, by Lachlan Maclean<br />
(|)ub. 1S38) :— " The young Fulmar is valued by the natives moi'e<br />
than all the other tribes of ]>ir(ls taken together ; it may be said<br />
to be their stati" of life ; they t<strong>here</strong>fore never meddle -with the egg.<br />
The twelfth of August, if a notable day on the moors, is more so<br />
on the rocks of St Kilda. A day or two before every rope is<br />
tested, every oil-dish cleaned, .and every barrel emptied. Some<br />
of these ropes are older than their owners, and are chiefly made of<br />
thongs from cow-hide, salted and twisted into a cable. The<br />
twelfth arrives, the rope is made fast round the waists of the<br />
lieavier party, whilst the other and lighter party is let down the<br />
perpendicular rock several liundred feet. Here the work of<br />
destruction goes on night and day for a given space ; the St Kilda<br />
man has nothing to do but take the young Fulmar, wring his neck,<br />
and then suspend him ])y a gii-th he wears I'ound his loins. This<br />
is the harvest of the peo])le of St Kilda. They are aware it is to<br />
last only eight days, and t<strong>here</strong>fore sleep itself is banished for tliis<br />
space. The number killed in this one week may be from eighteen<br />
—
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 91<br />
to twenty thousand. Thoy are from two to three pounds weight,<br />
about two hundred will
92 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Of the common fowl Penuiint sa\s— "Our common poultry<br />
came originally from Persia and India. They were early introduced<br />
into the western ])arts of the world, and have been very long<br />
naturalised in this country, long before the arrival of the Romans<br />
in tliis island, Ciesar informing us they were one of the forbidden<br />
foods of tlie old Britons. These were in all probability imported<br />
<strong>here</strong> by the Phaniicians, who traded to Britain about live luindred<br />
years before Christ. For all other domestic fowls, turkeys, geese,<br />
and ducks excepted, we seem to be indebted to the Romans. The<br />
wild fowl were all our own from the period they could be supposed<br />
to have reached us after the great e\ent of the Hood."<br />
I need scarcely remind any one who knows anything about<br />
the Highlands, in the days of our grandfathers, what an institution<br />
cock-tighting was in every part of the country, especially in the<br />
parish schools, w<strong>here</strong> certain days were set specially apart for cock-<br />
tighting, with the old schoolmaster as president, who claimed all<br />
the slaughtered cocks as a perquisite.<br />
Gaelic<br />
—<br />
Coileach-franqach, CoUeach-turcach, Turcach, Turcaire.<br />
Cearc-fhrangach, Cearc-tlmrcach<br />
Hen<br />
— — —<br />
Gaelic Peiicag (1st Kings x. 22), Coileach-fheuchaig, Peubhchoileach;<br />
Pecoc (Alex. Macdonald). Hen—d'arc-fheAicaig,<br />
Gaelic<br />
Gaelic<br />
The old song says :<br />
GUINEA FOWL.<br />
Goileach-innseanacJi.<br />
PIGEON.<br />
Cahnan, Gura-gug, Duradan.<br />
Fhuair mi nead a ghura-gug,<br />
Ann an^cuil na moine,<br />
Fhuair mi'an toisicli uibhean ann,<br />
'S fhuair mi ris eoin ann,<br />
'8 fliuair mi nead a ghura-gug,<br />
Ann an cuil na moine, itc.<br />
GOOSE.<br />
Gaelic—Gander—Canm^M, Sgeigeir. Gooso—Geadh.<br />
.
—<br />
— — —<br />
—<br />
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 93<br />
DUCK.<br />
Drake, Gaelic Lcich, Hac.<br />
Duck, Gaelic- Ihtyimty.<br />
FOREIGN BIRDS.<br />
1 will now tinisli by giving a few Gaelic names of foreign<br />
birds, most of which will be found in the Bible (Deut., 14th<br />
chap.), or in Alexander Macdonald's vocabulary :<br />
Eagle, Gaelic lolair.<br />
Gier-eagle, Gaelic lolair-fhionn, lolair-thimchiollac/i<br />
Vulture,<br />
Ossifrage, Gaelic Cnaimh-bkruteach.<br />
Gaelic—Fany, SjrincJiayi-criosach, Precichaii-inyneach.<br />
Vu Iturine, Gaelic Preachanach.<br />
Pelican, Gaelic Pelag, Pelicon, Eim-mor-fasaich.<br />
Ostrich, Gaelic Siruth, Struth-chamhull.<br />
Parrot, G&aMc — Piorraid, Parracait.<br />
Canary, Gaelic Canari.<br />
With this I conclude my list of Gaelic names of birds, having<br />
given a Gaelic name for about 220 different birds, and as most of<br />
them have several different names, making a total of about 61:^<br />
Gaelic names. Though this is a large number, yet it does not<br />
nearly include them all, as t<strong>here</strong> are many local names by which<br />
bii'ds are known in difierent districts of the Highlands, which I<br />
have not Ijeen able to collect, and I shall t<strong>here</strong>fore be very glad,<br />
indeed, if any member of the Society, or anybody else, who may<br />
know any other Gaelic names, anecdotes, proverbs, or poetry connected<br />
with the bird lore of the Highlands, will kindly communicate<br />
them, either to myself, or to the obliging secretary of the<br />
Society, with a view to their perha})s ap})earing in a more complete<br />
form "some ither day." I know many raeml^ers of the Society<br />
are deeply vei'sed in Gaelic bird lore, and I hope they, and all other<br />
lovers of birds, and of the Gaelic language, will, in the words of<br />
the old Gaelic proverb— " Prove it, prove it," by assisting in collecting<br />
and preserving our old bird lore, and I think I may now conclude<br />
by giving the old j^roverb referred to, which, as Sherifl<br />
Nicolson says, is an imitation of the chirping of birds, but wdth a<br />
moral meaning— " Tlia da ian bheag 's a' choill ud thall, 's their an<br />
dara fear ris an fliear eile, ' 'S toigh leam thu, 's toigh leam thu ;'<br />
's their am fear eile, ' Dearbh sin, dearbh sin.'" T<strong>here</strong> are two<br />
little birds in yonder wood, and the one says to the other, " I like<br />
you, I like you;" and the other says, " Prove it, prove it."<br />
—<br />
.
94 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
23rd December 1885.<br />
At the meeting on this date the Rev. William I<br />
homson,<br />
Fodderty, and Mr D. Davidson, Waverley Hotel, Inverness, were<br />
elected ordinary members of the Society.<br />
T<strong>here</strong>after the Secretary read (1), a paper on " Dunnacliadh<br />
Bim," by Mr Neil INIacleod, the Skye bard ; and (2), a poem entitled<br />
"Meurachadh Oidhche Coinnlc,'' by the Rev. Thomas Sinton,<br />
Glengarry. The latter meritorious production was nut intended<br />
tor publication in these Transactions. Mr Macleod's paper was as<br />
follows :<br />
—<br />
DUNNACHADH BAN MAC-AN-T-SAOIR.<br />
Tha c air aithris gu trie ann am measg nan Gaidheal gur e<br />
Dunnacliadh Ban Mac-an t-Saoir bard is fhearr a thog Gaidhealtachd<br />
Alba bho laithean Oisein ; agus gur e- " INIoladh Beinn<br />
Dbrain " cuibhrionn de bhardachd is fhearr a cliuir Dunuachadh<br />
Ban ri cheile. Cha'n 'eil mi ag radh nach fhaod daoine a bhi<br />
air am mealladh anns an da ni sin. Tha iad na mo bheachd-sa<br />
gu h-araidh air am mealladh a thaobh an dara ni ; is e sin gur e<br />
" Moladh Beinn Dorain " cuiblirionn de bhardachd is fhearr a<br />
chuir Dunnachadh Ban ri cheile. Neach air bitli a leughas "Moladh<br />
Beinn Dorain" gu faicilleach bho thoiseach gu deireadh, faodaidh<br />
an neacli sin eulas fhaotainn air na buadhan a bhiodh feumail<br />
agus fieagarach do dheagh shealgair, air cumadh a' ghunna 'bha<br />
cleachdte ann an laithean a' bhaird, agus ainmeannan lusan gun<br />
aii'eamh ; gheibh e na nithe sin air an cur sios ann an cainnt<br />
bhinn, fhileanta, agus bhlasda, a dh' fhaodas a bhi 'n an lun<br />
taitneach do 'n chluais, ach nach dean moran ardachaidh no<br />
beathachaidh air buadhan na h-inntinn. Tha 'm bard a' toirt<br />
dhuinn tri seallaidhean araidh air Beinn Dorain. Anns a' chiad<br />
aite tha e 'g a h ainmeachadh na " monadh fada, reidh," ach 's ann<br />
a tha 'bheinn coltach ris mar gu 'm biodh i ag atharrachadh<br />
nan crutli fa chomhair suil inntinn a' bhaird mar a bha e 'dol air<br />
aghaidh leis a' mholadh aice. Agus an aite i bhi 'n a " monadli<br />
fada, reidh," 's an a tha i tionndadh gu bhi cho corach, carach,<br />
bideanach, ri sruth Choire Bhreacainn, 'n uair a tha i fas<br />
" Gu stobanach, stacanach,<br />
Slocanach, laganacli,<br />
Cnocanach, cnapanach,<br />
Caitcanacli, roniacli;<br />
Pasganat-h, l)adanach,<br />
BachlaL'ach, buidheach.<br />
"<br />
—
Dunnachadh Ban. 95<br />
Alius ;ui troas sciilladli a tlia 'm bai'd a' tuirt dhuiiiu air Bciiiii<br />
Durain, tlia o 'ga h-aiuuieachadli 'ii a "inouadli fada, faoiii." Tlia<br />
sill a' leigeadh fliaiciuu duiuu uacli b' e idir cuinadli agus luaise<br />
na beiniic 'bu mhoiulia blia anus an audiaic aig a' bhard aiin a<br />
blii 'seiiui a cliu, aeii a blii a' taghadli briathrau tinoalta ruithteacli<br />
a rachadli gu snasmhor aim an eagaii a chcile, agus a bha<br />
fieagarrach aii- fonn a' pliuirt air an do sheiim c am iiioladli, co<br />
dliiubh a bha 'cliainnt sin seasinhacli ri lagh NiHluir no nach robli.<br />
Tha aon rami beag amis nach 'eil acli ccitliir srcathan goirid, ami<br />
am •' Miami a' Bliaird Aosda," air cliii agus iiiaise beinne, anns<br />
am bheil barrachd brigli agus bardachd na 'tlia ami am " Moladh<br />
Beinn Dbrain " blio cheann gu ceann.<br />
" Clii mi Beinn-ard is aillidh tiamh,<br />
Ceann-feadliua air mhile boann ;<br />
Bha aisling nan damh 'na ciabh,<br />
'S i leabaidh nan nial a ceann."<br />
Tha e air a mheas 'n a mhaise aii- bardachd agus air sgriobhadh<br />
no comliradh sam bith, mar is momha 'tlicid de chiall agus de<br />
ghliocas a chur ami an tearc de bhriathran. Ach cha d' thug<br />
Dunnachadh Ban moran aire do 'n teagasg sin. Agus dia b' e<br />
'mhain Dunnachadh B;in, ach bha agus tha a' cliuid nilior de na<br />
baii'd Ghaidhealach agaiiin ciontacli dhe sin. Cho fad 's a gheibh-<br />
eiidh iad briathi-an a ghabhadh tathadh agus fuaimneachadh ri<br />
'cheile leanadh iad air snioiidi an orain a mach cho fad 's a ghabhadh<br />
e deanamh ; co dhiiibh ;i bha beachdan ura 'g am foillseachadh<br />
fhein ami no nach robh. Mii bha 'ndiiii gann bha iad a' fuine<br />
'bhonnach a mach cho tana 's a ghabhadh iad sgaoileadh.<br />
Cha ghabh e aicheadh nach e tior lihaid a bha 'n Dunnachadh<br />
Ban, ach bard aig an robli buadhaii cainnte pailt air tlioiseach<br />
ail' a' chumhachd inntinn. Ach ma rinn e bardachd lag rinn e<br />
bardachd laidir. Ann am moladh " Coiie-cheathaich " tha againn<br />
dealbhan air an tarrainn cho oirdherc agus cho niaiseach, ann an<br />
cainnt cho fmoalta, snasmhor, 's a tha ri 'fliaotainn anns a' chanain<br />
Ghaidhlig —cainnt a tha 'sealltain dhuinii a' bhai'd, agus an toilinntinn<br />
a bha e 'faotainn ann an co-choinunn ri maise obair<br />
Naduir.<br />
" 'Sa' mhaduinn chiiiin-ghil an am dhomh dusgadh,<br />
Aig bun nan stiic b' e an siigradh leam."<br />
Anns an rann so tha agaiim inntinn agus spiorad an fliior<br />
bhaird a' briseadh a mach. Anns a' mhaduinn cheitcin tha 'n<br />
driuchd a' dealradh air gach febirnein, a' ghrian ag eirigh suas 'n a
96 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
gloii-, Ic sgiathan seimh a' sgaoileadb a brat orbhuidh air gacli<br />
srath agus sliabh. Is e miaun a' bhaird a bhi 'g eirigh gu niocli<br />
agus a' direadh suas gu bun nan stuc a gliabhail oonipairt le<br />
eunlaith nan speur ann a bhi 'seinn agus a' deanamh gairdeachais<br />
ann an gloir agus maise 'chruinne-che. Tha e duilich a chreidsin<br />
gu'n cuireadh iighdar " Coire Cheathaich" bardachd ri' cheile (ma<br />
dh' fliaodair bardachd a radh ris) cho leanabail, lag, agus leibideach,<br />
ri " Ahistair nan stop." Rinn Dunnachadh Ban a ti'i no ceithir a<br />
dh' orain-ghaoil, ach a mach bho " Mhairi Bhain Oig," cha 'n 'eil<br />
iad ach fuar, tioram, agus lag. Ann a h-aou de na h-orain-ghaoil<br />
sin tha'n rann so<br />
—<br />
"'S do chul daithte lan-mhaiseach,<br />
Mu 'n cuaii-t do d' bhraigh' an urdugh,<br />
Air sniondi uiar theudan clarsaiche<br />
'N a fliaineachan glan nosar :<br />
Gu lidh-dhonn, pleatach, sar-chleachdach.<br />
Gu dosach, fasnihor, donihail,<br />
Gu lubach, dualach, bachlach, guairsgeach,<br />
Snasmhor, cuachach, or-bhuidhe."<br />
Tha 'n t-oran a' toiseachadh leis na facail so— " A Mhairi<br />
bhan, gur barrail thu." Tha e duilich a dheanandi a uiach ciod e 'n<br />
seorsa dath a bha air an fhalt aig a' mhaighdinn so, ma bha e<br />
"ban," "lidhdhonn," agus " br-bliuidhe." Ann ann oran " Mairi<br />
Bhan Og " tha 'm bard a' bualadh teudan na clarsaich aige le<br />
diirachd ni 's lilaithe, leis a bheil faircachadh a' ghaoil agus<br />
spiorad na bardachd a' comhnadh a cheile, agus a' sgeadachadh<br />
^lairi le trusgan maiseach tinealta nach caill i cho fad 's a bhios<br />
Gaidhlig ghlan Albannach air a labhairt no air a seinn air feadh<br />
an t-saoghail.<br />
Ann an •' Oran an t-Samhraidh " tlui 'n rann a leanas : —<br />
*' *S fior ionndiuinn mu thrath neuinc,<br />
Na laoigh oga choir na buaile sin,<br />
Gu tarra-gheal, ball-bhreac, botainneach,<br />
Sgiuthach, druim-fhionn, sron-fhionn, guaillinnach,<br />
Buidh', gris-fhionn, cra-dhearg, suaichionta,<br />
Seang, slios'ra, direach sar-chumpach,<br />
Gas, bachlach, barr an suainiche,"<br />
Faodaidh c 'bhith gur c nach 'eil mise 'tuigsinn ciod 'is ciall<br />
do fhior bharilachd, ach feumaidh mi aideachadh nach 'eil mi<br />
'faicinn bardachd air bith anns an rann sin, no ann am moran<br />
rann eilc de'n t-seursa cheudna. Tha cainnt gu leor ann, air a
Donnachadh Ban. 97<br />
carnadli air muiu 's air muiu a cheile, facail f liAda thioraiu laidir,<br />
gun bliinneas guu ghrinneas. Agus ami am luoasg a cho-thionail<br />
bhriatliran sin, bu cho math a bhi 'g iarraidh snathaid aim au<br />
cniaich-f heoir agus a bhi 'g amharc air son a' blieachd air an robh<br />
am bard ag iarraidli solus a chur.<br />
Tha baidaclid agus tuigse aims an oran chiatach sin, "Cead<br />
deireannacli nam Beanii." Cha'n 'eil am bard a' dcanamli stritli air<br />
bith gu bhi taghadh facail mhora cliruaidhc thioram. Tha na<br />
fairichean aige mar a tha iad a' dusgadh suas 'n a chono, a'<br />
sruthadh a mach ann an cainnt cheolnihor, bhog, bhlath ; cho<br />
binn seimh ri cronan an uillt. Anns an oran so tha 'm hkrd a'<br />
toirt dhuinn dealbh taitneach dhe fliein, ach dealbh a tha air a<br />
udieasgadli le cianalas agus br^n. Tha 'm bard 'n a sheann aois<br />
ag gabhail a chuairt mu dheireadh, agus an sealladh mu dheireadh<br />
de Bheinn Dbrain, agus faodaidh sinn a bhi cinnteach mar a blia<br />
e 'dh-eadh ri uchd an t-sleiblie le anail ghoirid, le ceann Hath, s<br />
le chiabhan tana, le ceiim mall, 's le cridhe trom, gu'n robh iomadli<br />
smaointinn thursach mhuladach a' snamh 'n a cliom, ag cuimhneachadh<br />
all' na laithean a dh' fhalbh, laithean taitneach na h-oige<br />
nach till air an ais ni's mo.<br />
"N uair 'slieall mi air gach taobh dhiom,<br />
Oha'n fliaodainn gun 'bhi smalanach."<br />
Tha mi creidsinn gur h-ann le cridhe trom a thearnaich<br />
Dunnachadh Ban gu baile air an fheasgar sin, a' mothachadh aois<br />
agus a lag-chuis fhein ; agus an uair a cliunnaic e ceo an anmoich<br />
agus neoil dhorcha na h-oidhche a' sgaoileadh am brat tiamhaidh<br />
mu ghuaillean Beinn Dbrain nach robh esan gu fhaiciim gu brath<br />
tuilleadh.<br />
" Ghabh mi nis mo chead de'n t-saoghal,<br />
'S de na daoine dh' fhuii-ich ann ;<br />
Fhuair mi greis gu sunndach aotrom,<br />
'S i 'n aois a rinn m' fhagail fann.<br />
Tha mo thalantan air caochladh,<br />
'S an t-aog air tighinn 's an am,<br />
'S e m' achauaich air sgath ra' Fhir-shaoi'aidh<br />
Bhi gu math 's an t-saoghal thall."<br />
Rinn Dunnachadh Ban beagan aoirean anns am bheil brod<br />
bardacdd ged nach 'eil iad ri am moladh air dhoigh eile. Ach<br />
cha 'n eil teagamh nach do thoill " Nighean dubh Raineach " na<br />
fhuair i<br />
7
98 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
" A chionn gu'n do ghoid i<br />
'N rud beag blia 'n sa chludau,<br />
Bh' agam 's a' chiiil<br />
Nach d' imiis mi chach."<br />
Agus tha e coltach nach robh " Uisdean Piobaiic " air na daoine<br />
'bu mhodhaile agus 'bu bheusaiche. Acli tha sean-fliacal ag radh<br />
gur a " searbh a' gliloir nach fhaodar eisdeachd." Cha'n 'eil e na<br />
chomharradh laidir air inntinn mhor a bhi 'gabhail gnothaich ris<br />
gach peasan leibideach a thig 'n a i-athad. Agus cha mhomha a<br />
bha e ag ardachadh cliu Dhunnachaidh Bhain a bhi cumail connspaid<br />
ri Uisdean Piobairc, Iain Faochaig, an Taileir, agus " Anna<br />
nighean Uilleam an Crompa." Ach cha b'e paipeir goirid a<br />
chaidh a sgriobhadh ann a' cabhaig mar a chaidh am paipeir so a<br />
bheireadh ceirteas do Dliunnachadh Ban agus d'a chuid bardachd.<br />
Bha sinn a' toirt cliu dha agus a' faotainn coire dha ; ach tha<br />
sinn a' creidsinn nach cuir aon choire a gheibh sinn dha tolg no<br />
dealg 'n a chliu. Tha dbchas againn gu 'm bi a chliu mar bhard<br />
cho seasmhach buan ri beanntan a dhuthcha. Agus tliaeagal orm<br />
gu'm bi iomadh latha agus linn mu'n siubhail Gaidheal eile<br />
firichean Bheinn Dbrain a ni a ieum de 'bheul agus de 'shiiilean,<br />
agus a chuireas urad de bheatha agus de mhaise ann an cainnt<br />
agus ann am bardachd ar diithcha 's a chuii' Dunnachadh Ban<br />
Mac-an-t-Saoii-.<br />
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL DINNER.<br />
The Fourteenth Annual Dinner was held in the Caledonian<br />
Hotel, Inverness, on the evening of Tuesday, <strong>12</strong>th January 1886.<br />
Mr Allan R. Mackenzie, yr. of Kintail, Chief of the Society,<br />
presided, and he was supported by Provost Macandrew, Bailie<br />
Alexander Ross, Mr William IMackay, solicitor ; Dr Aitken, ]\Ir<br />
E. H. Macmillan, Caledonian Bank ; Mr William Mackenzie,<br />
secretary of the Society ; Ac. Mr Duncan Campbell, Ballifeary,<br />
and Mr G. J. Campbell, solicitor, acted as croupiers. Among<br />
those present were Bailie Charles Mackay, ex-Bailie Macbean,<br />
Treasurer Jonathan Ross, Mr Alexander INIackenzie, Silverweils ;<br />
Dr Sinclair Macdonald, Inverness ; Mr D. Mackintosh, Bank of<br />
Scotland ; Mr W. Macdonald, contractor ; Mr James Barron, Ness<br />
Bank ; Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Ballifeary ; Rev. G. Mackay,<br />
Beauly ; Mr H\igh Mackintosh, of Mactavisli k Mackintosh,<br />
Castle Street ; Mr A. Macbain, Raining's School ; Mr P. H. Smart,<br />
drawing-master; Mr A. Macgregor, solicitor; INIr John Davidson,<br />
Inglis Street ; Mr T. G. Henderson, High Street ; Mr D. Mac-
Annual Dinner 99<br />
tavisli, coimnission-aj^eut; Mr A. Macfavlaue, Calodonian Hotel; Mr<br />
W. Macboau, linpeiial Hotel ; Mr J. AVhyte, Free Library ; Mr<br />
W. Gunii, Castle Street ; Mr Fraser Cain[)bell, High Street ; Mr<br />
J. Mackenzie. Greig Street; Mr H. R. i\lackenzie, Town-Clerk's<br />
Otlice ; Mr TJieodore Chishohn, Telford Road ; Mr F. Macdonald,<br />
Druidag ; Mr D. Ramsay, Gilbert Street ; Mr E. M. Carter, Greig<br />
Street ; Mr Alexander Fraser, Glasgow ; Mr A. C. Mackenzie,<br />
Maryburgli ; Mr William Fraser of Illinois ; Mr Macpherson,<br />
Ballifeary, (fcc. An excellent dinner having been served up.<br />
The Chairman, who was heartily received, gave the toast of<br />
"The Queen," and, in doing so, said it was quite on the cards that<br />
next year her Majesty would, iu honour of her jubilee, knight the<br />
Provosts of all the county towns. (Hear, hear, and applause.) The<br />
Chairman then proposed the health of "The Prince and Princess<br />
of Wales" and the other Menibei-s of the Royal Family ; and t<strong>here</strong>after<br />
gave the toast of the Army, Navy, and Reserve Forces.<br />
Lieut. -Colonel H. C. Macandrew, whose name was coupled with<br />
the latter toast, in reply, expressed regret that t<strong>here</strong> were no officers<br />
of the army or navy present to reply on behalf of these branches<br />
of the service. He did not think they could have such a large<br />
gathering in the days of old without having sevei-al officers of<br />
the army and navy amongst them. (Hear, hear.) But if they<br />
were not turning out so many officers now, it was a great satisfaction<br />
to them to know that, notwithstanding all the changes<br />
that had taken place, and the statement that had been made from<br />
generation to generation that the service was going to the bad,<br />
still our soldiers were, when called upon to act, as brave, cool,<br />
and courageous as ever they were. (Applause.) With regard to<br />
the volunteers, while they had no such record as that of the<br />
army, still they felt that they had succeeded to the glorious heritage<br />
of British freedom. (Hear, hear.) They had taken up arms<br />
with the earnest determination that while brave and strong men<br />
can bear arms, that glorious heritage will be handed down unscathed<br />
to theu' children. (Applause.)<br />
Mr William Mackenzie, the Secretary, then read the annual<br />
report, which stated that the membership of the Society was now<br />
about 300. The income durmg the year, including £79. 10s.<br />
carried forward from last year, Avas £164. 8s. Id. The sum of<br />
£89. 2s. 9d. had been paid out, thus leaving a balance of £75. 5s.<br />
4d. (Applause.) That the last session had been a successful one,<br />
would, he said, be seen from the handsome volume of Transactions<br />
which had recently been issued to members. The large size of the<br />
last two volumes of Transactions had been a considerable drain
100 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
upon tlie funds of the Society, and he ajipealed to those present to<br />
use their eflbrts to increase the membership, so that the Executive<br />
miglit be enabled, by additional funds, to continue the publication<br />
of such large and handsome volumes. (Applause.) Mr Macken-<br />
zie then read apologies for absence from the following gentlemen :<br />
—Sir K. S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart.; Mr D. Cameron of<br />
Lochiel ; Mr K. J. Matheson, yr. of Lochalsh ; Mr R. C. Munro-<br />
Ferguson of Novar ; Mr C. Fraser-]Mackintosh, M.P. ; ]\Ir D.<br />
Cameron, "NVoodville, Nairn ; Field-Marshal Sir P. Grant, G.C.B.,<br />
Governor of Chelsea Hospital ; Major Kose of Kilravock ; Captain<br />
A. INI. Chisholm, Glassburn ; Mr D. Davidson of Drummond<br />
Park ; Mr Alexander Ross, Teaninich ; Canon Thoyts, Tain<br />
Mr Charles Innes, Inverness ; Dr Thomas Stratton, Devonport<br />
; IVTr George Black, National Museum, Edinburgh ; Mr Neil<br />
Kennedy, Kishorn ; Mr J. D. Fletcher of Rosehaugh ; Professor<br />
Mackinnon, Edinburgh ; Mr Reginald Macleod ; ]\Ir A. Burgess,<br />
banker, Gairloch ; Colonel Macpherson of Glentruim ; Rev. Alex.<br />
Bisset, Stratherrick ; Mr Maci'ae, Kirksheaf ; Mr D. R. Ross,<br />
Glen-Urquhart ; Mr J. Home, Inverness; Sheriff Nicolson,<br />
Greenock ; Mr John Mackay, Hereford ; Rev, Wm. Thomson,<br />
Fodderty ; Mr P. Burgess, Glen-Urquhart ; Mr James Eraser,<br />
Mauld; Mr Charles Fergusson, Kirkcudbright; Mr James Chinas,<br />
Nairn ; Mr Angus Mackintosh of Holme ; Mr N. ]M. F. Scobic,<br />
Keoldale ; Mr S. Chisholm, Gairloch ; Mr Thomas Hood, Cork,<br />
(fee. Mrs Mary Mackellar, the bard of the Society, expressed her<br />
sentiments in the following Gaelic Duan —<br />
:<br />
Beannaicheadh Dia an Comunn Gaidhlig,<br />
'S biodh a ghras orr' anns an am,<br />
Bho Mhac-Coinnich a' Ceann-taile<br />
Gus am bard a rinn an rann.<br />
Biodh an ciste-mhine Ian,<br />
An sgadan 's am buntat' neo-ghann,<br />
'S deuran beag a bhi 's a' buideal,<br />
Aig ga«h aon neach sgrubadh dram'.<br />
" A Challuinn, a bhuilg bhuidhe, 'bhoicinn, buail an craicionn !<br />
A' Challuinn a' so." (Clieers.)<br />
The Chief proposed a cordial vote of thanks to the Secretary<br />
for his services, and the very encouraging report lie had just i-ead<br />
of last year's proceedings. (Applause.) Mr Mackenzie's health<br />
was cordially pledged.<br />
The Chief, who was received with loud and continued applause,<br />
then proposed tlie toast of the evening, " Success to the<br />
;
Annual Dinner. 101<br />
Gaelic Society of Inverness." He said—Once attain I have the<br />
privilege, as well as the pleasure, of presicling at our annual festive<br />
gathering, and as with to-night the year of office, which it was<br />
your will to bestow upon me, comes to an end, I hope you will<br />
now accept of my best thanks for the invariable kindness which<br />
I have ro
102 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
intention of entering into the political aspect of it <strong>here</strong>, but I<br />
should like, with your leave, to say one or two words, so far as I<br />
think this Society can bring to l^ear influence on the general question<br />
without, I hope and believe, doing itself any harm, but doing,<br />
I am cei-tain, a very great deal of good to the country at large,<br />
which, I am convinced, is the earnest wish of all of you. (Hear,<br />
hear.) I have often of late thought, and my views have been<br />
strengthened and confirmed by my conversations with different<br />
members of the Gaelic Society, that a Society like this, embracing<br />
among its members some of the foremost Celtic students of the<br />
day, could, if they individually took the matter up, do much in<br />
helping to dispel some of the erroneous statements which have<br />
been of late circulated amongst the people, and in the present<br />
state of the Highlands, w<strong>here</strong> the people seem suddenly to have<br />
placed their trust in those gentlemen who have gone amongst them<br />
promising much, and making these promises, too often quite impracticable,<br />
in that great boon, " the Gaelic tongue " — (Hear, hear)<br />
and as we all see that t<strong>here</strong> must be legislation for the Highlands,<br />
I do think that the members of this Society should not be<br />
content with making speeches full of good advice and kindly<br />
feeling to their fellow countrymen, but, pushing on one side all<br />
party feeling, for I maintain that this is no party question, let<br />
Whig and Tory, aye, and downright Liberal, stand shoulder to<br />
shoulder, take every opportunity of talking with the people in<br />
their native language, and try and get them to meet the proposed<br />
legislation in the spirit in which it will be offered, by whatever<br />
Government bring-s it forward, be it Liberal or be it Conservative.<br />
I think this is the more incumbent on this Society, as I noticed<br />
the other day that a large section of the people in the Highlands<br />
have agi'eed only to read the papers which they, or, at least, their<br />
self-elected advisers, chose to call fiwourable to their cause. I<br />
hope I shall not be misunderstood <strong>here</strong>, and to be thought that I<br />
am at all referring to the editors of those papers, for from my<br />
personal knowledge of one or two of them, I am quite certain that<br />
they rather like opposition, and would be the last tocibject to both<br />
sides of the question being placed before those whose cause they<br />
advocate— (Hear, hear)—and I may also add that they are well<br />
able to give and receive as hard a blow as most of us. (Applause.)<br />
It seems to me the duty of every one who desires the happiness of<br />
his country to prevent such a rebound as will have the effect of<br />
injuring the Highlands instead of doing the people good. I am<br />
suro T need not say tliat I am far from desiring that the mem])ers of<br />
this Society should either individually or collectively commit them<br />
—
Annual Dinner.<br />
selves to advocating the interests of any particular class—of that wo<br />
liavc far too nuioli in these days—but 1 should like to see thwrn<br />
endeavouring to help forward such a settlement of this vexed<br />
question, as will give permanent peace to the Highlands, on a<br />
basis of Justice to all, bringing in its train a future of happiness and<br />
prosperity, which, I am afraid, has been very much the reverse<br />
during the past few years. (Applause.) You may have noticed<br />
that the Government propose to introduce a bill, under the guidance<br />
of the Duke of Richmond and (lordon, dealing with the<br />
crofter (juestion in the Highlands. What its terms may be, we<br />
do not know, but we do know that the bill is in able hands, and I<br />
am certain will be framed in such a manner as to effect a permanent<br />
settlement, and bring that state of peace and contentment to<br />
the Highlands which is so much to be desired. If you and your<br />
friends, on the other hand, will do your best to induce the people<br />
to accept of it, whatever be the result, I have no fear that the<br />
example set by Ireland will be imitated <strong>here</strong>, but the cry of the<br />
peojde for legislation on the land question must be listened to,<br />
and their prayer granted, so far as it is consistent with justice<br />
and right. (Ajjplause.) I will not detain you longer, as I do<br />
not think we meet <strong>here</strong> to make long speeches, so I will simply<br />
ask you to join with me in drinking a long and useful life and<br />
continued prosperity to " The Gaelic Society of Inverness." (Loud<br />
and continued applause.)<br />
]Mr James Barron, Ness Bank, proposed the health of " The<br />
members of Parliament for Highland Counties and Burghs." The<br />
members for the Northern Constituencies, he said, were for the<br />
most part new to public life; and he was sure every one would wish,<br />
as they were entering on their duties, that they unght ha\e a satisfactory<br />
career. (Hear, hear.) Looking over some Parliamentary<br />
gossip lately, he saw it stated that any one aspiring to political<br />
life must possess physical stamina. (Hear, hear.) He fancied<br />
that the true type for a modern member of Parliament, was a<br />
statesman for whose memory he had a special regard^he meant<br />
the cool, bright, cheery, and vivacious Lord Palmerston, who, a<br />
fortnight before his death, at the age of eighty, exercised his<br />
strength and ability by climbing twice over a high fence opposite<br />
103<br />
his front door. (Laughter and applause.) That was th(^ sort of<br />
legislator they required in these days of late houis, physical strain,<br />
and mental anxiety. They also hoped that besides the healthy body,<br />
their northern members would possess the healthy mind. They were<br />
the representatives of great and populous constituencies, elected<br />
by a decisive voice, raised to a position in which their names
104 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
might become historical, and called upon to deal with queations of<br />
great difficulty and complexity. (Hear, hear.) He was sure it<br />
was the general wish that they would act as true patriots, and<br />
labour to advance the true interests of the Highlands of Scotland.<br />
(Applause.)<br />
Mr A. Macbain, Raining's School, proposed " The Language<br />
and Literature of the Gael." In doing so, he .said this was the third<br />
time within the past five years that he had been called upon to<br />
propose this same toast, and he had indeed hoped by this time<br />
that his two former speeches on the subject ought, owing to their<br />
excellence, to have entitled him rather to respond to the toast than<br />
to propose it. (Laughter.) In these circumstances he would<br />
adopt the method employed by the candidates at the late election.<br />
When any knotty question was proposed in the course of the<br />
heckling, the candidates invariably referred his questioner to a<br />
speech he had delivered in some other place on that very topic.<br />
(Laughter.) Now, if they were anxious to know his opinions on<br />
the language and the literature of the Gael, he must first refer<br />
them to his previous speeches on this subject (Laughter.)<br />
Of course they all knew that the Gaelic was the oldest language<br />
in the world— (Hear, hear, and laughter)—at least it could<br />
not be scientifically proved that it was not the oldest language,<br />
and that itself was a great consolation— (Laughter)— for<br />
in reality a language and the race that spoke it were just as old<br />
as the human race and no older or younger. In regard to the<br />
Gaelic as a language, personally he had found it, he said, of the<br />
greatest use in the special field of science which he followed—<br />
in philology and mythology. T<strong>here</strong> was scarcely a })hilological<br />
law of the ancient or of the modern world that Gaelic did not<br />
exemplify. It was of special importance in studying what the<br />
Germans called "Umlaut"— the action of a terminal small vowel<br />
on the preceding syllable; it showed, as no other language could,<br />
how they could get rid of consonants on jirinciple, for vowelflanked<br />
consonants generally disappear, so that the French people<br />
and the Strathspey j)eoplc pronounced the word for " mother "<br />
exactly the same way, get^,ing each rid of the medial letter t ; and,<br />
lastly, the philological law of analogy, w<strong>here</strong>by declension and<br />
conjugation came to be of similar types, was extremely well exemplified<br />
in Gaelic. In regard to Gaelic literature, the Gaels could<br />
hold their own any day with any similarly situated })eople on this<br />
score. The literature was lively, pathetic, satiric, like most folkliteratures,<br />
and as such it was the best in Europe. (Applause.)<br />
General literature owed one great feature to the Celtic idea of
Annual Dinner 105<br />
fitness and beauty, for it was to the Celts that tliey owed rhyme<br />
in modern verse. Hebrew poetry had its l)alance of thought,<br />
chtsaical poetry liad its quantity, Teutonic poetry delighted in<br />
alliteration, but the Celts had the most beautiful of all—rhyme or<br />
assonance. (Hear, hear, and applause.) And, not to detain them<br />
longer, he had lastly to refer to the triumph that Gaelic had lately<br />
gained in being recognised in the Scotch Code. A cherished object<br />
of this Society had been thus gained, and he, as a member of it,<br />
had the honour of presenting the first pupils under the new Code,<br />
even though the Gaelic schedule was not yet organised. (Cheers.)<br />
Mr Duncan Campbell, who was called upon to reply, said he<br />
would have preferred to have proposed the toast, as in that case he<br />
would have had a better opportunity of referring to Mr Macbain's<br />
studies in Celtic literature. (Applause.) Mr Macbain was one of<br />
those gentlemen who really deserved the thanks of the Society,<br />
and, indeed, of all Celtic Societies, for his valuable and fruitful<br />
labours in that field. (Applause.) His friend, Mr Mackenzie,<br />
Ballifeary, whose name was coupled with the toast, and himself,<br />
were only doing their best to keep modem Gaelic alive, and coining<br />
it for commercial and every-day use ;<br />
and also, as his friend Mr<br />
Whyte suggested, for election purposes. (Laughter and applause.)<br />
Professor Blackie some years ago published a judicial sentence of<br />
his own to the efi'ect that Gaelic would never go beyond poetry and<br />
dialogue; but the Professor would have to retract this sentence—<br />
whicli, as an enthusiastic Highlander, he would no doubt do very<br />
frankly, for, during the election, the province of Gaelic—modern<br />
living Gaelic— had branched out in every form, and endeavoured<br />
to adapt itself to modern {)olitical thought, and other matters which<br />
formerly were almost unutterable in Gaelic. (Applause.) It had<br />
been shown that, like modern Greek, the Gaelic language had<br />
within itself the power of expressing every idea entering into<br />
the hearts of men, without, like English, borrowing from every<br />
available source. (Laughter and applause.) Mr Campbell, in<br />
conclusion, referred to a pamphlet, published by Dr Mackenzie of<br />
Eileanach, entitled " The Catechism of the Crofter." The pamphlet,<br />
Mr Campbell said, was one of the most useful and valuable<br />
contributions to modern Gaelic literatui'e, because the Dr had<br />
elevated the importance of industry, and brought to the knowledge<br />
and understanding of the crofters valuable ideas in political economy.<br />
(Applause.) He only hoped that some one would follow up Dr<br />
Mackenzie's contribution with a I'ublication of a similar nature,<br />
giving useful knowledge regarding gardening, for the benefit of tlie<br />
Highland people. (Applause.)
106 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Ballifeary, whose name was also<br />
coupled with the toast, contented himself with acknowledging the<br />
compliment.<br />
Bailie Alexander Ross proposed " The Agricultural and Commercial<br />
Interests of the Highlands," and in doing so referred to<br />
the depression which at present prevailed throughout the country.<br />
He trusted that t<strong>here</strong> would be a speedy revival of prosperity in<br />
all branches of industry.<br />
Mr F. Macdonald, Druidag, in a few pithy Gaelic sentences,<br />
replied on behalf of the agricultural, and ex-Bailie Macbean on<br />
behalf of the commercial interests of the North.<br />
Provost Macandrew, on rising to proi)ose the toast of "Highland<br />
Education," was heartily received. Highland education was,<br />
he said, a subject impressed uj)on them in one or two ways. In the<br />
fix'st place, they could not travel very far over the country without<br />
observing that, at any rate, education was asserting itself in the<br />
matter of stone and lime. All the educational buildings which<br />
had of recent years been reared in the various parishes were very<br />
much tiner than used to content their anccbLors, or even themselves<br />
in their youth. As a consequence, education pressed upon many<br />
of them very seriously in the matter of assessment—especially<br />
about this time of the year they were all made very sensitive to<br />
that fact. (Laughter and applause.) Although in this particular<br />
part of the country they had not so great cause of complaint having<br />
regard to taxation, in many other parts of the Highlands excessive<br />
school rates were a great and crying evil. (Hear, hear. ) This was an<br />
immediate effect of the excessive expenditure which had taken place<br />
in providing these buildings for elementary education ; and t<strong>here</strong><br />
was no doubt that some speedy remedy would require to be found,<br />
and effectual relief given in many Highland })arishcs. (Loud applause.)<br />
The question which pressed itself upon his mind in this<br />
matter of education was. What were they substituting— what<br />
were the real merits of the equivalent being given—for the<br />
ancient system of education'? It was necessary and right that the<br />
people should be taught to read and write not only the English<br />
language Jnit their own native Gaelic, in order that they might<br />
be qualitied to enter upon the actual business of life; but, while<br />
this elementary education was being supi^lied at such an enormous<br />
cost and pressure upon the ratej)ayer,'^, it was, he was afraid,<br />
being foi-gotten that a great moans for the education of the people<br />
had been greatly, and was now almost totally witlulrawn, and<br />
that was the ancient literature of the country, that used to exist,<br />
if not in writing, at least in speech, handed down from one<br />
I
Annual Dinner. 107<br />
veneration to another.<br />
could now make such<br />
(Api)lauso.)<br />
a collection<br />
He did not suppose anybody<br />
of Highland stories as Mr<br />
Campbell of Islay succeeded in doing. That collection, as they<br />
were aware, was in many respects imi)ertVct l)ut ; had a Mr<br />
Campbell of Islay been in the tield throe or four generations before,<br />
how much more valuable a book of folklore might have been<br />
compiled 'l They must also remember that these traditional<br />
stories educated the people in those days; iind when they looked<br />
back to what their forefathers were, and when they looked at all<br />
the appliances of modern education, he did not think that they<br />
liad much reason to be proud. T<strong>here</strong> was one thing that they<br />
must remember, and that was that they had a valuable means of<br />
education in the study of their own history, and the more he<br />
knew of it the more he would recommend its study. Tliere was<br />
much in it, no doubt, which they had no reason to feel proud of.<br />
It often told of nobles who were faithless. But all through the<br />
course of the history of Scotland they felt that among the great body<br />
of the people t<strong>here</strong> always existed a strong feeling both for the maintenance<br />
of the independence of the country, and for the maintenance<br />
of tlie I'oyal line— (Hear, hear)— and this feeling of loyalty and<br />
independence shone brightly above the faithlessness of the nobles,<br />
and the weakness as well as the poverty of the country. (Applause.)<br />
Through the long course of their history, the people<br />
combined to resist the Romans, the Saxons, and the other in-<br />
vaders, and maintained Scotch independence, and their own royal<br />
line, until they were able to unite with England upon equal terms.<br />
(Hear, hear, and applause.) The fact could not be impressed too<br />
much upon the people that the more they looked back into the<br />
history of the country the more would they tind people guided by<br />
laigh and noljle feeling, by a feeling which soared high above their<br />
own selfish interests, a feeling of freedom and independence, which<br />
ought to be maintained at all risks and hazards. (Hear, hear, and<br />
applause.) It was of the utmost ini2)ortance that this old Scotch<br />
feeling of freedom and independence should be perpetuated and<br />
not be lost sight of. A knowledge of reading, writing, and arith-<br />
metic, and a knowledge of how to acquire money, was all very well,<br />
but while they imparted such an education as enabled every man<br />
to take his share in the busy, active part of life, that part of his<br />
education should not be neglected which taught him to see that<br />
t<strong>here</strong> were other things far above worldly and selfish interests<br />
which ought to insijire his heart, and guide him through life.<br />
(Applause.) Proceeding, the Provost said t<strong>here</strong> could be no doubt<br />
that t<strong>here</strong> was among the poorer class in the country a great
108 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
amount of improvidence and idleness, although it had to be borne<br />
in mind that they had mucli to contend with in the variable<br />
nature of the climate. He could conceive no better means of<br />
educating them out of their present position than by teaching<br />
them to look back upon the history of their country, which<br />
would teach them to rely more upon their own exertions and<br />
their own industry, as well as to look beyond their personal<br />
anxieties. (Applause.) They had heard a great deal lately<br />
about free education, but while he was in politics a Liberal, he<br />
had some old-fashioned ideas, and he must say that, in his opinion,<br />
to introduce free education would not only reduce it to a thing of<br />
little value, but would destroy that noble feeling which prompted<br />
the artisan to pinch himself in order that his son might be well<br />
educated. (Hear, hear.) Free education would destroy that<br />
glorious feeling of independence that had ever characterised Scotchmen,<br />
and should animate them to the last stroke of time. Entertaining<br />
these feelings, he had great pleasure in taking part in the<br />
proceedings of the Society. It was devoted to maintaining what<br />
was good and valuable, and its main object was to conserve all<br />
that was good and true in Highland life and character, and to<br />
promote education in the highest and best sense. (Applause.)<br />
The Society should do its utmost to teach the Highland people<br />
that what was only valuable and worthy of being contended for<br />
was that which was obtained through industry and actual exertion<br />
on their part—that education was only valuable if sought<br />
for its own sake, and for the sake of the freedom and the knowledge<br />
which it gave ; and teach them also to look back into the<br />
history of former times, and learn the valuable lesson that it was<br />
their duty to look far above individual comfort and individual<br />
grievances,<br />
plause.)<br />
and endeavour to realise a higher ideal. (Loud ap-<br />
Mr A. C. Mackenzie, Maryburgh, who replied, said he had<br />
always taken a very great interest in the question of education.<br />
Speaking of elementary education in the Highlands, he said many<br />
difficulties had to be contended with. The question of school<br />
attendance was one of the most serious. This was a matter which<br />
he thought ought to occupy the attention of members of School<br />
Boards and others more than it did. (Hear, hear.) Some Boards<br />
were quite content if they appointed a default officer This<br />
should not be tin; case. The jtrosecution of parents for neglecting<br />
to send tlieir children to school was looked upon as harsh ; and lie<br />
believed more in the persomil influence of those who commanded<br />
respect in the district for a change for the better, than in any
Annual Dinner.<br />
meusuie of compulsion. (Applause.) With regard to the Provost's<br />
remark about free education, he might say that he had found that<br />
those who had paid school fees attended school with more satisfaction<br />
to themselves, their parents, and their teachers. Notwithstauiling<br />
this fact, however, his experience led him to think that<br />
education, if compulsory, should, if not free, be at least cheap.<br />
(Hear, hear, and applause.)<br />
Mr E. H. ]\Iacmillan, Caledonian Bank, proposed the toast<br />
of "Kindred Societies," and in doing so, referred to the good work<br />
which was being carried on by the various societies. He had expected<br />
that he would have been able to couple the toast with ihe<br />
name of Mr Home, of the Geological Survey. (Applause.) He,<br />
however, had found it impossible to be present. They were glad,<br />
however, to have Dr Aitken with them, one of the leading members<br />
of the Field Club. The Secretary of the Gaelic Society had<br />
alluded to the fact that the eleventh volume of the Transactions<br />
had been issued during the past year; and he (Mr Macmillan)<br />
might mention that the Scientilic Society and Field Club had<br />
issued during the year the first volume of their Transactions.<br />
(Applause.)<br />
Dr Aitken, in reply, said he was glad the Field Club should<br />
have for its President one so distinguished, and one likely to become<br />
more distinguished than he was. Mr Home had already<br />
solved a question which had long puzzled men in his own profession—the<br />
geological problem in the North-West of Sutherland.<br />
(A-pplause.) In speaking to the toast, he said he understood that<br />
the societies he was expected to represent were three in number.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> was the Literary and Debating Society—a very vigorous<br />
Society—and he knew of no other better field for training young<br />
men to acquit themselves with credit in life than in that associa-<br />
tion. (Applause.) The older Society—the Literary Institute<br />
had thought desirable to connect itself with the Field Club, not<br />
for want of papers or energy, but owing to so many nights being<br />
devoted to the various societies, that the members could not<br />
attend all the meetings, (Applause.) In regard to the Field<br />
Club, its sp<strong>here</strong> was to deal with the natural phenomena and<br />
archaeology of the district. (Applause.) The Gaelic Society sub-<br />
sisted for preserving the language and folk-lore of the people.<br />
(Applause.) The one dealt with the physical features of the<br />
country, and the other with the life of the people. (Applause.)<br />
It was most important that people should be conversant with the<br />
history and traditions of their own race, and he was pleased to<br />
observe that in the last volume of the Gaelic Society the history<br />
—<br />
109
110 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
of the language of the country occupied a most inipoit.int i)art.<br />
He know of nothing in that direction more important than that<br />
contributed by Mr Macbain, Raining's School. If they once<br />
allowed the language of the country to go down, they might do<br />
what they pleasetl ; they might legislate and take all i)ussible precautions,<br />
but they would be lost as a people, and in order to preserve<br />
it they could not do better than study it. (A})plause.) If<br />
the two Societies worked together he thought the history and folk-<br />
lore of this district would be worked up better than any other dis-<br />
trict in Scotland. (A})i)lause.)<br />
Mr Alex. Mackenzie, Ballifeary, in a humorous speech, gave<br />
" The Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council of Inverness."<br />
In doing so he spoke of the important schemes which thiiy had to<br />
deal with. He mentioned that within the last few years the<br />
Police Commissioners had expended a sum of £100,000 on gas and<br />
water. (Applause.) He expressed the hope that the Queen, on<br />
the occasion of her jubilee, would remember the Provost of the<br />
Capital of the Highlands, and that when they next met he would<br />
have the honour to call upon Sir Henry Cockburn Macandrew to<br />
reply for the toast. (Applause.)<br />
The Provost said he did not know what her Majesty might<br />
be pleased to do by-and-bye ; but t<strong>here</strong> was no doubt of this<br />
that if these honours were to be flying about, the Provost of<br />
Inverness had as good a title as any one else, and ought not to be<br />
forgotten. (Hear, hear, and applause.)<br />
Mr William Mackay, solicitor, proposed the toast of "The Non-<br />
Resident Members of the Society." He mentioned that of the 300<br />
members of the Society, 200 were non-resident, so that they were<br />
a very numerous l:)ody A reference to the syllabus would also<br />
show that they were an important body, no fewer than 15 of the<br />
20 pape)-s being by non-resident members. (Applause.)<br />
Mr F. Macdonald, farmer, Druidag, replied in Gaelic.<br />
Mr G. J. Campbell, in proposing the toast of " I<br />
The Clergy of<br />
all Denominations," said that while the })resent company could not<br />
be expected to subscribe to all the religious tenets re})resented by<br />
the subject of this toast, still they could all sympathise with, and<br />
appreciate the main objects of the clerical profession —(Applause)<br />
— even though all their clerical friends did not claim a})Ostolic succession.<br />
(Laughter.) The clergy had in the past taken the deepest<br />
interest in all that conduced to the well-being of society, and they<br />
wore doing so still. They were in bygone ages, as they were in<br />
the present day, in the forefront as pioneers of civilisation,<br />
going with their lives in their hand into the darkest corners of<br />
the earth, shedding the light of truth, inculcating the doctrines of<br />
—
Annual Dinner. Ill<br />
rectitmle and morality ami good-will among men, and breaking<br />
up the fallow ground for the advancement of social and commercial<br />
prosperity. (Hear, hear.) The influence they had on society<br />
might be traced in many ways, but perhaps in none more conspicuously<br />
than in the innumerable costly and ornamental, and even<br />
in their ruins, almost everlasting architectural edifices erected for<br />
religious purposes. They had also great influence in moulding the<br />
thought and life of the people by the action and intelligent interest<br />
they had taken in education and literature. The cause of Gaelic<br />
literature was laid under deepest obligation to their order, through<br />
the valuable record of the far oflf centuries handed down to us in<br />
the Book of Deer. (Applause.) The tendency of the present day<br />
was to deny to the clergy the privilege of entering into the discussion<br />
of civil and political reforms, but while he (Mr Campbell)<br />
could not coincide with that view, he believed it depended<br />
very much on the judiciousness with which they treated those<br />
questions whether they could command the sympathies and<br />
support of their peo])Ie on entering into those secular battlefields.<br />
(Hear, hear.) The functions of the clergy were more pastoral<br />
than political, and in their high calling they deserved the highest<br />
regard of the people. Let us be able to say of each of them,<br />
when called to give an account of his stewardship<br />
—<br />
" His head was silvered o'er with age,<br />
A nd long experience made him sage ;<br />
In summer's heat and winter's cold<br />
He fed his flocks and penned his fold ;<br />
His wisdom and his honest fame<br />
Through all the country raised his name."<br />
The Rev. G. Mackay, Beauly, in reply, said he had always<br />
taken a deep interest in all matters aftecting the welfare of the<br />
people of the Highlands, and would always do what he could to<br />
promote their best and highest interests. (Applause.)<br />
Treasurer Jonathan Boss, proposed " The Press," and Mr D.<br />
K. Clark, Inverness Courier, replied.<br />
Mr Mackenzie, Silverwells, said the toast assigned to him<br />
was one which he had the greatest possible pleasure in proposing,<br />
and which he was certain would be received with the cordiality<br />
and enthusiasm it deserved. (Hear, hear.) It was the " Health<br />
of their worthy Chairman and Chief," Kintail. (Applause.) Kin-<br />
tail was always ready to further the interests of all their local<br />
associations, societies, and institutions. As an agricultui-ist, he<br />
had set a noble example to tenants and tenant-farmers, and one<br />
which many of theii- large landed proprietors would do well to
—<br />
1<strong>12</strong> Oaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
follow. (Hear, hear.) He was heir to priiicely i>ossessious, and<br />
with the experience thus j^ained, it said much for his future as a<br />
landlord. (Applause.) He might also say that Kintail did not<br />
do like many of their lairds, after collecting their rents in the<br />
North, go and live in the great Metropolis. No, he preferred to<br />
live in the Highlands and among the Highland people, w<strong>here</strong> he<br />
was both loved and respected (Applause.) He asked them to till<br />
up their glasses and drink to the health of our Chairman and Chief,<br />
Kintail, with all the honours. (Applause and Highland honours.)<br />
The Chairman acknowledged the compliment, and thanked<br />
the company for their kind expressions of esteem.<br />
Bailie Charles Mackay proposed the health of "The Crouj)iers,"<br />
which was responded to by ]\lr G. J. Campbell, solicitor.<br />
The health of "The host," Mr Macfarlane, having been heartily<br />
pledged, the company separated. During the evening songs were<br />
given by Dr Sinclair Macdonald, Mr Mowatt, Mr Macpherson,<br />
Mr G. J. Campbell, Mr Fraser, Illinois; Mr William Mackay, Mr<br />
Whyte, and others. During dinner and between the toasts Pipe-<br />
Serjeant Paul INIackillop delighted the company with marches and<br />
strathspeys, played in excellent style on the pipes. His spirited<br />
strains roused the feelings of the company, and an excellent reel,<br />
in which most of those present took part, was engaged in towards<br />
the close of the proceedings.<br />
As already stated one of those who entertained the company<br />
assembled at dinner, Avas Mr William Fraser, of Elgin, Illinois,<br />
U.S.A. Mr Fiaser had been forty years in America, and the following<br />
poem of his own composition, vividly describes his tiist impressions<br />
of the country, and the home-sickness that made him<br />
sigh t<strong>here</strong> for Highland heather, glens, streams, and the social life<br />
to which he was accustomed. Better acquaintance with the land<br />
of his adoption, however, softened his regrets, but never killed the<br />
Highlander in his nature. The poem which Mr Fraser recited<br />
was as follows :<br />
First Fart.<br />
'Nuair bha na h-uaislean air cinntinn cruaidh oirnn,<br />
Anns an Taobh Tuath 's an robh sinn an Alb',<br />
Dh' eirich fuaim oirnn gu dhol thar chuaintibh,<br />
'S do dh-America ghluais sinn le fonn air falbh ;<br />
Is ann sua Staitean air tir do chaidh sinn,<br />
'N ceann iomadli la dhuinn l)hi muigh air fairg',<br />
'S cha mhor toil-inntinn a gheibh 'san tir so,<br />
Oir 's iomadli ni a tha ga deanamh searbh.
Annual Dinner. 113<br />
Air (lol (Ihotli lionl dhuiun ;iig crioch ar seolaidli,<br />
'>Sa' lihailo lalior ud do 'ii aiiim New York,<br />
Bhix sluagh gu leoir as i^ach taohh 'n Koiiiu Eorp ana<br />
Dheth na li-uile seorsa 's air iomadh droach.<br />
Bn chnajjan " nigger " gacli fear a tri dliiubli,<br />
Mar ri na railtean do Glieangaicli gldas,<br />
'S ma their mi 'n fhirinn gur mi blia sgitli dheth,<br />
Ma'n d' fhuair mi m' iiurich a thogail as.<br />
Gach ceum a shiubhlas sinn feadh na duth'chsa,<br />
Gur coille dhuth-ghorm i aii- fad,<br />
Tha ruith gn siorruidh gun cheann no crioch oirr'<br />
Is beachain tiadhaicli tlia innt' gu pailt';<br />
Cha 'n fhaic sinn fraoch ann a' fas air aonach,<br />
No sruth a caochan ruitli soilleir glan,<br />
Ach l)uig is geoban, 's na rathadan mora,<br />
Na'n sluic mhi-chomhnard le stumpan grod.<br />
'S ge do shaoil sinn gu 'm bu duthaich shaor i,<br />
Tha sinn fo dhaors' innt' nach robh sinn riamh,<br />
Le obair chruaidh ann gun suim do dh-uaraibh,<br />
'S cha ghabhar truas dhinn ged bhiodh sinn sgith ;<br />
Bithidh glaodh oirnn eirigh mu 'n gann is leir dhuinn,<br />
'S air Ijall gum feum sinn a dliol ri gniomh,<br />
'S bho mhoch gu anmoch sinn 'sas mar ainmhidh,<br />
'S le ca))haig anbarraich ag ith ar bidh.<br />
Cha bhi na tratlian 's an am am b'abhaist dliuinn,<br />
Ach air aman daicheal nach do chleaclid sinn riamh;<br />
'Nuair theid gairm oirua a dhol da 'n ionnsaidh,<br />
Theid chig no dudach a' sud a thoirm ;<br />
Theid suidhe ri biadh ann gun bheannachd iarraidh,<br />
'S gach fear a' lionadh gu grad a bhroinn,<br />
'S cho grad aig eirigh am feadh tha bheul Ian,<br />
'S cha ghabh fear eis ri fear tha as a dheigh.<br />
Gur h-e an Ion 's trie bhitheas air bord aca,<br />
Na staoigean mor dheth na mhuic-fheoil ghhiis,<br />
Is ti searbh air nach bi mor tharbhachd,<br />
Gun an siucar dearg 'chuireadh dhith 'n droch bhlas<br />
Is "stuth na Toiseachd" air an robh sinn eohich,<br />
Cha 'n fhaodar ol ann mar bu clileaclid,<br />
Tha e air a dhiteadh air foadh na tir-sa,<br />
'S gum bheil a bhinn air a toirt a macli.<br />
;<br />
8
114 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Gur bochd ar cararah an so air airidh,<br />
Is ann na'n raith'dean cha gabh sinn tlachd,<br />
B'i til- a phianaidh do dhuin' is ainbhidh,<br />
'S cha 'n 'cil na h-aimsirean mar bu chleachd ;<br />
Tha teas is fuachd ann a tha ro chruaidh oirnn,<br />
Bhitlieas cur droch shnuadh oirnn 's toii't dhinn ar dreach,<br />
'S cha mhor creutair a clii mi fein ann,<br />
Gach fear is te dhiubh ach bioi-ach glas.<br />
Ri am an t-samhraidh sinn sgith is fann ann,<br />
Gu 'm bi ar teangan a mach le teas,<br />
A bhitheas ga'r sarachadh 's toirt ar cail uainn,<br />
Is sinn mar sgail ann air leaghadh as<br />
Bithidh 'm fallas bi'aonach a' rmth na chaochanan,<br />
Sios bh'ar n-aodann na shruthan cas,<br />
'S an tiiisg' a glinath gu 'm feum blii lanih rinn,<br />
'S sinn tioram, paiteach ag eigheachd deoch.<br />
'S tha geamhradh gruamach a tha cranndaidh fuar ann,<br />
Le geur ghaoth tuath agiis frasan sneachd,<br />
Ga chur gu domhal is cathadh mor leis,<br />
'S gum bith na roidean gu h-uile tachd'.<br />
'Mur bi botan oirnn is pailteas comhdaich<br />
Cha bhi doigh air a dhol a mach,<br />
'S tlia ghaoth cho reodht ann 's gun gearr i 'n t-sron dhinn<br />
'S gum bi gach Ion ann cho cruaidh ri clach.<br />
'S e sud am fuachda a dh'fhagas gruamach<br />
Na h-uile truaghan a bhios an aire,<br />
Gur leoir a cheird dha bhi cumail blaiths air<br />
Is connadh gearta gum feum bhi jiailt',<br />
'S bithidh 'm fuachd air uairean a' faigliinn buaidh oirnn<br />
Ged h-ann na 'r suain a bhitheadh sinn 'n ar loab',<br />
Is mur bi teine mor ann an im])is rosdaidh,<br />
Cha mhor nach reoth sinn 'nar suidhe steach,<br />
Ach a' mhuinntir straiceil a tha 'san ait so,<br />
'S e an t-am is fhearr leo 'nuair thig an sneachd ;<br />
Bithidh iad nan caoiribh a' ruitli air slaoid ann,<br />
Is cluig 'sa' ghliongarachd ri 'n cuid e:ich.<br />
Aig dol mu'n cuairt' anns an am a's fuairo,<br />
'S an sneachd mu'n cluasan ga chur gu pailt',<br />
A' ruith 'sa' loumachd 's gach taobli an Icir dhuinn.<br />
'iS an cuij> ag eigneachadh speid nan each.<br />
;<br />
;<br />
i
Annual Dinner.<br />
Air latliii na Sabaid, do dh-aite a' chrabhaibli,<br />
Cha bhi acli aininig aon neacli air chois,<br />
Ach aim an carbadaibh dol do'n t searmoin,<br />
'S a' riiith 'sa stararaich le'n iomadh each;<br />
Tha iomadh seors ann do bliarail iKonach<br />
Nacli 'eil a' cordadh air aona bheachd,<br />
Is fiiid iiii-churamaoli mar na bruidean,<br />
Is cha'n 'oil iimhhichd do Shabaid ac'.<br />
Tha cuid do dh-A Ibanaich feadh na duth'ch' so<br />
(iu tur tliiiir cul ris gach cleachdadli coir<br />
A lean ri'n sinnsearean air feadh nan linntean,<br />
Is cha'n 'eil suim ac' ga'n cumail beo.<br />
Ach mar na Geintilich tha ma'n cuairt orr'<br />
A' fas gu fuar-chritheach le'n cuid stoir,<br />
'S cha chan iad Gailig ach 'deanamh tair oirr'<br />
Ged 's ann innt cha'n arach 'n uair bha iad og.<br />
'S gur trie mi cuimhneachdainn air na tioman<br />
Bhitheadh agam fhein ann an Albainn thall,<br />
'S bithidh mnlad diblidh a' tighinn air m' inntinn<br />
'S gur iomadh sgriob bhios i toirt a null,<br />
A' ruith gu eutrom air feadh an aonaich,<br />
Mar l)ha mi aon uair an tir iiam beann<br />
A' eluinntinn toirmean nan allt 's nan caochan<br />
Bhiodh niireach, sgaoilteach ruith feadh nan gleann.<br />
Aig Nollaig aoibhneach is La Bliadhn' Uir ann,<br />
Gur sinn bhiodh sunndach, le cluich is ceol,<br />
Bhiodh surd is danns' ann air feisd is bainnsibh,<br />
Gmi dad a sgrainge no dh'olc na 'r coir<br />
Is gum bu ghuanach a bhiodh na gruagaichean<br />
Bhiodh m'an cuairt dhuinn gu critheil coir,<br />
Gu cairdeal, eibhneach, gun eagal cleir oirnn<br />
Do thaobh bheusan bha saor bho ghoid.<br />
Air bhi air chuairt dhuinn car bheagan bliliadlmaibh<br />
'N taobh auxle n' iar do Staid New York,<br />
'S o'n bha m' fearann daor ann 's gun mor mhaoin againn<br />
Chuir sinn ar n-aodainn ri dhol na b'fliaid',<br />
Agus sheol sinn thar lochaibh mora<br />
Do dh-Tllinois nam faichoan glas<br />
'San fhoarann chomhnard gun choilltean domlial<br />
Is ghabh sinn comhnuidh air abhainn Fox.<br />
;<br />
lir)
116 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Gum b'i so duthaich nam prairie lubach,<br />
Na 'n sealladh nv ilhuinn 's na h-uile ceam,<br />
Is feur gu duint' orr' gu ruig ar gluinean,<br />
Gu dosrach urar 's gu gorm a' fas ;<br />
Gun chrodh no caoraich ri iomain caoiu ann,<br />
Ach crith sa ghaoith ann mar thonnaibh fairg,<br />
'Sa' fas 's a' crionadh o chian nan ciantan<br />
Is aig gach fiadh-bheathach 'na aite taimh.<br />
Second Part.<br />
Tha iomadh seorsa do dh-ainljhidh beo ann,<br />
Gun dragh no eolas air rathaidliean dliaoin,<br />
Tha feidh nan crocan a' ruith nan drobhan ann<br />
Is cearcan boidheach mar bhiodh 'san fhraocli.<br />
Tha madraidh-alld' agus sionnaich sheolt ann,<br />
Agus gobharan beaga maol,<br />
'S tha 'n tunnag spogach a' snamh gach Ion ann<br />
Is pailteas dhrobhachan do ghlas gheoidh.<br />
Tha raoran eun ann a bhios ri ceol ann,<br />
Cho binn ri smeorach am barr nan craobh.<br />
Tha na h-aibhnichean is iasg gu leor annt'<br />
Gun aig neacli coir orr', ach iad gu saor.<br />
'S tha iomadli doigh air bhi deanamh beo-shlaint',<br />
'S cha'n 'eil an Ion ann no 'm fearann daor,<br />
'S mur bhith aon do-bheart a bhios g'ar leon ann<br />
Bhitheadh sinn cho doigheil 'sa shireadh aon.<br />
Ach tha aon droch bhuaidh ann d'ara beil sinn buailteach<br />
Bhios ga'r cur tuathal 's ga'r fagail clith<br />
'S e sin droch eucail, ris an canar ague,<br />
Is cha mhor creutair nach dean i chlaoidh.<br />
Gu 'm bi na ceudan air chrith is dreun orr'<br />
Mar dhuiir air gheig bhiodh air chrith le gaoitli,<br />
'S cha'n ann gun reusan a bheii' mi beum dhi,<br />
Oir 's iomadh eiginn 's na chuir i mi.<br />
'Nuair gheibh suairceag ud lamh an uachdar,<br />
'S i chuireas gluasad na m' fhuil 's na m' flieoil.<br />
Mi greannach, gruamach, is tiordhroch shnuadli orm,<br />
'S bithidh mi cho fuar ann ri stocan reotht'.<br />
'S m'an gnnn gun gluais mi 's gum falbli am fuachd sin<br />
Thig teas cho cruaidh orm 's ged bliitliinn roisdt'.<br />
Mi 'n ghnath ri luasgan gun fhois no suain domh,<br />
Och, gur mi-shuaimhneach a bhios mo choir.<br />
—<br />
I
Annual Dinner 117<br />
U'i sin a' bliiin-suiioach a clh'thanas tcann rium,<br />
'8 a chuireas greanii orui thighinu a'lii choir,<br />
Ifci ged bhiodh aing orui cha toir i taing dhomh<br />
Is cha ghabh ceannsachclainn oiir' le deoiu.<br />
'Nuair a suiuanaicii mi gun d'thiig i fuath dhoudi<br />
'S gun d'rinn mi fuadacli uam ri'm bheo,<br />
Thig i gun naire a ris chur failt' onii,<br />
'8 a dh fhantainn himh rium ge b'oil le m' fheoil.<br />
Is i a' bhana-Glieangach a tha gun nair i,<br />
'S ann orm tha 'n tamailt mi faicinn rianih ;<br />
'N uair dh'eireas team oirr' clia bhi mi reidh rithe ;<br />
Ach gheibh mi groudhadh uaipe nach bi cli.<br />
Mo cheann is m'eanchainn bitliidh troimh a cheile,<br />
Is gach cnaimh nam chreubhag bithidh bruite, sgith,<br />
Gum b'fhearr dhomh fein blii fo phhiigh na h-Eiphid<br />
'Nuair throideas breunag na bhi 'san tir.<br />
Ach, taing dha'n Timhath, gun d'fhuar mi cuibht's i,<br />
Is iomadh ouingeahichd blia na deigh,<br />
'S It; tuillidh bruidhne cha bhi ga maoitheadh,<br />
Ach bitliidh mi chaoidh guidhe dhi siubhal reidh.<br />
'S a nis cho-dhunain le condiairle dhurachdaich<br />
Do mo luchd-duthcha 'san tir gu leir<br />
Gun iad bid diombach no'm misneachd cul riutha<br />
Ge do bhiodh cuisean dol uairean fiar.<br />
2UTII January 1>
—<br />
118 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
C.M.G. (of the Afghan Fionticr Commission), OrnockcMioch,<br />
Gatehouse, Kirkciuli)right, honorary members ; Mr John INIaclennan,<br />
teacher, Inverasdale, Gairloch ; Mr Alexander INIitchell,<br />
The Dispensary, Inverness; and Mr Alexander Macdonald,<br />
master carpenter, 62 Tomnahurich Street, Inverness, ordinary<br />
members ; and IMr Roderick MacCorquodale, 42 Union Street,<br />
Inverness, as an apprentice member.<br />
3rd February 1886.<br />
At the meeting on this date the following new members were<br />
elected, viz.: Mr James E. B. Baillie of Doehfour, and Mr<br />
Edward Herbert Wood of Raasay, both life memljers ; Dr F. F.<br />
M. Moir, Aberdeen, honorary; and Mr Ralph Erskine Macdonald,<br />
Corindah, Queensland ; Mr James Cook, commission agent,<br />
Inverness ; Mr Hugh Macplierson, merchant, Castle Street, Inverness<br />
; Mr Wm. Eraser of Elgin, Illinoio, U.S.A.; Dr Sinclair Macdonald,<br />
Inverness ; and Mr William Mackay, Argyle Street,<br />
Inverness, ordinary members. Some routine business ha\ing been<br />
transacted, Mr Colin Chisholm, Inverness, read the following<br />
series of<br />
UNPUBLISHED OLD GAELIC SONGS<br />
Our worthy secretary, Mr William Mackenzie, arranged that<br />
I should read a few old songs for you this evening.<br />
So far as I am aware, the most of these songs never appeared<br />
as yet in print, but some of them have been partially published.<br />
For instance :—T<strong>here</strong> are only thirteen verses of " Oran mor Mhic-<br />
Leoid," given in Mackenzie's " Beauties of Gaelic Poetry," w<strong>here</strong>as<br />
I give twenty-seven verses of it. The same remark may also<br />
apply to two or three others, which have been printed in part<br />
only, and which I give as full as I ever heard them sung. Every<br />
song on my list for tliis evening I used to hear, and could recite<br />
parts of them before T left Strathglass, over tifty years ago. Last<br />
Autumn, when I was in Kintail, Captain Alexander Matheson,<br />
shipowner, Dornie, generously placed his large collection of Gaelic<br />
songs in manuscript at my disposal. It is through his kindness<br />
that I was enabled to renew my acquaintance with the most of<br />
the songs I now give to this Society. If any other person will<br />
give us better versions of these songs, no one will be more<br />
pleased than I will.<br />
The first song I will give you is one composed by Roderick<br />
Mackenzie, who is said to have been the heir apparent of Apple-
—<br />
Old Gaelic Songs.<br />
cross, but who \v;is supplanted by some means whicli 1 never<br />
heard sufficiently explained.<br />
Thoir a nail dhuinn am botul.<br />
Cuir an deoch so mu'n cuairl<br />
Tha' m inntinn gle dlieonach<br />
Dhol a shcoladh thar chuan,<br />
A dh-ionnsuidh an aite<br />
Gus na bhurc am mor shluagh,<br />
Gu eilean Naomh Mairi.<br />
'S cha bhi mal dha thoirt bhuainn.<br />
Ach, Aonghais Mhic-Amhla,<br />
Tha mi an geall ort ro mbor,<br />
Bho 'n a sgriobh thu na briathran<br />
'S an gniomli le do ndieoir ;<br />
Gu 'n cuii- thu dha'r n-ionnsuidh<br />
Long Ghallda nan seol,<br />
Ruith-chuip air a clair<br />
" Overhaid and let go."<br />
So a' bhliadhna tha saraicht'<br />
Air fear gun aiteach gun simnd ;<br />
'Nuaii' theid each ann sa ^Nlhart<br />
Ris an aiteach !e surd ;<br />
Tha luchd-riaghlaidh an aite<br />
Dha 'm aicheadh gu dluth,<br />
'S gur e 'n stiuir thoirt an iar dhi<br />
Ni is ciataiche dhuinn.<br />
Ma 's e reitheachan chaorach<br />
An aite dhaoine bhitheas ann,<br />
Bidh Albainn an tra sin<br />
Na fasaich do'n Fhraing ;<br />
'Nuair a thig Bonapai-te<br />
Le laimh laidir a nail,<br />
Bidh na cibeirean truagh dheth,<br />
'S cha truagh linn an call.<br />
'Nuair a thig orra 'm bracsaidh<br />
'S gach galar bhitheas ann,<br />
A' chloimh cha'n i 's fhasa<br />
Dha'n tachus gu teann,<br />
An t-al a bhi diobairt<br />
'Sa chaoil' anus gach gleann<br />
An stoc gun bhi lathair<br />
'S am mal bhi air chall.<br />
;<br />
119
130 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Ma ni sinne seoludh<br />
—<br />
'S gu'n deonaichear dhuiiiii<br />
Gu 'n robli Righ nan Grasan<br />
A ghnath air ar stiuir ;<br />
Dlia nar glcidheadli's da'r tearnadh<br />
Bho gacb gabhadh is ciiis,<br />
Gu taoljh thall na fairge,<br />
Ma's a craiincliur e diiuinu.<br />
Bithidh am bradan air linn' ann<br />
'Sna miltean do dli-fheidh,<br />
Bithidh gach eun air na craunaibh<br />
'S ann am bavraibh nan geng ;<br />
Bithidh an cruithneachd a fas ann<br />
Bithidh an t-al aig an spreidh,<br />
'S ann an an) na Feill Padraig<br />
Bithidh an t-aiteach dha reir.<br />
Bheir mi dhuibli a nise Luinneag le Donull Mac-Mhathain,<br />
Fear Atadail. Tha sinn a' faicinn ann san aidheam so mar bu<br />
mhath leis bean a thaghadh :<br />
E hu ro bhi hoireann oho,<br />
E hu ro bhi hoireannan<br />
E hu ro bhi hoireann eile,<br />
Mo run fhein gu d' fhaicinn shxn.<br />
Na'm bitheadh agam bata biorach,<br />
Sgioba ghillean agus rainih,<br />
Rachainn a null thar an linne<br />
'Shealltainn bheil an nighean slan.<br />
Na'm faighinn caileag bhoidheach, bhousach,<br />
'Si bhi leum na h-ochd bliadhn' diag,<br />
Ged do shlanaicheadh i 'n fliichead<br />
'S docha nach bu mhisd' a ciall.<br />
'S mor gum b'fhearr learn leabaidh luachrach,<br />
'San 'Taobh-tuath a muigh au' blar,<br />
Na ged gheibhinn leaba' n seomar<br />
'S e seachd storaidhean air aird'.<br />
'S beag orm an te bhitheas ccil'dheach,<br />
'S trie a thug i bhreug dhoth 'ti-iall ;<br />
Te mhugach nach faighnich cairdcan,<br />
Oha' n i 's fhearr a choisneas miadh.<br />
;
—<br />
—<br />
Old Gaelic Songs. <strong>12</strong>1<br />
Clia tliuobli mi bantrach lir idir,<br />
Na seann te gun duin' aice riaiiih,<br />
Fo altrum tc oig clia teid mi,<br />
Bho' n a's flieudar a bhi triall.<br />
Tliaghainn thu gu boidheach, banail,<br />
Tliaghainn thu gu fiillain, fial;<br />
Pailteas spreidh is moran chairdean,<br />
Ciall is naire 's cail gu gniomli.<br />
MOllT NA CEAPAICH, NO CUMHA CLANN NA CEAPAICII, LE<br />
IAN LOM.<br />
Fifteen verses of this song have been published by Turner<br />
in his collection of Gaelic Songs in 1813. T<strong>here</strong> are also fifteen<br />
verses, line for line as in Turner's, printetl in John Mackenzie's<br />
" Beauties of (.Jaelic Poetry." I used to hear more of this lament<br />
in Strathglass, and by aid of the Dornie MS., I can now give you<br />
twenty-three verses of it. About the time " Ian Lorn " composed<br />
this lament he found his native district too hot for him, in<br />
consequence of which he sought and received the hospitality and<br />
protection of " Mac-Coinnich mor Chinntaile," i.e., the Earl of<br />
Seaforth. By command of the Earl, John was placed in a farm<br />
called Oragaig, in Gleneilchaig. In this farm he remained until<br />
some person inimical to " Ian Lom," composed a villainously ugly<br />
and lying satire of four or five short lines on the men of Kintail.<br />
" Ian Lom " was accused of being the author of the offensive<br />
couplet. He denied it with all the power of speech in his versatile<br />
vocabulary, but all to no effect. He was obliged to leave Kintail.<br />
It was on that occasion he composed the song in which the following<br />
lines occur :<br />
" Dha mo chur a Cinntaile<br />
Gun fhios de an t-aite do'n teid mi."<br />
I was passing through Gleneilchaig about fifty-five years ago, along<br />
with an elderly man who pointed out Oragaig to me as " Ian<br />
Loni's " old farm; he also stated that it was on Mam-an-tuirc when<br />
leaving Gleneilchaig the Poet composed the song in which the following<br />
verse occurs :<br />
" Dha m'chur a m' fhearann gun aobhar,<br />
'S nach mi shalaich an t-saobhaidh.<br />
Mar mhadadh-alluidh<br />
Sa' chaonnag m'a lorg."
<strong>12</strong>2 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Excuse this digression, and pray have patience with me 'vhile I<br />
recite<br />
MORT NA CEAPAICH<br />
'S tearc an diugh mo chuis ghaire,<br />
Tigh'n na raidean so 'niar ;<br />
'G amhai'c fonu Inbhir-laire,<br />
'X deigh a strachdadh le siol<br />
Ge d' tha Cheapach na fasaich,<br />
Gun aon aird' oirre 's fhiach :<br />
Gu'm faice' Dia, bhraithrean,<br />
Gur trom a bharc oirnn an t-sian.<br />
'S fad bhios cuimlm' air an Aoine,<br />
Dh-fhag a chaoidh sinn fo sprochd ;<br />
Ann an am na Feill-Micheil,<br />
Cha bu ni chall air phlod<br />
; ;<br />
;<br />
;<br />
Ach bhi'n diugh na'r cuis-bhuird<br />
Mar mliial-bhiiii-n air gach loch ;<br />
Nuair theid gach cinneadh a dh'aon taobh<br />
Bidh sinne sgaoilte mu' n chnoc.<br />
'S ann Di-sathurna gearra-bhuam,<br />
Bhuail an tearachall orm goirt;<br />
'S mi fos cionn nan corp geala,<br />
Bha 'sileadh fala fo' n bhrat<br />
Bha mo lamhansa craobh-dhearg,<br />
An deigh bhi 'taomadh nan lot<br />
'Se bhur cur ann sa chiste,<br />
Turn is miste mo thoii-t.<br />
B'iad mo ghaol na cuirp chul-bhuidhe,<br />
Anns 'm bu dluth cuir na'n sgian :<br />
'S lad na'n sineadh air urlar,<br />
An seomar ur dha'n cur sios;<br />
Fo chasan Shiol Dugliaill,<br />
Luchd a spuilleadh nan cliar:<br />
Dh'fliag aladh am biodag,<br />
Mar sgaile ruidil 'ur bian.<br />
Tha sibh 'n cadal-thigh duinte,<br />
'Se gun smuid deth, gun cheo ;<br />
Far an d'fhuair sibh 'n garbh rusgadh,<br />
Thaobh 'ur cuil a's 'ur beoil
Old Gaelic Songs. \2%<br />
Ach na'in fjiighoadh sil)h iiine,<br />
Bho luclul 'ur mi-ruiii bhi beo<br />
Chca bu bliailo gun surd e,<br />
Bhiodh aidhir, niuii-n ann a's ccol.<br />
S fuar caidreamh tigli tabhairt,<br />
'San robli gairich is cosd ;<br />
Far nach cluinnear giith clarsaich,<br />
Ach gaoir galach nam bochd ;<br />
'So mar thailoasg air aon teud,<br />
Tha t'fhearann sgaoiltc 'se nochdt'<br />
'Tilgear urchair na disne,<br />
'S gur leir dha'n Ti a mheur ghoint.<br />
'S ann oirnne thainig an diombuaidh,<br />
'S an t-iomaguin tha gcur ;<br />
Mar tha claidheamh ar fine,<br />
Cho minig 'n 'ar deigli<br />
Pachda Thurcach gun sireadh,<br />
Bhi a pinneadh bhur cleibh ;<br />
Bhi n' ur breacain g' ur filleadh,<br />
'Measg ur cinneadh mor fein.<br />
A leithid de mhurt cha robh 'n Alba,<br />
Ged bu bhorbarr' a gleus^<br />
'S cha bu laghail an t-sealg e<br />
Gu cosnadh sealbh righoachd Dhc ;<br />
Ge b' e 'm fath mu'n robh sgionadh<br />
Chaoidh cha 'n innis mi 'n sgeul ;<br />
Cha d' thain' a leithid do mhilleadh,<br />
Air ceann-cinnidh fo'n ghrein.<br />
Ghabh sibh roimhe so fath oirnn,<br />
Dh'fheuch bhur cairdeas ruinn geur<br />
Ohaidh sibh 'stigh ann san fhasaich<br />
'Nuair a thar sibh bhi reidh ;<br />
Chuir sibh cungais a chaise<br />
'Stigh an aros nan teud,<br />
'S cuid de'n buailichean ba-chruidh<br />
Ann an garadh nam jieur.<br />
C'aite 'n robh e fo'n adhar,<br />
A sheall n'ur bathais gu geur,<br />
Nach tugadh dhuibh athadh,<br />
A luclid 'ur labhairt 's 'ur beus ;<br />
;<br />
;<br />
;
<strong>12</strong>4 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Mach bho chloiun blirathair 'ur n-athar,<br />
A mheall an t-aibhistear tx-eun,<br />
Ged a rinn iad bhur lotsa,<br />
Gur troni a I'osad dhaibh fein.<br />
Tha lionn-dubh na chas cruaidh orm<br />
Tighinn an uaigneas mo chleibh,<br />
Le uiar dh'fhas e na chuan orm<br />
B' fhearr learn 'uam e mar cheiid<br />
Cia mar dh'fhaodas mi direadh<br />
Gun ite dhileis laa'm sgeith<br />
'S luchd a dheanamh na sithnc<br />
Bhi feadh na tire gun delgli.<br />
'S og a bha sibh do bhliadhna,<br />
Ghlac a cheutaidh sibh luatli,<br />
Aig ro-fheothas bhur ciall<br />
Gu cur 'ur riaghailtean suas.<br />
Ge b'e ghabhadh rium fiabhrus,<br />
Bhi dha nur n-iargainn sibh' uam ;<br />
Bidh m' 'n deigh air bhur riashidh,<br />
Gus an liath air mo ghruaig.<br />
Chuir Dia oirnn mac oighre,<br />
Gu bhi na choinnleir roimh chach,<br />
Chum gu 'n soillsich a sholus,<br />
Mar phreas-toraidh fo bhlath,<br />
'S mi gu'm freagradh a chaismeachd,<br />
Air fraoch-bhvataich gun chearb,<br />
Dealbh do bhradan, do dhobhran,<br />
Do luing, do leomhan 's laimh dhearg.<br />
Dh'ordaich Dia dhuinn craobh-shiochaint<br />
Clunnadh dion oirnn le treoir,<br />
Da 'm bu choir dhuinn bhi striochdadh<br />
Fluid 's a's cian bhiomaid beo ;<br />
Mas sinn fhein a chuir dith oirre<br />
Cha 'n fhearr a' chriocii a thig oirnn,<br />
Tuitidh tuagh as na Flaitheas<br />
Leis an sgathar na meoir.<br />
An glan fhiuran so bh'againn<br />
'N taobh so Fhlaitheas Mhic Dhe<br />
Thainig sgiursadli a' bhais ail-<br />
Chain sinn 'thoirt le strachd geur,
Old Gaelic Songs <strong>12</strong>5<br />
An t-aon fliiuran a b' aillidli<br />
Bh 'anil sa pliairc an robli spcis,<br />
Mar gu'in Imaineadh sibli Mloan<br />
Leis an flialadar gheur.<br />
'S math an toilltinneach sinne,<br />
Bhi gu iiiinig am pein ;<br />
Bho' n a ghlac sinn fal-spiorad<br />
Ann an ionad tiamli Dlio;<br />
Mai" lorg neo-chinnte air linno,<br />
Ge'd bu mliinig an sgoiil,<br />
Ach an t-or nach do bhuaileadh,<br />
Fhuair e bliuain as a blireig.<br />
Tha mnlad air m' inntinn,<br />
Bhi ag innse bhur beus ;<br />
'S aim a ghabh iad am fatli oirbh,<br />
'Nnair chaidh 'ur fagail libh fein ;<br />
'S bochd an sgeul eadar bhraithrean,<br />
E dhol an lathair Mhic Dlie<br />
Mar am bat' air an linne<br />
Ge b'e shireadh na deigh.<br />
Cha b' e sud bha mi 'g ionndrain<br />
Ge do phlunndraig iad sibh<br />
Ach na h-oganaich chul-bhuidhe<br />
Air an lubadh san lion<br />
'S e chuir stad air mo shugradh<br />
'Sa dh'fhag mo slniilean gun dion<br />
Sibh bhi sinnt' ann sa chruisle<br />
'S graisg na duthcha gun fhiamh.<br />
Mar tha' n stoc as an d'fhas sibh,<br />
A cur bhur bas an neoshuim ;<br />
Urla riabhach na Pairce,<br />
'S i gabhail sath fo al-fuinn ;<br />
Cia mar dh'fhuilingeas tu fein sud,<br />
Gun t'fhuil a dh'eiridh fo thuinn,<br />
'S gur tu thog iad na'n oige ;<br />
'Stigh mu 'd bhord an Dun-tuilm.<br />
Gu'n sealladli Dia oirnn le ghrasan<br />
Ge b' e la tliig 'n ar crioch<br />
Bho 'n is mallaiclit' an t-al sinn<br />
'S gur mairg a dh-araich 'nar triau
<strong>12</strong>6 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Gne Thurcach gun bhaigh siim<br />
Ach nach d' aicheidh sinn Criosd;<br />
Fagaidh inuir air an traigh sinn<br />
Mar chulaidh-bhaite gun dion.<br />
Ach, a Mhorair Chlann Oonuill,<br />
'S fad' thu chomhnuidh lueasg Ghall<br />
Dh'fhag thu sinne ann am breislicli<br />
Nach do fhreasdail tin; 'n t-am ;<br />
Oha mhodha ghleidh thu na gibhtean<br />
A chaidh gun fhios dhut air chall<br />
Tha sinn corrach as t'aogais<br />
Mar chohxinn sgaoilte gun cheann.<br />
'S iomadh oganach treubhach<br />
A shiubhladh reidh is glaic chrom<br />
Eadar ceann Drochaid Eiridh<br />
'S Rudlia Shleite nan tonn<br />
Leis' 'm bu mhiann bhi diol t'ririg<br />
Na' n robh do chreubhag Ian tholl,<br />
A thoirt do dhalta a eiginn,<br />
A dheadh Shir Seuinas nan h^ng.<br />
A Mhic Mhoire, 'sa Chriosda<br />
Dh-fliuiling pian nan coig creuclid,<br />
Faic mar thoill iad an diteadh<br />
'Gach aon ti bha mu d'eug.<br />
Ma l)ha toradh san dealas<br />
Gu cur do rioghachd an leud,<br />
Gaoir na fola tha dhith orni<br />
Gu ruige sith Fhithais Dhe.<br />
This is a song in which the author, Donald Matheson, Esq.<br />
of Attadale, tenders advice in plain but polite language to all<br />
woman-kind. The song was published by Eoin Gillies in his col-<br />
lection of Gaelic Songs, printed at Perth in 178G. I believe this<br />
book is now scarce. That is not my reason, llowe^•er, for offering<br />
you the song at present, but because this, my ^•ersion, has a few<br />
more stanzas than Gillies' copy of it.<br />
Na'm bu teagasgach mi air an trend<br />
D' an goirear gu leir na mnai,<br />
Cha b' aclnnhasan bheirinn gu geur<br />
'S clia chuirinn droch-bheus os aird.<br />
;<br />
;
Old Gaelic Songs. <strong>12</strong>7<br />
Bhiodh in' inipidh gu math air an cul<br />
'S bu leo ino run do ghna ;<br />
'S mo chomhairl' bliiodli aca gii rcidh<br />
D'an ciuuail o bheud gach la.<br />
O'n tlioisich mi 'n teagasg ud duibh<br />
'S nach b'e blnir claoitlheadli mo mliiann<br />
O'n a dh' innis mi m' iniitiiin gu saor<br />
Na rachadh a h-aon san t-sliabh ;<br />
'S ma their mi ribli ni nach bi binn<br />
innsibh dhomh fhein mo ghiamh ;<br />
'S gur toileach learn cronachadh soilleir<br />
Ge do choisueadh mo choire dhomh 'n t-srian.<br />
O'n their luchd an iomadaidh eolais,<br />
" 'Se gach ni ann an ordugh is fearr,"<br />
'Se comhairle thoirt air mnaoi phosda<br />
Gliabhas mi 'n tos os hiimh ;<br />
'S o rinneadli thu, bhean, chum na criclie,<br />
Umhal mur a bi thu dha,<br />
Bi'dh deireadh aig comunn mo ruin,<br />
Is measa na thus gu. brach.<br />
Ma thuit ort a chodhail nach fhearr,<br />
'Nuair chuir thu do lainih 'sa' chliabh ;<br />
'S gu'n d' fhuair thu ann duine gun treoir,<br />
'Se na bhodach air cleocadh sios<br />
Na tuit gu t'al-mhisneachd gu brach,<br />
'S na taisbein do chach a ghiamh,<br />
'S ma 's math leat a spiorad thoir dha,<br />
Cum trie agus trath ris biadh.<br />
Ma fhuair thu fear dannara, truagh,<br />
Nach cuir aims an uaisle suim.<br />
Fear dreaganta, creaganta, cruaidh,<br />
A's urrainn thoirt fuath do mhnaoi,<br />
Cleachd urram is fulangas da,<br />
'S na lasadh 'ur n-ardan daoi,<br />
Mur tig e le socair gu buaidh,<br />
Gu mair e na bhuadhanna chaoidh.<br />
Ma fhuaradh leat companach bras<br />
Bha riamh ana-caisrigt' an cuil<br />
'S gu'n d' eirich dha leantuinn ri fhasau<br />
A ghabh e mar chleachda o thus ;<br />
;
<strong>12</strong>8 Gaelic Society of Inverness<br />
—<br />
N;i biodli aig luehd-tuailois r'a chantuinn,<br />
Gur iadach a mhaslaicheas thu,<br />
Tlinii- foart nach bi t'achinhasan baoth<br />
Mus caill sibh maraon bliiir cliii.<br />
Ged dh 'eireadh dhuit focal no dha<br />
A thuiteam le gaire uait<br />
Seadh focal no dha am biodh brigh<br />
'S a chuireadh a ghniomh-san suas,<br />
Mur maotliaicheadh sud e, cia 'm fath 1<br />
Cha leasaicheadh cas no cruas,<br />
Thair learn gu 'n dean faighidinn ceile<br />
Ni nach clean beum gun bhuaidh.<br />
Ma fhuaradh leat slaodaire misgeach<br />
No slaoidire bristeach 'an ceill<br />
Leigeas dheth chuid as a laiuih<br />
Am barrachd 's a tliaras e fain ;<br />
'Nuair theid ort an trustai- a sta,<br />
'S a sheasas tii ait' am feum<br />
Ged' chuir thu le strealladh air geilt<br />
Gu'n gabh sinn do leisgeul gu leir.<br />
Ach ma bha t' fhortan ni's fearr,<br />
'S gu'n do chuir ort an t-Ard-righ buaidh,<br />
'S gu'n d' fhuair thu fear freasdalach, cairdcil,<br />
Choisneadh do ghradh gach uair,<br />
O !<br />
sealgair a' choilich san fhraoch,<br />
A choisneadh do ghaol gun ghruaim,<br />
Bi thusa a'd dhleasdanas da,<br />
Is guidheam dhuibh slainte bhuan.<br />
'S a ris, a bhean phosda mo ruin,<br />
Bi farasda ciuin ri d' fliear,<br />
Nach cuala tu 'n t-abstol ud Pol,<br />
Mar thug e na mnai fainear<br />
Oir thuirt e dhoibh sud gui- a coir<br />
Striochdadh o og gu sean;<br />
Ach sguiridh mi nise do chainnt ribh,<br />
Is eisdeadh a' bhantrach mhear.<br />
'S, a bhantrach, thoir faicill ort fein<br />
Ged a thubhairt mi fein riut mear<br />
;<br />
;<br />
—<br />
Thoii' feirt nach e buairoadh an t-saoghail,<br />
A thogas a chaoidh' do ghoan ;
Old Gaelic Songs. <strong>12</strong>9<br />
Am fivusilal s" gu'n tigcadli do t' iairuidh,<br />
Suir ich o'n iav no o'u ear,<br />
D' an toil- tliii gu tairis do gliaol,<br />
Ged a dhealaicli an t-aog riut t' fhear!<br />
Ma fliuaradh leat fcaiaun is ni,<br />
Na Ciinar gur mill teach thu,<br />
Bi thusa 'n ad cheannas math teaglilaich,<br />
'S is baiTiintach t' aobhar cliu ;<br />
Tha nadur nam ft;ara gu leir,<br />
Cho chrcidmheach air breig gun diu,<br />
'S gur coir dhuit bhi fiosrach co dlia<br />
M'an innis thu chach do run.<br />
Ach aon ni 's eigin domh radh.<br />
'S tha e teachd a ghna fa m' smaoin,<br />
Nach cuir thu chaoidh' 'm tiacha dha<br />
'Nuair a gheibh thu fear cairdeil caoin,<br />
Nach can thu ris, " Beannachd do m' cliiad fhear<br />
Choisinn e riamh mo ghaol,"<br />
Is guidheam dhuibh maiieantas buan<br />
Ail" adhairt nam buadh faraon.<br />
Ach ma 's a cailleach gun bhrigh thu,<br />
Air nach toir saoi aon luaidh,<br />
Cuir t'earbsa 's do mhuinghin 'an Dia,<br />
Leig tliarad do mhi-chuis thruagh,<br />
Dean samhl' ann an gliocas do chach,<br />
Thoir taisbeineadh araidh uait,<br />
Ge dualchas am bas do gach aon,<br />
'S ni dearbhte dha 'n aois an uaigh.<br />
Gu'n teagaisg mi caileag mo riiin,<br />
An t-abhall is uire blath,<br />
Clach-tharuing nam feara gu leir,<br />
'Si bhan-oglach bheusach mhna ;<br />
Ge h-aimideach mise ann an ceill<br />
Cha labhair mi breug 'sa' chas,<br />
Ach na 'n gabhadh sibh comhairle 'uam,<br />
Gu'm fiiicht' oirbh Ic buaidh a bhlatli.<br />
A mhaighdin, thoir faicill ort fein,<br />
'S gun thu ach a'd chreutair maoth,<br />
Cha 'n fliuiling thu cruadal no gaillionn,<br />
'S do bhuaireadh cha mhair thu bhios baoth,
130 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Ma leagas ort fleasgacli a sluiil,<br />
Na tiiisboiii do run d'a tliaobh,<br />
Fad as uaitho faiceadh e tliu<br />
An aon uair is mo do ghaol.<br />
Mu d' bheusa hi nieachair a ghna,<br />
Gu li-iriosal, aillidh, ciuin ;<br />
Na rachadh do tlieanga gu luatlis<br />
'S na niaslaicli do shluagh ui 's \\w ;<br />
Bi' umlial do d' ghinteirihli talniliaidh,<br />
Is faicear neo-fhalbhacli thu ;<br />
Oir creid 'nuair bliios iomadh a' stritb,<br />
Gur meanbh an ni chi gach suil.<br />
Ma's e 'n aoidh a thig cliuin na h-oidliche<br />
A leagas a dliruim ri lar,<br />
Ma chi e san teaghlach sin maighdean<br />
Caillidli se loinn do chach ;<br />
Oir oirre-s' bi'dh inntinn gu dliith<br />
'S e ag iarraidh gu sugradli tla ;<br />
Ach is beag an ni chluinneas a chluas<br />
Nach leig e san uair os aird.<br />
Bi'dh iomadh fear suarach an deigh<br />
Air thusa bhi 'm mi-sta dha<br />
'Nuair a leigeis tu iarrtannas leis<br />
'S a chailleas tu freasdal a's fearr<br />
O ! coisnidh e sin dhuit gu truagh<br />
Le eachdraidh fuath o chach<br />
Thoir fcirt air an fhear ud a chaoidh'<br />
Ma's tig thu le maoim 'na d' dhail.<br />
Ach ma thig fleasgach nui 'n cuairt,<br />
A shaoileas tu 's uailse beus,<br />
Cleachd cridhealas bhritheagach dha<br />
Mar eireig 'sa barr fo sgeith ;<br />
Le danadas amhailteach ciuin,<br />
Is soilleireachd sul gu r^idh,<br />
'Ma bhios tu gu banail gu bratli<br />
Gu 'n tarruinn thu cairdeas clieud.<br />
'S a nise na'n innseadh tu dliuiini,<br />
Ma thaitinn riut m' impidh thla,<br />
Gu'n do shoilleiricli mise gu reidh<br />
Na'n tigeadh ort bcud gu brath ;<br />
;
—<br />
Old Gaelic Songs. 131<br />
Thoir d" acliniliasan .seachad, uia tlioill,<br />
'8 iii 'u oiiiieam fliciu suiin 'sa' l)lias,<br />
Ma tlicir tliu gun cliuir mi oit giuaim,<br />
Biilli mi gu La-luaiu am tliamli.<br />
Ill the beginning of the winter of 1G20, Murdoch, the son of<br />
Alexander Macrae of In verinate, wlio was married to Ann Mac-<br />
kenzie, daugliter of the Laird of Applecross, went, as was his<br />
wont, on a lumting excursion to some of the upper defiles of<br />
Gleann-Lic, in Kintail, and was lost in the hills. His friends<br />
searched for him, and after fifteen days Murdoch's body w;uj<br />
found at the foot of a rock. It is not known for certain how the<br />
man came by his death : he may liave slip))ed over the precipice,<br />
hwt it was said that INInrdoch had, during his ramblings, found a<br />
man stealing his goats. Having taken him a prisoner, lie was<br />
bringing him liome when, it is supposed that, as they were passing<br />
along the Cadha, at the Carraiy, in Gleann-Lic, the man<br />
pitched Murdoch over the rock at the foot of which his body was<br />
found. T<strong>here</strong> is a tradition that on his death-bed an old man<br />
was heard to confess that he was the murderer of Murdoch Macrae,<br />
and that this confession was overheard by a girl who revealed<br />
it. The Rev. Alexander Cameron, late of the Quoad Sacra<br />
Parish of Glengarry, sent to the Secretary of the Gaelic Society<br />
of Inverness, parts of two plaintive .songs composed on the<br />
lamented death of Murdoch Macrae. They are printed in Vol.<br />
VIII. of the Society's Transactions. I am sorry that Mr<br />
Cameron should have said the supposed murderer wa.s a Strath-<br />
glass man. By this assertion I am reluctantly compelled to state<br />
that the tradition in Kintail is (see Dornie MS., pages 16-5 to<br />
167), that he was a Glenmoriston man, and I have always heard<br />
the same myself. The elegies alluded to were composed by the<br />
herdsman of Murdoch's brother, John Macrae, locally known as<br />
the ''Hard mac Mhurchaidh mhic Iain Ruaidh" who resided in<br />
Mamag, in Gleneilchaig, Kintail.<br />
This song was apparently composed while the search for<br />
Murdoch Macrae was going on<br />
Och nan ochan 's mi sgith,<br />
'Falbh nan cnoc so ri sian,<br />
Giu' neo-shocrach a' sgriob tlia 'san duthaich ;<br />
Cha b' e d' fhasach gun ni,<br />
No d' fhearann-aitich chion sil,<br />
Ach sueul nach binn e ri sheinn 's an duthaich.
l32 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Thu bhi, Mlmrchaidh, ;iir cliall<br />
Gun aon chviinisc, c' e 'ni ball ;<br />
Slid an urcliair bha cailltc dhiiiime.<br />
'S cruaidh an cas am beil sinn,<br />
Thug am braigh so dhinn,<br />
'S cha chuir cairdean an ire dhuinn e.<br />
Uch mo chlisgeadh 's mo clias,<br />
Gun tu 'n ciste chaoil chlair,<br />
Le fios aig do chairdean ciiiii-t' air.<br />
Bu chall ceille mo dhaii,<br />
Mar dhealbh itesm an sas,<br />
Gun tuigt air mo dhan nach b'fhiu e.<br />
'S beart nach guidhinn do ni' dheuin,<br />
Ach na ludhaig Dia oirnn,<br />
Do chill buidlie bhi choir na h-iirach.<br />
Och gur miste mo chail,<br />
Bho 'n bu threudach mi dh' al,<br />
Gun tuigte air mo dhan nach hu e.<br />
Slan le treubhantas seoid,<br />
Slan le gleusdachd duiu' 6ig,<br />
'Nuair nach d' fliaod thu bhi beo gun chiiram.<br />
Slan le gliocas, 's le ceill<br />
'S a bhi measail ort fhein,<br />
'S nach eil fhios ciod e 'n t-eug a chiiirr thu.<br />
Slan le binneas nam bard,<br />
Slan le grinneas nan lamh ;<br />
Co ni mire ri d' mhnaoi, no siigradh 1<br />
Slan le grinneas nam meur<br />
Slan le binneas luchd-theud<br />
'Nuair a sheinneadh tu beul gun tuchan.<br />
Slan le liadhach nam beann,<br />
Slan le iasgach nan allt<br />
Co chuir iarunn air crann cho cliuiteach ?<br />
Do luchd-faire* gun fhiamh,<br />
Bho 'n bha d' air' orra riamh—<br />
Nochd cha ghearain am fiadh a churam.<br />
—<br />
* ReJ dee)-.
Old Gaelic Songs. 133<br />
'S ait lo binincli * nan allt,<br />
'Chor 's gu'n cinnicli an clann,<br />
Gu'n do niliillcadh na bli' ann de dh' nu'idar.<br />
'Nuaii- a shuidheadh tim, slicoid<br />
]\rar li buidheann ai,' ol<br />
Mdv bu (.•liubliaidli l)luodh cenl niu'n turlacli.<br />
Slau lo iiaislo na's leor<br />
'S tu blii suairce gun bhron<br />
Bho'n nach d' fhuaireas tliu, sh(>oid, gu li-iirail.<br />
Faodaidh an earbag an noclid,<br />
Eadar niliaoisleacli a's blioc<br />
Cadal samliach air cnoc gun churam.<br />
Faodaidh ise bin slan,<br />
'Siublial iosal a's aird,<br />
Bho 'n a chailleadli an t arniunn cliuiteach.<br />
Tliis song was evidently composed after the finding and<br />
bui-ial of IVIurdoch Macrae's body as stated in the last verses of<br />
this lament.<br />
Seinneam marbhrann as ur,<br />
Mar fliion-sul do Chlann Mhic Rath,<br />
Air ]\[urchadh donn-gheal mo run,<br />
Bha loma lau do chliu gun clileith,<br />
Cheud Aoine do'n gheamhradh fhuar,<br />
'S daor a pliaidh sinn duais nar sealg.<br />
An t-og bii chraobhaiche snuadh,<br />
Na aonar uainn 's fhaotainn niarbh.<br />
'Se sealg gheamhraidh Ghlinn-lic,<br />
Dlr'fhag gieann oirnn gu trie is gruaim,<br />
Mu 'n og nach robh teann 'sa bha glic.<br />
Bin an teampuU fo lie san uaigh.<br />
Bha tional na sgire gu leir,<br />
Ri siubhal sleibh 's ri falbh bheann,<br />
Fad sgios nan coig-latha-deug,<br />
'8am fear direach treun air chall.<br />
'S tursach do chinneadh mor deas,<br />
Dha d' shii'eadh an ear san iar,<br />
'San t-og a b' fhi\ighantaich beaclid,<br />
Ri slios glinne marbli san t-sliabh.<br />
* Roe deer.
134 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Tha Crathaicli nam biiailtean bo,<br />
x\ii- an sgaradh ro mhor niu t'eug,<br />
Do thoirt as a bheatha so oirnn,<br />
Dlieadh nihic athav nan corn 's nan ceud.<br />
'S tursach do sheachd braithroan graidh,<br />
Am pearsan ge ard a leugh'dh,<br />
Thug e ge tuigseach a cheaird,<br />
Aona bharr-turs' air cacli gii leir.<br />
'S tusa an t-ochdamli slat ghraidh,<br />
Sliliochd nam braithrean doasa, coir,<br />
'S troni tursach an osna le cacl,.<br />
Gun do fhroiseadh am blatJi dliiubh og.<br />
Air thus dhiubh Donnachadh nam pios,<br />
Gillecriosd is dithis de'n chleir,<br />
Fearachar agus Ailean donn,<br />
'S Uisdean a bha trom ad dheigh.<br />
Tha cliu taghta aig deagh LIhac Dhe,<br />
Gun easaidh gun eis air ni,<br />
'S bidh tusa nise an uabliar mor,<br />
An cathair ghloir aig Righ nan Righ.<br />
Bhean uasal a thug dhuit gaol,<br />
Nach bi chaoidh na h-uaigneas slan,<br />
'S truagh le mo chluasan a gaoir,<br />
Luaithead 'sa sgaoil an t-aog an snaim.<br />
'S tursach do gheala bhean ur og,<br />
'S frasach na deoir le gruaidh,<br />
'S i spionadh a fuilt le deoin,<br />
Sior chumha nach beo do shnuadh.<br />
A dheagh mliic Alasdair uir,<br />
Dlia 'ii tigeadh na h-airm an tus t'oig,<br />
'S i do gheala ghhiic san robh 'n cliu.<br />
Do shljochd Fliearachair nan crun 's nan coii<br />
'Nuair rachadh na h-iiaislean a stigh,<br />
Ann san talla am Ijidh am tion,<br />
Bu leat na dh'iarradh tu lach,<br />
'S cha bu din leat neach dlia dliiol.<br />
Bu luthar iistar do clias,<br />
Fhiurain ghasda bu dreachair dealbli,<br />
Na'n togtoadh bonndaclid a bhac,<br />
Nach robh gealtach air chleas airui.
Old Gaelic Songs. 135<br />
l>h:i tliii foiirail aims gat-li oeuiii,<br />
'8 bu bliarraiclit' thu a deirceadh 1)Iioc1k1,<br />
'S math dliut air deas laiinli do Rigli,<br />
Lughad sa chuir thu 'in piis an t-olc.<br />
Ail- Nolkiig nan corn 's nan cuach,<br />
'8 ann sa glileann so sliuas bha' n call,<br />
An t-og a b-fhiugliantaich snuadh,<br />
Na shineadh fo shuaindnieas dall.<br />
Bu til marbhaich' a bhalla-bhric bhain,<br />
Le mor-ghath caol, 's o fada, gour,<br />
Lc cuilbheir bhristeadh tu cnaiinh,<br />
\S bu shilteach fo d' laiuih na feidh.<br />
Do rasg gun aire fhir chaoimh,<br />
Fo 'n uihala gun chlaon gun smal,<br />
Deud gheal dhisucach is beul dearg,<br />
Sud an dealbh bha air an fhear.<br />
Bu tu an t-slat eibhinn aluinn ur,<br />
Bu mhiann sul 's bu leannan nina,<br />
A ghnuis ann san robh 'in breac-seirc,<br />
Bha oho deas air thapadh laimh.<br />
Chuala mise clarsach theud,<br />
Fiodhall is beus a' co-sheinii,<br />
Oha chuala 's cha chluinn gu brach,<br />
Ceol na b'fhearr na do bheul binn.<br />
Gas fhalt buidhe fainneach reidh,<br />
Aghaidh shoillear gle ghlan dearg,<br />
A ghnuis san robh gliocas gun cheilg,<br />
Air nach d'fhiosraicheadh riamh fearg.<br />
'S math am fear-rannsachaidh an t-aog,<br />
'8e 'm maor e a dh'iarras gu niioii,<br />
Bheir e leis an t-og gun ghiamh,<br />
'8 fagaidh e 'm fear liath ro shoaii.<br />
'8 ann Di-li-Aoine dh' fhalbh thu 'uain,<br />
'8 air Di-h-aoine fhuaireadh thu, rain.<br />
'8 disathurua bu chruaidii an cas,<br />
Aig sluagh dha d' cliaradh 'san uir.<br />
The next song on my list was composed by Mrs Fraser of<br />
CJuisachan and Culbokie, daughter of INIr Macdonald of Ardnabee,<br />
Glengarry. This lady liad nine sons. Three of them died at
—<br />
136 Gaelic Society of Inucrness.<br />
(Juisachan, two in America two in tlie East Indies (one of those<br />
in the Bhxck Hole of Calcutta), and two who were otticers in the<br />
Austrian army died in Germany. Donald, the youngest but one<br />
of the family, was killed t<strong>here</strong> on the battle-field. Soon after the<br />
news of liis death arrived in Strathglass, his mother composed a<br />
plaintive elegy on him, the poetry of which is of a high order.<br />
She sings thus<br />
Nollaig mlior do'n gnas bhi fuar,<br />
Fhuair mi sgeula mo chruaidh-chais ;<br />
Domhnull donn-gheal mo run,<br />
Bhi 'n a shineadh an tiugh a' bhlair.<br />
Thu gun choinneal o 's do chionn.<br />
No ban-charaid chaomh ri gal ;<br />
Gun chiste, gun annrt, gun chill,<br />
Thu'd shineadh, a laoigh, air dail.<br />
'S tu mo bheadradh, 's tn mo mlmirn,<br />
'S tu mo phlanntan an tus fais,<br />
M'og laghach is guirme siiil.<br />
Mar bhradan fior-ghlan 'us tu marbh.<br />
'S e bas anabaich uio mhic,<br />
Dh' fhag mi cho trie fo ghruaim ;<br />
'S ged nach suidh mi air do lie<br />
Bi'dh mo bheannachd trie gu d'uaigh.<br />
'S ann do Ghearraailt mhor nam feachd<br />
Chnir iad gun mo thoil mo mhac,<br />
'S ged nach cuala each mo reachd.<br />
Air mo chridhe dh' fhag e cnoc.<br />
Ach ma thiodhlaic sibh mo mhac<br />
'S gu'n d' fhalaich sibh le uir a chorp,<br />
Leigidh mise mo bheannachd Ic feachd,<br />
Air an laimh chuir dligh' bhais oi-t.<br />
Sguiridh mi de tliuireadh dian,<br />
Ged nach bi mi chaoidh gun bhron ;<br />
'S mi 'g urnaigh ri aon Mhac Dhe,<br />
Gu'n robh d' anam a' seinn an gloir.<br />
GRAN MOR MHIC-LEOID EADAU AN CLARSAIR DALL (rUAIUDII<br />
MAC-ILLEMHOIlii:) AGUS MAC-TALLA.<br />
We find a great deal of common senst- and good poetry peivading<br />
the whole of this song. The author, •' an Clarsair Dall,"
Old Gaelic Songs. 137<br />
was l)orn in the Island of Lewis in tlio yoar 1G46. Ho liad two<br />
brothers, Mr An^us Morrison, the funious wit, wlio was minister at<br />
Contin, and Mr Malcohn Monison, minister at Poolewe. Tlieir<br />
father, an Episcopalian clergyman in Lewis, was a descendant of<br />
the celebi-ated Brit]ipanih Leoyltctudch. Rory, the minstrel was<br />
deprived of his eyesigiit by smallpox while he was at school in<br />
Inverness. In consequence of this he followed the bent of his<br />
inclination as a musician, a profession in which it is said he<br />
excelled. He was engaged as a family harper by Jolin lireac<br />
]\lacleod, the Laird of Harris, in whose service he remained until<br />
John lireac died. After the demise of his worthy patron, changes<br />
took place. Both the harper and the family piper were dismissed,<br />
and the echo was heard no more in the Dun. The blind liarper<br />
imagines lie has discovered his old friend "the Echo" astray in the<br />
hills, and the following song was composed between them. In<br />
sori'ow, but in prophetic mood, they expatiated on the extravagance<br />
of lluairidh Og, successor of the wise John Breac. The song was<br />
sent as a remonstrance to the young Laird of Harris. Sir A.lex.<br />
Mackenzie of Gairloch said that every landed proprietor in the<br />
Highlands ought to study the song.<br />
Miad a mhulaid tha 'm thaghall<br />
Dh' fhag treoghaid mo chleibh gu goirt<br />
Aig na rinn mi ad dheighidh,<br />
Air m' aghairt 's mo thriall gu port.<br />
'Sann bha mis' air do thoir,<br />
—<br />
'S mi meas gun robh coir agam ort,<br />
A dheagh mhic athair mo ghraidh<br />
B tu m' aighear, is m' adh, is m' olc.<br />
Tha Mac-talla fo ghruaim,<br />
Anns an talla 'm biodh fuaim a cheoil ;<br />
'S ionad taghaich nan cliar,<br />
Gu'n aighear, gu'n mhiagh, gu'n phoit.<br />
Gu'n mhire, gu'n mhuirn,<br />
Gu'n iomracha dlu nan corn ;<br />
Gun chuirm, gu'n phailteas ri daimh,<br />
Gu'n mhacnas, gun mhanran beoil.<br />
Chaidh a chuibhle mu'n cuairt,<br />
Gu'n do thionndaidh gu fuachd am blaths,<br />
Naile chuna' mi uair.<br />
Dun flathail nan cuach a thraigh.
138 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
—<br />
Far'in bioclh taghaich nan duan,<br />
loma' matlias gun chruas, gun chas ;<br />
Dh' fhalbli an latha sin bhuain,<br />
'S tha na taighean gu fuaraidh fas.<br />
Dh' fhalbh Mac-tall' as an Dun,<br />
'Nam sgarachdainn duinn v'ar triath<br />
'Sann a thacliair e riuni,<br />
Air seacharan bheann, san t-sliabh.<br />
Labhair psan air thus<br />
" Math mo Ijharail gur tu ma's fior,<br />
Chunna' mise fo' mhuirn,<br />
Roi'n uiridli an Dim nan cliar."<br />
A mhic-talla, nan tur,<br />
'Se mo bharail gur tusa l)ha,<br />
Ann an teaghlach an fhion',<br />
'S tn 'g aithris air gniomh mo lamh,<br />
" 'S math mo bharail gur mi,<br />
'S cha b'urasd dhomh bhi mo thamh ;<br />
'G eisdeachd fathruim gach ce^il<br />
Ann am fochar Mliic-Leoid an aigh.<br />
" 'S mi Mac-talla, bha uair<br />
'G eisdeachd fathrum nan duan gu tiugh ;<br />
Far bu mhuirneacli am b6us<br />
'Nam cromadh do'n glirein 'san t-srutli.<br />
Far am b' fhoirmeil na seoid,<br />
'S iad gu h-oranach, ceolmhor, cluith<br />
Ged nach faicte mo ghniiis,<br />
Chluinnt 'aca sa'n Dun mo ghuth.<br />
" 'N'am eirigh gu moch<br />
Ann san teaghlaich, gun sproc, gun ghruaim<br />
Cliluinnte gleadhraich nan dos,<br />
'8an ceile na' cois on t-suain,<br />
'Nuair a ghabhadh i Ian<br />
; ;<br />
'Si gu'n cuireadh os n-aird na fhuair<br />
Le meoir fhileanta bhinn,<br />
'Siad gu ruith-leuniach, dionacli, luatli.<br />
" 'Nuair a chuirt i na tamh,<br />
Le furtachd na fardaich fein ;<br />
Dhomh-sa b' fhurasda radii<br />
Gu'm bu churaideach gair nan ti'ud
Old Gaelic Songs. 139<br />
Le li-ioniairt dlia irmih,<br />
A cur a binneas do cliacli an c6ill<br />
'S gu'm bu shiubblach am cliluais,<br />
A moghunn lughar lo hiasgau inlieur.<br />
" Ann san flicasgar an tleigli,<br />
Am teasa na grein tra noin ;<br />
Fir chneatain ri clair,<br />
'S mnai' freagaii't a glina cur lou.<br />
Da chorahairloach glioarr,<br />
A labhairt's gu'm b' ard an gloir ;<br />
'S gu'm bu thitlieach an gtiin,<br />
Air an duine gu'n fhuil, cru'n flieoil.<br />
" Gheibhte fleasgaich gun ghruaim,<br />
*Na do thalla gn'n sgraing, gun fhuath ;<br />
Mnai' fhionna 'n fhuilt rcidli,<br />
Cuir binneis an ceill Ic fuaini.<br />
Le ceileireachd beoil,<br />
Bhiodh gu h-ealanta, Ii-ordail, suairc<br />
Bliiodh fear-bogha 'nan coir,<br />
Ri cur meoghair 'a mheoir na'n cluais.<br />
" Bhiodh a i-ianadair fein<br />
Cuir an ire gur h-e bhiodh ann ;<br />
'S e 'g eiridh 'nam measg,<br />
'S an eibhe gu trie na cheann.<br />
Ge d 'a b'ard leinn a fuaim<br />
Cha tuairgneadh e siiin gu teann ;<br />
Chuireadh tagradh am chluais<br />
Le h-aidmheil gu luath 's gu mall."<br />
A Mhic-talla so bha<br />
Anns a bhaile 'n do thar mi m' iul,<br />
'S ann a nis dhuinn as leir,<br />
Gu'm beil mis a'.s tu fein air chul.<br />
A reir do cliomais air sgeul<br />
O'n 's fear-comuinn mi-tein a's tu ;<br />
'M beil do mhuinntearas buan,<br />
Aig an triath ud da'n dual an Dun 1<br />
" Bho linn nan linntean bha mi,<br />
'S mi mar aon duinc tamh 'sa chuirt<br />
'S theireadh iomodh Macleoid,<br />
Nach b' uireasaidh eolus dhuinn :<br />
;<br />
;
140 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Acli iia fliasacli gun fheuni,<br />
Chii 'n fliaca lui foiu blio tlms,<br />
Ri fad mo chuimhue sa riaiuli,<br />
CJun Toitear no Triath an Dim."<br />
Ach o' n thainig ort aois,<br />
Tlia ri chantainn gur baoth do gliloir<br />
Clia 'n e fasacli a tli' ann,<br />
Ge d' tlia e san am gun lod ;<br />
Air Toitear 's beag flieum,<br />
'8 og Tliigliearna fein na lorg<br />
'S e ri fliaotainn gun fheall,<br />
Cur ri baoth ann an ceann luchd chleoc.<br />
Ach tillidh mi nis gu 'd chainnt,<br />
Bho 'n a b' fhiosrach mi anus gach sion ;<br />
Gur trie a chunnacas gille og,<br />
Bhi gun uireasaidh stoir no ni :<br />
'S gu m biodh a bheachd aigc foin,<br />
Nuair clieannadh e feudail saor,<br />
A dh' aindeoin caithearnachd dha<br />
Nach cunnard da hiimli nam maor.<br />
Ach cha b'ionnan a bha..<br />
Dha na tir sa tha Mac Leoid,<br />
Ann an sonas 'sa sith<br />
Gun uireasaidh ni no loin,<br />
Ann an daor chuirt nan Gall,<br />
Ged' bha thoil fuireach ann ri blioo,<br />
Tighearna Eilg is glan sgire,<br />
Cha b eagal da dhiobhail stoii".<br />
Ach 's ionnan sin 's mar a tha,<br />
'S gur soilleir fhaicinn a bhla air bhuil,<br />
Bho'n nach leir dhoibh an call,<br />
Miad an deigh air cuirt CJIiall cha sguir,<br />
Gus an togair do'n Fhraing,<br />
A dhol bliadhna an geall na chuir,<br />
Bidh an niosgaid a' fas,<br />
Air an iosgaid 'si cnamii na l)un.<br />
Theid seachd cupaill gun dail.<br />
Air each cruidhcach as gair inhor srann,<br />
DioUaid lasdoil fo thoin,<br />
'8 mor gu'm b fheirde o srian oir na clieann,<br />
;<br />
;
Old Gaelic Songs. 141<br />
Ficliwid guinea 's Ix-ag t'liiacii<br />
Gun d' tlieid sid a cliur sios an goall,<br />
Cha teid peighinn dlia fein<br />
Bonn cha ghleidheir dha 'n deigh a cliall.<br />
'S tlieid coig coigi an de'n or,<br />
Gun d' theid sud air son cord da'n aid,<br />
Urad eile oirre fein,<br />
Faire faire 's math feuni gu spaid,<br />
'S grabliataichcan saor,<br />
Gur punnd Sasunuach e gun stad,<br />
Air a chnnntadh air clar,<br />
Dhe'n an iunntas gun dail air fad.<br />
Cha bhi pheidse ann a lueas,<br />
Mur bi aodach am fasan chaich,<br />
Ged cho.sd e guinea an t-shxt,<br />
Gheibhear sud air son mart 'sa mhal,<br />
Urrad eile ri chois<br />
Gun d' theid sud ar.n an a casaig dha,<br />
'S bi'iogais bheilibheid bhuig mhin,<br />
Gu bhi ruighinn a sios gu shall.<br />
Theid luach mairt no nis mo,<br />
Air paidliir stocaiun de'n t-'seorsa 's fearr,<br />
'S cha chunntar an corr,<br />
Ducaid diuc air da bhi'oig bhuinu ard<br />
Clachan criosdail s math snuadh,<br />
Ann am bucaill mu'n cuaii't gun snial<br />
Sud na gartainean suas,<br />
Paidhir thasdan a 's luach nam barr.<br />
Cha bhi pheidse ann am pris,<br />
'Se gun aithe dhi air ach cleoc,<br />
Grios a chlaimhidh cha b' fhiach,<br />
'S bu chuis athais ceann iaruinn dha,<br />
Criosaibh dealbhach o'n bhuth,<br />
Ceann airgid as bucaill oir,<br />
'S feudar sud fhaotainn dha,<br />
'S thig air m' fhearannsa mal nis mo.<br />
'S theid e stigh anns a bhuth,<br />
Leis an fhasan a's uire bho'n Fhraing,<br />
'San t-aodach gasda bha'n de.<br />
Ma do phearsa le speis nach gaun
142 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Tlieid a thilgeil an cuil,<br />
A fasaii dona cha'n fhiu c plang<br />
Air mal Ijaile no dha,<br />
(Jlacar peana scuir laimh ri b-ainu.<br />
'San nuair thilleas e risd,<br />
A dhaniharc a thire fein,<br />
An deis ma niiltean chiir suas,<br />
Gun tig sgriob aii' an tuatli mu 'n spreidli.<br />
Gus an togar na mairt,<br />
An deigli an ciurradli 'sa reic air feill,<br />
Bi'dh na fiachan ag at,<br />
Chnm am faoighneaclid ri niiiuc na dhcigli.<br />
Tlieid Uilleam Mhartain a macli<br />
'Se gu sraideil air each a triall,<br />
Cha lughaid a bheachd,<br />
Na na h-armuinn a clileachd sud ri.unli,<br />
Cha 'n 'eil cuimhne air a chrann,<br />
Cas-chaibe no laimh cha b' fhiach<br />
'Se cheart oho spaideil ri diuc.<br />
Ged bha athair I'i ruamhar riabh.<br />
Thoir an teachdaireachd bhuani<br />
Le deifir gu Ruairidh eg,<br />
Agus innis dha fein,<br />
Cuid de 'chunnard ged 'se ^lac Leoid,<br />
E bhi 'g amharc na dheigh<br />
Air an Iain a dh' eug 's nach l:>eo,<br />
Ge bu shaibhir a chliu,<br />
Cha'n fhagadh e 'n Dun gu'n cheol.<br />
A Mhic-talla so biia,<br />
Anns a' bhaile 'n rol^h gradh nan cliar,<br />
Sa' n Triach Tighearnail teann,<br />
Sa'n cridhe gu'n fheall na chliabli,<br />
Ghabh e tlachd dheth thir fein<br />
'S cha do chleachd e Duneich-ann rianih<br />
Dh' fhag e 'm bonnach gun bhoarn,<br />
'S b fhearr gun aithriseadh each a cliiall.<br />
The next song I have heard attributed to Donald Matheson,<br />
Esip of Attadale : —<br />
Hu-o ho mo chailin lagliach,<br />
'S tu mo chailin seadhach, ciuin,<br />
Hu-o ho mo chailin laghach,<br />
'S tu mo roghaiini, thaghaiim thu.
Old Gaelic Songs. 143<br />
'S tu 1110 chailiu og, dea.s, cU'all)h;u'li,<br />
'8 baniil k'aiii iiacli im'aiil)li do cliliu<br />
Meaiigan iir o'u fliaillcau aiuineil,<br />
Toradli a preas tarbhach tliii.<br />
Hu-o ho, etc.<br />
Suil a's guirnio, gniaidh a's dcirgc,<br />
Btuil a's cuiinte in' an deud dliliith,<br />
'S tu nach mealladh mi 'n am earbsa<br />
Ciod e fatli nacli leanmliuinn thu.<br />
Hu-o ho, etc.<br />
'Ghiag shlat iir a's ailte soalhidh,<br />
—<br />
INIiar dheth 'n chraoibh a's molaich riisg,<br />
'Ghiag a dh-fhas gu reidli fo dhuilleach<br />
'N te do 'ii tug mi gealladh thu.<br />
Hu-o ho, etc.<br />
liibhrach bhuadhach o na choille,<br />
Dliionach. dhuahich, dhiongmhalt, dhliith<br />
Ghnioinliach, ghuaillneaeli, gun blii corrach,<br />
Theireadh ceud mo leaunan thii.<br />
Hu-o ho, etc.<br />
'S ionmhuinn 'eucag nan rosg mala,<br />
'Thairg i fein mar sholus dliuinn,<br />
'S mairg a threigeadh tu dha aindeoin.<br />
'S eibhinn do' n ti 'mliealas thu.<br />
Hu-o ho, etc.<br />
'S binn a' smebrach anns an doire,<br />
'S binn an eala 'n cois a' loin,<br />
'S binne na sin guth mo leannain,<br />
'N uair a theannas i ri ceol.<br />
Hu-o ho, etc.<br />
Banarach gu dol na bhuaile,<br />
Bean uasal gu suidhe mu 'n bhord,<br />
Meur is gile 's grinne dh' fhuaigheas,<br />
Troigh chuimir nach cuir cuaig am broig.<br />
Hu-o lu) etc.<br />
'N 'oidhche bha sinn anns a Chaiplich,<br />
Gha]:)h mi tlachd dhiot 's tu mo run,<br />
Ged a bhiodh each oirnn ag aithris,<br />
Bhiodh sinn fein gu tairis ciiiin.<br />
Hu-o ho etc.
144 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Fiuraii iiiisiil uallacli og mi,<br />
MliraMiaiii doblirau ami an earn,<br />
Ghlacainn breac air linne niliulain,<br />
Bheirinn cuireadh dliuit gu pairt,<br />
Hu-o ho etc.<br />
Dhianain buachaille gu samhuiun,<br />
Tht'arbuinn gauihain agus laogh,<br />
Ghlacainn bradan agus banag,<br />
Bh eiriun pairt de dha nio ghaol.<br />
Hu-o ho etc.<br />
Chunna mi 'n raoir bruadal cadail,<br />
Ribhinn ghasda thighinn n' am choir.<br />
'Nuair a dhuisg mi anus a mhaduinn,<br />
Cha robli again dhi ach sgleo.<br />
Hu-ho etc.<br />
'S soilleir daoimein ann am fainne,<br />
'S soilleir tulach ard air Ion,<br />
'S soilleir righinn ann a' rioghackd,<br />
Aig mo nianaig se tha 'n corr.<br />
Hu-o ho etc.<br />
'S soilleir long mhor fo 'cuid aodaich,<br />
'Si cur sgaoileadh fo 'cuid seul,<br />
'S soilleir an lath 'seach an oidhche,<br />
'S aig mlio mhaighdinn fhin tha 'n corr.<br />
Hu-o ho.<br />
This is a song by Ian Mac Mhurchaidh in which he professes<br />
to be very sorry wlien his intended, Helen Macrae, ilaughter of<br />
Donald Macrae, of Torloisich, slighted him and married Coinneach<br />
og Macleannan. The whole burden of the song is about his real<br />
or imaginary loss and sorrow at her desertion. However, in the<br />
concluding verse he advises his friends not to heed all they hear<br />
about liim ; for lie assures them that t<strong>here</strong> is not one among all the<br />
daughters of Eve who could disturb his mental equilibrium.<br />
O, 's mor is misde mi<br />
Ka thug mi thoirt dhi<br />
Ge b'e de ni ise,<br />
Dh' fhag i mise bochd dheth.<br />
;
Old Gaelic Songs. 145<br />
Aithnitla-ar uii- mo sluim'radli<br />
Nach 'eil mi geanacli ;<br />
Oha thog mi mo shuil<br />
Ann an aite soillcar.<br />
'Nuair a chi mi triuir<br />
A' dol aim an conmun,<br />
Saoilidh mi gur giim<br />
A bhios gu mo dliomail.<br />
O 's mor, kc.<br />
Gu'm beil mi fo ghruaimean<br />
'S mi ann am mulad ;<br />
Cha lugha mo thriias<br />
Ris a h-uile duine.<br />
Liughad fear a luaidli i<br />
'S nach d' rinn a buinnig ;<br />
'S fortanach ma thamh iad<br />
Na'n slainte buileacli.<br />
O 's mor, ikc.<br />
Thainig am fear liatli sin<br />
A mhilleadh comuinn ;<br />
Ged dli' fhanadh e shios<br />
Gum bu bheag an domail.<br />
'S dana leam na dh' iarr e<br />
Chur mil mo choinneamh,<br />
'S cha ghabhadh e deanamh<br />
Gun chiad a thogail.<br />
O 's mor, &c.<br />
Siu 'nuair thiiirt a mathaii-,<br />
Cha tugainn i idir<br />
Do dhuinc dhe cairdean<br />
—<br />
Cha b' fiieaird' iad ise ;<br />
Chreid mi am fear a thainig<br />
Mi leis an fhios sin<br />
Gur iad feiii a b' fhearr<br />
Chumadh ann am meas i.<br />
O 's mor, &c.<br />
O biodh i nise<br />
Mar tha ise togar ;<br />
Gheibh sibh ann an sud i<br />
Bho'n is mise a thog i<br />
;<br />
10
; ; ;<br />
U6 Gae/ic Society of Inuerness<br />
Cha Ini mhasladh oirre<br />
Gcd bii phairt dc coirc<br />
Gu'in biodh nio theacaircan<br />
Dha cur na roghuinn.<br />
O 's Dior, &c.<br />
A Choiunicli Mhic-Dhonuil,<br />
Bu nihor am beud leam<br />
Do thoachdaire chomhdach<br />
Le storaidh breigo ;<br />
Mas a duine beo mi<br />
Cha blii thu 'n eis dhetli<br />
Gum faigli tlm i ri phosadh<br />
Le ordugh Cleire.<br />
O 's mor, (fee.<br />
'S misde mi gn brach e<br />
Ge d' gheil:»liinn saoghal<br />
Cha leiisaiclieadh each mi<br />
'8 na thug mi ghaol dhuit<br />
'S muladach a tlia mi<br />
Nach d' riun mi d'fliaotainn ;<br />
'S fortauach a tharladli dhomh<br />
Bhi tamh mar ri m' dhaoine.<br />
O 's mor, (fee.<br />
Thog iad mar bhaoth-sgeul<br />
Orm air feadh an aite<br />
Gu'n caillinn mo chiall _<br />
Mur faighinn lamh riut<br />
'S iongatjich leam fein ^<br />
Ciod e chuir fos 'n aird sud,<br />
Mur d' aithnich sibh fein<br />
Gu'n deach eis air mo mhanran.<br />
O 's mor, &c.<br />
Sguiridh mi dlieth 'n oran<br />
Mu 'n gabli sibh miothhichd,<br />
Gus am faic mi 'n cord ribh<br />
Na tha dhcth deanta ;<br />
Na crcidibh a storaidh<br />
Air feadh nan criochan,<br />
Cha 'n 'eil aonan beo<br />
Chuireadh as mo chiall mi.<br />
O 's mor, *kc.
Old Gaelic Songs 147<br />
The next song is a lively one, composed by the jovial and<br />
lainous Kintail Bard Ian mac INIhuivhaidli. In 1772, Ian Buidhe<br />
MacL
148 Gaelic Society of Inverness<br />
Ghleidli mi be.igan dhetb mo thur,<br />
Gus an d'thainig a pliios iir,<br />
A thug Caitair as a bhuth,<br />
'Si chuir rao chnuaic-sa luaineach.<br />
Cha b' ioghnadh ise bhi grinn,<br />
Uilleani is Caitair innte sgriobht',<br />
Liughad fear dha 'n d'thug e dinneir,<br />
'S dha 'n do shin e 'n t-uachdar.<br />
So an geamhradh a tha taitneach,<br />
Gheibhear cuilm an ceann gach seacain,<br />
Reitichean is posadh aithghearr,<br />
'S daoiue glau mu'n cuairt dhaibh.<br />
Bha mi tacan air mo smaointean,<br />
Cia mai- thaghainn comhdach aodaich,<br />
'S an dannsainn air a bhanais aotrom,<br />
Thug laimh sgaoilt Ian Ruaidh dhuinn.<br />
The following song, to the air of " The Flowers of Edinburgh," is<br />
one of Iain Mac Mhurchardh's best and most ]Jopular efforts. It was<br />
written in America, and while he was engaged in the American War<br />
of Independence. He comi)ares, in splendid vei-se, his wretclied i)Osition<br />
t<strong>here</strong>, a soldier in the King's army, to his former free and<br />
happy state in Kintail. The poor bard bitterly regretted with<br />
good cause, that he had ever left his native country, and his con-<br />
trast of his experiences in the land of his adoption and in the<br />
Scottish Highlands, is poweiful, poetical, and patriotic :<br />
Gur muladach a tha mi,<br />
'S mi 'n diugh gun aobhar ghaire ;<br />
Cha b' ionnan 's mar a bha mi<br />
'S an aite bha thall :<br />
Far am faighinn manran<br />
Mire, is ceol-gaire,<br />
Agus cuideachd mar a b' aill learn<br />
Aig ailleas mo dhream.<br />
Nuair 'shuidheamaid mu' bhord ann<br />
Bhiodli liotul agus stop ann ;<br />
'S cha h' eagal duinn le comhstri.<br />
Ged 'dh'olt' na bhiodh ann.<br />
'S e th' againn anns an aite so,<br />
Tarruing dhorn is lamh<br />
Agus cleas nan con 'bhi sas<br />
Anns gach aite le'n ceann<br />
—
Old Gaelic Songs. 149<br />
GuiJheainaid le durachd,<br />
A h-uile fear 'ua lunaij^li<br />
Gun tigeadh lagh na duthclia,<br />
Gu cunntais gun mhaill ;<br />
Gun tigeadh achd blio'n rigli sin,<br />
A b' fhunist' dhuinn a dliireadh.<br />
'S a chleachd bhi aig ar sinsear,<br />
'S an tim a bha ann ;<br />
Cha b'e 'm paipear bronach,<br />
A shracadh na mo pliocaid,<br />
Bliiodh againn air son storais,<br />
Ach or gun bhi ineallt ;<br />
Crodh is eich is feudail,<br />
Dha 'n cunntadh air an reidhlein,<br />
Dheth 'm faighte seaHadh eibhinn,<br />
Air eudann nam beann.<br />
Mo shoraidh gu Sgui'-urainn,<br />
'S an coire th' air a culthaobh,<br />
Gur trie a bha mi dluth ann<br />
Air chul agh is mhang,<br />
Ag amharc air mo gbluinean,<br />
An damh a' dol 's a' bhuirich,<br />
'S a clieir aige ga dnsgadli,<br />
Air urhir nan allt ;<br />
Cha b'e'n duilleag chrianaich,<br />
A chleachd e bhi ga bhiathadh ;<br />
Acli biolar agus min-lach,<br />
Is sliabh gun bhi gann ;<br />
Nuair rachadh e ga iarraidh,<br />
Gun tairneadh e troimh fliiaclan,<br />
An t' uisge cho glan sioladh,<br />
Ri fion as an Fhraing.<br />
Mo shoraidh leis an fhiadhach,<br />
Ge trie a bha mo mhiann ann ;<br />
Cha mho 'ni mi iasgach,<br />
Air iochdar nan allt<br />
Ge b'ait learn bhi ga iarraidh,<br />
Le dubhan, is le driamlacli,<br />
'S am fear bu gliile bian diubh,<br />
Ga shiabadh nni'm cheann ;<br />
;
150 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
(ia tharruing tliun na l)ruaiche,<br />
Bhiodh cui1)hle 'dol iiiu'ii cuaivt leis,<br />
Is croinag ami ga bualadh,<br />
Mu'u tuaims a bhiodli ann ;<br />
Ach 's e th' again n anns an aite so,<br />
" Grippin hoe" a's lamhag,<br />
'S chan fhasa learn a' mliairlin<br />
'Cuv tairnich na'm cheann.<br />
Na'm faighte lamli-an-uaclidar,<br />
Air luchd nan cota ruadha,<br />
Gun deanainn seasamh cruaidh,<br />
Ged tha 'n uairs' orm teann ;<br />
Ged tha iad ga n' ar ruagadh,<br />
Mar bhric a dol 's na bruachan,<br />
Gu'm faigh sinn fhathast fuasgladh,<br />
Bho'n uamhas a th' ann,<br />
Ma chreideas siblis' an fhirinn,<br />
Cho ceart 's tha mi ga innse,<br />
'S cho chinnte lis an disno,<br />
Gur sibhs' 'bhios an call<br />
Gur e iiu'r deireadh dibreadh<br />
Air fhad 's dha 'm cum sibh 'stri ris<br />
N' as miosa na mar dh' inntrig,<br />
'S gur cinnteach gur th' ann.<br />
Sud an rud a dh' eireas,<br />
Mur dean sibh uile geilleadh,<br />
'Nuair 'thig a chuid as treine,<br />
Dheth 'n trend a tha tliall.<br />
Bithidh crochadh agus reuliadh.<br />
Is creach air bhur cuid spreidhe,<br />
Clia'n fhaighear lagh no reusan<br />
Do reubaltaich ann ;<br />
Air fhad 's dha 'n gabh sibh fogar<br />
Bidh ceartas aig Rigli Deorsa,<br />
Oha bharail dliomh gur spors dhuibh<br />
An seol 'chaith sibh ann,<br />
Ach 's culaidh-ghrath is dheisinn<br />
Sibh fliad 's dha'n cum sibh streup ris,<br />
'S gur h-aithreach leibh na dheigh so<br />
An leum 'thug sibh aim.<br />
DuANAG Altruim.—Le Ian Mac Mhurchaidh dha phaisde ami<br />
an Carolina-mu-Thuath. Dhaindeoin " Cuothan, is ubhlan, is<br />
;<br />
;
smear a<br />
Old Gaelic Songs. 151<br />
fas" tha meinu chianalais a' bruclula a raac anna gacb<br />
[•mm do 'ii diianag so.<br />
Dean cadalan samhach,<br />
A chuileau mo ruin ;<br />
Dean fuireach mar tha thu,<br />
'S tu an drasd' an ait' ur.<br />
Bithidli oigfhearan againn,<br />
Lan beairteis is cliu,<br />
'S ma bhios tu na d' airidli,<br />
'S leat fear-eigin dinbh.<br />
Giir ann an America,<br />
Tha simi an drasd';<br />
Fo dliubhar na coille,<br />
Nach teirig gu brach.<br />
'Nuair dh' t'halbhas an dulaclid,<br />
'Sa thionndaidli's am bias ;<br />
Bithidh cnomhan bidh ubhlan,<br />
'S bithidh an siucar a' fas.<br />
'S ro bheag orm fein,<br />
Na daoine so th' ann,<br />
Le' n cotaichean drogaid.<br />
Ad mhor air an ceann ;<br />
Le' m briog«annan goirid,<br />
'S iad sgoilte gu'm bainn,<br />
Cha 'n fhaicear an t-osan<br />
—<br />
'Si bhochdainn a th-ann.<br />
Tha sinne na'r n-Innseanaich,<br />
Cinnteach gu leor,<br />
Fo dhubhar nan craobh,<br />
Cha bhi h-aon againn beo;<br />
iVIadaidh allaidh is beistean,<br />
A g' eibheachd 's gacli frog,<br />
Gu'm beil sinne 'n ar n-eiginn,<br />
Bho 'n la threig sinn Righ Deors<br />
Their mo shoiridh le failte,<br />
'Chinntaile na 'm bo,<br />
Far an d' fhuair mi greis m' arach,<br />
'S mi 'm phaisde beag og.
152 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Bhitheadh fleasgaichean donna,<br />
Air am bonnaibh ri ceol,<br />
Agus nionagan dualach,<br />
'San gruaidh niai' an ros.<br />
An toiseach an fhoghair,<br />
Bu cliridheil na'r sunnd,<br />
Am liadh as an fliireach,<br />
'S am liradan a grunnd.<br />
Bhitlieadh luingeas an sgadain,<br />
A' tighinn fo sheol,<br />
Bu bhoidheach an sealladh,<br />
'S fir dhonn aire am bord.<br />
In 1774 Jolm Macrae, i.e. Ian Mac Mhurchaidh emigrated,<br />
along with many of his neighbours, from Kintail, Lochcarron, etc.,<br />
and settled in North Carolina. Soon after their arrival the<br />
American War of Independence broke out, and as might be<br />
expected they at once Joined and took a prominent part in what<br />
they considered to be tlie right of Britain. The bard was ultimately<br />
taken prisoner and confined in a wretched dungeon w<strong>here</strong><br />
he soon died. It is said that liis loyal compositions during the<br />
war greatly inspirited his brother Highlanders, and that the<br />
Americans Avhen they got him into their hands treated him w^ith<br />
unusual severity. This is (me of the last, probably tlic last, of Ian<br />
Mac Mhurchaidh's compositions.<br />
Tha mi sgith 'n fhogar so,<br />
Tha mi sgith dheth 'n t-strith,<br />
So an tim dhoruinneach.<br />
Ged a tha mi fo'n choille,<br />
Cha 'n 'eil coire ri chomhdach orm.<br />
Tha mi sgith «fec.<br />
Ach mi sheasadh gu dileas,<br />
Leis an High bho' n bha choir aige.<br />
Mi air fogar bho fhoghar,<br />
Deanamh thighean gun cheo annta.<br />
Ann am buthaig bhig bharraich,<br />
Cha d' thig caraitl dha'ni fheoraich anu.<br />
Ach na'm bithinn aig a bhaile,<br />
Gheibhinu cairdean's luchd-eolais ann.
Old Gaelic Songs. 163<br />
Ach na'n tigeudli Corn wal lis,<br />
'Sinn a ghluaiseadh gu solasacli.<br />
'Gu sgrios thoirt air beisdean,<br />
Thug an t-eideadh san storas uainn<br />
Thoir mo shoiridh thar linne,<br />
Dh'ionnsidh ghlinne 'm bii choir dhomli biii.<br />
Far am minig a bha mi,<br />
'G eisdeachd gairich laogh og aca.<br />
Tlioir mo shoiridh le durachd,<br />
Gn Sgurr-Urain 's math m' eolas ann.<br />
'S trie a bha mi mu'n cuairt di,<br />
'G eisdeachd udlaiche croineanaich.<br />
'S do 'n bheinn ghuirm tha mu 'coinneamh,<br />
Learn bn shoiliear a neoineanan.<br />
Thoir mo shoiridh le caoimhneas,<br />
Gu Torloisich nan smeoraichean.<br />
Far an trie bha mi mu bhuideal,<br />
iNIar ri cuideachda sholasaicJi.<br />
Cha b' e an t-ol bha mi 'g iai-raidh,<br />
Ach na b'fhiach an cuid oranan.<br />
Sios 's suas troimh Ghleann-seile,<br />
'S trie a leag mi damh croic-cheannach.<br />
I do not know wIk) composed this humorous song. From<br />
the first time, however, that I heard it, the authorship was attributed<br />
to the Rev. Ranald Rankin, Catholic Clergyman, who left<br />
Moidai't, and went as a missionaiy to Australia about thirty<br />
years ago.<br />
AN T-EACH lARUINN.<br />
'Se 'n t-each iaruinn fhuair mo mhiann,<br />
'Nuair a thriallainn air astar ;<br />
Is e gun diollaid a's gun srian,<br />
Siubhal dian leinn do Ghlaschu.<br />
Se 'n teach, &c.<br />
'S ann air a bhios an t-sitrich chruaidh,<br />
'N am dha gluasad o'n Chaisteal ;<br />
Tothan geala tigh'nn o shroin,<br />
'S e ro dheonach air astar
154 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Cha'n iarr e fodar na feur,<br />
'S cha'n eil siol dha mar chleachdadh ;<br />
Ach an teine chiir r'a tharr,<br />
'Se sud abhaist mar bhraic-theist.<br />
Tha fuaim a chuibhleachan am chluais,<br />
Mar thorann cruaidh tigh'nn o chreachan:<br />
Mar ghille-mirein dol iii'an cuairt,<br />
Chi thu coilltean, sluagh, a's clachan.<br />
Tha riadh de charbadan na dheigh,<br />
'San ionad fein aig bochd a's beartach ;<br />
An uair a rachadh e na leum,<br />
B'fhaoin do mhac a fheidh a leantuinn.<br />
Sud riut a nis a ghaoth-tuath,<br />
Dubhlan do'n luatlis tha 'n ad chasan ;<br />
Feuch riut Eohis na'n speur,<br />
Ma's tu fein is trein' air astar.<br />
Tha 'n t-each aluinn, calma, treun,<br />
Tha e raeamnach, gleusda, reachdnihor ;<br />
An t-each a bhuidhneas geall gach reis,<br />
Cha'n 'eil feum a dhol a ghleachd ris.<br />
S' coma leam coitse nan each mall,<br />
Cha'n 'eil ann aca culaidh-mhagaidh ;<br />
Cha'n fhearr leam gige na'n each fann,<br />
Cha'n 'eil ann ach glige-ghlaige.<br />
Mar chloich-mhuilinn dol na deann,<br />
Sios le gleann o bharr leachdainn,<br />
Tha gach cuibhle a ruith bhios ann,<br />
Falbh le srann 's an dol seachad.<br />
M' eudail gobha dubh a ghuail,<br />
'S e thug buaidh air na h-eachaibh,<br />
Leis a' ghearran laidir luath,<br />
Falbh le sluagh eadar bhailtean.<br />
Linn nan innleachdaii a th'ann,<br />
Gu sluagh a chur na'n deann air astar ;<br />
An litir sgiiobhas tu le peann,<br />
Ma'n dean thu rann bidh i 'n Sasunn
Old Gaelic Songs. 165<br />
Na'n eireadli iia m,iirl)h o'n uir,<br />
Dh'fhaicinii gacli ni uir a th'againn,<br />
Cha chreideadh iad an soalladh shl,<br />
Nach e druidheachdaii a bh'againn.<br />
Ni e bodaich bheinne dhusgadh,<br />
'S daoine-sith blia uiii' na'n cadal ;<br />
Teichidh iad le geilt 'sna ciiiltean,<br />
Mu'n teid am niuchadli no'n spadadh.<br />
Siubhlaidh bat'-na-sniuid air chiian,<br />
Sgoltadh stuadh, 's ga'n cuir seachd ;<br />
Seolaidli long o'n Airde Tuath,<br />
Le gaoth chruaidh 's frasan sneachda.<br />
Cha'n ionnan sud 's mo ghearran doiin,<br />
'Nuair dheireadh fonn air gu astar ;<br />
Cha'n iarr e coircc no moll,<br />
Ach uisge' na chom 'nuair bhios tart air.<br />
Na'm faiceadh tu Iain Ruadh is claon air,<br />
A glaodhaich gu aird a chlaiginn,<br />
" Mur stad sibli an t-each donn a dhaoine,<br />
Cha bhi tuilleadh saoghail againn."<br />
Bi'dh an t-eagal ann, 's cha'n ioghnadh ;<br />
Fear ri faoineis, 's fear ri magadh ;<br />
Chluinnidh tu iad air gach taobh dhiot,<br />
Fhearaibh 'sa ghaoil— " What a Rattle !"<br />
Gus an rathad a bhi reidh,<br />
'S nach bi eis air na astar,<br />
Ni e toll am bun gach sleibh,<br />
'S bheir e reis 'stigh na achlais.<br />
A ruith troi' uamha chreagach dhorch,<br />
'Rinn am fudar gorni a' sgoltadh ;<br />
Gu'm bheil nibran eagal orm<br />
Gu'm buin a thoirm uara mo chlaisteachd.<br />
Chi thu sluagh ann as gach aite,<br />
A talamli Chanaan as a Sasunn,<br />
Eadar Peairt 'sam Brumlath,<br />
Eadar an Spainnt a's Braigh Lochabar.<br />
The next song was composed by Duncan Macrae, who was<br />
tacksman at Conchra, Lochalsh. He had a family of sons, one of
156 Gaelic Society of inuerness.<br />
—<br />
wlioni was married to a daughter of a tacksman, i.e., Farquhar<br />
^lacrae of Fadoch. So well was Macrae at Conchra pleased<br />
with the first marriage that he proposed another son of his should<br />
many Janet, a younger daughter of Fadoch. Accordingly he<br />
accomi^anied his son, who was a widower, to hear what Miss<br />
Janet might have to say on the subject. Her would-be father-inlaw<br />
places the result of his journey, and his interview with<br />
Seonaid, before us as follows :<br />
'Nuair thug mi 'n Gleann mu Nollaig orni,<br />
'S trom a ghabh mi 'n t-aithreachas,<br />
Gun fhios nach iad na dramaichean.<br />
Thug oirnn bhi farraid Seonaid.<br />
'Nuair shuidlieas mi na m' aonaran.<br />
Gum bi mi trie a smaoineachadh.<br />
Gun d' fhuair mi 'm bonn nan aonaichean,<br />
Bean donn an aodainn bhoidheich.<br />
Bha i maiseach niaoineachail,<br />
Gun robh i stocail daoineachail.<br />
Cha n fhaca mi bean t'aogaisg,<br />
'Dh-aon taobh 'san robh ini eolach.<br />
Fhuair mi toil do mhathar leat,<br />
Toil t'athar is do bhraithrean leat,<br />
'S cha leigeadh Righ nam Papanach,<br />
A'chaoidh do 'n Aird le dheoin thu.<br />
Gheibh tliu duine dh'iarrainn duit,<br />
Tigh geal an aite tiorail.<br />
Each is gille 's diollaid,<br />
'S do chur sios gu Gaol na Doirnidh.<br />
Chuir thu dhiot gun leisgeul mi,<br />
Cha'n eil mi uair 'na t'eisimeil,<br />
Ma tlia thu 'g iarraidli teisteanas,<br />
Cuir ceist air Ijean an drobhair.<br />
Tha fear* an Gleannstrafairire,<br />
'S e an comhnuidh tighinn da tharach ort,<br />
Cha 'n ann do slilioclid nan greannanach,<br />
Gur ro mhath 'b'aithne dhomhs iad.<br />
*This was Hugh Fraser, locally known as Fear Dheadhanaidh.<br />
He was the only brother of the hite Bobert Fraser, laird of<br />
Aigais.
Old Gaelic Songs. 157<br />
'Nuair chaidli mi air 'n t'saothair \u\,<br />
Gun thacliair tir Cliill-FIiaolain riuiii,<br />
'8 gun d' ol sinu botul taosgach,<br />
Ged' robh c daor sail Toiseaclid.<br />
B'iad Slid an comiinn faoiltoacliail,<br />
Cha d' cliiiir iad suil am priobairijaclid,<br />
13ha pailteas bidh is diblie aca.<br />
Deadh fhidhlcir agus orain.<br />
Dol seachad 'm beul an anrauich dhomh,<br />
Gun thacliair fearaibh Shalachaidli rium,<br />
'S ann dhoiiihsa fein a dhearbh iad,<br />
Nach robh an t-airgiod gaiin na'm pocaid.<br />
Gun chuir iad sgioba is bata learn,<br />
Gu m' fhaicinn dJiachaidh sabhailte,<br />
'S gun d 'ol sinn ' nuair rainig siiin,<br />
Deoch slaint na bha guu phosadh.<br />
Janet Macrae, the subject of the above Luinneag was con-<br />
sidered a great beauty ; but as she proved herself to be so proficient<br />
in rejecting the hand of some of the finest, handsomest, and<br />
best situated gentlemen in tlie surrounding districts, a local poet<br />
apostrophised her as follows:<br />
Mo nigliean bhuidhe bhoidheach,<br />
A phosadh a h-uile fear<br />
Tha coignear dlia d' iarraidh,<br />
Fad bliadhna dhaoin' urramach,<br />
Tha triur dhiubh sin posda,<br />
'S tha Seonaid gun duin' aice.<br />
Miss Janet, however, did not choose to remain long on the<br />
spinster list, and when she made her selection, the neighbours used<br />
to say, after William Ross :<br />
Ma fhuair thu do roghainn,<br />
Do dh-fhearaibh an domhain gu leir ;<br />
Tha fios aig na h-eolaich<br />
Mar bhuilich thu deonach do speis, (kc.<br />
—<br />
This Luinneag is the composition of William Macbean, a<br />
native of Kingussie. He was one of about three hundred passengers<br />
on board the "St George", which sailed from Oban in 1838.<br />
After five months at sea, they arrived safely at their destination<br />
Sydney, New South Wales. As the most of the passengers were<br />
from the Highlands, song and story were in requisition. I heard<br />
;
158 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
it said by some that were on board that Macbeaii endeavoured<br />
to make them feel the long voyage tlie happiest and most charming<br />
part of theii- lives.<br />
LUINNEAG.<br />
Gu ma slan do na fearibh<br />
Chaidh thairis an cuan,<br />
(jiu talamh a gheallaidh,<br />
Far nach fairich iad tuachd.<br />
Gu ma slan do na mnathan<br />
Nach cluinnear a gearan ;<br />
'S ann theid iad gu smeireil<br />
Gar leantinn thar 'chuan.<br />
Gu ma slan, tfec,<br />
Is na nighneagan boidheach,<br />
A dh'fhalbhas leinn conihladh,<br />
Gheibli daoine ri 'm posadh,<br />
A chuireas or nan da chluais.<br />
Gu ma slan, &c.<br />
Gheibh sinn aran is im ann,<br />
Gheibh sinn siucar is ti ann ;<br />
'S cha blii gainn' oirnn fhin,<br />
'S an tir 's bheil buaidh.<br />
Gu ma slan, «fec.<br />
Nuair dh'fhagas sinn an t-aite so,<br />
Cha chuir iad mor ndial oirnn ;<br />
'S cha bhi an Fheill Martainn<br />
Cur naire ann ur gruaidh.<br />
Gu ma slan, »fec.<br />
Gu fag sinne an tu- so,<br />
Cha chinnich aon ni ami<br />
Tha 'm buntata air dol a dhith ann,<br />
'S cha chinn iad le fuachd.<br />
Gu ma slan, &c.<br />
Gheibh sinne crodh agus caorich ;<br />
Gheibh sinne cruithneachd air raointean,<br />
'S cha bhi e clio daor dhuinn<br />
Ri fraoch an taobii tuatli.<br />
Gu ma slan, ttc.<br />
;
Old Gaelic Songs. 169<br />
'Nuair a tlieid mi do'ii mhoiiadli,<br />
A niach Ic mo gluinna,<br />
Cha bhi geamair no duine<br />
(j}a ma chiir air an ruaig.<br />
Gu ma slan, &ic.<br />
(5hoil)li sinne sioda agiis srol ann ;<br />
(Ilunbh sinne pailtoas do'n cliloinih ann,<br />
'S ni na mnathan dhuinn clodli dlieth,<br />
Air seol an taobh tuath.<br />
Gu ma slan, iliic.<br />
Cha bhi lad ga'r dnsgadh<br />
Le clag Chiiin-a-gliiubhsaich ;<br />
Cha bhi e gu duireas<br />
Ged' nach duisg sinne cho luath.<br />
Gu ma slan, &c.<br />
It is said that the following song was composed tor Duncan<br />
^Macrae, son of Fan^uhar Og of Morvich, Kintail, on his being laid<br />
up after spraining his foot.<br />
Huil obhan ho guri lio,<br />
Huil obhan ho ro hi,<br />
Huil obhan ho guri lio,<br />
Cadal trom gun deach' dhiom.<br />
'S dona sud a " Bhothain"* bhochd,<br />
A nochd gue dubhach a tha,<br />
Sealgair nan aighean 's na laogli,<br />
Na lidhaidh sa thaobh ri lar.<br />
Cha b'e sud 's na chuir thu suil,<br />
A bhi tarraing a'bhruchd bho'n traigh,<br />
Ach leaghadh luaidhe an camus cruinn,<br />
'S tu leagadh na suinn gu lar.<br />
Beannan beag san robh do mhiann.<br />
Dha shireadh ri gaoth an iai',<br />
Lorg-ealadh ri sgur-ljheinn chas,<br />
Sud am beus a chleachd thu riamh.<br />
Beiim-a-mheadhain ghlas' n fheoir,<br />
San sgaoil an ceo mas eirich grian.<br />
Far a minig a bha mo ghradh.<br />
Air uileanu air sgath nam tiadh.<br />
Bothan is said to be the name of the hunter's dog.
IGO Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Beinn ii Ghiusaichoan ma tliuath,<br />
'S braigli leachd nam fuar blieann gorm,<br />
An trie a thug tliu callaidh toll,<br />
Ann sa bheinn an cluinnte toh-m.<br />
Creagan sgeodach dubh an fhraoich,<br />
An darna taobh do Ohona-ghleann cas,<br />
Far a minig a blia thu gliaoil,<br />
A feitheamh ri gaoth Mheal-dhamh.<br />
Dair-dhoire nan damh dearg,<br />
Sail-cliaorainn nan earb 's nam boc,.<br />
Far 'ai bu trie thu air do ghlun,<br />
'S do ghillean air cul nan cnoc.<br />
'S iomadh beinn is tulaich ard,<br />
Is talanih garbh ri sneachd 6g,<br />
A shiubhail do ehalpa treun,<br />
'S air talamh reidh fhuair thu leon.<br />
Sona sud a Bhothain bhochd,<br />
A nochd gur subhach a tha,<br />
Bho n fhuair cas Dhunnachaidli luatlias,<br />
Togaidh sinn suas ri Gleann Mhic Phail.<br />
The following tliree fragmentary stanzas are like the jire<br />
ceding ones :<br />
—<br />
Sud a cheaird dha 'n d' thug mi speis,<br />
'Nuair a bha mi eutrom og,<br />
Bhi falbh le gunna fo 'm sgeith,<br />
Gleidheadh an fheidh au' a lorg.<br />
'S tfic a rinn mi siubhal fann,<br />
Air feadh allt is ghlac is fhrog,<br />
'S fraoeh agus seileach ann,<br />
Cho ard ri mo eheaun is eorr.<br />
An te sin a th' agam na 'm uchd,<br />
'S trie a rinn i full an glaic,<br />
'Nuair a lasadh i air torn,<br />
Dh' fhagadh i an dandi donn fo lot.<br />
In my younger days in Strathglass I used to hear the ft)l lowing,<br />
but bave not heard it since I left that country. My memory
—<br />
Old Gaelic Songs. IGl<br />
may not have sufficiently served mo to enable ine to supply the<br />
complete song, but I shall be glad to receive any verses 1 may<br />
have omitted :<br />
'S trom an luchd tha mi giulan air m' inntinn,<br />
Dh'fhag sud m' aigneadh air chinnt ann an cas,<br />
'S mi bhi smaoiutiu bho chionn cor agus l)liadhna,<br />
Gur a modha tha mi crianadh na fas,<br />
Righ phriseil nnir a dean tliu orm foirinn,<br />
Tha mi 'm priosan aig doruinn an sas,<br />
'S trie m' easlaint a g' innse le deitir,<br />
Gur fear-binn air mo bheathsa 'm has.<br />
Am bas ged' a dh' fhaicinn e tigliinn,<br />
Cha 'n eil e beo fear a chitheadh mo dheoir,<br />
Bho'n a chaill mi gach solas a bh'agam,<br />
Sa tha mi gun dad deth mo threoir,<br />
Chaol bhanaich mo lamhan 's mo chasan,<br />
'S air m' aisnean cha'n eil dad a dh-fheoil,<br />
Chaill mi uile mo dhealljh agus m' aogasg.<br />
'S trie tha m' aodann air chaochladh gach neoil.<br />
Tha 'n saoglial so caochlaideach uile,<br />
'S mairg riamh a chuir bun 'as a ni,<br />
A anabharra saibhreas no spionnaidh,<br />
Bho 'n as furasda leis bhi gar dith.<br />
'Nuair a shaoil leam gum bu teoilha mo shandiradh,<br />
Bhuail dudhlachd a' gheamhraidh orm crxiaidh,<br />
Ghrad thionndan an saoghal mar fhaoileach,<br />
'S dh'fhag sud dhomhsa gach caolas mar chuan.<br />
'S ann a bha mi am muirne le manran,<br />
Fhad sa bha iad ga m' arach measg Ghall,<br />
Oha b' annas dhomh jiuit ag ol fiona.<br />
Mar ri armuinn neo-chrian gun bhi gann,<br />
Cha robh aou ni dhomh duilich ri f haotainn,<br />
Air am faodadh mac duine bhi 'n geall,<br />
'S fhaide an t-sheachdain an diu leam na bhliadhna,<br />
Slainte 's aidhir air triall bhuam air chall.<br />
'S ann mar luing ann an doruinn a tha mi,<br />
'S 1 air bristeadh roimh chlabhraich nan tonn,<br />
Ann an socair no suidhe cha tamh dhomh,<br />
Ach mar uibhean ga 'n carandi air di'oll,<br />
11
1G2 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
'Nu.iir a shaoil mi tighinn thngam a bhairlinn,<br />
Bin ga in' thudauadh ghnatli hhav mo bhonn,<br />
'Righ phriseil mur a gabli tliu fein truas rium,<br />
Tha do laimh ami sai) iiair' orm gle throm.<br />
The following sacred poem was composed by the famous<br />
Juliet of Keppoch, (Sile na Ceapaich). A fragment of it appears<br />
in Vol. vii. of the Transactions of this Society. The following<br />
\ersion was transcribed by the late lamented D. C. Macpherson<br />
of the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, from a copy which Iain<br />
Dan Innse took down from an old servant of Sile. Sile was born<br />
at Bohuntin, Brae-Lochaber, in 1660, and died in the year 1729.<br />
Di do bheath', a Mhoire Mhaighdeann,<br />
'S gnr gile do Mhac na 'ghrian ;<br />
Rugadh am INIac 'an aois Athar,<br />
Oighre Fhlathanais ga'r dion.<br />
B' iosal an ceum thug an Slanair,<br />
Tighinn a Parras gu talamh ;<br />
Eugadh e ann an staball,<br />
Gun tuilleadh aite dha falamh.<br />
Cha d'iarr Banrainn na h-umhlachd,<br />
Fuirneiseachd, rum, no seoniar ;<br />
Cha mho 'dh iarr i mnathan-glaine,<br />
Ach Righ nan Dul a bhi ga comhnadh.<br />
Cha d' iarr Miccin na h-uaisle,<br />
Cuisein, no clusag, no leaba,<br />
Acli gu'n d' eirich leis a IMhathair,<br />
Ga' chur sa' mhaingeir na laidhe.<br />
B' aobhainn an sealladh a fhuair i<br />
An uair a tliainig e as a collainn ;<br />
Ga 'shuaineadh 'an anartan bana<br />
An Slanair a thainig gu'r ceannach,<br />
Shoillsich reulna anns an athar<br />
'Rinn rathad do na tri righrean;<br />
Thainig iad ga shealltaijni le failte,<br />
'S gaol 'us gradh thoirt da le lirinn.<br />
Thainig na buachaillean bochda,<br />
'Ghabhail fradhairc air 's an tim sin<br />
Misneach do'n lag 's do'n laidir,<br />
Gu 'bhi cho dana air an ti ud.<br />
—<br />
I
Old Gaelic Songs. 1G3<br />
'N uair chula Herod an ardaiii,<br />
An targanach a thigh'n gu talanih,<br />
Cha d' fbag e niicein aig niathair<br />
Gun a chur gu bas le h-an-iochd.<br />
Rinn Moire naomh an lagli a chleachdadh—<br />
Thairg iad an leanabh anns an teampiiU,<br />
Dh' fbalbh iad a db-oidbche 's a Latba,<br />
Leis do'n Eipbit 'gliabliail tanibaclid,<br />
Dh' fbuiriob iad an sin, car tamuil,<br />
Ga altruni agus ga' aracb<br />
Ann an gaol, 's 'an gradb, 's 'an uiublachd,<br />
Le durachd atbar 'lis mathar.<br />
'Nuair cbnal iad gu'n d'eug Rigb Herod,<br />
Smaoinicb iad ceum a tboirt dacbaidb,<br />
Bu mhiannacb leo sealladh de'n cairdean,<br />
'S 'fliad 's a bha iad gun am faicinn,<br />
Thug iad cliu do Dbia 's an teampull,<br />
'S gu Nasaret air dbaibb 'blii tilleadb,<br />
Suil ga'n d' thug iad tbair an gualainn,<br />
Dh 'iunntraich iad bhuap am Messia.<br />
'S iad a blia gu bronach, duilicb,<br />
Tratb nacb b' fhurasda dbaibb 'fbaotainn ;<br />
'Sa' mliiad 's a rinn iad ga 'sbireadb,<br />
Bu dubbacb a bha iad as 'aogais ;<br />
Ach tim dbaibb dol deiseal a 'n teampull,<br />
Dh' aithuich iad a chainnt gu beatbail,<br />
Measg nan ollaichean a' teagasg,<br />
Bu deas a thigeadh dha labhairt.<br />
Labhair an sin ris a mbathair<br />
•' Ciamar a thainig dhut fuireach 1<br />
'S dubhach a rinn thu ar fagail,<br />
Na tri laithean bha sinn ga d' sbireadb ;"<br />
" A mbathair na l)iodh ortsa mulad,<br />
Ged a dh' fbuirich mi 's an teampull;<br />
Seirbhis m'athar anns na flaitheas,<br />
Feumaidh mi feitbeamh 's gach am dbi.<br />
" A liuthad latha fuachd 'us acras,<br />
Siubhal seachrain agus imeachd,<br />
A th' agamsa ri fhulang fhathast,<br />
Mu'n teid mo ghnothuch gu iinid ;<br />
;
164 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Fuilgidh mi fhathast mo hhaistoadh,<br />
Fuilgidli mi traisg anus an fliasach,<br />
Fuilgidh mi 'n namhaid ga m' bliuaircadh,<br />
'Us mo bhualadh, 'us mo phagadh.<br />
" Fuilgidh mi breth agus biiin,<br />
; ; ;<br />
'Us mo chur sios le fianais-bhroige<br />
Seallaidh mi gu h-\imhlaidh, iseal,<br />
Ged a dhitear mi 's an eucoir.<br />
Mo chni- bho Philat gu Herod,<br />
A dh' innseas sgeula mar is aill leo,<br />
'S bho 'ii nach dian mi mar is math leo,<br />
Cuirear deis' de 'n anart bhan orm."<br />
'N uair a dlieasaich iad an t-suipeir<br />
Dha fhein 's do na bh' aige de mhuiniitir,<br />
Bheannaich e agus bhlais e,<br />
Rinn e sin an casan ionnlad.<br />
'N uair dh' aithnich e 'm bas ga riribh,<br />
Dh' fhag c dileab aca deonach ;<br />
Bho 'n nach d' fhaod e aca fuireach,<br />
Bheannaich e'fhuil agus flieoil dhaiMi.<br />
Rinn e anns a' gharadh urnaigh,<br />
Chuir c gu dluth dheth fallus fala ;<br />
Dh' fhuilig e rithist a sgiursadh, ^<br />
'Us crun a chur air de 'n drcathann fl<br />
;<br />
Sraugaidean a chur na 'aodann, V<br />
'S a bhualadli air gach taobh le'n dearnaibh,<br />
Ghiulain e 'clirois air a ghuailnean,<br />
'Sa chur suas eadar dha mheirleach.<br />
Bhlais e'n cupa 's an robh 'n t-searbhag,<br />
Tiota beag mu'n d' fhalbh an anail<br />
Thug e matlianas dh'a naimh.lean,<br />
'S liubliair e do 'n Ard-righ 'anam,<br />
Leig a sios as a' chrois E,<br />
Liubhair iad a chorp dh' a mhathair<br />
I fhein 's na bh 'aice de mhuinntir,<br />
Rinn iad anns an uir a cliaramli.<br />
Aig fheothas 's a i-inn thu a ghleidheadh,<br />
A dh' fhalbh leis a latha 's a dh-oidhche ;<br />
Aig fheothas 's a rinn thu air feitheamh,<br />
Di do bheath', a Mhoiro Mliaigluleann ;
Coapaich.<br />
Old Gaelic Songs. 105<br />
l.)i do l)lic;itir, a Mhoirc Mluiiylidcaun,<br />
'S gur gile do mhac na 'gliriaii ;<br />
Rugadh am mac 'an aois 'Atliar,<br />
Oighre Fhlathauais g'ar dion.<br />
1 shall conclude by giving you one more Rami \yy Sile na<br />
Beir mo shoiridli leis an ti,<br />
Blia caitheamh na sligh' air a li-aineol<br />
Ged a dli' fliag iad as an deigii sinn,<br />
Cha 'n fliios nach ciginn duinn an leanachd,<br />
Ged fliogair iad sinn as an riglieachd,<br />
'S suarach an dith air a Pliap e<br />
Cha ghluais sid an Eaglais dhaingeann<br />
Dh' fhag mo Righ air carraig laidir.<br />
Cha dean geataichean ifrinn,<br />
Na idir cumhachdan dhaoine ;<br />
Car a chur dhith as a laraich,<br />
Clachairean cha d' fhag cho faoin i.<br />
Rinn iad ballaichean de d' cholluinn,<br />
\S rinn iad uinneagan de d' chreuchdan ;<br />
'S ann de d' liheul a rinn iad dorus,<br />
'S do dha shuil na 'n solus gle gheal.<br />
Rinn iad sgliata de d' chrun-dreathain,<br />
Agus staidhir de d' chrann-ceiisda ;<br />
Rinn iad le traisg 'us le urnaigh,<br />
'Teannachadh gu dluth ri cheile ;<br />
Bha Moire, Bhaintigliearn' air a h-ui*lar,<br />
DIl fliuirneisich an da Ostal deug i,<br />
Aig na fhuair iad rithe 'shaothair ;<br />
Fad an saoghail gus an d' eug iad.<br />
Cheangail iad a chreud mu'n cuairt di<br />
Mu 'm fuasgladli i as a cheile ;<br />
Bha seachd glasan air a h-ursainn,<br />
'Sa h-iuchraichean aig luchd-gleuta ;<br />
Bha seachd glasan air a h-ursainn,<br />
'S a h-iuchraichean aig luchd-gleuta ;<br />
Comas a dunadh 's a fosgladh,<br />
Dh' fhag na h-Ostail sud mar oighreachd.<br />
;<br />
;
16G Gaelic Society of Inverness<br />
Baisteadli, Daingneachadli 'an ordugh<br />
Corp glorndior Cliriosta, 's Faoisid ;<br />
Ola-ro-bhas, Ordugh, 's Posadh,<br />
Gur h-iad sud 'bii choir dhuinu fhaotainii.<br />
Tha seachd peacannan ri sheachnadh ;<br />
'S tha seachd subhailcean gu'n claoidh sin,<br />
Mu'n tig an ceud sheachd gun fbios duinn<br />
An t-seachd eil 'bhi tiic na'r cuimhne.<br />
Uabhar, sannt, druis, craos,<br />
Leisg, farmad, agus fearg ;<br />
Gur h-iad sud a chur bho'n dorus,<br />
Mu 'ni faigh sinn cronachadh garg,<br />
Tha seachd eile na d heigh sin,<br />
Seachd a tlia feuiaail do 'n anam,<br />
Biadh, fardacli, agus aothich,<br />
'Thoirt do dhaoine na 'n airce.<br />
'N uair a chUiinneas sinn gur bas e,<br />
Comhnadh gu'm fagail 's a 'chlachan.<br />
Na ceithir criochan mu dheireadh,<br />
'N am dealachadli ris an t-saoglial<br />
Bas, Breitheanas, a's Flathanas,<br />
—<br />
'S Ifrinn an rathad nach caomh lein,<br />
'S bho nach caomh leinn dol g'a f haicinn,<br />
Biomaid air ar faicill daonnan,<br />
'S cinnteach mi nach fliaod sinn fuireach,<br />
'N uair thig sumanadh o'n aog oirnn.<br />
10th February 1886. i<br />
On this date, Councillor T. S. Macallister, of the Northern<br />
Hotel, Inverness, was elected an honorai-y member ; and Mr Alex.<br />
Maclean, teacher, Culloden, and Mr William Macdonald, clerk, 03<br />
Church Street, ordinary members. I\Ir Duncan Campbell, editor<br />
of the Northern Chrotiicle, read a pai)er on<br />
its Language, History, and People ;" and<br />
"The Isle of ^lan :<br />
Mr John Whyte,<br />
librarian, Inverness, read a paper on "Gaelic Phonetics," which<br />
was very favouiably reviewed by the members present.<br />
Mr Campbell's paper was as follows :<br />
;
The Isle of Man. 167<br />
THE ISLE OF MAN—ITS HISTORY AND<br />
LANGUAGE.<br />
The Isle of Miui lies out iu the Irish Sea, at soinothing like;<br />
eijual ilistanccs from Scothmd, England, and Ireland. It is without<br />
insular company except that of its own Calf. The Point of<br />
Ayre is only 16 mih^s from Burrow Head, and 21 from the Mull<br />
of Galloway. By means of these two seaward extensions of<br />
WijL'townshire Scotland claims closer neighbourhood with the Isle<br />
of Man tlian Ireland, England, or Wales. The distance from<br />
I'eel to Strongford Lough, in Ireland, is 27 miles. It is jiist the<br />
same distance Ijetween IMaugiiold Head, in Man, and St Bees<br />
I lead, in Cumberland. Forty-five miles measure the space between<br />
the Calf of Man and Holyhead in Wales. The Calf is a bluff<br />
rocky farm of 800 acres, devoted, I believe, to rabbit breeding.<br />
It is separated from Man by a channel of three miles, which cannot<br />
be crossed every day, nor at times for weeks at a stretch.<br />
The Calf is a striking feature of the picture the island kingdom<br />
presents to the eyes of those coming by ship or steamer from<br />
Liverpool or Ireland. Man itself is 33 miles long and <strong>12</strong> miles<br />
broad, but it tapers at both ends. A bold range of hills, which<br />
assume the imposing airs of real mountains, occupies the interior<br />
along the line of length, and sends spurs and bluffs down to the sea.<br />
The northern part of the island is carse or " magher " land ; but it<br />
may be noticed in passing, as a peculiarity of the Manx language,<br />
that in it the separate field becomes the " Magher," and that every<br />
boundary, whether a fence or an invisible line, is called " cagliagh."<br />
Man has an area of 150,000 statute acres, more than 90,000 of<br />
which are cultivated. The population is about 54,000. In " the<br />
good old times" it fluctuated from 10,000 to 14,000. It was a<br />
little over 14,000 when the Duke of Athole succeeded his relative,<br />
the last Earl of Derby of the old line, as " King in Man " iu the<br />
year 1736. In 1829 the British Government finally acquired all<br />
the property and rights of the Athole family in the kingdom of<br />
Man, and at that time the po[)ulation had reached 40,000. Considering<br />
that regular steamei-s from Liverpool and Barrow-in-<br />
Furness now make the Isle of Man in general, and Douglas, its<br />
modern capital, in particular, the favourite watering-place of Yorkshire<br />
and Lancashire, the increase of the population since 1829<br />
is not very remarkable, when this further fact is likewise taken<br />
into account, that the silver, lead, and copper-mining industry<br />
began by the Muriays has of late been immensely developed.
168 Gaelic Society of Inuerness<br />
Douglas, a liaiHlsome town at the head of a picturesque bay, may<br />
be said to live iij)on visitors. So also may Peel —that is to say,<br />
Port-na-hinsey—the place on the shore which has usuri)eil the<br />
name of the old rock-islet acropolis. The farming jtopulation is<br />
just what it ought to be, neither too sparse nor too crowded. The<br />
farms in general are of fair size and well cultivated. Those thai<br />
live by the land stick to the land, those th&t live by mining stick<br />
to mining, and those that live by the sea stick to the sea. The<br />
Manxmen have a large fleet of superior fishing smacks, which<br />
covers the Irish Sea from side to side when its fishing is good,<br />
and goes out far when the shoals are elsew<strong>here</strong>. They have capital,<br />
organisation, and the great advantage of large markets for fish at<br />
their doors. But most of these hardy, cheerful, industrious Manx<br />
fishermen go to the ends of the earth as sailors once or oftener in<br />
their lives. Both the Royal Navy and the Merchant Navy profit<br />
by their services. Fully half the Manx population dwell<br />
in the towns and large villages. Douglas has 14,500, Castleton,<br />
or Balla Chastal,<br />
mis-named Peel—3500,<br />
3000, Port-na-hinsey or Holmtown<br />
and Ramsay 400. Port Erin, Port<br />
Mary, the mining village of Laxey, and other villages depending<br />
solely on mining, fishing, and lodging-house and shopping business<br />
contain the remainder of the urban population. The island is<br />
lovely in summer, and mild, but somewhat wet and foggy in<br />
winter. Fuschias, myrtles, and other exotics are not killed by<br />
winter frosts. Douglas, with its fine bay, sea-wall, terraces, concrete<br />
and moulded houses, tree-like fuschias, and l)eautiful landscape,<br />
is more like a southern continental than a British town.<br />
The people, both urban and rural, make a pleasing impression<br />
upon visitoi-s. They are energetically industrious, orderly, genial<br />
—with a flash of hastiness —and generally prosperous. The Norsemen<br />
have scarcely left a trace behind them, except in a few names<br />
of places and the evil memory of tyrannical institutions. In the<br />
Manx peoiile of the present day the black-eyed, black-haired,<br />
round faced, Celtic ty])e is not only predominant, but it almost<br />
excludes all other types. They are heavier and stronger people<br />
than the Welsh, yet althougli their language is not British, but<br />
Gaelic, they are wonderfully like the Welsh in set, features, and<br />
characteristics.<br />
Mannan, or INlanninan, is said to have been the first ruler, if<br />
not the flr.st planter of Man. In tlie old Statute Book of the<br />
island he is thus described :-— " Maiiiiinan-beg-n)ac-y-Lear, the<br />
first man who held IMan, was ruler t<strong>here</strong>of, and after whom the<br />
land was named, reigned many years, and was a paynini (heathen).<br />
—
The Isle of Man. 169<br />
Ho kci)t tlic l.incls uiidor mists by liis necromancy :<br />
if In- dreaded<br />
an enemy, lie would of ano 'nan cause, to seem one hundred, and<br />
tliat by art mati;ie." Tradition furtlier allirms that the mai^dcian<br />
Mannan and his followers were expelled from the island on tlie<br />
arrival of St Patrick. But this tradition is inconsistent with a<br />
custom still obseived at Midsunnncr, on the eve of St John the<br />
Baptist, when people carry green rushes and meadow grass to the<br />
top of Barrule, one of the highest njountains in Man, in payment<br />
of rent to Manninan-beg-mac-y-Lear. The name of this high hill<br />
is descriptive of its shape, for, in its Manx form— " Baare-ooyl "<br />
it signifies "the top of an ap})le." In the strange poem gat<strong>here</strong>d<br />
into his collection by (he Dean of Lismore, which describes how<br />
Caoilte redeemed Fionn froni King Cormac's prison by bringing<br />
that monarch a rabble of animals, are mentioned.<br />
And again<br />
Da mhuc mhucaibh I\Ihic Lir."<br />
" Tugas learn each agus lathair<br />
De irhreidh mhaiseach Mhananain."<br />
The Dean ascribes the authorship of the poem to Caoilte Mac<br />
Ronain himself. We may t<strong>here</strong>fore conclude that, in the form in<br />
which he got it, it must have been floating about at least a hundred<br />
and fifty years before 15<strong>12</strong>, when the collection of songs was<br />
finished. The Dean belonged to a priestly and literary family<br />
whose continued memory for five generations would have prevented<br />
him from attributing to a Fingalian hero an ur-sgeul ballad made<br />
near his own time. But Ewen M'Comic, the Baron of Dail<br />
Ardconaig, was the Dean's contemporary, and, being sick for a<br />
long time, the baron made a song, in which he mentioned the<br />
many wonderful things he would give, if he only had them, to<br />
[lurchase good health. Among the ransom oft'erings lie mentions<br />
" Greidh is aidlire Mhananain."<br />
The herds and flocks of Mananan.<br />
Mananan's father became Shakcsi)eare's " King Lear." The Manx<br />
people call their island " Elian Mhannin." Julius Csesar, fifty<br />
years before the Christian era, heard of it under the name of<br />
" Mona." Tacitus, on the other hand, writing near the end of<br />
the first century of the Chi'istian era, calls Angelsea "Mona."<br />
This Welsh Mona was the great university of Druidic theology<br />
and learning when the Roman commandei-, Sentonius Paulinus,<br />
invaded it, a.d. 61, and killed the Druid priests and professors,<br />
and cut down the sacred groves. But t<strong>here</strong> is reason to believe,<br />
—
170 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
from the traces they have left behind, that the reiiiuaiit of the<br />
Druids sought shelter in the other Mona after the slauglder, and<br />
had sacred groves and circles t<strong>here</strong> until the time of St Patrick.<br />
Man is, in fact, a perfect museum of Druidic, Celtic, and Scandinavian<br />
antiquities. Before the necromancer's time, and peihajjs<br />
centuries after him as well, the large, big-horned elk or " Ion"<br />
browsed in the glens of ]\Ian, and looked out from the heights<br />
upon the few coracles sailing on the surrounding sea. The Duke<br />
of Athole, who was the last " King in Man," sent to the Edinburgh<br />
Royal Museum an almost pei'fect skeleton of the great elk,<br />
which was found in a bed of marl near Ballaugh, in Man. The<br />
tailless cat exists to tlie present day, and is not at all in danger of<br />
being extinguished by imported cats. The tailless cat is supposed<br />
to have had some friendly connection with the necromancer, and<br />
to have received a perpetual guarantee of existence within the<br />
Kingdom of Man. The Romans themselves must have seen it,<br />
for an altar presei'\'ed at Castleton shows that towards the end of<br />
their rule in Britain they had a military station in Man. The<br />
inscription tells that the altar was erected to Jupiter, by Marcus<br />
Censorius, son of Marcus Flavius Volinius, of the Augustensiau<br />
Legion, Prefect to the Tungrian cohort of the Province of Narbonne.<br />
Had Celts, Norwegians, and Danes inscribed their Manx<br />
monuments in Roman fashion, what a singular tale of changes<br />
they would have told us.<br />
Gildas, who was born in 493, and died in 57C, in his gloomy<br />
treatise " concerning the calamity, ruin, and conquest of Britain "<br />
by the Saxons, mentions incidentally that in x.D. 395, in the reigns<br />
of Arcadius and Honorius, a Scot named Brule was Governor of<br />
Man. It is probable that Brule came to Man from Ireland, as<br />
the Scots had scarcely begun to plant colonies in Scotland at that<br />
time. In 517 the island was conquered by Maelgywn, Prince of<br />
North Wales, and it continued to be ruled by a dynasty of his race<br />
until Anarawd, the last Welsh King of Man, died in 913.<br />
Shortly afterwards the Scandina\ian sea-ro\er, Gorree or Orry,<br />
concjuered the island, and formed the Kingdom of Man and the<br />
Isles. Gorree is supposed to have instituted the Tynwald Court,<br />
established the Taxiaxi, now called the House of Keys, and<br />
divided the island into sheadings. The last king of his dynasty<br />
di(;d about 1040. He was succeeded by Goddard, son of Sygtrig,<br />
King of the Danes. This Goddard was, after confusions and<br />
invasions, succei'ded l)y his .son Fingal. Goddard Crovan or<br />
Chrouban, son of Harold the Black of Iceland, in 1077 slew<br />
King Fingal, completely subdued Man, and brought most of
The Isle of Man. 171<br />
the Scottish ishiiuls uiuU'r his subjection. The hist of Crovan's<br />
nice who ruled in Man was Magnus. After tlie battle of Largs<br />
he ri'jectetl the suzerainty of Norway, and did homage to Alexander<br />
Tir. of Scotland. He died childless in <strong>12</strong>65, and the Scottish<br />
King took possession of the island. Most people have heard<br />
of the three armed legs which constitute the arms of Man— two legs<br />
for stjinding and one for kicking—and to which the motto is appended—<br />
Quocunque jeceris stabit—whichever way you throw it,<br />
it will stand. Well, it was Alexander of Scotland who gave that<br />
heraldic symbol to the Manx Kingdom. The island at the death<br />
of Magnus had been fully three hundred years under stringent<br />
Norse rule, and yet the Manx people emerged from that long subjection<br />
as Celtic as they had been in the time of Gildas. Their<br />
language has adopted many words from English, but it has scarcely<br />
retained a Scandiiiavian word beyond a few names of places and<br />
of institutions, such as the Tynwald. Even the strange word<br />
"Taxiaxi" is said to be Gaelic— meaning guardians or senators<br />
and to derive itself from "taisg" or "teagasg."<br />
Man fell under the suzerainty of King Edward Longshanks<br />
during the war of conquest he carried on with Scotland. It looks<br />
as if he carried out, or, at least, instigated, the insular revolution<br />
by countenancing the claims of a pretender with a purely Celtic<br />
name to the Tynvald Throne. When the great Edward died the<br />
little Edward, his son, chucked Man back and forward, like a prize<br />
of little value, among three of his favourites— Piers de Gaveston,<br />
Gilbert Mac Gascall, and Henry de Beaumont. Bruce descended<br />
upon Man with ships and warriors from Galloway, Ayr, and<br />
Argyle in the year 1313. He drove out the English, subdued the<br />
island, and gave it to his nephew, Randolph, Earl of Moray.<br />
William Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, married Mary, the female<br />
heiress of the Crovan dynasty, and Edward the Third, allowing her<br />
claim, aided Salisbury, who took Man from Randolph's heirs in<br />
1344. He was crowned King of Man with great pomi), but he<br />
afterwards sold his kingdom to Sir William le Scroop. The buyer<br />
was attainted for treason, and Man was again chucked from hand<br />
to hand, until it was granted to Sir John Stanley in 1400. Sir<br />
John Stanley, the founder of the Derby family, reduced the<br />
"breast law" of his insular kingdom to writing. He found the<br />
island, to a great extent, lying waste, and the population small and<br />
distressed. He encouraged tillage and lishing industry, and<br />
modified the harsh customs which had come down from the<br />
Scandinavian conquerors. Upon the whole, the Stanley dynasty<br />
of Kings in Man, beginning in 1406 and ending in 1736, gave<br />
—
172 Gaelic Society of hwerness.<br />
tlie ishinilers peace, prosperity, and justice compared with what<br />
they used to receive before. But yet they could not be said to be<br />
popular rulers. The elder branch of the house of Stanley became<br />
extinct on the death of Earl James in 1736, and while the English<br />
honours and estates went to the heir male— a very distant kinsman<br />
indeed of Earl James—the Tsle of Man and the Barony of Stran
The Isle of Man. 173<br />
preached in any, although the people in their homes throughout<br />
all the country continue to speak the language of their ancestors.<br />
Another custom which the Murrays religiously guarded is still<br />
preserved — " The courts are still fenced in Manx, according to<br />
ancient traditionary form ; and the island laws are still promulgated<br />
in jNIanx on the Tynwald Mount."<br />
The Imperial Government had been using steady pressure for<br />
more than a century before 18l*9 to get rid of the Kings in ^lan<br />
and the Manx taritl". As early as 1G70 an enterprising Liverpool<br />
lirni organised smuggling in Man on a large scale, and made immense<br />
profit for a time. The English customs and excise duties<br />
were then comparatively low, but the import duties of Man were<br />
still so much lower that a good margin of profit was left to the<br />
smugglers. The situation of the island made it a natural emporium<br />
for the illicit traders of many lands. The Manx people did<br />
the distribution work, and in sjiite of ships of war and armed cut-<br />
tei-s, they glided in their boats with cargoes of brandy, wine, tea,<br />
and other commodities under cover of night and mists, to the Scotch,<br />
Irish, English and Welsh coasts. Great pressure was brought upon<br />
the last Stanley King in Man to sell the island to the Government.<br />
That pressure, in a stronger degree and in various forms—one<br />
which was to foment faction and discontent<br />
was steadily continued during the Murray<br />
in the<br />
period.<br />
island<br />
When<br />
nothing else would do, in 1765 the British Government in a<br />
very high-handed manner constrained the Duke of Athole to sell<br />
the Manx sovereignty—retaining his proprietary and manorial<br />
rights, ecclesiastical patronage, &c.—for £70,000. The INIanx<br />
people were filled with consternation, and many of them hastily<br />
realised their possessions, and retired from the island. But after<br />
some yeai-s they recovered confidence, and developed the contraband<br />
trade to such an extent that a Parliamentary Committee,<br />
appointed in 1792, estimated the annual loss to the customs of<br />
Great Britain caused by Manx smuggling at £350,000. It was<br />
felt that the purchase of the sovereignty was not enough, and that<br />
till the property and patronage rights were vested in the Crown,<br />
the neck of the contraband trade could not be broken. So the tithe<br />
commotion was not officially checked but fostered; and the Duke<br />
of Athol(;'s position was made so uncomfoi'table that he was at last<br />
glad to sell out entirely for £416,11-1.<br />
The ecclesiasical history of Man is to the effect that St<br />
Patrick converted the heathens of that island, and placed " a holy<br />
prudent canon of the Lateran, and a disciple of his own named<br />
Germanus," over them as bishop, that for a long time t<strong>here</strong>after tlje<br />
—
—<br />
174 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Bishops of ]\Ian rocoivod Irish consecration, tJiat in 838 tlio<br />
Bishopric of Sodor was constituted by Pope Gregory, and that<br />
subsequent Bisliops of Man not knowing wlietlier they shouUl<br />
obey Drontlieini, Yoi-k, or Canterbury, sought confiruiation from<br />
the Pope. Most of this is true, but I believe St German of Man<br />
is St German of Auxerre, and that his parish and cathedral on<br />
the Peel islet confirm views, which, on other gi-ounds, T hold<br />
regarding the Christianising importance of the work of St Ninian<br />
and the mission of St Palladius. I believe St German was never<br />
in Man, except l)y the representation of his friends and (lisci}»los.<br />
It is a different case with Maughold, the secondary patron saint<br />
of Man. He was an Irishman, and the chief of a band of rol)bei*s.<br />
He was (i?L\x^tflagrante delicto or red-handed, brought to St Patrick,<br />
and converted. But either foi' penance or for punishment he was<br />
sent to sea in a skin-covered wicker boat, with feet and hands tied.<br />
Wind and currents drifted him safely to IMaugliold Head in ]\Ian,<br />
and he became in due time Bishcp of the island. After Maug<br />
hold tliere was an obscure succession of Irisli, Welsh, and Scotch<br />
bisliops. About 1130—the Manx date i.s, by evident mistake,<br />
1113 arose a man who in a curious way connected the Island<br />
of INIan with our own district, by much trouble, and a fearful<br />
baptism of blood. In his profession this man thus styled himself<br />
: Ego Wymunihis snnctae ecclesice de Schid— I, Wymundus,<br />
of the holy Church of Skye. He someway became one of the<br />
first monks of the splendid monastery of Furness, on the Cambrian<br />
shore opposite Man, which was founded in 1<strong>12</strong>4 in the<br />
midst of a still thoroughly British population, who had been long<br />
allied with the Albanic nation. Olave, tlie Norwegian King of<br />
Man and the Isles, granted land at Rushen to Yvo, abl^ot of Furness,<br />
and Abbot Yvo sent over Brother Wymundus and other<br />
monks to take possession of the affiliated house tliere. Brother<br />
Wymundus quickly ingratiated himself, not only with the King,<br />
l)ut with the Celtic people of the isle, who with one acclaim<br />
elected him for their Bishop, and sent him to Thurstan, Archbishop<br />
of York, who consecrated him. We may be sure that<br />
t<strong>here</strong> was not much difference between the Gaelic of Skye and<br />
the Gaelic of Man in the <strong>12</strong>tli century, and it seems the Norwegian<br />
king as well as the Celtic people of Man were carried<br />
off their feet liy the eloquence and good looks of Wymundus, wlio<br />
was tall, handsome, open-faced, and enthusiastic. No .sooner,<br />
liowever, was Wymundus con.secrated and in.stalled, than he called<br />
him.self Malcolm M'Heth, the lieir of the Earl or Maormor of<br />
Moray, who was slajn in 1130, when acting as one of the princi-
The Isle of Man. 175<br />
pal leaders of the Gaelic insurrection of that year against King<br />
David and his Anglo-Norman aristocracy and laws. The King of<br />
Man and Somerled of Argyle, that king's son-in law, believed in<br />
Malcolm. lie married Somerled's sister, and was soon at the<br />
hciul of a land and sea force. He was strongly supported in this<br />
part of the country. I don't believe the man was an impostor,<br />
although the monkish flatterers of King David and his race branded<br />
him as such. In a speech to Jving David him.self, Robert de<br />
Brus, ancestor of the Bruce of Banuockburn, called Malcolm<br />
M'lleth, the quondani monk and bishop, " heir to a father's hate<br />
and persecution." 3Ialcolm ^I'Heth made descents hei-e, t<strong>here</strong>,<br />
and everyw<strong>here</strong>, and disappeared like a sea-bird before the king'g<br />
forces. He was by degrees shaking King David's throne, and the<br />
tirst check he received was, strange to say, in Celtic Galloway,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> the bishop led the array of tlie district, and, to encourage<br />
the people, threw a small axe at the invader, which chanced<br />
to strike and fell him. This created a panic among his<br />
followers, and made them fly. In after years, M'Heth used<br />
to say boastiiigly, that it was only God through the faith of<br />
a simple bishop that marred his fortune. After the repulse<br />
M'Heth suffered in Galloway, King David mustered all his Norman<br />
cliivalry, and in some place not stated brought M'Heth to<br />
bay, defeated, and captured him. He sent him as a prisoner to<br />
Marchmont, or Roxburgh Castle, in 1137; being, as a saintly<br />
man, afraid to take the life of a foe who had received the tonsure<br />
and been consecrated a bishop. When King David died in 1153,<br />
and his grandson, Malcolm the Maiden, succeeded him, M'Heth<br />
was still a prisoner in Roxburgh Castle. His sons, although mere<br />
youths, in company with their uncle, Somerled of Argyle, conjured<br />
up a big storm next year. In 1156, Donald the eldest of<br />
AI'Heth's sons, was taken prisoner, and sent to join his father in captivity.<br />
But the war was carried on by Somerled and his other<br />
nephew with such success that in 1157 young King Malcolm made<br />
peace with ^I'Heth, liberated him, and made him Earl of Ross.<br />
Malcolm M'Heth gave himself all the airs of a local king in Ross,<br />
and created for himself enemies among the people and their local<br />
chiefs, who conspired against him, beset him in a narrow pass,<br />
captui-ed him, put out his eyes, and turned him out of the county.<br />
He used to say in after years that if his enemies had left him a<br />
sparrow's eye he would have been avenged upon them. His<br />
enemies in Ross put out the eyes of Malcolm M'H^^th about 1161.<br />
He then retired to the English monastery o? Bylands, w<strong>here</strong> for<br />
years he livrd, not uncheerfuUy, and whex-e William of Newburgh
176 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
becamo acquaintod witli liiin, and in graphic style painted his<br />
charactor for future ages. M'Heth's sons were associated in all<br />
his undcM-takings with their great uncle Somerled, until he was<br />
killed at Jlenfrew in llG-i. They apjmrently settled, married and<br />
brought uj) heirs to the ancestral hate in Argyleshire, while<br />
TIarald, Earl of Orkney, put away Afreka, daughter of Duncan,<br />
Earl of Fife, liis first wife, in order to marry their sister. The<br />
M'lleths only claimed at the utmost the Earldom of Moray,<br />
but another claimant appeared on the .scene about 1180, who<br />
claimed the throne of Scotland. This was Donald Ban, who called<br />
himself the son of William, son of Duncan, that so-called Jilius<br />
nothus (bastard son) of Malcolm Ceainimoi'e, who reigned as king<br />
for a few months. Contemporary authorities never hint King<br />
Duncan was illegitimate—that was a tiction invented in after times<br />
l)y monkish chroniclers devoted to the descendants of St Margaret,<br />
who usurped the rights of the elder liranch of Ceannmore's house.<br />
Malcolm Ceannmore was undoubtedly married, several years before<br />
he ever saw the Saxon Margaret, to Ingibiorg, widow of his cousin,<br />
Earl Thortinn, and t<strong>here</strong> is no good reason for doubting that by<br />
her he became the father of Duncan, and also of a fair-haired Donald,<br />
who died in early youth. Duncan at his death left an umloubtedly<br />
legitimate son, called in Gaelic Uilleam Mac Dhonnacliaidh, and<br />
in Noi-man William Fitz Duncan. William was a young lad when<br />
his father died, and was jjrobably then a hostage at the English<br />
Court. He became, when well advanced in yeai's, the husband of<br />
Alicia Rumile, the Norman heiress of the strong castle, and great<br />
lordship of Skipton in Craven. They had one son, the Boy of<br />
Egremont, who wa.s drowned in the Strid. Craven history tells<br />
nothing about Willian\ Fitz Duncan before he became Lord of<br />
Skipton. His father, King Duncan, was killed in 1094, and it was<br />
not till thirty-six years after that date that William married the<br />
Norman heiress. 'Jliere is strong reason to believe that he lived<br />
in his native land, while his uncle, Alexander the Fierce, filled the<br />
throne of Gaelic Scotland. All things considered, it is very probable<br />
that William Fitz Duncan had a wife and children before he<br />
married the Lady of Skipton, when both he and she were no<br />
longer very young. Be that as it may, after William the Lyon<br />
had done homage to Ifenry Plantagenet for all liis realm, the<br />
claimant, Duncan Ban Mac William, was accei)ted by the Gaelic<br />
people of the North, and of Argyle and the islands, as the true<br />
heir to the Albanic throne, and he reigned as actual ruler on this<br />
side of the Grampians for .seven years, before King William, by a<br />
mighty eilbrt and help from the Normans of England, managed to
The Isle of Man. 177<br />
ilefwit liiia at Mum Cniibli, or Maiugurvia in Strafehspcy, in the<br />
year 1187. Donald was slain in the battle, but he left a Clan<br />
Mac William to cai-ry on the fight. His son, Donald Ban, and<br />
the descendants of Malcolm M'Heth, gave Alexander the Second<br />
great trouble as late as <strong>12</strong>16, and I am not sure that the circling<br />
eddies of this long-continued Gaelio revolt against Anglo-Norman<br />
laws, language, and institutions did not reach down to "Wallace<br />
and Bruce, and helped largely to secure Scottish independence.<br />
When I visited the island some years ago, I was told at Douglas<br />
that INIanx Gaelic was rapidly dying out ; and would altogether<br />
disappear as a living Linguage with the then generation. The<br />
vicar of Kirk Braddan and a local Wesleyan preacher were the<br />
only ministers who preached in Manx, at least in Douglas and its<br />
neighboui'hood. The new school system had caused Manx to be<br />
excluded from the public schools. Many of the young people<br />
were seized with that snobbish spii-it which is so often found to<br />
prevail in places largely depending on summer visitors, and disowned<br />
knowledge of Manx, even when their bad English proved<br />
it to be the only language which they thoroughly understcod. Yet<br />
it was admitted that when the vicar of Kirk Braddan held Manx<br />
services in Douglas—the most Anglicised |dace in the island<br />
he had always crowded audiences. In truth his fidelity to his<br />
native tongue, his personal character, and his Gaelic eloquence,<br />
made him a " King of Men !" On looking a little under the surface<br />
of things, I found that Manx, although veiled, was still strong<br />
in Douglas, and that with the exception of a part of the Kamsay<br />
district, which had been invaded toy farmers from the south of<br />
Scotland, it romained everyw<strong>here</strong> the household language of the<br />
Manx people—the language, too, in which love-songs were made,<br />
and in which Manxmen, meeting in distant parts of the world,<br />
conversed with one another. I t<strong>here</strong>fore came to the conclusion,<br />
that although practically banished from pulpit and school, Manx<br />
Gaelic would live through the period of English summer visitings<br />
as it had lived through three centuries of Scandinavian and<br />
Danish rule. The Manx Society founded in 1858, by its many<br />
valuable publications, has done, and is still doing, much to save<br />
the Manx language from being obliterated, as the British tongue<br />
of Cornwall was wiped out in last century, and the Gaelic of Galloway<br />
was silently killed soon after George Buchanan, about 1580,<br />
described it in his history as a living language.<br />
The spelling of Manx Gaelic was always of the phonetic kind,<br />
but it remained unfixed until the publication of the Manx Bible<br />
in 1772. Here is the Ix^rd's Prayer, first in Manx, then in the<br />
<strong>12</strong><br />
—
;<br />
—<br />
:<br />
178 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
nearest [)crmissible Gaelic, and lastly as it is ,
As rcn y soilslu-y soilsheuii<br />
ay lis 11 tlornigliys, as clui ren y<br />
dorragliys goaill-iish.<br />
Va clooiimoy er iiy clioyrt<br />
vcili Joe va enniyssit Ean.<br />
Jlaiuk oh sholi son foaiiisli,<br />
(ly yiiiuiyrkoy fcanisli jeiru<br />
toilslioy, liorisliyu dy vockhigh<br />
dy chooilley ghooinney credjal.<br />
CIui nee eh va'n soilshey<br />
shon, agh v'eh er ny choyrt dy<br />
yumiyrkey feanish jeh'n toilshoy<br />
shen.<br />
8hen va'n soilshey tirrinagh,<br />
ta soilshean ayns dy chooilley<br />
ghooinney ta clieet er y theihll.<br />
V'eh ayns y theihll, as \iiii<br />
seihll er ny yanno horishyn, as<br />
y seihll cha dug enney er.<br />
Haink e gys e vooinjer hone,<br />
agh cha ren e vooinjer heue<br />
soiaghoy jeh.<br />
Agh whilleen as ren soiaghey<br />
jeh, dauesyn hug eh pooar ay ve<br />
nyn raec dy Yee, eer daiiesyn ta<br />
credjal ayns yn ennym echey<br />
Va er nyn ruggey , cha nee jeh<br />
fuill, ny jeh aigney ny foalley, ny<br />
jeh aigney dooinney, agh j(ih Jee.<br />
As ghow yn Goo er dooghys<br />
ny foalley, as ren eh baghey nyn<br />
mast' ain (as hug shin my-ner<br />
yn ghloyr echey, yn ghloyr myr<br />
jeh'n ynrycan 3Iac er-ny-ghoddyn<br />
jeh'n Ayr) lane dy ghrayse<br />
as dy irrinys.<br />
(Dymmyrk Ean feanish jeh,<br />
as deie eh, gi'a, Shoh eh jeh ren<br />
mish loayrt, T'eshyn ta cheet my<br />
yei er ny hoiaghey roym ; son<br />
v'eh roym)<br />
As jeh'n slanc towse echey ta<br />
:<br />
The Isle of Man. 179<br />
Agus tha 'ii solus a* soillseachadh<br />
anus an dorchadas,<br />
agus cha do ghabh an dorchadas<br />
e.<br />
Ohuireadh duine o Dliia, d'ain<br />
b'ainui Eoin.<br />
Thainig esaii mar fhiaiiuis,<br />
chum lianuis a tlioiit iiiu'n tsolus,<br />
chum gu'n creideadh na<br />
h-uile dhaoine trid-san.<br />
Cha b'esan an solus sin, ach<br />
chuireadh e chum gu tugadh e<br />
tianuis mu'n t-solus.<br />
B'e so an solus fior a ta soillseachadh<br />
gach uile dhuine tha<br />
teachd chum an t-saoghail.<br />
Bha e anns an t-saoghal, agus<br />
rinneadh an saoghal leis, agus<br />
cha d'-aithnich an saoghal e<br />
Thainig e dh'ionnsuidh a dhuthcha<br />
fein, agus cha do ghabh a<br />
)ahuinntir fein ris.<br />
Ach a mheud as a ghabh ris,<br />
thug e dhoibh cumhachd a bhi<br />
'nan cloinn do Dhia, eadhon<br />
dhoibh-san a ta creidsinn 'na ainm<br />
A bha air an gineamhuin<br />
cha'n aim o fliuil, no o thoil na<br />
feola,<br />
Dhia.<br />
no o thoil duine, ach o<br />
Agus rinneadh am Focal 'na<br />
fheoil, agus ghabh e comhnuidh<br />
'nar measg-ne, (agus chunnaic<br />
sinn a ghloir, mar gliloir aoinghin<br />
Mliic an Atliar,)<br />
agus tirinn.<br />
Ian grais<br />
(Thug Eoin fianuis uime, agus<br />
ghlaodh e. ag radh. Is e so an ti<br />
mu'n do labhair mi. An ti a ta<br />
teachd a'm' dlieigh, tha toiseach<br />
aig orm ; oir bha e romham.)<br />
Agus as a lanachd-san thuair<br />
:
180 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
shiu ooilley er ghcddyn ayrn, as siimeuiU', agus giats air son grais.<br />
grayse er grayse. Oir thugadli an lagli le Maois,<br />
Son va'n leigh er ny choyrt achthainigangrasagusanfhirinn<br />
liorish Moses agh liaink grayse le losa Criosd.<br />
as fi.irinys liorish Yeesey Creest. Cha'n fliaca neach ur bitli Dia<br />
Cha vel unnane erbee er vakin riamli ; an t aon-ghin Mic, a ta<br />
Jee ec traa erbee ; yn ynrycan ann an iiclid an Athar, is esau<br />
Mac v'er-ny-glieddyn, ta iiyns a dh'fhoillsich e.<br />
oghrish yn Ayr, eshyn t'er hoilshaghey<br />
eh.<br />
17th February 1885.<br />
On this date R. D. M. Chisholm of Chisholm (The Chisholm)<br />
was elected a life member. T<strong>here</strong>after 3Ir Alexander Macbain,<br />
M.A., F.S.A., Scot., Inverness, read a paper on the Heroic and<br />
Ossianic Literature. Mr Macbain's paper was as follows :<br />
THE HEROIC AND OSSIANIC LITERATURE.<br />
Ireland and Scotland had practically a common language and<br />
literature until the fall of the Lordship of the Isles and the time<br />
of the Reformation, and even after these events, the ebb of Irish<br />
influence was felt in our earliest printed works and in the style of<br />
orthography and of language ado})ted. This close conn
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 181<br />
musicians included Scotland in thoir circuit, and took refuge, and<br />
sought their fortune t<strong>here</strong>. We shall mention one instance as it<br />
happens to be instructive in another way, that of Aruireadhach<br />
O'Daly, better known on account of his long stay in Scotland as<br />
Muireadhach Albanach, or Muireach the Scotchman." This<br />
Muireach Albanach is believed to have been the ancestor of<br />
the jMac Vurrichs, <strong>here</strong>ditary ])ards to Oianranald, and one of<br />
them tigures in the Ossianic contro\ersy. The literary language<br />
remained Irish throughout, from the sixth to the sixteenth century,<br />
and our first printed book is couched in the Irish of its time,<br />
the sixteenth century. That work is Bishop Carswell's Gaelic<br />
Prayer-book. And it, as the famous Irish scholar O' Donovan<br />
said, " is pure Irish, and agrees with the Irish manuscripts<br />
of the same period in orthography, syntax, and idiom." The<br />
literature, equally with the language, was common to both<br />
countries ; the mythic, heroic, and historic tales Avei'e the<br />
same, practically, in each country. But the end of the fifteenth<br />
century saw a change begun ;<br />
a masterful policy was adopted towards<br />
the Highlands, and the Lordship of the Isles, the great bond<br />
between Ireland and Scotland, and indeed the great Gaelic headship<br />
of the country, was broken up. The Gaels of Scotland,<br />
thrown on their own resources, advanced their own dialect to the<br />
position of a literary language, and tried to discard the Irish orthography,<br />
The first efibrt in this line is the Dean of Lismore's<br />
Book, about 15<strong>12</strong>. Little, however, was done in the matter of<br />
writing down literary compositions, so that the next considerable<br />
MS. is that of Fernaig in 1688. At the same time the religious<br />
literature still a])])eared in the Irish form, such as Carswell's book,<br />
Kirke's works, and the Bible. A compromise was efiected last<br />
century ; the popular dialect became the literary language, as it<br />
ought, but the Irish orthography was ad<strong>here</strong>d to still.<br />
Scotland also dealt with the ballad and tale literature in much<br />
the same way. The purely popular part of the old Irish-Scottish<br />
literature was retained ; the tales and ballads of Fionn and his<br />
heroes were almost the only survivors of the mighty literature of<br />
the middle and early ages. We see the change lieginning in the<br />
Dean of Lismore's book ; the favourite heroic ballads are those in<br />
regard to Fionn, but Cuehulinn is not neglected. Nevertheless,<br />
last century Macpherson could, without a word of protest from<br />
friend or foe, bring Cuehulinn and Fionn together as contempor-<br />
aries ; so much was Cuchulinn's real position in the Gaelic literary<br />
cycles unknown.<br />
This i)re-Reformation literature, common to both Ireland and
182 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Scotland, may be called not old Gaelic literature, for Gaelic is<br />
ambiguous, but "Goidelic" literature. It is the literature of the<br />
Goidelic or Gaelic branch of the Celtic race, as oj)posed to the<br />
Brythonic brancli—the Welsh, Cornish, and Breton. The Goidelic<br />
literature sutTered sadly at the hands of time ; first the monks gave<br />
it their peculiar twist in trying to eliminate paganism from it<br />
then the unhappy history of the country of Ireland, with its continuous<br />
wars since the advent of the Norse in the eighth century<br />
onwards, checked the growth of literature, and much of it was<br />
t<strong>here</strong>after lost in the social wars that lasted on to our own times<br />
for at times it was dangerous even to possess an Irish MS.<br />
Goidelic literature is divisible into three cycles or gi-oups.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> is, first, the mythological cycle ; this deals with the history<br />
and ethnology of Ireland and Scotland ; second, the Ouchullin<br />
cycle ; and, third, the Fionn or Ossianic cycle. The first cycle<br />
deals with the mythical history of Ireland ; it was completely<br />
recast by the monks of the early middle ages. Consequently the<br />
Irish gods became merely earthly sovereigns, chiefs of an early<br />
race that seized on and colonised Ireland. Monkish manufacture<br />
begins Irish history before the flood, when the Lady Cesair took<br />
the island. But she and her company were tU owned, all except<br />
Finntan, who survived the flood in a l)ruidic sleep and lived for<br />
generations to relate the tale. Several post-deluvian "takings"<br />
of the island then follow ; but the outstanding invasions<br />
amount to four. These are, the Fir-bolgs, overcome by the Tuatha-<br />
De-Danann, both of whom were successively annoyed by the Fomorians<br />
or sea-rovers ; and, lastly, came the Milesian or the real<br />
Gaelic Irish race. The Fir-bolg, Fomorians, and Tuatha-De-<br />
Danann fight with each other Jjy means of Druidic arts mostly,<br />
and it is incontestably established that the Tuatha-De, as indeed<br />
the name shows, were the higher gods of the Gaels. The<br />
Fomorians were the gods of misrule and death ; that is also<br />
clear. The Fir-bolg may have been earth-powers, or they may<br />
have been the pre-Celtic inhabitants ; it is hard to say. When<br />
the Milesians arrived they found the Tuatha-De-Danann in possession<br />
; the Tuatha kept them at Ijay by Druid magic, but at<br />
last came to terms with the Milesians or Gaels, gave up Ireland<br />
to them, and themselves retired to the Sids or fairy mounds, and<br />
to the Land of Piomise, from which places they still watched and<br />
tended the actions of men. Now these facts, such as they are,<br />
api»ear in sober chronological order in the Irish annals, with<br />
minute details and genealogies. The Tuatha-De came to Ireland<br />
in the year 1900 n.c, and the Milesians in 1700. Such is the<br />
;
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 183<br />
mythological cycle. Now we pass over close on 1700 years, for<br />
all of which, however, Irish history finds kings and mhiute details<br />
of genealogies. A few years before our era t<strong>here</strong> was a Queen<br />
over Connaught named Meave<br />
husband was Ailill. He was a<br />
(Medb), whose consort<br />
weak and foolish man,<br />
and<br />
and<br />
she was a masterful woman,<br />
good. Some tales make her<br />
very<br />
lialf<br />
beautiful, but not very<br />
divine — that a fairy or<br />
Side was her mother. This Ailill was her third husband.<br />
She had l>een married to Conchobar Mac Nessa, King of<br />
Ulster, but they mutually divorced each other. The reign<br />
and rule of Conchobar is the golden age of Irish romance<br />
it is in fact the "Cuchulinn" cycle. It was in his reign, that<br />
the third of the Sorrowful Tales of Erin was enacted. The first<br />
concerned the children of Lir, a prince of the Tuatha-De, whose<br />
children were enchanted by their stepniothei', and became swans,<br />
sullering untold woes for ages, until their spells were broken<br />
under Christian dispensation. The second sorrowful tale had, as<br />
its theme, the children of Turenn, whom Luga, prince of the Tua-<br />
tha-De, the sun god, persecuted and nuide to undergo all sorts of<br />
toils and dangers. The third tale concerns the reign of Conchobar,<br />
not the age of the gods. The subject of it is the woes of<br />
Deii-dre, well known in both Scotland and Ireland. Deirdre was<br />
daughter of the bard Feidlimid, and, shortly before her birth, the<br />
Druid Cathbad prophesied that slie should be the cause of woes<br />
mmumbered to Ulster. The warriors were for killing her, but<br />
Conchobar decided to bring her up to be his own wife, and<br />
evade the prophecy. She was kept apart in a lis (fortress),<br />
w<strong>here</strong> she could not see a man until she should wed Conchobar.<br />
Her tutor and nurse alone saw her. The tutor was one<br />
day killing a calf in the snow, and a raven came, and was<br />
drinking the blood of the calf. Deirdre said to her nurse that she<br />
would like to have the man who would have the " three colours<br />
yonder on him ; namely, his hair like the raven, his cheek like the<br />
blood, and his l)ody like the snow."<br />
person was near enough—Nois, the<br />
The nurse told her such a<br />
son Uisnech. T<strong>here</strong> were<br />
three lirothers of them, Nois, Ai'dan, and Ainle, and they sang so<br />
sweetly that every human being who heard them were enchanted,<br />
and the cattle gave two-thii'ds additional milk. They were fleet<br />
as hounds in the chase, and the three together could defy a<br />
])rovince. Deirdre managed to meet Nois and boldly proposed to<br />
him to fly with her. He refused at first, but she prevailed. He,<br />
his brothers, and their company fled with her. After wandering<br />
round all Erin, they were forced to come to Alba. They made<br />
;
184 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
friends with the kiiii:? of Alba and took sei-vice under him. But<br />
the king came to hear of Deirdre's beauty and he must have her.<br />
The men of Alba gat<strong>here</strong>d against the brothers and they had to<br />
fly. Their flight was heard of in Erin, and Conchobar was pressed<br />
to receive them back. Fergus Mac Roich, Conchobar's stepfather,<br />
and Cormac, Conchobar's son, took the sons of Uisnech under<br />
their protection, and brought them to Ulster. Conchobar got some<br />
of his minions to draw Fergus and Cormac away from them, and<br />
then the sons of Uisnech were attacked, defenceless as they were,<br />
and were slain. Conchobar took Deirdre as his wife, but a year<br />
afterwards she killed herself, by striking her head against a rock,<br />
from gi"ief for Nois and from Conchobar's cruelty.<br />
The Scotch version of the tale differs from the Irish only in<br />
the ending. Deirdre and the sons of Uisnech were sailing on<br />
the sea ; a fog came on and they accidentally put in under the<br />
walls of Conchobar's town. The three landed and left Deirdre<br />
on board ; they met Conchobar and he slew them. Then Conchobar<br />
came down to the sea and invited Deirdre to land. She refused,<br />
unless he allowed her to go to the bodies of the sons of Uisnech:<br />
" Gun taibhi'inn mo thri poga meala<br />
Do na ti'i corpa caomh geala."<br />
On her way she met a carpenter slicing with a knife. She gave<br />
him her ring for the knife, went to the bodies, stretched herself<br />
beside them, and killed herself with the knife.<br />
Macpherson's poem of Darthula opens with an invocation to<br />
the moon, and then we are introduced to the sons of Uisnech<br />
and Darthula, on the sea near Cairbar'sc?im\>, driven t<strong>here</strong> by a<br />
storm, the night before their death. This brings us in meclias res,<br />
as all true epics should do, and the foregoing part of the story<br />
is told in the speeches of Darthula and Nathos, a somewhat confusing<br />
dialogue, but doubtless "epic." These previous facts are,<br />
that Darthula is daughter of Colla. Cairbar, who usurped the<br />
Irish throne on the death of Cuchulinn, regent for young Cormac,<br />
and put Cormac to death, was in love with Darthula. Cuchulinn<br />
was uncle to the sons of Uisnech, and Nathos took command on<br />
his death, but had to fly, for the Irish army deserted him for<br />
Cairbar. On his way to Scotland he fell in with Darthula, and<br />
rescued her from Cairl)ar ; they put out for Scotland, but were<br />
driven back. Cairbar met them and killed them with arrows,<br />
one of which pierced Darthula. Macplier.son naively says: "The<br />
poem relates the death of Darthula difl'erently from the connnon<br />
tradition. This account is the n)ost probable, as suicide seems to
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 185<br />
liave been unknown in those e:irly tinios, for no traces of it are<br />
found in the ohl poetry." Yet Boadicea, queen of the Iceui,<br />
committed suicide only tifty years hiter, to escape Roman tyranny<br />
and lust ! The oldest Irish version is in a ^18. written nearly<br />
700 years ago, and the composition may be much older, yet t<strong>here</strong><br />
Deirdre unpoetically knocks out her l)rains, evidently because no<br />
weapon could be had. The Scotch version ends far more poetically<br />
than either Macpherson's or the Irish one.<br />
Fergus Mac Roich and Cormac Conloingeas, son of Conchobar,<br />
who had taken the sons of Uisnech under their protection, took<br />
vengeance for the sons of Uisnech, as far as they could, and then<br />
witlulrew to the court of Queen Meave. Fergus was thex'e her<br />
chief counsellor and friend.<br />
Now we come to Cuchulinn, son of Sualtam, " fortissmus<br />
heros Scotorum," as Tigernach says. Like all mythic and fairy-<br />
tale heroes, strange tales are told of his birth. Dechtine, sister of<br />
Conchobar, lost a foster-child of somewhat supernatural descent.<br />
On coming from the funeral she asked for a drink ; she got it, and<br />
as she raised it to her lips a small insect sprang into her nunith<br />
with the drink. That night the god Luga of the Long Arms<br />
appeared to her and said that she had now conceived by him. As<br />
a result, she l)ecame pregnant. As she was unmarried, the scandal<br />
was great, but a weak-minded chief named Sualtam married her.<br />
She bore a son, and he was called Setanta, and this Setanta latterly<br />
got the name of Cuchulinn. The way Setanta got the name of<br />
Cuchulinn was this. Culand the smith invited Conchobar and his<br />
train to spend a night and a day in his house, and when closing<br />
the door for the night he asked Conchabar if he expected any more<br />
of his people to come. He did not. Culand then let loose his<br />
house dog and shut the door. But the boy Setanta came late and<br />
was set on by the furious animal. A severe fight took place, but<br />
Setanta killed the animal The smith demanded eric for the dog<br />
and Setanta oftered to w atch the house until a pup of that dog<br />
should grow up. Thishe did, and hencegotthe name of Cu-chulaind,<br />
the dog of Culann.<br />
This is evidently a myth founded on a popular etymology of<br />
Cuchul inn's name, and, though a smith, always a Druidic and<br />
mythic character, is introduced, it may have no further significance.<br />
Some of his youthful exploits are told. He prayed his mother to<br />
let him go to his uncle's court among the other boys ; he goes,<br />
and appears a stranger among the boys playing hurley or shinty<br />
before the castle. They all set on him and let fly all their<br />
" camags" and balls at him ; the balls he caught and the hurleys
186 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
he warded oil'. Then his war rage seized him. " He shut one<br />
eye till it was not wider than the eye of a needle ; he 0])ened the<br />
other till it was bigger than the mouth of a meal-goblet." He attacked<br />
the youths and set them flying every way. Conchobar recognised<br />
him and introduced him to tlie boys. The next thing was<br />
the choosing of arms when he was fit to bear them. Conchobar<br />
gave him first ordinary weapons, but he shivered them with a<br />
shake. Fifteen sets did he so break in ever rising gmde of strength.<br />
At last Conchobar gave him his own royal weapons. TJiese he<br />
could not shiver. Fifteen war-chariots did he break by leaping<br />
into them and shaking them, until he got the king's own chariot,<br />
which withstood him. He and the charioteer then darted oft',<br />
reached Meath, cliallenged and slew three champions, and came<br />
back again to Emania, his uncle's capital, safe and sound.<br />
A wife had now to be got for him, and Conchobar searched<br />
all Erin for a suitable j^artner, but in vain. The ladies of Erin<br />
greatly loved him, as the records say — " for his splendour at the<br />
feat, for the readiness of his leap, for the excellence of his wisdom,<br />
for the melodiousness of his eloquence, for the beauty of his face,<br />
for the lovingness of his countenance. For t<strong>here</strong> were seven pupils<br />
in his royal eyes, four in the one and three in the other for him ;<br />
seven fingers on each of his two hands and seven on each of his<br />
two feet." And another says, after the usual profusion of colour<br />
and minutiae as to garments— " I should think it was a shower of<br />
pearls that was flung into his head. Blacker than the side of a<br />
black cooking-spit each of his two l^rows; retlder than ruby his lips.''<br />
The Highland ballad of the Chariot of Cuchulin describes him<br />
even better and certainly in true Celtic style of successive ei)ithets.<br />
Cuchulinn himself set out for a wife, and fell in with Emer,<br />
daughter of Forgill, a " noble farmer " holding extensive lands<br />
near Dublin. " Emer had these six victories upon her," says the<br />
tale, " the victory of form, the victory of voice, the victory of<br />
melodiousness, the victory of emljroidery, the victory of wisdom,<br />
the victory of chastity." Emer did not immediately accept him,<br />
though latterly she was violently in love with him. Her father<br />
would not have him at all ; he did not like professional champions.<br />
He got him to leave the countiy to complete his military education<br />
with the celebrated lady Scathach in the Isle of Skye. Cuchulinn<br />
went to Scathach, whose school was certainly no easy one to enter<br />
or pass through. Here he learned all those wondei-ful feats—<br />
c^ea.sYt—for which he is so famous in story. His sjtecial cleas<br />
was tlie (/ae hi>l
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 187<br />
liach's school that ho fell in with Fenlia MacDamain, the Fir-lK.l^'<br />
champion, who was the only man that could match Cuchulinn.<br />
Thoir friendship was great for one another, and they swore never<br />
to opjuise one another.<br />
.Voife or Eva, daughter of Scathach, and also an amazon,<br />
fell in love with C'uchulinn, and he temporarly married her, but<br />
like those heroes, he forgot her as soon as he left her. His son<br />
liy her, Conloeh, wiis not born before he left. When Cuchulinn<br />
returned to Erin he married Emer, daughter of Forgill, taking her<br />
bv force from her friends.<br />
We now come to the great "Tain Bo Chualgne," the ''(|ucen of<br />
Celtic epics," as Kennedy says. The scene shifts to Meave's palace<br />
at Cruachan. She and Ailillhave a dispute in bed one night as to<br />
the amount of property each had. They reckoned cattle, jewels,<br />
arms, cloaks, chess-boards, war-chariots, slaves, and nevertheless<br />
found their possessions exactly equal. At last Ailill I'ecollected the<br />
famous bull Finn-beannach (white-horned), which, after having<br />
ruled Meave's herds for a while, left them in disgust, as Ijeing the<br />
property of a woman, and joined the cattle of Ailill. Much<br />
chagrin was her portion, until she i-ecollected that Dar6 of Fachtna<br />
in Cualgne possessed a brown bull, Donn Chuailgne, the finest<br />
beast in all Erin. She sent Fergus Mac Roich, with a company,<br />
to ask the bull for a year, and he should then be returned with<br />
fifty heifers and a chariot worth G3 cows. Dar6 consented, and<br />
and lodged Meave's deputies for the night. But getting uproarious<br />
in their cuj^s, they boasted that if Dare would not give the bull<br />
willingly, they would take it by force. This so annoyed Dar6 that<br />
he sent Meave's embassy back without the bull. The queen was<br />
enraged, and at once summoned her native forces, including Ferdia<br />
and his Firbolg, and invited Fergus and Cormac to join her with<br />
all their followers. This they did, but unwillingly. So the large<br />
army moved against Ulster, Meave accompanying them in lier<br />
chariot—a lady of large size, fair face, and yellow hair, a curiously<br />
carved spear in her hand, and her crimson cloak fastened by a<br />
golden brooch.<br />
The people of Ulster, meanwhile, were suffering from a<br />
periodical fe(!bleness that came upon them for a heinous armw<br />
committed by them. They were, t<strong>here</strong>fore, in a condition of<br />
childish helplessness, and they could neither hold shield or throw<br />
lance.<br />
But when Meave, at the liead of her exulting trooj.s, approached<br />
the fords which gave access to the territory of Dare,<br />
t<strong>here</strong> stood Cuchulinn. He demanded single combat from the
188 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
best warriors of her army, laying injunctions on them not to pass<br />
the ford until he was overcome. The spirit and usages of the<br />
time put it out of Meave's power to refuse, and t<strong>here</strong>, day after<br />
day, were severe conflicts waged between the single Ultonian<br />
champion and the best warriors of Meave, all of whom he<br />
successively vanquished. Meave even called in the aid of magic<br />
spells. One warrior was helped by demons of the air, in bird shape,<br />
but in vain, and the great magician, Cailetin and his twentyseven<br />
sons, despite their spells, also met their doom. Cuchulinn<br />
further is })ersecuted by the war goddess, the ISIorrigan, who<br />
apjjears in all shajies to plague him and to frighten the life of<br />
valour out of his soul. Cuchulinn is not behind in daimonic<br />
influence, for with the help of the Tuatha-D6— Manannan especially—he<br />
does gi-eat havoc among Meave's troops, circling round<br />
them in his chariot, and dealing death with his sling. jNleave is<br />
getting impatient ; time is being lost ; the Ultonians will soon<br />
revive, and Cuchulinn must be got rid off. She calls on<br />
Ferdia, the only match t<strong>here</strong> exists for Cuchulinn, but he<br />
refuses to fight with his school days' friend. Nay, he would<br />
by his vows be forced to defend him against all comei-s.<br />
The queen plies him in every way with promises, wiles, and<br />
blandishments ; he will get Fiiidabar, her daughtei-, for wife, and<br />
lands and riches ; and, alas ! he consents, he binding himself to<br />
fight Cuchulinn, and she binding herself to fulfil her magnificent<br />
promises. Fergus goes forward to apprise Cuchulinn of what<br />
occurred, that his friend and companion, Ferdia, was coming to<br />
fight with him. " I am <strong>here</strong>," said Cuchulinn, " detaining and<br />
delaying the four great provinces of Erin, since Sanihain to the<br />
beginning of Imbulc (spring), and I have not yielded one foot in<br />
retreat before any one during that time, nor will I, I trust, before<br />
him." Cuchulinn's charioteer gets his chariot yoked, with the<br />
two divine horses—those mystic animals that the gods had sent<br />
for Cuchulinn, the Liath Macha " Grey of IVIacha," the war-goddess,<br />
and the Dub-sanglend. " And then," says the tale, " the battlefighting,<br />
dext(n'ous, battle-winning, red-sworded hero, Cuchulinn,<br />
son of Sualtam, sprang into his chariot. And t<strong>here</strong> shouted<br />
around him Bocanachs, and Bananachs, and Geniti Glindi, and<br />
demons of the air. For the ruatha-De-Danann were used to set<br />
up shouts around him, so that the hatred smd the fear and the<br />
abhorrence and the great terror of him should be greater in every<br />
battle, in every battlefield, in every combat, and in every fight into<br />
which he went."<br />
Ferdia's charioteer, who does not wisli his master to fight with
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 189<br />
his fiioiul, Cucliulinn, hears Cucliulimi coming tliuiulering to the<br />
fold, and desoiibes the sound and its meaning to Ferdia in verse,<br />
following the introductory narrative. And lie was not long<br />
" until he saw something, the beautiful, llcsh-seeking, four-peaked<br />
chariot, with speed, with velocity, with full cunning, with a green<br />
pavilion, with a thin-bodied, dry-bodied, high-weaponed, long-<br />
speared, warlike creit (body of the chariot); upon two tieet-bounding,<br />
large-eared, fierce, prancing, whale-bellied, broad-chested,<br />
lively-hearted, high-tianked, wide-hoofed, slender-legged, broadrumped,<br />
resolute horses under it. A gray, broad-hipped, fleet,<br />
bounding, long-maned steed under the one yoke of the chariot. A<br />
black tufty-maned, ready-going, broad-backed steed under the other<br />
yoke. Like unto a hawk (swooping) from a cliff on a day of hard<br />
wind ; or like a sweeping gust of the spring wind on a March<br />
day, over a smooth plain ; or like the fleetness of a wild stag on<br />
his being first started by the hounds in his first field, were Cuchu-<br />
laind's two horses with the chariot, as though they w^ere on fiery<br />
flags ; so that the earth shook and trembled with the velocity of<br />
their motion."<br />
The hei-oes met at the ford- -Cucliulinn is always connected<br />
with ford-fighting. They fought for three days, and on the fourth<br />
Ouchulinn hard jn-essed<br />
the fight was terrible and the feats grand ;<br />
calls for his gae-bolg—a feat which Ferdia was unacquainted with,<br />
and Cucliulinn slays him. Cucliulinn mourns over his friend's<br />
body in piteous strains, and weak with grief and wounds he leaves<br />
his place at the ford, which he had defended so long and well.<br />
Meave now passed into Ulster, seized the Donn Chualgne,<br />
and sent it to Connaught ; she ravaged Ulster to the very gates<br />
of its capital, and then began to retire. But now the spell that<br />
bound the men of Ulster was broken, they woke and pursued ; a<br />
great battle was fought in which, as usual, the combatants and arms<br />
are described minutely ; indeed throughout the Tain we are<br />
treated to a profusion of colour— of red or yellow hair on the<br />
warriors' heads, coloured silk leine or blouses, mantles held by rich<br />
brooches, and finely wrought shields. The Queen was defeated,<br />
but the Donn Chualgiie reached Connaught nevertheless. This<br />
wonderful animal finding himself among strange pastures, gave<br />
vent to his wonder and vexation in a serious of mighty bellows.<br />
These brought the Finnbeannach on the scene at once ; they<br />
fought, the Donn overcame and raising his rival on his horns rushed<br />
homewards, leaving detached parts of the Finnbeannach he)-e and<br />
t<strong>here</strong> on his way ; such as at Athlone, which signifies the ford of<br />
the loin. His rage ceased not when he reached Cualgne, but he
190 Gae/ic Society of /nuerness<br />
went charging against a rock t<strong>here</strong> thinking it was his rival, and<br />
thus clashed out his own brains.<br />
Such is the story of tlie epic of the "Bo Ohualgne." This<br />
does no justice to the spirit and vigour of tlie original, its<br />
wealth of description of men, arms, and colours, its curious customs,<br />
its minutiio, its wordlists of descrii)tive epithets, all which<br />
arc charactci'istic of the Celtic imagination— profuse, minute, and<br />
boldly original. As a repertory of manners and customs, it is<br />
invaluable. These are in their general form<br />
Homeric ; but t<strong>here</strong> are ditlerences—t<strong>here</strong> is<br />
Jrlomeric, literally<br />
always the Celtic<br />
smack in the facts seized on and made prominent, and, in other<br />
matters, though for instance we have chariots and liorses and<br />
bronze arms enough, we meet with<br />
helmet.<br />
no body armour, not even a<br />
In Scotland, Tain Bo Chualgne is little known ; the Cucliulinn<br />
Cycle altogether, indeeil, belongs to the literary rather than<br />
the popular e[)os. But this Society has l)een lucky enough to get<br />
almost the only popular account of the Tain<br />
Highlands. In the Second <strong>Volume</strong> of our<br />
that exists in the<br />
Transactions, Mr<br />
Carmichael gives an excellent version of it, much degraded though<br />
it be in the shape of a mere popular tale. Yet it practically repeats<br />
every feature of the tale we have told. Macpherson, too, got a copy<br />
the tale, and it appeal's as that inveterate episode, in Book II. of<br />
Fingal, but sadly shorn of its dignity, and changed to suit liis<br />
theme. Cuchulinn, after his defeat by Swaraii, attributes his<br />
ill-luck to his having killed his dearest friend, Ferda, the son of<br />
Damman. Ferda was a chief of Albion, who was educated with<br />
Cuchulinn in " Muri's hall " (sic), an academy of arms in Ulster.<br />
Deugala, spouse of Cairbar, who was " covered with the light<br />
of Ijeauty, but liei heart was the house of pride," loved Ferda, and<br />
asked Cairbar to give her half of his herd and let her join her<br />
lover. Cairbar called in Cuchulinn to divide the herd. " I<br />
went," he said, " and divided the herd. One bull of snow remained.<br />
I gave that bull to Cairbar. The wrath of Deugala<br />
rose." She induced Ferda most unwillingly to challenge Cuchulinn<br />
to mortal combat. " I will fight my friend, Deugala, but<br />
may I fall by his sword! Could 1 wander on the hills and behold<br />
the grave of Cuchulinn?" They fought and Ferda fell.<br />
The eighteeneth century sentimentality of Macpherson's Ferda<br />
is very different from the robust grief and practical sense shown<br />
by Ferdia in his relations with Meave in both the Irish and Highland<br />
v(!rsion of the tale. Ferdia t<strong>here</strong> consents under the influence<br />
of wine and female ])landishment, Imt nevertheless takes heavy
he Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 191<br />
guarantees that Cleave will fulfill her pioniises, especially as to the<br />
uioiiey and lands. Curiously too, in the Iliad, the Greeks always<br />
tight I'or Helen and the riches she took with her to Asia. T<strong>here</strong><br />
is little sentiment in the matter. But if we argue merely a priori<br />
as to what sentiments or customs existed in ancient times, we are<br />
certain to go wrong, as Macphcrson always did.<br />
The rest of Cuchulinn's life is shortly told, and tliis portion<br />
of it is also the one that has taken most popular hold, and hence is<br />
known best <strong>here</strong>. We have mentioned that he left a son unborn<br />
in Scathach. This was Couloch. His mother educated him in all<br />
warlike accomplishments possible, save only the " gae-bolg." She<br />
then sent him to Ireland under " geasa " not to reveal his name,<br />
but he was to challenge and slay if need be the champions t<strong>here</strong>.<br />
She secretly hoped in this way that he would kill his father<br />
(Juchulinn, and so avenge her wrongs. He landed in Ireland,<br />
demanded combat, and overcame evei-ybody. He lastly overcame<br />
and bound Conall Cernach, next to Cuchulinn the best champion<br />
of Erin. Then Conchobar sent for Cuchulinn; he came—asked<br />
Couloch his name, but he would not divulge it. Conloch knew<br />
his father Cuchulinn, and though Cuchidinn pressed him hard, he<br />
tried to do him no injury. Cuchulinn, dnding the fight go against<br />
him, called, as in his extremity he always did, for the Gae-Bolg.<br />
He killed Conloch. Then follows a scene of tender and simple<br />
pathos, such as not rarely ends these ballads of genuine origin.<br />
The story is exactly pai-allel to that of Soohrab and Rustem in<br />
Persia, so beautifully rendered in verse by Matthew Arnold.<br />
A wild and pathetic story is that of Cuchulinn's death.<br />
Meave, determined to avenge herself on him for the Tain Bo<br />
Chualgne, suddenly attacked him with a force that took her years<br />
to get ready. For instance, the six posthumous children of<br />
Cailetin, the magician, whom Cuchulinn killed on the Tain, appeared<br />
against him. The omens were against Cuchulinn's setting out<br />
the divine horse, the Liath Macha, thrice turned his left side to<br />
him ; he reproached the steed ; " t<strong>here</strong>at the Gray of Macha came<br />
and let his big round tears of blood fall on Cuchulinn's feet."<br />
He went ; the Tuatha-De evidently and plainly deserted him ;<br />
the magician children of Cailetin had t<strong>here</strong>fore open field. He<br />
fell by his own spear, hurled Ijack by the foe. But Conall Cernach<br />
came to avenge his fall ; and as he came, the foe saw something at<br />
a distance. " One horseman is <strong>here</strong> coming to us," said a<br />
charioteer, " and great are the speed and swiftness with which he<br />
comes. Thou wouldst deem that the ravens of Erin were above<br />
him. Thou wouldst deem that flakes of snow were specking the<br />
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192 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
plain before him." " Unbeloved is tlie horseman tliat comes,"<br />
says liis master, " It is Couall the victorious on the Dewy-Red.<br />
The birds thou sawest above him are the sods from that horse's<br />
hoofs. The snow flakes thou sawest specking the ])hiin before<br />
him are the foam from tliat horse's lips and tlie curbs of the<br />
bridle." A true piece of Celtic imagination ! Couall routs the<br />
foe and returns with the heads of the chief men to Emer,<br />
Cuchulinn's wife, whom the ballads represent as asking whom<br />
each head belonged to, and Couall tells her in reply. The<br />
dialogue is consequently in a rude dranuitic form.<br />
We now come to the Fionn or Ossiauic cycle. The chroniclers,<br />
as already stated, place this cycle three hundred 3'ears later than<br />
the Cuchulinn cycle. Whether we accept the dates or not, the<br />
Ossianic cycle is, in a litei'aiy sense, later than the Cuchulinn<br />
cycle. The manners and customs are changed in a most marked<br />
degree. In the Cuchulinn cycle, the individual comes to the<br />
front ; it is champion against champion, and the jirmies count for<br />
little. Indeed Cuchulinn is, like Hercules and the demi-gods,<br />
alone in his feats and labours. But in the Ossianic cycle we have<br />
a body of heroes ; they are indeed called in the chronicles the Irish<br />
" Militia.'' Fionn is the head and king, but he by no means too<br />
much outshines the rest in valour and strength. Some of the<br />
Feni are indeed braver champions than he. However, he alone<br />
possesses divine wisdom. And, again, in the Fenian cycle, we no<br />
longer have chariots and war-horses. Cow-spoils disappear com-<br />
pletely, and their place is taken up with hunting and the chase.<br />
On the whole the Fenian cycle has more of a historic air ; that is,<br />
the history in it can be more easily kept apart from tlie supernatural<br />
;<br />
agencies<br />
though, again, t<strong>here</strong> are more tales of supernatural<br />
by far in it than in the Cuchulinn cycle—fairy tales<br />
which have no historical basis. It will be better, t<strong>here</strong>fore, to<br />
look at Fionn first as a possibly historical character, and then<br />
consider him as the fairy-tale hero.<br />
The literary and historical account of Fionn and the Feinc is<br />
briefly this. The Feinc was the militia or .standing army oi the<br />
Irish kings in the third century. They fought the l)attles and<br />
and defended the kingdom from inva.sion. T<strong>here</strong> were seven battalions<br />
of them. Their privileges were these :— Froiii Samhain<br />
(Hallowe'en) till 15eltane (May-day) the)' were billeted on the<br />
inhabitants ; from iieltane till Samhain they lived on the products<br />
of the chase, for the chase was all their own. Again, no man<br />
could settle his datightei- in marriage without first asking if one<br />
of the Feinc wished her as wife. But the qualitications of Fenian
The Heroic and Ossianio Literature. 193<br />
soldiers were high : ho must, first, givo socurity that no eric, or<br />
revenge, must l)e required for his death ; second, he nnist be a<br />
poet—at least compose a war song ; third, he must be a i)crfcct<br />
mtister of his weapons ; fourth, his running and fighting ([ualities<br />
must pass test by the band ; fifth, lie must be able to hold out his<br />
weapon by the smaller end without a tremble ; sixth, in the<br />
chase througti plain and wood, his hair must continue tied up<br />
if it fell, he was rejected ; seventh, he must be so light and swift<br />
as not to break a rotten stick by standing on it ; eighth, he must<br />
leap a tree as high as his forehead, and get under a tree no higher<br />
than his knees ; ninth, without stopping, he must be able to draw<br />
a thorn from his foot ; also, he nmst not refuse a woman without<br />
a dowry, ofler violence to no woman, be charitable to the poor and<br />
weak, and he must not refuse to fight nine men of any other nation<br />
that might set upon him. Cumal, son of Trenraor O'Baisgne,<br />
was Fionn's father, and he was head of the militia in King Conn<br />
Ced-cathach's time (<strong>12</strong>2-157, a.d.). Tadhg, or Teague, chief<br />
Druid of Conn, lived at Almu, or Almhinn (Allen in Kildare),<br />
and he had a beauty of a daughter named Muirne. She was<br />
asked in marriage by ever so many princes, and amongst others by<br />
Cumal. Her father refused her to Cumal, because his magic knowledge<br />
told him the marriage would force him to leave Almhinn.<br />
Cumal took Muirno by force and married her. The druid appealed<br />
to Conn, who sent his forces against Cumal. Cumal was<br />
killed in battle at Cnucha by Aed, son of Morna, and Aed himself<br />
was wounded in the eye, whence his name of Goll, or one-eyed.<br />
This is the celebrated champion and Fenian rival of Fionn—Goll<br />
Mac Morna. Her father wished to burn Muirne, evidently<br />
because of his prophetic knowledge of personal disaster, but she<br />
escaped to Cumal's sister. Here she gave birth to Fionn or Demni,<br />
as he was first named. He, when he grew up, forced Tadhg to<br />
give him Almhinn as eric for his father, and he also got eric from<br />
Goll, with whom he made peace. Another fact, historically<br />
recognisable, is Fionn's marriage to Grainne, daughter of Cormac,<br />
son of Art and king of Ireland, She eloped with Diarmad ;<br />
Fionn pursued them, and after various vicissitudes captured<br />
them, Init the Feine would not permit him to punish the runaways<br />
in any way. Their privileges made the Feine troublesome, and<br />
King Cairbre, son of Cormac, tried to disband them, owing more<br />
immediately to dynastic troubles, and in any case the Clan Morna,<br />
headed Ijy Goll, were at daggers drawn with the Clan Baisgne,<br />
Fionn's family. Cairbre, aided by the Clan Morna, met the Clan<br />
Baisgne at Gabhra in 284, and a great fight was fought. Oscar<br />
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194 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
commanded the Clan Baisgnc ; t<strong>here</strong> was great slaughter and<br />
almost extinction for Oscar's side. Cairbre and he mutually slew<br />
each other. Ossian and Caoilte were the only survivors of note.<br />
The historical accounts place Fionn's death in the year liofore this<br />
battle, though the ballads and popular tradition are distinctly<br />
against such a view. Fionn was slain, it is said, at Kath-breagha,<br />
on the Boyue, by a treacherous tisherman named Athlach, who,<br />
wished to become famous as the slayer of Fionn. Fionn had<br />
retired t<strong>here</strong> in his old age.<br />
Both in Scotland and Ireland t<strong>here</strong> are some historical ballads<br />
that connect Fionn with the invasions of the Norsemen, but these<br />
can hardly be seriously considered as containing historical truth,<br />
that is, if we trust the above account, which places the Fein6 in<br />
the 3rd century. The Norsemen made no invasions into Ireland<br />
sooner than the 8th century ; that is a historical fact. The period<br />
of the Norse and Danish invasions are, roughly, from 800 to close<br />
on 1300. The ballads of Manus and Earragon may have a historical<br />
basis ; t<strong>here</strong> is little supernatural or impossible in them.<br />
Manus is a well-known name in both Scotland and Ireland, and,<br />
without a doubt, the great Magnus Barefoot, who was killed in<br />
Ireland in 1103, is meant. At the same time, the ballad must be<br />
rejected as history ; it is a popular tale, w<strong>here</strong> St Patrick, Ossian,<br />
and Magnus ai)pear as nigh well contemporaries. The ))opular<br />
hero of the romantic tale is Fionn, and hence anything heroic and<br />
national that is done, be it in an early age or in a late, is atti'ibuted,<br />
by the popular imagination, to the popular hero. Manus,<br />
a historical character, stuck to the popular fancy, because he was<br />
the last important invader of Ireland. It could not be expected<br />
that our romantic ballads would not receive })oth additions and<br />
local colouring in coming through the ages of Norse invasion.<br />
Fionn and his heroes are lay figures, to which were attached any<br />
striking or exciting events that the nation may have had to go<br />
through.<br />
So much for the Fionn of history. Let us now turn to the hero<br />
of the romantic and fairy tales. Fionn in history, such as it is,<br />
is merely a great wjirrior and champion, but in the jjopular<br />
imagination he belongs to the race of the giants, and has kinship<br />
with the supernatinal powers. He is in fact a mortal<br />
champion moving in a fairy atmosp<strong>here</strong>. Nor is the popular<br />
notion of Fionn of late growth ; we shall, indeed, find reason to<br />
suspect that it anteceded the historical concei)tion— that what is<br />
historical is merely rationalised myth. A charter of the reign of<br />
Alexand(u- the Second in the early part of the 13th century
The Heroic and Ossianio Literature. 195<br />
speaks of Tubov na Foin, whicli is glossed by " foyiio, of the grett<br />
or keinjtis men callit rteiiis, is ane well." This, which is only a<br />
huntlred years later than the oldest Irish M8. account of Fionn,<br />
is exactly the present day popular notion of the Feine. They<br />
were giants. About 1500 Hector Boece can thus write of Fyn<br />
Mak Coul :— " Vinini uti fei'unt imniani statura, septenum enim<br />
cubitoruin honiinem fuisse narrant, Hcotici sanguinis oninil)US(|ue<br />
insolita corporis mole formidolosum." Thus, much to the disgust<br />
f)f Keating, the Irish historian, he makes him a giant some seven<br />
oul)its high, makes him also a Scotchman, and fixes his date about<br />
ioO A.D.; and he further tells us that Fyn was renowned in stories,<br />
such as was told of King Arthur. Bishop Leslie in the same<br />
century says that Fynmacoul was a " man of huge size and<br />
sprung, as it were, from the race of the giants." Gavin Douglas,<br />
about 1500, also speaks of<br />
" Greit Gow Macmorne and Fyn Mac Cowl, and how<br />
They suld be goddis in Ireland as they say."<br />
Dunbar, the contemporary poet, says :<br />
—<br />
" My fore grandsyr, hecht Fyn Mac Cowl,<br />
That dang the deil and gart him yowll,<br />
The skyis rained when he wald scouU,<br />
He trublit all the air :<br />
He got my grandsyr Gog Magog;<br />
Ay whan he dansit the warld wald schog ;<br />
Five thousand ollis gaed till his frog,<br />
Of Hieland pladdis, and mair."<br />
The world shook when Fionn danced !<br />
Martin, in his " Western<br />
Isles," calls him a "gigantic man." And in Ireland also, as in<br />
Scotland, Fionn and his heroes are among the people considered<br />
to be giants, "the great joiant Fann Mac Cuil," as Kennedy calls<br />
him, after the style of the peasantry who relate tales of Fionn.<br />
Mr Good, a priest at Limerick in 15GC, speaks of the popular<br />
" giants Fion Mac Hoyle, and Oshin (read Osgur) Mac Oshni."<br />
Standish O' Gi-ady, in his lately })ublished History of Ireland,<br />
places the Fianna back in the dawn of Irish history— gigantic<br />
figures in the dusky air. " Ireland is their playgiound. They<br />
set up their goals in the North and South in Titanic hurling<br />
matches, they dri^•e their balls through the length and breadth of<br />
it, storming through the provinces." Macpherson found the<br />
bidlads and stories full of thi.s, and as usual, he stigmatises them<br />
as Irish and middle-age. He quotes as Irish this verse :<br />
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196 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
" A chos air Gromleach, druim-ard,<br />
Chos eile air Crom-meal dubh,<br />
Thoga Fion le lamh mhoir<br />
An d' uisge o Liibhair na sruth."<br />
Witli one foot on lofty Cromlech, and tlie other on bhick Crommeal,<br />
Fionn could take np the water in his hand from the river<br />
tlui hills can still be pointed out in Macpherson's<br />
Lubar ! Yet<br />
native Badenoch w<strong>here</strong> Fionn did this ; but Macpherson, as<br />
usual, gives them his own poetic names. Carn Dearg and Scorr<br />
Gaoithe, at the top of Glen-Feshie, are the hills, and the Fionntag,<br />
a tributary of the Feshie, is the poetic " Lubhar." He has<br />
t<strong>here</strong>fore to reduce the Fionn of the popular talcs and ballads, to<br />
proper epic dimensions—to divorce him, as he says himself, from<br />
the " giants, enchanted castles, dwarfs, palfreys, witches, and<br />
magicians," which he thinks were imposed on the Fionn epic in<br />
the fifteenth century, and continued still<br />
of Fionn and his heroes.<br />
to be the popular idea<br />
The popular imagination accounts for this talluess in a rationalistic<br />
manner worthy of any euhemerist historian. In Campbell's<br />
Popular Tales, this is how the Een was set up. An old King of<br />
Erin, hard pressed by the Lochlinners, consults his seneschal as to<br />
the best course to pursue. The latter advises him to marry 100 of<br />
the tallest men in the kingdom to the same number of the tallest<br />
women ;<br />
then again to intermarry 1 00 of each sex of the tallest of<br />
their descendants, and so on to the third generation. This would<br />
give him a gigantic race able to cope with any foe. The thing was<br />
done. And in the thii-d generation a gigantic race was the result.<br />
Their captain and king was Cumal, and he defeated the Lochlinners<br />
and forced them to terms of peace.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are various turns given to the story of Fionn's birth,<br />
but they all agree that his father was killed before his birth, that<br />
he was carried off and reared in secret, that he did great youthful<br />
feats, that his first name was Denuii, and that he was called Fionn<br />
from liis white head. Most tales also tell how he ate the salmon<br />
of knowledge. The best form of the whole tale is this. Cumhal<br />
was going to battle, and in passing a smithy, while his horses<br />
were being shod, he went in to see the smith's daughter. The<br />
smith on learning what happened cursed the king, and hoped he<br />
would not return safe from the fight. Smiths and druids were<br />
uncanny in those days, and his wisli was gratified; Cumhal fell in<br />
the battle. The new king lieard of the smith's daughter, and<br />
ordered her to be imprisoned. If she gave birth to a daughter,
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 197<br />
the ilaiightcr niii^ht lie allowed to live, but a son must be put to<br />
deatli, ibr he woukl be the true heir to the throne. She brouj^ht<br />
forth a daughter, and all his watch rushed to toll the King ; but,<br />
1>efore tlie night was through, she also brought a boy into the<br />
world. The nurse, Luas Lurgann, rolled the child up in the end of<br />
her gown and rushed oli" to the woods, w<strong>here</strong> she brought him up<br />
in secret. She exercised him in all kinds of feats—running,<br />
cleam of all kinds, and arms.<br />
hurley—shinty— with the boys<br />
She took him one day to play<br />
of the King's town. He beat<br />
everybody and then began to maul and kill right and left. The<br />
king heard of it and came out ; " Co e an gille Fionn ud," said<br />
he, " tha mortadli nan daoine 1" (who is that Fair lad killing the<br />
people 1) The nu)-se clapped her hands for joy and said:<br />
" Long hast thou wanted to be baptized, but to-day thou art indeed<br />
baptized, and thou art Fionn son of Cumhal son of Trenmor, and<br />
rightful king of Erin." With this she rushed away, taking the<br />
boy on her shoulders. They were hotly pursued ; Luas Lurgann's<br />
swiftness of old was failing hei*. Fionn jumped down, and<br />
carried her in turn. He rushed thiough the woods, and when he<br />
halted in safety he found he had only the two legs of his nurse<br />
left over his shoulders—the rest of her body had been torn away<br />
in the wood. After some wanderings he came to Essroy, famous<br />
for its mythic salmon—the salmon of all knowledge. Here he<br />
found a fisher fishing for the king, and he asked for a fish to eat.<br />
The fisher never yet had caught fish though he had fished for years.<br />
A prophecy said that no fish would be got on it till Fionn came.<br />
The fisher cast his line in Fionn's name and caught a large salmon<br />
—it was too large for Fionn, he said, and he put him off each time.<br />
Fionn got the rod himself and landed a bigger salmon still. The<br />
fisher, who had recognised who he was, allowed him to have a small<br />
fish of his lot, but he must roast it \v\t\\ the fire on one side the<br />
.stream and the fish on the other, nor must he use any wood in the<br />
process. He set fire to some sawdust, and the wind blew a wave of<br />
fire over to the fish and burned a spot on it. Fionn put<br />
his thumb on the black spot ; it burnt him and he put tlie thumb<br />
in his mouth. Then he knew everything ; the fisher was Black<br />
xVi-can who slew his father. He seized Arcan's sword, and kilh^d<br />
him. In this way he got his father's sword, and also the dog<br />
Bran, both of which the fisher had. And, further, by bruising<br />
his thumb in his mouth, the past and the present were always<br />
revealed to him. He then went in secret to his grandfather's<br />
house—the smith's house. T<strong>here</strong>after he appeared in the<br />
king's coui-t ; the king gave wrong judgment, and if one of royal<br />
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198 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
blood did this, Tciura the palace (?) fell ; and if one of royal blood<br />
gave the right judgment, it rose again. Temra fell ; but on<br />
Fionn giving the judgment rightly, Temra was restored again.<br />
He was at once recognised, and again pursued. The king then<br />
hunted every place in Erin for him, and at last found him as<br />
steward with the king of Colla. Colla and Fionn rose together<br />
against Cairbrt;, and slew him, and so<br />
mony and kingdom.<br />
Fionn recovered his patri-<br />
Besides Fionn's powers in knowing<br />
events, he was also a great medicine man.<br />
present and past<br />
He possessed the<br />
magic cup, a drink from which could heal any wound, unless<br />
from a poisoned weapon. The Dord Fionn was again a kind of<br />
wail or music raised when Fionn was in distress.<br />
ever they heard it, came to his help.<br />
:<br />
The leading heroes among the Feine were<br />
His men, when-<br />
Fionn himself.<br />
Gaul Mac Morna, leader of the Clann Morna. He served<br />
under Fionn, but as Goll had killed Fionn's father, they<br />
had no great love for each other. Yet Fionn's praise<br />
of Goll is one of the best of the ballads ; more especially<br />
as showing us what characteristics pleased best the Feine,<br />
or rather the Gaelic people.<br />
Ossian, son of Fionn, the renowned hero-poet.<br />
Oscar, his son, the bravest of the Feine,<br />
and kmd-hearted.<br />
youthful, handsome,<br />
Diarmad O'Duinn, the handsomest of the Feine, the darling<br />
of the women, " the Adonis of Fenian mythology, whose<br />
slaughter by a wild boar is one of the most widely<br />
heads :<br />
—<br />
scattered myths of the Ossianic Cycle." Re had a<br />
beauty spot— " ball-seirc "—which if any woman saw,<br />
she fell in love with him at once.<br />
Caoilte MacRonan, Finn's nephew ; he was the swiftest of<br />
the Feine. They had ;dways to keep a speiteach (1) on<br />
his foot, for otlierwise he would go too fast for the rest.<br />
Fergus Finu-vel, son of Fionn, a poet, warrior, and adviser.<br />
Conan INlaol, the Thersites or fool of the Feine. He is the<br />
best narked character of the whole. He was largebodied,<br />
gluttonous, and most cowardly. Everybody has<br />
a fling at Conan, and he at them.<br />
The story of the Feine may be considered under the following<br />
(1) Foreign Messengers.<br />
(2) Distressed people, especially women.<br />
—
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 199<br />
(3) Foreign combatants and invaders.<br />
(4) Enchantments—by far the largest chiss.<br />
(5) Fights with beasts.<br />
(G) Battles and internal strifes.<br />
(7) Ossiau after the Feine.<br />
Messi'ngcrs from Lochlinn play an important part in the bal-<br />
lads. They are calleil '' athachs"; t<strong>here</strong> is one eye in the midtlle<br />
of their forehead, and one hand which conies from the bi'east,<br />
and they have one foot. It may be noted that the god Odin himself<br />
a|ij)ears in the Noz'se tales in an almost equally monstrous form.<br />
The " athach," on one occasion, invited Fionn and his men to<br />
Lochlinn ; the king's daughter was much in love with Fionn,<br />
Before they set sail, they provided themselves with daggers, besides<br />
their other arms. They went ; their arms were piled in an<br />
outhouse, but their daggers they secretly kept. At the feast, they<br />
were so arranged that one of Fionn's men was between two Lochlinners.<br />
Lochlinn'skingbeganaskingtheheroes uncomfortable questions—who<br />
slew this son and that son of his. Each hero answered<br />
as the case was. Finally, t<strong>here</strong> was a rush to arms, but the<br />
Feine with the secret daggers slew their men. The Feine escaped<br />
safely home, taking " nighean Lochlinn " with them. This story<br />
is the foundation of the episode of Agandecca in Macphez-son's<br />
Fingal, Book III.<br />
The Muileartach is a sort of female counterpart to the<br />
" athach." She is Manus' foster-mother, and she came to fight the<br />
Feine ; and they had a tough job conquering her. She seems to<br />
be a jiersonification of the Atlantic sea.<br />
An " athach" appears also another day:<br />
•• Chunncas tighiiui o'n mhagh<br />
An t-oglach mor is e aii' aon chois,<br />
Le chochal dubh ciar dubh craicionn,<br />
Le cheann-bheirt lachduinn is i ruadh-mheirg."<br />
They asked his name. He told them he was Lun Mac Liobhain,<br />
smith to the king of Lochlinn, and he put them under geasa to<br />
follow him to his smithy.<br />
" Ciod am ball am beil do Oheardach 1<br />
Na'm fearrda sinne g'a faicsinn ?'<br />
" Faiceadh sibhse sin ma dh' fhaodas,<br />
Ach ma dh' fhaodas mise, chan f haic sibh."<br />
They set after him, and Daorghlas kept pace with him, and when,<br />
ou reaching the smithy, one of the smiths asked, in reference to<br />
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200 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Daorghlas, who this /ear ccwl was, Fionn answered that his name<br />
was now Caoilte. Here thoy got victorious arms, but they had to<br />
be temj)ered in human blood. Fionn, by a stratagem, got the<br />
smith's mother to take the place tliat fell to him by lot, and she<br />
was unwittingly killed. And Fionn's own sword was tempered in<br />
the smith'.s own blood.<br />
" B'e Mac an Luin lann Mhic Cumhail,<br />
Gum be Drithleannach lann Oscar,<br />
'S b'i Chruaidh Ohosgarrach lann Chaoilte,<br />
Gum b'i an Liomharrach lann Dhiannad,<br />
Agam fein bha Gearr-nan-colann."<br />
Every hero's sword had a name, as we see from this.<br />
Distressed people came to the Feine for protection. In Macpherson,<br />
nearly every other j)oem presents such, but in the ballads,<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is only one good INIacphersonic case. Tliis is found in<br />
" Duan na h-Inghinn," or Essroy of the Dean of Lismore. The<br />
daughter of the King of Under-waves Land flies from the love of<br />
the son of the King of the Land of Light (Sorcha). She comes in<br />
a gold " curach" to Fionn. Her lover follows on his steed riding on<br />
the waves. He fights the heroes and falls. Some ballads<br />
represent him as killing the Nighean, others that she was with<br />
Fionn in the Feine a year. This is nearly exactly the same as<br />
Macpherson's Maid of Oraca and Faine-soluis. It is the only<br />
poem of his that agrees with the ballads in any satisfactory<br />
respect.<br />
same.<br />
But his language differs widely, though the plot is the<br />
Foreign invaders are numerous. Sometimes they are singlehanded,<br />
as in the case of Deai'g, and his son Conn after him.<br />
Other times t<strong>here</strong> is a regular invasion. The stories of single<br />
invaders are all of a type ; he comes, challenges the champions<br />
and lays them low in ones, twos, tens, and liundreds. Then Goll<br />
or Oscar goes, and after a stifl" fight annihilates him. Their<br />
wounds are healed by Fionn. The Kings of Lochlinn are the<br />
chief invaders. Manus we liave already considered. Earragon,<br />
another Lochlinn king, got his wife stolen by Aide, one of<br />
Fionn's men, and came to Scotland to fight them over it. The<br />
ballad is called " Teanntachd JMhor Na Fein6," and forms the<br />
groundwork of Macpherson's Battle of Lora, or as he says himself,<br />
calling it Irish of course—<br />
" It appears to have been founded<br />
on tlie same story with the * Battle of Lora,' one of the poems of<br />
the genuine Ossian" ! A most serious invasion of Ireland was<br />
made by Dare Donn or Darius, King of the World, helped by all
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 2ul<br />
the rest of the world. The scene was Veutry Harbour. The<br />
battle went on for a year and a day. In some versions, it is a<br />
Kilkenny cat business, w<strong>here</strong> t!veryl)ody is killed and some<br />
others besides ; for Fionn and his Feine are represented all as<br />
falling, though they were helped even by the Tuatha-Dc. Other<br />
forms of it represent the heroes as finally victorious. The ballad<br />
in the Dean of Lismore's book is the only Scotch representative<br />
of this tale.<br />
Enchantments form the largest class of these poems and<br />
tales. T<strong>here</strong> are various " Chases," w<strong>here</strong> the Feine, singly or<br />
altogether, get lost and enchanted. Again, they may be enchanted<br />
in a house, as ill -'Tigh Bhlair Bhuidhc " and the "Rowan-tree<br />
Booth." Then some of them may be tricked away, as in the story<br />
of the "Slothful Fellow"—Aii Gille Deacair. Here they land<br />
in Tir-fo-Thuiiin, and the Happy Land. These stories display<br />
the highest degree of imaginative power : they are humourous,<br />
pathetic, and at times tragic.<br />
Another class of legends is that relating to the killing of<br />
driigons and like monsters. T<strong>here</strong> is scarcely a lake iii Ireland<br />
but t<strong>here</strong> is some legend t<strong>here</strong> about a dragon, or biant, which<br />
Fioiui, or one of liis heroes, or one of the Saints, destroyed. Fionn<br />
had some tough tights with these terrible animals, and his<br />
grandson, Oscar, was like^\•ise often engaged in the same work.<br />
On one occasion, as an old Lewisman used to tell, Oscar was<br />
fighting with a huge blast that came open-mouthed towards<br />
him. He jumped down its throat at once, and cut his way out,<br />
and thus killed the brute. We have read of Odin being thus swallowed<br />
by the wolf, but have never heard of his appearing afterwards.<br />
Internal dissension is seen in the armed neutrality maintained<br />
between Fionn and Goll. They at times have open strife. But<br />
the most serious defection is that of Diarmad, who ran a\vay with<br />
Fionn's wife. Of course he refused her at first, but she laid him<br />
under geasa to take her. This he did. The pursuit began soon<br />
after, and they went round Erin. Many feats were performed,<br />
some of which were of a magic and supernatural nature. They<br />
were caught at last, but Fionn was forced to spare them, because<br />
Oscar would not allow him to wreak vengeance at the time.<br />
Fionn, however, revenged himself at the hunt of the magic boar.<br />
Diarmad killed the boar, escaping unscathed ; Fionn was disappointed<br />
at this, so he asked Diarmad to measure the boar ; he<br />
did. Fionn then asked him to measure it against the bristles. His<br />
foot, which was the only vulnerable part of his body, was stabbed in
202 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
the process by the bristles, and as the beast was a magic and<br />
poisonous animal—a Tore Nimhe—he was fatally wounded. Nor<br />
would Fionn cure him though he could. So Diarmad died.<br />
A sad event happened just before the close of the Feine's<br />
career. The men went ofl' to hunt, leaving Garaidh at home with<br />
the women. The prose tales say that he stayed purposel)' to find<br />
out what the ladies took to eat and drink that always left them<br />
so x'osy and youthful. In watching for this, he fell asleep, and<br />
they pinned his long hair to the bench. Then they raised a battle<br />
shout. He got up in furious haste, but, if he did, he left his scalp<br />
behind him. Mad with rage, he rushed out, went to the woods<br />
and brought home i)lenty fuel. He locked the women in, and<br />
then set tire to the house. The flames weie seen by those that<br />
were hunting, and they rushed home. If the speireach were oli'<br />
Caoilte, he might have been in time to save the house. They<br />
jumped Kyle-rhea on their spears, but one of them, ]\Iac-Reatha,<br />
fell into the Kyle, and hence the name. Wives and children were<br />
lost, and the race of great men left alone in the world. Fionn, by<br />
bruising his tliumb in his mouth, knew it Avas Garaidh that did<br />
the deed. They found him hid in a cave, but he would not come<br />
out until he was allowed to choose the manner of his own death.<br />
They allowed him. He asked to be beheaded by Oscar on Fionn's<br />
knee. Now Oscar never could stop his sword from going through<br />
anything he drew the sword upon, and they had to bury Fionn's<br />
knee under seven feet of earth, and even then it was wounded.<br />
Fionn then journeyed to Rome to get it healed.<br />
When Fionn was away. King Cairbre thought he might as<br />
well get rid of the Feine. He invited Oscar to a feast. T<strong>here</strong> he<br />
wished to exchange spear-heads with him, which was considered<br />
an insult in those days :<br />
They quarrelled ;<br />
" Ach malairt cinn gun mhalairt crainn,<br />
Bu eucorach sud iarraidh oimn."<br />
their troops were got ready and a battle engaged<br />
in. Both leaders fell by each other's hands. Ossian and Fionn<br />
just arrived frem Rome to receive Oscar's dying words. The<br />
loattlc of Gabhra ended the reign of the Feinc.<br />
Fionn himself was killed by a treacherous person who invited<br />
him to jump on to an island, in the way he did. Fionn did the<br />
jiimjj. Then the man jumped the same backways, and challenged<br />
Fionn to do so. Fionn tried it, but fell up to his head in the<br />
water. The man, finding him thus immersed, and with his back to<br />
him, cut ofi' his head.
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 203<br />
Ossiaii had, however, before tliib,ruu away with the fairy Niam<br />
to Tir-naii og, the Liiiid of the Ever-young. Here he remained two<br />
lumdred years. He returned, a great giant, still youthful, on a<br />
white steed, iionx which he was cautioned not to dismount, if he<br />
wished to return again to Tir-nan-og. He found everything<br />
changed ; instead of the old temples of the gods, now t<strong>here</strong> were<br />
Christian churches. And the lA'ine wei-e only a memory. He<br />
saw some puny men raising a heavy Ijlock of stone. They could<br />
not manage it ; so he put his hand to it and lifted it up on its<br />
side ; but in so doing he slipped otf his horse, and fell to eaith a<br />
wit<strong>here</strong>d and blind old man. The steed at once rushed oti".<br />
Ossian was then brought to St Patrick, with whom he lived for<br />
the rest of his life, ever and anon recounting the tales of the<br />
Feine to Patrick, the son of Oal])hurn, and disputing with him as<br />
to whether the Peine were in hea\en or not.<br />
He tried once by magic means to recover his strength and<br />
sight. The Gille Ruadh and himself went out to hunt, and he<br />
brought down three large deer and carried them home. The old<br />
man had a belt round his stomach with three skewers in it, so as<br />
that he should not need so much food. The deer were set acooking<br />
in a large cauldron, and the Gille Ruadh was watching it,<br />
with strong injunctions not to taste anything of the deer. Rut<br />
some of the broth spurted out on his hand and he put it to his<br />
mouth. Ossian ate the deer one after the other, letting out a<br />
skewer each time ; but his youth did not return, for the spell had<br />
been broken by the Gille in letting the broth near his mouth.<br />
Are the actors in these cycles—those of Cuchulinu and Pionn<br />
—historical personages'? Is it history degenerated into niytli,<br />
or myth rationalised into history 1 The answer of the native<br />
historian is always the same ; these legends and tales contain<br />
real history. And so he proceeds to euhemerise and rationalise<br />
the mythic incidents—a process which has been going on for the<br />
last thousand years; mediaeval monk and "ollamh," the seventeenth<br />
century historians, the nineteenth century antiquarian and })hilologist—<br />
all believe in the historical character and essential truth of<br />
these myths. The late Eugene U'Curry considered the existence of<br />
Pionn as a historical personage;, as assured as that of Julius Caesar.<br />
Professor Windisch even is led astray by the vraisernblance of these<br />
stories, and he looks on the mythic incidents of the Pionn Cycle<br />
as borrowed from the previous Cuchulinn Cycle, and the myths<br />
of the latter, especialy the birth incidents, he thinks drew upon<br />
Christian legend. As a consequence, the myths and legends are<br />
rehned away, when presented as history, to such an extent that
204 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
their luytliic character does not mimediately appear. But luckily<br />
alongside of the literary })resentnient of them and l)efore it, t<strong>here</strong><br />
runs the continuous stream of popular tradition, which keeps tht^<br />
mythic features, if not in their pristine purity, yet in such a stati'<br />
of preservation that they can be compared with the similar myths<br />
of kindred nations, and thus to some extent rehabilitated. This<br />
comparison of the Gaelic mythic cycles with those of other Indo-<br />
European nations shows in a startling degree how little of the<br />
Fionn Cycle, for instance, can be historical fact.<br />
The incidents in the lives of the mythic and fairy heroes oi"<br />
the Aryan nations have been analysed and reduced to a tabulated<br />
formula. Von Hahn examined 14 Aryan stories— 7 Greek, 1<br />
Roman, 2 Teutonic, 2 Persian, and 2 Hindoo- -and from these<br />
constructed a formula, called the "Expulsion and Return" formula,<br />
under 16 heads. And INIr Alfred Nutt examined the Celtic tales<br />
and brought them under the range of Von Hahn's headings, adding,<br />
however, at heading 9, two more of his own. Mr Nutt's table<br />
is as follows :<br />
—<br />
I. Hero, born out of wedlock, or posthumously or super-<br />
naturally.<br />
II. Mother, princess residing in her own country. [Cf.<br />
beena marriage.]<br />
III. Father, god or hero from afar.<br />
IV. Tokens and warnings of hero's future greatness.<br />
V. He is in consequence driven forth from home.<br />
VI. Is suckled by wild beasts.<br />
VII. Is brought up by a childless (shepherd) couple, or by<br />
a widow.<br />
VIII. Is of passionate and violent disposition.<br />
IX. Seeks service in foreign lands.<br />
IX. A He attacks and slays monsters.<br />
IX. B He acquires supernatural knowledge through eating<br />
a magic fish.<br />
X. He returns to his own country, retreats, and again<br />
returns.<br />
XI. Overcomes his enemies, frees his mother, and seats<br />
himself on the throne.<br />
XII. He founds cities.<br />
XIII. The n)anner of his death is extraordinary.<br />
XIV. He is accused of incest ; he dies young.<br />
XV. He injures an inferior, who takes revenge upon him<br />
or upon his children.<br />
XVI. He slays his younger brother.
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 205<br />
Wo givo tho incidents of the Fionn Cycle in this tubulated form,<br />
placing side by side the Fionn of history and the Fionn of popular<br />
fimcy:<br />
Histoi-y,<br />
I. In marriage (?), postlmmously.<br />
1 1. Muirnc, daiightcrof Chief Druid<br />
III. Cumal, leader of Militia.<br />
IV. Tadg, Druid, knows he<br />
be ejected by hero.<br />
\'. Driven to an aunt's house.<br />
VI.<br />
VII. By his mother or aunt (?)<br />
VIII.<br />
IX.<br />
IXa.<br />
IXn.<br />
X.<br />
XI.<br />
xn.<br />
XIII.<br />
XIV.<br />
XV.<br />
XVI.<br />
will<br />
Forces Tadg to abandon Almu.<br />
Gets headship of Fein5.<br />
Slain by a fisherman for sake<br />
of fame.<br />
Trculif'ton.<br />
Out of marriage, posthumously, and<br />
one of twins.<br />
Muirnc (?), daughter of a smith.<br />
Lives with her father.<br />
King Cumhal : is passing house.<br />
Greatness foretold by a prophet, and<br />
known<br />
throne.<br />
to be rightful heir to<br />
Into the wilderness.<br />
Nourished by fat and marrow in a<br />
hole made in a tree.<br />
By his nurse, Luas Lurgann.<br />
Drowns the schoolboys, or overcomes<br />
them at shinty, or both.<br />
his nurse's death.<br />
Causes<br />
Serves as house steward.<br />
to Fionn, the Druid.]<br />
[Scholar<br />
Slays the boar Beo; kills lake monsters<br />
(biastaj.<br />
Eats of the magic Salmon.<br />
Wanders backwards and forwards<br />
over Erin.<br />
Kills father's murderer. Overcomes<br />
Cairbre and gets thiMne.<br />
Builds forts, dunes, &c.; founds a<br />
great kingdom.<br />
Dies, mysteriously slain in jumping<br />
lake.<br />
A candid examination of these tabulated results must convince<br />
one that the historic account is merely the myth in a respectable<br />
and rationalised form. The historic account of Fionn<br />
and his men is poor and shadowy. In fact, outside the " birth"<br />
incidents of Fionn himself, t<strong>here</strong> are only three historical facts,<br />
such as they are : (1) The Fein6 were an Irish militia (!) in the<br />
thud century; (2) They were overthrown in the battle of Gabhra,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> also King (Jairbre, a real personage without a doubt, fell in<br />
284 ; (3) Fionn himself mai-ried Cormac's daughter, and Cailte<br />
killed Cairbre's successor, Fothaidh Airgtheach, in 285. Evidently<br />
some difficulty was found in fitting the heroes of the mythic tales<br />
into history, a difficulty which also exists in Arthur's case. He,<br />
like Fionn, is not a king in history— t<strong>here</strong> is no place for him—
20G Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
but ho is a "dux belli" or "militia" leader. Y"et the popular<br />
imagination is distinctly in favour of the idea that these hei-oes<br />
were also kings.<br />
The further question as to the origin and meaning of these<br />
mythic and heroic tales is. as can be seen, one of Aryan width :<br />
the Celtic tales are explained when we explain those of the other<br />
Indo-European nations. Until scientists agree as to the meaning<br />
of these heroic myths, we may satisfy ourselves with adding our<br />
stone to the cairn—adding, that is to say, Cuchulinn and Fionn to<br />
the other national heroes of Aryan mythology. Yet this we may<br />
say: Fionn son of Cumal (Camulus, the Celtic war-god 1) is<br />
probably the incarnation of the chief deity of the Gaels—the<br />
Jupiter spoken of by Ca?sar and the Dagda of Irish myth. His<br />
qualities are king-like and majestic, not sun-like, as those of<br />
Cuchulinn. He is surrounded by a band of heroes that make a .<br />
terrestrial Olympus, composed of counterparts to the chief deities.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> is the fiery Oscar (ud-scar, utter-cutter ?) a sort of wai'-god ;<br />
Ossian, the poet and warrior, corresponding to Hercules Ogmius<br />
Diarmad, of the shining face, a reflection of the sun god ; Caelte,<br />
the wind-swift runner ; and so on.<br />
The next question is as to the transmission and formation of<br />
these mythic tales. Oral tradition is evidently continuous, and is<br />
tlius unlike literature and history. They are fixed with the times;<br />
but popular tales and traditions are like a stream moving along,<br />
and, if we fancy the banks are the centuries and years, with their<br />
tale of facts and incidents, then naturally enough the stream will<br />
carry with it remembrances of its previous, more especially of its<br />
immediately previous, history. Hence it is that though these tales<br />
are old as the source of time, yet they are new and fresh because<br />
they get tinged with the life they have just come through. Hence<br />
we may meet with the old heroes fighting against the Norsemen,<br />
though the Norsemen appear late in the history of the people.<br />
The Irish literature takes us back over a thousand years at<br />
least, and it shows us very clearly how a heroic literature does<br />
arise. The earliest Irish literatui'o is of this nature. Tlie<br />
narrative is in prose, but the speeches and sayings of the<br />
chief characters are put in verse. That is the general outline of<br />
the literary method. Of course all the speeches are not in verse;<br />
descriptive speeches are often not. Narrative, too, may appear in<br />
verse, especially as a snmtnai-y of a foregoing ])rose recital. It is<br />
a niistak(! to think that the oldest liteiaturo was in verse. Narra-<br />
tive and veise always go togetiiei' in the oldest forms. P>iit<br />
as time goes on and contact with dther literatures exists, the<br />
;
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 207<br />
narrative too is changed to verse. Hence our ballads are in their<br />
narrative part, as a rule, but rhymed prose, done in late times,<br />
three or four hundred years ago, more or less— proba})ly more.<br />
Tiiese tales and verses have no authors ; they are all anonymous.<br />
Poets and singers were numerous as a guild in Ireland and Scotland,<br />
and were highly honoui-ed ; they were the abstracts and<br />
chronicles of the time—newspapers, periodicals, and esjxscially<br />
no\ els, all in one. But they wei-e a guild w<strong>here</strong> the work of the<br />
individual was not individually claimed. We hear of great bards,<br />
but we never hear of their works, unless, indeed, they are introduced<br />
as saying or singing something after a narrative or within<br />
a prose tale. This literary style remained till \ery late, and it produced<br />
among other things those remarkable colloquies between<br />
Ossian and Patrick so well known in later Irish and in Gaelic<br />
literature. Patrick asks questions and Ossian answers, going on<br />
to tell a tale in verse. But it was not imagined for a moment<br />
that Ossian composed the poem ; he only said those verses—the<br />
poet put them in his mouth, nor did Patrick compose his share<br />
of the dialogue. The anonymous poet alone is resi)onsible for<br />
his ])uppets. The Dean of Lismore is the first that attributes the<br />
authorship of the poetry to those who merely say the jioetry.<br />
Thus he introduces as authors of the poems Fergus, Caoilte,<br />
Ossian, and others. In this way Conall Cernach is made responsible<br />
for "Laoidh nan Ceann" though Emer bears her share of the<br />
dialogue. The figure of Ossian relating his tales to Patrick took<br />
hold of the popular imagination, and Macpherson, in an unfortunate<br />
hour, jumped to the conclusion that <strong>here</strong> was a great poet<br />
of antiquity. Immediately the world resounded with the old<br />
hero's name, though he was no more a poet, nor less so, than any<br />
others of his heroic companions. It was merely because he happened,<br />
so the tales said, to survive till Christian times, that he<br />
was responsible for telling those tales. Curiously enough the<br />
Gaelic mind, in its earlier literature, always made responsible<br />
some such survivor from past times, for the history of the.s(i times.<br />
Thus, Finntan told the history anterior to and after the deluge,<br />
for he lived on from before the deluge till the sixth century.<br />
Fergus Mac Roich, Cuchulinn's friend, was raised from the dead<br />
to repeat the Tain Bo Chualgne in the sixth century. And<br />
Ossian came back from Tir-nan-Og to tell the Fenian epos to<br />
Patrick.<br />
The construction of the verse in these ballads must be noted.<br />
The true ballad is made uj) of verses of four lines: four is always<br />
the number of lines m the \erse of the heroic poetry. The second
208 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
and fourth linos end in a rhyme word, and t<strong>here</strong> are four feet in<br />
each line. That is the old heroic measure. At times consecutive<br />
lines rhyme, and in lyrical passages other measures come in, as, for<br />
instance, in Fionn's " I'raise of Goll." The feet are now-a-days<br />
measured by four accented syllables, but it was quite different in old<br />
Goidelic poetry. The rules t<strong>here</strong> were these:—Every line must<br />
consist of a certain number of syllables. As a rule the last woixi<br />
was a rhyme-word corresi)onding to one m the next or in the third<br />
line. These rhyme-words bound the lines into either couplets or<br />
quatrains. Eveiy line had a pause or cesura in it, and the words<br />
befoi'e this cesura might rhyme with each other. Accent or stress<br />
was disregarded, and this accounts for some of the irregularities<br />
in our old ballads in regard to rhyme and metre. Thus, some<br />
make the last or unaccented syllable of a dissyllable rhyme Avith<br />
an accented monosyllable. On the whole, the ballads have recti-<br />
fied themselves to suit the modern style of placing the accent or<br />
stress on the rhymed syllables, and of having a certain number (4)<br />
of accents in the line.<br />
A word as to Macpherson's heroic Gaelic poetry. He has at<br />
times the old heroic quatrain, but as often as not his luaes are mere<br />
measured prose. The lines are on an average from seven to eight<br />
syllables in length. Sometimes rhyme binds them together, sometimes<br />
not. Evidently three things swayed his mind in adopting<br />
this measure or rather no-measure. It was easy, this measured<br />
prose ; and hLs English is also measured prose that can be put in<br />
lines of like length with the Gaelic. Secondly, he had a notion,<br />
from the researches of Dr Lowth on Hebrew poetry, that primitive<br />
poetry was measured prose. Hebrew poetry consists of periods,<br />
divided into two or more corresponding clauses of the same<br />
structure and of nearly the same length • the second clause contains<br />
generally a repetition, contrast, or explanation of the sentiment<br />
expressed by the first. The result of these responses or parallelisms<br />
is a sententious harmony or measured prose, which also appears<br />
even in the English Bible. Macpherson was a divinity student<br />
when he began his Ossianic work, and not merely does the form of<br />
the English translation and Gaelic original show his study of<br />
Hebrew poetry, but his poems show distinct imitations—even<br />
plagiarisms— from the lUble. Notably is this the case in the poem<br />
Comala. Macpherson, thirdly, had an idea that rhyme was a<br />
modern invention, probal)ly non-existent in Ossianic times. Unfortunately<br />
he did not know that rhyme is a Celtic invention, and<br />
possibly nnich older than the period of Ossian and his compeei-s,<br />
if they lived in the 3rd century. Had ho known tliis, we might
The Heroic and Ossianio Literature. 209<br />
now possess heroic Gaelic poetry of tlie proper type in quatrains<br />
and with rhymes ; but. insttvul of tliis, INIacphcrson's (iaelic<br />
"original" is merely poetic prose — a halt between the Hebrew<br />
Psjihns and Pope's rliymes. It is an irritjiting compromise, with<br />
good quatrains stuck mid wastes of prose to remind us of " what<br />
might have been," and its mere striicture is enough to disprove<br />
both its antiquity and authenticity.<br />
The consideration of the heroic literature of the Gael cannot<br />
be closed without a reference to ]Mac})herson's " Ossian." A mere<br />
summary of his position in regard to the heroic cycles is all that<br />
need be given. Macpherson always aimed at the antique, but<br />
everyw<strong>here</strong> ended in sham-antique, for, last century, the ideas prevalent<br />
in regard to the primitive stages of society were highly<br />
Utopian, poetical, and vague— totally unlike the reality which this<br />
century has proved such states of society to be. The ultra-natu-<br />
ralism of his time led IMacpherson to confine his prisoners in caves,<br />
to make his heroes drink from shells, and to cause them to use the<br />
bosses of their shields for drums and war-signalling —a piece of<br />
gross arcluvological nonsense. The whole life of the heroes is<br />
open-air, with vague refei'ence to halls. Now what did they eat<br />
or drink, or how were they dressed or housed 1 We know, in the<br />
real tales, this often in too minute a fashion ; but in Macpherson<br />
everything is vague and shadowy. And when he does condescend<br />
on such details, he falls into gross eri'ors. He arms his heroes<br />
in mail and helmet ; now, the real old tales speak of neither,<br />
and it is undoubtedly the fact that defensive armour was not<br />
used by the Gaelic Insular Celts. Bows and arrows fill a prominent<br />
place in his plots ; yet bows and arrows were not used by<br />
the ancient Gael, nor, indeed, by the ancient Celt. Again, his<br />
mythology is unspeakably<br />
in daylight or night-time ;<br />
wrong ghosts appear everyw<strong>here</strong>,<br />
;<br />
they are a nuisance in fact. Yet<br />
ghosts have no place at all in the real ballads and tales. True,<br />
Cuchulinn's ghost is raised by Patrick, and Fergus MacRoich's<br />
by some saints later on ; but those ghosts are as substantial<br />
as when alive, and as gorgeous and glorious. Macpherson's<br />
heaven is a mixture of classical reminiscences, with some Norse<br />
mythology, and a vague, windy jjlace in cloudland is faintly pictured.<br />
And his references to religous rites show that he<br />
believed Toland's theories as to the Druids and their altars<br />
and circles. Then, the machinei-y of his i)oetry is all modern :<br />
fogs and mists, locks flowing on the wind, green meteors, clouds,<br />
and mountains, storms and ghosts, those eternal ghosts!— maids<br />
in armour— always love-sick— and always dying on their lovers'<br />
U
210 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
bodies. And tlicic are further his addresses to natural objects,<br />
such as the sun and moon; and his synij)athy with nature, and<br />
description of lone mountains and moors, have no counteri)art in<br />
the real ballads. Descriptions we do have in the ballads, minute<br />
and painstaking, but they are of pei-sons, dress, houses, arms, or<br />
of human interests of some kind. Then his similes and metaphors<br />
are done to excess ; both are rare, indeed full-ljlown similes are<br />
absent, in the grave directness of the original ballads. 8ome of<br />
his similes sin against the laws of their use, as comparing things<br />
to things unknown or imagined, as actions of men illustrated<br />
by actions of ghosts riding on winds. Then, thinking that he was<br />
at liberty to play any tricks with the history which these myths<br />
pretend to hold, and thinking, too, that he had an open field for<br />
any vagaries in regard to pre-Christian Irish and Scotch history,<br />
he has manufactured history on every hand. Bringing the Scandinavians<br />
upon Ireland in the third century is but a small part<br />
of his sins. The whole of "Temora," save the death of Osca)-, is<br />
manufactured in history and plot. " Fingal" is founded distantly on<br />
the ballad of Manus, but its liistory of Ireland is again manufactured,<br />
and the terrible blunder of bringing Cuchulinn and Fionn<br />
together, though always separate in the tales by years and customs,<br />
is enough itself to prove want of authenticity. Most of<br />
the poems are his own invention pure and simple, while those<br />
whose kernel of plot he imitated, are changed in their epic dress<br />
so far as to be scarcely recognisable. In fact, t<strong>here</strong> are scarcely<br />
a dozen jdaces w<strong>here</strong> the old ballads can at all be compared to his<br />
work. These are the opening of " Fingal" (slightly), Oichulinn's<br />
Chariot, Episodes of Ferda Agandecca (slightly), ami Faine-soluis,<br />
Ossian's Courtship, Fight of Fingal and Swaran (Manus), Death<br />
of Oscar in Temora, plots of Battle of Lora, Darthula, und Carhon,<br />
(founded on the Cuchulinn and Conloch story), and these are all<br />
that can be correlated in the present editions. T<strong>here</strong> is not a line<br />
of the Gaelic given the same as the Gaelic of the ballads. Indeed,<br />
Macpherson i-ejected the ballads as " Irish," and Dr Clerk says<br />
that they cannot be of the same authorship as JNlacpherson's Ossian.<br />
And he is right. Yet these ballads were the only poetry known<br />
among the people as Ossian's, and it is to them that the evidence<br />
taken by the Highland Society always refers as basis for the parts<br />
the people thought they jecognised of Maci)herson's Ossian. Gallie<br />
and Ferguson actually quoted them in sujiport of the authenticity,<br />
and others name or describe them specially. Yet Macjdicrson<br />
and Clerk reject them ahi non-Ossianic. Macpher-<br />
son's Gaelic waa written after the English, often long after,
UnhnoLun Lochaber Bards. 211<br />
for, in one i)l;ice, lie gives Gaelic in his 1763 edition in a note<br />
(Teiuora, VIII. 383-5) quite; clitlerent from what he gave when he<br />
came to write the })oem consecutively. The Gaelic is very modern,<br />
its idiom is tinctured strongly with English, while out of its<br />
seventeen hundred words, titty at least are borrowed, and some<br />
forty more are doubtful. The conclusion we come to is simply<br />
this:—-Macpherson is as truly the author of "Ossian" as Milton<br />
is of '' Paradise Lost." Milton is to the Bible in even nearer<br />
relation than Macphei-son is to the Ossianic ballads. Milton<br />
ret^iined the essential outlines of Uiblical narrative, but Macpher-<br />
son did not scruple to change even that. Macpherson's Ossian is<br />
t<strong>here</strong>fore his own poetry; it is i)seudo-anti
2<strong>12</strong> Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
antique gem, "Tlic ilesirc of the aged Bard," which was undoubtedly<br />
composed near the head of Glen-Nevis; but as it is<br />
already redeemed from the moth and the rust I will pass it over.<br />
The lullaby was a great element in Gaelic poetry—the words<br />
always fraught with love and tenderness, the melodies soothing and<br />
plaintive. The following onf; must have been composed about the<br />
year 1520 on a child of the family of Lochiel, and from the genealogy<br />
of the child, as given in the lullaby, he must have been " Eobhan<br />
Beag Mac Dho'ill 'ic Eobhain," the father of the great Cameron<br />
warrior, " Taillear dubh na Tuaighe 'chuir an ruaig air Mac-an-<br />
Toisich "— " The black tailor of the Battle-axe, who put the Mackintosh<br />
to flight," -and the grandson of the famous Chief, Ewen<br />
Allanson. The great great grandfather, referred to in the lullaby,<br />
must have been " Donald dubh " the Chief who fought at Harlaw<br />
ill 1411. The lullaby must have been composed by the nurse, who<br />
was one the clan. Had it been the mother that composed it, she<br />
would have made loving mention of the child's father, but the<br />
nurse would ignore him as he died without attaining to the honour<br />
of being chief, and she could only feel entitled to l)e })roud of her<br />
nursling as the offspring of a line of chiefs. She was very anxious<br />
that he would get a charter for his land, and from history we find<br />
that this was the very time when the first charters<br />
the house of Lochiel.<br />
The lullaby runs as following :—<br />
were given to<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh<br />
B' fhearr learn gun sgribhteadh dhuit fearann<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh,<br />
Ogha EolDhain 's iar-ogh' Ailean.<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh<br />
'S iar-ogh Dhonuill Duibh bho'n darach.<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh<br />
B' fhearr gun sgriobhtcadh cinnteach d' fhearann.<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh<br />
Ceann-Lochiall 'us Druim-na-saille.<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh<br />
'S Coire-bheag ri taobh na mara,<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh<br />
Acha-da-loagha 'san Anait,<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh,<br />
'S a Mhaigh luhor 's an t-Sron 'san-t-Earrachd
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 213<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabli<br />
'Muic 'us Caoii^uieh, Craoibh 'us Caillicli,<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh<br />
'S Murlagan clubh granncla, greannach.<br />
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabli<br />
'S boidheach d' aodann 's caoin loam d' anail,<br />
Hi, ha no, mo loanabh—<br />
Socrach ciiiin a ruin do chadal.<br />
The follo\vang is a quaint conceit, and is said to bo very old.<br />
Whito-robed Ben-Nevis is described as a bride going to bo married<br />
to some grey-headed giant ben ot " Morar," and when she would<br />
go back her white gown the " Lochy " would be swollen, and the<br />
" Lundy" nmning high in pride, and the " Colonel " would have<br />
an abundance of brown ale.<br />
Beinn Nibheis am bliadhna brath dol a phosadh,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,<br />
Ri fear a' chinn leith a tha thall ann am INIorar,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, hi ri am bo ho o ro,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o.<br />
Le 'guntaichean geala 's a ceann-aodach boidheach,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,<br />
'Sa neapaigin sioda gu riomhach an ordugh<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, hi ri am bo ho o ro,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o.<br />
'S 'n uair theid i ga nigheadh bidh ligh' ann an Lochaidh,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,<br />
'S 'n uair theid i ga h-ionnlaid bidh " Lunndaidh " Ian<br />
morchuis<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, hi ri am bo ho o ro,<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o.<br />
'Us tonn air muin tuinn' bidh leann donn aig a' Ohoirneal<br />
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o.<br />
Ben Nevis is no longer the sacred bride she was then, and<br />
we wonder what the poet who sang of her so prettily would say
214 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
if he saw tlie prosaic nature of the head-gear that in the advance<br />
of civilisation science has placed upon the locks in which the bod<br />
of the stag was wont to be, and which the veil of clouds so frequently<br />
enveloped in mystery and darkness. The Colonel referred<br />
to must have lived at Torlundy, w<strong>here</strong>—or near w<strong>here</strong> —<br />
Lord Abingor's house is now, for the waters of the small river<br />
Lundy running near is brown and mossy when in flood.<br />
When the Duke of Gordon raised the 92nd Regiment<br />
—<br />
then known as the 100th—the beautiful Duchess Jane got many<br />
young men in Lochabcr to join it, through the sorcery of a kiss<br />
from her own rosy lips, but such persuasive sweetness was not<br />
the only power used by the house of Gordon to get men. Parents<br />
were threatened with the loss of their crofts—or even farms<br />
unless their sons enlisted under the Marquis of Iluntly, and<br />
many young married men rather than leave their wives and children<br />
uncai-ed for, left the crofts to their aged parents and took up<br />
house for themselves in Fort-William rather than cause the old<br />
home to be broken up. The following is a fragment of a song<br />
composed by a sorrowing wife whose young husband seems to<br />
have been drowned, when the regiment was on its way to Ireland,<br />
shortly after its being raised. A wave .seems to have swept<br />
him off the deck and she was left, alas ! to slee]) alone for evermore,<br />
and she would give her blessing to every other regiment,<br />
but not to the Duke of Gordon's that forced her beloved one<br />
away from her and the fair tree of her happiness left witliout sap<br />
and branchless. It is as follows :<br />
—<br />
Gur trbm, trom a tha mi<br />
Gur trom a dh'fhkg an t-Earrach mi,<br />
Gur truime 'n diugh na'n de mi,<br />
Tha cumha an d6igh nam fear orm.<br />
O 's diullich learn gun ghluais sibh,<br />
'Nuair bha ghaoth tuath cho gailleanach,<br />
'Se 'n tonn a rinn do bhualadh,<br />
'S gur truagh learn gu'n do tliachair e.<br />
Gur trom, trom, (fee.<br />
O cha'n 'eil feachd 's an duthaich,<br />
Nach diirachdain mo bheanuach air<br />
Ach Reiseamaid Diuc Gordan,<br />
'O 'n dh' flirtgair i mo leannan uam,<br />
Gur trom, trom, ttc.
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 215<br />
'So 'n turns 'tluij^ i dh-Eirinn,<br />
A (111 'fhug f(im cheile cadail mi,<br />
Mo climobh tha 'n d^igli a lusgadli<br />
Gun snothach iir gun niheangain oirr'.<br />
Gur troni, tr:)ni, &c.<br />
I could not trace tlio author of the following song oitlior,<br />
liut it has a lino swing about it when sung by a chorus of hoarty<br />
Highlanders, waving their pocket handkerchiefs in the orthodox<br />
fashion. When the Canierons of Uruini-na-Saille got too numerous<br />
to remain t<strong>here</strong> with comfort, they hived off to Sunart, and<br />
the chieftain of the party that removed took up iiis abode at<br />
Kintrh.. w<strong>here</strong> they became known as Sliochd Iain duibh Cheannti'ii.<br />
This song must have been composed on a gentleman of that<br />
family.<br />
Oh hi, hog i o<br />
Ho ro no ho ro gheallaidh<br />
Oh hi, hog i o<br />
Fhir a dhireiis a' ghuallain<br />
Giullain uamsa mile beannachd,<br />
Oh hi, &c.<br />
Thoir mo shoraidh gu Ceann-tri<br />
Far bheil faileatlh a' bharraich,<br />
Oh hi, &c.<br />
Far am bheil doireachan dliitha<br />
'Us cnothan a' liibadh gach meangain,<br />
Ho hi, &c.<br />
Far am bi a' nihil 's an t-S^mhradh<br />
'Sileadh bho gach crann do'n darach.<br />
Ho hi hog i o<br />
Far am ])i 'n crodh-laoigh 's a' bhairich<br />
Tighinn gu pairceannan a' bhainne.<br />
Ho hi &c.<br />
A dh' ionnsaidh talla nan uaislean<br />
Ga 'm bu dual bhi 'n Druim-na-Saille<br />
Ho hi &c.<br />
Ach Iain oig 'ic Iain 'ic Shoumais<br />
Thug tlni air na c6udan barrachd,<br />
Ho hi &c.
216 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
—<br />
Boichoad 'us buidheacl do chuailoan<br />
'S do dlia f;l)ruaidh mar chaor air mhoangan<br />
Ho, hi kc.<br />
'S buidlie 'n id da 'n tug thu luaidh<br />
Ged Ithuilicheadh i buaile mhart ort.<br />
Ho hi &c.<br />
A's god a bhuilichoadh i tri ort<br />
Air learn fhein nach ni gun fhear e.<br />
Ho hi itc.<br />
The next I will mention is my own maternal grandmother,<br />
Mary Cameron, for whom I am named, who was well-known in<br />
Sunart and Lochaber as a sweet poetess, and as a gentlewoman of<br />
great refinement of feeling, and unbounded charity. She was the<br />
Mary of whom Ailean Dall sang so sweetly<br />
—<br />
" Na 'm faighinn gill' airson ceannach<br />
A bheireadh beannachd gu Mairi.''<br />
Ailean Dall was not the lover represented in the song: it was a<br />
farmer from Sunart district, but Mary, with the usual unwisdom<br />
of the poet, chose to elope with a much poorer man, in her 19th<br />
year, I will give the following few sjiecimens of her verses.<br />
One day when she had, to her great annoyance, to leave her<br />
spinning wheel, and her household cares to keep some sheep away<br />
from the corn whilst the shepherd, whose duty it was to tend them,<br />
was spending the hours in dalliance with his lady-love, who was the<br />
housekeeper of a bachelor farmer near at hand, and who was wont<br />
to regale lier wooer with the best she had in lier pantry, my grandmother<br />
found vent to her feelings in a song of which the<br />
following is a fragment :<br />
Oh ho ro 'ille dhuinn.<br />
'Hie dhuinn bhoidhich,<br />
Na ho ro 'ille dhuinn<br />
Gu'm bheil mise fo mhulad<br />
'S mo chuidheal na h-aonar<br />
Oh ho ro (fcc.<br />
Mo leanaban a' caoineadh<br />
'S nach faod mi bhi 'n coir dhoibh,<br />
Oh ho ro &c.<br />
;
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 217<br />
'S cha bhi tliusa gun fhuaraig,<br />
Fluid 's bhios iiachdar aig Floraidh.<br />
Oh ho ro. ifec.<br />
'S ma ni aran 's im iir e,<br />
Cha tig tuchadh na d' sgornan.<br />
Oh ho ro, &c.<br />
'S suarach Icatsa an sproigh cliaorach<br />
'S do gliairdean niu'n og-bliean,<br />
Oh ho ro, ikc.<br />
Ach 'n uair thig an Fheill Mirtuinn<br />
Bi am piighcadh air bord ann,<br />
Oh ho ro. Arc.<br />
Lan do dhiiirn de phiiinnd Shasnach<br />
Agus craiciim gu clo dhut.<br />
Oh ho ro, &c.<br />
The next one I will give was composed to a small vessol<br />
owned by a favourite cousin of her own who belonged to Morven.<br />
The name of the vessel was the " Katie." In these times wlien<br />
no light-houses were erected to help the navigation of these channels<br />
of tlie rocky west, sliipmasters were obliged to lay their<br />
vessels uj) during the winter. This was evidently the case witli<br />
the " Katie."<br />
—<br />
'Nuair theid " Katie " fo h-aodach<br />
Bidh i daonnan aig Calum.<br />
'S trie a choisinn i an t-or dha<br />
Tha i eblach 's gach cala,<br />
Ho i o, na ri iu o, &c.<br />
'S trie a choisinn i an t-or dha<br />
Tha i eolach 's gach cala<br />
Eadar Muile 's Ceann-t-saile,<br />
Eilean Mhartainn 'us Oanaidh.<br />
Eadar Muile, &c.<br />
'S air roc ged a bhuail i,<br />
Cha 'n fhuasgail e 'darach.<br />
Sair roc, &c.<br />
'S 'n uair a gheibh i 'n ruidhe dhireach,<br />
Ni i 'n fhideag a ghearradh.<br />
'S 'n uair a gheibh i, &c.
218 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Air bharra nan garbli-thonn<br />
Do 'n Mhorairno Ghieannaich,<br />
Air liliarra, &c.<br />
Far an caith iacl an geamhradh<br />
Ri dannsadh 's ri h-aighear.<br />
She lost three fine young daughters one after the other, and<br />
they were buried in " Eilean Fhionain," in Loch-Sheil, w<strong>here</strong> she<br />
is also buried by their side. Shortly after the death of the last<br />
of the three, she was herself laid on her death-bed. She then composed<br />
the song of which the following is a fragment. The air of<br />
it is the old plaintive one "Tha mo run air a' ghille." She might<br />
be said to have died swan-like singing, for she composed this on<br />
the day before her death.<br />
" Tha mo run air an nighinn,<br />
Tha mo ghaol air an nighinn,<br />
Chuir mi taobh ri taobh an triuir<br />
'S trie snidh' air mo ghruaidhean.<br />
" 'S og a rinn mi, ruin, duit farair',<br />
; —<br />
'N uair a shaoil mi bhi ri d' bhanais,<br />
Chairich mi thu 'n Cnoc-nan-A ingeal<br />
Rinn mi leaba bhuan duit.<br />
" Tha mo run, kc.<br />
" Tha mise fagail an t-saoghail<br />
Anns an robh mi cuairt air aoidheachd,<br />
'S cairidh iad an sud ri 'r taobh mi,<br />
'S och, a ghaoil, cha'n fhuar leam.<br />
" Tha mo run, (fee.<br />
" 'N uair a thig an gnothach dluth ribh,<br />
Cuiribh fios gu Cnoc-nam-Fluran,<br />
'S cinnteach mi gun tig an triuir as*<br />
De na fiurain uasal.<br />
" Tha mo run, &c.<br />
" 'S cinnteach mi gun tig gun dail as,<br />
Tain mo ghaoil agus Archy ;<br />
'S gum bi Dotair donn nam blath-sliuil<br />
Laidir fo mo ghuallainn.<br />
" Tha mo run," Ac.<br />
* The three sonsof Dniimsallie.
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 219<br />
As a sppcimon of how tho ditleront houses or tribes of tlie<br />
clan Cameron chiinied a nearer kinship witli each other than with<br />
the other brandies of the clan, T may ,2;ive the following vei*ae.<br />
.Most of the gentlemen my grandmother spoke of were of the<br />
" Sliochd Iain duibh " family, but she was angry with herself for<br />
forgetting one dear friend, even if he was of another l)ranch.<br />
The gentleman referred to was Mr Alexander Oameiou, tacksman<br />
at Meoblo, who was of the Macmartins of Lettertinhiy.<br />
" Cuime dhichuiinhnich mi 'n t-armunn<br />
Ged tha e shliochd Iain 'ic Mhartuinn<br />
Fhuair mi e gu caoinihneil, c^irdeil<br />
Sliochd nan sar dhaoin-uaisle."<br />
Contemporary with my grandmother was Captain Patrick<br />
Campbell who served in the 42nd Highlanders, and who afterwards<br />
made his home in Fort- William, w<strong>here</strong> he built the house<br />
which he sang of as " An tigh l)an an cois na txiinne," and wliich<br />
is now known as the Imperial Hotel, occupied by Mr Robert<br />
Whyte. Captain Campbell let this house to Sheriff Flyter, who was<br />
married to liis sister, and he built a small house for himself,<br />
which he, with his housekeeper, Nic Mhuirich, occupied in winter,<br />
whilst they s})ent the sunnner in Glen Maillie, w<strong>here</strong> Bean-nabainnse—as<br />
the Captain called his gun— got her powers exercised.<br />
The Captain at his death left this little house to his old and<br />
faithful housekeeper, and it is still known by elderly people as<br />
"Tigh-nic-Mhuirich." It is told of her that when she placed<br />
venison before a guest she apologised for placing before them anything<br />
so insipid as a bit of a he-goat they had killed. " Cha 'n<br />
'eil so ach tioram. Cha 'n eil ann ach mir de 'n bhoc a bh'air<br />
na gobhrabh."— " This is but dry, just a bit of the he-goat we had,"<br />
was always her saying, but her guests knew how to interpret her<br />
words.<br />
Captain Campbell died in Fort-William, and is buried in the<br />
Craigs burying-ground. The following is jiart of the epitaph :<br />
Sacred to the memory of<br />
Captain Patrick Campbell,<br />
late of the 42 nd Regiment.<br />
He died on the 13th December 1816.<br />
A true Highlander, a sincere friend, and the best<br />
deer-stalker in his day,<br />
I believe the following song of his has been already in print, Itut<br />
I give my vei-sion of it notwithstanding, as it may probaljly differ<br />
—<br />
;<br />
—
-20 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
from tho other, or it may contain verses not found in the otlier.<br />
Glen Maillie was liis favourite resort, w<strong>here</strong> he coukl stalk the<br />
deer and i)oach the salmon, no man making him afraid.<br />
A \\o-vh gur tu mo run ;<br />
Thug mi gaol 's cha b' aithreach learn ;<br />
Mo cheist nionag a' chuil duinn ;<br />
'S toigli leam fhin mo INIhairi og.<br />
Gur e mise thagu tinn,<br />
An cois na mai'a leam fhin,<br />
Gun mheagad goibhre no minn<br />
'S mor an t-ioghnadh mi bhi beo,<br />
A ho ro, (fcc.<br />
Gur e mise tlia fo mhulad<br />
'S an tigh bhan an cois na tuinne ;<br />
'S mor gu 'm b'fhearr mar bha mi 'n uiridh<br />
'S a' ghleann mhullaich 'sam bi 'n ceo.<br />
A ho ro, (fee.<br />
A bhean-na-baimise* duisg gu luath,<br />
'S fhada leam a tha thu 'd sliuain.<br />
Their ort Gleann-a-Mailidh suas<br />
'S bheir thu fuaim air damh na croic.<br />
A ho ro, &c.<br />
Gleann na sithne, glean an fh6idh,<br />
Gleann nan uaislean 's nam fear tr^un<br />
'S 'n uair theid iad uile do'n bheinn<br />
Co ni foum ach Para mf>r.<br />
A ho ro, &c.<br />
'S e mo laochan fhein an cuiridh,<br />
Giomanach air cul a' ghunna,<br />
lasgair a' bhric air a' bhoinne,<br />
'S gum faigh Nic-Mhuiricht a leoir.<br />
A ho ro, &c,<br />
'N uair ruigeas tu gualla' Mhaim<br />
'S a sheallas tu bhos 'us thall,<br />
Bheir thu sgriolj do Bhraigh-nan-Allt,<br />
'S bidh an ckW air Donull og.<br />
A ho ro, lie.<br />
'•The Gun.<br />
t His housekeeper.
UnknoLun Lochaber Bards. 221<br />
'N Uiiir a dliircas mi 's a' nih.uluinn<br />
Gu Gl'-ann-na-cauui-garruidli bliarraich<br />
Bi 1110 ghunna caol iia m' achlais,<br />
'S bi daiuh nan cabar fo leon,<br />
A ho ro, &,c.<br />
'S ged a gheibhinnse le buaidli<br />
Nighean Impireadh 'n Taobli tuath<br />
'S inur gu'm b' fhearr 'bhi taobh a' chuaiii<br />
Sinte suas ri Mairi ug.<br />
A ho ro, (fee.<br />
Dh' fhalbh do mhathair 's chaochail d'athair,<br />
'S cha n eil do bhraithreau aig baile<br />
'S " gcd tha tlm gun chrodh gun aighean,"<br />
Mo I'iin fhathasd Mairi og.<br />
A ho ro, &c.<br />
Cha 'n 'eil duin'-uasal a th' ann<br />
Eadar Nis 'us Loch-nan-ceall<br />
Nach bi maoidheadh air mo cheann<br />
'Chionn bhi 'n geall air Mairi ug.<br />
A ho ro (kc,<br />
Cha 'n 'eil uasal no fear fearainn<br />
Eadar Muideart 'us Loch Carunn<br />
Nach' eil an deigh air mo leannan<br />
Suil a' mheallaidh Mairi ug.<br />
A ho ru, &c.<br />
Ged a gheibhinnse 'n nigh'n bhan<br />
Le 'buaile cruidh 'us an cuid ail<br />
— ;<br />
'S mor gum b' annsadh bhi le m' gh radii,<br />
Beul a' mhanrainn, Mairi hg.<br />
A ho ro, ifec.<br />
'S an uair a theid mi aii- mo sgriob<br />
'S coingeis leam muir agus tir,<br />
'S coma leam co 'bhios 'am dhi,<br />
Ach mo ribhinn Mairi ug.<br />
A ho rb,
222 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Tt is of the same beautiful glen he also sung as follows :<br />
Fagaidli mi' m baile 's an t-samhiadh<br />
'S tlicicl mi clo'n ghleann againn flidin<br />
'S tillidh sinn dachaidh 'sa' gheamhradh<br />
'Chumail nam Frangach bho tliir.<br />
'S ann againn tha 'n gleannan tha uaigneach,<br />
Cha'n eil cho neo-luaineach's an tir,<br />
Cha'n fhaicear duin' ann ach buachaill,<br />
'Us brogaich a' cuartach na fridh.<br />
Ni sinn ann cur agus cliatliadh,<br />
'S cha treabh sinn am bliadhna le crann ;<br />
Ni sinn 's a' mhaduinn an t-iasgach,<br />
'S am feasgav a fiadhach nam beann.<br />
Gheibh sinn ann cnothan 'us caorann<br />
'Us gheibh sinn ann braonain gu leoir,<br />
Dearcan-tithich air fraocli ann,<br />
'S cha teid sinn 'an traigh mhaoraich ri 'r beo.<br />
Lochiel appears at this time to have forbidden his tenants to keep<br />
goats, and Captain Campbell seems to have had a dispute with the<br />
parties in authority on the estate about the matter. The following<br />
is a fragment of a song composed on that occasion :<br />
Ged tliug sil)h na gobhair gun taing uainn<br />
Cha bhi curam oirnn mu annlan<br />
Fhad 's a mhaireas Bean-na-bainnse *<br />
'S a bhios mang aig DonuU.t<br />
Gur trie a bha mise na m' chruban<br />
Air chul an fhcidh anns a' Ghiubhsaich X<br />
'S cha bhiodh eagal orm no ciu'am,<br />
Ach romh slmilean Dhonuill.<br />
'S ioma gealladh thug thu riamh dliomh<br />
Ged is beag a chuir thu 'n gniomh dhiu<br />
Dh' aithnich mi gur beag a b' fhiach thu,<br />
'S duine tiadhaich DunuU.<br />
'S olc a chairicli iad mise,<br />
Eadar Df^nnll 'og 's a chinneadh ;<br />
Bha mi 'n laimh aig fear-a-ghlinne<br />
'S bha 'n seanalair seolta.<br />
* The Gun. + Lochiel<br />
1 Lochicl's Deer Forest.<br />
;<br />
—<br />
—
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 223<br />
Dh cirich Hcotacli beat,' a sgriobliaidh,<br />
'S dhannsadh c air ioghnan dirciicli,<br />
Ooltach ri coileach a' chireiii,<br />
A' sgriobadli an otraich.<br />
The next I will niontion is Duncan Canicron. gunci'iiUy known<br />
in Lochaber as Donnacha Ban Bard. He was teacher at Locliy-<br />
sido about the year 1832 and some years afterwards; and lie<br />
sailed to Australia with some of the first emigrant:; who went<br />
t<strong>here</strong> from Lochaber. He wjis quite a yoinig man when he emigrated,<br />
and for aught I know he may be yet in life in the country<br />
of his adoption. The following is one of his songs :<br />
Ho ro mo run gnr cannach thu,<br />
Ho ro mo rim gur meallach thu<br />
—<br />
'S tu 'n og-bhean bhoidheach cliuimir shuairc<br />
A fhuair mo luaidli 's cha'n aithreach leam.<br />
'S tu'n tuairneag shuaicheant shar-mliaiseach<br />
Le d' chuailean cuachach fainncagach,<br />
Mu chill do chinn na laidhe sliom,<br />
'S gur math thig cir an caradh ann.<br />
Ho ro mo riin, &c.<br />
Mar eala 'snamh nan linneachan,<br />
Mar uainean ban 's an fhireach thu,<br />
Do mhuineal min mar chanach sleibh,<br />
Gu fonnar gle ghlan innealta.<br />
Ho ro mo rim, kc.<br />
Mar thorman binn nan alltan thu,<br />
Mar cheol nan cno-clioill calltainn thu.<br />
Mar uiseag chiiiin bhinneach nan speur,<br />
'S mar fliuaim nan tend tha m' annsachd-sa.<br />
Ho ro mo rim, «fec.<br />
Mar thorman do bhrat neonain thu,<br />
]Mar lili ban nam mur bheann thu.<br />
Mar osag chiiiin thar aghaidh fiiiir<br />
Tha anail chiibhraidh m' og-bheansa.<br />
Ho ro mo rim, &c.<br />
Mar shoills nan reul do thlath-shuilean<br />
Mar dhaoimean ann an sgathan iad<br />
A' sealltuinn caomh le 'n Ian do ghaol<br />
'S gu'm bheil gach aon fo thaire Ico.<br />
Ho ro mo rim, &c.
224 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
When Duncan sailcil from Corpach on board steamer, along<br />
with many others to join the emigrant ship in the Clyde, the<br />
following pathetic and sorrowful song was composed by his<br />
brother Alexander. It sounds like the wail of the coronach of<br />
the heart-broken mourners for the beloved dead :<br />
—<br />
" Bidh mi cuimhneachadh 's gach aimsir,<br />
Air na dh' aom Dir-daoin o Bhanabhi,<br />
Dilsesn gaoil a bhi a' falbh uainn,<br />
'S goii't an tearbadh 'fhuair sinn.<br />
Bha na h-iglineagan oga,<br />
'Caoidh nam fear a gheall am posadh,<br />
Dh' fhaoidt' an an-shocair a chondidach,<br />
Thaom na deoir bho 'n gruaidhean.<br />
Parantan 's an arnain briiite,<br />
'S beag nach d' aom an aois gu iiir iad ;<br />
Chluinnt' an glaodhaich 's cha be an t-ioghnadh<br />
'N am bhi tionndadli uapa.<br />
Bha mi fhein mar fhear a chach ann<br />
'N iim bhi dealachadh bho 'm bhrathair,<br />
'S diomhain fliarraid mar a bha mi<br />
An d6igh do 'n bhata gluasad.<br />
'S beag an t-ioghnadh mi 'l)hi craiteach<br />
An deigh dhomh dealachadh bho 'n armunn<br />
'S mi gun duraichdeadh 'bhi laimh riut<br />
Ged be'n saile a b' uaigh dhuinn.<br />
Chaidli fear eile null 's an t-samhnidh<br />
Ged nach robh mi dluth 's an am dha<br />
Cha do lughdaich sud mo champar,<br />
'S dh' fhag e fann mo ghuallainn.<br />
Na tir ghasda, dhreachmhor, cheo-gheal<br />
A chaidh arach air Srath-Lochaidh<br />
Nach bu tair am feachd na cbnspreidli<br />
Dol an tbir, no cruaidh-chas.<br />
Fir ga'm math ga 'n thig an t-eideadh<br />
'S bbidhche sheallas ri la feille<br />
Breacan ballach nam bas reidhe<br />
Cruinn an s6ud na guaille.
Unhnoiun Lochaber Bards.<br />
'8 ioiiui iloasgacli og 'us niaiglitleaii<br />
Cliaidh a null an am nii faighreacli<br />
'8 inor an ionndrainn iad o 'n oighreiichd<br />
Air an Siaoilear Cluanai.<br />
A' dol tliairis uainn do rioghaclul<br />
Anns ain b' aineolach ar sinnsir<br />
Bidh na oaileagan fo nihi-gliean<br />
Co ni 'n cirean fhuiisgladh ?<br />
—<br />
'S ann Dir-daoin a rinn sibh seoladh<br />
As an til- 's an rol)h sibh eulach<br />
Righ nan Dul a Ijhi 'g 'ur cunihnadh<br />
"S biodli 'iir duohtis buan ann.<br />
225<br />
Tliere were many other l)ards in Lochaber that time would<br />
fail me to speak of. DonuU i>an Bard—the grandfather of the<br />
famous Ewen Maclachlan — composed an elegy on Sir Ewen<br />
Cameron of Lochiel, which is full of historic interest, and of the<br />
most intelligent appreciation of the high and noble qualities of<br />
that distinguished chief. It was a Macinnes from Fort-William<br />
that composed that sea-son'g " Leis an Lurgainn o hi." He had<br />
a smack called the " Lurgainn,"' and he composed the song after<br />
a stormy voyage they had coming from Ireland. Donald Cameron,<br />
of Kenlochiel— the great-grandfather of the late J. A. Cameron,<br />
of the Standard—composed a very beautiful song known as<br />
" Ho gum bheil mo riin ort a Mhairi laghach,<br />
Ged chuir thu do chill rium gur tu mo roghainn."<br />
His bi'ide was carried off to Sleat w<strong>here</strong> they tried to force her<br />
into a marriage with another, and Donald was made to believe<br />
that she had eloped with his rival. She stood tirm, however, and<br />
was after a few days rescued by Mr Cameron and a number of<br />
friends, and she immediately t<strong>here</strong>after became his wife.<br />
The cultivation of the gift of poesy is not so common now in<br />
Lochaber as it was in the days of my girlhood, when almost every<br />
one seemed to be ambitious for either couj posing a few verses or impro\ising.<br />
One neighbour in Corrybeg asked another whose name<br />
was Cameron to ferry him to Ardgour, a request with wliich<br />
he most readily complied, and the result was a few vei'ses composed<br />
in praise of himself and his boat as follows :<br />
Ho mo bhata laghach 's tu mo bhata grinn<br />
Hu ho ho mo bhata 's tn mo bhata grinn,<br />
Ho mo bhata laghach 's tu mo bhata grinn,<br />
Am bata boidheach lurach cha chuir muir ort strith.<br />
—<br />
15
226 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Gu ma fada bata aig an armunn filial,<br />
A thug dhonih an t-aiseag niu'n ro-phailt a dh'iair<br />
Cha l)u leisg a shaothair 'n aghaidh gaoithe 'n iar,<br />
'S chuir e mi gu sabhailt anus an ait 'm bu niluann.<br />
Ho mo bliata, kc.<br />
'S trie a dh' fhalbh tliu leatha air do tharsuinn siar,<br />
A' bnannachd an astair a mach a' Lochiall<br />
'S tu air bord a fuaraidh air 'm bu shuarach triall.<br />
A ghearradh nan cuaintean cho luath ris an fhiadli,<br />
Ho mo bhata, kc.<br />
'S Camshronach do shloinneadh, cha cheillinn sin uat,<br />
Do shliochd Iain 'ic IVIhartuinn, bho 'n Bhraighe ud shuas.<br />
'S ann a. Doch-an-fhasaidh a thainig a chuain,<br />
'S bu niliath air chul bat iad 'n am sgailceadh nan cnuachd,<br />
Ho mo bhata, &c.<br />
Every little occasion called forth a few verses either in p)-aise,<br />
or with the more dangerous power of satire. These verses might<br />
not be heard of beyond tlie township in which they were composed.<br />
And they were a pure and simple pleasure, and an<br />
innocent pastime. Now the songs are frowned upon, and gossipry<br />
take their place.<br />
—the newspaper,<br />
Prosaic influences are penetrating the glens<br />
the English sportsman, the Cockney tourist,<br />
the daily steamer, and looming in the distance, the railway<br />
declare that the spirit of poesy has all but fled from Lochaber,<br />
and ere she takes her departure let us kiss the hem of her<br />
shining garments, and bless her for the riches she had so freely<br />
lavished to gladden the hearts of the children of our people<br />
through all the days of the years that are gone, and let us prove<br />
our gi-atitude in redeeming from the moth and the rust the<br />
precious gifts she had bestowed, and which are about to be lost<br />
for ever.<br />
—<br />
Mr Alexander Macdonald t<strong>here</strong>after read his paper, which<br />
was as follows :<br />
ARCHIBALD GRANT THE GLENMORISTON BARD.<br />
Perhaps t<strong>here</strong> is not a small glen in Inverness-shire— perhaps<br />
not even in any part of the Highlands of Scotland— that has produced<br />
so many singers as tliat little, narrow one that lies in a<br />
south-westerly direction between the western shores of Loch-Ness,<br />
and the borders of Kintail, namely, Glenmoriston. To account<br />
;<br />
—
The Glenmoriston Bard. '<strong>12</strong>1<br />
for this would be uiuloul)te(lly .Klillicult iiiatU;i-, and would he considerably<br />
foreign to the object of this pa[)er ; but the fact remains<br />
none the less true, and at tliis time t<strong>here</strong> are few families in that<br />
(J leu who cannot trace themselves directly or indirectly back to<br />
local poets as their anccstoi's. In referring to those, T do not<br />
certainly mean to insinuate that they wore composers of the (irst<br />
magnitude, but merely sweet, homely warblers, who gave expression<br />
to their inwaid feelings and their impnsssions from without,<br />
in strains peculiarly captivating to those among whom they moved<br />
and had their being. For t<strong>here</strong> are jjoets for each stage of culture.<br />
Some of them we find addressing themselves to poets and novelists<br />
particularly ; others to thinkers and scholars ; and a third class to<br />
the common, more or less uneducated, members of the human<br />
family.<br />
It is to this last chiss of poets that Archibald Grant, the<br />
suliject of this paper, belongs ; and it would be doing him and<br />
his works a most serious injustice to advocate for him a place<br />
even among the leading poets of Celtic Scotland. His station is<br />
with another class—that class that do not grasp the history and<br />
national traditions of the country of the Gael sufficiently to demand<br />
any other than a limited hearing. The productions of all<br />
those are to be considered as l)eing more locally interesting than<br />
otherwise so ; and it is as such that they are at all times to be<br />
judged. Grant's poems are particularly addressed to the inhabitants<br />
of Glenmoriston, and to the people of some of the neighbouring<br />
districts, upon the minds of whom only the Bai'd desired to<br />
impress his sentiments, and to whom, accordingly, he exclusively<br />
expressed his ideas. His mission was to those, and consequently<br />
many portions of it must be essentially unintelligible to outsid"rs.<br />
I pur})0se to deal with the life of Ai'chibald Grant in a twofold<br />
asjject : firstly, his life as an ordinary individual ; and<br />
secondly, his life as a poet. To understand to any extent my<br />
treatment of him as a poet, it appears to me absolutely necessary<br />
that I should give you as many facts relative to his life as I<br />
have been able to collect, and as will serve to be an index to his<br />
poetical nature and character.<br />
Archibald Grant, the Glenmoriston Bard, was born in<br />
1785 at Aonach, Glenmoriston, in a small country cottage, the<br />
ruins of which can still be pointed out. He was undoubtedly<br />
descended from noble and distinguished families. He was in<br />
direct relationship with the Grants of Glenmoriston. who are<br />
themselves from the same stock as the well-known Grants of<br />
Strathspey. The celebrated Archibald Grant of Glenmoriston was
—<br />
—<br />
228 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
our poet's f^reat grandfather, while it caii be certainly proved<br />
that strong ties of kinship existed between himself and the famous<br />
family of Glengarry, his grandfather, also called Arcliibald Grant,<br />
having been married to one of the daughtei-s of Ardabiodh, a<br />
sister to Julia Macranald, the poetess of Ke))poch, wlio was<br />
directly connected with the Glengarry family. Thus, it is clear<br />
that nobility and the elements of poetry were combined in the<br />
stock from which our Bard sprung.<br />
Grant's grandfather was a man of no ordinary distinction in<br />
his day. He resided at a place known by the name of Tombealluidh,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> he occupied a holding of considerable extent. In<br />
accordance with a custom then indulged in extensively by Highland<br />
proprietors, Glengarry placed his first born son, Aonghas Og,<br />
under the care of Grant during a certain period of his minority, in<br />
order that Grant should bring up the young gentleman, and give<br />
him the instruction then required. Grant felt proud cf having<br />
such honour as this conferred upon him by Glengarry, and from<br />
the feelings of intense admiration that he entertained towards that<br />
gentleman and all that was his, he loved Aonghas Og most dearly,<br />
and never took him up in his arms without composing some lines<br />
in his honour. From the fragments of those come down to our-<br />
selves we can observe that Grant himself possessed the poetic<br />
faculty in no small degree ; but I am not aware that he ever composed<br />
except when ins])ired by the enthusiasm of his affection<br />
towards his portege. Now we fancy that we almost hear the good<br />
old Highlander breathing his strauis anxiously and earnestly into<br />
the ears of the boy and saying<br />
Bobadh 'us m'annsachd,<br />
Gaol beag agus m'annsachd ;<br />
Bobadh 'us m'annsachd<br />
Moch an diugh, ho !<br />
Bheir Aonghas a' Ghlinne<br />
Air a chinneadh comannda,<br />
Bobadh 'us m' annsachd<br />
Moch an diugh, ho !<br />
Bheir sinn greis a's Tombealluidh<br />
Air aran 'us amhlan,<br />
Bobadh 'us m' annsachd<br />
Moch an diugh, ho !<br />
And again, how afFectionately interested in the child the<br />
old man was, when he said :
The Glenmoriston Bard. 229<br />
Ho fearan, hi fearaii,<br />
ITo tVaran, 's tu 'tirann ;<br />
Aontflias o
—<br />
230 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
which Grant partorl with as a last demonstration of his aflpction for<br />
the young man. Memories of Gi-ant's generosity continued to ex-<br />
ist in the Glengarry family for generations after. On one occasion<br />
when the last chief that graced the halls of Caisteal-an-Fhithich<br />
was passing through Glenmoriston, Archibald Grant, the Bard,<br />
was pointed out to him. He frankly and warmly shook the Bard's<br />
hand, promising him some favours in recognition of the kindness<br />
which the Bard's grandfather showed long before to one of his pre-<br />
decessoi-s. Angus Og was killed after the battle of Falkirk (1745),<br />
by the accidental discharge of a gun.<br />
Archibald Grant's father, in more respects than one, deserves<br />
a passing notice. His name was John Grant. He passed a considerable<br />
portion of his life in the army, having been present in<br />
the capacity of serjeant at the memorable siege of GilDraltar, in<br />
which action he greatly distinguished himself liy his bravery and<br />
courage. John Grant was a bard of no ordinary power. Many<br />
of his productions have been lost and cannot now be recovered ;<br />
but some of his pieces that are yet to be found in the memories<br />
of the oldest pei-sons in the Glen, are highly meritorious. In<br />
one of these he refers to his son Archie, the future bard, in a<br />
manner from which it can be understood that Archie's sarcastic<br />
effusions, addi-essed to his father when backsliding about the<br />
change-house, were taking some eftect. Probably the father<br />
occasionally forgot to go home at the pioj)er time, rendering it<br />
necessary by such coiiduct to have a visit from his wife and<br />
Archie, while enjoying himself with his cronies. This is what he<br />
says on the subject<br />
Iseabail 's Archie 'n drasda bruidhinn rium<br />
'S fheudar dhomh 'radha gur saighte 'n dithis iad,<br />
Iseabail 's Archie 'n drasda bruidhinn rium.<br />
Ma theid mi 'n tigh-osd 's gun glac mi ann stop,<br />
Mu'n dean mi 'leth ol bithidh 'n toir a' tighinn orin.<br />
Iseabail 's Archie 'n drasda bruidhinn rium.<br />
But by far the best song that John Grant ever comp-osed was<br />
when the big sheep were introduced to Glenmoriston—an innovation<br />
in land management, to which he evidently was averse. On<br />
this occasion he said, apparently referring in the opening lines to<br />
one of the Grants of Glenmoriston, then deceased :<br />
—<br />
Deoch slainte 'Choirneil nach maireann,<br />
'Se 'chumadh seol air a ghabhail<br />
Na'm biodh esim os ur cionn<br />
Cha bhiodh na cruinn air na sparran.<br />
;
The Glenmon'ston Bard. 231<br />
Bliindli an tuatli air an giullachd,<br />
'8 cha bhiodh i^luasad air duino ;<br />
'S cha bhiodh ardan gun uaisle<br />
'Faotuinn buaidh air a chumand'.<br />
Tha gacli uaclidaran fearainn<br />
'S an Taobh-Tuath s' air a' nihcaUadh,<br />
'Bhi 'cur cul ri 'n cuid daoin'<br />
Airson caoraich na tearra.<br />
Bha sinn uair a blia sinn miobhail,<br />
'Nuair bha Frangach cho lionnihor,<br />
Ach ged a thigeadh e 'n raoir,<br />
Cha do thoill sibh 'dliol sios loibh.<br />
Ach na'm biodh aon rud ri thavruinn,<br />
Bhiodh mo dhuil ri 'dhol thairis ;<br />
O'n dh' fhalbh niuinntir mo dhnthch'<br />
'S boag nio shunnd ris a' ghabhail.<br />
Bidh mi 'falbh 's cha teid stad orm,<br />
'S bidli mi 'triusadh mo bhagaist';<br />
'S bidli mi comhhx ri each<br />
Nach dean m' fhagail air chxdach.<br />
Ach a Righ air a' chathair,<br />
'Tha 'nad bhuachaill 's 'nad' Athair<br />
Bi do gheard air an trend<br />
'Chaidh air reubadh na mara.<br />
'S ach a Chriosd anns na Flaitheas,<br />
Glac a stiuir 'na do lamhan ;<br />
Agus reitich an cuan<br />
Gus a sluagh leigeil thairis.<br />
John Grant, however, did not emigrate as many others then<br />
did, tliough he seems to have fostered a lingering desire to leave<br />
tlie Glen at that time, seeing that the management of landed pro-<br />
perty was anything but promising to men in his station. He reconciled<br />
himself to the altered circumstances as best he could. A<br />
hymn composed l)y him on his death-bed, is to be found at page<br />
If) 9 of Archil)ald Grant's collection of songs. Its matter as a<br />
spiritual song is excellent.<br />
Besides Archibald, John Grant had by his wife, Isabella<br />
Ferguson, one son and two daughters ; but none of them is known<br />
to liave possessed tlie least development of tlie poetical faculty,<br />
except tlie one. In liim was concentrated the whole of that<br />
;
232 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
peculiar characteristic which the family inherited. His mother<br />
was quite an ordinary woman, though, as a rule, we find remarkable<br />
men having irioro or less remarkable mothers. T<strong>here</strong> are<br />
several of her relations still in the Glen.<br />
From the date of his birth till he attained to manhood,<br />
Archibald Grant passed his time in Glennioriston, but not at<br />
school getting his mind informed ; for in that benighted age the<br />
education of the young was little or nothing better in the Highlands<br />
of Scotland than many centuries previously. In his early<br />
manhood, (Jrant, entei taining a fond desire to become a soldier,<br />
joined the Glengarry Fenci})les, at that time a body of quasi-volun-<br />
teers raised by Macdonell, the then chief of Glengarry. The enthusiasm<br />
with which Grant entered into the exercises of this regiment<br />
was extraordinary. Doubtless his mind was early and<br />
forcibly impressed with the glowing tales of war and renowned<br />
achievements then current in the Highlands. These, along with<br />
the vivid descriptions of continental battles, which he would have<br />
listened to from the lips of his father, and the numerous songs<br />
sung from mouth to mouth in honour of heroes who flourished in<br />
the clan feuds of past times, displayed a tempting imagery of war<br />
and its glories, transcendentally attractive to one, apparently<br />
naturally of a romantic and adventurous disposition. Nothing<br />
was so enjoyable to our Bard as the memory and occasional rejtroduction<br />
of the military manceuvres through which he was led in<br />
Glengarry ; and after the dis))ersion of the Fencibles, Grant frequently<br />
recreated him.self by initiating the young men of his<br />
acquaintance in Glenmoriston, on his return thither, in the<br />
mysteries of discij^line, causing no small merriment at times by<br />
his rather unpolished use of martial language.<br />
Grant's stay in Glengarry was but shoi-t. His connection<br />
with the Fencibles having terminated, he returned to his native<br />
country, w<strong>here</strong> he betook himself to tailoring for a means of subsistence.<br />
We can hardly conceive that he could have selected any<br />
occupation that would be more unpropitious to the exercise and<br />
development of poetical talent, than that of which he made a choice;<br />
and perhaps the barrenness of his poetry, so far as observations<br />
on natural scenery are concerned, can, in no small degree, he<br />
attributed to the comparative confinement which his work ne-<br />
cessitated, though cei'tain it is that at that time tailors were entirely<br />
different from what they are now in the Highlands. Their<br />
system of work then was to go from house to house, attending<br />
<strong>here</strong> and t<strong>here</strong>, as theii- customers required their services. We<br />
believe our Bard never became a very good tailor. His know-
The Glenmoriston Bard. 233<br />
ledge of the then existing fashions did not extend much beyond<br />
the making of trousers, and even in that he was rather deficient<br />
as an artist. But when supplied with soft, broad home-made<br />
cloth, and connnon stocking-worsted, he could perform his duty<br />
more or less to tlie satisfaction of his customers. T<strong>here</strong> were two<br />
reasons on account of which he was employed, when others in his<br />
line were j.erhaps overlooked— first, that in that age people were<br />
not so refined in regard to dress as tliey now are ; second. Grant,<br />
on account of the delights experienced from his inexhaustible store<br />
of Highland legends, folk-lore, and tnulitional tales, would have<br />
had a double claim upon the patronage of tlie people. In his<br />
days that institution, which has in the past done so much towards<br />
the moulding of Highland character, and towards the growth of<br />
Highland aspirations— the Ceilidh—^was in full swing, and Grant's<br />
society was doubtle.^s extensively courted by all lovers of Highland<br />
manners and Highland history. Yet, with all these advantages,<br />
he does not appear to have hoped for much profit from<br />
the tailoring, and, to ensure a more substantial means of eai-ning<br />
a livelihood, he commenced to deal a little in the selling and buying<br />
of cattle. He frequently refers in his songs to some of his<br />
experiences of the markets. From his speculations in this line he<br />
might have derived much gain, for, as a rule, he never spent mon(>y<br />
on tlie " keep " of his cattle. His policy in regard to this was to<br />
leave with the tenants all over the Glen sheep and other animals<br />
to feed for him, and I am not aware that they ever questioned his<br />
self-created right.<br />
Thus, from market to market, and from liouse to house, Grant<br />
passed year after year of his life. His home was at Aonach w<strong>here</strong><br />
his sister, Catherine, kept house for him, he having never been<br />
married. While t<strong>here</strong> his pastime probably was composing lines<br />
of poetry on all such subjects as eveiy day's experience brought<br />
under his consideration. It is much to be regretted that many of<br />
those songs have been entirely lost, but a few fragments, not<br />
among his published works, are still heard sung by the older<br />
natives of the Glen. If at all able to rise and move about (4rant<br />
ne\er was known to ho absent on the day of collecting the rents.<br />
Though he might not have any important business to transact at<br />
those meetings, yet he always liked to be present, as he says him-<br />
self<br />
—<br />
—<br />
A chionn 's gn faighinn fhaotainn<br />
Seasamh 'n taobh an I'um ac'<br />
'S toil le trinbhais bhi measg aodaicli<br />
'S cha 'n e gaol na druthaig<br />
;<br />
—
234 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
—<br />
Ach (lilihearsau agus sgialaclul,<br />
'O 'n is inianiiach learn e<br />
'S (Iheanainn coir dhe 'n lach a dhiolaclli<br />
Gar a liacliainn sugh dhi.<br />
Another motive from which he attended those gatherings<br />
was his desire at all times to see and converse with the justly<br />
beloved Maephadiuig,* whom Grant loved and adoi-ed as the incarnation<br />
of all that was to him good and beautiful. More than<br />
one-half of his poems were composed to the name of this gentleman,<br />
who, in return, faithfully reciprocated the feelings entertained<br />
towai-ds him l)y his family chronicler and bard. It may<br />
now, indeed, be said that Grant's passion for the esteemed proprietor<br />
of Glenmoriston ajnounted to a considerable weakness ;<br />
but for this several extenuating excuses could be brought forward.<br />
Upon a time, when the rents were being collected at Torgoil,<br />
our Bard came the way, and finding that Macphadruig had<br />
left for Invermoriston, he exchanged a few words with the fiictor,<br />
who, seemingly did not show the same indulgence towards the<br />
Bard as he was wont to get. The followiui; sarcastic lines in re-<br />
taliation were extemporaneously produced :<br />
Ni mi cleas amadan ^Mhicleoid<br />
—<br />
Cha teid mi gu mod gu brath ;<br />
Gun Mhacphadruig a bin romham,<br />
Cha b'e ceann mo ghnothach each :<br />
'S ann aii* a bha beannachadh Dliia,<br />
'S cha b'ann air an riabhach 'bha 'na aite<br />
Chuir esan 'n teaghlach dhe'n rian<br />
Mu'n robli e sios air Culnancarn.<br />
These \erses roused the ire of the factor, and the Bard, in<br />
alarm, apologised in verses to be found at page <strong>12</strong>0 of his Songs.<br />
Towards the latter end of his life. Grant was attacked by<br />
rhcnimatic pains in his legs, and his sister having died, and he<br />
being left alone, removed from Glenmoriston to Strathorrick,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> he resided in the house of a niece of his. His departure<br />
from his own beloved Glen, to a place in which he was necessarily<br />
a comparative stranger, must liave cost him many a deep sigh.<br />
Glenmoriston was tlii; cradle of his youth, and the world of his<br />
maturity ; and can we doubt that sweet menories of his ex-<br />
istence t<strong>here</strong> entwined themseh es around his aged soul as the ivy-<br />
* Mac-Pliadruig is tlie name l>y wliicli every Cliicf of the (i rants of<br />
Glenmoriston is locally known.<br />
:
The Glenmon'ston Bard. 235<br />
bniiiclics around a troo 1 But at that time (ilcnnioiiston, mucli as<br />
he loved it, was; partially losing its interest to him. TIk" henevo-<br />
lent and kind-hearted Macphadruig had left it some time previously,<br />
and an advancing wave of wliat we now call civilisation was<br />
converting the people somewliat from what they used to be in<br />
their relation to poets and poetry.<br />
Tn Stratherrick Grant lived for some years after his removal<br />
t<strong>here</strong>. During that time he composed several .songs, hut they ai-e<br />
all lost. Two years before the time of his own death he heard of<br />
the decease of Grant of Glenmoriston at Inverness, it is well<br />
known that the Bard composed a lament for liis dead patron,<br />
which was never even heard in Glenmoriston. Soon therc^after<br />
Gi-ant l)ccame subject to great confusion of mind. His powers of<br />
memory became perfectly useless to him, and, altogethei'^ he was<br />
rapidly dissolving. He died in July of 1870, in his eighty-fifth<br />
year. When tidings of his death I'eached GUnrnoriston all weir<br />
struck with grief, as if they had lost a near and dear friend. Tn<br />
due time his remains were brought from Stratherrick and interred<br />
in the grave-yard of Clachan-Meircheard, Glenmoriston, wlnn-e<br />
not so much as a stone marks his resting-j^lace.<br />
An trom shuaimhneas<br />
Fo fhailean uaine,<br />
Tha corp an uasail<br />
Gun uaill an tamh ;<br />
A cheann gun smuaintean,<br />
'S a bheul gun fhuaim ann ;<br />
A chridhe gun ghluasad,<br />
'S gun bhuaidh na' lamh.<br />
With reference to Grant's death, the Inverness Courier of<br />
21st July 1870, says:— "Last week the mortal remains of Archibald<br />
Grant, the Glenmoriston bard, commonly called Archie<br />
Taillear, were consigned to the grave. He was nearly a century<br />
old. The Bard, though totally uneducated, was full of traditional<br />
story, could compose very spirited verses of poetry; and his wit,<br />
humour, and fun were the delight of his countrymen at all meetings,<br />
such as weddings, funerals, christening banquets, and rent<br />
gatherings. He was a particular favourite of the late lamented<br />
J. M. Grant of Glenmoriston and Moy; and was so well liked in<br />
the Glen that lie was allowed to gi-aze so many sheep grnt'is on<br />
every farm. T<strong>here</strong> is a general tuiieadh for old Archie<br />
' Ach thriall e a chadal gu brath<br />
Gu talla nam bard nach beo.' "<br />
—
236 Gaelic Society of inuerness.<br />
Grant was not a big man ;<br />
but was known far and wide for<br />
his activity. At athletic sports hold in ditierent districts aroinid<br />
in his time, he was known to have invariably carried otV the first<br />
prizes for the long and high jumps. When young and agile, he<br />
could at any time jump his own height. His person was altogether<br />
ordinarily well formed. His head was proverbially<br />
small, but high, somewhat pyramidal in shape. His features<br />
were good. He was rather eccentric with regard to his dress.<br />
He, as a rule, wore tartan suits, with a large white collar extending<br />
down to his shoulders, almost the size of our present<br />
cloth tippets. He was exceedingly fond of cleanliness, and<br />
possessed a very high estimation of himself; though far from<br />
being in the least ignorantly conceited. Though he was never<br />
at school, he learned somehow to write his own name. He never<br />
ceased deploring the total want of education from which he<br />
surtered. His memory w^as extraordinarily capable, and his acquaintance<br />
with old traditions and general folk-lore embraced<br />
the most of the leading families in the Highlands. He knew<br />
the local histoiy of every district and village around for many<br />
generations back.<br />
At home, Grant was usually cheerful, evincing a tendency<br />
towards a harmless display of homely wit. This is evidenced by the<br />
following linos, wliieh he composed at a time when his sister and<br />
a neighbouring old maid were discussing the advisability of their<br />
attending a ball that was to take place in the vicinity, it having<br />
been in those days rather customary with elderly persons to appear<br />
at such entertainments. He, overhearing their remarks, said :<br />
Tha cailleachan Hath a' bhaile so<br />
A' sior ruith gu ballachan ;<br />
Tha cailleachan liath a' lihaile so.<br />
A' stri ri fearaibh oga.<br />
'Nuair 'bhios each 's na rumaichean,<br />
Ag ol air fion nan tunnaichean,<br />
'S ann bhios mo chuidsa chruinneagan<br />
Gun fhuran ann 'sa' chlosaid.<br />
'Nuair 'bhios each gu surdail<br />
A' stracail feadh nan urlar,<br />
'Sann 'bhios mo chuidsa 's sgug ori-a<br />
'Nan suidhe 'n cuil na moine.<br />
At another tinip while at home Grant was called upon by a<br />
—
—<br />
The Glenmoriston Bard. 237<br />
young man who required him to tailor a i)aii- of trouBors. His request<br />
was stated as foHows :<br />
Gu ma fada maireann beo thu<br />
'Dhuine choir agus a thaillear,<br />
'Sann a thainig nu do d' ionnsiudh<br />
'S n)i le m' thriusair air dhroch cai'ailh ;<br />
'Chuid di air a bheil na cludau<br />
'N deiefh rusgadh air mo ndiasau ;<br />
Oha 'neil math dhuit m' fhaicinn rui.sgte;<br />
'S bheir mi ionnsuidh air do phaigheadli.<br />
To this the poetical tailor replied :<br />
— —<br />
Tha thu thein 'do ghille tapaidh<br />
'S tha mi 'faicinn gur a bard^thu,<br />
'S ma bhios mi na's fhearr de'n chnatan<br />
Ni mi a' gearradh a raaireach.<br />
In society Grant was a commonly pleasant individual ; but<br />
not, T understand, so liberal with his purse as poets are known<br />
everyw<strong>here</strong> to be. When treated well by others the only duty<br />
that he considered incumbent upon him to perform in return was<br />
the com})osition of some lines in praise of them, and in recognition<br />
of their kindness. He was at all times, it must be confessed,<br />
grateful for the slightest favour shown to him ; and almost anything<br />
was sufficient to form the subject of a song for him. At a<br />
time when he was passing along from the Glen to Invermoriston<br />
he fell in with a wood contractor, INIr Elder by name, with whom<br />
and his workmen he spent some time rather jollily. These gentlemen<br />
must have made a favourable impression upon the iiard, for<br />
we find him say of them :<br />
Daoine nach bu bheag oirnn,<br />
'Siorramh Dubh 's a Masonach,<br />
Nam biodh coinneamh eil' againn<br />
Air coille Mhaighstir Eildear.<br />
But he apparently had a word of remonstrance given him l)y<br />
some old women, and his retort was :<br />
Bha na cailleachan a bha lamh rium<br />
Lan creidimh agus crabhaidh ;<br />
Ach dh' fhaoduinns' a bhi ami am Parras<br />
'Cheart cho sabhailte ri te dhiubh.<br />
It was probably about the same time that he composed the<br />
following lines to the wood-cutters in the Glen, who were making<br />
a most unusual noise as he was taking the road :<br />
—
238 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
'Dol sios no 'dol suas dlioinh<br />
'Sann a bhobliar iad mo cliluasun ;<br />
'Mar bha 'n airce dlia 'bualadh<br />
'Sann tha'n fliuaim tha'n Craig Bhlairi.<br />
Tha na h-eicli air am pianadh<br />
"'S paighidh 'feamain am iiaradi ;"<br />
'Chiiid nacli marbhar le giiiomli dhiubli<br />
Ni Eas-Iarruraidh am batliadli.<br />
A verse is amissing <strong>here</strong>, in which the Bard intioduces a<br />
goblin, whom he supposes to have got so terribly frightened at<br />
the great noise as to have made up his mind to remove to another<br />
purt of the country, w<strong>here</strong> he would be entirely free from its<br />
influence<br />
—<br />
—<br />
Ach thubhairt am bochdan 's e 'tionndadh<br />
Gheibh mi ceartas 'san duthaich ;<br />
Tha fear Phortlar air mo chulthaobh<br />
'N duine duthchasach gradhach.<br />
His readiness in repartee and brilliancy in con\ersation<br />
were of a very high order. He chanced one day to fall into a discussion<br />
with the Rev. Mr Macbean, of Fort-Augustus, concerning<br />
Highland weddings. Grant upheld that dancing and music were<br />
absolute necessities for the general success of a wedding, quoting<br />
in support of his contention from Scripture that t<strong>here</strong> was a<br />
wedding in Cana of Galilee, at which the Redeemer of mankind<br />
" Cha<br />
was present. To this, however, the preacher objected :<br />
'n (ul an Scriobtar a radha gu'n robh ceol agus danns' air a' bliainis<br />
a bha 'sin gu ta," to which the Bard quickly replied :<br />
'radha nadi robh."<br />
"Cha'n eil e<br />
At another time, on a certain Sunday morning, he happened<br />
to meet a Glenmoriston "character" known by the name of<br />
" Padruig Taillear." Padruig was just then making his way home<br />
l)ut being<br />
from the public-house, considerably the worse of drink ;<br />
ready-witted, and a child of the muse in a small way, he saluted<br />
Grant with the following lines :<br />
Failt us furan ort 'Tlleasl)uig,<br />
'S duine cleasail thu co dhiu ;<br />
Ach na'm biodh tu air seisean<br />
'S mi gu'n seasadh air do chul."<br />
Tliese words took well with Grant api)arently, for the reply shows<br />
decided good humour. It runs
The Glenmoriston Bard. 239<br />
"Moraii taing dliuit a Pliadruig,<br />
'8 duinc gradliacli tliu codliiu ;<br />
Acli a uiheud 's a chum tliu an t-Sabaid,<br />
Ghabh thu sacraniaid do'ii lionii."<br />
Another of his sayings deserves notice. He was one day coming<br />
down the road between the (i\cn and Invermoriston when he saw<br />
a man on horseback riding towards him. For some reason or<br />
another he crossed from one side of the road to tlie other just as<br />
the man was passing liim. Somewhat displeased at the Bard's<br />
conduct, the man asked liim why did he not walk along the side of<br />
the road on which he was at tiist, to which tht; Bard quickly<br />
retorted— " Saoil nach fhaod misc 'n rathad a ghabhail air a tharsuinn,<br />
agus thusa do 'ghabhail air fhad."<br />
I now come to his poetical work. A special characteristic of<br />
his works is that the most of his songs were inspired by the individual<br />
character and actions of men whom he himself admired.<br />
We can trace this feature in many more of our bards than one<br />
and must look upon it as having liad its beginning with the family<br />
chroniclers of ancient times. Our poets could be divided into a<br />
few classes ;<br />
among which would be numbered pre-eminentl}' that<br />
class, from times immemorial, employed as family historians to our<br />
and<br />
chiefs.<br />
A perusal of Grant's works prcjves that his forte was in<br />
praising and describing the vii-tues and deeds of such men and<br />
women as appeared to him 'great and worthy of his notice. We<br />
must not, however, suppose that the virtues of individuals were<br />
understood by him as by a Shakespeare or a Pope. A poem<br />
revealing the peculiar traits of the human mind, or one even<br />
moralising upon the uncertainties of life and the destiny of mankind<br />
on earth, would have no audience in the Highlands of Scotland<br />
some years ago ; w<strong>here</strong>as a production tracing a man back<br />
ancestrally for generations, linking him with a GoU, a Cuchullin,<br />
or a Diarraad, and extolling him for the part that liis ancestors<br />
and he playetl on the stage of war, would have met with a most<br />
cordial reception from all. This was the criterion by Avhicli poetry<br />
was judged by our forefathers ;<br />
a poet, to meet the require-<br />
ments and taste of his age, would have to understand his surroundings,<br />
and reconcile himself t<strong>here</strong>to. Grant naturally composed<br />
in the strain which his place and age called forth. Were he<br />
living now, probably his book would contain very different<br />
matter from what is now to be found within its covers. His<br />
book, however, is both entertaining and instructive. No minor<br />
;
—<br />
240 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
bard can be lueutioned whose works show such a thorough<br />
knowledge of general Highland histoi-y as Grant's. From the<br />
mythologies of the Feinn to the legendary and traditional tales of<br />
recent dates, he knew almost all, adding t<strong>here</strong>to a considerable<br />
sj)rinkling of actual Scottish history.<br />
His descriptive faculty is comparatively high, Ijut to a certain<br />
extent mi.sapplied. Had he produced a greater number of poems<br />
and songs upon the subjects generally embraced in what is classically<br />
known as pastoral poetry, I make Iwld to say that he would<br />
have been astonishingly successful. From the efforts that he did<br />
make in this direction it is easy to obserre that natural scenery,<br />
with its many beautiful and glorious manifestations, breathed and<br />
spoke to him in that peculiar, heaven-born language only to be<br />
interpreted by the gifted poet. Let the following lines, in which<br />
the Bard adtlresses his beloved, and iliscourses on the magnificence<br />
of the hills, woods, and glens of his native country, speak for<br />
themselves :<br />
'Sa ghleanuan uaine sluagh gu'n chas.<br />
An t-uisge dlutli a' sputadh blath ;<br />
'Sam barr ga bhuain cho luaith air fas<br />
Cho nadurrach 's bu choir dha.<br />
'S an crodh air airidh-sandiradh reidh<br />
—<br />
'S na laoigh 'sa' chro fo sgeod nan geug ;<br />
Gach maduinn driuchd a' bruchdadh feur,<br />
Roimh shleibhtichean nam Mor-eas.<br />
A' bhanachaig og is coire fiamh<br />
'Sa fait mu cluais le guaillean sios ;<br />
Gu lubach fainneach, bharr air sniomh<br />
'S gach ciabh ail- dhreach an oir dheth.<br />
Na h-eoin a' leum bho mhiar gu miar,<br />
'Sa ribheid fhein a'm beul gach ian ;<br />
'San doire gheugach spreidh ga'n dian<br />
Is sian cha d' thig na'n coir ann.<br />
Culjhag dhubh-ghoi-m feadli nan glean<br />
'Seinn gugug air stuc nam beann ;<br />
'Sa niha-n le muirn gu lub nan allt<br />
'S gu abhnaichean nam INlor-eas.
—<br />
The Glenmoriston Bard. 241<br />
'S ni 'n coiloach turriiniich mocli 'sa' Mliart<br />
'Sa l)uiTacli(lail air i,'acli tonnaii anl ;<br />
'San liatli-ohoarc 's i na tiainli da 'gheard<br />
Air fairidheau nam Mor eas.<br />
Siiuulau 's n turs 'sa' clioill<br />
—<br />
'Saiin 'shaoil le each gu'n d' fhas o tinn ;<br />
'Sa smcorach 's i ri ceol d' a cliaoidh,<br />
'Si 'ii duil luich beir i beo air.<br />
'S chit aig aiiamoichead nan tmth<br />
Grian a hoisgeadh thair gacli mam ;<br />
'S na minn 's na h-uain air spuaic nan earn<br />
"Sa garleas mu'n nam i\Ioi'-eas.<br />
Yet, oven in these verses, it will plainly be seen that more<br />
attention is given to animate than to inanimate nature. But this<br />
must not be considi'red a great fault, for a poem toucliing upon<br />
the beauties of the earth, like a landscape painting, is never com-<br />
plete without the introduction of animation into its details.<br />
The love element of Grant's poetry is particularly interesting.<br />
He must have been, in common with other poets, extremely susceptible<br />
to the influence of feminine beauty; and I have reason to<br />
biilieve that no earthly sight could affect his inmost soul more than<br />
a beautiful, fascinating woman.<br />
confession<br />
She appeared to him on his own<br />
Mar a' ghrian a bhiodh air sleibhtean,<br />
'Niiair bhiodh na speuran gun smal orr'<br />
Beagan uni'n d'thig an oidhche,<br />
'Us i 'toir boisgeadh air gach bealach.<br />
Numerous quotations could be added, each interesting as throwing<br />
light upon the Bard's manner of passing time in the society of the<br />
fair sex. The}' are still living in Glenmoriston whose names are<br />
ivssociated with some of the Bard's love adventures.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> remains one conspicuous feature of his poetry still to be<br />
referred to, namely, sarcasm. Sarcasm, of itself, is no part ol'true<br />
poetry. Yet, in the mouth of a poet, sarcasm lias often been<br />
found to prove a powerful weapon for the suppression of corruption<br />
and crime. Grant, happily, had no cause to exercise his sarcastic<br />
wit particidarly for this object, but he always thought it his duty<br />
to treat any incident of local interest with that saturation of<br />
sarcasm that never fails to take effect w<strong>here</strong> the whole matter<br />
is to bo understood. From a number of songs composed<br />
16
242 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
from this impulse, I quote a few verses to show his success<br />
in tliis respect. The composition from which they are reproduced<br />
concerned an accident wliich befell three men of his own<br />
acquaintiince on their return from Falkirk, whei'e they liad been<br />
attending a cattle market. The accident with which they met was<br />
that they lost the steamer in Glasgow, which was to take them<br />
home, and this, of course, inconvenienced them much in those davs<br />
of limited ti'avelling facilities. When the tidings came to the ears<br />
of Grant, he was in no way disposed to sympathise with the unlucky<br />
trio. He r.ither took occasion co make tln' whole country laugli<br />
at them, when he said :<br />
—<br />
'S ghal)h sibh gu port an Glaschu<br />
'Chumail coinneamh ri luchd chasag ;<br />
'^uair nach d' rug sibh air a' Phacaid<br />
Bha sibh airsnealach gu leor.<br />
'S truagh a dh' eirich do na chaiptean<br />
'Bh' air a " (Jhlen-Albinn" nach fhac iad ;<br />
'S gun deanadh iad a dh-or a sgajiadh<br />
Na dheanadh beairteach e ri 'bheo.<br />
Rachadh iad timchioll na Maoile,<br />
Sud am beachd a bh' aig na daoine,<br />
Gus a faiceadh iad gach ioghnadh<br />
A bha'n taobhsa dhe'n Boinn-Eorp'.<br />
Bha iad a g' inns' ann an tighean<br />
Gu'm bu chloinn iad do Dhiuchd Athol,<br />
'S gun robh iad 'sa' h-uile rathad<br />
'Gabhail aighear agus s])ors.<br />
'S thainig iad do dh' Inbhiraora,<br />
'S chur ]\Iac Cailean orra faoilte<br />
Gun robh carpatan d'a sgaoileadli<br />
Agus aodach air gach bord.<br />
Ach labhair a waiter gu h-iargalt'<br />
" 'Sann agaibh tha na coin chriona;<br />
Gar iongantach nach e mial-choin<br />
'Th'aig cloinn iarlaichean air rop."<br />
'S flireagair iadsa gu l)riagha,<br />
" Gur n th' againne coin ianaich<br />
Thainig a talmhainnean liadhaich,<br />
'S cha'n fhac' thu h-aon riabh dhe'n t-seor.s."<br />
;<br />
—
—<br />
The Glenmon'ston Bard. 243<br />
Ach gur waiter bu ghlico<br />
—<br />
'S labhair o re each gun fhios doihli<br />
" Cha chreiJ mi iiacli fliaca mis 'iad<br />
Anns an Eaglais Bhric le drobh."<br />
Tliainig naigheaclid 'an taobli tuath so<br />
Lo cho fad 'sa' l)lia iad iiatha<br />
(iu'n canadh gach neacli a cliual' e<br />
Nach robh na daoine uaisle beo.<br />
It would bo unnocessary for me to expatiate further upon tlie<br />
several other elements constituting Grant's poetry. His patriotism<br />
pervades all his works so fully that a pa])er could be written<br />
upon that alone. T now feel that T have said quite enough regarding<br />
himself and his songs. Perliaps I should state, however,<br />
before concluding, that some useless repetitions and ci-ipple verses<br />
apparent in his book are traceable to his utter want of education.<br />
His songs were published under great disadvantages. Among<br />
other things, an extraordinary feeling of religious belief was taking<br />
liold in Glenmoriston just as they were being collected, which<br />
proved directly against the success of the undertaking. The book,<br />
undoubtedly, contains many grammatical mistakes and printer's<br />
errors which could have been avoided. But if we were not<br />
possessed of the songs of Archibald Grant, as they are, it is most<br />
probable that we should be without them altogether.<br />
3rd March 1886.<br />
On this date I\Ir Angus Fraser Macrae, 172 St Vincent Street,<br />
Glasgow, was elected an ordinary membei\ T<strong>here</strong>after Mr P. H.<br />
Smart, Art Master, Invei'ness, read the first part of a paperon" Celtic<br />
Art." As Mr Smart is to take up the subject on a future date,<br />
we do not give the introductory part in this volume.<br />
10th March 1886.<br />
On this date Mr "William Maccord, Collector of Customs,<br />
Inverness, was elected an ordinary member, while Mr Colin<br />
Chisholm, factor's office, Highland Railway, was elected an apprentice<br />
member.<br />
T<strong>here</strong>after JNIr William Mackay, solicitor, Inverness, read a<br />
paper entitled
244 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
A FAMOUS MINISTER OF DAVTOT, 1G72-172G.<br />
In Roman Catholic times the parishes of Daviot and Dunlichity,<br />
which were united in 1618, wore separate charges, Daviot<br />
being what was called h common or mensal church, and Dun-<br />
lichity a parsonage. After the Reformation the parishes were for<br />
a time served by readers, lint in 1579 Hiigh Gregory was parson<br />
of Dunlichity, and since his time the parislies have not, except<br />
for an occasional short period at the death or removal of a minister,<br />
been without an ordained clergyman.<br />
The Strathnairn lairds early ranged themselves on the side of<br />
Protestantism, and the people followed the lairds ; but notwithstanding<br />
this, old customs died hard, and for a long time darkness<br />
and superstition prevailed. Even as late as •23rd November<br />
1643, it was reported to the Presbytery of Inverness "that t<strong>here</strong><br />
was in the Paroch of Dunlichitie ane Idolatrous Image called St<br />
Finane, keepit in a private house obscurely," and the brethren of<br />
the Presbytery appointed Mr Alexander Thomson, minister of the<br />
parish ; Mr Lauchlan Grant, minister of INIoy ; and Mr Patrick<br />
Dunbar, minister of Dores, "to try iff possible to bring the said<br />
Image the next Presbitiie day." These gentlemen were successful<br />
in their search, and on 7tli December Mr Thomson "presentit the<br />
Idolatrous Image to the Presbitrie, and it was delyverit to the<br />
ministers of Inverness with ordinance that it should be burnt at<br />
their merkat corse, the next Tuysday, after sermone." It is not<br />
clear from this minute, whether Tuesday was a day ordinarily<br />
set apart for preaching, or whether the " sermone '" was specially<br />
ordained to be i)reached in connection with the discovery and<br />
destruction of the image ; but in any case poor St Finane was<br />
doomed, and at a meeting of Presbytery held in Inverness on 21st<br />
December "the ministers of Inverness declairit that according to<br />
the ordinance of the Presbitrie the last day, they caused bimie<br />
the Idolatrous linage at the Merkat Corse, after sermone, upon<br />
Tuysday immediately following the last Presbitrie day." How<br />
unfortunate it is that it was not pi'eseiwed for a place of honour<br />
in one of our museums !<br />
Mr Thomson, who was the means of the removal of St Finane<br />
from his obscure temple, was himself deposed three years later.<br />
He was succeeded by the Rev. Alexander Rose, who was succeeded<br />
by the Rev. Alexander Fraser, who in his turn gave place, in the<br />
year 1672, to the Rev. Michael Fi-aser, the subject of this paper.<br />
For years previous to Mr Fraser's induction. Episcopacy was
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. :i45<br />
the crocd i>v law c'stal)lislu'(l. 'I'lio [icoplc of DavioL aiul l)unlichity<br />
were strongly attached to it, l»iit their minister, Mr Alex.<br />
Fraser, who was never an adniirer of bislioj)s, latterly ojtenly<br />
.ulvocated Presbyterianism, with the result that he {:(ot into trouble<br />
with the ecclesiastical authorities, and lost his influence over his<br />
rough parishioners, among whom he found it difficult to exercise<br />
the somewhat strict Church discipline of the time. John Mackintosh,<br />
a brother of the Laird of Aberarder, was especially a sore<br />
thorn in the minister's licsli. Mackintosh, having incurred the<br />
censure of the Chuich, Mr Alexander was in the year 1G71 ordained<br />
by the Presbytery to give him three public admonitions from the<br />
pulpit, and the first admonition was administered with such good<br />
will that—to quote the minister's own words— "immediately after<br />
tlivyn worshipe ye said John Mcintoshe in presence of ye whole<br />
congregatione cam and said to him at ye church dore, you base<br />
raskall I how durst yee bee so ])ert as to abuse me yis day? Yee<br />
wi's too bold to doe it. Yee might have used your own equalls so,<br />
and not me." The minister took the g(!ntlemen present to witness;<br />
liut Mackintosh's Highland pride had been sorely wounded, and<br />
instead of apologising, he again addressed the parson—<br />
" You base<br />
raskall ! Think you will I eat ray words'? Were not for little to<br />
uiee I wold bruiss your bones !" For these insnlts and threats the<br />
ofl'ender<br />
minister.<br />
was subsequently fined ; but no peace came to the<br />
His objections to Episcopacy weighed moi'e and more<br />
heavily on his conscience, and in May 1672 he resolved to (juit his<br />
charge. The Presbytery took him in hand, and dealt tenderly<br />
with him ; but he refused to serve under a bishop, and by September<br />
his church was declared vacant. Next month, on 20th October,<br />
a letter from the Bishop was read bi^fore the Presbytery, proposing<br />
Mr Michael Fraser as minister of the united parish. Mr Michael<br />
had not at the time gone through the " trials" which were necessai-y<br />
before he could be ordained, but the Bishop desired the<br />
Presbytery to accelerate these— " that is to say, that Mr ]\Iichael<br />
have his common head Wednesday innnediate after his addition,<br />
and his populare sermon and the tryell of the languages,<br />
his questiouarie tryalls, the Presbyterie meeting yreafter.<br />
with<br />
Mr<br />
Michael is appointed to have his theses in readiness against the<br />
next day, the subject of his commone head being De peccnto<br />
(rriijinnliy<br />
The young divine speedily passed through these trials to the<br />
satisfaction of the Presbytery, and in December Mr Roderick<br />
Mackenzie, minister of Moy, was appointed to preach him into the<br />
united parishes of Daviot and Dunlichity.
—<br />
jlfi Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
But the Bishop, in i)rosonting him to the incumbency, encroached<br />
on the rights of Sir Hugh Camplx^ll of GaAvdor, ancestor<br />
of tlie present Earl of Cawdor, and on 2Gth Februaiy 1073, that<br />
gentleman appeared personally Ijefore the Presbytery at Inverness,<br />
and " produced three several charters each of them containing his<br />
right of patronage to the Parochin of Dunlechitie, and in respect<br />
the saids kirks of Dunlechitie and Daviot are united in ane<br />
parochin, alledged this to be his vice of the })atronage, and right<br />
to j)reFent a minister to tiiese united parishes now vacand Ihrough<br />
the depositione of Mr Alexr. Fraser, late minister yrof, who was<br />
presented by the Bishope of INIoiTay, and protested against the<br />
admissione, collatione, and institution of Mr Michael flraser to the<br />
saidis united kirks or cure." Campbell offered to present the Rev.<br />
Donald Macpherson, minister of Cawdor, to the vacant charge ;<br />
but the moderator declared that ]\Ir Michael would be admitted<br />
minister of the parish on 4th March 1G73, and accordingly on that<br />
date he was so admitted in presence of a considerablt^ number of<br />
the brethren, who were ordered to attend " to bear witness to his<br />
admissione."<br />
The Thane of Cawdor, however, was not prepared to submit<br />
to these high-handed proceedings ; and in the end the Bishop<br />
yielded, and on 4th June the following<br />
ing of the Presbytery :<br />
letter was read at a meet-<br />
" Reverend Breyrn,<br />
" Elgine, 25th April 1673.<br />
" If I hade seen the Laird of Calders right sooner to the<br />
patronage of Dunlechitie, it might possiblie have preNcnted sonic<br />
of our difl'ers anent the planting of that kirk. But now having<br />
seen the Laird of Calder's forsd right (and out of oui- desyre to<br />
settle things amicablie), I thought fitt to show you that I have<br />
resolved and promised to remove Mr Michael Fraser, btitwixt and<br />
the fifteenth day of October next, that the Laird of Calder may<br />
present ane other the next vice to the united kirks of Dunlechitie<br />
and Daviot, and this is not to derogate from Mr Michael, or to<br />
inferr any blame on him, who is found to be sulticientlie qualified.<br />
—Your aftectionat broyr in Christ,<br />
MURDO, Bp. of Morray.<br />
But Mr Michael acted his part so well that before October<br />
he made a ]>lace for himself in tlir aflection of the people, and<br />
Cawdor, having gained liis point, presented him anew to the charge.<br />
The Presbytery visited Daviot on 9th September, when the gentle
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. -IXI<br />
men and oKlci'.s of tlu- parish ri,'i)ort(Hl of liiiii tliat tlioy wi-rc vi'i-y<br />
well .satisfied witli hiin in cloctiinc, cUsciplino, life, ami conversation,<br />
Mr Michael leturneil the compliment to the elders, and "they<br />
were exhorted to continue in well-doing, in hopes to receive the<br />
crown of righteousness." These notices reveal pleasant relations<br />
between the clergyman and his people, and these relations continued<br />
during his long and troubled incumbency of tifty-four<br />
years.<br />
No sooner was Fraser safely settled than he left the ])arish<br />
on a visit to his brother Robert, who was an Advocate in Edinburgh,<br />
and so long did he remain away that he was called before<br />
the Bishop and sub-Synod at Elgin in November 1G74, and<br />
ordered to be publicly rebuked before his congregation on 27th<br />
December. But the congregation was not so exacting as congregations<br />
are now-a-days, and the rebuke had very little effect. The<br />
minister left them very much to the freedom of their own will<br />
frequently absenting himself from the parish, and devoting his<br />
time more to his favourite study of painting than to the teaching<br />
of his flock. E\il rumours reached the Presbytery of the sad state<br />
of the ])arish, and a visitation was ordered to be made on 11th<br />
May 1675 ; but the })arishioners were perfectly satisfied with the<br />
freedom which they were enjoying, and when the Brethren met at<br />
Daviot " ther cam no elders or people present from neither of<br />
the paroches except Donald INIacbain, of Faily." This slight was<br />
reported to the Bishop, by whose order the Presbytery again visited<br />
the parish on 9th November. But this trip was not more successful<br />
than the last, for the only parishioners present were Angus<br />
Mackintosh of Daviot. Lachlan Mackintosh of Aberarder, Duncan<br />
Macphail of Inverarnie, and the faithful Donald Macbain of Failie.<br />
These gentlemen " declared that the visitatione was intimated be<br />
their minister two severale Lord's Days, but in respect of the<br />
shortness of the day, and this day being the terme day of Martimes,<br />
that they could get none of the people to keep this diet, and so<br />
intreated the Presbytrie to prorogate their visitation to summer,<br />
when the day is at the lenth, and that all the people will be most<br />
willing to keep any diet then, and especially if<br />
parish of Dunlechitie."<br />
they meet in the<br />
" The brethren taking this slighting of their meeting to consideration,"<br />
ordered such of their number as were to attend the<br />
ensuing meeting of the Synod on 24th November, to report the<br />
matter. This they did, and it being suspected that the minister's<br />
love of art was in some way accountable for the sad state of<br />
affairs in the parish, he was enjoined by the Synod, in time coming<br />
—
248 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
to "abstainc t'l'oiii all liniuini,' and painting,', (juliicli liitliiTto has<br />
diverted him from his ministerial employments." It is to be<br />
hoped, however, that the parson did not obey this injunction too<br />
implicitly, and that, without ViCglecting his ministerial duties, he<br />
found time to limn such pictures as were a source of plcasui'c to<br />
himself and his parishioners.<br />
In January 167G Mr INIicIiael informed the Presbytery that<br />
the Bishop had left it to the Ijrethien to decide when to attempt<br />
another visitation of the parish. The brethren, however, had<br />
had too much experienc(j to again appoint a day without consulting<br />
the people, and on 21st June the Moderator war, instructed<br />
" to wryt to the <strong>here</strong>tors of Daviott and Dunlechety to know what<br />
tyme tliey may conveniently keep the a])poynted visitation at<br />
Dunlecliety, and to return tlier answer to the next Presbytery,<br />
lest the brethren as formerly travell t<strong>here</strong> in vayne.". The reply,<br />
which was read at the next meeting — 19th July— is striking :<br />
" Seeing they are necessitat to abyd in the glens to shelter and<br />
keep ther bestiall and goods tfrom the Lochaber and Glencoa<br />
robbers, yt it is impossible for either the gentlemen, elders, or<br />
people to keip the said visitation untill att least yr harvest be<br />
done, and then they will inianimous meit at Dunlechety any dyett<br />
the Presbytery appoynts, and in the mean tyme before the said<br />
visitation meitt, yt the heritoi'S are willing to meitt with a select<br />
number from ye Presbytery, that a forsable way niay be taken<br />
for a manse to ther minister qreby hee may bee incourraged to<br />
reside still amongst them."<br />
The manse question was an urgent one, for t<strong>here</strong> was no<br />
place of rest for the minister in the parish. At a previous meet-<br />
ing, the Presbytery ordered him "to reside in his parish of<br />
Daviot, and to build a chamber for himselfe to that effiset ;" but<br />
the order was not obeyed. The Presbytery now, as suggested by<br />
the heritors, appointed a committee, consisting of the Rev. James<br />
Fraser, Kirkhill (tlie author of the Wardlaw Manuscript), and<br />
.several others to meet the heritors at Gask, and confer with them<br />
as to the immediate erection of a manse; but the heritors would<br />
not appoint a day, alleging that they were " busie about ther<br />
harvest," and at last the Presbytery themselves a])pointed the<br />
first Tuesday in October. This meeting, howevei-, does not<br />
appear to have been held ; but on 7th Noveml)er the long delayed<br />
visitation took place jit Dunlichity. A somewhat sad state of<br />
matters was di.sclosed. 'I'he minister had not celebrated the<br />
Lord's Supper since his entry to the parish, and he did not I'eside<br />
in the parish for the reason that " he had not a manse to lodge<br />
—
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. lill)<br />
in. The iK'ritoi's, Iiowcvit, iutiiiwiU'd tluit tlu'y li;ul ri'solvt'd to<br />
liuikl a manse at Daviot, ami "that they are content to stent<br />
theu)selves for huilding of a sufficient manse in the sowme of tliree<br />
hundred merks [about .£JG. Gs. sterling] in hand befor the work<br />
he begun, as also to furnish upon their own expenses men and<br />
horses to lead all tlie timber to Daviot from Strathspey or Inverness,<br />
beside the heweii work yt is recjuisit to be in the house.<br />
This condescendence satisfied the minister, who was to l)uild the<br />
'iianse himselff upon the recept of the money," and "the bret<strong>here</strong>n<br />
exhorts both minister and heritors to fullill their engagements,<br />
<strong>here</strong>in that the minister may dwell and reside among his people."<br />
Whether the heritors contributed the three hundred merks, or<br />
whether tlie minister received the money and found some other<br />
use for it, I am unable to say ; but in any case the arrangement<br />
was not carried into etlect, and, as we shall see, the manse was<br />
not erected till 1G81, when the<br />
selves in the usual manner.<br />
Presbytery went about it them-<br />
In the year 1678 Mr jNIichael got into trouble with the Bishop,<br />
who sus))ended him tor a time, but he was restored to his parish,<br />
and on 10th May 1C81, the Presbytery met at Daviot, for the<br />
purpose of " appretiating " a manse. As it may interest some of<br />
you to know how this was gone about in the olden time I shall<br />
(juote the minute. " Having met with such <strong>here</strong>torsas wei'e t<strong>here</strong><br />
present, [the brethren] all \vent to the parish church of Daviot,<br />
qr after invocation of ye Lord's name, the Moderator enquired the<br />
minister of the place if he had given timeous intimation and advertisement<br />
to the parishioners of the said meeting ; answered aftir-<br />
inative ; as also the heritors, elders, and deacons present confirmed<br />
the same. The Moderator encjuired further if he had brought<br />
with him massons, carpenter,s, smiths, glasiers, and oyr workmen<br />
usually called for apretiatioii of manses ; answered affirmatively ;<br />
the which workmen being all present were deeply sworne one by<br />
one with uplifted hands to deale uprightlie and honestlie in ye said<br />
appretiation according to theii- skill and knowledge, all this btdng<br />
ilone with consent of the herietors present nemine contradicente.<br />
The Moderater tooke instrument in Hector Fraser Notar Publick's<br />
hand, and ye said workmen were immediately t<strong>here</strong>after directed<br />
to the said manse with the said notar as clerk, to a])pretiat the<br />
Siimen." And the workmen having thus estimated the cost of the<br />
manse, the amount was allocated on the heritors, and the work<br />
proceeded with.<br />
Early in 1682 the Bishoi) started on a tour of inspection<br />
through his extensive diocese, and on 16th May he and the
250 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
bretliren of the Presbytery of In^erness visited Daviot. The Hst<br />
of the ottice-beai-ers of the united parishes, as given up to liis lord-<br />
ship, is interesting. The elders were—Lachlan Mackintosh of<br />
Aberarder ; Fergus Mckillvray of Dounmaglash ; Alexr. Mckiutoshie<br />
of Fnrr; Eun Mckpherson of Flichity; Robert Shaw of<br />
Toi'darroch ; John Mckintosh in Elrig; Angus Mckphail in Tnveramy;<br />
"William ]\Ickilvray in Lergs ; Donald Mckbean of Falzie;<br />
Donald Mckbean, younger of Falzie; and six others; while the<br />
deacons numbered six, including an Alexandei- Mackay. The<br />
result of the Bisliop's enquiries as to the state of the parish was<br />
not satisfactory. The minister had still an itch for wandering<br />
away from the parish ; the church was ruinous " wanting thack in<br />
some ])laces, the windows not glassed ;" t<strong>here</strong> were no " necessaries<br />
for the Lord's supper ;" t<strong>here</strong> was no schoolmaster " because t<strong>here</strong><br />
was no incurragement for one, nor no mediat centricale place qr<br />
they could fix a schoole to the satisfaction of all concerned ;" and<br />
the only really hopeful feature in the report is that the church<br />
officers "caried soberly and Christianly as they ought, and faithful<br />
in their duty."<br />
As soon as the Bishop depai'ted, Mr Micliael thought he<br />
would take another holiday, and on this occasion he travelled<br />
into England, w<strong>here</strong> he remained for a considerable time. After<br />
his return he apparently remained quiet until the troublous<br />
times which immediately preceded the Revolution of 1688.<br />
Mr Angus Macbean, one of the niiniste)-s of Inverness, and son<br />
of Macbean of Kinchyle in our vicinity, began in the year<br />
1687 to have some doubts as to the scriptural authority of<br />
Episcopacy ; and after he had absented himself from several<br />
meetings of Presbytery it is minuted on 3id August that he<br />
" did disown the Government of the Church of Scotland as it is<br />
now established by law, by Archbishops, Bishops, and Pivsbytei-s."<br />
The Rev. Mr Marshall, Inverness, and Mr Michael were appointed<br />
to confer with Mr Macbean, and endeavour to make him leturn to<br />
but Mr Macbean was obdurate, and,<br />
his Episcopalian ways ;<br />
accused of beginning a schism in Inverness, which is described as<br />
" one of the most loyall, orderly, and regular cities in the nation,"<br />
proceedings were taken against him under the special direction of<br />
Mr Michael, who was sent to Edinburgh in February 1688 to lay<br />
the matter before the Archbishop of St Andrews. At a Presbytery<br />
meeting on 7th March a letter is read from Fraser " showing<br />
him to be actively going alwut the ailair entrusted to him,"<br />
and on the 27th of the same month, another letter from him<br />
is submitted enclosing an Act dejjosing Mr Macbean as a minister
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. :3ol<br />
ofthc Ciospel. Tlic Act, which i« given ;it U'ugth in Uk; Presbytery<br />
Records, is a very interesting document, but it is l)eyond<br />
the scope of my paper to enter into it. Mr Michael worked<br />
zealously for his church, but its fall was near. The bust meeting<br />
of the Inverness Presbytery of the Episcopal Church of Scotland,<br />
as by law established, was held on 19th September 1G88,<br />
when our minister preached a sermon on the tc^xt " T<strong>here</strong>fore,<br />
brethren, we were comforted over you in all our affliction<br />
and distress, by your faith." But the comfort was shortlived.<br />
In a few weeks the Prince of Orange landed in England, and<br />
before the end of December established Episcopacy in Scotland,<br />
and the ancient Stuart dynasty came to a common end.<br />
Immediately after the Revolution, Presbyterianism was reestablished,<br />
and Mr Alexander Fraser, the old minister of Daviot,<br />
claimed the incumbency. Mr Michael, however, tirmly refused<br />
to remove. In 1091 the jiarish was declared vacant by the Committee<br />
of Assembly; but Mr Michael cared little for such declara-<br />
tions, and he ad<strong>here</strong>d to his people, who, in their turn, loyally<br />
stood by him ; and in spite of all opposition he continued the de<br />
facto minister of the united parishes till his death in 1726. A<br />
strong Jacobite and a keen Episcopalian, he never ceased to hope<br />
for the return of tlie old kings, and the restoration of his beloved<br />
Church. In 1715 it appeared as if his dreams were to be realised.<br />
Early in September of that year the Earl of Mar had his famous<br />
hunting, at which James, son of the now deceased King James<br />
the Second, was proclaimed King ; and in a few weeks the Earl<br />
had a considerable army ready to fight for the old line. Among<br />
the first to rise were the Mackintoshes, who, under their Chief, and<br />
the famous Brigadier Mackintosh of Borlum, seized Inverness on<br />
the 13th September, and took possession of such public money and<br />
arms as they could find. Next day The INIackintosh, who claimed<br />
the services of the tenants on the estate of Culloden, wrote to Mrs<br />
Forbes of Culloden in the following terms :— " You cannot be a<br />
stranger to the circum.stances I have put myself in at the tyme,<br />
and the great need I have of my own men and followers w<strong>here</strong>ever<br />
they may be found, w<strong>here</strong>for I thought fitt, seeing Culloden<br />
is not att home, by this line to entreat you to put no stopp in the<br />
way of these men that are, and have been, my followers upon your<br />
ground. Madame, your compliance in this will very much oblige<br />
your most humble servant, L. Mackintosh." And then, he significantly<br />
adds, by way of postscript—" If what I demand will not be<br />
granted, [ hope I'll be excused to be in my duty." But such threats<br />
had no efiect on the lady of Culloden, and she refused The Mack
252 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
intosliH deinand, ;iiul on the 17tli he and his forces appeared before<br />
her house and laid siege to it. They were <strong>here</strong> joined by Mr<br />
Michael Fraser, who, though sixty- five or seventy yeai-s of age,<br />
could not sit by his fire-side while such good work was being done<br />
for the cause which he had so much at heart. I cannot tell you<br />
of the part he took in the struggle better than by quoting the<br />
account contained in the records of Presbytery meetings held after<br />
the war came to an end.<br />
On 13th November 1716 "several ministers of the Presbytery<br />
re])resented that they were informed by good hands that Mr<br />
Michael Fraser, incumbent at Daviot, not only was openly dis-<br />
affected to his Majesty King Georg
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. 253<br />
and summoned before them at next meotiii,sl)vtcry X'esolved to admit their evidence, wlicrcunon Mr<br />
Krasei- left the meeting. The evidence of the witnesses vvas, how-<br />
ever, taken. William Forbes, cousin german to the l.iaird of (.'ul-<br />
loden, after being " sworn and purged of malice and partial council,<br />
deponed that he saw the said Mr Michael Fraser coming<br />
fi'om Mackintosh to the gates of CuUodi^n upon the seventeen<br />
day of September 1715, in company with young Caloichie<br />
(Kyllachy), and that knocking at the gate, he demandeil<br />
access, which was denied him by the deponent and others ;<br />
upon which he desired to speak with my lady, who being informed,<br />
came accordingly to the gate ; and the deponent declares<br />
that the said INIr Michael spoak to the lady through one of the<br />
gun holes, in manner following, to wit, that he was sent by Mackintosh<br />
to desire her ladyship to send out of the house these that<br />
were of Mackintosh clan, with tifty stand of arms and tw(;nty<br />
bolls of meal, and that she should send out immediately a barr(4<br />
of ale, and bread conform, to supi)ly Mackintosh men who were<br />
standing before the house in arms—all which the lady absolut(ily<br />
refused."<br />
This evidence was eorroliorated by other witnesses, one Logic<br />
Cumming deponing that he heard Mr Michael say " that the Lainl<br />
of Mackintosh insisted on three demands, namely, four men out of<br />
each Daugh (Davoch) of the Lands of OuUoden, conform to use and<br />
wont ; and having notictd that t<strong>here</strong> was a great many arms in the<br />
Castell of CuUoden, desired fifty guns ; and being likewise informed<br />
that t<strong>here</strong> was abundance of victuall in the said house, demanded<br />
some meal to be provision for his men for some days" —<br />
thus showing not only that The Mackintosh claimed the .services of<br />
his clansmen, according to clan customs, no matter on whose lands<br />
they resided, but also that, as superior of the lands of CuUoden, he<br />
in terms of the ancient feudal law of military tenure, insisted on<br />
the services of a certain number of men for a certain measure of<br />
Umd.<br />
Mr Michael evidently saw that the decision of the Presbytery<br />
was to be against him, and he t<strong>here</strong>fore thought it expedient<br />
to make a show of suljmission ; and he promised to resign on the<br />
condition " that when the Presbytery should be in readiness to
254 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
settle the said jiarish with a man agreeable to the Presbytery, he<br />
sliould give way without trouble or disturbance." With tliis the<br />
Presbytery was satisfied, and the proceedings came to an end. He<br />
was apparently left unmolested until February 1721, when certain<br />
complaints were made against him, and against the ministers of<br />
Dores and Glen-Urquhart, who were also Episcopalians. Again<br />
the matter was brought up on .'5th September 1721, when it was<br />
resolved to make a Presbytei-ial visitation of Daviot on 3rd October—<br />
Mr James Leslie, minister, of Moy, being appointed to<br />
preach at Daviot on 17tli September, and intimate the visitation ;<br />
and Mr Farcjuhar Beaton, Croy, to perform the same duties at<br />
Dunlichity on 1st October. These gentlemen met with a warm re-<br />
cei)tion. Mr Leslie reports :<br />
—<br />
" Upon the 17th of September 1721, I came to the church of<br />
Daviot prepared to preach t<strong>here</strong>, according to appointment, at the<br />
ordinary time. I began worship, having but a very few hearers,<br />
the body of the congregation sitting at a hill-side near the church.<br />
As I proceeded in worship I was interinxpted, and the heai-ei-s<br />
disturbed, by the throwing of stones in at the door, windows, and<br />
through the open roof of the church. W<strong>here</strong>upon, being obliged<br />
for oui safety to remove, I continued the rest of the di\ine worship<br />
in a corner of the church-yard, with no small disturliance and<br />
hazax'd, both to myself and hearers."<br />
"Upon the first day of October," reports Mr Beaton, "I repaired<br />
to the Church of Dunlichity, prepared to preach t<strong>here</strong><br />
according to appointment ; and considering what maltreatment<br />
Mr Leslie met with at Daviot, and suspecting that few of the<br />
parishioners of Dunlichity would attend worship, some of my own<br />
parishioners followed me to that place. With some ditliculty I<br />
gott access to the church, and had no sooner begun worshipe than<br />
by stones thrown in, the pulpit was broke about me, and some of<br />
my parishioners wounded. Being obliged to remove for our safety,<br />
we were assaulted by a multitude of men and women, with swords,<br />
staves, and stones, some of our number wounded, and others barbarously<br />
beaten."<br />
This was something to daunt the bravest spirit ; but the<br />
members of Presbytery still \ entured within the bounds of the<br />
'^\•^\ October, w<strong>here</strong><br />
troublesome parish, and met at Da\ iot on<br />
they were met by the heritors, wadsettei's, and otlier j)arishioners,<br />
including the Laird of Mackintosh, William Mackintosh of Aber-<br />
ardei', Farquhar Macgillivray of Dunmagla.ss, Angus Shaw of<br />
Tordarroch, Donald Macbean of Faillie, Angus Macintosh of Culclachie,<br />
the Laird of Flichity (whose name is not given), and
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. 255<br />
" great numbers of the parishioners." The Presbytery explained<br />
to the pe()})le that tliey had come "to confer witli them anent the<br />
ex|)eiUtious and comfortable settlement of a gospel minister in<br />
these united parishes, which they must look upon as legally<br />
vacant ;" and referred to the act of the Committee of Assembly in<br />
1 (594, and Mr Michael's demission in 171 7. Dunmaglass, on behalf<br />
of the parishioners, answered that Mr Michael had l)een their<br />
minister " without having aught to say against him since<br />
his incumbency," and craved that he should be left with them ;<br />
and the minister himself gave in a paper arguing that the<br />
parish had never been pro])erly declared \acant, and that<br />
he was no intruder. The Presbytery, looking to the treatment<br />
which Messrs Leslie and Beaton had received, and probably<br />
dreading violence themselves, adjourned to meet next day at Inver-<br />
ness ;<br />
and at this second meeting JNIr Michael presented a petition,<br />
in which, after a discussion of the questions at issue, he " in treats<br />
the reverend brethern to take his age and great family and mean<br />
circumstances in the world, and the law troubles lie met with from<br />
Provost Clarke and as yet by his rejjresentatives, so to heart as to<br />
give him some time in his foresaid ciiarge, which, by the coui"se of<br />
nature, c:uinot be long."<br />
The meeting, after long deliberation, appointed the ministers<br />
of Inverness to lay the whole circumstances before Mr Duncan<br />
Forbes, advocate, (afterwards the well-known Lord President),<br />
who was then at Culloden, and to obtain his opinion and advice,<br />
and for that purpose to lay before him an extract of the Com-<br />
mittee's Act of 1694, which found Daviot vacant. But the fates<br />
were evidently on the side of the poor old minister. The<br />
Moderator wrote to Edinburgh for an extract of the Act of 1694,<br />
but the reply received was that no such extract could be given, as<br />
the minutes of the Committee were destroyed by fire in 1701.<br />
At meeting after meeting, the case was brought up without any progress<br />
being made ; while on 6th February 1722 a letter was read<br />
from The INIackintosh and sundry other gentlemen of the parish,<br />
" earnestly intreating the Presbyteries forbearance with JNlaister<br />
^lichael Fraser, and obliging themselves to an active concurrence<br />
with the Presbytery in the event of his death, which, now in the<br />
course of nature, cannot be long." The Presbytery resolved to<br />
report the matter to the next Synod " and in the meantime they<br />
appoint Mr Macbean and Mr Shaw in name of the Presbytery to<br />
write to the Laird of Mackintosh a return to the said lettei-,<br />
and remonstrate to him the usuage and rude treatment " given<br />
the minister in the previous harvest.<br />
to
25G Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
This is tlio last referonco I find to tlic case in the records of<br />
the Presbytery. Tlie poor old minister stuck to his charge till<br />
April 17 20, when, after a stormy career of tifty-four years in the<br />
parish, death gave the svinimons against which t<strong>here</strong> is no ai>peal.<br />
Let us hoj»e that the last four years of his life, during which the<br />
records are quiet regarding him, were really a period of peace and<br />
comfort to him. His death, however, did not bring about the<br />
anticipated peace in the parish ; for, when the Rev. Lachlan Shaw<br />
of Cawdor (the historian of the Province of Moray), went to declare<br />
the church vacant on 22nd May 1726, he had to report to the<br />
Presbytery " that he found great numbers, some in the churchyard,<br />
others in the open tields, with the kirk door locked, the key<br />
carried ofl', and could not be found ; while the people liehaved so<br />
rudely that he could not worship in the churchyard without being<br />
disturbed by them ; and so returned home." Long after his death<br />
the memory of kind INIr Michael remained green in the parish ; and<br />
it is only by his enthusiasm in the cause of Episcopacy, and his<br />
gi-eat influence over his people, that we can account foi- the fact<br />
that, contrary to the rule in other j)arts of the Highlands, from<br />
his time until now Strathnairn has not been without a consider-<br />
able number of native Gaelic-speaking Episcopalians within its<br />
bounds<br />
Mr Eraser not only " limned and painted," but he also made<br />
a small venture in literature, by publishing a sermon on " Christ's<br />
Kingdom." Of his six sons and five daughters, one son— Robert<br />
— took to the sea, and on l)oard the war ship " Pearle " fought<br />
for that King for whom his father refused to pray.<br />
17TII March 1886.<br />
On this date Dr Ogilvie Crant, Inverness, was elected an ordinary<br />
member of the Society ; and after transacting some routine<br />
business, Mr John Macdonald, supervisoi-, Dingwall, read the following<br />
pajtf-r on<br />
SMUG(4LTNG IN THE HIGHLANDS.<br />
The oi'igin of distillation is surrounded by doubt and unceitainty,<br />
like the origin of many other imjiortant inventions and<br />
tliscoveries. Tradition ascrib(!s it to Osiris, the great god, and,<br />
])eili;ips, the first King of Egypt, who is snid to have reclaimed<br />
the l'^gy})tians fi-om barbarism, and to have tauglit tlie?ii agriculture<br />
itnil vaiious arts and sciences. Wiiether tiie tradition be true or
Smuggling in the Highlands 267<br />
not, all will admit the boaiity and litness of the conception which<br />
ascribed to the ij;ods the ,i,'l(>ry of ha\ing first revealed to poor<br />
humanity the secret of distilling the M'ater of life, as aqua vitce or<br />
uisge-beatha, whose viitiies, as a source of solace, of comfoi-t, of<br />
cheer, and of courage, have been so universally recognised and<br />
appreciated. Truly, such a gift was worthy of the gods.<br />
But however beautiful the tradition of Osiris, and however<br />
much in accord with tlie eternal fitness of things the idea that<br />
the gods first taught man the art of distillation, a rival claim has<br />
been set up for the origin of the invention. It does not require<br />
a very lively imagination to pictiire some of the gods disrelishing<br />
their mild nectar, seeking moi-c ardent and stimulating drink,<br />
visiting the haunts of men after the golden barley had been garnered,<br />
and engaging in a little smuggling on their own account. But<br />
even this reasonable view will not be accepted without challenge.<br />
The Britannica Encyclopedia, in its article on alcohol—not<br />
written by Professor Robertson Smith — states that the art<br />
of sepaj'ating alcohol from fermented liquors, which appears to<br />
have been known in the far East, from the most remote antiquity,<br />
is supposed to have been first known to and practised by the<br />
Chinese, whence the knowledge of the ai't travelled westward.<br />
Thus we find the merit of the invention disputed between the gods<br />
and the Chinese. I am myself half inclined in favour of the<br />
" Heathen Chinee." That ingenious people who, in the hoariest<br />
antiquity, invented the manufacture of silk and porcelain, the<br />
mariner's compass, the art of block-printing and the composition<br />
of gunpowder, may well be allowed the merit of having invented<br />
the art of distilling alcohol. Osiris was intimately connected with<br />
the agriculture of Egypt, and among the Chinese, agriculture has<br />
been honoured and encouraged beyond every other species of industry.<br />
So that if the Egyptian grew his barley, the Chinaman<br />
gi-ew his rice, from which the Japanese at the {n-esent day distil<br />
their sake. Instead of being an inestimable blessing bestowed by<br />
the gods, it is just possible that the art of distilling alcohol, like<br />
the invention of gunpowder, may be traced to the heathen Chinese,<br />
and may be regarded as one of the greatest curses ever inflicted<br />
on mankind. W<strong>here</strong> doctors differ, it would be vain to dogmatise,<br />
and on such a point every one must be fully persuaded in his own<br />
mind. Whether we can agree as to alcohol being a blessing or a<br />
curse, we can agree that the origui of distillation is at least<br />
doulitful, and that, perhaps, no record of it exists.<br />
Early mention is made in the Bible of strong drink as distingiushed<br />
from wine. Aaron was prohibited from drinking wine<br />
17
'2^8 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
or strong drink when going into the Tabernacle. David complains<br />
that he was the song of the drinkers of strong drink. Lemuel's<br />
mother warns her son against the use of strong drink, and advises<br />
him to "Give strong drink unto him that is ready to jierish, and<br />
wine unto him that is heavy of heart. Let him drink and foi-gct<br />
his poverty, and remember his misery no more" -words whiili,<br />
with characteristic tact and unerring good taste, our own National<br />
Bard used as motto for " Scotch Urink," and paraphrased so ex-<br />
quisitely :<br />
—<br />
" Gie him strong drink until he wink,<br />
That's sinking in despair ;<br />
An' liquor guid to fire his bluid,<br />
That's prest wi' grief an' care<br />
T<strong>here</strong> let him bouse and deep carouse,<br />
W'i' bumpers flowing o'er,<br />
Till he forgets his luves and debts,<br />
An' minds his griefs no more "<br />
But the strong drink of the Bible was not obtained by distillation.<br />
The Hebrew word " Yayin " means the wine of the grape, and is invariably<br />
rendered " wine," which was generally diluted before use.<br />
The word "Sbechar," which is rendered "sti'ong drink," is used to<br />
denote date wine and barley wine, which were fermented liquors<br />
sufficiently potent to cause intoxication, and wex-e made by the<br />
Egyptians from the earliest times. The early Hebrews were<br />
evidently unacquainted with the art of distillation.<br />
Muspratt states that t<strong>here</strong> is no evidence of the ancients<br />
having been acquainted with alcohol or ardent spirits, that, in fact,<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is every reason to believe the contrary, and that distillation<br />
was unknown to them. He quotes the case of Dioscorides, a<br />
physician of the time of Nero (a.d., 54-68) who in extracting<br />
quicksilver from cinnabar, luted a close cover of stoneware to the<br />
top of his pot, thus showing that he was unacquainted with the<br />
method of attaching a receiver. Muspratt further states that<br />
neither poets, historians, naturalists, nor medical men make the<br />
slightest allusion to ardent spirits. This is more significant as the<br />
earliest poets and historians make constant references to wine<br />
and ale, dilate on their virtues, and describe the mode of their<br />
manufacture.<br />
The Egyptians, however, are said to have practised the art of<br />
distillation in the time of Dioclesian (.v.n. 1^01-305), and are supposed<br />
to have communicated it to the Babylonians and Hebrews,<br />
who transmitted it westward to the Thracians, and Celtae of<br />
;
Smuggling in the Highlands. 259<br />
Spain and Gaul ; but it was unknown to the ancient Greeks and<br />
Romans. Tlie distillation of aromatic waters is said to have been<br />
known from very remote times to the Arabians. The word<br />
" iilcoliol" is Arabic, meaning originally " tine powder," and becoun'ng<br />
gradually to mean " essence," " pure spirit," the "very<br />
heart's blood/' as I>urns >iays of John l.arleycorn. You remember<br />
the exclamation of i)Oor Cassio when he sobered down after his<br />
drunken row— " O thou invisible spirit of wine, if thou hast no<br />
name to be known by, let us call thee devil !" We have now got<br />
a name for the intoxicating element of fermented liquors, and call<br />
it alcohol, which may go some way to prove that the Arabians<br />
were early accpiainted with the art of distillation. A rude kind<br />
of still, which is yet employed, has been used for distilling spii'its<br />
in Ceylon from time immemorial, and Captain Cook found among<br />
the inhabitants of the Pacific Islands a knowledge of the art of<br />
distilling spirits from alcoholic infusions.<br />
It is said the art was first introduced into Europe by the<br />
I\roors of Spain about 1150. Abucasis, who lived about that<br />
time, is spoken of as the first western philosopher who taught the<br />
art of distillation, as applied to the preparation of spirits. In the<br />
following century Arnoldus de Villa Nova, a chemist and physician,<br />
describes distilled spirit, and states that it was called by some the<br />
" water of life ;" and about the same time Raymond Lully, a<br />
chemist, noticed a mode of producing intoxicating spirit by distillation.<br />
But for my purpose the most interesting fact is that<br />
shortly after the invasion of Ireland by Henry II. in 1170, the<br />
English found the Irish in the habit of making and drinking aqua<br />
vitce. Whether the Ii'ish Celts claim to have brought the knowledge<br />
of the art from their original scat in the far East, or to have<br />
more recently received it from Spain I do not know, but, without<br />
having access to purely Irish sources of information, this is the<br />
earliest recoi'd I find of distilled spirits having been manufactured<br />
or used in the British Islands. Whether Highlanders will allow<br />
the Irish claim to Ossian or not, I fear it must be allowed they<br />
have a prior claim to the use of whisky.* Uisye-beatluo is no doubt a<br />
literal translation of the Latin aqua vitce (water of life), supposed to<br />
be a corruption of acqua vite (water of the vine). "The monastei-ies<br />
being the archives of science, and the original dispensaries of medi-<br />
cine, it is a natural surmise that the term acqua vitevfus t<strong>here</strong> corrupted<br />
into the Latin and universal appellation, aqua vitce (water of<br />
* My attention has been called to the fact that in Mr Skene's " Four<br />
Ancient Books of Wales," the Gael are hi some of tiie 6ih or 7th century<br />
poeins called "distillers," "furnace distillers," "kiln-distillers."
—<br />
260 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
life) from its salutary and beneticial ellects as a medicine ; and<br />
from the Latin tongue being tlie general conveyancer of scientific discovery,<br />
as well as of familiar correspondence, the term aq?ui vitoi<br />
may have crept into common use to signify an indefinite distilled<br />
spirit, in contradistinction to ncqxa vite, the mere extract of the<br />
grape." (Muspratt.) Whisky is simply a corruption of the Gaelic<br />
uisge or liisge-beatha. The virtues of Irish whisky, and directions<br />
for making it, both sim}»le and compound, are fully recorded in the<br />
Red Book of Ossory, compiled about 500 years ago. Uisge-beatha<br />
was first used in Ireland as medicine, and was considered a panacea<br />
for all disorders. The physicians recommended it to patients in-<br />
discriminately, for preserving health, dissipating humours, strengthening<br />
the heart, curing colic, dropsy, palsy, &,c., and even for prolonging<br />
existence itself beyond the common limit. It appears to<br />
have been used at one time to inspire heroism, as opium has been<br />
used among the Turks. An Iiish knight, named Savage, about<br />
1350, previously to engaging in battle ordered to each soldier a<br />
large draught of aqua-vitie. Four hundred years later we find<br />
Burns claiming a similar virtue for Highland whisky :<br />
" But bring a Scotsman frae his hill,<br />
Clap in his cheek a Highland gill,<br />
Say, such is royal George's will.<br />
An t<strong>here</strong>'s the foe,<br />
He has nae thought but how to kill<br />
Twa at a blow."<br />
And again in that "tale of truth," "Tarn o' Shanter "<br />
" Wi' tippenny we fear nae evil<br />
Wi' usquebae we'll face the devil."<br />
A similar idea is expressed in Strath-mathaisidh's Gaelic<br />
Song, " Comunn an Uisge-bheatha :"<br />
—<br />
" Bidh iad Ian misnich 'us cruadail,<br />
Gu h-aigiontach brisg gu tuasaid,<br />
Chuireadh aon fhichead 'san uair sin<br />
Teailach Ruadh fo'n chriin duinn."<br />
By this time you are wondering what has Ijcconie of the<br />
smugglers and Highland whisky. Although I did not expect to<br />
find that Adam, who, of cour.se, spoke Gaelic and was no doul)t a<br />
thorough Highlander, had engaged in smuggling outside the walls<br />
of Eden, or that the plucky Maclean, who sailed a boat of his own<br />
at the Flood, had an anchor of good old Highland whisky on<br />
;<br />
—<br />
—
Smuggling in the Highlands. 261<br />
board, yet, when I innocently undertook to write this paper, I<br />
nnist admit that T was under the impression that tliero was some<br />
notice of Hii^liland wliisky long l)efore tht^ <strong>12</strong>tli century. T had<br />
in view Ossian, sometime in the third or fourth century, spreading<br />
the feast and sending round the " shell of joy " brimming with real<br />
Highland uisge-beatha, "yellowed with peat reek and mellowed<br />
with age." After some investigation, I am forced to tlie conclusion<br />
that the Fingalians regaled tiiemselves with (i/e or metul, not with<br />
whisky. T<strong>here</strong> is nothing to show that they had whisky. The<br />
"shell of joy" went round in stormy Lochlin as well as in<br />
streamy Morven, and we know that ale was the favourite drink<br />
of the Scandinavians before and after death. " In the halls<br />
of our fatlier. Balder, we shall be drinking ale out of the<br />
hollow skulls of our enemies," sang fierce Lodbrog. The scallop-<br />
shell may seem small for mighty draughts of ale, but our ancestors<br />
knew how to brew their ale strong and, as to the size of<br />
the shell, we learn from Juvenal that in his time shells were used<br />
by the Romans for drinking wine. Egyptian ale was nearly<br />
equal to wine in strength and fla\our, and the Spaniards manufactured<br />
ale of such strength and quality that it would keep for a<br />
considerable time. However anxious to believe the contrary, I<br />
am of opinion that Ossian's shell was never filled with real uisgeheatha.<br />
But surely, I thought, Lady Macbeth must have given an<br />
extra glass or two of strong whisky to Duncan's grooms at Inver-<br />
ness, when they slept so soundly on the night of that tei-rible<br />
murder. I find that she only "drugged their possets," which<br />
were composed of hot milk poured on ale or sack, and mixed<br />
with honey, eggs, and other ingredients. At dinner the day after<br />
the mui-der Macbeth calls for wine,— "give me some wine, fill<br />
full :" so that wine, not whisky, was drunk at dinner in Inverness<br />
800 years ago. T<strong>here</strong> is no mention of whisky in Macbeth, or for<br />
centuries after, but we may safely conclude that a knowledge of<br />
the process of distillation must have been obtained very early from<br />
Ireland,<br />
century.<br />
w<strong>here</strong> whisky was distilled and drunk in the twelfth<br />
At a very remote period Highlanders made incisions in birch<br />
trees in spring, and collected the juice, which fermented and became<br />
a gentle stimulant. Most of us, when boys, have had our favourite<br />
birch tree, and enjoyed the_^'on. The Highlanders also prepared<br />
a liquor from the mountain heath. Lightfoot, in his Flora Scotica,<br />
(1777) says— " Formerly the young tops of the heather are said to<br />
have been used alone to brew a kind of ale, and even now<br />
I was informed that the inhabitants of Islay and Jura still continue
262 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
to bi*ew a very poteble liquor by mixing two thirds of the tops of<br />
heather to one-third of malt. It is a matter of history that Britjiiu<br />
was once celebrated for honey, and it is quite probable that, when<br />
in full bloom and laden with honey, a fermentable infusion could be<br />
obtained from heather tops. Alcohol cannot, however, be obtained<br />
except from a saccharine basis, and I fear that any beverage<br />
which could have been extracted from heather itself must have<br />
been of a very teetotal character. Mixed wath malt something<br />
might be got out of it. Now heather is only used by smugglera<br />
in the bottom of their mash-tun for draining purposes. I liave<br />
often wondered whether Nature intended that our extensive heaths<br />
should be next to useless. The earliest mention of the drinking<br />
and manufacture of whisky in the Highlands is found in the<br />
famous " Statutes of Icolm-Kill " which were agreed to by the<br />
Island Chiefs in 1 609. The Statutes, as summarised in Gregory's<br />
Western Uighlamls and Islands, are quoted in Mackenzie's History<br />
of the Macdonalds. "The fifth Statute proceeded upon the narrative,<br />
that one of the chief causes of the great poverty of the<br />
Isles, and of the cruelty and inhuman barbarity practised in<br />
their feuds, was their inordinate love of strong mnes and aquavitae,<br />
which they purchased partly from dealers among themselves,<br />
partly from merchants belonging to the mainland. Power was,<br />
t<strong>here</strong>fore, given to any person whatever to seize, without payment,<br />
any wine or aqua-vitse imported for sale by a native<br />
merchant ; and if any Islander should buy any of the prohibited<br />
articles from a mainland trader, he was to incur the penalty of<br />
forty pounds for the tirst oftence, one hundred for the second,<br />
and for the third the loss of his whole possessions and moveable<br />
goods. It was, however, declared to be lawful for an individual<br />
to brew as much aqua-vitse as his own family might require ; and<br />
the barons and wealthy gentlemen were permitted to purchase in<br />
the Lowlands the wine and other liquors required for their private<br />
consumption."<br />
For some time after this, claret appears to ha\'e been the<br />
favourite drink. The author of Scotland SocAal and Domestic,<br />
states that not^vithstanding the prohibition of 1 609 against the<br />
importation and consumption of wine, the consumption of claret<br />
continued, and the Privy Council in 1616 passed an " Act agans<br />
the drinking of Wynes in the Yllis," as follows :<br />
" Forsamekle as the grite and extraordinar excesse in drink-<br />
ing of wyne commonlie vsit amangis the commonis and tenentis of<br />
the yllis is not onlie ane occasioun of the lieastlie and barbarous<br />
cruelties and inhumaniteis that fallis oute amongis thame to the<br />
—
Smuggling in tfie Highlands. 263<br />
otiens and clisplosour of God and contempt of law and justice, hot<br />
with that it drawis nvniberis of thame to miserable necessite and<br />
powertie sua that they ar constraynit quhen they want of thair<br />
nichtboiiris. J^'or remeid quhairof the Lords of Secret Counsell<br />
statvtis and ordains, that nane of the tenentis and commonis of<br />
the Yllis sail at ouy tyme heireftor buy or drink ony wynes in the<br />
Yllis or continent nixt adiacent, vnder the pane of twenty poundis<br />
to be incurrit be every contravenare toties quoties. The ane<br />
half of tlie said pane to the King's Maiestie and the vther half<br />
to their maisteris and landislordis and chiftanes. Commanding<br />
heirl)y the maisteris landislordis and chiftanes to the sadis tenentis<br />
and commonis euery ane of thame within tliair awine boundis<br />
to sie thir present act preceislie and inviolablie kept, and the<br />
contravcnaris to be aceordiiiglie pvnist and to vplift the panis of<br />
the contravenaries to mak rekning and payment of the ane halff<br />
of the said panes in Maiesteis exchequir yierlie and to apply the<br />
vther halff of the saidis panes to thair awne vse."<br />
In 1622 a more stringent measure was passed, termed an " Act<br />
that nane send wynes to the His," as follows :<br />
" Forsamckle as it is vnderstand to the Lordis of secreit counsell<br />
that one of the cheiff caussis whilk procuris the continewance<br />
of the inhabitants of the His in their barbarous and inciuile form<br />
of leeving is the grite quantitie of wynes yeirlie caryed to the His<br />
with the vnsatiable desire quhair of the saidis inhabitants are so<br />
far possesst, that quhen their arryvis ony ship or other veshell thair<br />
with wynes they spend bothe dayis and nightis in thair excesse of<br />
drinking, and seldomedo they leave thaii" drinking so lang a", thair<br />
is ony of the wyne rest and sua that being overcome with drink<br />
thair fallis out money inconvenientis amangis thame to the l)rek of<br />
his Maiesteis peace. And quihairas the cheftanes and principallis of<br />
the clannis in the yllis ar actit to take suche ordour with thair<br />
tenentis as nane of thame be sufferit to drink wynes, yitt<br />
so long as thair is ony wynes caryed to the His thay will<br />
hardlie be withdrane from thair evil custome of drinking,<br />
bot will follow the same and continew thairin whensoeuir thay may<br />
find the occasioun. For remeid quhairof in tyrae comeing the<br />
Lordis of secreit Counsell ordanis lettres to be direct to command<br />
charge and inhibite all and sindrie marsheantis, skipparis and<br />
awnaris of shippis and veshells, be op})in proclamation at all<br />
places ncidful, that nane of them presoume nor tak vpon hand<br />
to carye and transporte :)ny wynes to the His, nor to sell the<br />
same to the inhabitantis of the His, except se mekle as is allowed<br />
to the jt»-incipall chiftanes and gentlemen of the His, vnder the<br />
—
264 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
pane of confiscatioun of the whole wynes so to be caiyed and<br />
sauld in the His aganis the tenour of this proclamatioun. or els<br />
of the availl and pryceis of the same to his Maiesties vse."<br />
" These repressive measures," the author continues, " deprived<br />
the Hebrideans of the wines of Bordeaux, but did not render<br />
them more temperate. They had recourse to more potent beverages.<br />
Their ancestors extracted a spiiit from the mountain heath<br />
they now distilled usque-beatha or whisky. Whisky became a<br />
greater favourite than claret, and was drunk copiously, not only<br />
in the Hebiides, but throughout the Highlands. It did not become<br />
common in the Lowlands until the latter part of the last<br />
century. The Lowland baron or yeoman who relished a liqour<br />
more powerful than claret formerly used rum or brandy."<br />
Whisky was little used among the better classes for upwards<br />
of a hundred years after this. " Till 1780," says the same author,<br />
" claret was imported free of duty, and was much used among the<br />
middle and upper classes, the price being about fivepence the bottle.<br />
Noblemen stored hogsheads of claret in their halls, making them<br />
patent to all visitors, guests received a cup of wine when they<br />
entered, and another on their departure. The potations of those<br />
who frequented dinner-parties Avere enormous persons who could<br />
;<br />
not drink remained at home. A landlord was considered inhospitable<br />
who permitted any of his guests to retire without their requiring<br />
the assistance of his servants. Those who tarried for the night,<br />
found in their bedrooms a copious supply of ale, wine, and brandy<br />
to allay the thirst superinduced by their pi-evious potations. Those<br />
who insisted on returning home were rendered still more incapable<br />
of prosecuting their journeys by being compelled, according to the<br />
inexorable usage, to swallow a deoch-an-doruis, or stirrup-cup,<br />
which was commonly a vessel of very formidable dimensions."<br />
That claret was the favourite drink among the better classes<br />
to the end of last century is remarkably corroborated by Burns's<br />
song of " The Whistle "—<br />
" The dinner being over the claret they ply.<br />
And every new cork is a new spring of joy."<br />
The competitors having drunk six bottles of claret each. Glen-<br />
riddle, "a high-ruling elder, left the foul business to folks less<br />
divine." Maxwelton and Craigdarroch continued the contest and<br />
drank one or two bottles more, Craigdarroch winning the whistle.<br />
Burns is said to have drank a bottle of rum and one of braiuly<br />
during the contest. T<strong>here</strong> is a Highland story which would make<br />
a good companion to the foregoing Lowland picture. The time ia<br />
;
Smuggling in the Highlands. 265<br />
much later, perhaps sixty years aj^o, and the beverafjt* wliisky.<br />
The laird of Mihiaii:, near Ahicss, visited his nei,i,dibour the laird<br />
of Nonikiln. Time wore on, and the visit was pi-olonged until<br />
late at night. At last the sugar got done, and toddy is not very<br />
palatable without sugar. In those days no shop was neai-er than<br />
Tain or Dingwall, and ic was too late to send anyw<strong>here</strong> for a sup-<br />
ply. Convivialities were threatened with an abrupt tei'niination,<br />
when a happy thought found its way into Nonikiln's befogged<br />
brain. He had bee-hives in the garden, and honey was an excellent<br />
substitute for sugar. A skep was fetched in, the bees were<br />
robbed, and the toddy bowl was replenished. The operation was repeated<br />
until the bees, revived by the warmth of the room, showed<br />
signs of activity, and stung their spoileis into sobriety.<br />
(^reich, I understand, relates this story with great gusto.<br />
Dr Aird,<br />
T<strong>here</strong> can be no doubt that till the latter jjart of last century,<br />
wine, ale, rum, and brandy were more used than whisky. Tan<br />
Lom, who died about 1710, in his song " Moch 's mi 'g eiridh 'sa<br />
Mhaduinn " mentions " gucagan fion," but makes no reference to<br />
whisky. Lord Lovat having occasion to entertain 24 guests at<br />
Beaufort in 1739, writes— "I have ordered John Forbes to send<br />
in horses for all Lachlan Macintosh's wine, and for six dozen of the<br />
Spanish wine."— (Transactions, Vol. XII). Colonel Stewart of<br />
Garth writing about 1820, says—<br />
"Till within the last 30 years,<br />
whisky was less used in the Highlands than rum and brandy, which<br />
were smuggled from the West Coast. It was not till the beginning,<br />
or rather towards the middle of last century that spirits of any kind<br />
were so much drank as ale, which was then the universal beverage.<br />
Every account and tradition go to prove that ale was the principal<br />
drink among the country people, and Fi-ench wines and brandy<br />
among the gentry. Mr Stewart of Crossmount, who lived till his<br />
104th year, informed me that in his youth strong frothing ale from<br />
the cask was the common beverage. It was drunk from a circular<br />
shallow cup with two handles. Those of the gentry were of silver,<br />
and those used by the common people were of variegated woods.<br />
Small cups were used for spirits. Whisky house is a term unknown<br />
in Gaelic. A public-house is called Tigh-Leinne, i.e., ale<br />
house. In addition to the authority of Mr Stewart, I have that<br />
of men of perfect veracity and great intelligence regarding everything<br />
connected with theii- native country. In the early part of<br />
their recollections, and in the time of their fathers, the whisky<br />
drank in the Highlands of Perthshire was brought principally<br />
from the Lowlands. A ballad composed on an ancestor of mine<br />
in the reign of Chai'les I., describes the laird's jovial and hospit-
266 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
—<br />
able manner, and along with other feats, his drinking a brewing of<br />
ale at one sitting. In this song whisky is never mentioned, nor<br />
is it in any case, except in the modern ballads and songs."<br />
Here is a verse of it :<br />
Fear Druim-a'-charaidh,<br />
Gur toigh leis an leann ;<br />
'S dh'oladh e 'n togail<br />
M' an togadh e 'cheann.<br />
All the evidence that can be gat<strong>here</strong>d goes to show that the<br />
manufacture and use of whisky must have been very limited until the<br />
latter part of last century. This is clearly shown by the small<br />
quantities charged with Excise duty. On Christmas day IGGO,<br />
Excise duty was first laid on whisky in this country, the duty in<br />
in Scotland being •2d., 3d., and 4d., per gallon according to the<br />
materials from which the spirits were made. No record exists of<br />
the amount of duty paid until 1707, when it amounted only to<br />
£1810 15s. lid., representing about 100,000 gallons, the population<br />
being 990,000. No record of the quantity charged exists<br />
until 1724, when duty was 3d. and Gd. In that year 145, G02<br />
gallons were charged, the duty amounting to £3504. <strong>12</strong>s. lOd.,<br />
the population being little over one million. Last year the<br />
population was 3,866,521, the gallons of whisky charged G,629,30G,<br />
and the duty £3,314,680. 10s." Since 1724, 160 years ago, the<br />
population of Scotland has increased nearly four times, the quantity<br />
of spirits charged for home consumption forty-five times, and the<br />
amount of duty over nine hundred and forty-seven times. In proportion<br />
to poi)ulation, the people of Scotland are now drinking<br />
eleven times as much whisky as they did IGO years ago, so that<br />
our forefathers must have been mucli more temperate than we are,<br />
must have drunk more foreign wines and spirits or ale, or must<br />
have very extensively evaded the Excise duty.<br />
Although much of the whisky manufactured at this time<br />
must have been distilled on a small scale within the homes in<br />
which it was consumed, t<strong>here</strong> is early mention of public distilleries.<br />
In 1G90 reference is made to tlu; " Ancient Brewary<br />
of Aquavity," on the land of Ferintosh, and t<strong>here</strong> is no reason<br />
to doubt that Ferintosh wiis the seat of a distillery before the<br />
levying of the Excise duty in 16G0. The yearly Excise of the<br />
lands of Fca-intosh was farmed to Forbes of Culloden in 1690, for<br />
400 merk.s, about £22, and tlu^ history of the ])rivil('ge is interesting.<br />
As in later times, Forbes of Culloden sided with tlii^ Kevolution<br />
party, and was of considerable service in the struggle which led to
—<br />
Smuggling in the Highlands. 267<br />
the deposition of Jainos II., hn was consequently unpopular with<br />
the " Highland Rebels," as the Jacobites were toruied l)y the<br />
loyalists, and during his absence in Holland, his estate of Ferin-<br />
tosh, with its " Ancient Brewary of xVquavity " was laid wastes,<br />
in October 1G89, by a body of 700 or 800 men, sent by the Earl<br />
of Buchan and General Cannon, w<strong>here</strong>by he and his tenants<br />
sutVered much loss. In compensation for- the losses thus sustained,<br />
an A.ct of Parliament farming to him and his successors the yearly<br />
Excise of the lands of Ferintosh, was passed as follows :<br />
At Edinburgh, 22nd July 1090.<br />
Our Sovereign Lord and Ladye, the King and Queen's<br />
Majesties and the three H^states of Parliament :—Considering that<br />
the lands of Ferintosh were an Ancient Brewary of Aqnavity ; and<br />
were still in use to pay a considerable Excise to the Thesaury,<br />
while of late that they were laid waste of the King's enemies ; and<br />
it being just to give such as have suffered all possible encouragement,<br />
and also necessary to use all lawful endeavours for upholding<br />
of the King's Revenue ; T<strong>here</strong>fore their Majesties and the<br />
Estates of Parliament for encouragement to the possessors of the<br />
said Lands to set up again and prosecute their former Trade of<br />
Brewing and pay a duty of Excyse as formerly ; Do <strong>here</strong>by<br />
Ferm for the time to come the Yearly Excyse of the said lands of<br />
Ferintosh to tlie present Heritor Duncan Forbes of Culloden, and<br />
his successors Heritors of same for the sum of 400 merks Scots,<br />
which sum is declared to be the yearly proportion of that annuity<br />
of £-40,000 sterling payable for the Excyse to his Majestie's Exchequer.<br />
The brewing to commence at the term of Lambas next<br />
to come, and payment to be made to the ordinary Collector of Ex-<br />
cyse for the Shyre of Inverness." Another Act was passed in<br />
1695 continuing and confirming the privilege, after the Excyse was<br />
" raised off of the Liquor and not of the Boin"<br />
The arable lands of Ferintosh extended to about 1 800 acres,<br />
and calculating 5 bolls of barley to the acre, and a profit of £2 ])er<br />
boll, tlie gain nuist have been considerable. Mr Arnot states<br />
that more whisky was distilled in Ferintosh than in all the rest of<br />
Scotland, and estimates the annual profit at about £18,000.<br />
Such a distinguished mark of favour, and so valuable a privilege<br />
were sure to raise envy against a man wlio was already un-<br />
popular, and we find the Master of Tarbat cojnplaining to Parliament,<br />
inter alia :<br />
"That Culloden's tack of Excyse wrongs tlie Queen's Revenue<br />
in 3000 merks per annum.<br />
—
268 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
! —<br />
" That his tack of Excyse wrongs his neighbours, in so far as<br />
he can undersell them, and monopolise the brewing ti'ade.<br />
"That his loss w;is not above a year's rent."<br />
Tn answer Culloden states :—<br />
" That ho understands the meaning of the Act to be for what<br />
grows on his own lands.<br />
" That whatever gi-ain shall be carried from any place into<br />
his land (except it be to eat or sow), shall be lyable to Excyse.<br />
"That the amount of the loss sustained by liimself and<br />
tenants was £54,000 Scotch, as ascertained by regular proof."<br />
After the establishment of a Board of Excise in 1707, frequent<br />
representations were made to the Treasury to buy this<br />
right, in consideration of the great dissatisfaction it created<br />
among the distillers, who did not complain without cause, as in<br />
1782 the duty paid was £22, while according to the cui-rent rate<br />
of duty £20,000 should have been paid. {Owens.) These representations<br />
prevailed, and the Act 26, G. III., cap. 73, sec. 75,<br />
provided for the purchase as follows ;—<br />
" Whei-eas Arthur Forbes of Culloden, Esq., in the county of<br />
Inverness, is possessed of an exemption from the duties of Excise,<br />
within the lands of Ferintosh under a certain lease allowed by<br />
.several Acts of Parliament of Scotland, whicli exemption has been<br />
found detrimental to the Revenue and prejudicial to the distillery<br />
in other parts of Scotland, enacted That the Treasury<br />
shall agree with the said Arthur Forbes upon a compensation to<br />
be made to him in lieu of the exemption, and if they shall not<br />
agree, the barons of Exchequer may settle the compensation by<br />
a jury, and after payment t<strong>here</strong>of, the said exem])tion shall cease."<br />
In 1784 the Government paid £21,000 to Culloden, and the<br />
exemption ceased after having been enjoyed by the family for<br />
nearly a century. Burns thus refers to the tran.saction in "Scotch<br />
Drink," which was written in the following year<br />
"Thou Ferintosh! O sadly lost!<br />
Scotland laments frae coast to coast<br />
Now colic grips and barking hoast<br />
May kill us a';<br />
For loyal Forbes' chartered boast<br />
Is ta'en awa !"<br />
The miiiister of Dingwall, in his account of the parish, written<br />
a few years after the abolition of the exemption, tells that<br />
during the continuance of the privilege, quarrels and breaches of
Smuggling in the Highlands. 269<br />
the pe;ice were abiiiidant among the iuliabitants, yieklinjj; a good<br />
liarvcst of business to the procurators of Dingwall. When the<br />
exemption ceased, the peoi)le became more peaceal)le, and the<br />
prosperity of attorneyism in Dingwall received a marked abatement.<br />
(Dom. An. of Scot., Vol. III.)<br />
Colonel Warrand, who kindly permitted me to peruse the<br />
Culloden Acts, stated that the sites of four distilleries can be still<br />
traced in Feriiitosh. An oiler of £3000 recently made for permission<br />
to erect a distillery in the locality was refused by Culloden,<br />
who feared that such a manufactory might be detrimental to the<br />
best interests of the people. Although t<strong>here</strong> is no distillery, nor,<br />
so far as I am aware, even a smuggler in the locality, an enterprising<br />
London s])irit-dealer still supplies real " Ferintosh," at<br />
least he has a notice in his window to that etfect. This alone is<br />
sufficient to show how highly prized Ferintosh whisky must have<br />
been, and we have further proof in Uilleam Ross' " Moladh<br />
an Uisge-Bheatha" (1762-90) :—<br />
"Stuth glan na Toiseachd gun truailleadh,<br />
Gur ioc-shlaint choir am beil buaidh e;<br />
' S tu thogadh m' inntinn gu suairceas,<br />
'S cha b'e druaip na Frainge."<br />
And again in his " Mac-na-Bracha "<br />
—<br />
Stuth glan na Toiseachd gun truailleadh.<br />
An ioc-shlaint is uaisle t'ann ;<br />
'S fearr do leigheas na gach lighich,<br />
Bha no bhitheas a measg Ghall.<br />
'Stoigh leinn drama, lion a' ghlaine,<br />
Cuir an t-searrag sin a nail,<br />
Mac-na-brach' an gille gasda,<br />
Cha bu rapairean a chlann.<br />
The duty had been 3d. and 6d. per gallon from 1709 to 1742.<br />
It had been raised gradually until in 1784, when the Ferintosh exemption<br />
ceased, it was 3s. ll{d. and 15 per cent., the gallons<br />
charged in that year being 239,350, and the duty paid £65,497. 15s.<br />
4d.,the population being 1,441,808. Owing to the difficulty and cost<br />
of collection in the thinly pojjulated portions of Scotland, the duties,<br />
while low, had been farmed out for periods not exceeding three<br />
years. Mr Campbell of Islay fiirmed the Excise Revenue of that<br />
island for a small sum as late as 1795, and even .so late as 1804<br />
the Commissioners were wont to receive lists of the names of persons<br />
recommended by the heritors of the Highland parishes, from
270 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
which they elected two persons for each parish, to su])ply the<br />
pai'ochial consumption from spirits distilled from corn grown<br />
in the vicinity, liut prior to these dates the general farming of<br />
the duties had ceased, the Commissioners took the management<br />
in their own hands, and, as the duty was gradually increased, it<br />
was levied and collected by their own officers, much to the inconvenience<br />
and discontent of the people. A graphic picture of the<br />
state of matters caused by the high dutit^s and stringent regulations<br />
is given by Burns, in his " Earnest Cry and Prayer," written in<br />
1785, a year after " Forbes' chartered boast was taen awa"<br />
" Tell them wha hae the chief direction,<br />
Scotland an' me's in great affliction,<br />
E'pr sin' they laid that curst restriction<br />
On Aqua-vita?,<br />
An' rouse them up to strong conviction,<br />
An' move their pity.<br />
" Paint Scotland greeting owre her thissle ;<br />
Her mutchkin stoup as toora's a whistle,<br />
An' Excisemen in a Imssle,<br />
Seizin' a still.<br />
Triumphant crushin't like a mussle<br />
Or lampit shell.<br />
" Then on the tither hand })resent her,<br />
A blackguard Siimggler* right behint her,<br />
An' cheek-for-chow, a chuffie Vintner,<br />
Colleagung join,<br />
Picking her pouch as bare as winter<br />
Of a' kind coin.<br />
" Tell yon guid bluid o' auld Boconnock's,<br />
I'll be his debt twa mashlum bannocks.<br />
An' drink his health in auld Nause Tinnock's<br />
Nine times a week.<br />
If he some scheme like tea and winnocks,<br />
Wad kindly seek."<br />
No doubt the poet's strong appeal helped the agitation, and<br />
before the end of the year the duty was reduced to 2s. 7^d., at<br />
which it remained for two years. Matters, however, were still<br />
• " Smuggler " is <strong>here</strong> used in its proper sense—one who clandestinely<br />
introduces prolnl)itcd goods, or wlio illicitly introduces goods which have<br />
evaded the lenal duties. Althoiuh lopularly used, the term "Smuggler<br />
it not correctly applicable to an illicit distiller.<br />
—
Smuggling in the Highlands. 271<br />
unsatisfactory as regards the Revenue. The provisions of the; law<br />
were not only inadequate, but tlu; enactments were so imperfectly<br />
carried out that the duty was evaded to a considerable; extent.<br />
With the view of facilitating and improving collection, Scotland<br />
was divided in 1787 into Lowland and Highland districts, and<br />
duty charged according to tlie capacity of the still instead of on the<br />
gallon. When we are again about to divide Scotland for legisla-<br />
tive purposes into Lowland and Highland disti'icts, it is interesting<br />
to trace the old boundary line which was defined by the Act 37,<br />
G. III., cap. 102, sec. 6, as follows :—<br />
" A certain line or boundary beginning at the east point of<br />
Loch-Orinan, and proceeding from thence to Loch-Gilpin ; from<br />
thence along the great road on the west side of Lochtine, to<br />
Tnverary and to the head of Lochhne ; from thence along the<br />
high road to Arrochar, in county of Dumbarton, and from thence<br />
to Tarbet ; from Tarbet in a suj)posed straight line eastward on<br />
the north side of the mountain called Ben-Lomond, to the village<br />
of Callendar of Monteith, in the county of Perth ; from thcmce<br />
north-eastward to Crieft' ; from thence northward along the road<br />
by Ambleree, and Inver to Dunkeld ; from thence along the foot<br />
and south side of the Gran'])ian Hills to Fettercairn, in the county<br />
of Kincardine ; and from thence northward along the road to<br />
Cutties Hillock, Kincardine O'Neil, Clatt, Huntly and Keith to<br />
Fochabers ; and from thence westward by Elgin and Forres, to<br />
the boat on the River Findhorn, and from thence down the said<br />
river to the sea at Findhorn, and any place in or part of the<br />
county of Elgin, which lies southward of the said line from<br />
Fochabers to the sea at Findhorn."<br />
Within this district a duty of £1. 4rS. per annum was imposed<br />
upon each gallon of the still's content. It was assumed<br />
that a still at work would yield a certain annual produce for each<br />
gallon of its capacity. It was calculated that so much time would<br />
be required to work oti' a charge, and the officers took no further<br />
trouble than to visit the distilleries occasionally, to observe if any<br />
other stills were in operation, or if larger ones were substituted<br />
for those which had been already gauged. The distillers soon<br />
outwitted the Excise authorities by making improvements in<br />
the construction of their stills, so that instead of taking a<br />
WL'ek to work otf a charge, it could be worked off in twentyfour<br />
hours, afterwards in a few liours, and latterly in eight<br />
minutes. These improvements were carried so far that a still of<br />
80 gallons capacity could be worked otf, emptied, and ready for
273 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
another operation in three and a-half niinntes, sometimes in three<br />
minutes. A still of -iO gallons could be drawn off in 2^ minutes,<br />
until the amount of fuel consumed and consequent wear and tear,<br />
left it a matter of doubt whether the distiller was a gainer (Afiis-<br />
pratt.) To meet those sharp practices on the })art of distillers, the<br />
duty was increased year after year until in 1814 it amounted to £1.<br />
16s. 0;^d. per gallon of the still's content and Gs. 7id., two-thirds<br />
additional on eveiy gallon made. This mode of charging duty<br />
made it so nuich the interest of the distiller tj increase the quan-<br />
tity of spirits by every means possible, that the quality was en-<br />
tirely disregarded, the effect being a large increase of illicit dis-<br />
tillation consequent upon the better flavour and quality of the<br />
spirits produced by the illicit distiller. In sheer desperation the<br />
Government in 1814 (54, G. TIL, cap. 1 73, sec. 7), prohibited the u.se<br />
of stills of less capacity than 500 gallons, a restriction which increased<br />
the evil of illicit distillation. Colonel Stewart of Garth<br />
clearly shows how the Act operated.<br />
" By Act of Parliament, the Highland district was marked<br />
out by a definite line, extending along the southern base of the<br />
Grampians, within which all distillation of spirits was prohibited<br />
from stills of less than 500 gallons. It is evident that this law<br />
was a complete interdict, as a still of this magnitude would consume<br />
more than the disposable grain in the most extensive county<br />
within this newly drawn boundary ; nor could fuel be obtained<br />
for such an establishment without an expense which the commodity<br />
could not possibly bear. The sale, too, of the spirits produced<br />
was cii'cumscribed within the same line, and thus the market<br />
which alone could have supported the manufacture was<br />
entirely cut off. Although the quantity of grain raised in many<br />
disti-icts, in consequence of recent agricultural improvements,<br />
gi'eatly exceeds the consumption, the inferior quality of this<br />
grain, and the great expense of carrying it to the Lowland dis-<br />
tillers, who by a ready market, and the command of fuel,<br />
can more easily accommotlate themselves to this law, renders<br />
it impracticable foi- the farmers to dispose of their grain in<br />
any manner adecpiate to pay rents equal to the real value<br />
of their farms, subject as they are to the many drawbacks of uncertain<br />
climate, uneven surface, distance from market, and scarcity<br />
of fuel. Thus hardly any alternative remained but that of having<br />
recourse to illicit distillation, or resignation of their farms and<br />
breach of their eiigagtuneuts with their landlords. These are<br />
difficulties of which the Highlanders complain heavily, asserting<br />
—
Smuggling in tfia Higlilancls. 273<br />
that nature aiid the distillery laws jn-eseut unsurmouiitable obstacles<br />
to the carrying on of a legal tratlic. The surplus produce<br />
of their agricultural labour will t<strong>here</strong>fore remain on their hands,<br />
unless they incur an expense beyond what the article will bear, in<br />
conveying to the Lowland nuiikot so bulky a commodity as the<br />
raw material, and by the drawback of pric(,'S on their inferior grain.<br />
In this manner, their produce must be disposed of at a great lo.^s,<br />
as it cannot be legally manufactured in the country. Hence they<br />
resort to smuggling as their only resource. If it be indeed true<br />
that this illegal traffic has made such deplorable breaches in the"<br />
honesty and morals of the peojjle, the revenue drawn from the<br />
large distilleries, to which the Highlanders have been made the<br />
sacritice, has been procured at too high a price for the country."<br />
Matters became so grave, that in 1814 and 1815 meetings of<br />
the county authorities were held in the Highlands, and representations<br />
made to the Government pointing out the evil effects of the<br />
high duties on spirits, and the injudicious regulations and restrictions<br />
imposed. Among other things it was pointed out that the<br />
Excise restrictions were highly prejudicial to the agricultural<br />
interests of the Highlands. In face of so many difficulties the<br />
Government gave way, and in 1815 the distinction between Highlands<br />
and Lowlands, and the still duty were discontinued, but the<br />
high duty of Os. 4id. per gallon was imposed. In 1816 stills of<br />
not less than 40 gallons were allowed to be used with the view of<br />
encouraging small distillers, and next year the duty had to be<br />
reduced to 6s. 2d., but illicit distillation was carried on to such<br />
extent, that it was considered necessary, as the only effective means<br />
of its suppi-ession, to further reduce the duty to 2s. 4d. in 1823.<br />
In that year t<strong>here</strong> were 14.000 prosecutions in Scotland for illicit<br />
distillation and malting ; the military had to be employed for its<br />
suppression, and revenue cutters had to be used on the West<br />
Coast. Later on, riding officers were appointed.<br />
It is difficxdt to conceive the terrible amount of lawlessness,<br />
of turbulence, of loss and injuiy connected with such a state of<br />
matters, and cases are known w<strong>here</strong> not only individuals but<br />
communities never recovered temporal prosperity after successful<br />
raids l)y the military, cutters and gangers. But nuitters had fortunately<br />
reached their worst, and illicit distillation has since<br />
gradually decreased until very recently. The reduction of the<br />
spirit duty, the permission to use smaller stills, and the improvement<br />
in the Excise laws and regulations removed the principal<br />
causes which led to illicit di.stillation. The high duty operated as<br />
a bounty to the illicit distiller, and its reduction reduced his<br />
18
274 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
profits. Tlie perniission to use siiiallor stills encouraged farmers<br />
and others witli limited capital, who could not erect large distilleries,<br />
to engage in a legitimate trade on a small scale, which<br />
afforded a ready market for barley of local growth, and provided<br />
whisky for local consumption. The relaxation of the Excise<br />
regulations led to an improvement in the quality of the whisky<br />
made by the licensed distiller, and the quality was further improved<br />
by the permission in 1824 to warehouse duty free, which<br />
allowed the whisky to mature prior to being sent into consumption.<br />
These and ujinor changes led to the decrease in smuggling<br />
in the Highlands shown in the following list of detections :<br />
In 1823 the<br />
—
Smuggling in the Highlands. 'JTo<br />
have now," replied the Free Kirk minister. This is unfortunately<br />
true as the following story will prove. Alasdair Hutclieson, of Kiltarlity,<br />
was worthily regarded as one of the J/en of the Nortli. He<br />
was iu)t only a pious, godly man, but was meek in spirit and sweet in<br />
temper—characteristics not possessed by all men claiming godliness.<br />
He had objections to general smuggling, jjut argued that he was quite<br />
justilied in converting the barley grown by himself into whisky to<br />
help him to pay the rent of his croft. This he did year after year, making<br />
the operation a subject of prayer that he might be protected from<br />
the gaugers. One time he sold the whisky to the landlord of the<br />
Star Inn, down near the wooden bridge, and arranged to deliver<br />
the spirits on a certain night. The innkeeper for some reason informed<br />
the local officer, who watched at Clachnaharry until Alasdair<br />
arrived about midnight with the whisky carefully concealed<br />
in a cart load of peats. " This is mine," said the officer, seizing the<br />
the horse's head. " Thighearna ! bhrath thu vii mu clheireadh,"<br />
ejaculated poor Alasdair, in such an impressive tone that the<br />
officer, who was struck by his manner, entered into conversation<br />
with him. Alasdair told the simple, honest truth. " Go," said the<br />
officer, " deliver the whisky as if nothing had happened, get<br />
your money, and quit the house at once." No sooner had Alasdair<br />
left tlie Inn than the officer entered, and seized the whisky,<br />
before being removed to the cellar. I would recommend this story<br />
to the officers of the present day. While they ought not to let the<br />
smuggler escape, they should make sure of the purchaser and<br />
the whisky. T<strong>here</strong> can be no doubt that "good, pious" men<br />
engaged in smuggling, and t<strong>here</strong> is less doubt that equally good,<br />
pious men— mini.sters and priests—were grateful recipients of a<br />
I large share of the smuggler's produce. I have heard that the<br />
;<br />
Sabbath work in connection with malting and fermenting weighed<br />
heavily upon the consciences of these men. A remarkable instance<br />
j<br />
! of straining at the gnat and swallowing the camel.<br />
i John<br />
Dearg was a man of different type, without any pre-<br />
tension to piety, and fairly repi'esents the clever, unscrupulous<br />
I<br />
.class of smugglers who frequently succeeded in outwitting the<br />
1 gangers. John was very successful, being one of the few known<br />
;to have really acquired wealth by smuggling. He acted as a sort<br />
of spirit dealer, buying from other smugglers, as well as distilling<br />
himself. Once he had a large quantity of spirits in his house<br />
! ready for conveyance to Invergordon to be shipped. Word came<br />
that the officers were searching in the locality, and John knew<br />
'his premises would receive marked attention. A tailor who<br />
was in the habit of working from house to house happened
276 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
to be working with John at the time. Full of I'esource<br />
as usual, John said to the tailor, " I will give you a boll of malt<br />
if you will allow us to lay you out as a corpse on the table."<br />
"Agreed," said the plucky tailor, who was stretched on the table,<br />
his head tied with a napkin, a snow-white linen sheet carefully<br />
laid over him, and a plate containing salt laid on his stomach.<br />
The women began a coronacli, and John, seizing tlie big Bible,<br />
was reading an appropriate Psalm, when a knock was heard at the<br />
door. " I will call out," said the stretched tailor, " unless you<br />
will give me two bolls," and John Dearer was done, perliaps, for<br />
the first time in his life. John went to the door with ^he Bible<br />
and a long face. " Come in, come in," he said to the otHcers,<br />
" this is a house of mourning—my only brother stretched on the<br />
board !" The officers apologised for their untimely visit, and<br />
hurried away. " When did John Dearg's brother dieT' enquired<br />
the officer at the next house he called at. " John Dearg's brother.<br />
Why, John Dearg had no brother living," was the reply. Suspecting<br />
that he had been outwitted, the officer hurried back, to<br />
find the tailor at work, and all the whisky removed and carefully \<br />
concealed. i<br />
A good story is told of an Abriachan woman who was<br />
carrying a jar of smuggled whisky into Inverness. The officer -<br />
,<br />
met her near the town and relieved her of her burden. " Oh, I am<br />
nearly fainting" groaned the poor woman, "give me just onei<br />
mouthful out of the jar." The unsuspecting officer allowed ber,<br />
the desired mouthful, which she cleverly squirted into his eyes, and<br />
she escaped with the jar before the officer i-ecovered his sight and<br />
presence of mind.<br />
The following story told me by the late Rev. John Fraser.j<br />
Kiltarlity, shows the persistence which characterised the smugglers,'<br />
and the leniency with which illicit distillation was regarded by thi j<br />
better classes. While tlie "Rev. Mr Fraser was stationed at Erch<br />
less shortly before tlic Disruption, a London artist, named Maclain \<br />
came North to take sketches for illustrating a history of the High:<br />
lands then in preparation. lie was very anxious to see a suiugj<br />
gling bothy at work, and applied to Mr Robertson, foctor forTli'i<br />
Cliisholm, " If Sandy M'Gruar is out of jail," said the factor, " w '<br />
shall have no difficulty in seeing a bothy." Enquiries were iii'<br />
Sandy was at largo, and, as usual, bu.sy smuggling. A day '<br />
fixed for visiting the bothy, and Maclain, accompanied by ^'<br />
Robertson, the factor, and Dr Fraser of Kcrrow, both Justices <<br />
the Peace, and by the Rev. John Fraser, was admitted into Sand)<br />
sanctuary. The sketch having been finished, the factor salt<br />
; ! ;<br />
i
Smuggling in tlie Higlilands. 277<br />
l"N'ach eil dad agad Alasdairl" Sandy having removed some<br />
' heather produced a small keg. As the four worthies were (luutfing<br />
I the real mountain dew, the llev. j\Ir Fraser remarked. "This would<br />
j claimed,<br />
' be<br />
I was<br />
, round<br />
I but<br />
a line liaul for the gangers— the sooner we go the lietter." It<br />
the same Sandy who, on seeing a body of Excise officers detile<br />
the shoulder of a hill, began counting them aon, dha, tri,<br />
on counting seven his patience became exhausted, and he ex-<br />
" A Tigliearna, cuir sgrios
278 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
An incident of a less agreeable nature ended fatally at Bogroy<br />
Inn. The officers made a raid on the upper end of Strathglass,<br />
w<strong>here</strong> they discovered a large quantity of malt concealed in a<br />
barn, which the smugglers were determined to defend. They<br />
crowded behind the door, which was of wicker-work dorxiscaoil—<br />
to prevent its being forced open by the gangers. Unable<br />
to foi'ce the door, one of the officers ran his cutlass through the<br />
wicker work, and stabbed one of the smugglers, John Chisholni,<br />
afterwards called Ian Mor na Garvaig, in the chest. Fearing that<br />
serious injury had been done, the officers hastened away, but, in<br />
the hurry, one of the men fell over a bank, and was so severely<br />
trampled upon and kicked by the smugglers, that he had to be<br />
conveyed to Bogroy Inn, w<strong>here</strong> he died next day. Ian Mor, who<br />
only died a few months ago, showed me the scar of the wound on<br />
his chest. He was another man who had gained nothing by smug-<br />
gling.<br />
Time would fail to tell how .spii-its, not bodies, have l)een<br />
cai-ried past officers in coffins and hearses, and even in bee hives.<br />
How bothies have been built undergroiind, and the smoke sent up<br />
the house lum, or how an ordinary pot has been placed in the ori-<br />
fice of an underground bothy, so as to make it appear that the fire<br />
and smoke were aye for washing ])urposes. At the Falls of the<br />
Orrin the bothy smoke was made to blend judiciously with the<br />
spray of the Falls so as to escape notice. Some good tricks were<br />
played upon my predecessors on the West Coast. The Melvaig<br />
smugglers openly diverted from a burn a small stream of water<br />
right over the face of a high cliff underneath which t<strong>here</strong> was a<br />
cave inaccessible by land, and very seldom accessible by water.<br />
This was done to mislead the officers, the cave being sea-washed,<br />
and unsuitable for distillation. While the officers were breaking<br />
their heai'ts, and nearly their necks, to get into this cave, the<br />
smugglers were quietly at work at a considerable distance. On<br />
another occasion the Loch-Druing and Camustrolvaig smugglers<br />
were at work in a cave near the latter place, when word reached<br />
them that the officers were coming. Taking advantage of the<br />
notoriety of the Melvaig smugglers, a man was sent immediately<br />
in front of the officers, running at his hardest, without coat or<br />
bonnet in the direction of Melvaig. The ruse took, and the<br />
officers were decoyed past the bothy towards Melvaig, the<br />
smugglers meanwhile finishing off and removing their goods and<br />
utensils into safe hiding.<br />
After dinner, Tom Sheridan said in a confidential undertone<br />
to his guests, " Now let us undei'stand each other : are we to drink<br />
—
Smuggling in the Highlands 279<br />
like
280 Gaelic Society of fnuerness.<br />
of the laws of God. The law which made distillation illegal<br />
came to them in a foreign garb. Highlamlcrs had no great love<br />
or respect for the English Government. If the Scottish Parliament<br />
could pass an Act to destroy all pewits' eggs, because the<br />
birds migrated South, w<strong>here</strong> they arrived plump and fat, and<br />
afforded sport and food for the English, it need not cause surprise<br />
if Highlanders liad not forgotten Glencoe, Culloden, Butcher<br />
Cumberland, the tyrannical laws to suppress the clans, and the<br />
" outlandish race that filled the Stuart's throne."<br />
While a highly sentimental people, like the Highlanders,<br />
were in some degree influenced by these and similar considerations,<br />
the extent of illicit distillation depended in a great measure on<br />
the amount of duty, and the nature of the Excise i-egulations.<br />
The smuggler's gain was in direct proportion to the amount of the<br />
spirit duty ; the higher the duty the greater the gain and the<br />
sti'onger the temptation. We have seen how the authorities of<br />
the time, regardless of the feelings and the habits of the people,<br />
and of the nature and capabilities of the Highlands, imposed restrictions<br />
which were injudicious, vexatious, and injurious ; which<br />
not only rendered it imjiracticable for the legal distiller to engage<br />
profitably in honest l)usiness, but actually encouraged the illicit<br />
distiller. We have seen how particularly under the operation of<br />
the still licence, the legal distiller, in his endeavours to increase production,<br />
sacrificed the quality of his spirits, until the illicit distiller<br />
commanded the market by supplying whisky superior in quality<br />
and flavour. To this fact, more than to anything else, is due the<br />
popular prejudice which has existed, and still exists in some<br />
quarters, in favour of smuggled whisky. T<strong>here</strong> can be no doubt<br />
that while the still licence was in force from 1787 to 1814, and perhaps<br />
for some years later, the smugglers whisky was superior in<br />
(piality and flavour to that produced by the licensed distiller.<br />
lUit this holds true no longer ; indeed, the circumstances are<br />
actually reversed. The Highland distiller has now the best<br />
appliances, uses the best materials, employs skill and e.xpcnience.<br />
exercises the greatest possil)le care, and further, matures<br />
his spirit in bond—whisky being highly deleterious unless it<br />
is matured by age. On the other hand the smuggler uses<br />
rude imperfect utensils, very often inferior materials, works by<br />
rule of thumb, under every disadvantage and inconvenience,<br />
and is always in a state of terror and hurry which is incompatible<br />
with good woi-k and the best results. He begins by<br />
purchasing inferior barley, wliich, as a rule, is imperfectly malted.<br />
He brews without more idea of projjcr heats than dipi)ing his
Smuggling in the Highlands. 281<br />
finger or seeing his face in the water, and the quantity of water<br />
used is reguhxted by the size and niiinbcr of his vessels. His setting<br />
heat is ilecided ])y another tlip of the tinger, and supposing he has<br />
yeast of good quality, and may by accident add tlie proper<br />
quantity, tlie fermentation uf his worts depends on the weather,<br />
as he cannot regulate the temperature in his temporaiy bothy<br />
although he often uses sacks and blanket'^, and may during the<br />
night kindle a fire. But the most fatal defect in the snuiggler's<br />
appliances is the construction of his still. Ordinary stills have<br />
head elevation from <strong>12</strong> to 18 feet, which serves for pur])oses of<br />
rectification, as the fusel oil and otlier essential oils and acids fi\ll<br />
back into the still while the alcoholic vapour, which is more<br />
volatile, passes over to the worm, w<strong>here</strong> it becomes condensed.<br />
The smuggler's still has no head elevation, the still head being<br />
as fiat as an old blue bonnet, and consequently the essential<br />
oils and acids pass over with the alcohol into the worm, however<br />
carefully distillation may be carried on. These essential oils and<br />
acids can only be eliminated, neutralised, or destroyed by storing<br />
the spirits some time in wood, but the smuggler, as a rule, sends<br />
his spirits out new in jars and bottles, so that smuggled whisky, if<br />
taken in considerable quantities, is actually poisonous. Ask any<br />
one who has had a good spree on new smuggled whisky, how he<br />
felt next morning. Again ordinary stills have rousers to prevent<br />
the wash sticking to the bottom of the pot and burning. The<br />
smuggler has no such a])))liance in connection with his still, the<br />
consequence being that his spiiits frequently have a singed,<br />
smoky fiavour. The evils of a defective construction are increased<br />
a hundred-fold, when, as is frequently the case, the still is made<br />
of tin, and the worm of tin or lead. When spirits and acids come<br />
in contact with such surfaces, a portion of the metal is dissolved,<br />
and pai&onous metallic salts are produced, which Tiust be injurious<br />
to the drinker. Parafiin casks are frequently used in brewing,<br />
and it will be readily understood that however carefully cleaned,<br />
their use cannot improve the quality of our much-praised smuggled<br />
whisky. Again the rule of thumb is applied to the jjurity and<br />
strength of smuggled spirits. At ordinary distillex'ies t<strong>here</strong> are<br />
scientific appliances for testing these, but the smuggler must guess<br />
the former, and must rely for the latter on the blebs or bubbles<br />
caused by shaking the whisky. On this unsatisfuctoxy test, plus<br />
the honesty of the smuggler, which is generally an unknown<br />
quantity, the purchaser also must rely. This is certainly a happygo-lucky<br />
state of matters which it w^ould be a pity to disturb by<br />
proclaiming the truth. Very recently an order came from the
282 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
South to Inverness for two gallons of smuggled whisky. The<br />
order being urgent, and no immediate prospect of securing the<br />
genuine article, a dozen bottles of new raw grain spirit were sent<br />
to a well-known smuggling locality, and weie thence despatched<br />
'>outh as real mountain dew. No better proof could be given of<br />
the coarseness and absolute inferiority of smuggled whisky.<br />
But the physical injury caused by drinking an impure, immature<br />
whisky, and the pecuniary loss sustained by purchasing<br />
a whisky of inferior quality and unknown strength at the price of<br />
good honest, spirit, are nothing compared to the moral aspect of<br />
the case. Let me quote again from Stewart of Garth (1821), "I<br />
must now advert to a cause which contributes to demoralise the<br />
Highlanders in a manner equally rapid and lamentable. Smuggling<br />
has grown to an alarming e.vtent, and if not checked will<br />
undermine the best principles of the people. Let a man be<br />
habituated to falsehood and fi-aud in one line of life, and he will<br />
soon learn to extend it to all his actions. This traffic operates<br />
like a secret poison on all their moral feelings. They are the<br />
more rapidly betrayed into it, as, though acute and ingenious in<br />
regard to all that comes within the scope of their observation,<br />
they do not comprehend the nature or purpose of imports<br />
levied on the produce of the soil, nor have they any distinct idea<br />
of the practice of snniggling being attended with disgrace or tur-<br />
pitude. The open defiance of the laws, the progress of chicanery,<br />
pei'jury, hati-ed, and mutual recrimination, with a constant dread<br />
and suspicion of informers—men not being sure of nor confident<br />
in their next neighbours—which results from smuggling, and the<br />
habits which it engenders, are subjects highly important, and regarded<br />
with tJje most serious consideration and the deepest regret<br />
by all who value the permanent welfare of their country, whicli<br />
depends so materially upon the preservation of the morals of the<br />
people."* This is a, terrible picture, but I am in a position to<br />
vouch that it is only too true. The degradation, recklessness, and<br />
destitution which, as a rule, follow in the wake of illicit distillation<br />
are notorious to all. I know of three brothers on the West<br />
•Dealing with the sul'ject of smuggling, Buckle in his "History of Civilisation,"<br />
says:— "The economic il evils, g eat as they were, havebet-n farsnrpass.-.<<br />
ly the moml evils which this sy.stem produced These men, ilpsperate<br />
from the fe.r of puiiishnient, ant accustonie ! to the commission of ev.-ry<br />
Clime, contaminated tlie suirounding populati m, introdined into peaceful<br />
vidages vices formerlv unknown, causoil the ruin of entire familits, spread,<br />
whertverthey came drunkenness, theft, and dissoluteness, and famdiaiiscd<br />
their associates with those coarse and swinish debaucheries which were the<br />
n-itnral hil>its of so vayr^int and a- lawless a life."
Smuggling in the Higlilands. 283<br />
Coast. Two of them settled down on crofts, became respectable<br />
members of the comnxunity, and with care and thrift and hard<br />
work even acquired some little means. The third took to<br />
smuggling, and has never done anything else ; has been several<br />
times in prison, has latterly lost all his smuggling utensils, and<br />
is now an old broken-down man, without a farthing, withoiit<br />
sympathy, without friends, one of the most wretched objects in<br />
the whole parish. Not one in a hundred has gained anything by<br />
smuggling in the end. I know most of the smugglers in my own<br />
district personally. With a few exceptions they are the poorest<br />
among the people. How can they be otherwise 1 Their's is the<br />
work of darkness, and they must sleep through the day. Their<br />
crofts are not half tilled or manured ; their houses are never<br />
repaired ; their very children are neglected, dii'ty, and ragged.<br />
They cannot bear the strain of regular steady work even if they<br />
feel disposed. Their moral and physical stamina have become<br />
impaired, and they can do nothing except under the unhealthy<br />
influence of excitement and stimulants. Gradually their manhood<br />
becomes undermined, their %ense of honour becomes deadened, and<br />
they become violent law-breakers and shameless cheats This is<br />
invariably the latter end of the smuggler, and generally his sons<br />
follow his footsteps in the downward path, or he finds disciples<br />
among his neighbours' lads, so that the evil is spread and perpetuated.<br />
Smuggling is, in short, a curse to the individual, and<br />
to the community.<br />
I admit that some are driven to engage in smuggling by dire<br />
poverty. Necessity has no law, and constant grinding poverty<br />
leads a man to many things of which he cannot approve. " My<br />
poverty, and not my will, consents," was the apology of the<br />
poor apothecary of Mantua when he sold the poison to Romeo.<br />
" These movin' things ca'd wives and weans<br />
Wad move the very heart of stanes,"<br />
pleaded Burns when forced to allow " clarty barm to stain<br />
his laurels." Agur prayed to be delivered from poverty, "lest<br />
I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain."<br />
The hardships and teu)ptations of the abject poor are terrible,<br />
and God forbid we should at any time become so inhuman<br />
in our dealings with them as to sliut up the bowels of our compassion,<br />
or forget to temper justice with mercy. I tell you frankly<br />
that the highest sense oi duty would hardly sustain me in suppressing<br />
the smugglers of the West Coast, unless I liad also a strong<br />
and deep conviction that if I could dissuade or prevent them from
284 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
engaging in smuggling, I would be doing them the greatest possible<br />
service. When arguing with one of these smugglers, as<br />
to the evil and dishonesty of his ways, he re2:)lied, " The \illage<br />
mercluuit has kept my family and self alive for the last twelve<br />
months, and would you blame me if I made an effort to pay<br />
him something? T<strong>here</strong> is no fishing and no work, and what am I<br />
to do 1" Here was an ajjpeal to the common feeling of manJiood<br />
which no fellow could answer. This year another smuggler whose<br />
wife is physically and mentally weaK, and whose children are<br />
ijuite young, said to me in touching tones, " If we are to be hunted<br />
like this, either get something for me to do or cuir an gnnmi riuia<br />
—shoot me." This was bad enough, but I can tell you something<br />
that affected me even more. The officers were passing by a certain<br />
township just as a brewing was in operation. They noticed<br />
movements which aroused their susjiicions, but as the evening<br />
was growing dark they made no search for the bothy, and walkeil<br />
on as if they had observed nothing. On passing by an old woman<br />
with a creel, sitting on a stone, they heard sounds, half sighs,<br />
half groans, which were doubtless inarticulate expressions of grati-<br />
tude and thankfulness that the gangers had not observed the bothy.<br />
Poor, old, deluded woman ! Little did she know that the gangers<br />
had quietly taken their bearings and laid their plans. Having<br />
given the smugglers time to get into full working order, they returned<br />
and destroyed the bothy with its full compliment of brewing<br />
utensils and materials. These things grieve me much. However<br />
deluded and wrong a man may be, we cannot help res;.ectin^<br />
a determined effort to make the best of things, if they cannot<br />
be altered ; and the circumstances of the poor people on the<br />
West Coast are not easily changed for the better. Their abject<br />
poveity, their enforced idleness during a long inclement winter,<br />
the wildness and remoteness of the localities w<strong>here</strong> they reside<br />
ate all temptations to engage in anything that may be profitable<br />
and exciting. T<strong>here</strong> can be no doubt that smuggling, when suc-<br />
cessful, is profitable in a pecuniary sense. Barley can be this<br />
year bought for :23s. a quarter, from which can be obtained some<br />
l-t or 16 gallons of whisky, which can be sold at 18s. or 20.s. a<br />
gallon. Allowing for all contingencies, jjayment of carriage, liberal<br />
consumption during manufacture, and generous treating of<br />
friends and neighbours, some £S or .£10 can be netted from<br />
an outlay of 23s. This is no doubt a great temi)tation. In addition<br />
to the very pooi', two other classes engage in smuggling,<br />
with whom t<strong>here</strong> can be no sympathy whatever.<br />
The ne'er-do-well professional smuggler who is entirely re
Smuggling in tlie Highlands. 285<br />
gardless as to the right or wrong of tlie illegal traffic, and well-todo<br />
peojjle, who engage in the tratlic through sheer wantonness, just<br />
for the romance of the thing, on the principle that " stolen waters<br />
are sweet." I know a few of both classes. Their conduct is highly<br />
reprehensible, and their example most pernicious to their poorer<br />
neighbours.<br />
With the smuggler I class the purchaser of the wretcheil<br />
stuff. He aids and abets, becomes a partner in guilt, ar.d is<br />
e([ua]ly tainted. Without a ready market the smuggler's occupation<br />
would be gone, and no small share of the dishonesty attaches<br />
to the purchaser. Whoever buys for gain, or to gratify a debased<br />
sentiment, is encouraging the smuggler in his lawless ways at the<br />
risk of loss and penalty. David would not drink the water<br />
brought from the Well of Bethlehem at the risk of his three<br />
mighty men's lives, but the drinkers of smuggled whisky are actually<br />
draining the moral and physical life-blood of the poor smuggler.<br />
Both the legitimate trader and the Revenue suffer by this illegal<br />
traffic. The trader has no remedy, but the taxpayer must make<br />
u}) every penny of which the Revenue is defrauded. If the general<br />
comn.imity would engage in frauds of this kind, the whole? country<br />
would become demoralised. Integrity and honesty, the very foundation<br />
of society would be sapped, and the whole would collapse into<br />
chaos. Something like this on a small scale actually occurs in<br />
some of the townships on the West Coast. A few successful runs<br />
cause envy and jealousy, and whenever a detection is made some<br />
one is blamed for giving information. Mutual confidence and<br />
friendliness disappear, and every one distrusts and suspects his<br />
neighbour until the little township becomes a sort of pandemonium.<br />
Even families are victims of dissensions. I know a case<br />
w<strong>here</strong> father and mother are opi)Osed to a son who engages in<br />
smuggling, and two cases w<strong>here</strong> wives disapprove of their husbands<br />
engaging in smuggling, but entreaties and w^arnings are disregarded.<br />
Some six years ago we were hoping such a deplorable state<br />
of things was fast passing away, but since the abolition of the<br />
Malt Tax in 1880, t<strong>here</strong> has been a marked revival of smuggling<br />
in the Highlands. Prior to 1880 the manufacture of malt, which<br />
occupied fi-om 1 4 to 20 days, was illegal except by licensed traders,<br />
and during the manufacture the smuggler was liable to detection.<br />
Malt can now be made openly, or be bought from brewers, dis-<br />
tillers, or malt dealers, so that the illicit distiller is liable to<br />
detection only during the four, five, or six days he is engaged in<br />
brewing and distilling. This very much facilitates illicit distilla-
286 Gaelic Society of Inverness<br />
tion, and increases the difficulty of making detections and arrests.<br />
Thishasdoubtlesslybeen the direct and principal cause of the revival,<br />
but it has been indirectly helped by the injudicious and indisciiminate<br />
reduction of the Preventive Force in the Highlands immediately<br />
prior to 1 880. During some years previously few detections had<br />
been made, and, for economical reasons, the staff was reduced, so<br />
that in 1880, on the abolition of the Malt Tax, those who engaged<br />
in smuggling had it pretty much their own way. The reduction<br />
of the Preventive Staff was not only a short-sighted policy, but a<br />
serious blunder. The old smugglers were fast dying out, and if<br />
the Preventive Force had been kept uji, neither they nor younger<br />
men would have attempted illicit distillation again. Since 1880<br />
a fresh generation of smugglers has been trained, and time, hard<br />
work, and money will be required to suppress the evil. Indeed,<br />
in some places it will only die out with the men. The fear of<br />
being removed from their holdings has had much influence in<br />
limiting illicit distillation, and I very much di'ead a reaction when<br />
security of tenure is obtained under the Crofters' Bill. I feel so<br />
strongly on this point that, with all my objection to landlord restrictions,<br />
I would gladly see a stringent prohibition against smuggling<br />
embodied in the iJill. We need not look for complete cessation<br />
until the material condition of the people is improved. It is to be<br />
hoped the day of deliverance is now near at hand. But much can<br />
be done in various ways. The hollowness and falsity of the mischievous<br />
sentiment which has been fostered round about smuggled<br />
whisky, can be exposed. Its necessarily inferior, if not deleterious<br />
character, can be pointed out. All interested in the material,<br />
physical, and moral elevation of the Highland people should<br />
seriously consider that the habitual evasion of law, whether statute<br />
or moral, has an influence so demoralising, so destructive to the<br />
best and highest feelings of a man's nature, that snuiggling must be<br />
utterly ruinous to the character of those who engage in it or connive<br />
at it. Teachers, clergymen, and indeed all can do much to present<br />
illicit practices in their true light, and render them unpopular<br />
and distasteful. Much can be done by educating the young and giving<br />
their thoughts a turn and taste for honest work, and when<br />
chance offers, providing them with situations. We could almost<br />
afford to let the old smugglers die in their sin, but the influence<br />
of their example on the young is simply awful. I very much re-<br />
gi-et having to state that the Highland clergy, with one exception,<br />
are guilty of the grossest neglect and indifi'erence in this matter.<br />
Like Gallio, they care for none of those things. I understand<br />
that smugglers are formally debarred from the Communion Table
The Gael—His Characteristics and Social History. 287<br />
ill one Hi£;hland parish, but tlii.s is the extent of clerical interference,<br />
and the clergy cannot be luld guiltless as regards smuggling.<br />
Highlanders have many things laid to their charge which require<br />
to be explained and justitied. This Society has among its objects<br />
the vindication of the character of the Gaelic peo})]e, and the<br />
furtherance of their interests, and I make no apology for appealing<br />
to you individually and collectively to use your influence and<br />
efforts to free the Highland people fi-om the stigma of lawlessness<br />
and dishonesty, and from the ini^vitable demoralisation which are<br />
24th March 1886.<br />
On this date the following were elected ordinary members of<br />
the Society—Dr Duncan Mackay, Inverness ; Mr J. J. Carter,<br />
Inland Revenue Collector, do.; Mr Arthur Medlock, jeweller, do.;<br />
and Mr Macdonald, Attova, Pensylvannia.<br />
T<strong>here</strong>after the Picv. Alex. Bisset, Stratherrick, read a second<br />
paper on " The Gael—His Characteristics and Social History."<br />
Mr Bisset's paper was as follows :<br />
THE GAEL—HIS CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIAL<br />
HISTORY.<br />
Part I I. *<br />
When I had the honour and the great pleasure of addressing<br />
you last, the subject I took was " The Gael." Having on<br />
that occasion examined the origin of the Gael and the settlement<br />
of the same in Caledonia, T propose this evening to cull out<br />
some of the leading features in his character as these strike us, as<br />
being more particularly illustrated in the history of this most in-<br />
teresting people. Now, the first point which occurs to me in<br />
looking into the character of the Gael is his deep sense of<br />
religion. When we remember that man was created by God to<br />
know, love, and serve Him, it is assuredly highly creditable to the<br />
Gael to find in him, throughout the whole course of his history, a<br />
lively and keen appreciation of the homage and duty he owes<br />
his Creator.<br />
From the earliest traces we have of the Gael we find him<br />
deeply imbued with religious sentiment, and from the exhaustive<br />
treatment of the subject of Celtic Mythology by Mr Macbain, in<br />
his articles in the " Celtic Magazine," we see how widespread and<br />
—<br />
* For Pari I. vide Transactions, vol. xi., p. 288.
288 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
lasting, however much distorted and mistaken, was the idea of<br />
rendering homage to the Supernatural. When the light of<br />
Christir.nity dawned upon the Celts, we find tlie labours of the<br />
early missionaries blessed with extraordinary fruits, notwithstanding<br />
the seltisli and inter(;stcd opposition of the Druidical Priesthood.<br />
The career of St Columba, the apostle of the Scottish Gael,<br />
is indeed wonderful ; and the rapid spread of Christianity even in<br />
his own life-time is attested by the number of churches dedicated<br />
to God under his patronage. A compiler of a history of the<br />
Catholic Church in Scotland, specifies no fewer than twenty-four<br />
churches dedicated to St Columba in former ages, besides many<br />
more in modern times, dedicated to his memory, both by Catholics<br />
and Protestants.<br />
The veneration in which St Patrick is held by the Irish Celt,<br />
w<strong>here</strong>ver he is found, strongly indicates the deep religious instinct<br />
of the Celtic race : whilst the numerous churches, the noble<br />
abbeys, and the majestic cathedrals which once tilled and adorned<br />
this country throughout its length and breadth, and which even<br />
in their ruins are pointed out with pride, testify to the zeal,<br />
generosity, and religious enthusiasm of our forefathers.<br />
And in passing, I cannot but express the intense feelings of<br />
regret which all lovers of whatever is great, and beautiful in art,<br />
niust feel when they read in the dark pages of the history of our<br />
country, the blind fanaticism and reckless fury, which, under the<br />
cloak of religion, brought about the ruthless spoliation and the<br />
shameful demolition of these national monuments.<br />
Coming to later times, we find amid all the vicissitudes of<br />
fortune which have checkered the cai-eer of the Gael, amidst broils<br />
and dissensions, domestic and civil, amidst strifes and rivalries,<br />
religious as well as political, that the religious character of the<br />
Gael never disappears. But never, perhaps, before was the deep<br />
religious feeling of the Gael more prominently and more loudly<br />
asserted than it has been in our own day, when the almost unanimous<br />
voice of the people is raised to insist on the maintenance of a<br />
national recognition of religion, nor must we overlook the laud-<br />
able elforts that are being put forth to remove those causes of<br />
religious differences and dissensions which are unhajipily so rifi'<br />
among.st us, and so opposed alike to the spirit and tlie letter of<br />
the Christian Religion. As, when united, the Gaels have proved<br />
themselves victorious on every battle-field, and have made their<br />
very name a tei-ror to their enemies, so it is a healthy sign and a<br />
source of consolation to lind them uniting and stirring them<br />
selves to oppose th(! lurking foe that seeks to sap tlie very
The Gael— His Characteristics and Social History. 289<br />
foundations of revealed roliifion. Next to his sense of duty<br />
to God, deference to authority forms tlie most striking feature<br />
in tlie ilii'racter of the Oaol, whether we consider that authority<br />
as vested in the head of a family, in the person of a<br />
chief, or in that of the Sovereign. The traits of filial attachment,<br />
of self-sacritice and generosity on the part of children<br />
towards their ])arents and their family cannot be over estimated.<br />
'I'lie warm home, liowever humble, is never forgotten, and the<br />
tilial reverence due to parental authority far from waning with<br />
the advancing years of the parents only becomes stronger. The<br />
pecuniary assistance to their parents atlbrded by devoted sons and<br />
(laughters out of their small and hard earned wages to supplement<br />
the scanty n^turns from the croft, or the meagre sui)i)ort drawn<br />
from a handicraft has been a subject of admiration and a theme<br />
of praise to many. Colonel Stewart, in his military annals, makes<br />
frequent allusions to the disinterestedness and generosity of Highland<br />
soldiers in saving out of their small pay considerable sums<br />
to be remitted to their homes. Nor was the generosity of the<br />
Highlander confined to the parental home: the chief likewise was<br />
nobly and dutifully supported with all the pecuniary assistance at<br />
the disposal of his devoted followers. And <strong>here</strong> we have the<br />
second, and ])erhaps the greatest object of the staunch fidelity of<br />
the Gael, viz., his Chief.<br />
Fidelity/ to Chief.—Strong as was the tie which united the<br />
Scottish Highlander to his family, it is doubtful if it equalled<br />
with him in sacredness and constancy, that which bound him to<br />
hi3 chief. His attachment to his fan:iily sprang from the natural<br />
afiection in<strong>here</strong>nt in human nature, common to us all, which binds<br />
parents to their children, and children to their parents, but to his<br />
chief he adhei'ed with a chivalrous, manly, inviolable fidelity which<br />
braved in his cause every difficulty, and made light of every<br />
sacrifice, even of life itself; rather than endanger the lionour or<br />
be wanting in that fealty and devotcdness which he owed to the<br />
head and leader of his family. That particular individuality by<br />
which he was distinguished from any other of his neighbouring<br />
clans, and made of that clan to which he happened to belong a<br />
distinct and independent state, as it were, in the mid.st of a host<br />
of other petty states whose aims and interests seldom harmonised<br />
—all this sense of self-importance and family distinction lie derived<br />
from his Chief. He (the chief) was the revered scion and lineal<br />
representative of that ancient stock to which each separate clan<br />
traces its origin ; whilst he was regarded at the same time as the<br />
loving father and faithful guardian of his clan ; whose every<br />
ly
—<br />
290 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
interest lie made his own, to recoive in turn from each member,<br />
young and old, a subjection and obedience of the most devoted<br />
kind. Wo need only glance at the history of the clans to see how<br />
faithfully and heroically they served their chiefs in every crisis<br />
and emergency, whilst t<strong>here</strong> are not wanting examples of Highlanders,<br />
providing at the sacrifice of their own lives, for the safety<br />
of their chiefs. How sad it is to think how little had been done<br />
on the part of many of those same chiefs to repay such devoted<br />
fidelity. With regret must it be said that many of them from<br />
selfish and sordid motives sacrificed that position of trust and<br />
severed those ties of aflection which mutually bound the body to<br />
the head, the children to the father, the clansman to his chief.<br />
Fidelity to the Soveteign.—As the natural outcome of loyal<br />
devotion to home and chief, we have the most attached loyalty on<br />
the part of the Gael to his Sovereign. The undying attachment<br />
of the Scottish Gael to the Stuart Dynasty, while t<strong>here</strong> remained<br />
a ray of hope of the restoration of that family, has emjihasised<br />
the loyalty of the Gael, and has stored it in records of imperishable<br />
fame. Tn the ballads and songs relating to the Jacobite<br />
rising, we meet the outpourings of sentiments of the most loyal<br />
and loving attachment of the subject to his Sovereign ever perhaps<br />
expressed. Future generations will point to these ejiisodes as the<br />
period in liis history which mai'ks out most prominently the char-<br />
acteristic fidelity of the Gael. In a doleful eft'usion of the time,<br />
we read<br />
'Thearlaich oig, a mhic Righ Seumas,<br />
Chunna mi 'n toir mhor an de ort<br />
ladsa sughach 's mise deurach<br />
Le uisge mo chinn tighinn teann gum' leursainn.<br />
Mharbh iad m' athair, mharbh iad mo bhrathair,<br />
Mhill iad mo chinneadh, a's sgrios iad mo ehairdean,<br />
Loisg iad mo dhuthaich, a's ruisg iad mo mhathair,<br />
Ach cha chluinnte mo ghearan na'n tigeadh tu 'Theaidaich.<br />
And our present much-lovad Sovereign has no more devoted<br />
and lovingly loyal subjects than the Highlanders of Scotland.<br />
Although at the present day t<strong>here</strong> may be an appearance of a<br />
want of submission to constituted authority in some parts of the<br />
Highlands, and esj)ecially in Skye, the respect shown to her<br />
Majesty's Marines during their recent stay in that I sland proves<br />
that the opposition arises from an impi*ession on the part of the<br />
])eoplo that the Police Force is employed exclusively in the interest<br />
of landlords to enforce what is in these hard times felt to be oppres-<br />
;
The Gael—His Characteristics and Social History. 291<br />
sivo exactions. We may, however, couiidcutly expect a speedy<br />
Rolutiou of tliis difficulty from the legishitive enactments about to<br />
be passeil in Parliament, w<strong>here</strong> so mucl-. intei'est is excited in tlu;<br />
subject of the laiul question.<br />
Uonoxir. —Next to the noble fidelity of the Gael I will place<br />
Ids hiij^h sense of honour. This distinguishing and beautiful trait<br />
of character in the Gael we sometimes hear stigmatised as Highland<br />
pride. A sense of pleasure derived from tlie remembrance<br />
and rehearsal of deeds of bravery, of examples of genc^rosity and<br />
of noble actions, may indeed bo termed laud;ible pride, and in this<br />
sense of the term we may take honour and Highland pride to be<br />
synonymous. As the honour of parents reflects on tlieir children,<br />
so in the wider sense the honour belonging to the clan, whether<br />
tlerived from its chief or from the noble deeds of its individual<br />
members, reflects on the whole l>ody. Here we have strong<br />
motives to urge individuals to perserve in tact, and liand down<br />
unsullied the good name and character of their family, whether in<br />
its limited or in its wider sense. Here, also, we find the reason<br />
of what appears to our southern neighbours to be the silly family<br />
connection, and the long line of ancestry in which the Celt takes<br />
so nuich pride. From this source likewise springs that stimulus<br />
to individual eftbrt on the part of each member of the clan to<br />
emulate the good deeds of his ancestors, and to e.schew in his own<br />
person whatever might tend to bring disgrace on his family name.<br />
Female honour and virtue were held as specially sacred, and the<br />
utter sense of degradation of shame and isolation of the unfortunate<br />
and unha])py female who had lost her virtue is strongly<br />
painteJ in the pitiful wail of her who said<br />
Bithidh mi tuilleadh gu tiiirseach deurach.<br />
Mar eala bhan 's i an deigh 'reubadh,<br />
Guileag bais aic' air lochan feurach,<br />
A's each gn leur 's iad an deigh 'treigsinn.<br />
Hospitality.— Highland hospitality is pi-overbial, and among<br />
our ancestors it must have appeared in the light of a sacred duty.<br />
Whether this duty is any other than that which is imposed by our<br />
duties as Christians, and rendered stronger by the necessities of<br />
circumstances may be a question, but certain it is that to a genuine<br />
Gael the pleasure of dispensing his hospitality, equals, if it does<br />
not surpass, tliat of the recipient of his favours. So imperative<br />
was the duty of hospitality that feuds and bitter dissensions were<br />
frequently su})pressed in order to discharge with becoming honour<br />
and dignity the paramount duty of host.<br />
—
292 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Love of Country.—The attachment of the Celt to his native<br />
land is indeed a stroni,' pf)int in his character, and the Scottish<br />
Gael in this respect vies with his brother Celts, and dearly loves<br />
" The land of biown heath and shaggy wood— the land of the<br />
mountain and the flood." The author of " Six months in Italy,"<br />
remarks that among all the nationalities he met with in the College<br />
of Proi)aganda, and students are found in it fi'om every clime,<br />
he found the love of home strongest among the youths from<br />
Switzerland, the Mountains of Lebanon, and from Scotland, thus<br />
showing the love of home strongest amongst the inhabitants of<br />
mountainous districts. It is sad to think how many pangs, and<br />
how much real grief have resulted from this tender attachment of<br />
the Gael to his native land.<br />
Military Prowess.—Perhaps the widest reputation the Highlander<br />
enjoys, is that which he has made for himself by his Millitary<br />
prowess, and undaunted courage. Flow much this vast<br />
Empire is inde])ted for its power abroad, and its stability at home<br />
to these two qualities of the Gael the military annals of our<br />
country bear ample testimony. This subject needs only to be<br />
mentioned, for w<strong>here</strong>ver the name of the Gael is heard his qualities<br />
as a patriot and soldier are well known.<br />
Many other interesting qualities in the character of the Gael<br />
suggest themselves, but those I have ventured to mention are<br />
certainly conspicuous. It may be said that this picture of the Gael<br />
is purely imaginary, and that at least in these days no such type<br />
of character exists. The more is the pity. It must be owned<br />
that in the process of becoming Saxonised, the Gael has lost many<br />
of the noble and distinct qualities which distinguished his forefathers.<br />
It must not, liowever, be forgotten that gifted with a<br />
knowledge of the language, not of the Saxon as such, but of that<br />
commercial lif(^ and entei'prise which his own native gifts and<br />
talents have helped so much to extend and develop in this kingdom,<br />
and throughout the whole British Empire, the Gael is to be<br />
found in the very foremost ranks of success, honour, and distinc-<br />
tion. How many (xaels could be mentioned who have distinguished<br />
themselves in every walk in life! I have dwelt, perhaps, too<br />
long on the chai-acteristics of the Gael, but I will not detain you<br />
with his social history further than to say that, as this subject<br />
has been so ably and comprehensively treated before by Mr John<br />
Macdonald,* I do not feel justified in trespassing any further on<br />
your time and patience.<br />
* Sec Transactions, vols. x. and xi.
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 293<br />
31sT Maucii 188G.<br />
On tins date R.iilio Chas. ^lackay, Inverness, read an intioductoiy<br />
paper on " Stratherrick—its People and Traditions." Bailie<br />
Mackay havini; agreed to resume the subject next session, the publication<br />
of the fii'st part is postponed, in order that the paper may<br />
appear in the next volume in its comj)leted form. On the same<br />
date the Secretary, on behalf of Sir ivenneth S. Mackenzie of Cair-<br />
loch, Bart., read a paj)er on changes in the ownership of land in<br />
Ro.ss-shire between 1756 and 1853, Sir Kenneth's paper was as<br />
follows :<br />
—<br />
CHANGES IN THE OjJrt^NERSHIP OF LAND IN<br />
ROSS-SHIRE— 175G-1853.<br />
The history of land-tenure in the Highlands is a subject on<br />
whicli t<strong>here</strong> seems to be very material disagreement. Mr Cham-<br />
berlain, speaking at Inverness in September 1 885, said that until<br />
comparatively recent times the chief held the land in trust for<br />
his clan, and "the arbitrary claim to absolute possession and dis-<br />
})Osition of the soil has only s})rung up within the last hundred<br />
years." On the other hand, Novar, in a lecture which he lately<br />
gave in Edinburgh, said that all available evidence went to show<br />
that private property in land was very generally established<br />
before the tribal system was l^roken up and the clans had been<br />
called into existence ; and he indicated that a chief's power as the<br />
head of a<br />
necessarily<br />
clan, and his rights as a lord of the soil, were not<br />
co-extensive—instancing the case w<strong>here</strong> Eraser of<br />
Fraserdale's tenantry deserted him at Perth to join their chief,<br />
Lovat, at In\eraess, and that of IMaclean of Coll who retained his<br />
power as chief after losing his lands. Lately, wiien looking over<br />
the rental of the Lordship of Huntly (a.d. 1600-1607), whicli is<br />
printed in the fourth volume of the Spalding Miscellany, my<br />
attention was attracted by an entry w<strong>here</strong> Lochiel (Allane Cameroiie<br />
M'Ouildouy) is set down as a rentaller of the Gordons<br />
paying eighty merks for the forty-merk land of Mamore, to<br />
which entry this curious note is ajjpended : " Memorand, Thair ar<br />
fyve merk land moii' nor the fourtie merk land in Mamoir for the<br />
quhilk Allane lies p;»yit notliinge, thairfoir to be tryitt."<br />
That the possession of his land by the Chief of the Camerons<br />
was somewhat precarious is a conclusion difficult to avoid. From<br />
the same rental we learn that ]\Iackintosh in 1607 accepted fi-om<br />
Huntly a set of the " the Coigs," at the head of Strathdearn, for
294 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
three years. Here again the limitation of the term of set implies<br />
that t<strong>here</strong> was no perpetuity of tenure at a fixed rent. Nor is<br />
INIackintosh's a solitary case of the sort. A John ^lackintosh of<br />
the same date got a three years' set of Dunachton, and other<br />
instances of sets for limited periods will be found in this rental in<br />
the parish of Kingussie. It is almost superfluous to remark that<br />
if thei-e were sub-tenants on these lands, their tenure could not<br />
have been better than that of those from whom tlieii* right was<br />
derived. Huntly's own right and that of his sub-feudatories<br />
may, if you please, be held to have been usurped, but if so the<br />
usurpation takes us back to the fifteenth century. The similar<br />
right of the Earl of Ross takes us back to the twelfth century.<br />
A friend has lent me a memorandum on the early tenure of<br />
land in Ross-shire, from which I take the following extract :<br />
" Estates in Ross-shire may be classed with reference to the<br />
origin of the feudal title into two divisions, viz., those which have<br />
been derived from the Farls and from the Bishops of Ross respec-<br />
tively.<br />
" The Earldom of Ross was one of the earliest territorial Earldoms<br />
of Scotland. In its limits it was practically co-extensive<br />
with the present Sheritlclom.<br />
"The Earls, whose family name was Ross, were of Celtic<br />
origin, and were probably chiefs of leading authority in the dis-<br />
trict prior to the creation of the feudal Earldom in the middle of<br />
the twelfth century. After that creation, in accordance with the<br />
plan of the feudal system, the Earl held the whole disti-ict of the<br />
Crown for service of ward and relief, the subordinate chiefs of the<br />
clans, Mackenzies, Munroes, and others, holding in their turn of<br />
the Earl for military service to him. That these rights were<br />
made and transferred by Charters and Sasines in ordinary feudal<br />
form is instructed by various old Charters preserved among<br />
the munimei]ts of the older Ross-shire families.<br />
"The Earldom of i'oss was resigned by John, Lord of the<br />
Isles, into the hand of the Crown, ad perpetunni remnnentiam in<br />
the year 147G. The mid-superiors being thus removed, the subordinate<br />
chiefs came to hold their lands directly from the Crown.<br />
The more important of them afterwards had their Estates erected<br />
into Baronies, and in their turn gave out lands to vassals. The<br />
lands which had belonged in property to the Earls of Ross, were<br />
put under the charge of a Crown Chamljerlain, who periodically<br />
settled accounts of his intromissions in Exchequer.<br />
" Various property-lands of the Earldom of Ross were feued<br />
—
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. "^95<br />
out by King Jiiincs tlic VI. to Sir Williiiiii Kcitli, Mii.stcr of IiIr<br />
Waicli'obe, and cioated in his favour into a Barony of Dclny, about<br />
tlie ycai- 1588. William Keith, perhaps in virtue of an understanding<br />
to that effect, appears to liave sub feued the lands to the<br />
old tenants, as occnj)iers, for the annual payment to him, or to tlie<br />
Crown in his relief, of just the same feu-duties for which he was himself<br />
bound. The Barony of Delny, consisting of the reserved mid<br />
superiorities, passed from Keith to the family of Inncs, and from<br />
them to the Mackenzies of Tarbat.<br />
" TJie Bishoprick of Rons was founded or restored by King<br />
David I. in the early part of the twelth century, and was richly endowed<br />
with lands and teinds in eveiy part of the county. Following<br />
the universal })ractice of the old clergy at the time of the Reformation,<br />
John Leslie, last Roman Catholic Bishop of Ross<br />
(15GG-9G) feued out nearly all the landed property of the See.<br />
Some of these grants may have been given from favour —the<br />
majority, more probably, were extorted by the influence of local<br />
landowners. T<strong>here</strong> is not as a rule the same preference for the<br />
old occupier as in the case of the Crown or Delny feus.<br />
" In the Exchequer Rolls, now being published, t<strong>here</strong> is a<br />
good deal of information to be derived as to the nature of the<br />
rents received by the Crown for the property-lands of the Earldom<br />
of Ross after 1476. The feu-duties payable to the Crown under the<br />
Charters of the Barony of Delny are very similar to the old rental<br />
duties.<br />
" In the same way, by comparing the feu-duties in the<br />
Charters granted by the Crown as coming in place of the Bishop,<br />
with the rental of the Bishoprick of Ross given up at the Reformation,<br />
1561, it is seen that these duties are pi-actically the same<br />
as the rents paid by the old tenants of the Bishops of Ross. If,<br />
t<strong>here</strong>fore, t<strong>here</strong> were crofters settled on any of these lands, they<br />
must have held their ci'ofts under the tenants or rentallers of the<br />
Crown and the Bishop."<br />
I have given this extract at greater length than to some may<br />
seem necessary, because for those unacquainted with the subject it<br />
conveys a succinct account of the early land-tenure of Ross-shire.<br />
It can hardly be questioned, that if the vassals and tenants of<br />
the Earls of Ross held the land in trust for anyone, it was for their<br />
feudal lord and not for their sub-feudatories or sub-tenants. It is,<br />
however, sometimes said that the ancient charters from which we<br />
construct history were mere paper rights receiving little practical recognition<br />
in the everyday life of the [jeojde, and it may be admitted<br />
that in some cases it was so. When Dean Munro speaks, in 1549, of
296 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Raasay "perteining to M'Gyllychallam of Raarsay be the sword and<br />
to the bishope of the iles be heritage " we feel that he may be<br />
covertly intimating that in this particuhir case the Bishop found<br />
some difficulty in getting his dues fi-om his vassal ; and we have more<br />
solid authority than this to go upon. In 1597 an Act was passed<br />
by the Scots Parliament, evidently directed against the vassals<br />
and rentallers of the annexed Earldom of Ross, calling on the<br />
inhabitants of the Isles and Highlands to show their titles. The<br />
preamble is in these terms ;— " Considdering that the inhabitantes<br />
of the Hielandes and lies of this Realme quhilkes ar for the<br />
maist parte of his Hiencsse annexed propertie, lies nocht onelie<br />
frustrate his Majestie of the zeirb'e payment of his proper rentes<br />
and dew service properlie addebted be them to his Majestie,<br />
foorth of the said Landes : Bot that they have likewise through<br />
their barbarous inhumanitie maid, and presentlie maiks the saidis<br />
Hielandes and lies (quhilkis ar maist commodious in themselves,<br />
alsweill bee th^ fertilitie of the grounde as be ricli tishinges bee sea)<br />
altoquidder unprofitable baith to themselves and to all utheris his<br />
Hienesse Lieges within this Realme:" kc. His Highness of coiii-se<br />
knew well enough of the deficiency of his rents, and the barbarous<br />
inhumanity of some of the Islanders had in the previous year been<br />
brought under his notice in a petition presented to him by Kenneth<br />
Mackenzie of Kintail against Torquil Dow of the Lews. Torquil<br />
Dow appears besides to have been one of those who had "frustrate"<br />
his Majesty of his rents, and who omitted to show his titles in conformity<br />
with the new Act, and in 1598 his lands were confiscated and<br />
granted to a company since known as that of the "Fife Adventurers."<br />
It is in everyone's knowledge that this comjjany could not make<br />
good the possession conferred on it by Royal Charter, though subsequently<br />
Mackenzie of Kintail, to whom they assigned it, did so.<br />
Non-observance of the law was t<strong>here</strong>fore in this case abnormal<br />
and temporary, for in the end, the law asserted itself, and it<br />
is reasonable to supi)osc that as it was in this case so must it always<br />
have been. Failure to recognise rights which the law conferred,<br />
could only have been exceptional even in those tumultuous times.<br />
Family traditions in the Highlands, as the members of the Gaelic<br />
Society of Inverness must be well aware, lay constant stress on tlie<br />
possession of titles, " coraicheayi," as they are called, a word which<br />
does not mean equitable rights but written Charters, those very<br />
paper-titles which we hear sneered at by persons who do not know<br />
the important place they occupy in Highland legend. In the history<br />
of my own clan, written by tlje editoi' of the Celtic Mngazine<br />
from the gat<strong>here</strong>d-up traditions of he past, one instance at least will
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 297<br />
be found w<strong>here</strong> tlicse titles occupy a prominent place. Very event-<br />
ful scenes are described as liavinrf had theii origin in tlie acci
298 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
were in absolute possession. In many cases it is true they were<br />
only life-renters ; and we find not uncommonly that dower-lands<br />
were given to widows in place of jointure. Such lands sometimes<br />
fell back to the original estate, and sometimes became the portion<br />
of a younger child; but, in any case, they wei-e for the time under<br />
separate maaagement, and thus tended to restrict monopoly in<br />
the soil.<br />
The earliest Valuation Koll of Ross-shire, of which t<strong>here</strong> is<br />
any record, is that of 1G44, a copy of which has been preserved<br />
for us by Mr Fraser-Mackintosh in his volume oi Antiquarian<br />
Notes. I happen to ])Ossess copies of the Rolls of 1 756, of 1 793, and<br />
of 1853. Lately I had an opportunity of inspecting also the roll<br />
of the Collector of Land-Tax for Ross-shire, in which the changes<br />
in the ownership of land had been corrected down to 1883. These<br />
rolls relat*^ to the County of Ross, exclusive of the parts of<br />
Cromarty and Nairn locally situated within it. Let me say a few<br />
words on their nature and origin.<br />
The object with which they were made up was to form a<br />
basis for the direct taxation of land. In early times such taxation<br />
was rarely resorted to, being treated as an extraordinary<br />
source of income to which recourse was to be had only in great<br />
emergencies. Down to the middle of the seventeenth century<br />
such taxes as were levied on land in Scotland were assessed on<br />
what was known as " the old extent,"— a valuation believed to have<br />
been made by Alexander III. about <strong>12</strong>80, in view of a general aid<br />
towards his daughter's dowry. The Church lands, however, were<br />
not included in this valuation, and they contributed on another<br />
basis. But in 1643 the Convention of Estates in voting a supply<br />
of 1,200,000 raerks Scottish money for the support of the army in<br />
Ireland, deemed it expedient to levy the money, " not as the<br />
taxations have been, or by the division of temporalities and<br />
spiritualities," but " conform to a particular roll made and set<br />
down t<strong>here</strong>anent, and subscribed in presence of the said Estates<br />
by the Lord Chancellor, to remain on record of the books of col-<br />
lection and convention." Under this Act, which is dated the<br />
15th August 1643, Conuuissioners are appointed for each county,<br />
" with powei' to such Commissioners to use all legal ways to inform<br />
themseb'es of the just and true worth of ev(iry person<br />
or persons their present year's rent of this crop, 1643, to landward,<br />
as well as of lands and teinds as of any other thing w<strong>here</strong>by<br />
yearly profit or commodity ariseth, and that the worth of any<br />
person or persons their lands, teinds, and other commodities w<strong>here</strong><br />
gressums and iuterosses have been payed, be valued and set down
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 299<br />
not only as tlu-y pay to tlu^ lu'ritors, liforentors, and other their<br />
masters, but as the same are worth and may pay presently witliout<br />
respect of gressums or entresses, and to divide the said rolls on<br />
particular parishes by making a roll for every sexerall pai-ish<br />
within the said shyre. Which roll shall contain every particular<br />
person's name, surname, and designation with the said year's rent<br />
and commodity within the said parish, whether in victual, money,<br />
or other connnodities, and the said victual and commodities to be<br />
converted into money by the said Commissioners," (tc, &c.<br />
The roll {)rinted by Mr Fraser-Mackintosh is said to be that<br />
of the year following the ])assing of this Act, and a note at the<br />
close of the roll refers to the ])roportioning of the cess among the<br />
difl'erent counties and burghs detailed in the Act, as having been<br />
agreed upon at a meeting of the shires in the month preceding its<br />
think, assume that the prepara-<br />
enactment. We may, t<strong>here</strong>fore, '<br />
tion of the Valuation Roll, ]»rinted in the " Antiquarian Notes,"<br />
followed on the passing of the Act of 1643, and that it contains<br />
the actual rent or annual value of the land of that year in terms<br />
of the Act.<br />
Revised valuations are said to have been made in 1649, 1655<br />
or 1656, and again in 1660, but the Acts which authorised them<br />
have not come down to us ; and after the restoration of Charles<br />
II. the Acts of the Convention of 1643 were annulled, and the<br />
valuation of that year of course fell with them.<br />
In 1667 the Convention of Estates enacted the first of that<br />
series of statutes under which the present Land tax became<br />
established in Scotland. The amount of supply was fixed at a<br />
cess of £72,000 Scots a month, and from this time forward supply<br />
is granted at first intermittencly, but towards the close of the<br />
century more or less regularly in terms of so many month's cess.<br />
The average annual amount of supply shortly befoi-e the Union<br />
was six months' cess. At the Union it was fixed at a sum which<br />
was practically eight months' cess, and at that amount it has since<br />
remained in so far as it has not been redeemed.<br />
The Act of 1667, which, as I have said, may be looked on as<br />
the first of the regular Su))ply-Acts under which the Land-Tax<br />
became established, granted to his Majesty twelve months' cess,<br />
which was " ordered to be raised and payed by the several shires<br />
and burghs of this kingdom, according to the valuation in the year<br />
of God, one thousand six hundred and sixty, and at the proportions<br />
under-written," thi-se pi-oportions being detailed in the Act.<br />
The roll actually made up in 1660 has not been preserved, but<br />
the amount of cess proportioned according to it among the
300 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
different counties and burghs is frequently entered in the Acts of<br />
supply. T<strong>here</strong> were some corrections made on these i)roportions up<br />
to 1095, but they were so trilling in amount that they do not call for<br />
notice. Practically our apportionment of to-day is that of 16G7,and<br />
our valued rent-roll is recognised as that of 1660 in accordance with<br />
which the proportions were originally allocated. On that valuation<br />
not only the land-tax but all local assessments without exception were<br />
levied down to the passing of the Poor-Law Act of 1845; and some<br />
ecclesiastical assessnunits are still regulated Ijy it. Though the<br />
amount of the valuation in each parish remains unchanged, its<br />
allocation among the heritors has been revised from time to time<br />
by the Commissioners of Supply as properties changed hands; and<br />
the valued rent-rolls thus become a simple means of tracing the<br />
passage of property from one owner to another. Had we a complete<br />
set we could without difficulty follow all the changes in landownership<br />
that have taken place. As it is I am able with the<br />
help of the roll of 1793 to assign to their respective owners in 1756<br />
the Ross-shire Estates that appear in the roll of 1853, excepting<br />
only those in the Parish of Roseniarkie w<strong>here</strong> t<strong>here</strong> are a large<br />
number of small proi)rietors and w<strong>here</strong> a division of the teinds<br />
has altered the valuation of each separate j^arcel of land. I have<br />
not, however, been able to trace back the changes to 1644, because<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is no correspondence between the valuations of 1644 and<br />
1660, neither are the designations of the several estates siifficiently<br />
particularised in the older roll to admit of the identitication of<br />
their extent. When I speak of the Valuation Roll made uj) between<br />
the years 1660 and 1855, it must be understood that I refer<br />
not to the real rent but to the valued rent as fixed in 1660. The<br />
Valuation Rolls issued from time to time between these years vary<br />
from one another only in their detail of the distribution of property.<br />
TJie total value is always the same. On comparing the valuations<br />
of 1644 and 1660, however, this striking fact appears, that at the<br />
later date the values had greatly fallen. In Ross-shire the valuation<br />
of 1644, exclusive of the Lews, amounted to £102,025; in 1660<br />
it was only £66,793, showing a depreciation of nearly 35 per cent.<br />
One is at first tempted to conclude that the valuations had<br />
been made on different bascjs, but yet the Scottish Parliament<br />
having reverted in 1643 from the old extent to the actual annual<br />
value, it does not seem probable that that equitable basis of taxation<br />
should have been departed from in the subsequent revisals down<br />
to the year 1660. On the other hand, if we consider that the intervening<br />
sixteen years luul been years of great political excitement<br />
—having witnessed the beheading of Charles I., the setting-up of
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 301<br />
a republic, aiul the restoration of the inonarcliy— it will not soein<br />
unrcasoiialile to suppose that tiu- prospciity oi' the country may<br />
have been alleeted l)y the general turmoil, and the security of property<br />
have been so shaken that some fall in rents might naturally<br />
luive been anticipated. Tt is tiu^ extent of the fall which is at first<br />
sight surprising. The cause for surprise diminishes, however,<br />
when we reflect that in this year (188G) rents are suffering a similar<br />
reduction consequent on a fall in prices. I have had no opportun-<br />
ity of consulting books of reference in regard to rents or prices<br />
during the time of the Connnon wealth, but a friend has referred<br />
me to an extract from the audit-books of Eton College, published<br />
in David Macpherson's Annals of Connnerco (18()5), w<strong>here</strong> the<br />
price paid at Windsor for wheat and malt of the first quality is<br />
given for a great part of the seventeenth century. Unfortunately,<br />
the quotations for the years lG4:2-4() inclusive, are missing, and T<br />
have not succeeded in finding other sources of information. In<br />
IGI:7 tlie average price of the quarter of wheat (which at Windsor<br />
contained 9 bushels) was 73s. 8d.; in 16i8 it was 85s., from which<br />
point it fell steadily to 26s. in 1 654, when it began to rise again.<br />
In 1660 the average price was 56s. 6d. In Windsor market,<br />
t<strong>here</strong>fore, the value of wheat in the six years succeeding 1648 was<br />
depreciated to the extraordinary extent of nearly 70 per cent.<br />
and, notwithstanding the rise which tlien took place, its price in<br />
1660 was about 33 per cent, below that of 1648. Assuming that<br />
the high prices of 1647-48 were to some extent current as early as<br />
1644, and that the range of prices in Scotland and Kngland did<br />
not materially differ, the fall from the rent of 1644 which we find<br />
in the valuation of 1660, would be sufficiently accounted for by<br />
the variations in the price of agricultural produce, of which wheat<br />
may be taken as an indicator. I have little doubt, t<strong>here</strong>fore, that<br />
the valuation of 1660, equally<br />
actual value of the time.<br />
with that of 1644, represents the<br />
I <strong>here</strong> give a statement of the valuations of 1643 and 1660<br />
side by side for each of the parishes in Ross-shire, premising however<br />
that I have a doubt whether in all cases the parish areas are<br />
identical in the two valuations. The adjoining {parishes of Gair-<br />
loch and Lochbroom for instance, taken together, show a fall of<br />
about 25 per cent., but while the fall in one had been 45 per cent.,<br />
tlie other had an actual increase of 8 per cent. W<strong>here</strong> t<strong>here</strong> is<br />
no reason to suspect discrepancies in the parochial areas, it will<br />
be noticed that the greatest reductions on the old valuations<br />
generally occur in the low-lying arable parishes; whence we may<br />
conclude that t<strong>here</strong> had been a greater depreciation in the price<br />
of corn than in the price of cattle. Here is the statement :<br />
—<br />
;
302 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Parishes,
Changes in the Ownership 0/ Land in Ross-shire. 303<br />
N
304 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
those of the subsequent Valuation Rolls, the extent to wliich property<br />
has ehaiif^ecl hands since 1G43 cannot be ascertained from<br />
the face of tlipse documents; Ijiit T have taken the roll of 175G<br />
and compared it with that of 1853, and I append a statement<br />
showing the valued rent of the dilierent estates in Ross-shire in<br />
the latter year, and the way in which they were apportioned and<br />
held in the earlier one. It mi
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 305<br />
Amount of valued Amount of valued<br />
Ucnt held in Rent which has<br />
Parishes I.N RoiJri-siiiRE. 18S3 in direct sue- changed hands Total.<br />
cession since between 1756 and<br />
1750. 1883.<br />
Brought forward £14 280 14 7 £48,247 <strong>12</strong> 9 £62,528 7 4<br />
Uiquhart 1,<strong>12</strong>4 687 5 1,811 5<br />
Urray 764 6 1.689 <strong>12</strong> 2,453 18<br />
£16,169 7 £50,624 9 9 £66,793 10 4<br />
The Lews 5,250 5,250<br />
£16,169 7 £55,874 9 9 £72,043 10 4<br />
Of the total valued rent, amounting with the Lews to<br />
£72,043, land representing £55,874: (not far siiort of 80 per cent.)<br />
had passed through the market in those <strong>12</strong>7 years, and much of it<br />
had been sold more than once.<br />
The appended statement showing how the Ross-shire estates<br />
of 1853 were distributed 97 years earlier, will, I hope, be found of<br />
interest in the study though it can hardly be made so at a meeting.<br />
T would ])articularly call attention to the fact that in 1756 the<br />
landowners are described as possessing a large proportion of their<br />
lands in vice of a previous possessor, and most frequently even that<br />
previous possessor does not appear in the roll of 1643.<br />
In conclusion I gather from these Valuation Eolls evidence<br />
that property in land in Ross-shire has been constantly changing<br />
hands, and to an extent very much greater than is popularly supposed<br />
; that families who were great landowners little more than a<br />
century ago have disappeared, and others have risen in their place,<br />
and that the great estates of to-day are made up of many smaller<br />
estates or part of estates ; that up to the middle of this century<br />
property in land was getting into fewer and fewer hands, but that<br />
during the last thirty years the tendency has been to a wider distribution<br />
of ownership. That at all events since 1643 rents have<br />
fluctuated in Hoss-shire, just as in other places, in accordance with<br />
l)rices and other circumstances which determined the demand at<br />
the time for the hire of land, and have not been tixed at a customary<br />
amount, established by usage as is sometimes assumed ; and<br />
that the Valuation Roll of 1643, made up at a time when the clan<br />
system was still in full force, bears witness to a distribution of the<br />
owaiership of land in Ross-shire under which the tenantry of the<br />
different Chiefs can have formed but a small proportion of the<br />
population, and shows, t<strong>here</strong>fore, that the clau-forces must have<br />
been largely if not mainly drawn from lands in respect of which<br />
the Chief had neither the rights nor the liabilities of ownership.<br />
The following is the statement prepared by me, to which I<br />
have been referrinjj:<br />
—<br />
20
306 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Statement Showing the Valued Rents of the different Estates in the<br />
County of Ross (exclusive of the parts of the Counties of Cromarty<br />
and Nairn locally situated t<strong>here</strong>in) in the Year 1853, and the way<br />
in which those Estates were apportioned and held in 1 756.<br />
ROSS-SHIRE VALUED RENT ROLL,<br />
Showing the Changes betwixt 1756 and 1853.<br />
Alness Parish.<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
H. A. J. Munro, George Munro of Novar<br />
Esq. ofNovar £2077 5 for Novar ... ... £200<br />
Do. in vice of Assent... 190<br />
Do. do. of Swordall. 195<br />
Do. do. of Fowlis.... 16 10<br />
Do. do. of Culcraigie<br />
for Achachean 14 10<br />
£616<br />
The Heirs of Mr Duncan<br />
Munro for Contlich.... 565<br />
Do. for Teachirn <strong>12</strong>8<br />
Do, in vice Leimlair... 25<br />
Do. for Culcraigie 83<br />
Do. for Fyrish<br />
John Munro of Culcairn<br />
70 10<br />
in place of M'Killigan<br />
Mr George Mackenzie of<br />
92 10<br />
Inchculter for Assent.<br />
Hugh Munro, part of<br />
Teaninich (£449 since<br />
380<br />
split)<br />
Mr Albert Munro, in rice<br />
110<br />
of Culcraigie (part of<br />
£29 10s since split).... 7 5<br />
General Munro Hugh Munn. for his lands<br />
of Teaninich 783 15 of Teaninich (the remainder<br />
of £449 split<br />
as above) £339<br />
Duncan Simson,in vice of<br />
Davochcairn 185 10<br />
Mr Albert Munro for<br />
Coull 225<br />
Do. i n vice of Culcraigie<br />
(part of £29 10s as<br />
above) 22 5<br />
Mr James Munro in vice<br />
of Culcraigie <strong>12</strong><br />
£2077 5<br />
783 15<br />
A. Mathcson, Esq. n n. n<br />
of Ardross, M. P. 30 Munro of Lcaldie 30<br />
£2891 Sum of the Parish of Alness £2891<br />
Number of Heritors 3.<br />
Number of Heritors 9.
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire.<br />
1853.<br />
Thus. Mackenzie,<br />
Ewi. of Applecrosd<br />
£154t)<br />
Applecross Parish.<br />
1756.<br />
Applecross £1546<br />
McBarnet of Torridon<br />
381 Mackenzie of Torridone<br />
£1927<br />
Number of Heritors 2.<br />
N.B.— Diabej^ in this parish,<br />
of which the valued rent is £82<br />
3s 9d, is entered in Gairloch in<br />
cumulo with Sir Kenneth Mackenzie's<br />
other lands t<strong>here</strong>.<br />
1853.<br />
Sir J. J. R. Mackenzie<br />
of Scatwell,<br />
Bart £1756 8 9<br />
\. Mackenzie,<br />
Ksi[. of Avoch.<br />
•Sir James Mathcson,<br />
Bart., vice<br />
Bennetstield ....<br />
631 6 4<br />
143 11<br />
£2531 6<br />
Number of Heritors 3.<br />
1853.<br />
Sir Alex. Mackenzie<br />
of Coul,<br />
Bart £1076 11<br />
::arry forward ... £1076 11 3<br />
307<br />
Sum of the Parish of Applecross £1927<br />
Number of Heritors 2.<br />
N.B.—These entries appear under the head of<br />
Lochcarron, with which Parish Applecross seems<br />
then to have been conjoined.<br />
Avoch Parish.<br />
1756.<br />
Sir Lewis Mackenzie of<br />
Scatwell £1013<br />
Do. in vice of Seafort. .<br />
45<br />
£1058<br />
Ballmaduthie 250<br />
Lady Dowager of Ballamaduthie<br />
in his vice... 379<br />
John Matheson of Banadgefield<br />
(part of £213<br />
since split) 69 8 9<br />
£1756 8<br />
John Mackenzie for Avoch £274 17 2<br />
Do. for Knockmurie... 49 19 2<br />
Rosehaugh 306 10<br />
631 6 4<br />
John Matheson of Banadgefield (part<br />
of £213 since split as above) 143 11 3<br />
Sum of the Parish of Avoch £2531 6 4<br />
Number of Heritors 6.<br />
Parish of Contin.<br />
1756.<br />
Sir Alexander Mackenzie<br />
ofCouU £1075<br />
Deduct Wester Corrievouillie,<br />
now Ord's 19 14 10<br />
£1055 5 2<br />
Thomas Mackenzie of<br />
Ord, in vice of Seaforth,<br />
£61 6s 8d (of which<br />
nowCoul's) 21 6 1<br />
£1076 11 3<br />
Carryforward ....£1076 11 3
308 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
1863.<br />
Brought forward.<br />
J. M. Balfour, Esq<br />
of Strathconan<br />
Sir Evan Mackenzie<br />
of Kilcoy,<br />
Bart<br />
Sir J. J. R. Mackenzie<br />
of Scatwell,<br />
Bart<br />
Duncan Davidson<br />
of Tulloch<br />
Parish of Contin—CotiiimLed.<br />
1756.<br />
£1076 11 3 Brought forward £1076 11<br />
Seaforth £668<br />
807 Colin Mackenzie of Hil-<br />
town, in vice of Delnies<br />
for Cashachau 39<br />
Colin Mackenzie of Hiltown<br />
100<br />
Kilcoy for his part of<br />
Auchnasheen, in vice<br />
537 14 4 of Davochmaluag and<br />
Banadgefield (part of<br />
£200 since split) £100<br />
Alexander Mackenzie of<br />
Davochmaluag, for his<br />
part of Auchnasheen,<br />
£100 (less £8 2s 2d<br />
since transferred to<br />
Gairloch) 91 17 10<br />
Thomas Mackenzie of<br />
Highfield, for Meickle<br />
Scatwelljin vice of Torridone<br />
and Lentron,<br />
£440 (of which Strathcroinbell<br />
is) 75 16 6<br />
Colin Mackenzie of Hilltown,<br />
in vice of Seaforth<br />
270<br />
Scalwell £216 (less, Glascharn,423<br />
4s7d) £192 15 5<br />
637 7 2 William Mackenzie of<br />
Strathgarve, in vice of<br />
Culcoy (partof £400).. 224 8 3<br />
Thomas Mackenzie of<br />
Highfield for Meickle<br />
Scatwell, in vice of Torridone<br />
and Lentron<br />
(part of £440) 220 3 6<br />
Lady Kinciaig, in vice of<br />
136 3 II Tulloch £75<br />
Balmaduthie. 35<br />
Wm. Mackenzie of Strathgarve,<br />
in vice of Culcoy<br />
(for half of Garreran<br />
part of cumulo valuation<br />
of £400) 26 3 11<br />
Carry forward ....£3194 16 8 Carry forward<br />
807<br />
*<br />
537 14<br />
637 7<br />
136 3<br />
£3194 18
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 309<br />
Parish of Contin—Continued.<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
Brought forward. t'3194 16 8 Brought forwar.l £3194 16 8<br />
Mrs Douglas of Thomas Mackenzie of<br />
Scatwell 167 4 7 Highfield, for Meickle<br />
Scat well, in vice of Tor •<br />
ridone and Lentron,<br />
£440 (of which effeira<br />
to Meikle Scatwell<br />
proper) £144<br />
Scatwell, £216 (of which<br />
Glascham) 23 4 7<br />
167 4 7<br />
.\Iacbarnet of Al- Kilco^^e, for his part of Auchnasheen,<br />
ladale 100 in vice of Davochmaluag and Banadgefield,<br />
£200 (of which for half of<br />
Loancorriechrubie) 100<br />
Sir Kenneth Mac- Alex. Mackenzie of Davoclimaluag,<br />
kenzie of Gair- for his part of Auchnasheen, £100 (ot<br />
loch, Bart 8 2 2 which for Glacknasquier) 8 2 2<br />
Thos. Mackenzie Thos. Mackenzie of Ord £100<br />
of Ord 309 3 3 Do.,in viceof Seaforth,<br />
£61 6s 8d (of which<br />
£21 6s Id transferred<br />
to Coul) 40 7<br />
Sir Alex. Mackenzie of<br />
Coull £1075 (of which<br />
effeirs to Wester Corrievoillie)<br />
19 14 10<br />
William Mackenzie of<br />
Strathgarve, in vice of<br />
Culcoy, £400 (of which<br />
eflfeirs to Ord's portion) 149 7 10<br />
£37 9 6 8 Sum of the Parish of Contin<br />
Number of Heritors 9<br />
Number of Heritors 11.<br />
Tulloch<br />
Dingwall Parish.<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
£799 19 The Laird of Tulloch for<br />
Tulloch £384 19<br />
Do. for the Lady Chisholm's<br />
jointui-e lands.. 250<br />
The Lady Kincraig in<br />
Tulloch's vice 165<br />
£799 1<<br />
Number of Heritors 1.<br />
309 3 3<br />
£3779 6 8<br />
£799 19<br />
Sum of the Parish of Dingwall £799 19<br />
Number of Heritors 2.
310 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
1853.<br />
Sir Charles Ross<br />
of Balnagown,<br />
Bart £1105<br />
Alex. Matheson,<br />
Esq. of Ardross,<br />
M.P<br />
R. B. Macleod,<br />
Esq. of CadboU<br />
350<br />
•3 10<br />
£1528 10<br />
Number of Heritors 3.<br />
1853.<br />
Macleod of CadboU<br />
£1511<br />
Edderton Parish.<br />
1756.<br />
The Laird of Balnago-svn<br />
for hLs lands t<strong>here</strong> £<br />
Da^^d Ross of Priesthill,<br />
for Muckle Daan<br />
Easterfearn's Creditors
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 31<br />
Fearn Fariah—Contimml.<br />
1853. I7r)6.<br />
HrouRht forwanl. £1511 7 7 Brought forward £1511 7 7<br />
W. H. Murray of CJcorge Ross of Pitkerry<br />
Ueanies 336 2 for Northtield .... £45 (i 2<br />
Inverhassly for Pitkerry,<br />
inviccofJolin Davidson 44 10<br />
Do.fortlie half Diivoich<br />
lands of MeikleReny 35 16 2<br />
Do. for Donoon's quarter<br />
of Meikle Reny.. 22 5 2<br />
BaInago-\TO for the Abbey<br />
of Fearn, £376 158 (of<br />
which now transferred<br />
toGeanies) 188 4 6<br />
Rose of Rheiny . . . 266<br />
18 6 Rodk. M'CullochofGlastuUicIi<br />
for Turridone<br />
and Little Milnetown . 100<br />
Do. for Little Reny ... 133 11 10<br />
Do. for the South quarter<br />
of Little Reny .. . 33<br />
6 8<br />
336 2<br />
Major Rose of<br />
266 18 6<br />
Morangie 175 17 6 Robt. Ro^sof AcnhacloichforBalintore 175 17 6<br />
Ross of Aldie 64 9 William Ross of Aldie for<br />
his quarter of Pitkerry<br />
Do. for Stronach's ox-<br />
15 9<br />
gate of Little Allan. 49<br />
64 9<br />
balnagown 543 19 10 Balnagown for the Abbey<br />
of Fearn, £376 ISs (less<br />
the half transferred as<br />
above to Geanies) 188 10 6<br />
Do. for Balgore<br />
Simon Mackenzieof Scots-<br />
144<br />
burn for LittleAllan..<br />
The Heirs of Baillie Donald<br />
Ross for his part of<br />
the Drums of Fearu, in<br />
183 13 4<br />
vice of James Ross .... 20<br />
Other lands transferred<br />
from Cadboll as above 7 16<br />
543 19 10<br />
lunro of Allan.<br />
.325 8 G David Munro for Duffs<br />
part of Meikle Allan...<br />
Easter Fearn's Creditors<br />
£118<br />
for Fowlar's part of<br />
Meikle Allan<br />
Do. for Monroe's wester<br />
114 10 4<br />
quarter t<strong>here</strong>of 92 18 2<br />
325 8 6<br />
lobertson of John Urquhart of Mount-Eagle for<br />
Monteagle 155 1 Easter Little Allan 155 1<br />
£3379 3 11 Sum of the Parish of Fearn £3379 3 11<br />
Number of Heritors 8. Number of Heritors 14.
3<strong>12</strong> Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Fodderty Parish.<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
D. Davidson, Esq. Davoc)im;tluag (part of a<br />
ofTulloch £796 4 valuation of £310<br />
Gairloch, in vice of Da-<br />
£197 8<br />
vochcairn 99 10<br />
Do. for Davochpollo. . . . 157 10<br />
The Laiid ofTulloch for<br />
his land in Fottcrty.... 175 10<br />
Inchcoulter for Davochcarty<br />
166 13 4<br />
Seaforth 423 Seafort for his lands t<strong>here</strong><br />
(part of £415) £165<br />
Do. in ^^ce of the Mrs<br />
of Ardoch 100<br />
Baillie Alexander Mackenzie<br />
of Dingwall, in<br />
vice of Lord Seafort... <strong>12</strong>5<br />
Rod. Dingwall of U.ssie.. 33<br />
£796 4 C<br />
423 (<br />
J. M.Balfour, Esq. Seafort for his lands t<strong>here</strong> (remainder<br />
of Strathconon. 250 of £415) 250 (<br />
Coul 1<strong>12</strong> 19 4 Davochmaluag (remainder of £310 as<br />
above) 1<strong>12</strong> 19 '<br />
Kilcoy 97 10 Kilcoy for Cullin and Achnalt 97 10 (<br />
£1679 13 4 Sum of the Parish of Fodderty £1679 13 '<br />
Number of Heritors 5. Number of Heritors 8.<br />
Gairloch Parish,<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
Sir Kenneth Mac- The Laird of Gairloch for<br />
kenzie of Gair- himself £1549<br />
loch, Bart £2559 ti-B.—This is in cumnlo<br />
with Diabaig in Applecross,<br />
£82 3s 9d.<br />
Do. in vice of Coal... 710<br />
Roderick Mackenzie of<br />
Cam Sairie 100<br />
The Laird of Gairloch (for<br />
Mellon, with half the<br />
Water of the Island of<br />
Ewe) 75<br />
Do., more for his other<br />
lands (the other half of<br />
the Water of the Island<br />
ofEwe) 75<br />
N.B.—The two last<br />
items are taken from<br />
Lochbroom in the roll of<br />
which Parish they were<br />
erroneously entered in<br />
1766.<br />
£2559<br />
Carry forward. ... £2559 Carryforward £2559 {<br />
I
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 313<br />
Qairloch Parish —(Continued.<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
Brought forwar.1. £2559 Brought forward £2559<br />
Meyrick Bankes, Murdoch Mackenzie of<br />
E^q. of Letter- Lctterewe 390<br />
ewe, Ac 741 Mackenzie of Gruiiiveard 351<br />
— 741<br />
Coul 100 Sir Alex. Mackenzie of CouU 100<br />
N. B.—This entry in Lochbroom in<br />
the Roll of 1756.<br />
£3400 Sum of the Parish of Gairloch £3400<br />
Number of Heritors 3. Num' er of Heritors 5.<br />
1853.<br />
Seaforth £833 3 7<br />
J.E. Baillie, Esq 587 11<br />
A. Mathiaon, Esq.<br />
of Ardross 595 4<br />
£2015 U<br />
Number of fleritors 3.<br />
1853.<br />
Colonel Baillie of<br />
Redcastle £1133<br />
Sir Evan Mackenzie<br />
of Kilcoy,<br />
But<br />
Glenshiel Parish. 1756.<br />
i'afortli (part of his cumulo valuation,<br />
of £3360 lor the Parisli of Kintad,<br />
with which Glenshiel was then combined<br />
£2015 18<br />
7 Sums of the Parish of Glenshiel £2015 18 7<br />
Number of Heritors 1.<br />
Killearnan Parish.<br />
1756.<br />
The Laird of Redcastle<br />
2 11 (Mackenzie) £822 15<br />
Do. for proportion of<br />
£669, his valuation in<br />
Kilmuir Wester before<br />
the incorporation of<br />
that parish and Suddie<br />
into Knockbayne 310 7<br />
The Laird of Kilcoy £225<br />
Do in vice of Allan-<br />
9 8 grange 70<br />
The Heirs of Captain<br />
Hugh Eraser, in vice<br />
of Reii castle for Wester<br />
Kcssock, &c., Haiil<br />
t<strong>here</strong>of (in Kilmuir<br />
Wester) 208 13<br />
The Laird of Kilcoy (in<br />
Suddie, £510 5s 8d, of<br />
which t<strong>here</strong> efFeirs to<br />
the present Pariah of<br />
Killearnan) 236 16<br />
£1133 2 11<br />
740 9 8<br />
£1873 <strong>12</strong> 7 Sum of the Parish of Killearnan £1873 <strong>12</strong><br />
Number of Heritors 2.<br />
Number of Heritors 3.
314 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
1853.<br />
Sir Charles Hoss<br />
of Balaagown,<br />
Bart £851<br />
Major Charles<br />
Robertson of<br />
Kindeace 396<br />
Cadboll 250<br />
J. Ogilvie, Esq.<br />
of New more. ... 175<br />
Kincraig 81<br />
Parish of Kilmuir Easter,<br />
1756.<br />
BaluagownforBalnagowu £679<br />
David Ross of Priesthill<br />
10 for Rives 150<br />
Do. for Parkhill and<br />
Badibea 92<br />
Simon Mackenzie of Scotsburn<br />
for Dalnaclaach.. 30 10<br />
Mr Wm. Baillie for Kenrive<br />
and Torralea, in<br />
10 vice of Culrain £196<br />
John Martin, for Inchfurie<br />
143 10<br />
Do. for Cabrichie ... 57<br />
851 10<br />
396 10<br />
Alex. Bayne of Delny, for the lands of<br />
Delny 250<br />
The heirs of John Munroof Newmore,<br />
for Ballintraid 175<br />
JolinMackenzieof Kiucraig.forBroomhill<br />
81<br />
£1754 Sum of the Parish of Kilmuir Easter £1754<br />
Number of Heritors 5. Number of Heritors 8.<br />
1853.<br />
Sir Chas. Munro<br />
of Fowlis, Bart. £2027<br />
John Munro of<br />
Swordalc<br />
Carryforward..,. £2139<br />
Parish of Kiltearn. 1756.<br />
Sir Harry Munro of Fowlis<br />
; in vice of his father.... £420<br />
Do. his old valuation... 435 2<br />
Do. for Balcladich 20<br />
Do. for Drummond .... 150<br />
Mr Duncan Munro's<br />
Heirs for Lemlair 324<br />
Do. for Ardulie 60<br />
Do. for Wester Fowlis 336 7 6<br />
Do. for Pollock 82 10<br />
Wm. Munro for Teanaird 34<br />
David Bethune for Culniskee<br />
33 10<br />
Alex. Munro for Kiltearn 84 <strong>12</strong><br />
Do. in vice of Swordale 47 8<br />
£2027<br />
John Munro for the lands<br />
<strong>12</strong> ofMilltown £78<br />
Do. in vice of Swordale 34<br />
1<strong>12</strong><br />
Carryforward £2139<br />
9 6
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 315<br />
1853.<br />
Parish of Kilte&rn--Contimied.
316 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Parish of Kintail.<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
TheChisholm £322 10 Scafo.th, f3366 ; including<br />
£2015 188 Id in<br />
Seaforth 5 13 5<br />
(Ueiishiel, which leaves<br />
<strong>here</strong><br />
Do. in vice of Domie . .<br />
£1350<br />
141<br />
1 11<br />
Do. ,, of Macrae<br />
ofConchra 100<br />
Alex. Matheson, Do. in vice of Inveiinat 175<br />
Esq. of Ardross 1587 18 6 Do. ,, ofCamslunie 150<br />
£1916 1 11<br />
£1916 111 Sum of the Parish of Kintail £1916 111<br />
Number of Heritors 3. Number of Heritors 1.<br />
Parish of Knockbayne (formerly Suddie and Kilmuir Wester).<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
J. F. Mackenzie, George Mackenzie of<br />
Esq. of Allan- Allangnmge £300<br />
grange £752 10 Do. (entered in Killeariianin<br />
1756) 452 10<br />
£752 10<br />
Kilcoy 746 3 2 The Laird of Kilcoy<br />
(£510 5s 8d in Sud.lie,<br />
less £236 16s 4d nowentered<br />
in KillearnRn). £273 9 4<br />
Belmaduthie (in Suddie). 162<br />
Mackenzie of Mureton<br />
(in Suddie) 213 6 10<br />
John Mackenzie of Kilcoy<br />
in vice of Highfield<br />
(Kilmuir Wester) 97 7<br />
746 3 2<br />
Mr tiraham of George Graham of Dry-<br />
Drynie 608 3 4 nie for Drynie, &c £269 8 4<br />
Mackenzie of Pitlunaig,<br />
for Pitlunaig, &c 90<br />
The Heirs of Captain<br />
Hugh Fraser, in vice of<br />
Mr Wm. Duff for Kilmuire<br />
248 15<br />
608 3 4<br />
Colonel Baillie of Reidcastle (£669 in Kilmuir Wester of<br />
Redcastle 358 <strong>12</strong> 1 which sum £310 7s lid now entered<br />
in Killearnan) 358 <strong>12</strong> 1<br />
Scatwell 460 Mackenzie of Suddie £278 10<br />
J ohn M atheson of Beuagefield<br />
181 10<br />
460<br />
£2925 8 7 Sum of the Parish of Knockbayne £2925 8 7<br />
Number of Heritors 5. Number of Heritors 10.
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 317<br />
Parish of Lochalsh.<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
Alexander Mathc- Lord Seaforth £2675<br />
8on, Esq. of Do. for Murchison of Auchtertyre 225<br />
Ardross, M.P.. £2900<br />
£2900 Sum of the Parish of Lochalsh... £2900<br />
One Heritor. One Heritor.<br />
Parish of Lochcarron.<br />
1853. 1756.<br />
Thos. Mackenzie, John Mackenzie of Del-<br />
Esq. of Apple vine, in vice of Lord<br />
cross £1804 10 Seaforth £<strong>12</strong>53<br />
Mr .'Eneas Macaulay,<br />
minister of the Gospel<br />
at Applecross, for Seaforth<br />
(Sanachan) 50<br />
Jolm Mackenzie of Delvine,<br />
ill vice of Culcovie,<br />
in the room of<br />
the Earle of Marr 50110<br />
Macbarnet, vice Davochmaluag £56<br />
Mathesonof At- Matheson of Famach, in<br />
tadale 300 vice of Davochmaluag. 244<br />
1804 10<br />
£2104 10<br />
Number of Heritors 2.<br />
Sum of the Parish of Lochcarron £2104<br />
Number of Heritors 4.<br />
Parish of Lochbroom.<br />
10<br />
1853.<br />
Hugh Mackenzie,<br />
1756.<br />
Mackenzie of Dundonald<br />
Esq. of Dun- in vice of Fairbum<br />
donnell £990 9 9 (Isle of Gruinard, part<br />
of £225)<br />
Do. in vice of Keppoih<br />
£40 13 3<br />
(for Keppoch)<br />
The Heirs of James Mackenzie<br />
of Keppoch (for<br />
50<br />
Kildonan, &c.) 83 6 8<br />
Kenneth Mackenzie of<br />
Dundonald for Derimuick<br />
139<br />
Do. in vice of Redcastle<br />
(Achtadonell) ... 350<br />
Do. in vice of Simon<br />
Mackenzie of Loggie...<br />
Mackenzie of Ballon for<br />
162<br />
Larich - in - Teavour,<br />
(Strathnasealg part of<br />
£81)<br />
Alex. Mackenzie of Sand,<br />
23 16 6<br />
in vice of Keppoch<br />
Do. in vice of Dundonald<br />
come in vice of Fairburn{<br />
Monkcastle, Glen<br />
66 13 4<br />
-<br />
arigolach.&Rhidorch). 75<br />
300<br />
£990 9 9<br />
Carry for^vard. £990 9 9 Carryforward £990 9 9
318 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
1853.<br />
Brought forward.<br />
Bankes of Letter-<br />
Davidson of Tulloch<br />
1035 13 4<br />
M ackenzie of Coul<br />
Seaforth<br />
Letterewe<br />
Parish of Lochbroom- -Continued.<br />
1756.<br />
£990 9 9<br />
Brought forward<br />
Mackenzie of Dmulonald<br />
241 10 3 in vice of Fairburn<br />
(Fishertield part of<br />
£225 as above)<br />
Mackenzie of Ballon for<br />
£184 6 9<br />
Larich - in - Teavour,<br />
(Strath-na-Sealg part<br />
of £81 as above) 57 3 6<br />
516<br />
100<br />
40<br />
£2923 13<br />
Number of Heritors 6.<br />
Sir<br />
1853.<br />
Charles Ross<br />
of Balnagown,<br />
Bart<br />
£1132 15<br />
Mackenzie of Ballon £566 13 4<br />
Mackenzie of Achilty<br />
(half of Achlunachan). 85<br />
Mackenzie of Ballon for<br />
the other half of Achlunachan<br />
85<br />
Mackenzie of Achilty in<br />
vice of Leckmelm 100<br />
Do. in vice of Dundonald<br />
and Leckmelm 100<br />
Mackenzie of Dundonald<br />
in vice of Kilcovie,<br />
(Auchindrean) 99<br />
Sir Alex. Mackenzie of Coul for his<br />
lands (Inverlael, &c.)<br />
Kilcovie for feu-duties of Lochbroom.<br />
Murdoch Mackenzie of Letterewe in<br />
vice of Seaforth<br />
£990 9 9<br />
241 10 .-?<br />
1035 13 4<br />
516<br />
100<br />
Sum of the Parish of Lochbroom £2923 13 4<br />
Number of Heritors 8.<br />
Parish of Liogie Easter. 1756.<br />
Balnagown for Loggie £166<br />
Do. for Pitmaduthy ... 26C<br />
Simon Mackenzieof Scotsburn<br />
for AUadale<br />
Thos. Ross for the lands<br />
of Calrosie<br />
Do. for Druniedatt in<br />
vice of Cambuscurry...<br />
Rodk. M'CuUoch for his<br />
lands of (ilastuUich. ,.<br />
Do. for Balloan in vice<br />
of Mr Robert Ross<br />
Shandwick. <strong>12</strong>7 Inverehassly for Drumigillie<br />
Do. in vice of Mr Robt.<br />
Ross's heirs<br />
£<strong>12</strong>59 15<br />
Number of Heritors 2.<br />
207<br />
75 17 6<br />
75 17 6<br />
191<br />
157<br />
£100<br />
27<br />
40<br />
£1132 15<br />
<strong>12</strong>7<br />
Sum of the Parish of Logic Easter £<strong>12</strong>59 15<br />
Number of Heritors 5.
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire.<br />
1853.<br />
Boss of Shand<br />
wick £1791<br />
Sir Charles Ross<br />
of Balnagown,<br />
Bart 676<br />
Humphrey, Esq.. 404<br />
G. W. H. Ross,<br />
Esq. of Cromarty<br />
401 5<br />
Ross of Pitcalnie.<br />
Murray of Westfield<br />
R. B. M. Macleod<br />
of CadboU<br />
317 10<br />
496 16<br />
119<br />
£4205 11<br />
Number of Heritors 7.<br />
1853.<br />
L. M. Mackenzie,<br />
Esq. of Findon.<br />
R. Urquhart, Esq.<br />
J. S. Mackenzie,<br />
Esq. of Newhall<br />
C. Lyon • Mackenzie,<br />
Esq.<br />
St. Martins<br />
of<br />
£100<br />
100<br />
193 3<br />
55 3<br />
£448 e<br />
Number of Heritors 4.<br />
Parish of Nigg.<br />
1756.<br />
Invcrchassly for Ankerville<br />
Do. for Shandwiik<br />
Hugh Rose of Kilravock,<br />
for the lands of Culliss<br />
and Rarichees<br />
James Ross of Culliss, m<br />
vice of Mr John Balfour<br />
for his part of sds.<br />
lands<br />
Do. in vice of his father<br />
for his part of the sds.<br />
lands<br />
£527<br />
100<br />
896<br />
144 11 4<br />
<strong>12</strong>3 3<br />
The Laird of Balnagown<br />
for In verhassley's<br />
wadset £431<br />
Do. in place of Mr James<br />
Mackenzie 245<br />
Duncan Ross for his lands of Meikle<br />
Kindeace<br />
George Ross of Pitkerry,<br />
for Culnauld and Dunskeath<br />
356 5<br />
Do. for Aimat 45<br />
Alex. Ross of Pitcalnie, for his lands..<br />
Thomas Gair of Damm,<br />
for his part of Nigg. . £162<br />
16<br />
Cadboll, for Urquhart's<br />
quarter of Nigg 87<br />
Mr James Eraser, for<br />
Pitcallion 215<br />
Da\nd Reoch, for his part<br />
of Pitcallion 32<br />
Cadboll, for the Milns of Kindeace<br />
and Pitcallion<br />
£1791<br />
676<br />
404<br />
401 5<br />
317 10<br />
496 16<br />
119<br />
Sum of the Parish of Nigg £4205 11<br />
Number of Heritors 11.<br />
Parish of Resolis.<br />
1756.<br />
Scatwell for Wester Culbo £100<br />
Kinbeachie<br />
Sir John Gordon, for St.<br />
100<br />
Martina £93 3 6<br />
Do. for Easter Balblair. 100 e<br />
Mr William DufiF, for Drumcudden.<br />
193<br />
55<br />
Sum of the Parish of Resolis £448<br />
Number of Heritors 4.<br />
319<br />
3
320 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
1853.
1 M.F<br />
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. M21<br />
1853.<br />
R. B. JE. Macleod,<br />
Esq. of<br />
CadboU £1180 U<br />
A. Matheson, Esq.<br />
of A r d r o s s,<br />
i-2\: 17 ;}<br />
Major Rose of<br />
Morangie 213 1<br />
G. W. H. Ross,<br />
Esq. of Cromarty<br />
289<br />
F. M. Gillanders,<br />
Esq. of Newmore<br />
572 6 .3<br />
Rod. Mackenzie,<br />
Eaq.of Kincraig 234 10<br />
Major Robertson<br />
of Kiudeace 5<br />
£3711 15<br />
Number of Heritors 7.<br />
Parish of Rosskeen.<br />
175G.<br />
Sir Jolin Gordon, for Invergordon<br />
f81G<br />
Uo , for Rosskeen and<br />
Achintoull 3G4<br />
John Mackenzie of Ardross,<br />
for Ardross<br />
George Miuiro of Culrain,<br />
£670 10<br />
for Nonakiln (part of<br />
t'84 lOs)<br />
The heirs of John Munro,<br />
<strong>12</strong> 18<br />
for Newmore (part &f<br />
£450)<br />
James Cuthbert of Milncraig<br />
in vice of Achna-<br />
31 19 3<br />
cloich<br />
The Heirs of Mr Duncan<br />
300<br />
Muur", for Culkenzie.. 1<strong>12</strong> 10<br />
James Oithbei't of Mihicraig,<br />
for Tollie and<br />
Strathrusdale<br />
George Munro of Ciilr<br />
lin, for Calcairn(part<br />
90 — <strong>12</strong>17<br />
of £295 15s)<br />
Do. for Non.ikiln (part<br />
£141 9 G<br />
of £84 10s as above) ... 71 <strong>12</strong><br />
The Heirs of Duncan ISIunro, for<br />
Obsdale<br />
Tlie Heirs of John Munro,<br />
for Newmore (remainder<br />
of £450 as above).. £418 9<br />
Geoi'ge Munro of Culram,<br />
for Culcairii (remainder<br />
of £295 15s as above)... 154 5 6<br />
John Mackenzie of Kincraig, for Kintraig<br />
William Baillie of Rosehall in vice of<br />
Culrain<br />
£1180<br />
i:<br />
213 1 6<br />
289<br />
572 6 3<br />
234 10<br />
Sum of the Parish of Rosskeen £3711 15<br />
Number of Heritors 8.<br />
5<br />
21
322 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
1853.<br />
G. M. Ross, Esq.<br />
of Aldie £600 10<br />
R. B. .E. Macleod,<br />
Es(j. of<br />
Caclboll<br />
Major Rose of<br />
Morangie<br />
235<br />
824<br />
£1659 10<br />
Number of Heritors 3.<br />
1853.<br />
W. H. Murray,<br />
Esq. of Ueanies £1832<br />
And. Mnnro, Esq.<br />
of Rock field ..<br />
Aldie<br />
Cadboll<br />
.<br />
234<br />
188<br />
134<br />
£2388 17 6<br />
Niunber of Heritois 4,<br />
Parish of Tain.<br />
1756.<br />
Wm. Ross of Aldie, for<br />
Aldie £65 10<br />
Do., for Balnagall 370<br />
Do., for Pithoggartie... 165<br />
Cadboll, for Balquith £175<br />
Easter Fearn's en ditors,<br />
for Kirkskeath 60<br />
The heirs of Roderick<br />
Ding\vall,for Over Cambuscurry<br />
£110<br />
Cadboll, for Nether Cambuscurry<br />
ISO<br />
Inverhassly, for Tarlogic 330<br />
Do., for Morangie <strong>12</strong>0<br />
Thomas Ross of Calrossie,<br />
for Pituylies. ... 84<br />
Slim of the Parish of Tain<br />
Number of Heritors 6.<br />
Parish of Tarbat. 1756.<br />
The heirs of Coll Urquhart,<br />
for Easter ArboU<br />
.£575<br />
Alexander Ross of Pitcalnie,<br />
for Wester Arboll<br />
225<br />
H ugh Macleod of Genzies,<br />
for Genzies 546 7 6<br />
Duncan Eraser of Auchnagairii,<br />
for Seafield... 486<br />
Thomas Mackenzie of Highfield, for<br />
Little Tai rell<br />
Wm. Ross of Aldie, for the wester<br />
half Davoch of Wester Genzies<br />
Heirs of Dingwall of Cambuscurry,<br />
for Hiltown £84<br />
The Laird of Cadboll, in<br />
vice of David Ross 50<br />
Sum of the I'arisJi of Tarbat<br />
Number of Heritors 8.<br />
600 10<br />
235<br />
824<br />
£1659 10<br />
1832 7 6<br />
234<br />
188 10<br />
134<br />
£2388 17 6
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 323<br />
1853<br />
L. M. Mackenzie,<br />
Esij. of Fiiulou. £10;U<br />
Gaiiloclj<br />
.<br />
£1811 ,<br />
Number of Heritors 2.<br />
1853.<br />
Seaforth £966 1<br />
J. F. Gillanders,<br />
Esq. of High-<br />
'<br />
1 field<br />
Thos. Mackenzie,<br />
Esq. of Ord<br />
Parish of Urquhart and Logie Wester,<br />
402<br />
275 10<br />
Carry forward .. €1644 4 8<br />
17")6.<br />
Sir Lewis Mackenzie of Scatwell tl034.<br />
(Sir Lewis is aLo entered in vice of<br />
the Lady Dowager fori.179, which<br />
was afterwards taken out, as the<br />
£1034 aheidy includes it.)<br />
The Laird of Gairloch, for<br />
Bishopkinkell £90<br />
Lady Kiiicraig, in vice of<br />
Gairloch 580<br />
Kilcoy, for LoggieRiech,<br />
in vice of John Tuach. 107<br />
Sum of the United Parishes fl811<br />
Number of Heritors 4.<br />
Parish of Urray.<br />
1756.<br />
Seafort (part of £554<br />
13s 4d for Braiian) 4391<br />
Do. in vice of the Mrs<br />
of Ardoch 69<br />
Do. in vice of Mr<br />
Mason 50<br />
Fairbum (part of £633<br />
9s8d) 411 11 7<br />
Alexander Mackenzie of<br />
Lentrou's heirs, for the<br />
half of Arcan 44 10<br />
Highfield for Kincliilidrum<br />
200<br />
More for do 100<br />
Fairbum (part of £633<br />
9s 8. 1 for Bal vraid ) 82 3 1<br />
Thomas Mackenzie, for<br />
Ord (part of £100 for<br />
Torinuichk) 20 4<br />
Thomas Mackenzie, for<br />
Ord (£100 less Tormuichk<br />
as alwve) 79 16<br />
Do. in vice of Seafort<br />
for the Mills 140<br />
Gerlochin vice of Davochcairn<br />
56<br />
£966 1 7<br />
402 7 1<br />
275 16<br />
Carryforward €1644 4 8
324 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
1853.<br />
Brought f..iward. £1644 4 8<br />
Scatwell.forAultderg<br />
Strathconan, for<br />
Inverchaoron...<br />
D o c h f o u r, for<br />
Tarradale<br />
Muirton, for Wr.<br />
Fairbuni<br />
Meikle Scat ^i ell.<br />
for Achfinagie..<br />
The Chishohii's,<br />
for Rhindown..<br />
Monar<br />
Coul, for Little<br />
Moy<br />
Parish of '[Jrra.y—Continued.<br />
3 9<br />
163 13 4<br />
223 18<br />
150<br />
59 9 9<br />
97 17<br />
77 4 6<br />
34 10<br />
1756.<br />
Brought forward £1644 4 8<br />
Fairburn (part of cumulo rental of<br />
£633 9sSd) 3 9<br />
Seafort (remainder of £554 13s 4d as<br />
above) 163 13 4<br />
Mackenzie of Lentriin's heirs in vice of<br />
Applecross (part of £321 15s) 223 IS<br />
Kilcoy, for Westor Fairburn in vice<br />
of Davochmaluag 150<br />
Fairburn (pai-t of cumulo rental of<br />
£633 9s 8d as above) 59 9 9<br />
Mackenzie of Lentran's heirs (£321 15s<br />
less Tarradale as above) 97 17<br />
Fairburn (remainder of (•uniulo rental<br />
of £6.33 9s 8d) 77 4 6<br />
Sir Alex Mackenzie of Coull, for Little<br />
Moy 34 10<br />
£2453 18 Sum of the Parish of Urmy £2453 lb<br />
Number of Heritors 11. Number of Heritors 8<br />
1853.<br />
Sir James Mathe-<br />
8on, Bart. M.P. £5250<br />
£5250<br />
One Heritor.<br />
Lewis.<br />
1756.<br />
Seaforth for tlic whole.<br />
7th April 1886.<br />
One Heritor<br />
£5250<br />
£5250<br />
On this date Mr Roderick Maclean, factor, Ardross, road a<br />
paper on " The Parisli of Rosskeen." It was as follows :<br />
THE PARISH OF ROSSKEEN.<br />
The Parish of Rosskeen is situated on the northern shoi-e of<br />
the Cromarty Firth, along which it extends a distance of five<br />
miles from the east end of Saltburn to the River Alness. It is<br />
wedge-shaped, 18 miles long from south-east to north-west, and<br />
about 5 miles broad near the east end. It comprises an area of<br />
54 square miles, of which about 15 square miles are arable. The<br />
lower ])art of the parish is partially fiat and partially undulating.<br />
The soil is of average richness in the lower portions, but poor<br />
in some of the liighei- portions, e.specially w<strong>here</strong> the cultivation<br />
extends to from GOO feet to 1000 feet abo^e the sea level. The<br />
—
The Parish of Rossheen. 325<br />
inland portions are hilly, some of the eminences reaching heights of<br />
2300 feet. A valley stretches along the south-west side a length<br />
of 15 miles, the first seven miles from the sea called the valley of<br />
the Alness, the next 4 miles Strathrusdale, and the remaining \<br />
miles Glackshellach. Nearly parallel to the valley of the Alness<br />
along the north side of the parish is the valley of the Achnacloich<br />
water, extending to about 6 miles.<br />
In the beginning of the present century the area of arable<br />
land was comparatively small. In the possession of new proprietors<br />
and industrious tenants, however, rapid changes have t^aken place,<br />
es[)ecially within the last forty years, since Sir Alexander Matheson<br />
became the principal heritor. Miles which were then covered<br />
with boulders, scrub, and bog are now clothed with verdure, and<br />
numerous hill-sides are covered with flourishing woods.<br />
From remains found in mosses, t<strong>here</strong> are e\idences of extensive<br />
forests having existed in the valleyj centuries ago.<br />
In one place in particular, called " a' Chrannich," the wooded<br />
place, on the Estate of Ardross, large logs of bog oak are turned uj)<br />
in peat-cutting, a piece of which, sent to the Forestry Exhibition in<br />
Edinburgh in 1884, was awarded a certificate.<br />
The topography is principally descriptive and historical. I re-<br />
frain from giving the derivation of Rosskeen, as I am not quite sure<br />
of it. A few of the names of the places may be interesting. Commencing<br />
at the lower end of the parish, and following successively<br />
inward, we have to begin with Saltburn. " AUtan-an-t-Saluinn," a<br />
small stream at whose mouth smugglers used to dispose of salt to<br />
the inhabitants when it was taxed : hence the name.<br />
Invergordon, named after the first of the Goi-dons who were<br />
proprietors of the place. The Gaelic name is " Ruthanach-<br />
breachie," the little speckled point. In the end of the last<br />
century, w<strong>here</strong> Invergordon now stands t<strong>here</strong> were only three<br />
houses, occupied by the ferryman and two crofters. The neighbouring<br />
farm is called Inverbreakie, the speckled Inver. The<br />
hand of the improver has so changed the face of the coimtry <strong>here</strong><br />
that the " Inver " cannot be certified, but is supposed to have<br />
been north of Invergordon Castle, w<strong>here</strong> a small stream entered a<br />
swamp, now all arable.<br />
KiNCRAiG.— " Ceann-na-Creige," the end of the rock. This<br />
name must have been translated, as t<strong>here</strong> is no conspicuous rock<br />
at the place.<br />
Newmoke.— " An-fheith-mhor," the big bog, which still<br />
exists at the south side of this estate, and from which the estate<br />
derives its name. •
326 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Obsdale.— " Ob-an-dail," the Iwy in the flat. The bay and<br />
the flat are still t<strong>here</strong>, but the name is now changed to Dalniore,<br />
the large flat, and the village to Bridge-End of Alness.<br />
Alnkss, of old spelled " Anes." The name of this river in the<br />
charter granted by James VI. to Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis in<br />
1608 is "Afl'ron," a corruption of " M'ath bhron," my next sorrow.<br />
The tradition is that a woman crossing the river in a flooded state<br />
on a temporary foot-bridge (put up for their own convenience by<br />
the masons wlio were erecting the flrst stone bridge t<strong>here</strong>) with a<br />
child in her bosom and leading another child by the hand, let slip<br />
the child she was leading ; calling out " Och mo bhron," och my<br />
sorrow, and in her attempt to save the child that was being carried<br />
away, let the other fall into the water, calling out " Och m'ath<br />
bhron"— Och my next sorrow. Both children were drowned, and<br />
from this circumstance the river got the name. I have read several<br />
derivations of " Alness,'" but none of them is correct. I feel convinced<br />
the following is the correct derivation :<br />
The river in the last 600 or 700 yards of its course divided itself<br />
into several branches, somewhat in the form of a delta, forming<br />
one or more islands. The old district road, of which t<strong>here</strong> still remains<br />
a portion, passed below Teaninich House, and t<strong>here</strong> being no<br />
bridge, the river had to be forded. Thus we have the " Ath,"<br />
ford, and " Innis " the Island, naturally changing to Athnish,<br />
cori'upted to " Anes," and furthur corrupted into Alness.<br />
NoNAKlLN. — " Nini-cil. " The church dedicated<br />
Ninian.<br />
to St<br />
MiLLCHAiG (of old and in the Crown charter " Culkenzie")<br />
" Cuil-Choinnich." The origin of this name is worth noticing.<br />
Malcolm Oeann-mor in his war with Macbeth solicited the assistance<br />
of a chief, Donald, from the foot of the River Roe in Ulster (hence<br />
Donald Munro), and for his services received a grant of the lands<br />
from the Pert'ery at Dingwall to the Alness river, extending northwards<br />
to beyond Wyvis, still called Ferrindonald, but having too<br />
little land to sui)ply all his followers, he fened a portion on the east<br />
side of the River Alness. He then got them all supplied but one<br />
— " Coinneach Ard," tall ICenneth. Kenneth of course could not<br />
be left landless, and in consulting his assistants in dividing the<br />
land, he said " C'ait am faigh sinn cuil do Choinneach," w<strong>here</strong> shall<br />
we get a nook for Kenneth? A suitable nook was found. The<br />
name " Cuil Choinnich" still sticks to the corner, and Kenneth is<br />
honoured by the Estate being named after his corner.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are a good many peo]ile in tlui district of the name of<br />
Aird, who are said to be descendants of Kenneth.<br />
—<br />
—
The Parish of Rossheen. 327<br />
Knocknavie.— "Cnocanfheitli bhuidhe," tlieliill of the yellow<br />
bog. The bog is now dniiiuHl, Init yellow fog still grows t<strong>here</strong>.<br />
AcnNACLOiCH, named after a large granite boulder. T<strong>here</strong><br />
is a loch <strong>here</strong> in which, when low, the remains of a Crannaig or<br />
lake dwelling can be seen, and about 200 yai'ds east of the loch<br />
the Cfxstle of the lairds of Achnacloich stood, now all removed<br />
except a portion of the dungeon. Hugh Ross of Achmicloich got<br />
a Charter of the lands of Tollie from Charles I. in 1635. Ardross<br />
Castle now stands on the site of Tollie House— " Cnoc an doire<br />
leathain," " The hill of the broad oak clump." This name indicates<br />
that oak trees grew <strong>here</strong>, and at an elevation of over 1 200<br />
feet. On the south-east face of the same hill t<strong>here</strong> can be traced<br />
the remains of a croft at the elevation of over 1100 feet. Old<br />
men told me that 80 years ago the rigs could be traced. Now,<br />
except in good seasons, we cannot get corn to come to maturity at<br />
600 feet, so much has the climate changed, and so much for the<br />
physical knowledge of a few of our legislators and (though perhaps<br />
well meaning) blind leaders of the blind.<br />
Preas-a'-miiadaidii, the wolf's bush. The name of a clump of<br />
hazel and birch bushes which was removed about thirty-four years<br />
ago. It was situated about three-quarters of a mile north-eastofArd-<br />
ross Castle. The last wolf in Scotland was killed <strong>here</strong>. When I<br />
was a young lad I got the information of the killing of this wolf with<br />
that degree of freshness which convinced me of the circumstance<br />
not having been far back. The story is that an old maid at foiu-<br />
o'clock on a New-Year's morning going to a neighbour's house for<br />
tiie loan of a girdle to cook a bannock for herself, took a path<br />
through this clump. At a sharp curve in the path, for some<br />
natural cause she stooped. On her return by the same path she<br />
suddenly espied the wolf scraping the ground w<strong>here</strong> she stooped,<br />
and in her desperation struck him with the edge of the girdle in<br />
the small of the back, and bolted to the house she came from.<br />
The alarm was raised, and all who could wield bludgeons or other<br />
weapons of destruction hastened to the place, when they found<br />
the brute spiawling, trying to escape. He was soon dispatched,<br />
and thus " the last of his race " in Scotland ignominiously fell<br />
under the hands of an old woman. As far as I could trace, this<br />
occiuTed about the beginning of the last century. She was the<br />
sister of a man whose great-great-grandson is now employed as a<br />
carpenter at Ardross. A hill about four miles noilli-west of this<br />
place is called " Cnoc-a'-mhadaidh," w<strong>here</strong> the wolf had his den.<br />
Glaicksiiellach, the sauchy glen. Not a tree or bush exists<br />
<strong>here</strong> now, and even the heather is stinted. T<strong>here</strong> ai-e several
328 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
interesting reminiscences connected with this glen. On the ridge<br />
soutli of this glen, which forms the march between the parishes<br />
of Rosskeen and Alness, t<strong>here</strong> is a conspicuous piece of Schist rock<br />
in situ crojiping up, called " Clach-nam-ban," the stone of the<br />
women. The tradition is, that before the Reformation, four<br />
women were in the depth of winter proceeding from Glencalvie,<br />
in the parish of Kincardine, to the Roman Catholic Chapel at<br />
Kildermorie, in the i)arish of Alness, and carrying with them<br />
bundles of hemp. "When near this rock they were overtaken by a<br />
severe stcrm of snow and drift. They took shelter in a cleft of<br />
the rock and perished t<strong>here</strong> Their bodies were not found till the<br />
snow melted several weeks after. The party in search of them<br />
were led to the spot by seeing one of the bundles of hemp suspended<br />
from a stick which the women found t<strong>here</strong>, and erected as<br />
a guide to their friends, who, they knew, would search for their<br />
remains.<br />
At the foot of the same hill, north-east of this rock, is to be<br />
seen a small green patch called " Achadh-a'-bhad-dhuibh," the field<br />
of the black clump, w^hich, about 90 years ago was a little croft,<br />
occupied by an old woman, the solitary resident in the glen. At<br />
the time above stated, in the month of July, a man passing<br />
through the glen observed something like a bundle of clothes in<br />
the potato plot. Curiosity led him to see what it was, and t<strong>here</strong><br />
he found the old ^voman dead. It would appear that she had no<br />
food, and went to try if she could find a few tubers to the potato<br />
shaws to appease her hunger. A sort of a coffin and a rude bier<br />
were made, and a fev.- peo})le collected to bury her, but going<br />
along the hill-side to the place of burial at Kildermorie, the in-<br />
sufficiency of both coffin and bier shewed itself by the body falling<br />
through to the ground. My informant, who was t<strong>here</strong>, told<br />
me that they turned the coffin upside down and put the body in<br />
again, adding " people were not so proud then as they are now;<br />
they carried stumps of nails in their pockets, and as many nails<br />
were found among the party as made the box secure."<br />
On the side of the glen, opposite to this croft, is to be seen a<br />
portion of the hut, which was occupied by a herd employed by the<br />
Ai'dross tenants when they had this glen as common pastui'e<br />
ground. This man was a notable character, and a careful herd,<br />
for he always retui-ned from the grazing the same number of cattle<br />
as he got to it. Somehow a few of them would have changed<br />
colour, but animals of the same changed colour would be missing<br />
in other quarters, perhaj)s 20 miles or moi'c away. I heard a<br />
great many anecdotes about this man, but I refrain from mention-
The Parish of Rosskeen. 329<br />
in-; iiKHv tliiui two or tlirce, lest T should oHeml, ;in(l tliest' only to<br />
show that thu man had natural abilitic^s, which, it is to regretted,<br />
ho had not the opportunity of applying for good:<br />
The harvest of 1817 was late, and the crops a failure. The<br />
following year many felt the scarcity of food. Money was scarce<br />
also among the poor. Our friend, the herd, was among the<br />
sufferers, and having heard that a well-to-do farmer, residing a few<br />
miles off, had meal to dispose of, he went to ask the farmer for a<br />
boll till he would be able to pay. " I have meal to dispose of,"<br />
said the farmer, " but should I give you, you will never pay me."<br />
" I will," said the herd, " the first money T can lay my hands upon<br />
will be yours." "Well," said the farmer (who was noted for<br />
cuteness), " if you tell me the cleverest piece of handiwork you<br />
committed, I'll trust you." " Good," said the herd, " the smartest<br />
turn I ever did was to relieve yourself of a stot, and sell him to<br />
you." " Never," said the fiirmer ; but said the herd, " don't you<br />
remember a black stot belonging to you having gone amissingi"<br />
" Yes." " And you remember of me selling to you t<strong>here</strong>after a<br />
speckled stot?" " Yes." " Well, it was the same animal." " I'll<br />
give you the meal for nothing if you tell me how you did the trick."<br />
" Done," said the herd. " The stot happened to come to my byre.<br />
I took a few bunches of salt herrings out of the brine and bound<br />
them to the animal's body. In a few days the black hair under<br />
the herrings rotted out, and on their removal white hair grew<br />
instead." The herd was not asked to pay for the meal.<br />
Our friend on one occasion passed through the East Coast of<br />
Sutherlandshire, and on his way home took a fancy to a fine<br />
Highland cow with a docked tail. He managed to conceal himself<br />
and the cow for a day or two, till, as he supposed, the search<br />
would be over, and then took the road to the Meikle Ferry, but<br />
before doing so cut a tail from a diied hide he fell in with somew<strong>here</strong>,<br />
and neatly bound it to the stump of the living cow. He<br />
entered the ferryboat with the cow, and just as the boat was to<br />
start, a man sprung in who closely scrutinised the cow and said,<br />
" I lost a cow three days ago, and were it not that that cow has a<br />
tail (mine had only a stump), I would say she is mine." " But the<br />
cow is mine," said the herd. The man approached the cow and<br />
again said, " were it not she has a tail I woiild swear she is mine."<br />
The herd saw that matters were getting rather too hot for him,<br />
and just as the man was about laying his hand on the tail, the<br />
herd took out his knife, whipped off the tail above the joining,<br />
and threw it into the sea. " T<strong>here</strong> she is now a bleeding tailless<br />
cow, and swear is she yours." Of course the man could not, for<br />
the evidence was gone.<br />
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330 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
On unulher occasion, when hard up, on his way to the Muir<br />
of Oril Market, he took under his care a tine colt he found grazing<br />
on the Novar parks. The animal was soon sold at a fair price<br />
and paid. To oblige the buyer he agreed to see it stabled and<br />
fed ; but while the buyer was regaling himself in the company of<br />
his friends, he slipped away with the colt to Inverness and sold it<br />
again. He managed to get the animal again under his care, and<br />
by daylight next morning it was quietly grazing on the park from<br />
which it was taken, without any one noticing its absence.<br />
Our hero died in 1855 at the great ago of 101. I saw him a<br />
few yeai-s before he died—of middle height, straight and active,<br />
considering the many wintery storms he had stood.<br />
Further west in Glackshellach, on the border of the road<br />
made t<strong>here</strong> recently, is an enormous granite boidder, so shaped at<br />
one end that it has been taken advantage of to form the wall and<br />
roof of one side of a shelter stable. About the middle of last<br />
century a man named Alexander Campbell, better known as " An<br />
t-Iomharach mor," big Maciver, while going through the glen on<br />
his way to Glencalvie, w<strong>here</strong> he resided all his life time, was overtaken<br />
by a severe storm of drifted snow. Fearing that he might<br />
lose his way, he sat beside this boulder for twenty-four hours, till<br />
the storm abated—his dress being the kilt and his covering a i)laid.<br />
This man was born in 1699. The year of his death is not accurately<br />
known, but is sup})0sed to have been 1822 or 1823, in the<br />
month of ]\Iay. In 1819 Lord Ashburton, who rented the shootings<br />
of Rosehall, in Sutherlandshire, heard about him and invited<br />
him to Rosehall. He proudly accepted of the invitation, and<br />
arrived at the shooting lodge between six and seven o'clock in the<br />
morning, after having walked over ten miles across the hills. His<br />
Lordship was so much taken with Campbell that he gave him a<br />
present of <strong>12</strong>0 newly coined shillings —a shilling for every year of<br />
his age. Campbiill was greatly elated both by the present and the<br />
attention paid to hint. He carefully stored the shillings to meet<br />
the expense of his funeral. He could easily walk forty miles a<br />
day, after passing his huudi'edth year, without much fatigue. I saw<br />
his grandson, who died at the age of ninety-two, and his greatgrandson<br />
is an Ardross crofter.<br />
Archeology.—From its Archaeological remains the parish<br />
appears to have been early peopled. Large sepulchral cairns were<br />
numerous, many have been wholly removed, but of a few t<strong>here</strong><br />
are still preserved the outer rings and principal centre stones.<br />
Dalmohk Caiun. — Commencing at Dalmore we have in a<br />
field t<strong>here</strong> the cist measuring about 3^ by 2A by 2 feet of one which
The Parish of Rossheen. 331<br />
was removed about 1810. It was about GO feet diauieter, and 15<br />
feet high. What remains of it is now enclosed by a stone wall.<br />
MiLLCUAiG Caikn.— Tile ne.xt we come to is on the farcu of<br />
Millcraig, about a mile north of l>ridge-End of Alness. Four large<br />
central stones—one measuring 9 fe(.'t by G feet, the outer circle<br />
and a considerable quantity of small stones remain. The<br />
diameter is 76 feet. No living person saw it entire, so that its<br />
height is not known.<br />
KxocKNAViE Cairn.—A mile further up on the west shoulder<br />
of Knocknavie ai"e the remains of wjiat was once a large cairn. From<br />
the existing stones it would a})pear that t<strong>here</strong> were two cists, each<br />
measuring about 9 feet long by 2^ feet broad. The diameter was<br />
74 feet, and the height about 20 feet. This cairn was removed in<br />
1826 to build a neighbouring march dyke between the estates of<br />
Millcraig and Culcairn. To come to an amusing incident connected<br />
with the removal of this cairn we must go back a couple of<br />
centuries, and introduce an historical fact. In August 1633, Sii-<br />
Robert Gordon, uncle of the then Earl of Sutherland, was acting<br />
as referee adjusting the march between the estates of Hugh Ross,<br />
the laird of Achnacloich, and of the laird of Newmore, when a<br />
party of Ai-gyllshire marauders, wdio were under the leadership of<br />
one Ewen Aird, were seized for depredations committed by them.<br />
Brown, in his " History of the Highlands," Vol. I., 306, states<br />
" In their retreat they destroyed some of the houses in the<br />
high parts of Sutherland, and on entering Ross, they laid<br />
waste some lands belonging to Hutcheon Ross of Achnacloich.<br />
These outrages occasioned an immediate assemblage of the inhabitants<br />
of that part of the country, v/ho pursued these marauders<br />
and took ten of them prisoners. The prisoners were brought to<br />
Achnacloich, w<strong>here</strong> Sir Robert Gordon was at the time deciding<br />
a dispute about the marches between Achinloich and Neamore.<br />
After some consultation about what was to be done with the<br />
prisoners, it was resolved that they should be sent to tlie Earl of<br />
Sutherland who was in pursuit of them. On the prisoners being<br />
sent to him, the Earl assembled the pi-incipal gentlemen of Ross<br />
and Sutherland at Dornoch, w<strong>here</strong> Ewen Aird and his accomj)lices<br />
wei-e tried before a juiy, convicted and executed at Dornoch,<br />
with the exception of two young boys who were dismissed. The<br />
Privy Council not only approved of what the Earl of Sutherland<br />
had done, but thoy also sent a commission to him and the Earl of<br />
Seaforth, and to Hutcheon Ross of Achnacloich."<br />
To what extent the Laird of Achnacloich exercised his power<br />
as commissioner is not recorded, but one traditional case is not-<br />
—
332 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
able. He occupied a large portion of Glacksliellach as a sheiling.<br />
About two years after he got his commission, two wayfarers<br />
entered the hut which belonged to him in the glen, and l)eing<br />
hungry asked of the dairymaid a little food for which they ortered<br />
payment. She refused, w<strong>here</strong>on one of the men took possession<br />
of a cheese, lea\n.ng as much money as he considered it worth.<br />
The dairymaid despatched a messenger to the laird to give information<br />
of what she called the robbery. The men were pursued,<br />
overtaken at Contullich, in tlie parish of Alness, brought to Achnacloich,<br />
summarily tried, hanged on the top of Knocknavie, and<br />
buried in the Cairn above referred to. We now pass on to 1826,<br />
when the caini was being removed. A youth of about 20 years,<br />
employed at the removal of the cairn, on pulling out a stone from<br />
the face, let down a large fall, when out rolled a grinning skull.<br />
The youth was horrified, and leaving his horse ran oil' to his<br />
father, who was emptying a load about 200 yards away from the<br />
cairn. The father, who was a plucky fellow, castigated the son for<br />
his cowardice in running away from a bone, but on the two of<br />
them returning to the cairn, the father received no less a shock<br />
than the son, for t<strong>here</strong> was the skull with its upturned empty eye<br />
sockets in a state of vibration, put in motion by a field mouse<br />
that got jammed among the nasal bones. Information was given<br />
to the managers of the neighbouring estates, who came the follow<br />
ing day, and had all the bones removed and buried close by the cairn.<br />
These were the bones of the two men who were hanged by the<br />
Laird of Achnacloich, the finding of which verifies the tradition.<br />
The man who got the first fright is still alive, and is my informant.<br />
An incident in connection with the settling of the march between<br />
Achnacloich and Newmore is worth mentioning. A large<br />
boulder, conveniently situated, was fixed upon as one of the<br />
march stones (it is to be seen on the margin of the road from<br />
Achnacloich to Tain), and is still the march stone. Both ])arties<br />
had a host of old and young men accompanying them to point out<br />
the old marches and to bear in remembrance the new. On the<br />
side of the laird of Achnacloich was a smart boy, to whom the<br />
laird .said, "Will you remember this to be the march stone 1 " The<br />
boy said he would. " Put your hand flat ujion it," said the laird.<br />
The boy did so, and, before he was aware, the laird drew his sword,<br />
and cut ofl" the boy's fingers, saying, "You will remember it now,"<br />
and he did remember it, and told it to others who told it to succeeding<br />
generations; and the stone is called " Clach ceann na<br />
meoir," the stone of the finger ends, to this day,<br />
Dalnavie.—The next we mention, though not a cairn, was
The Parish of Rosskeen. 333<br />
an interesting place of sepulture. Whilst trenching waste land<br />
on the farm of Dalnavie in 1847, the workmen came upon a number<br />
of urns at a uniform depth of about sixteen inches. They were<br />
surrounded by a low circular turf fence about eighteen yards<br />
diameter. In the centre was a large one, whicli would contain<br />
about a gallon, and a beautifully formed stone axe was found be-<br />
side it. The central urn was surrounded by fifteen other urns,<br />
which would contain about half-a-gallou each. Through carelessness<br />
the urns were all destroyed. I understand the axe was sent<br />
to the Antiquarian INIuseum in Edinburgh.<br />
Stittenham.—About half-a-mile north of Dalnavie a large<br />
cairn was removed in 1847-48. It was 108 feet diameter, and<br />
20 feet high. In September 1880 a search was made for the cist,<br />
when a very interesting discovery was made. Having been engaged<br />
in the search, I am in a position to give a correct description of it.<br />
A grave was dug in hard boulder clay <strong>12</strong> feet long, 7 feet 9<br />
inches wide, and 8 feet deep, rounded at the corners. The whole<br />
of the bottom was coverecl with a layer of flags, on which was<br />
formed a cist of thick flags, 8 feet long, 2^ feet broad, and 2<br />
feet deep. The covers were large—one weighing about half a ton.<br />
Around and above the cist was filled with stones to a height of about<br />
5 feet from the bottom. From the stones to the natural surface<br />
of the ground was filled with a portion, the clay turned out. Over<br />
this, and extending about 6 feet beyond the cutting all round, was<br />
a layer of tenaceous blue clay in the form of a low mound, 2 feet<br />
thick in the centre, and over the blue clay a layer of black earth<br />
18 inches thick. From the form of the cist it is clear that the body<br />
was laid at full length in it. The body was wholly decomposed;<br />
only a small quantity of carbonate of lime and black animal<br />
matter remained adhering to the bottom flags. A few crumbs<br />
of decayed oak having been found at the head and foot of the<br />
cist suggests that the body was encased in a coffin. The only<br />
relics found were three beautifully formed arrow-heads, and a<br />
thin circular jiiece of shale about two inches diameter, apparently<br />
a pei-sonal ornament. About 150 yards south-west of<br />
this cairn, the workmen employed at trenching the moor in 1847<br />
found what was evidently a smelting furnace, and among the<br />
debris turned out two beautifully formed sets of moulds for casting<br />
bronze spear-heads. They are preserved in a cabinet in Ardross<br />
Castle. The material is steatite, of which a vein exists in the<br />
banks of a burn flowing by the Ardross Estates Office.<br />
Knockfionn.—On the face of the hill, called Knockfionn,<br />
above Easter-Ardross, t<strong>here</strong> is a large cairn, which has not been<br />
—
334 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
opened, and on the summit of this are the remains of what appeared<br />
to be a small fortitication of stone, said to have been one of Fingal's<br />
strongholds.<br />
Mains of Ardhoss.—In 1848, a large cairn, "Carn Fionntairneaoh,"<br />
on the farm of Ardross, similar to the one at Millcraig,<br />
was wholly removed. As well as the central cist, t<strong>here</strong> were<br />
several others in the body of the cairn, proving after burials. A<br />
number of bones in good preservation were found, and a few flint<br />
arrow heads.<br />
On the same f;xrm t<strong>here</strong> is an interesting grave preserved.<br />
It is IG feet long and 4 feet broad, enclosed by six large flag stones<br />
—two at each side, and one at each end. At the request of an<br />
oflicer of the Royal Engineers in 187G, it was carefully opened by<br />
digging a longtitudinal trench, when it w;xs discovei'ed that two<br />
bodies were buried, the one at the foot of the other, in graves each<br />
about 7 feet long, by 2 feet broad, and only about 2 feet deep from<br />
the surface to the bottom. T<strong>here</strong> are side walls about a foot high,<br />
and a division of a foot between the two bodies. The bodies were<br />
probably covered with flags, as disintegrated clayey slates were<br />
turned out in digging. The only remams found were a few teeth<br />
w<strong>here</strong> the heads lay, and a thin layer of bituminous like matter,<br />
the whole length of the graves. A few hundred yards to the west<br />
of this grave thei-e existed about 200 small cairns, said to have<br />
been raised over men who fell in a battle fought t<strong>here</strong> long lor.g<br />
ago, each being buried w<strong>here</strong> he died. They have been all removed<br />
in improving the land.<br />
The cists without cairns discovered in the district are<br />
numerous, notably those at Dalmore described by Mr Jolly in the<br />
" Transactions of the Antiquarian Society of Scotland, 1878." A<br />
group at the site of Achnacloich Castle, which contained jjottery,<br />
a group north of Achnacloich loch, which have not been properly<br />
searched, as the tenant of the farm protested against such sacrilege,<br />
especially because the man who discovered them in trencliing the<br />
moor immediat(;ly ran home, and kept to his bed for a couple of<br />
months. At Baldoon, on an eminence north of the source of the<br />
Achnacloich burn, are the remains of a cairn which, I think, lias<br />
been a small stronghold. The name " Baile-'n-duin" suggests this.<br />
The cairn was oval, 52 feet by 42 feet. Neai- the centre is an<br />
elongated oval often standing .stones. It measiu-es IG feet long<br />
by 8 feet broad, divided into two compartments of 8 feet each, by<br />
two standing stones, having a space of two feet between them,<br />
evidently a door. No living person saw or heard of this cairn<br />
being other than it now is, so that what has been renio\ed of it
The Parish of Rosskeen. 33^<br />
must have been done long ago. I propose to search the flooi-,<br />
when, perhaps, something may be found to lead to the object of its<br />
erection.<br />
C'LAcn-A'-MHRiRLicri.—About a mile and a half west of Tnvergordon,<br />
in a field north of the County road, is a standing stone<br />
called " Clach-a'-mheirlich," the thief s stone. T<strong>here</strong> is an archaic<br />
device upon it said to resemble a portion of Bramah's foot.<br />
Though a few hundred yards beyond the march of the parish<br />
of Rosskeen, t<strong>here</strong> are two interesting cairns I would not wish to<br />
overlook. They are situated in the valley extending from Achnacloich<br />
to Scotsburn, at Kenrive, in the upper part of the parish<br />
of Kilmuir. A ti-adition is common among the old people of the<br />
district that in a hostile incursion of the Danes in the ninth or<br />
tenth century, the Danes, who were put to flight by the natives,<br />
made their final stand <strong>here</strong>, w<strong>here</strong> they were all slain, hence the<br />
name '' Cearn-an-ruidhe," the end of the chase. One of the cairns,<br />
the most interesting of them, is now nearly removed, but a descrij)tion<br />
can be given of what it was. About thirty years ago the<br />
crofter on whose land the cairn stood had his attention attracted<br />
towards it by his dog chasing a rablnt thither. The dog's persistent<br />
barking at a bole near the top of the cairn induced the man<br />
to go to the dog's assistance, and after removing a few stones witli<br />
the intention of getting hold of the rabbit, he discovered a vault,<br />
but superstitious awe prevented him from prosecuting his search<br />
alone. He got the assistance of a canny neighbour who joined in<br />
a private exploration, expecting a lucky find which would keep<br />
them in comfort during the remainder of their lives. They removed<br />
the stones from above the vault, and at the dei)th of a few<br />
feet, came upon a flag stone; which, on being removed, made an<br />
opening large enough for them to get down. Their find was only<br />
a layer of black earth. A man who frequently visited the vault<br />
gave me a description of it. It was about nine or ten feet long,<br />
over five feet wide, had side walls of large flagstones, five feet<br />
high, the roof formed of flagstones corbelling inwards and finishing<br />
with large flags closing in both sides at a height of about eight<br />
feet from the flDor.<br />
Such a discovery as this was not, in the opinion of the two<br />
worthies (now both dead), a thing that ought to be divulged, and<br />
for a space of eight years it was found to be a very convenient<br />
malt deposit and whisky warehouse, and might have been so still<br />
had not Preventive Officer Munro, and his assistants, discovered<br />
the "bothy" in a naturally formed cairn in the face of tlio hill,<br />
north of the farm offices of Inchandown.
336 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Sixteen years ago a portion of the cairn was I'emoved to<br />
build the dyke in the march between the estates of Newmore and<br />
Kindeace. The vault was exposed to the public about twelve<br />
years ago, when stones were removed to build a new house for<br />
the tenant who now occupies tlie land. When I visited the place<br />
a month ago, the weather was so frosty that I could not search<br />
the floor for remains, which I believe are still t<strong>here</strong>, for I understand<br />
no search was m;ide. In the remaining portion of this cairn<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is apparantly another similar vault with the roof fallen in.<br />
Two other cists measuring about 4 feet by 3 feet, and 2 feet deep,<br />
formed in the ordinary way of single flags, are exposed, oue at the<br />
north side of the removed vault, and the other at the east end of<br />
the unopened vault. The diameter of the cairn was 80 feet, and<br />
the height about 15 feet. Some of the remaining stones are of<br />
large size, one in an upright position of mica schist measures<br />
7 feet 6 inches by 5 feet and 2 feet thick, and another, which<br />
apparently formed part of the roof of the unopened vault, of<br />
granite, measures 7 feet by 5 feet, and one foot thick.<br />
The other cairn is situated about loO yards east of the one<br />
described above, and is supposed to cover the remains of the common<br />
soldiers who fell in the battle. No portion of it has been<br />
removed. It is oblong, measuring 70 yards long, 22 yards broad<br />
at the east end, 14 yards broad at the west end, and about an<br />
average of 8 feet high.<br />
Smuggling.—Many humorous stories are told of the smugglers<br />
in the upland parts of the parish. I give two as examples.<br />
About seventy years ago two worthies, John Holm and<br />
Sandy Ross (Uaine), who resided a short distance east of the<br />
Strathrusdale river, went to enjoy a day with a friend who had his<br />
bothy in full work at the west side of the river. After having partaken<br />
of their friend's good cheer as much as made them tellingly<br />
affectionate towards each other, they left for home. On coming<br />
to the river, which was slightly flooded, John said to Sandy,<br />
" Sandy, as I am the youngest and strongest, stand you on that<br />
stone, and come on my back, that I may carry you over dry."<br />
Sandy obeyed, but John took only three steps when he fell into<br />
the water, and before they recovered their footing, both were wet<br />
to the skin. " I am sorry I fell," said John, " but come you to<br />
the stone again, and got on my back, that I may take you over<br />
dry." Sandy went to the stone and mounted again, but they<br />
proceeded half-a-dozen yards only when the mishap was repeated.<br />
John again expressed regret, and insisted on the attempt Ixiing<br />
made the third time, which, fortunately, proved successful, and<br />
—
The Parish of Rosskeen. 337<br />
John, in tliiowinj:; Saiuly tVom oil" his l)ack, saitl, " I am glad,<br />
Sandy, after all our nusha])S, that I took you over tlry!"<br />
My other story is an occurence of fifty-ti\'e years back. The<br />
bnnuggler was Donald Ross (Mac Eachain),whodiedin Strathrusdale<br />
about twelve years ago. He liad his bothy at the base of a rock<br />
on the north side of Kilderinorie loch. Two young gcntlenu.-n<br />
one of wlioni went for the first time to see a bothy at work— paid<br />
Donald a visit. As they were approacliing the bothy, Donald,<br />
always on the alert when at work, espied them, and sus2)ecting<br />
them to be questionable chai-acters, moved out cautiously to i-econnoitre.<br />
Recognising one, he rushed out, with his bonnet under<br />
his arm, welcoming and praising them in tlie most flattering terms,<br />
finishing with, "Such two pretty young gentlemen I never saw;<br />
come down from your horses till I see who is the prettiest."<br />
They oljeyed, and then Donald gave the finishing touch by saying,<br />
" You are both so pretty, I cannot say who is the prettiest."<br />
During tlie few hours spent by the party in the bothy, Donald<br />
felt himself so elated that he drank so much of the warm stream<br />
flowdng from the worm as to make him top heavy. To get him<br />
cannily to his house, it was proposed that he should be mounted<br />
behind one of the young gentlemen. This done, and Donald left<br />
without side supports, he lost his l)alance and fell. He W4,s .ut<br />
up again with the same result, but in his second fall his head came<br />
against a rock, which brought him a little to his senses.<br />
Cautiously coming to his feet, and looking u]) to the rider, he<br />
said, " May all good attend us ; truly, Mr Munro, we ought to be<br />
thankful that the ground is soft."<br />
Ecclesiastical.—Before the Reformation t<strong>here</strong> were three<br />
places of worship, and three priests officiating in the parish. One<br />
at I'osskeen, one at Nonakiln, and one at Ardross. After the Reformation<br />
the three w«re made into one charge, the minister being<br />
a}ipointed to officiate two consecutive Sundays at Rosskeen, one<br />
at Nonakiln, and once a month as might be convenient for him at<br />
Ardross. The cha])el at Rosskeen was condemned in 1829, and<br />
A new church was in 1S32 built. Underneath the back wing of<br />
this chapel, the CadboU family built their burial vault, which has<br />
been renovated and beautified by the present proprietor two years<br />
ago. Before the suppression of smuggling in the parish, this vault<br />
was frequently the abode of spirits as well as of the dead. The<br />
beadle, who had charge of the key, was sworn to secrecy, and the<br />
vault converted to a warehouse. The church-yard is near the .sea,<br />
a stream passes by it, into which, at high water, the tide flows<br />
deep enough to float an ordinary boat. Sales were made, the<br />
22<br />
—
—<br />
338 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
warehouse oiiipticcl during night, and the cargo delivered along<br />
the coast before daylight.<br />
The chapel at Nonakiln ceased to be used as a place of worship<br />
in 1713. An incident in connection with the last service held in<br />
it is illustrative of the tenacity with which superstition still sticks<br />
to a few of us.<br />
The story is that the farm manager at Invergordon Castle<br />
was frequently annoyed by a bull, belonging to a neighbouring<br />
farmer, being found frequently trespassing on the In\ergordou<br />
lands. At last the manager tlireatened that the next time the<br />
animal would be found straying t<strong>here</strong> he would be shot. On a<br />
Sunday in December 1713, the manager on his way to the Chapel<br />
at Nonakiln, saw the bull on the forbidden ground. He returned<br />
to his house, loaded his gun, and shot the animal. He then proceeded<br />
to the cliuixh. Before he arrived the service commenced,<br />
and as he was lifting the latch of the church door, part of the roof<br />
gave way, but did not fall in. The worshippers were all alarmed,<br />
and a few of them hurt in their exit. One of my informants,<br />
who is still living, wound uj) the tale with this expression, savouring<br />
of superstition— " Cha leigeadh an Eaglais a steach e airson<br />
gnn do mharbh e tarbh aii- la na Sabaid." (''The church would<br />
not allow him to enter because he killed a bull on the Sabbath<br />
day.") His idea is that the sacred edifice would not sanction the<br />
man's presence because he broke the Sabbath. The roof fell in<br />
the following year. The west gable and a portion of the side walls<br />
are still remaining.<br />
The chapel at Ardross must, to an archaeologist, be the most<br />
interesting of the three. It was situated on the farm now called<br />
Achandunie, and known by the name of " Seapal-dail-a'-mhic."<br />
It has been wholly removed, except a portion of the foundation.<br />
From what remains the ground area is found to measure 42 feet<br />
by 24 feet. The interest connected with it is, that it is placed in<br />
the centre of a Druidical place of worship, measuring 1<strong>12</strong> feet by<br />
66 feet. Only two of the stones remain standing. They are of<br />
sandstone split out of one block, and measuring 5 feet 6 inches<br />
high, 3 feet 8 inches broad, and 1 foot thick. A few large stones<br />
are lying covered by the debris of the ruins, the rest have been<br />
removed. This fact confirms the account of the early Culdee<br />
Missionaries, having been in the habit of meeting the people at<br />
Druidical places of worship, who, after they were converted to<br />
Christianity, built churches in wliich to worship at the Druidical<br />
standing stones ; and this is the reason why so many of our<br />
churches in the Highlands are to this day known as "An clachan,"<br />
from the standing stones.
The Parish of Rossheen. 339<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are only two other Druitlictil circles now in the parish,<br />
one at Stittenhani House, and tlie other at tlie west end of Sti atlirusdale.<br />
In each the three concentric circles can be traced, but<br />
only a few of the stones remain.<br />
The [)eoi)le were very wild and lawless in those times. I<br />
have collected many anecdotes about them, but as my paper is<br />
already too long I will finish with a few sentences about the Episcopal<br />
Minister of the Parish. His name was John Mackenzie,<br />
Ix'tter known as " Iain Breac," brother of the first Mackenzie of<br />
Ardross, who was son of the laird of Kildun near Dingwall. l\Ir<br />
John Mackenzie was appointed curate in 10(34 or 1775. He<br />
conformed in 1GS9 after the Kevolution, and lived till January or<br />
February 1714, a month or two after the chapel of Nonakiln was deserted.<br />
The religious instruction of his flock gave him little concern.<br />
Aftei the dismissal of the congregation almost every Sunday at<br />
Nonakiln, a fair was held for the disposal of cattle, harness, implements<br />
of tillage, tkc. The curate mingled with the peoj^le at<br />
these fairs, and occasionally entered into their games. The most<br />
noteworthy record about him is that he was so strong as to lift a<br />
tirlot measure full of barley (1-| bushels) on his loof. His successor,<br />
]\Ir Daniel Beaton, who was translated from Ai'dersier to the<br />
parish in ]\Iarch 1717, was in every respect a contrast. He was<br />
so small in stature that he is generally spoken of as " Am Beutanach<br />
beag," but he was a sincere Christian, an industrious worker, and a<br />
gospel preacher ; and before many years of his incumbency passed,<br />
the Parish was to a large extent civUized. His memory is still<br />
fragrant among pious old people.<br />
IGth April 1886.<br />
On this date R. B. Finlay, Q.C., M.P., was ehicted a life mem-<br />
l^er of the Society; while Miss Mary Fraser, 1 Ness Walk, Inv(!rness.<br />
Miss Catherine Fraser, 28 Academy Street, and Rodk. Fraser, contractor,<br />
Argyle Street, Inverness, were elected ordinary mendjers.<br />
T<strong>here</strong>after the Secretary read (1) a paper on "Etymological Links<br />
between Welsh and Gaelic " by Canon Thoyts, Tain ; and (2) a<br />
paper on " The Dialects of Scottish Gaelic," by Donald Mackinnon,<br />
M. A., Professor of the Celtic Languages and Literature in<br />
the University of Edinburgh.<br />
Canon Thoyt's paper was as follows :<br />
—
340 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
ON ETYMOLOGICAL LINKS BETWEEN WELSH<br />
AND GAELIC.<br />
On being requested to write a paper on some Celtic subject,<br />
to be read before the Gaelic Society of Inverness, my first impulse<br />
was to plead my utter incompetency to undertake such a<br />
work ; and, in now endeavouring to comply with that request, I<br />
must at once state that I do so with the greatest dittidence. So<br />
far from aspiring to be, in any sense, an authority on Celtic matters,<br />
I am mei'ely a humble student of the Gaelic language ; and<br />
that only so far as concerns my pastoral work, and the services of<br />
the Church. Hence I venture to beg for myself a large share of<br />
indulgence from those who may either hear or read this paper.<br />
In what I shall say, I am fully aware that I shall be merely,<br />
as it were, touching the fringe of a very wide subject ; and my<br />
object is rather to start some discussion on a matter which is most<br />
interesting and instructive (in my opinion), and on which I myself<br />
want to learn very much more, than to lay down my opinions<br />
with a confidence (not to say impertinence) which would be, in my<br />
case, unseemly in the extreme.<br />
No doubt t<strong>here</strong> must be etymological links of connection between<br />
all Celtic languages, since they all spring from a common<br />
source ; the connection between the Irish and the Scottish Gaelic<br />
is, of course, so very close as to constitute them practically one<br />
and the same language—each being merely a ditferent dialect of<br />
that language ; the difference being no greater than, even if as<br />
great as, that which exists between the various provincial dialects<br />
of English, in counties so widely apart as (for instance) Yorkshire<br />
and Somersetshire, or Cumberland and Hampshire. I know nothing<br />
of the Manx language ; but from the fact of places in the<br />
Isle of Man having distinctly Gaelic names (as I have been informed),<br />
I should gather that it is very closely akin to either the<br />
Irish or the Scottish forms of the Celtic tongue. The connection<br />
between our own Gaelic and the Welsh is not, at first sight (to<br />
ordinary i)eople at least), so very plain and obvious. In some<br />
nu.'asure, no doubt, this arises from the spelling ; which, on both<br />
sides, tends to obscure the derivation of words. I imagine; that<br />
to an ordinary student of Gaelic, the extraordinary combinations<br />
of letters in many words of the Welsh language must utterly<br />
mystify him, when he attempts to pronounce them intelligibly; and<br />
probably Gaelic would present the same difficulty to a Welshman<br />
—as it certainly docs, possibly in a much greater degree, to a
Etymological Links between Welsh and Gaelic. 311<br />
Lowlamlor or an Englisliniau. I suppose one of the most iini\crsal<br />
words in Celtic langua-ges is the word " Eaglais" ; we find it<br />
in the Welsh " Eglwys," in the Cornish " Eglos," in the Freneli<br />
" Eglise," in tlie Latin ' Ecclesia," which is itself, of course, bimply<br />
the Greek " eKKX-rjaia."<br />
Dut to confine myself to the Welsh. T propose to give a few<br />
parallels between it and the Gaelic, which T have come across<br />
casually, in the
342 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
can trace the Litin verb " OfTero," which exactly describes the<br />
office of the priest (sagart), whose chief duty is to " offer " (I use<br />
tlie woi'd in its technical and theological sense) the Holy Sacrifice<br />
in the Eucharist. I fear that I may seem <strong>here</strong> to be touching on<br />
controversies of doctrine ; but I wish merely to explain \sdiat<br />
seemed to me to be the connection of ideas between the two words<br />
in question.<br />
This instance, at any rate, leads us on to another most interesting<br />
branch of this subject ; which is to trace,* generally, the<br />
derivation of words in both Gaelic and Welsh from the Latin,<br />
or even, in some cases, from the Greek. Thus (to confine ourselves<br />
to a few instances from the short list of words already given), nef<br />
(Welsh) and neamh (Gaelic) are evidently each derived from cf^aXr;<br />
(and its cognate Latin word Nebula); Drindod and Trionaid in<br />
like manner come from Trinitas ; Pechodau and Peacadh from<br />
Peccatum ; Bobl and Pobull from Populus. Esgob and Easbuig<br />
from Episcopus are, perhaps, not quite evident at first sight; on the<br />
other hand Diaconiaid and Deaconan are specially clear, as derivatives<br />
of 5i.aKovo%. Gras (which is identically the same word in both<br />
languages, though pronounced with more stress and length of<br />
quantity in the Gaelic than in the Welsh) is simply the Latin gratia,<br />
" writ short." Yspryd and spiorad come from spiritus; marwol and<br />
mairbhteach (possibly) from mortalis ; credaf and creideam from<br />
credo ; creawdwr and cruthadair from creator ; uffern and ifrinn<br />
from infernus ; cymmun and comh-chomunn from communio.<br />
It need hardly be remarked that in tracing the etymological<br />
connection between Gaelic and Welsh, or between each of them and<br />
Latin, the letters P, K,and T,aro interchangeable with their cognate<br />
letters B, G, and D, or with their aspirates Ph ( = F), Ch, and Th:<br />
thus Drindod—Trionaid; Bobul—Pobull; and in the case of Esgob<br />
—Easbuig t<strong>here</strong> is actually a transposition yet in each case the<br />
;<br />
etymology and the derivation are clear. In like manner we can<br />
trace the connection between nef and neamh with nebula.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are, <strong>here</strong> and t<strong>here</strong>, traces of Celtic to be found even<br />
in the heart of England. When I was south, in October last, I<br />
hapi)ened to come across a parish Directory of Warwickshire ;<br />
and in it I looked up a parish in which I was interested, called<br />
" Tysoe." I remembered having heard long ago, that this most<br />
un-English name was of British derivation ; but 1 certainly was<br />
not prepared to find it given in a book of that kind, in pure<br />
Gaelic, as " Tigh-soluis." In the same parish is the historical<br />
"Edge Hill," the highest part of which is called "The Sun-rising;" so<br />
the tradition of the " Rouse of Light" would seem to have been<br />
—
Etymological Links between Welsfi and Oaelic 343<br />
handed down, in some measure, in the talk of the natives, many<br />
long centuries after their parish first got its name. I may mention,<br />
in passing, that t<strong>here</strong> is a portion of the fine parish churcli in that<br />
place, which in the opinion of the late Sir- Gilbert Scott (no mean<br />
authority in archreological matters) is at least 1000 years old.<br />
It would l)e interesting to know whether in the names of such<br />
places as Ccvent-i-y, Davent-ry, Oswest-ry (the last of these being<br />
close on the Welsh border), the " ry " is equivalent to " righ;" and<br />
if so, what is the derivation of the other part of each of these<br />
names 1 No doubt if light could be thrown on the obscurities of<br />
modern spoiling, we might find much that was deeply interesting<br />
in the unearthing of old Celtic names. I was told lately (and my<br />
informant was a Gaelic speaking priest of our church in Lochaber)<br />
that the famous " Rotten Row " in London is simply a corruption<br />
of " ]\atliad-an-Righ ;" whether this is so or not, is of course mat-<br />
ter of opinion, but it is at least an interesting, if a novel, interpre-<br />
tation. A much more direct derivation seems to show itself in<br />
the case of " Clun," a parish in the county of Shropshire, bordering<br />
on Montgomeryshire ; we can trace in it the word " cluain " (pas-<br />
ture-land), which exactly describes the character of that locality.<br />
Passing a little further south, into Hereford slure, we come upon<br />
another little parish (or rather hamlet)—Dinmore, which is situated<br />
on the top of a high hill; <strong>here</strong> again its name gives its description—<br />
" Dim-mor," little as the Sassenachs who now inhabit<br />
the place may be aware that it is a description ! It is not a very<br />
" far cry " from the borders of ^yales into Lancashire, and on the<br />
line between Liverpool and Manchester is a station called<br />
" Eccles ;" we have no diificulty <strong>here</strong> in recognising, in its English<br />
form, our old friend "Eaglais" or " Eglwys." It may, perhaps, be<br />
objected that these are not, strictly speaking, instances of " etymological<br />
links between Gaelic and Welsh ;" but, rather, isolated<br />
instances of Gaelic words in England. But, at any rate, they are<br />
genericalhj Celtic ; and as for the most part, they occur either close<br />
to the Welsh border, or at no great distance from it, one cannot<br />
help thinking that they are survivals of a period in the remote<br />
past, when the ancient Welsh, or British tongue resembled our<br />
Scottish Gaelic miich more closely than it appears to do now ; and<br />
that when, at the Saxon invasion of Britain, the Celts were driven<br />
into different corners of the country, some into Wales and<br />
others into Cornwall, and so cut off from each other, and from<br />
their Celtic fellow-countrymen in the north, the variety between<br />
the diflercnt dialects of their langiiage became gradually more<br />
and more divergent—though even yet, as I have already tried to
344 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
show in my quotations from the Welsh and Gaelic Prayer- Books,<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is a strong etymological connection between them—clearly<br />
manifesting their common soui-ce.<br />
.Some few Celtic worils seem also to have survived in a connection<br />
w<strong>here</strong> we should least of all expect to find them ; and that<br />
is amongst (what are commonly termed) " slang" words in onlinary<br />
conversation. Let me give one or two examples. We may imagine<br />
a school-boy having something explained to him by one of his fellows,<br />
which he cannot see the meaning of ; and he will likely<br />
enough answer— " I don't twig that at all"—but, vulgar and unclassical<br />
as the word "twig" may seem at first sight, it does not<br />
need much ingenuity to trace the Gaelic word " tuig," or to sub-<br />
stitute for the above sentence " clia'n eil mi a' tuigsinn," as its<br />
Gaelic equivalent. Again, another very common expression, which<br />
is certainly more or less "slang," is to " rmisack" a drawer, or a<br />
cupboard, for the purpose of finding something that had been lost<br />
<strong>here</strong>, again, may we not at once discern, under its English spelling,<br />
the Gaelic word "rannsach"1 Similarly the word "grab," which<br />
is commonly regarded as English slang, is in reality a Gaelic verb ;<br />
in this case t<strong>here</strong> may be a slight difference of meaning—apparently,<br />
at any rate; the slang word means "to seize," the Gaelic<br />
word " to obstruct," or hinder:— yet, when a thing is seized or<br />
grabbed, it is to the hindrance or obstruction of the wishes of the<br />
person from whom it is taken. I cannot think that these are fanci-<br />
ful resemblances ; in two cases the similarity of form is very close,<br />
in the third case it is identical. iJut it is, to say the least, what<br />
one would hai'dly expect to find in our slang vocabulary, words<br />
evidently belonging to that grand old Gaelic language which we<br />
venerate so much. Several other words occur to my mind, as being<br />
derived either directly, or indirectly, from the Gaelic ; but I think<br />
my meaning is sufficiently illustrated by the words already quoted,<br />
as well as by the names of places previously submitted for your<br />
consideration.<br />
I cannot pretend to have done more than " skim the sur-<br />
face," as it were, of this deeply interesting subject ; others, far<br />
more competent than myself in philological research, will, I hope,<br />
give us ere long the benefit of their observations on these matters<br />
and if my own few remarks shall lead to further pa])ers, more<br />
interesting and more exhaustive, my object in bringing them<br />
before you will have been attained. I tliink that t<strong>here</strong> is a<br />
special interest (not to sny /ascinatio7i), in discovering, or trying to<br />
discover, all the links of connection, in language or ideas, that<br />
unite us in some measure with the ancient Celtic race in any of<br />
; ;
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic 345<br />
or that show the unity and niif^lit of that great stem,<br />
its branches ;<br />
from which the branches sprang, in tracing to a common origin<br />
the ?toi«-clivergent forms of their (doubtless), once identical language.<br />
For while Saxons, and Danes, and Normans, and Dutch,<br />
and Germans, are strangers and aliens on British soil (though all<br />
combine in forming that individual of most complex nationality —<br />
an Englishman !), the Celts can in the truest sense of all look on<br />
Great Britain as their fatherland ; and their magnilicent language<br />
(now stigmatised by Lowlanders and Englishmen as barbarona)^<br />
was formerly universal throughout the land.<br />
Pi'ofessor Mackinnon's paper was as follows:<br />
ON THE DIALECTS OF SCOTTISH GAELIC.<br />
Some thirty years ago the question used to be often asked<br />
W<strong>here</strong> was the best Gaelic spoken ? whether at Inveraray or at<br />
Inverness 1 My home was in Argyle, and I need hardly say what<br />
the answer would be in that quarter. A large majority of the members<br />
of the Gaelic Society of Inverness render linguistic allegiance<br />
to the Northern Capital, and will perhaps wonder how such a question<br />
could ever have been asked. One's judgment is, however, subject<br />
to moditication even upon such a delicate matter as this by<br />
increasing knowledge and reflection. It was my good fortune,<br />
early in life, to become intimately acquainted with a dialect of<br />
Scottish Gaelic far reinoved from my own ; and three years ago<br />
I had the rare privilege of hearing, over the length and breadth<br />
of the Highlands, old men who knew no language but Gaelic<br />
speak of the ordinary afiairs of their daily life and occupation in<br />
the dialects of their re.spective districts. After such experience,<br />
if I were to answer briefly the question which I used to hear in<br />
the days of my boyhood, I should be disposed to say that t<strong>here</strong> is<br />
less Gaelic spoken both in Inverness and in Inveraray than I<br />
should have wished, and that the quality as well as the quantity<br />
of the dialect spoken in both places might, with advantage, be<br />
improved.<br />
The object of the present paper is not, however, to discuss<br />
the relative merits and demerits of the Northern and Southern<br />
Dialects. My purpose takes a wider range. I desire to urge<br />
the immense importance, philological and literary, of a knowledge<br />
of all the dialects of Gaelic. My aim is to try to prove that the<br />
subject is deserving of scientific study, and to endeavour to per-<br />
—
—<br />
346 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
suade such of my countrymen as have opportunity and an interest<br />
in these matters to make a systematic investigation of it. It is<br />
not, happily, so necessary now as it was even twenty years ago to<br />
warn Highbinders against being carried away with the childish<br />
idea that such an inquiry as this vvill be barren of result because<br />
the facts are to be gat<strong>here</strong>d about our own doors. Neither in<br />
Nature nor in Science, only to our imperfect vision, is the Gaelic<br />
proverb true— " 'S gorm na cnuic tha fada bhuainn." The laws<br />
of language are the same all the world over : the vocal chords of<br />
the Celt are affected by the same conditions as those of other men.<br />
Philological science as well as patriotic sentiment might dictate<br />
the message which Ossian charged Blackie to deliver to the Highland<br />
people<br />
; ;<br />
And say to my people, Love chiefly the beauty<br />
That buds by thy cradle and blooms at thy door<br />
Nor deem it a pleasure, and praise it a duty,<br />
To prink thee with foreign and far-gat<strong>here</strong>d lore.<br />
On the bank w<strong>here</strong> it grows the meek primrose is fairest.<br />
No bloom like the heather empurples the brae<br />
And the thought that most deep in thy bosom thou l)earost<br />
In the voice of thy fathers leaps forth to the day.<br />
Be true to the speech of the mother that bore thee,<br />
Thy manhood grow strong from the blood of the boy ;<br />
Be true to the tongue with which brave men before thee<br />
Took the sting from their grief and gave wings to their joy.<br />
It is difficult to say w<strong>here</strong> dialect ends, and w<strong>here</strong> language<br />
begins. We all know in a rough and ready way what is meant<br />
by the words. Minute shades of difierence in accent, perhaps<br />
even in diction, are sometimes observed among members of the<br />
same family. In separate parishes and towns such differences become<br />
quite marked. When they reach a certain point, which<br />
cannot, perhaps, in any particular case be very clearly defined, we<br />
call them a difference of dialect. When dialects diverge to such<br />
an exteiit as to become mutually unintelligible, we call them<br />
different languages. But in actual fact, the words are \ised in a<br />
more or less loose way. For example, the Dane understands<br />
the Swede and vice versa, yet we treat Danish and Swedish as<br />
se))aratc languages. The Romance Languages are, in a sense, all<br />
dialects, being descendants, of Latin. Some of them, such as<br />
Portuguese and Spanish, are mutually intelligible, and yet we regard<br />
Spanish and Poi-tuguese as difierent languages. To come<br />
nearer home. The Goidelic branch of Celtic is to all intents and pur-
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 3i:<br />
posos a diU'ercnt language from tlic Brythonic l)ranch. No amount<br />
of natural intelligence will enable a Jliglilander to understand a<br />
Welshman, or an Irishman to read a book in the Armoric dialect.<br />
But on the other hand, are the three divisions of which the<br />
Goidelic branch of Celtic is composed—are Gaelic, Irish, and<br />
Manx three languages, or three dialects of one speech 1 few<br />
among us could understand two Irishmen or two Manxmen<br />
discussing, with all the fervour of the Celt, a knotty point in<br />
politics or theology; and yet if any of us were alone on a desert<br />
islanil with an Irishman or a Manxman, we would contrive, by<br />
means of our common Goidelic speech, ti> understand each other.<br />
And if you take a passage from the Gaelic, Irish, and Manx<br />
Testaments, you will find it intelligible in them all, and will at once<br />
say that these three are but three varieties of one language ;<br />
Gaelic,<br />
gniomhara n'ax abstol.<br />
XXVII.<br />
39. Agus an iiair a hha'n<br />
l;\air teachd,ch:i d'aithnich<br />
iail am fi arann :<br />
ach thug iad an aire do<br />
h'lil) hraidh aig an robh<br />
tiai-Ii, anns an robh<br />
mhiaiui orra, nam b'urrainn<br />
iad, pn long a<br />
chur gu tir.<br />
Irish,<br />
oxiomhartha xa<br />
NEASBAL.<br />
XXVII. XXVII.<br />
—<br />
Manx,<br />
janxoo ny iiostyllvn.<br />
id. Agus ar ndirghe don 39. As tra va'n laa er<br />
16, ni raibh fios na tire jeot rish, clia bione daiie<br />
sin aca : achd tugadar<br />
caladhairigliedha naire<br />
ann a raibli tnligh, ami<br />
ar dontnigheadar an<br />
lung do shathadh, d^<br />
madh didir rlu.<br />
40. Agus air togail nan 40. Agusardt6gl)hail na 40. As tra v'ad cr droirg^d<br />
atjraichcau doibh, leig nancaireadh dhoibh, do ny akeryu, lliig ad ee<br />
iad ris an fliairtje i, leigeadar an lumj i&a I'-sli ycheayn.asfeaysley<br />
agus an uair a dh'fhuasgail<br />
iad ceringlaichean<br />
na stiiiire, agus a thog<br />
iad am piiomb-sheol ris<br />
a' gliaoith, sheul iad<br />
chum na trhighe.<br />
bhfairrge, agus ar<br />
sg.'ioileadh cheaiighiigh<br />
tlieadh na sdiuire<br />
dhoibli mar an gcdudna,<br />
do thogbhadar an<br />
priomhsedl ris an<br />
ngdoith, agus do thrlalladar<br />
chum na tnlgha.<br />
;<br />
yn cheer : agh chronnee<br />
ad ooig dy row lesh traie,<br />
raad v'ad kiarit, my<br />
oddagli eh ve, yn Ihong<br />
y roie stiagh.<br />
'<br />
coyrdyn y stiurey, hug<br />
ad seose yn shiaull-nic.in<br />
fiys y gheay, as roii a
348 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Ireland, the Isle of Man, and the Scottish Highlands, are<br />
separated from each other by a broad belt of sea. Were it otherwise,<br />
it would be difficult, if not impossible, to follow the boundary<br />
between Irish, INIanx, and Gaelic. Over large tracts of coun-<br />
try w<strong>here</strong> ditierent languages prevail, we find the border dialects<br />
partaking largely of the character of the adjacent tongues. French,<br />
Sj^anish, and Italian, though closely related, are different languages,<br />
each with its own dialects distinctly marked. Along the<br />
border line between France and Italy the patois of the people is<br />
neither a French nor an Italian dialect, but a mixture of both<br />
a dialect which again is haidly<br />
France or in the south of Italy.<br />
intelligible cither in the west of<br />
A similar state of matters exists<br />
on the frontier between France and Spain. And even among<br />
ourselves, though the sea separates us from Ireland, an Islayman<br />
would probably find a native of the glens of Antrim more intelligible<br />
than a native of Assynt or Tongue.<br />
Within the narrow precincts of the Isle of Man, Dr Kelly,<br />
the grammarian and lexicographer, observes that on the north side<br />
the language was considered most pure, and Dr Sachavercll, once<br />
governor of the little " kingdom," wrote that in the northern part<br />
of the island they spoke a deeper Manx, as they called it, than in<br />
the south. In the Irish language the existence of dialects has<br />
been acknowledged from the very earliest times. Fenius Farsaidh<br />
who, according to the legend, was king of Scythia and schoolmaster<br />
of Senaar, ordered, we are told, his Lieutenant and<br />
Inspector-General, Gaedhal,to divide the language into five dialects.<br />
Without going quite s:) far back as this, we find Irish scholars for<br />
the last two or three hundred years recognising four dialects, one<br />
for each province, which they have characterised thus :<br />
Ta bias gan cheart ag an Muimhneach ;<br />
Ta ceart gan bhlas ag an Ulltach ;<br />
Ni fhuil ceart na bias ag an Laighneach<br />
Ta ceart agus bias ag an g-Connachtach.<br />
That is to say—In Munster t<strong>here</strong> is correct accent, but not correct<br />
idiom ; in Ulster t<strong>here</strong> is the idiom without the accent ; in Leinster<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is neither the one nor the other ; while in Connaught<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is both. These main dialects again split up into sub-<br />
dialects, so that, as in English and Lowland Scotch, each district<br />
in Ireland has its .special linguistic peculiarities.<br />
The same state of matters exists among ourselves. In the<br />
Highlands not only has each county its distinctive characteristics<br />
in sound, diction, and idiom, but every parish has its shibboleth.<br />
;<br />
—<br />
—
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic 349<br />
[n my own Isluiul home the people pronounce sin and uis as if<br />
the proper spelling were sean and neis : seem thu ueis being tlie<br />
local phrase for " t<strong>here</strong> you are now." Their neighbours in Mull<br />
and Islay twit the natives of Colonsay for their vulgarism<br />
in this particular, but it so happens that sin is spelled in the<br />
" Book of Deer " sain and sen — a very gratifying discovery<br />
to nie, who can in consequence make a jilausible claim to being a<br />
countryman of the author of the Gaelic entries on the margin of<br />
that Aenerable dociiment. In the Scottish Highlands, the geographical<br />
configuration of the country and the tribal organisation<br />
that prevailed would help to accentuate the difl'erentiating tendency<br />
inlierent in all languages. The country was but thiidy<br />
peopled. It was Avithout roads, and frequent communication<br />
between different districts, especially on the mainland, was impos-<br />
sible. Between difierent tribes friendly intercourse was possible<br />
only when they were at peace, which, in the case of neighbouring<br />
clans, did not always happen. Perhaps amid the storms of the<br />
far past, more than one sub-dialect may have sunk in northern<br />
waters ; but the wonder is how our Gaelic language in the Highlands<br />
has escaped the fate of so many languages in similar circumstances<br />
elsew<strong>here</strong>— of being broken up into several widely -divergent<br />
dialects, and finally disappearing altogether. Paradoxical as it<br />
may appear, jierhaps the very system of clanship which in ordinary<br />
circumstances weuld tend to disintegration, helped, as it<br />
existed in the Highlands, to preserve the unity of the language.<br />
We had few readers and fewer books ; but t<strong>here</strong> was a considerable<br />
mass of traditional literature \i\ prose and verse which was<br />
the common property of the Goidelic race, and which, t<strong>here</strong> is<br />
reason to believe, was extensively known among the people. The<br />
clan, whether large or small, formed a society in itself. It contained<br />
all the elements, civil and social, which make up a community.<br />
It had its chief or ruler, its upper and lower classes<br />
with their distinctive rights and privileges, but bound together<br />
by ties of blood and common interest. It had its bard and<br />
historian, men who received more or less of a literary training,<br />
and whose duty it was to know the traditional literature of<br />
the race, as well as to preserve the history and sing the praises<br />
of the clan. T<strong>here</strong> wouhl undoubtedly be rivalry between the<br />
bards, as well as between the chiefs, of neighbouring clans. The<br />
unity of the language was preserved l)y this literary caste or<br />
guild. The constant intercourse between the various members of<br />
the clan, rendered necessary by their small numbers and common<br />
interests, was a literary education of no small value. In the pre-
350 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
face to his editiou of KoIj Donn's poems, the hite Rev. Dr Mackintosh<br />
Mackay quotes a most interesting letter from Mrs Mackay<br />
Scobie of Kcoldale, which shows that the admirable custom of<br />
maintaining friendly intercourse between various classes of society<br />
survived the fall of the clan system in the far north. The lady<br />
writes — "I perfectly remember my maternal grandfather, who<br />
held the wadset lands of Skerray, every post-day evening go into<br />
the kitchen, w<strong>here</strong> his servants and small tenants were assembled,<br />
and read the newspapers aloud to them ; and it is incredible now<br />
the propriety and acuteness with which they made remarks and<br />
drew conclusions fi-om the politics of the day." Mrs Scobie in<br />
this way accounts for the remarkable knowledge of public events<br />
which the Reay country bard undoubtedly possessed and, indeed,<br />
;<br />
it is hardly credible to us now that two men so well informed as<br />
Rob Donn and Duncan Ban Macintyre were unable to read a<br />
word in any language.<br />
The Gaelic dialect; are usually divided into three. The late<br />
Rev. John Forbes, minister of Sleat, in the preface to his grammar,<br />
recognises, for example, a Northern, an Interior, and a<br />
Southern dialect. This division is accepted and reproduced by<br />
Dr Murray in an interesting paper on the " Present Limits of the<br />
Celtic Language in Scotland," contributed to the Revue Cellique<br />
some twelve years ago. {Revue Celiique, volume II., page 17S.)<br />
I am satisfied that the threefold division cannot, without considerable<br />
confusion, be maintained. Mr Forljes himself admits<br />
that one of the characteristic marks of his Northern dialect is<br />
found in the Southern division—the substitution of o for a. Ccdl,<br />
he says, is pronounced coll in the north, but so is gabh pronounced<br />
go in Perth. A still more remarkable case, of which Forbes does<br />
not seem to have been aware, is that the letter c in mac, (fcc, is<br />
pronounced exactly in the same way in Sutherland as in Kintyre<br />
and Arran (mak), while the liquid sound of ji in duine which pre-<br />
vails in the far north, is also heard in the Southern Isles. I<br />
do not myself attach much importance to the number of dialects<br />
into which our Scottish Gaelic could l)e divided. It would perhaps<br />
be as easy to distinguish thirteen dialects as three. Arran and<br />
Kintyre, for example, break away from the rest of the southern<br />
division drawn by Forbes in the case of two prominent sounds.<br />
One of these I have mentioned, the pronunciation of c after a<br />
broad vowel, which in Kintyre and Arran is sounded like k, in the<br />
rest of Argylc likec//A;: mac is mak and machk, sac is sakuwAsachk.<br />
In the same district the tenuis c in initial c// sinks to the medial<br />
: g mo<br />
chas is mo ghas in Kintyre. The sound of ao, to which, as
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. ••^r)l<br />
pronounced in Argyll and Perth, tliure is no oorrcspondini,' sound<br />
in English, is in Arrau that of a in "Mayor" iiuior uniX saor<br />
are maer and saer. These words wore written maer, saei; in<br />
Middle Irish, the spelling of the Zeussian MSS., and of the older<br />
Irish inscriptions being ai, oi, oe. As we proceed North this<br />
sound becomes attenuated to aoi. INIacrae in 1688 wrote sdoyhal,<br />
sivill, a form which fairly represents the pronunciation of Lewis<br />
to-day. In some parts of Ireland and iii the Isle of Man tlie<br />
sound is not unlike that heard in the North Higldands. O'JJonovan<br />
(Gram. p. IG) re])resents it by uee as in queen for Connaught,<br />
and by ueM for Ulster and Meath.<br />
To the philologist a knowledge of the dialects is essential,<br />
and this is now universally admitted. The method of the science<br />
is the comparative method ; and while for the so-called dead languages<br />
we are content to take the warrant of grammars and dic-<br />
tionaries for lost words and vanished forms, the final a})peal for<br />
the meaning of a word, and especially for its sound, must be, in<br />
the case of a living tongue, to the lips of the people. Dialects<br />
are accordingly studied of recent years with a genuine scientitic<br />
purpose. On the Continent not a language but has had its most<br />
ol)Scure sub-dialects investigated by competent men. At home<br />
good work has also been done. The North-eastern Scottish dialects<br />
have been examined by Mr Gregor {The Dialects oi Banffshire,<br />
352 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
differences in pronunciation, diction, and idiom which prevail<br />
within the resj^ective bounds of these two divisions are very<br />
marked, thougli in particular localities they shade into each other.<br />
The boundary between the two is a waving line, but, i-oughly<br />
speaking, it may be described as ))assing up the Firth of Lorn to<br />
LodIi Leven, then across country from Ballachulish to the Grampians,<br />
t<strong>here</strong>after the line of the Grampians l^he country covered<br />
by the Northern dialect was of old the country of the Northern<br />
Picts. The portion of Argyleshire south of the Ijoundary line,<br />
with Bute and Arran, formed the Kingdom of Dalriada. The<br />
Gaelic district south of the Grampians belonged to the Southern<br />
Picts. This two-fold division has very prol)ably an historical basis,<br />
as well as a very distinct geographical boundary. It owes its<br />
origin to the settlement of the Dalriadic Colony in South Argyll ;<br />
and its continuance to the gi-eater influence of Irish literature<br />
within the Southern district.<br />
By the aid of a few examples, for in a single paper one can<br />
only glance over such a wide field, I shall endeavour to show how<br />
a study of the sounds, forms, words, and idioms preserved in our<br />
dialects can be turned to profitable use in throwing some light on<br />
the past history of our people; in supplying additional and reliable<br />
material to the science of Celtic Philology ; and in providing valu-<br />
able assistance to the student who desires to master Scottish Gaelic.<br />
I. Sounds—Turn for a moment to our sounds. Irish scholars<br />
are placed under a great disadvantage in studying the sounds of<br />
their language in the far past, because their magnificent literature<br />
has been written now for well nigh a thousand years upon a pretty<br />
uniform orthographical system, which, unfortunately, is very far<br />
from being phonetic. The great mass of Gaelic Manuscrij)ts, and<br />
almost all our printed literature, are written more or less uniformly<br />
in the Irish orthography. But hajijjily t<strong>here</strong> have been preserved<br />
two MSS. of considerable size, written phonetically. One of these<br />
was written in the Northern dialect by Duncan Macrae in 1G8S-<br />
1G93* ; the other and nmch larger and better known is the Dean<br />
of Lismore's MS., which was written in the Southern dialect in<br />
15<strong>12</strong>-153C. We have thus a reliable record of Gaelic pronunciation<br />
for 370 years. By the aid of some deviations from orthodox<br />
Irish oithograpliy observed in the Book of Deer, and some words<br />
and names borrowed into the Icelandic literature, we get a glimpse<br />
at the pronunciation of our ancestors 700 years ago.<br />
Tiic most marked distinction in sound between the Northern<br />
* .See "The Fcrnaig Manusciiijt " in the Traiisautioiis of tlic (Jaeliu<br />
Society of luveruess, vohune xi.
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 353<br />
and Soiitlu-ni dialects is a groator tendency in tlie former to what<br />
Professor Rhys calls dipthongization, and which is attributed to a<br />
more ilelicate sensitiveness to musical sounds. The test sound<br />
l)i>tween the two dialects is the prevalence in the North of an ia<br />
sound, w<strong>here</strong> the South is content with the original long e. In some<br />
words tile diphthong {
354 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
sertatious in the Corpus Poeticum Boreale, seems almost to prove<br />
the colonization of Iceland by Noi-.semen from the North-west<br />
Highlands, by an examination of the subject matter of the old<br />
Icelandic literature.<br />
As further examples of the greater tendency to dii)hthongisation<br />
among the Northern Highlanders may be noticed the<br />
dissyllabic sound in trom (troum), mall {maull),fion {fian). Even<br />
so the Irishman says foine, and the Englishman nou (for no),<br />
paiper (for paper), giving the long vowel a diphthongal sound.<br />
Through the same principle, o long has become in Irish and<br />
Gaelic ^la ; hora, uair ; glossa, gluas ; slogh, which we still use<br />
occasionally, has become sluagh ; os, the preposition, appears as<br />
toa in siias, nuas, uasal ; the tirst syllable in Boadicea is biuiidh ;<br />
the Glota of Ptolemy is now Glitaidh. A feature common to all<br />
languages is loss of sound. The nations strive after ease of utterance.<br />
The ultimate law in phonology is the law of least effort<br />
the very prevalent law of laziness. In the Celtic tongues we<br />
have reduced the original pilar to athair, that is to say, of three<br />
consonants we have killed and buried one, and maimed, all but<br />
strangled, a second. A Celtic throat has within historic times<br />
transformed patrem to pere on the soil of France. We first<br />
aspirate our consonants ; we then vocalize them. As between the<br />
two dialects of Scottish Gaelic vocalization proceeds if anything at<br />
a more rapid pace in the North Highlands than in the South.<br />
Take for exam])le m in medial sound. It first becomes 7iih ; and<br />
if the flanking vowels are short the aspirated consonant soon becomes<br />
vocalised, as e. g. in domhan, ciimhann, w<strong>here</strong> mli serves now<br />
merely to divide the syllables. But w<strong>here</strong> the preceding vowel is<br />
long (and in some cases even w<strong>here</strong> it is short), the rah is sounded in<br />
the South. In the North Highlands mh becomes u. The greater<br />
part of Ireland and the Isle of Man join the North Highlands in<br />
this instance. Samhradh (summer) is, for example, pronounced<br />
savradh in South Argyll and Arran. Over the whole of the rest<br />
of the Highlands and in Ireland the pronunciation is sa-v-radh ;<br />
and in the Manx dictionary the word ap[)ears as sourey.<br />
Sometimes, it must be confessed, we are bewildered rather<br />
than edified by the apparent caprice and lawle.ssness which pre-<br />
vail. The Latin word peccdtiim appears in Gaelic orthograjjliy as<br />
peacadh. As always happens in the case of borrowed words, the<br />
fiexional syllable is dropped. The tenuis t, flanked by vowels,<br />
sinks into the medial, and is aspirated, dh ; the double consonant<br />
cc secures that c appears in Gaelic unas[)irated ; the aocent is<br />
shifted forward so that the long accented syllable at appears as<br />
;
—<br />
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 355<br />
the short, toneless, aspirated adit. TTow is tlie woi-d pronounced ?<br />
Written plionetically it would appear in Arran and Kintyre as<br />
pekuv, in Knapdale as pechduv, in Sutherland as j^eku, and in the<br />
North of Ireland as ju'chdii. Tn the Isle of Man the final syllable<br />
is hardly audible— the word is spelled peccdh; in Perth it entirely<br />
disappears pechd. On the other hand, in North Ai'gyll and<br />
Inverness the word is pronounced pretty full as spelled pechdMh ;<br />
wiiile in Kintail the aspirated dii hardens into a — g pecliduy. Here<br />
we have the sound of dh final going through almost all possible<br />
gradations, from the unaspirated, soft guttural in Kintail to the<br />
extremest limit of attenuated vocalization in the Isle of Man, and<br />
disappearing altogether in Perth.<br />
II. FoKMS.—I proceed to notice some grammatical forms<br />
which our Gaelic dialects have preserved. Like its Indo-European<br />
sisters, the Celtic language was once highly inllected ; and,<br />
like all inflected languages, its sounds and forms are slowly<br />
" weathering away,'' to borrow a favourite metaphor of the late<br />
great philologist, Georg Curtius of Leipzig. Sometimes a grammatical<br />
form is preserved in the literature long after it has disappeared<br />
from the spoken tongue ; sometimes it lies imbedded in<br />
stereotyped phrases or in obscure dialects, never having been<br />
admitted into the standard literature, or long ago discarded from<br />
it \ sometimes as if possessed of the powder of transmigration, a<br />
doctrine, by the way, which Pythagoras is said to have borrowed<br />
from the Celts, the form remains to animate a neighbouring word<br />
long after it took its departure from that of which it once formed<br />
the soul. Our language furnishes copious instances of all these<br />
(1) Take that most venerable form—the dative plural in ihh<br />
—a living representative of an old Indo-European form, and having<br />
its co-relatives in the Latin ihus and the Greek pM(n). In<br />
the Gaelic Manuscripts written or transcribed under the influence<br />
of the Irish school, this form is almost invariably used, in the case<br />
of substantives and adjectives used substantively. Through the<br />
same influence it found a firm footing in our translation of the<br />
Scriptures. It is given as the regular, almost the only, form in<br />
all our Gaelic grammars. What has been its position, meanwhile,<br />
in the speech of the people 1 In the Southern district the<br />
form is now confined (1) to set phrases, w<strong>here</strong> it is heard not<br />
merely in the dative, but in the nominative and vocative<br />
— -fhearaibh, mar fhiachaibh, an caraibh a cheile, &c., &c.;<br />
jilural<br />
(2) in<br />
rhetorical and jjoetical phraseology Anns na h-drduibh ;<br />
" 'S ioma car a dli fJuiodas tiffltn air na/ecn'aibh."<br />
—<br />
—
356 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
An Argyllshire man, unless when " orating," makes the dat. pi.<br />
like the nom. pi. I never heard cnsaibh, or cluasaihJi, or siiilibh,<br />
or srunaibil, in the common speech of the people. I heard casan,<br />
and chia^an, and snilean, and sronan. But in the South, w<strong>here</strong><br />
the form has been preserved, it is pronounced. In the North<br />
the sound of ihh has disai)])eared even more absolutely than in the<br />
South, it has become \oca\\7.od—fhearaibh, mar fhiachaibh is<br />
fJiearn, mar fhiachn. But, as it were in compensation, the vocalized<br />
sound is preserved in the North in cases w<strong>here</strong> the fiilk r form<br />
has entirely vanished in the South, e.cj., daoinin, for the Southern<br />
daoine, a living witness, maimed though it be, of this primeval<br />
form.<br />
Such is the state of matters to-day. Nor has it been different<br />
for centixries back. This form has entirely disappeared fi'om the<br />
Manx dialect— the dat. pi. of nouns is like the nom. pi. in the<br />
Manx grammar. In 1815 Mr Lynch, author of an Irish Grammar,<br />
wrote that an Irishman wlio would .say do na caiplibh instead of<br />
do na capaill would be laughed at. But in the case of some<br />
monosyllables the same competent authority states that the ihh<br />
form was used in the nom. and in the dat. pi.— the people said<br />
na fearaibh and do na fearcdbh. Nay more, O'Donovan (Gram.<br />
p. 84) finds that "even in the best Manuscripts the dat. pi. is frequently<br />
formed by adding a or u to the nom. sing, la naemlin erenn<br />
(with the saints of Ireland); /vis na righu (to the kings)," the<br />
very idiom of Sutherland to-day.<br />
Tiie Ossianic portion of the Dean of Lismore's MS., and the<br />
political ballads of Macrae's MS.— that is, the poi)ular literature<br />
of the people, bear precisely the same testimony. In both ]\ISS.<br />
the prepositional pronoun j-reserves the bh— dhoibh and duihh are<br />
spelled zi'.ive and duive. In the Dean's INIS. the form ibh is represented,<br />
in noinis, by ow or ew, and is given occasionally for the<br />
nominative, as well as for the dative, plural ; er feanow (air Fiann-<br />
aibhj, eg mathew (aig maithibh) : feanow (Fiannaibh) api)ears<br />
also in the nominative case. In Macrae's MS. n stands for the<br />
Dean's ow and ew ; do chedn (do chendaibh); lea lamithu (/e lannaibh)<br />
; err vahru {air bharraihh). Macrae gives in cons(^cutive<br />
lines the full form ibh and the vocalized form u :<br />
" Le mhiltii/t de shloghraidh<br />
'S a shruilte ri crannw."<br />
Elsew<strong>here</strong> milfibh appears in the nominative, and eachaibh in the<br />
gejiitive! In a Lochaber song, written not later than tiie first<br />
lialf of last century, and jirintcd in the Proceedings of the Society<br />
—
—<br />
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 357<br />
of Antiquaries (iii. p. 367), tlicro are four instances of dative<br />
plural. They are written thus: er mo hnlin {air mo sinlilean) ;<br />
I'm cliluhf^ayi (/
368 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
the nominative. Braighe appeai-s in the Dean of Lismore's MS.<br />
in the aspirated form vrai, and in the form hrae it has entered<br />
English. Tlio word is now indeclinable, but traces of the old flexion<br />
still survive. Iain Lorn, and the popular poets almost down to our<br />
own day, use brttyluul occasionally for "throat," "neck," "breast."<br />
"Thig an sop a m' bhraghad."<br />
Losgadh-hrclghad, "heartburn"— literally, "the burning of the<br />
tliroat;" and ramh-fjrd,ghad, "the bow oar," preserve the old caseending<br />
of the genitive. Brnighid is the hames of a horse's harness<br />
(in some districts the collar), and in a transferred sense a captive,<br />
i.e., he who wears the Waighid, with Waigluleanas (captivity).<br />
The d of this word is preserved in Braid-Alba ; and if I mistake<br />
not, in the Braid IHLs, near Edinburgh, i.e., "The Uplands."<br />
Teine (fire) a
—<br />
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 359<br />
tion ill Irelantl us Ma'daijui—the flcxional stage of classical Latin<br />
and Greek. The genitive of the Latin noun modus is iiioifi Now<br />
in Gaelic )nodi would be i)ronounced moji. Wiuni the tenniiial<br />
syllable i was droitpinl the sound would be inoj : this^could b(^ represented<br />
to the eye only as moid. So bardi would be iarji ; and,<br />
when in process of flexional decay, the word was abbreviated int(»<br />
barj, the monosyllable could only be represented to the eye as<br />
baird.<br />
Sometimes the cast otl' syllable drifted on to the adjacent word,<br />
and its ghost still meets you at the landing-place. It is the neighbour<br />
that feels the touch of the \anislied form ; the echo of the sound<br />
that is still is heard— next door. In the Celtic languages when two<br />
words are placed in certain grannnatical ivlations, they become, so<br />
to speak, temporarily welded into one. They are placed under<br />
the bond of a common accent, and are treated phonetically as one<br />
word. The phonetic laws which obtain within a single word rule<br />
within this group or grammatical unit, as it has been called. For<br />
example, it is a law in Celtic phonology that a single consonant<br />
flanked by vowels aspirates. In the word tndthair,<br />
vowel on either side, has become th—mater, mathair.<br />
t having a<br />
If we take<br />
the possessive pronoun 7no (my) and place it and mdthair in<br />
grammatical relation, the two words become a unit, and i)lionetically<br />
one word. In the new combination, mo + mdthair,<br />
the 7/1 of mathair appears as a consonant flanked<br />
and is aspii'ated mo mhathair—the m becoming<br />
by<br />
77ih<br />
vowels,<br />
in this<br />
temporary combination, precisely as t became th in the individual<br />
word, and for the same reason.<br />
in English " mother," but " my vother."<br />
It is as if you said<br />
We thus explain the<br />
peculiar feature in Celtic grammar known as initial aspiration.<br />
In modern Gaelic initial aspii'ation has become in great part,<br />
through the force of analogy, a matter of grannnatical rule rather<br />
than one of phiuietic law ; but still, when wc find a preposition<br />
like gun, or an adjective like ceiid causing the aspiration of the<br />
following word (e.c/. gun mhaith, ceud ghin), we feel justified in<br />
saying that these and similar words once ended in a vowel, and<br />
that the law of vocalic auslaut is still in force, although the vowel<br />
disappeared many centuries ago.<br />
A more remarkable instance of the initial nuitation of consonants,<br />
and one more germane to our subject, is due to the disturbing<br />
influence of the nasal n. Within the word, in inlaut, n<br />
in Gaelic assimilates d— benedictio, benedacht, bendacht, hennachd<br />
before s, n disappears<br />
—<br />
mensis, mios, viensa, mias ; before c and t<br />
it disappears, converting the c and t in the process into the corre-<br />
;
560 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
spending mediai— quin^ue is cuiy, and lin^^uo is lei^ ; argenium<br />
becomes airgioc/, and parliament parlamai
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 3G1<br />
now universally acknowledged. But the study of tlie Gaelic<br />
dialects is important on literary grounds as well. In the case of<br />
of a literature like the English literature, whose stores are inexhaustible,<br />
the most exacting aspirant to literary distinction ought<br />
to be satisfied with the wealth of diction and idiom wliich a long<br />
roll of illustrious men have i)laccd at his disposal. The young<br />
Highlander who is ambitious to distinguish him.self as a Gaelic<br />
speaker or writer is in a difierent position. Gaelic literature,<br />
excellent in its way, is limited in quantity and narrow in range.<br />
The translation of the Scriptures, by far the noblest monument of<br />
the resources of the language, is a great woi k, the work of great men.<br />
Of it and of them we Highland people have just cause to be proud.<br />
But this great undertaking was executed under considerable disadvantages.<br />
The amount of standard Gaelic literature published in<br />
the last century was very limited. We have no Shakespeare, and<br />
if our Homer existed at the time in Gaelic, it was known to the<br />
world in the other languages of Europe only.* The translators of<br />
the Scriptures into Gaelic belonged to the same district of country<br />
— Killin, Glenoi'chy, and Athole. A thorough knowledge of the<br />
dialects was unattainable, and, according to the ideas of the time,<br />
the idioms of the people were considered vulgar. Writing under<br />
such conditions, these excellent scholars failed to use many forms,<br />
words, and idioms characteristic of Scottish Gaelic, while they<br />
adopted others from the Irish translation which, whether native to<br />
the Irish idiom or not, were foreign to ours.<br />
An example or two will illustrate what I mean. The passage<br />
from the New Testament which I quoted above consists of only three<br />
verses, but it contains two words, one of which can hardly be said<br />
to be a Gaelic word, the other a very good one, but wrongly used.<br />
The sailors of the vessel in which St Paul was wrecked are said to<br />
have hoisted the priomh-shedlto the wind. The Greek word dpr^fiuv<br />
thus peculiarly rendered into Gaelic, is rarely met with and the<br />
precise meaning is perhaps doubtful. In the authorised English<br />
version the word is translated mainsail. The late Mr Smith<br />
of Jordanhill, author of " The Voyage and Shipwreck of St<br />
Paul," rendered the word by foresail, and the English revisers<br />
have adopted this translation. We could say in Gaelic seol-meadhoin<br />
with the authorised English version, or seol-toisich with the<br />
revised version, both words being perfectly familiar to every High-<br />
» The translation of the Bible into Gaelic was completed in 1801. By<br />
that date Ossian was published, in whole or in part, in Latin, English,<br />
French, German, Italian, Spanish, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, and Greek.<br />
It was printed in Gaelic in 1807.
362 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
land fisheiMiian. But priomh-shedl, the word used, is known to<br />
nobody. It is a compound made up of priomh, the Latin primus,<br />
meaning first, whether in time, place, or rank ; and seu/, like the<br />
corresponding English word sail, both noun and verb. I am not<br />
awai'e that the uncouth hybrid has ever been used in Gaelic<br />
except in this passage, nor do I think that it was worth the while<br />
of Irish scholars to manufacture the word or of our translators to<br />
borrow it, though it had been more needed and better suited for<br />
its purpose than it is. The jNIanx translation is seol-meadhoin.<br />
Again, we are told that after the fore part of the ship stuck<br />
fast, the stern was being broken up by the vio/eiice of the waves.<br />
The Greek word ^ia rendered violence in English, is translated<br />
ainneart in Gaelic. This is again a compound word made up of<br />
the j)refix (in, and |he substantive nenrt. Now neart is one of<br />
our oldest and best words. The root appears in Greek in a.vT)p, a<br />
man, and in Latin in the proper name Nero. An is an Indo-<br />
European prefix. It appears in Greek as an and a ; in Latin as<br />
in, and in English as un—th'e general meaning being privative or<br />
negative. In Gaelic the pretix is used chiefly in a privative sense<br />
— moch, " early ;" tiiwioch, " unearly ;" i.e., " "<br />
late; " abaich," ripe ;<br />
anabaich, "unripe." Occasionally it intensifies the meaning of<br />
the root syllable : teas is heat, but ainteas is excessive heat. Very<br />
frequently it turns the meaning in malem partem like English mis,<br />
and Gaelic mi : cainnt, e.g., is speech, but anacainnt is not silence,<br />
it is speech put to a bad use, railing. Such is the force of the<br />
prefix in ainneart. In Scottish Gaelic ainneart is not neart<br />
negatived, nor neart intensified, it is neart misdirected or misapplied<br />
; it is not violence but oppression. Accordingly, the word<br />
can only be applied to the doings of an intelligent agent, and is<br />
as much out of place in describing the action of the waves of the<br />
sea as it would be in characterising the attack of a wild animal.<br />
Here, again, the Manx translation has simply neart.<br />
No one who has read the Gaelic Bible from its literary side,<br />
but must have felt that the picturesque jjhraseology of the people<br />
might have been often used to improve the translation as well as<br />
to enliven the style. In that solemn passage, e.g., w<strong>here</strong> our<br />
Saviour rebuked the winds and the sea, we ax'e told thei-e was a<br />
great calm—yaXrjvrj /xeydX-n is the beautiful phrase used. Now, in<br />
the mouth of a West Highlander<br />
—<br />
-yaK-qu-q, {,e., the stillness of the<br />
sea is expressed not by the general term ciuine, the word used in<br />
Matthew, but by the specific term feath (Jiath), the word given in<br />
the corresponding passage in Mark and Luke. And when the<br />
•wind is hushed, and the waves have gone to sleep ; when sky and
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic 3G:^<br />
hill are reproduced in the crystal depths in all their infinite<br />
diversity of form and colour ; when not even the shadow of a<br />
breath dims the face of the faultless mirror ; the Highland fisherman<br />
resorts to the language of figure in order to picture the scene.<br />
He does not nixy fcdth inor as you find in Mark, l)ut Jenth geal—<br />
the very metaphor which Homer puts into the mouth of Ulysses<br />
in order to account for the perfect stillness that reigned within<br />
the harbour of Lamos (Od., x. 94)—<br />
" For t<strong>here</strong> was a white calm around."<br />
Again, in the Epistle of Jude, Enoch is described as the seventh<br />
from Adam i.e. tiie se^•enth in descent ; but the English, like the<br />
Gi-eek, is quite intelligible in the elliptical form. Not so the<br />
Gaelic. Our translators supply the lacuna thus, " An seachdamh<br />
pearsa o Adhamh "—a phrase which means whatever you may<br />
mean by it. But when Lachlan ^lacvurrich gave his pedigree to<br />
the Committee inquiring regarding the authenticity of Ossian's<br />
poems he used different phraseology. He described himself as<br />
" an t-ochdamh glun deug o Mliuireach a bha leanamhain teaghlach<br />
Mhic 'Ic Ailein," this metaphor being our idiom to express<br />
descent in line. It was only by a slavish ad<strong>here</strong>nce to the Ii'ish<br />
translation that Highland gentlemen, whose forefathers lived in<br />
tribes, and who could trace their own pedigrees back almost to<br />
Enoch and Adam, could ever have fallen into snch a blunder as<br />
this.<br />
If we turn from words to phrases we find the same state of<br />
matters in considerable profusion— native idioms rejected in favour<br />
of foreign idioms. One of the most elementary rules of Gaelic syntax<br />
is, that when one noun governs another in the genitive case, the<br />
article can attach itself only to the latter an long mhor, but long<br />
vihor nan tri chrann. Yetwe haveto thisday "a'cuimhjieachat/h nan<br />
cuig aran nan ciiig mile. . . . nonanseachd arannanseachdmile,"<br />
offending the taste of the Gaelic reader. In the classical tongues,<br />
nouns in apposition agree in case. It is not so in Gaelic—the<br />
specifying noun is put in the nominative case, fearann Sheumais<br />
do rnhac, not do mhic. But in Sciipture the invariable idiom is<br />
Litir an Absloil Phdil (instead of Pul) a chum nan Romanach,<br />
«fec. Let me take one final illustration from the construction of<br />
agus—a word which is far more fiexil^lc in Gaelic than and is in<br />
English. Like the Latin ac and atque, agus expres.ses "equality"<br />
and " comparison"<br />
—<br />
cho fhada '& cho fhada (so long and so long) is<br />
equally long \ /had' 's is bed mi (as long and I live) is " as long as<br />
—
—<br />
364 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
I live. The particle even expresses "separation"—//at«ir mi reidh<br />
's e is " I have got quit of (and) him." Its most frequent construction<br />
is, of course, as an ordinary copulative conjunction. But<br />
when two conceptions ai*e linked together very closely in time, or<br />
place, or even as cause and eftect, and expressed in the other languages<br />
by the present participle, or the participle with the absolute<br />
case, or a dependent sentence, the ideas are connected in Gaelic<br />
idiom by agns. In the Scriptures the absolute case is the favourite<br />
construction nir teachd a nuas d'n bheinn dha, lean cuideachd<br />
mhor e; air dol do'n luing dha, cJiaidh t thar an uisge. Here unquestionably<br />
the Gaelic idiom would prefer ayus. You do not<br />
say air dhomh eirigh chuir mi orm m' aodacli, nor air dha freagairt,<br />
thtibhairt e ; but dh'eirich mi 's chuir mi orm m' aodach : thubhairt<br />
e 's e freagairt. The same idiom is found in Scotch, and,<br />
not unlikely, borrowed from Gaelic—<br />
" Let me alane and me nae<br />
weel " is an exact translation of leig learn 's gun mi gu maith.<br />
is paralleled by Bui-ns :<br />
—<br />
'* Tha mi sgith 's mi learn fhin"<br />
" How can ye chant, ye little birds,<br />
An' 1 sae weary, fu' of care T<br />
The pious and judicious Dr Alexander Stewart when commenting<br />
on the exclusion of some forms and idioms from the Scriptures<br />
accounted for the omission by the " scrupulous chasteness of the<br />
style." The style that embraces forms and idioms whi(?li the<br />
jieople do not use and rejects those which they do use, is a phase of<br />
chastity, the issue of which is annihilation, and not a pui'e and<br />
healthy life.<br />
Let me not, however, be misunderstood. I consider that the<br />
late Dr Ross of Lochbroom and the northern clergy had reason to<br />
be dissatisfied with the scanty recognition which their dialect<br />
received in the Gaelic Scriptures. Personally I have always had<br />
great sympathy with an excellent lay preacher who lived in Assynt<br />
some forty years ago, and who, when reading to the people, used<br />
the English Bible and translated into the local idiom as he Avent<br />
along. Our translators went to Ireland rather than to Ross-shire<br />
for their diction and idiom, and in my judgment these distinguished<br />
men made a great mistake. But he would be a bold man<br />
who would advocate a change now in our Gaelic translation in all<br />
cases wliere improvement is possible. Feelings and associations<br />
cluster around the sacred volume, which even cold science must<br />
acknowledge and respect. But my argument is this— if this book
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 3G.5<br />
which in its human aspect, of whicli iilonc I would presume to<br />
speak, contains the reconl of as grand a literature as the world has<br />
ever seen, which has been translated by our best scholars and<br />
ablest men, which is and always will remain our standard work in<br />
Gaelic—if this book could in numberless instances, as I have tried<br />
by an example or two to show, be improved in its diction and<br />
idiom by borrowing from the speech of the people, it follows that<br />
the study of the language as it has been preserved in the various<br />
dialects is an absolute necessity to the student wlio desires to<br />
master Scottish Gaelic.<br />
Besides, be the ultimate law of the universe what it may,<br />
Becoming, not Being, is the ultimate law of language. Sounds<br />
are dropped, forms are, disused, words are discai-ded in all languages<br />
—the loss being made up by new combinations of home growth,<br />
and by foreign loans. In languages with a flourishing literature<br />
the vanishing forms are stereotyped, and every new acquisition<br />
registered. In the case of Gaelic wo have the loss, but not the<br />
compensation. The language has never been fully utilised in the<br />
published literature, and we have neither newspapers nor periodicals<br />
through which one district can communicate to another its characteristic<br />
words as well as its special views and needs. The common<br />
word can, to say or sin^f, forms no part of the diction of South<br />
Argyle. Gabh oran is the phrase used when you invite a friend to<br />
sing a song. I once heard a countryman of my own, painfully helpless<br />
in English, ask a Saxon brother very pressingly to take a<br />
song. The admirable northern word ciis (overmuch) is not even<br />
in Armstrong's Dictionary, nor another to fill its place. If you<br />
take up Rob Donn's Poems, or Mackenzie's " Beauties," or, better<br />
still, Campbell's Tales, though these works by no means exhaust<br />
the resources of the dialects, you will be amazed to find the number<br />
of beautiful and expressive words in common local use which<br />
are not only strange to you, but which are not to be found in any-<br />
Gaelic Dictionary. You will also unfortunately find the local<br />
author frequently borrowing uncouth expressions from English,<br />
in ignorance of the fact that admirable words to suit his pui-pose<br />
are in free circulation across the nearest ferry or over the neighbouring<br />
moor. Rob Donn, e g., gives bctghan and hunndaist and<br />
prac to the south, if the south would only accept them ; but surely<br />
he ought to accept in return searmonachadh and foirfeach and<br />
mile, and leave such strainnsearan as preisgeadh and eilldeir, not<br />
to sjjeak of susdan, in their native land.<br />
Finally, in addition to the want of a rich standard literatux'e,<br />
and of free literary intei'-communication in the Highlands, it is the
366 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
fact that the old economy, and by consequence the old language<br />
which it cherished, are, for good or for evil, passing away. Probably<br />
for good and evil ; but let us hope that <strong>here</strong> also the evil<br />
will be overcome by the good. It would be interesting to trace<br />
the effect of the Reformation upon our Gaelic diction. The Catholics<br />
have preserved, among other words, aifrionn, a loan from the<br />
Latin, to designate the mass. I played my first games at shinty<br />
in Glak-nan-aifriomt^ in a purely Gaelic speaking parish w<strong>here</strong><br />
probably not a single individual knows the meaning of the woi'd.<br />
Cain in early times meant law. The old Irish laws were called<br />
Chin Pcitmic, and we have still the saying, J.' chain a hha nig<br />
Pdrnig air Eirinn, which is explained to mean the body of laws<br />
which the Saint gave to his adopted country. The word afterwards<br />
came to mean a charge upon land. It was often applied to a<br />
portion of the rent paid in kind ; and kain hens is a well-known<br />
term in Lowland Scotch. Cain means now in some districts<br />
a iax, in others a fine. In my native parish the word is restricted<br />
to the blacksmith's dues, which are paid in kind. So<br />
in South Argyle ioinneamh is the miller's share of the meal<br />
for grinding it ; and hunndaist — literally pouiuIa.ge — is applied<br />
by Rob Donn to designate the weaver's portion. The<br />
growing of flax and the manufacture of linen have dissappeared in<br />
Colonsay within my own recollection. The simidean is on the way<br />
to the museum, but the seiceil can again be turned to practical<br />
use in giving the final dressing to tlie tangled heads of candidates<br />
for Parliament. The spinning of wool is decreasing, and the<br />
weaving and dressing of woollen cloth is being rapidly transferred<br />
to the mills. Here is an interesting section of our lyric poetry<br />
the waulking songs—being hushed for ever, and the whole vocabulary<br />
of a native industry in process of translation to the region<br />
of metaphor— the calanas of the good-wife, with her cuiyeal and<br />
fearsaid, her clreadh and tlamadh and cladadh, her eacliau and<br />
crois, crann-deilhli : and the weaver with his heairt and slinn and<br />
coiinhead and spell and iteachun and fudhagan and goyan-treiscin<br />
and diuth and inneach and eige, and a hundred more of useful articles<br />
and good Gaelic words. That most fascinating phase of Highland<br />
rural life—the airidh—which lias produced so many beautiful lyrics,<br />
and especially those of the joyous and merry class, of which Gaelic<br />
possesses too few, is to most of us only a memory, if even so much.<br />
About the end of last century the airidh formed an essential part<br />
of the rural economy of the tenantry in the heart of Inverness-<br />
shire. Mrs Grant of Laggan describes it, and was equally captivated<br />
by the poetry and the profits of the shieliiv^s. This phase<br />
—
Unpublished Letters of Simon <strong>12</strong>th Lord Louat. 3G7<br />
of life has hardly passed away as yet in the outer isles, and the<br />
literary, one might say the ceremonial, beauty of it, as well as its<br />
social charms, are happily described and illusti-ated by Mr Carmichael<br />
in an interesting paper entitled "Grazing and Agrestic<br />
Customs in the Outer Hebrides" which he furnished to the<br />
Crofters' Commissioners, and which is printed in the A])pendixto<br />
their Report<br />
The argument might be pursued and pressed on other grounds,<br />
on patriotic as well as on linguistic grounds, but for the [)r(;sent I<br />
have, perhaps, said enough. A thorough and systematic investigation<br />
of our Gaelic dialects is of the highest importance. Many<br />
members of the Gaelic Society of Inverness are, from early train-<br />
ing, special 02)portunity, and interest in the subject, peculiarly<br />
fitted to deal with it. I beg most earnestly to recommend it to<br />
their attention.<br />
21sT April 1886.<br />
On this date the Secretary (Mr William INIackenzie) read<br />
(1) a paper entitled "Some Unpublished Letters of Simon, <strong>12</strong>th<br />
Lord Lovat," contributed by Donald Cameron of Lochicl ; and (2) a<br />
paper on " Granting Diplomas of Gentle Birth, ike, by Scottish<br />
Kings—Case of Lieut. -Colonel Monro of Obsdale, 1663," by Mr<br />
Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P.<br />
Lochiel's paper was as follows :<br />
SOME UNPUBLISHED LETTERS OF SIMON <strong>12</strong>th<br />
LORD LOVAT TO LOCHIEL OF THE '45.<br />
The interest which attaches to all that concerns the history,<br />
or illustrates the character of the celebrated Simon Lord Lovat<br />
renders it unnecessary to offer to the members of the Gaelic<br />
Society of Inverness any apology for the following cont'-ibutions<br />
to a study of the public and private life of tliat extraordinary<br />
man. The following extracts are t-aken from a packet of letters<br />
given some years ago to the writer of this paper through the<br />
coTu-tesy of the representative of a family allied to his own as well<br />
as to that of the author of the letters. By far the greater number<br />
of documents contained in the packet consist of letters addressed<br />
by Lord Lovat to the Lochiel of '-to, and are almost all<br />
of a private nature, reference to to[)ics connected with current<br />
political events being few and far between. It is, indeed, probable<br />
that in the stormy period immediately succeeding the date of most<br />
—<br />
—
—<br />
368 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
of the letters (1743-44) all those which might in any degree compromise<br />
those ad<strong>here</strong>nts of the Stuart cause who had escaped the<br />
vengeance of the Government were destroyed. It seems unlikely,<br />
except on this hypothesis, that so confidential a correspondence<br />
should have been maintained between two Highland chiefs whose<br />
intia:acy was so close, and yet that all those topics which, to a<br />
large extent, occupied the thoughts of men at that time should be<br />
studiously avoided.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are, however, a few other letters addressed to Macleod<br />
of Macleod, the commencement to which is somewhat quaint.<br />
Lovat seems always to have begun his letters to that chief thus<br />
" My dear mother's chief," his mother being Sibylla, fourth<br />
daughter of John Macleod of Macleod. In reference to this, it is<br />
curious to observe the extreme punctilioiisness which a hundred<br />
and fifty years ago marked the style of correspondence even<br />
between the most intimate friends. The following extract may be<br />
given as an example of the courtesies of correspondence then pre-<br />
valent, but hardly ever brought to such perfection as in the present<br />
instance. Every letter in the collection begins in this way,<br />
or something very like it :— " My very dear Cusin," or, " My dear<br />
Laird of Lochiell " or " Lochziell "— " I received the honour of<br />
your letter, dated the 7th of this month, and I am exceedingly<br />
overjoyed to know that you keep your health ; biit I am very<br />
sorry that my dear Cusin your worthy lady is still tender and has<br />
a cough. I i)ray that Heaven may recover her health, for your<br />
comfort, and the good of your children, and for the satisfaction of<br />
her friends and relations. I am very sure she has no friend or relation<br />
in the world that wishes Her Ladyship better than I do, and I<br />
I beg leave to assure you and her, and all the lovely Beams,<br />
of my most humble duty and affectionate respects."<br />
Subjoined is a specimen of the conclusion of one of the letters,<br />
and it may indeed be said that in many cases the complimentary<br />
portion of the letter often occupies as large a space as half the rest<br />
of its contents :<br />
" I was ovei-joyed by my cousine Gortuleg that you and my<br />
very dear cousine, the Lady Lochiel, and your lovely Bairns were<br />
in health. Gortuleg makes panegericks on your friendship and<br />
good advices. You will always find him a very honest man,<br />
and much your faithful servant. I beg leave to assure you and<br />
my dear cousine, the Lady Lochcil, and the dear young ones, of<br />
my most aflectionate humble duty and best respects and good<br />
wishes. My Jenyie joins with me in these dutiful respects and<br />
good wishes. And I am much more than I can express, with most<br />
—
Unpublished Letters of Simon <strong>12</strong>tli Lord Louat. 3G9<br />
unfeigned attachment and unalterable respect, my dear Laird of<br />
Lochiel, your most affectionate cousine and most obedient and respectful<br />
humble servant,<br />
" Lovat."<br />
That Lovat was accustomed to administer compliments in<br />
strong doses is corroborated by the compiler of the "History of<br />
the Chiefs of the Grants," who says (vol. 1, p. xxi.)— "Too much<br />
importance will not be attached to the letters of Simon Lord<br />
Lovat by those who are acquainted with his peculiar style. It<br />
was his wont to indulge in expressions of admiration, and even<br />
adulation, towards such of his friends as he particuliarly fancied."<br />
The letters were, however, not all couched in the affectionate<br />
terms of the above extract. When any incident occurred to<br />
arouse the anger or jealousy of the Northern Chief, he would<br />
adopt a much cooler, not to say freezing tone, and he was in the<br />
habit of exaggerating his grievances equally with his assurances<br />
of afiection when so disposed. Thus, in 173G, he begins his letter—<br />
" My dear sir" (in place of " my dear cousin " or "my dear<br />
Laird of Lochiel "). The grievance complained of in this letter<br />
is apparently the usual one between Highland chiefs, at that time<br />
—a raid or foray in which the members of one clan suffered from<br />
the depredations of neighbours who were supposed to be on terms<br />
of friendsliip or alliance. After referring to certain friendly<br />
overtures which Lovat made, he goes on to say :<br />
" You cannot but be convinced of the great and singular<br />
love and regard I have for your person and family, and of my<br />
extraordinary patience in suffering so long such a terrible and<br />
manifest insult without endeavouring to resent it. But now, my<br />
dear cousin, I must freely and frankly tell you that my patience<br />
is worn out, and that I cannot longer forbear endeavouring to do<br />
myself and my kindred justice. But before I begin such a disagreeable<br />
undertaking, I send two principal gentlemen of my<br />
name that are my Baillies and Chamberlains, and are well known<br />
to you, Alexander Fraser of Bellnain, and William Fraser of<br />
Belloan, to get your final and positive answer of peace or war<br />
which will determine me. The proposition that John Fraser was<br />
so silly as to make to me to send money to those Ruffians to<br />
ransom the cattle, and bring them back, in my humble opinion is<br />
as great an insult as the first. However, I liave bore, patiently<br />
all those aflVonts till now, in hopes that the Laird of Lochiel, my<br />
nearest relation and my good friend, would give me redress, and<br />
that the Clan of the Camerons would not willingly and wilfully<br />
make war against the Clan of the Fiasers, their old friends and<br />
allies who fought their battles against the Macdonalds and the<br />
—
370 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Mackintoshes. I am very sure that your father and grandfather<br />
would be very averse to such a war with a kindred that they loved<br />
as much as any in the Highlands. I will not insist on the many<br />
occasions that I showed myself a friend to your person and family.<br />
But this I can say frankly, that no chief or gentleman in Scotland<br />
has given greater proofs of being a true and zealous Cameron than<br />
I have done, and if I have met with grateful returns I know best<br />
myself. However, I am such a generous enemy as that I will let<br />
you know freely what way I am to proceed to get satisfaction of<br />
those Bandity who robed and plundered my country in a most<br />
inhumane manner.<br />
" I will first address myself to my freind the Earl of Hay as<br />
Minister of State, and to Genii. Wade as Commander in Chief in<br />
Scotland, if they get me redi-ess I will go no furder, but if they do<br />
not T will apply myself to the King and Privy Council, who I truly<br />
think would Ije glad of any handle to suppress a Highland Clan. I<br />
doubt not in the least, but I'll have sulHcient redress given me,<br />
either by the Earl of Hay and General "Wade, or by the King and<br />
the Privy Council ; and I shall be mighty sorry to be obliged to<br />
apply to King or Council upon such an extraoi'dinary occasion,<br />
since it cannot but hurt your country and kindred in ane eminent<br />
manner, and I take God to witness that it will be much against<br />
my grain and against my inclinations to carry on a war against<br />
you and your kindred, whom, till now, I thought the greatest support<br />
I had in the Highlands. But I truly rather dy in the field<br />
with my sword in my hand than not get redress of this insult, and<br />
if the Government and the legall authoiity does not do me justice,<br />
which I am persuaded they will in a very conspicuous manner, then<br />
nature must dictate what I must do afterwards."<br />
T<strong>here</strong> is also a very curious letter illustrative of the times,<br />
which relates to the abduction of a young woman. After congratulations<br />
on Lochiel's safe arrival at Achnacarry, after a somewhat<br />
arduous journey from Edinburgh, and a reference to a dispute<br />
with Glengarry, Lovat proceeds to give an account of the<br />
affair as follows:— "A young lad, a merchant in Inverness, a<br />
gentleman's son of Foyers' Family, having made proposalls of marriage<br />
to the only daughter of the deceased B;iillie AVilliam Eraser,<br />
who is provided to a considerable portion, he got such encouragement<br />
and hopes of success from the girl, the mother and her<br />
brotlicr, that he made the thing known to his friends as a concluded<br />
match. But soon t<strong>here</strong>after, upon some private reasons, all<br />
the three struck out from the Bargain, and would not hear of it.<br />
Upon this the lad applied to his friends, and particularly to Gor-
Unpublished Letters of Simon <strong>12</strong>ti] Lord Louat. 371<br />
tuleg, to solicite for him, who engaged me to do the same by<br />
htters. But all we would do in the nffaiv was to no purpose. At<br />
last the mad lad having persuaded his friends in Strathorrick that<br />
he had engaged the girl's affections, and that it was only owing to<br />
her mother and brother that she did not declare for him, he prevailed,<br />
with all the gentlemen of F'oyers' Family, to undertake the<br />
carrying her off from her mother's house, and which, accordingly,<br />
he and they execute about 8 o'clock on Saturday night in a forcible<br />
and desperate way, against the girl's own will, and carry'd her to<br />
Stratherrick, w<strong>here</strong>, in spite of all that can be done, they still detain<br />
her, in oi-der to force her to marry this fellow. Upon my having<br />
notice of it from Inverness on Sunday night, and that it was done<br />
so barbarously, against the girl's consent, I sent my Chamberlain<br />
to .Inverness on IMonday morning with letters to some of the<br />
Magistrates and my friends in town to have their advice what I<br />
would do in the matter, but before he reached Inverness I had a<br />
most clamorous letter fiom the Magistrates, who have taken this<br />
as a most terrible insult upon them and their Borrough, informing<br />
me of the whole affair, and begging a warrand and orders to<br />
rescue the girl from the hands of these People. This request I<br />
immediately granted, and sent my Secretary by three o'clock to<br />
Inverness Tuesday morning to wait on the Magistrates, and show<br />
them my written orders and warrand to Balnain and Belloan for<br />
sending l)ack the girl to Inverness, which he accordingly did, and<br />
then delivered the same to Belloan who svas at Inverness, and<br />
went straight to Stratherrick to put it in execution. I at same<br />
(time) sent a double of this order by express to Gortuleg, who is<br />
in Badenoch, and dispatched a trusty Domestick to Stratherrick<br />
with a general order to all the gentlemen of the County to<br />
concur and exert themselves in bringing back the girl to Inver-<br />
ness, and have last night sent the same secret C?) oi'ders again to<br />
them for this purpose. But all this had no efl'ect, so mad and infatuate<br />
are all those that have dypt in this cursed afiair that I am<br />
just now informed by express that they have carry'd the girl to<br />
Fort-Agustus to have the marriage compleated t<strong>here</strong> by the Chaplain<br />
of the Regiment in that place, so that in spite of all that T can<br />
do without making my Clan enter in blood among themselves,<br />
these unhappy gentlemen have ruined themselves inevitably, for<br />
that little insolent upstart the Provost of Inverness, who would<br />
wish to see me and all my j)eople at the Devill, will prosecute<br />
every man for their lives that have been active in this desperate<br />
affair, and all my enemies in Inverness and elsew<strong>here</strong> will be fond<br />
to support him in it, and endeavour to give hurtful impressions of
372 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
me and my people to the whole kingdom. As it is an affair of the<br />
last consequence to me and my people, I shall let you know afterwards<br />
what will become of it."<br />
The following letter exhibits in a curious light to those who<br />
live in the days of household suffrage the nature and value of a<br />
vote in 1741, and the extraordinary exertions which were made<br />
by the great Families to increase their influence by acquiring<br />
superiorities :<br />
—<br />
•* My Dear Laird of Lochziel,<br />
" I received the honour and pleasure of your return by my<br />
express, and I give you a thousand thanks, my dear cousine, for<br />
the concern that you take in my honour and interests. I own<br />
that both are more at stake in this county at present than they<br />
have been for these five and twenty years past, and you cannot<br />
imagine how much I am vexed at tlie desertion of two ])itiful<br />
scoundrels* of my name, who do not deserve that any gentleman<br />
should drink with them. This oblidges me to give you the trouble<br />
to use all your efforts with your cousine Glenmoriston ; and if<br />
you and your uncle do pi-evail with him, he will find it very much<br />
for the interest of his person and family, ftbr M'Leod and I will<br />
freely and frankly do for him more than the Laird of Grant is<br />
* Lord Lovat alludes to the same circumstance in a letter addressed to<br />
Charles Fraser of Inverallochy on 3rd January 1741. One of the " scoundrels<br />
" was Fraser of Fairfield, whom Lovat described as '' an unnaturall<br />
traitor, an infamous deserter, and an ungrateful wretch to me, his chief,<br />
who had done him such signal services. And if I never had done him<br />
any other service, hut getting him one of the l)est ladys in the vwirld, your<br />
worthy sister, to be his wife (which cost me both pains and expense), who<br />
had bore him good children, he i
I of<br />
I<br />
} that<br />
! but<br />
, and<br />
\<br />
I<br />
i me<br />
Unpublished Letters of Simon <strong>12</strong>th Lord Lovat. 373<br />
inclined, or will do, as I give a demonstration of in ilie inclosed<br />
letter to your uncle. Glenmoriston should remember that if it was<br />
not for my person allenarly [alone], he would not have hud a vote<br />
this day for Glenmoriston, nor would he have had the Superiority<br />
one fur [furrow] of it, Hbr when Grant was buying the estate<br />
in the Exchequer, he told the Glenmoriston's brother, who is dead,<br />
he must get the Superiority of all Glenmoriston to himself;<br />
as Glenmoriston desired me to attend him to the Exchequer,<br />
to assist him in his affairs and circumstances, upon Grant's<br />
desiring his whole superiority, I told him that it was a most tyrannick<br />
demand, and that I would by no means allow of it, that Glen-<br />
moriston was my near Relation by your family, and since he desired<br />
to stand by him I would by no means see him wronged, and<br />
I if he did not leave him the supo'iority of his estate, I would over-<br />
i bid<br />
I back<br />
i he<br />
I this<br />
j<br />
I<br />
i in,<br />
i family<br />
, family<br />
1 will<br />
i thoi>ght<br />
him in the Exchequer, and buy Glenmoriston Estate and give it<br />
to himself. When he found that I was angry and in earnest,<br />
told me that he would give the superiority of that estate with<br />
the property to Glenmoriston, but that he hoped that if the estate<br />
could make two votes that he would get one of them. I told him<br />
that Glenmoi'iston might do that as he thought fit. The late<br />
Glenmoriston was so sensible of this that he swore that he would<br />
stand by me against all the Grants on earth, and this Glenmoriston<br />
knows, that I always used him as an affectionate cousine, and<br />
never refused to do him any service that he asked of me, and if<br />
he now follows your advice and your uncle's, I will certainly be<br />
his steadfast friend while I live, and I humbly think that at any<br />
time I can be more useful to him, to all intents and purposes,<br />
than the Laird of Grant.<br />
"My dear Cousine, you see how much I am concerned in<br />
affiiir, so I earnestly entreat that, with the same ardour that<br />
I love your person, family and concerns, you may work for me to<br />
gain this point, that my honour and interest are so much engaged<br />
and it will be such a singular mark of affectionate friendship<br />
as I never will forget while t<strong>here</strong> is breath in me, ffor though I<br />
would do for M'Leod much as for my Brother or son, yet in this<br />
election I am in a particular manner concerned myself, and my<br />
and kindred. If we gain it, and beat the Grants, my<br />
gets honour and reputation by it, but if they beat us they<br />
triumph, and both I and my interest in this shire will be<br />
despicable in the south, and by the great men I have<br />
joined myself to. I can say no stronger thinjcs to you, my dear<br />
Cousine, so I conclude with trusting to your friendship, which I<br />
am very sure is sincere towards me."
374 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
It appears that in 1742 Lovat lent his house in Edinburgh to<br />
Lochiel, and the following reference to its merits and depreciation<br />
of its worthiness for "his dear cousine " is quaint enough to. deserve<br />
transcribing. After referi-ing to the " terrible journey" and<br />
" voyage " to the " Metropolis," Lovat goes on to say :— " It gives<br />
me a singular pleasure to know from yourself that my little house<br />
accommodates your lady and children. I wish it was the best in<br />
Edinburgh for your sake and theirs. It is certain that what is of<br />
it is good. It is both warm, and the large room is very lofty and<br />
well lighted. I am sorry it is not better furnished, but you have<br />
in it everything that I had except worn bed cloathes and a few<br />
necessarys for my kitchino that I could not get <strong>here</strong> for money,<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is one advantage that my dear cousin, the Lady Lochiel, will<br />
have, that it has the easiest stair in Edinburgh, and that it is situated<br />
in the best part of the town. Would to God that it was<br />
the best in it in every shape for your sake and hers."<br />
Lovat is determined that the rules of good manners shall be<br />
observed by his daughter, for lie writes in the same letter :<br />
" I am very angry at my daughter, Siby, that she did not go<br />
and pay her respects to the Lady Lochiel how soon ever she heard<br />
that she came to towMi, but I ho})e the Lady Lochiel will excu.se<br />
her youth and bashfulness. I have ordered her to be more in her<br />
duty in time to come, and to pay her respects every other day to<br />
the Lady Lochiel."<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are three letters referring to Cluny's marriage with his<br />
daughter. Lovat appears to have had great confidence in Lochiel's<br />
judgment in the matter, but no doubt he is also anxious to avail<br />
himself of the acquaintance which that chief seems to ha\e had<br />
with the circumstances of the young lover. Prudent fathers are<br />
not confined to the 19th century. The following letter, however,<br />
represents the lover as either very bashful or somewhat unskilful<br />
in his addresses, as he was a whole week at Beaufort without finding<br />
an opportunity of " i)Oi)ping the question."<br />
" My Dear Laird of Lochiel,—<br />
" As I sincerely have greater confidence in you than in<br />
many other men on earth, you know, for several reasons, that I<br />
have past grounds for this confidence that I have in you, this<br />
entire trust that I have in your friendship for me, and in your<br />
absolute honour and integrity and upiightness of heart, obliges<br />
me to send you this express to acquaint you that your cousine,<br />
Cluny Macpherson, came <strong>here</strong>, and, after staying some days, he<br />
—
Unpublished Letters of Simon <strong>12</strong>tfi Lord Louat. 375<br />
desired to speak to me by myself, which I very easily granted.<br />
After some compliments, he very civilly proposed to many my<br />
daughter Jenyie, who is with me. I was truly a little surprised ;<br />
I told him all the obligeing things I could think, and told him<br />
that I would never let my daughter marry any man if he was of<br />
the first rank of Scotland beyond her own inclinations. So that<br />
he must speak to herself before I give him any other answer than<br />
that I was obliged to him. But the house being very throng<br />
with strangers, he could not get s))oke to her though he stayed<br />
a week hei-e. I advised him to make his visit a visit of friendship<br />
since he had not been <strong>here</strong> of a long time, and not to speak to her<br />
till he should make one other visit, and that in the meanti.ne,<br />
since I had as great confidence in his cousine Lochiel as he<br />
had, that I would runn one express to you to know your opinion<br />
and advice which he was pleased with, and said he would likewise<br />
wi-ite to you. I t<strong>here</strong>fore beg of you, my dear cousine, that you<br />
let me know candidly and plainly your sentiments without the<br />
least reserve, as you know I would do to you. I am quite a<br />
stranger to the gentleman's circumstances, only that I always<br />
heard that they were not very plentiful. But whatever may be<br />
in that, as the connection that his family has with yours, was the<br />
motion that did engage me to do all the good otfices in nay power<br />
to all the Macphersons when they were much pursuite (?) by the<br />
Duke of Gordon, so that same argument disposes me to be civil to<br />
liim, and whatever may happen in his present view I am resolved<br />
to behave to him so kindly, so as to persuade him that I have a<br />
greater regard for him and his family on your account than<br />
I have for most people in the Highlands. The gentleman's<br />
near concern in you, if people knew my writing, might construct<br />
it by going in headlong to this aifair. But I assure<br />
you, my dear cousine, that the plain case is, that I am fully<br />
convinced that if he was your Brother, it would have no byass<br />
with you, to advise me to an affair that would not be honourable<br />
and ht for my family, as I am fully convinced that you will send<br />
me the real sentiment of your heart and let me know Clunie's<br />
circumstances, which yon cannot be ignorant ofi". And I declair<br />
to you upon honour that I will neither speak to my daughter, nor<br />
to any mortal, until I have your return to this. One of my great<br />
motives for giving ear to this affair is the view that I have that<br />
it might unite the Camerons, iNIacphersons, and the Frasers as one<br />
man, and that such method might be fallen upon them as might<br />
keep them unite for this age that nothing would alter. But<br />
this desire will never make me agree to any proposition against
376 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
my daughter's inclination, or contrary to a reasonable settlement."<br />
The above letter is in duplicate, one copy autograph, the<br />
other written by an amanuensis, but both signed ; one is dated<br />
the 10th, the other the 18th of February 1742. To the latter is<br />
appended a Postscript in the same hand-writing as the holograph<br />
of the 10th. It is as follows :<br />
—<br />
"I do assure you, my dear Cousin, tliat if circumstances<br />
answer in a reasonable manner, that I am in my own inclinations<br />
entirely for the affair. Adieu, mon cher cusin."<br />
The next letter on the same subject, wi-itten apparently after<br />
Lochiel's approval had been obtained, shows the importance<br />
attached to alliances by marriage as increasing the power and<br />
influence of the family tlius allied. On the 27th of May of the<br />
"Your Cousin Clunie has been <strong>here</strong><br />
same year, Lovat writes : —<br />
these thi-ee weeks past, and I do assure you that I am obliged to<br />
suffer a great many battles for him. The INI'Intoshes, who are<br />
madly angry at this Match, endeavour to get all those they converse<br />
with to cry out against me for making of it, and those who<br />
don't love that the M'Phersons should be greater than they are,<br />
or that my family should be stronger than it is, make it t<strong>here</strong><br />
bussiness to cry out againit it. But I must do justice to my Lord<br />
President that all his friends and Relations cry out against it, yet<br />
he heartily approved of it in this house, wliere he did me the<br />
honour to dine with me Monday was se'en-night, and after I told<br />
him plainly all the circumstances, and tliat I trusted myself<br />
entirely to you, he told me that T could not trust myself to<br />
an honester man in Scotland than to Locheill, and after what<br />
I told him, his opinion was that if the young couple lov'd<br />
one another they might live happily together ; and that it was<br />
a very proper alliance for my family, and that it strengthened the<br />
interest of my family more than any low country alliance that I<br />
could make. His saying so gave me satisfaction, whether he<br />
thought it or not ; and tho' I have a hundred to one against me<br />
for making this match, yet I do not repent it, and tho' it were to<br />
begin again to-morrow I would do the same thing over again, and<br />
I must tell you that the more I know your Cousine Cluny the<br />
more I love him for a thorrow good-natur'd, even-tempered, honest<br />
gentleman. He goes home to look after liis affairs in Badenoch<br />
for some time, and T precisely design tliat the marriage shall be<br />
consunnnated towards tho lattcu- end of June. ])ut as I told you<br />
before, I am positive that T never will allow it to be done till you
Unpublished Letters of Simon <strong>12</strong>tli Lord Louat. 377<br />
ai*e present, so that Dyet must be regulate according to the time<br />
that your affairs will allow you to come <strong>here</strong>." *<br />
According to Lovat, his son-in-law showed no symptoms of<br />
being a henpecked husband. The last letter, October ] 743, on<br />
this subject, contains some other amusing matter. After compliments,<br />
Lovat proceeds :—<br />
" You are a very lasie correspondent. You never tell me a<br />
word of the Duke of Argyle's death, nor of the lady Achnubreak's<br />
dream, nor of Prince (Charles passing the Rhine, nor of King<br />
Geoi'ge's beating M. de Noailles, nor of Landes being taken, nor<br />
the Germans having their quarters in Alsace Loraine and Burgundy,<br />
nor of the Zarina having sent 40,000 men to assist the<br />
Queen of Hungary. You may think little of all these events, but<br />
I think them very considerable, and would wish to know the<br />
sentiments of your great city about them.<br />
" I must now acquaint you, my dear Cousin, of the situation<br />
of my family on this side of the Grampians. I am myself much<br />
trouljled with a cough and cold upon me since this day fortnight<br />
that I went to Culloden to take leave of the President. I wish<br />
I had been that day asleep, for my best and largest coach near<br />
broke her leg one plain ground, and as soon as I came into<br />
Inverness I got auld (?) of the Duke of Argyle's death, and I had<br />
no pleasuie or satisfaction in my visit, but breach of promise and<br />
friendship which you was often and very well acquainted with in<br />
that corner. Macleod is much more affronted in this affair than<br />
I am, and that by a man to whom he has been a slave to, and who<br />
professed the greatest friendship and attachment for him. However,<br />
every Dogg has his day, and Macleod and I must stand upon<br />
our own jambs with the assistance of our reall friends and<br />
relations.<br />
" Cluny came <strong>here</strong> Monday night with your brother Archibald,<br />
your uncle Ludovic had the gout in his meikle, so that he<br />
could not come, and your brother John was sick of distemper,<br />
111 a letter fro-n Lord Lovat to the Duke of Gordon dated Beaufort,<br />
13th August 1742, his lordship alludes to the marriage in the following<br />
terms:— "As your grace and the worthy Dutchess were so civill to my<br />
daughter, I think it my duty to acquaint your Grace tliat her aunt, the<br />
Lady Scatwell, having come <strong>here</strong> on the Tuesday after your grace went<br />
away, my dauohter was married next day to the Laird of Cliiny, and tliey<br />
both behaved to the satisfaction of all who were present ; and as they are<br />
both goiid-natur'd and of an even temper, I hope tliey will l)c very happy.<br />
They lunl the honour to succeed your Grace in the lucky velvet bed which<br />
I hope will have good effect."<br />
Miscellany of the Spalding Clul) vol. Ill, p. 2.3;").
378 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
and he would not como, and Cluny brought nobody witli him but<br />
In veresci and young Banclier, and anotlier gentleman called Lachlan<br />
M'Phersou. Duncan Campbell of Clunies came <strong>here</strong> likewise one<br />
Monday night, and the Laird of Foulis came <strong>here</strong> on Thursday,<br />
and seven of his friends, and dined and stayed all night and was very<br />
merry, so that my house was very throng, as it almost was every<br />
other day this C?) and summer. I was mightily desirous that Cluny<br />
should leave his daughter with me, who is the finest child I ever<br />
saw. But after he fir.st consented to it, he then resiled and<br />
carryed her of, which vexed me very much— notwithstand that<br />
Dr Fraser of Achnagairn gave his positive advice to Cluny not to<br />
carry away his child in the winter time. But he acted the absolute<br />
chief, and carried the poor infant away in a credill a horseback.<br />
Before twenty gentlemen I openly washed my hands from any<br />
harm that would happen to the child by carrying her away in this<br />
season. But Cluny took the blame upon himself, and thi-re I left<br />
it. However, they have had such tine weather that 1 hope the child<br />
will arrive at Cluny in good health. But T cannot think that a<br />
house whose walls was not finished two months ago can be very<br />
wholesome either for the child or for the mother. But it seems<br />
that Cluny is resolved to v.-ear the Britches and the Petty C!oats<br />
too, so that I am afraid my cliild will not comb a grey head in<br />
that country. Howevei-, we must submit and resign all things<br />
to Providence."<br />
Subjoined ai-e two extracts from another letter written in<br />
1743. It would appear that, unless Lovat was indulging in a<br />
joke or in idle compliment, the relative value of cows in the<br />
" Aird" and in Lochaber must have changed pretty considerable<br />
during the last 150 years! But not more than the sentiments<br />
with regard to hard drinking. Sir Wilfred Lawson would hardly<br />
write of a gentleman who, as near as possible, killed himself by<br />
drink that "his death would be a singular loss to his country and<br />
to his friends."<br />
" I had the honour to write you a letter by the Post on<br />
Saturday, and this now goes by a trusty Servant of mine that I<br />
send South every year with Cows to my Doers, he carrys now<br />
with him a Cow to John Macfai'lane, and one to William Fraser,<br />
and T thought to have sent another of my little Highland Cows<br />
with him for my Dear Cousine, the Lady Lochiel. But I was perswaded<br />
you would mock me to send you one of the little pitifull<br />
Cows of this Country when you have much better and larger Cows<br />
of your own in Lochaber. I have sent a Cow to your Aunt, the<br />
Lady Balhady, as I use to do every year. ....
—<br />
Unpublished Letters of Simon <strong>12</strong>tli Lord Louat. 371)<br />
" The Karl o£ Cromarty, after drinking excessively in this<br />
house of very good wine for Hvc days, went to Dingwall and fell<br />
adrinking of very bad wine, which made him so sick that he had<br />
almost died t<strong>here</strong>. The Countess was obliged to come in the midst<br />
of the night from Tarbat llonse to Dingwall— 14 long miles—she<br />
having received an Express acquainting her that the Earl was not<br />
like to live till daylight, liut I thank God he is recovered. His<br />
death would be a singular loss to his Country and to his friends,<br />
and particularly, to me which you may see by the Copy of two<br />
letters that he writt to me after his recovery, which I send yon<br />
enclosed."<br />
T<strong>here</strong> is a copy among these papers of a letter from Lovat to<br />
" my mother's chief," the laird of Macleod, in which after describing<br />
a severe illness and the remedies applied, which are not worth<br />
quoting, the following veiy characteristic sentiments are delivered.<br />
The "faint hopes" which the writer entertains of seeing Macleod's<br />
grandfather in the next world may of course be read in two ways,<br />
but it woidd hardly have been agreeable to the grandson.<br />
" I do assure you that I was not at all uneasy to leave this<br />
wicked treacherous world, but on the contrary I was pleased with<br />
the faint hopes of seeing my dear Uncle, your grandfather, and<br />
the other woi-thy persons that I was concerned in who went before<br />
me. But it has pleased God to keep me for some more time from<br />
the happy society of those brave upi-ight honest persons who wei-e<br />
an honour to their King and to their country, and to make me<br />
slave as long as Providence pleases among a corrupt generation in<br />
this poor, unliappy, degenerate Island, w<strong>here</strong> scarce an honest man<br />
can be found Kara avis in terris, ikc. I am resolved, however,<br />
to submit and to pray to God that I may keep my integrity<br />
among the corruption of this age. I pray for my friends as I do<br />
for myself, and particularly for the laird of Macleod, and for those<br />
worthy gentleman that think as he does, for I presume to know a<br />
little of his private sentiments, and, as I thank God they arc now<br />
just and honourable, I hope they will continue so all your days."<br />
Macleod was, it appears, in Parliament, and the next pai-agi-aph<br />
in the letter is somewhat suggestive of what would now be<br />
called a job.<br />
" I took the liberty to write to you about getting the premium<br />
on naval stores. The laird of Grant is more concerned in<br />
this than any man in Scotland, and I am the next to him, if not<br />
as much as he is, for I have vast woods upon my Estate which, if<br />
preserved, will be of great use to my family ; and it would be a<br />
vast loss to all the gentlemen that have woods ujjon their Estates
—<br />
380 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
if that premium should be taken away, t<strong>here</strong>fore I beg that you<br />
may speak to that odd creatures the hiirds of Grant and see what<br />
they will do for themselves."<br />
The only extract from these letters bearing on political topics,<br />
which appears worthy of being quottnl, is the following, and its<br />
interest is, indeed, derived more from the light which it throws<br />
on the querulousness and suscei>tibilities of its author than from<br />
any special historical fact wliich it recoi-ds. Students of the<br />
period (1743) will draw their own conclusions from the complaints<br />
of Lord Lovat :<br />
"I am fully persuaded by experience as much as you can be,<br />
that in this Government t<strong>here</strong> is no regard paid to past services,<br />
though never so essential, and foi- making new schemes, I am too<br />
old for that, and though I should both lesolve and lay myself out<br />
to do essential service to the family of Hanover, I must come<br />
short of what I have done already for the Government to keep the<br />
Crown on their head, and the returns I met with were barbarous<br />
and ungrateful usage. I could say the same of another Court that<br />
I will now hold my tongue of, so that it has been ray fate to be ill<br />
used by Courts, except by the glorious Court of France, who did<br />
me much more honour than I deserved ; and if I was to begin the<br />
world again, I would never serve any Court, but according as I<br />
would be rewarded. I hope my children will follow the same<br />
maxim."<br />
The account given in another letter of the behaviour of two<br />
local doctors is very amusing, and seems, at this time of day, almost<br />
incredible. Lovat writes :<br />
—<br />
'* I have been pretty ill with the aigue since you went away,<br />
so that I was forced to send for Doctor Cuthbert and Doctor<br />
Fraser, who stayed <strong>here</strong> for tive days, and all the service they did<br />
me was to drink ilrunk day and night, for except while they slept<br />
they were not tive minutes sober since they came to the house, and<br />
Doctor Cuthbert is still <strong>here</strong>, and all the medicines they ga^•e were<br />
severall dishes of laughter wliich happened very often. My servants<br />
got heavy lifts of them in carrying them from this room to<br />
their beds. Tt was a thousand pities for they are two pretty<br />
gentlemen, but Achnagairn has b}' much the advantage of Doctor<br />
Cuthl)ert, when he is in his own houso he ^scldom drinks, and Doctor<br />
Cuthb(,'rt is every night druidx in his own house. Howcvar, T bless<br />
God by my following my own prescription of drinking the infusion<br />
of severall bitters in Sijanish wine, and of drinking a glass once or<br />
twice a day of the SpanisJi wine with the Peruvian bark infused
—<br />
Unpublished Letters of Simon <strong>12</strong>tii Lord Louat. 381<br />
in it, the aigue is almost gone, but this severe storm that never<br />
had an example in history confines me to this room a perfect<br />
prisoner these two months past, so that T must have a very good<br />
and liealthful constitution to have resisted such a closs confinement<br />
and continuall eating and drinking and sitting \ip without<br />
any exorcise, but T hope CJod in his mercy will soon delivei- us<br />
from this stoim, and then I can go abroad and take a little exercise,<br />
which I hope will restore me into perfect health and strength<br />
that I may be fit to do some service to my friends and my Countrey,<br />
wliich I do not despair of."<br />
In the same letter is a description of a member of another<br />
learned profession. It appears t<strong>here</strong> was a lawyer by name Tom<br />
Brodie in Edinburgh at that time, of whom Lovat writes in these<br />
somewhat disrespectful terms :<br />
"I have such experience of Tom Brodic's, sucli a greedy,<br />
deceitful, treacherous knave tliat I cannot in duty and honour but<br />
put you on your guard against him, for after my giving him<br />
liberally my money and my gold for about fourteen or fifteen years,<br />
and using him rather like a brother than an ordinary lawyer, yet<br />
the deceitful knave sold me this last year to my adverse party<br />
by which I have been wronged above £3000 str. He gave up my<br />
papers to my adverse party, which gave a pretext to the base and<br />
villainous arbiters to sign a decree of a £1000 str. against me, to<br />
be paid to my adverse ])arty, who, sincerely and truly before God<br />
I could declare it if it was my last word, did rob me, I mean<br />
Pliopachy, of above £4000 of the furniture of my house, and the<br />
rents of my Estate, and tho' he was not worth five pound on earth<br />
but what he rob'd me of (for he was downright a beggar when I<br />
came to Scotland) yet I am decreed to pay him £1000 str. by<br />
false accounts that he made up against me, but the truth of the<br />
matter is that Thomas Brodie beii-ay'd me for getting the half or<br />
the third of the spoil to himself. Your cousin Balladie, who was<br />
<strong>here</strong> during the transactions of that villainous decree, knows that<br />
affixir perfectly, for he took great pains in it. I beg your pardon<br />
for troubling you with an account of it, but my design is to prevent<br />
your being cheated and abused by Tom Brodie, who is certainly<br />
the most dangerous villain that ever went into the Parliament<br />
house,"<br />
Those who are acquainted with Lovat's style, and the strong<br />
language in \vhich he inveighs against all whom he fancies have<br />
injured him, will not perhaps judge too harshly of Tom Brodie.<br />
In another letter Lo^at asks Macleod to send him some news-
382 Gaelic Society of Inueniess.<br />
papers, specifying the LoikIoii Evening Post and Westminster<br />
Journal, and pi'omises to pay him in " Bewlie sahnon and good<br />
ckret" wlien he couies to visit him.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> are also allusions to his wife and her wickedness iu<br />
some of the letters, but students of the history of the Highlands<br />
at that period would not find anything which has not already been<br />
published, and, indeed, Lovat's account of the family dispute is to<br />
be found in greater detail in some of his letters printed in the<br />
second volume of that splendid work, "Tlie Lairds of Grant," by<br />
Dr William Fraser, Edinburgh.<br />
This paper may be properly brought to a conclusion with a<br />
letter from young Simon, Master of Lovat, to his fatlier, dated<br />
Edinburgh, May 22, 1740, when he was 13 years of age. His<br />
appreciation of the Gaelic language must commend his memory to<br />
the members of this Association :<br />
My Dear Papa,—I received the honour and pleasure of<br />
your Lordship's letter by the last post, and I am exceedmg glad<br />
to hear that your Lordship is in perfect good health. I am very<br />
glad that Mr Donald* is in a fair way to get the better of all his<br />
enemies, and tliat he is almost done with those tyrannick bigot<br />
clergy of Ross. I believe the Brig, will be very happy in having<br />
him for a Governour, who, I fancy, has much need of one. I<br />
am veiy glad that your Lordship is pleased with my write this<br />
post. I do assure your Lordship I will take as much care of it<br />
as possible. But whoever has informed your Lordship that I<br />
neglect the Earse, has greatly misinformed your Lordship, for<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is none in tliis house, exce})t Mr Blair, but speak Earse,<br />
and t<strong>here</strong> is not a day but we speak it at dinner, super, and<br />
brakefast, and I know your I.iOrdship would rather me lose Latin<br />
and Gi-eek than lose it, and that is the great reason, though I had<br />
no other to retain it; but I don't believe, though I was to go<br />
through the world now that I would lose it, and, as to my having<br />
tlic Edinlnirgh Ton, that is wliat I cannot help ; for when I<br />
was at Glasgow, I had the Glasgow Ton, and now the Edinburgh<br />
*This was Mr Donald Fraser, Tutor or "Governour" to Lovat's sons<br />
Simon and Alexander. The latter is nferr. d to in this letter as "the Brig"<br />
—Brii^adicr— the nmie usually applied to him ))y his father. Mr Donald<br />
became niiiiifeter of Killeai nan in 1744, and of Fcrintosii in 1757. At his<br />
death he left a large niiml>cr of h-tters from Lord Lovat to himself, Lord<br />
Loudon, and others, and these have now been, placed by his great grandson,<br />
the Rev. Hector Fraser, Halkirk, in the hands of Mr William Mackay,<br />
RoHeitor, Inverness, witli a view to their publication in the ne.xt vulume of<br />
onr Transactions.<br />
—
— —<br />
Granting Diplomas by Scottisl) Kings. 383<br />
Tone, and when I go north 1 will have that Tone. So that t<strong>here</strong><br />
is nothing in that but perfect Custom. I was this day dining<br />
with Brigadier Guest, who received me very kindlj'^, and gave nie<br />
a letter for your Lordship.— I am, dear pa})a, your Lordship's<br />
most affectionate Son,<br />
"Simon Fuaseu.<br />
"Edinburgh, May 22nd, 17-10 "<br />
Mr Fraser-^Iackintosh's paper was as follows :<br />
GRANTING DIPLOMAS OF GENTLE BIRTH, Arc, BY<br />
SCOTTISH KINGS-<br />
CASE OF LIEUT.-COLONEL ALEXANDER MONRO<br />
OF OBSDALE, 1G63.<br />
Numbers of Scotsmen of gentle birth, unable to find suitable<br />
employment at home, betook themselves particularly during the<br />
seventeenth century either to foreign militaiy service, or to trade,<br />
becoming naturalised in the countries w<strong>here</strong>in they settled. The<br />
rigour of class and caste made it necessary for these adventurers<br />
to show an equality of rank, ere they were permitted to as.sociate<br />
with, or intermarry among, the upper ranks of the natives of Poland,<br />
Sweden, Germany, and France, to which countries these adventurers<br />
chiefly resoi't(>d.<br />
The proper Register of • Birth Briefs is called "The Paper<br />
Register of the Great Seal," as distinguished fi'om the Great Seal<br />
Register Proper, which is written on vellum. The Paper Register<br />
begins about 1590, and is continued to 1707.<br />
In earlier times, certificates were given by inquests of friends<br />
and neighbours of repute, styled " homines patriae," and in Burghs<br />
such certificates were granted after enquiry by the Magistrates and<br />
Council. Subsequently it was not unusual to issue a Royal War-<br />
rant, as is seen in the following ctise taken from " The Earl of<br />
Stirling's Register of Royal Letters," 1 st volume, p. 66. Edinburgh<br />
1885 :—<br />
To the Chancellor (of Scotland)<br />
Right Trusty and Wellbeloved,<br />
W<strong>here</strong>as, one Andrew Arbuthnot, serving, as we are informed,<br />
under the King of Sweden, has caused humble suit to be<br />
made unto us that he might have a testificate under our Great<br />
Seal of that our Kingdom, of his lawful birth and progeny, our<br />
pleasure is that having informed yourself t<strong>here</strong>of, that you grant
384 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
unto him what is usual to be granted unto other persons, in<br />
business of the like nature : and for your so doing, these shall be<br />
your warrant.<br />
Theobald's, July 21, 1626.<br />
(Signed) Charles R.<br />
The earliest instance of a birth brief, or " Litera Prosapia,"<br />
in the Paper Register is dated 26th of January 1637, and from<br />
that date downwards entries are numerous. It is well known that<br />
many of these recorded Vjriefs are full of inaccuracies.<br />
Duncan Forbes, 3rd of Culloden, writing prior to the year<br />
170-4, and treating of the genealogy of the family of Tolquhon,<br />
says that Malcolm Forbes, INIarquis ot Montilly, some 30 years<br />
before, sent to Scotland for his coat-armorial certificate, which was<br />
given him utterly wrong by tlie then Lord Lyon and his deputy<br />
clerks.<br />
—<br />
It is still competent to issue birth briefs, the course being by<br />
application to the Lord Lyon, who, upon proper proof being<br />
established before him, issues a certified pedigree under the seal<br />
of the Lyon office.<br />
Colonel Monro of Obsdale's genealogy is shown in the<br />
annexed. He was grandson of the laird of Fowlis, nephew of<br />
Major-General Sir Robert Monro, and brother of Lieut.-General<br />
Sir George Monro. His services are done full j ustice to, neither<br />
squalor of a prison, tedium of exile, nor loss of fortune in the<br />
Royal cause daunting him in his zeal and devotion to the Royal<br />
House of Stuart.<br />
The following is an exact translation of the original Latin<br />
brief :<br />
" Charles, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, England,<br />
France and Ii-eland, and defender of the faith, to all and -undry<br />
emperors, kings, princes, dukes, marquises, archbishops, bishops,<br />
barons, councillors and magistrates of states, and to all and sundry<br />
or their lieutenants, chief governors of provinces,<br />
cities, castles, fleets, and finally to all exercising supreme or subordinate<br />
authority by sea or land in civil or ecclesiastical affairs<br />
and others whomsoever who shall read or hear these letters<br />
piitent everlasting greeting in the author of everlasting salvation :<br />
W<strong>here</strong>as the cheif concern of those to whom the supreme administration<br />
of the commonwealth has been entrusted ought to be that<br />
due honour should be bestowed on those studious of virtue and<br />
their posterity, and since we, so far as circumstance will allow<br />
deligently make it our sedulous care, that whatever rights or distinctions<br />
of noble blood or of renowned achievement have been
Granting Diplomas by ScottisI] Kings. 385<br />
derived from ancestors, should remain repaired and protected<br />
among posterity (unless they shall have revolted fi-om tlie probity<br />
of their ancestors) in the longest scries that is possil)le to b(^, to<br />
the end that both the said descendants mindful of their lineage<br />
should commit nothing unworthy of the unsullied fame and greatness<br />
of their parents, but inflamed to the like should superadd<br />
some praise by their own virtue, and accession of light to the<br />
Ijrightness of their ancestors, and so emulating their forefathers<br />
afford to us and to their country faithful subjects and citizens in<br />
all things according to their power. We to our faithful and well<br />
beloved countryman Alexander INIonro fully imbued in the schools<br />
and academies of his native country, with the humaner and more<br />
subtile letters, who in his novitiate of sterner warfare under his<br />
uncle Sir Robert Monro, Major-General, and Sir George Monro,<br />
our Lieuteuant-General, most valiant knight, his brother being<br />
exti-emely well instructed, followed the parly of our most serene<br />
parent of blessed memory and ours in circumstances sufficiently<br />
adverse, valiantly fought for us as Lieutenant-Colonel for sixteen<br />
years, and by his blood and his wounds made a sacrifice to our<br />
cause and to the glory of his own loyalty, and that to such a degree<br />
that not by the squalor of a prison nor tedium of exile, nor loss of<br />
fortune did he suffer his fidelity to his kings due and devoted to be<br />
stained or besmirched by any blot of treason or supineness of spirit,<br />
but individually and indefatigably remained a comrade with our<br />
forces, through straits, through cold, through mountains and all<br />
that could be inflicted on our faithful subjects in that lamentable<br />
time of treason : I say, to this most valiant man, and who has<br />
deserved exceedingly well of us, on his request and supplication<br />
we deny not for justice and righteousness sake our firm testimony<br />
to the honours and offices bestowed on Lis ancestors by our forefathers<br />
the most serene Kings of Scotland (which may be to him<br />
after careful in-<br />
in place of a l)enefit among others) . W<strong>here</strong>fore<br />
quiry has been made by illustrious and trust-wcrthy men (to whom<br />
we intrusted that duty), concerning the descent of the foresaid<br />
gentleman, it has been found by us, and we t<strong>here</strong>fore make it<br />
known and certain, and publicly bear witness that it is manifest<br />
that our well beloved Alexander Monro, Lieutenant-Colonel, was<br />
born lawful son and of lawful marriage by either parent of noble<br />
and gentle birth, and for many ages by-past has derived his paternal<br />
and maternal descent from distinguished and honourable<br />
families ; to wit, that he is the son of a truly noble gentleman, John<br />
Monro ot Obsdall, Colonel among the Swedes, and Katharine Gordoun,<br />
united to John in lawful matrimony and John of Obsdall to
386 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
his own and his native country's everlastmg gloiy valorously<br />
deserved well of the most potent King of Sweden, and was the son<br />
of George Monro of Obsdall, by Katharine Monro, daughter of<br />
Andrew Monro of ]\Iiltoun, Ijy Katherine Vrquhart, daughter<br />
of Thomas, Sheriff of Cromarty, by Anna Abernethy, daughter<br />
of the distinguished Lord Baron of Sal ton n : And George was<br />
l)orn of a very illustrious man and chief of liis surname Robert<br />
Monro of Fowles, by Katherine Eos, daughter of Alexander<br />
Ros, Laird of Belnagown, by Elizabeth Sinclair, daughter of the<br />
most famous Eail of Caithness : And Robert was born of the<br />
former Robert of Fowlis laird t<strong>here</strong>of (who fell honourably<br />
fighting valiantly for his country in the battle of Pinkie)<br />
of Anna Dunbar, daughter of Alexander Dunbar, Sheriff<br />
of Mor&y, by Jean Falconer, daughter of the laird of Halcartoun<br />
: Further, this Robert was the son of Hector Monro of<br />
Foulis, by Katherine Mackenzie, daughter of the lord orchief of the<br />
Mackenzie's (but now of the most renowned Earl of Seaforth) which<br />
Hector also had to his father William IMonro of Foulis, a knight<br />
plainly most valiant for in leading an army at the command of the<br />
King against certain factious northern men (he perished by ti-eachery)<br />
and to his mother Anna ]\['I,ean, daughter
Old Highland Industries. 387<br />
and clear, asked and entreated; that ye treat our contryman, now<br />
recommended, Sir Alexander Munro, dear to us on so many<br />
accounts, conspicuous for so many lights of virtures, with all offices<br />
of civility, love, honour, and dignity, craving again the like favour<br />
from us, if in anything ye wish to use our assistance; which things,<br />
as they are all true and sure in themselves, that likewise they<br />
may be better attested, and more certain to all and sundry, and<br />
be known to all men as manifest, we have, without reluctance,<br />
granted these our ]jetters Patent to tlie foresaid Alexander<br />
Monro: For giving full faith also, to which among all men, we<br />
have commanded our narrower seal to be appended <strong>here</strong>to.<br />
Given at Edinburgh, the day of the month of September,<br />
the year from the Virgin's birth, one thousand six hundred<br />
and sixty three, and the fifteenth year of our reign"<br />
"By Act of the Lords of Secret Council"<br />
28th April 188G.<br />
On this date William Millar, auctioneei", Inverness, was<br />
elected an ordinary member of the Society. T<strong>here</strong>after, Mr<br />
Alexander Ross, architect, Inverness, read a paper on the " Old<br />
Industries of the Highlands." Specimens of native art and industry<br />
were exhibited and highly admired. Mr Ross's paper was<br />
as follows :<br />
—<br />
OLD HIGHLAND INDUSTRIES.<br />
In these days of great factories and concentration of labour<br />
in the production of articles required for the dail}^ use of man, it<br />
may be interesting and profitable to recall some of the old and<br />
peculiar modes employed by our country uien for providing food,<br />
clothing, and implements, but which modes have now almost<br />
di'^xppeared.<br />
^lachinery, driven by steam, has doiie away with much hand<br />
labour, and, under the guiding hand of man, does nearly all the<br />
work, w<strong>here</strong> mechanical power is required, and thus gets i-id, in a<br />
large degree, of the gi'eat waste involved in manual labour. This<br />
centralised production has tended to enlarge and extend our<br />
towns and seats of industry, and to produce articles for the<br />
million at a relatively much less cost than could be done by<br />
hand labour, and, by means of transport and commerce, to send<br />
machine-made articles into the furthest corners of the earth, civilised<br />
and uncivilised; hence we find ranged alonsside stone and
388 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
flint iinpleinents, tho latest gay and fanoy fabric of Manchester<br />
and Birmingham. Even the Hindoo and Chinaman's gods and<br />
idols are manufactured in our British workshops, and many other<br />
ai'ticles which are considered peculiar to certain nations. I had<br />
occa.sion to remark this particularly in a Liverpool counting-house,<br />
for on asking what were the goods they exported from this<br />
country, a drawer was pulled out and samples displayed. Tliese<br />
consisted of Spanish hedalgos, s])urs, and brilliant saddles, and<br />
saddle cloths, Spanish mantillas, ifcc, of gorgeous and rich colours,<br />
such as that noble animal the " Bi-itish Crocker," always declares<br />
the British manufacturers can neither rival nor approach.<br />
It is extremely interesting to study the progress from primi-<br />
tive machineiy to the most ad\anced and intricate results of<br />
modern times, and perhaps the Highlands of Scotland afforded till<br />
recently a very good field for such study.<br />
The Lowlands of Scotland long retained their ancient practices<br />
as regards home-mades, and I can myself recall the time before<br />
the modern lucifer match and vesta were introduced, fire was produced<br />
by various simple methods, and when the old gaberlunzie<br />
man wandered round the country, and the chapman paid his accustomed<br />
visit to supply jewellery, and such literature as was then<br />
read, the old cruize lamj) with fish oil and rush which supplied<br />
the poor flicker of light to permit the maids to spin and the<br />
hinds to read.<br />
In the Highland Glens the primitive native arts were continued<br />
to even a later date than in the Lowlands. This would<br />
naturally arise fi'om the difliculty of intercomnmnication in consequence<br />
of the want of roads and sparseness of population. Accordingly<br />
we find the old manners and customs remaining, and the<br />
old modes of cultivation being practised long after they had disappeared<br />
from amongst their more advanced countrymen. It is<br />
to these practices I would iiow draw your attention to-night, and<br />
perhaps it may be the simplest way and most instructive if I<br />
take a glance at a few of the more useful and common arts and<br />
discuss each in detail.<br />
Beginning with 1st, dwellings and utensils ; lliul, a rieulture ;<br />
3rd, food ; 4th, clothing ; 5th luxuries ; and 6th, articles of commerce.<br />
I cannot expect to exhaust any one of these subjects, but I<br />
may touch on a few of each.<br />
The dwelling or shelter naturally comes amongst the first re-<br />
(piirements of a race, and the implements necessary to procure<br />
food and clothing.
Old Highland Industries. 389<br />
I ncod not go into tlie very early forms of lake dwellings,<br />
traces of such being found in almost all the islands, natural and<br />
artificial, in our lochs under the name of crannogs. Nor shall T<br />
t )uch on the beehive and eird houses so common in Aberdeenshire<br />
and Caithness, and into which the early Pict could barely crawl.<br />
{V>y the way, Pennant says the origin of the name Pict, is from<br />
Pieteich a Thief—an origin, I daresay, some of you may be inclined<br />
to disput(.\ Their houses were simply little domes of stone 8 or 10<br />
feet diameter, into which the native crept and lived in the rudest<br />
and most primitive fashion. At this stage only the simplest instruments<br />
were available, such as stone hatchets and hammers,<br />
Hint arrow heads, bone needles, ifec, yet by means of these and the<br />
action of tire the ancient savage was able to cut down trees, scoop<br />
out and form them for canoes, dress stones to form the quern,<br />
and rubbing stones to bruise and gi-ind the grain and roots for<br />
food. He was also able to foi*ni a mortar pestal of stone, and by<br />
tish bones form needles to sew the fibre of various plants and<br />
hooks w<strong>here</strong>with to catch a further supply of fish.<br />
A little further on and metals came to his aid, and we find<br />
bronze and iron taking the place of stone implements, and gold<br />
and silver ornaments coming into use, many of tliem exhibiting<br />
very high culture and taste.<br />
When our forefathers took to roofing their dwellings with<br />
timber instead of stone, the form seems to have been generally<br />
circular, and we have this type in the hut circles, which, as a<br />
rule, are just of sutticient diameter to permit the space to be<br />
covered in by cabers placed on the ground or low turf dyke, and<br />
to converge at the top into a point, and so far a tent, or like a<br />
conical house. This would seem to have been the usual form of<br />
dwelling of the native Briton at the time of the Roman Inva-<br />
sion, for we find the "Candida Casa" at Whithorn of St Ninian in<br />
the sixth century much thought of as the first stone and lime<br />
built whitehouse.<br />
In England the progress in castle building and also of church<br />
work was progressive, and culminated in the grand cathedrals and<br />
castles of the thirteenth century.<br />
In Scotland the jirogress was not so marked and steady, and<br />
we have no church work to show older than the eleventh century,<br />
nor of domestic work anything so early. I would, however, remark,<br />
that from the beginning of the eleventh century till the<br />
sixteenth century, Scotland can hold her own with any country<br />
both in ecclesiastical and baronial architecture. Still alongside<br />
the srreat advances made in baronial and ecclesiastical architecture
390 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
the peasantry lived in rude huts and retained many of their old<br />
modes of working, and continued to supply themselves with homemade<br />
stufts, both of food and clothing to an extent, and in a manner<br />
which it would perhaps be well if our modern natives could<br />
still to some extent imitate and ad<strong>here</strong> to. The farm house of<br />
the last century, and also the cottage of the crofter, was supplied<br />
with a rude plenty, and a variety both of food and clothing,<br />
•which, if not so elegant as that of the present day, was in many<br />
respects more healthy and serviceable for family wants, while the<br />
mode by which everything was turned to account and rendered<br />
available for food and clothing, forms an entertaining and useful<br />
line of study.<br />
The old farm house kitchen on a winter night of itself gives<br />
a very perfect picture of what I would like to bring before you,<br />
and let us for a moment describe it, as T myself can remember one<br />
nearly half-a-centuiy ago in Forfai-shii-e. The kitchen w-as a stone<br />
floored apartment, with a large tiieplace, sufficiently capacious<br />
for a fire of wooden logs, which bui-nt on the heai-th, and to permit<br />
of one or two sitting alongside it in the recess. Possibly,<br />
when the farm servants gat<strong>here</strong>d in at night, light would be desirable,<br />
but t<strong>here</strong> were no candles allowed, except for the ben end<br />
(that was the portion occupied by the family of a farmer when he<br />
was of sufficient standing to live apart from the farm servants),<br />
and how to produce light became the question. In the poorer<br />
districts the old bog fir was made to do duty, and the Peer man<br />
had to hold it. Those of ynu who had the pleasure of hearing<br />
Mr James Linn, of Keith, lecture on Peer men, will recollect his<br />
very interesting pa^)er and beautiful specimens of stands of iron<br />
which were made to supersede the Peer man or boy who used to<br />
hold and replenish the bog fir, or " white candle," when it came<br />
into use, for it was the good old practice in Aberdeenshire to<br />
make the beggar, or gaberlunzie man ])ay for his night's quarters<br />
by keeping the bog fir or candle alight, while others worked or<br />
amused themselves, and hence the saying of an unsociable person,<br />
" He'll neither dance nor hand the candle."<br />
To return to house building, as you no doubt are aware, the crofter<br />
to this day builds all his own house— it varies in diflerent localities.<br />
In the Lowlands, the farm labourer's cottage was generally<br />
built of boulders, or round water-worn stones, and held together<br />
with clay and straw and plastered inside and out with a smooth<br />
coating of clay, or in some districts with lime mortar. It was<br />
roofed with wood rafters more or less manufactured, and the rafters<br />
again covered with slabs fi-om the nearest saw mill, these in their
O'.ci Highland Industries. 391<br />
turn overlaid with (li\ ots or sods and linislicd with tliatch of straw.<br />
The interior was iloored witli beaten clay and divided into two or<br />
more rooms by a partition of slabs or cabers, the interstices beini^<br />
filled in with clay and straw, or in more ambitious cases, wattled<br />
with hazel and smoothened with clay. The windows were half<br />
glazed with course glass and the lower half of timbin", with doors<br />
hinged to open for ventilation. This was the Lowlander's cottage,<br />
but amongst the hills and on the West Coast the house was still<br />
more primitive, in these cases the materials had to be used of a<br />
simpler kind. The walls are ilrystcne, facingoutside and infilled with<br />
turf in the heart, the roof formed of trees and cabers undressed, and<br />
roughly fitted as they came to hand. 'J'he construction was also different.<br />
When a Highlander began to build his house he commenced<br />
by fixing tl'.e main couples at certain intervals, and the lower portion<br />
was let into the ground like a post. To the top of these the rafters<br />
were secured "by a wooden pin and tied across by a tie Ijeam.<br />
At tlie apex w<strong>here</strong> the rafters met and crossed each other was<br />
laid longitudinally a long tree or beam, on which the smaller<br />
cabers or rafters and thatch depended and rested, and hence was<br />
called the roof-tree, and on it the main security of the fabric depended,<br />
and displacing the roof-tree was certain to bring the<br />
whole fabric to the ground, and hence, in the importance of the<br />
roof tree, and the common and genial toast, " To the Roof-tree,"<br />
no doubt had reference to this important feature in the structure.<br />
The eli'ect of those old Highland roofs w^as extremely good and<br />
picturesque, and but few of them now remain ; they are fast disappearing<br />
before the manufactured timber and slate. The important<br />
feature of these houses and roofs is that they were entirely<br />
the work of the natives, and required no foreign or skilled labour<br />
in their production ; they were entirely the work of the founder,<br />
who was his own architect and contractor. The cost was in those<br />
days trifling, the labour not being taken into account ; but, so<br />
scarce was, and still is, timber on the West Coast, that a crofter<br />
removing claims and often carries, the roof with him. The<br />
fire was placed on a stone slab or hearth in the centi'e of the floor,<br />
and the smoke allowed to find its exit through sundry holes in the<br />
roof. The result is that a large portion condenses on the rafters of<br />
the house and forms a rich dark brown varnish, which is utilised<br />
by the crofter as manure, and I have seen a good picture painted<br />
with this varnish, the effect much resembling sepia. The custom<br />
of unroofing annually is still practised, and I have often seen the<br />
roof lying on the hillside getting washed with the rain. The neighbours,<br />
on the occasion of a rooting, lend a helping hand, and I
392 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
have often seen the roof being removed in the morning and rephvced<br />
by the evening.<br />
Tn the Islands, from the greater scarcity of timber, the roof<br />
and woodwork are still further economised, and stone takes the<br />
place of timber to a greater extent. In Harris the walls are often<br />
6 to 8 feet thick, being formed of stone on the outer and inner<br />
face, the centre being tilled up with moss and sods, while the roof<br />
is placed on the inner side of the walls, and the great breadth<br />
forms a rampart on which cattle and children may disport themselves.<br />
Travelling in Lochabcr on one occasion, I asked what a<br />
cottage would cost them. The reply was, " Well, it depends on<br />
the number of couples, but a house could be put up for 50s., but it<br />
would take £5 to make a right one."<br />
At the same time as the house was constructed by home<br />
labour, it was natural that all the furnishings should partake of<br />
the same primitive character, and accordingly wefinc^ the materials<br />
at hand were made to serve the ends required by simple home<br />
manufacture. After the house building, one of the first essentials<br />
would be cooking utensils, and we find that s simple gricUron and<br />
pot were indispensable. These were formed of hammered metal,<br />
and these cauldrons occasionally turn up, mostly of bronze, and<br />
this may be accounted for by the greater durability and value of<br />
copper and bronze, and these are always found in ancient examples<br />
to be of sheets of metal made u|) in pieces and riveted. Many<br />
specimens of this still exist, but the cast iron pot has entirely superseded<br />
them in every-day life. The native pottery seems to have<br />
held its own to a much later date, and the Lewis pottery is well<br />
known, and in Kilmuir, Skye, the Rev. Mr Macgregor told me he<br />
had often watched the natives making the craggan for family use.<br />
Sixty years ago t<strong>here</strong> were in the parish of Kilmuir only three<br />
teapots, and a single pot represented the entire cooking apparatus<br />
of a family, in which case the potatoes were boiled in the pot and<br />
the herrings were placed in the pot over the cooked potatoes, and<br />
so prepared.<br />
Dishes of all kinds wei-e scarcely known, and instead t<strong>here</strong>of<br />
a square Ijoard above 17 inches across with a rim 3 inches high all<br />
roiind, called " Clar," served for the dish to hold potatoes and fish,<br />
and the family seated round a nide table eat their meal from it. Mr<br />
Macgregor also mentions, tiiat "In many of ihe poorer dwellings<br />
t<strong>here</strong> was but one horn spoon, which was handed from member to<br />
member to help themselves in turn." T<strong>here</strong> were but few bowls,<br />
cups, or dishes of earthenware in these humble dwellings, but many<br />
of them had wooden cups of various siz(>s which they got froni crews
Old Highland Industries.<br />
393<br />
of vos5?cls from the Baltic. They met these vessels in calin weather,<br />
and ^ot planks of wood and dishes of the kind nujiitioned in lieu<br />
of fresh vegetables which they took on board.<br />
The people of this district were in the habit of niakini,' large<br />
pots or jai's of the native clay. These craggans wei-e of various<br />
sizes, and some of them would contain from three to four imperial<br />
gallons, but generally they were of smaller size, and made to con-<br />
tain eight or nine great bottles.<br />
The clay of which these craggans were made was not found<br />
in every district, but when found large numbers of these pots or<br />
craggans were made.<br />
^Ir IMaegi-egor describes the process thus :— " The clay was<br />
smooth and jilastic, and when required for use it was wrought up<br />
by the hands for hours together until it was brought to the consistency<br />
of the putty used by glaziers. When in this state the<br />
most skilful and tasteful of the family group commenced to form<br />
the craggan, which they finished in less than two hours' time. The<br />
first part of it made was the circular bottom, which, like a circular<br />
cake, they placed upon a broad or Hat stone, always supplying<br />
themselves from the lump of prepared clay beside them. When<br />
the bottom was thus formed, they rapidly built upon it all around<br />
the outer edge to the thickness of about an inch, but careful all<br />
the time to shape it into the form required. When finished the<br />
article was coarse, rough, and indented with finger marks, but in<br />
order to smooth it they scraped it round and round very gently<br />
with a knife to give it a more seemly appearance. The inside was<br />
of course left as it was, as t<strong>here</strong> was no access to it. When the<br />
dish was finished it was put on to a safe place to dry by the heat of<br />
the sun, and was left in that state for perhaps some weeks, until it<br />
got properly hard. The next process was to set it in the midst of<br />
a powerful peat fire in order to burn it, and this step of the manufacture<br />
frequently ruined the whole concern, in consequence of the<br />
unequal heat breaking or cracking the vessel. The burning made<br />
the craggan harder and lighter, and quite ready as a receptacle for<br />
the family oil. This oil formed an important item in the family<br />
economy; it was procured from the livers of different kinds offish,<br />
it was dark in colour, like port wine, but thin and good. TIk; fish<br />
on arrival were gutted, and the livers were taken out and thrown<br />
into the pot or craggan, and left t<strong>here</strong> till they melted down into a<br />
comparatively liquid state. They then set the decayed livers on a<br />
slow fire to dissolve them completely. In this state they poured<br />
ofl" the tine oil, put it into a craggan, and threw the refuse on a<br />
dunghill."<br />
26
394 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
These craggans are still made in the Lewis, and I show a<br />
specimen, and some cups and saucers.<br />
Tlie oil was mainly used for lighting the " cruiscan," or lamp,<br />
and I show you a specimen of the lamp. These lamj^s superseded<br />
the fir root and in their turn have been superseded by the paraffin<br />
and modern oil lamps. As you will observe, they are constructed<br />
with two bowls or spoons, one to hold the oil and wick, the other<br />
to catch the drip, and by a clever arrangement the upper bowl<br />
or spoon was made by hooking on to a series of pegs to tilt up as<br />
the oil was consumed, and so afford a continuous supply of oil to<br />
the A\ack.<br />
The mode of producing light was by striking a spark from a<br />
piece of flint or quartz, which spark falling on a piece of charred<br />
linen or cotton, set it on fire, and this again was made use of to<br />
light a rude match made of fir and tippetl with brimstone.<br />
The making of these matches, or "spunks" as they were<br />
called, gave occupation in the long evenings to the male part of<br />
the family, who split up fine pieces of fir, and dipped the ends<br />
into melted brimstone or sulphur, and thus produced a rude lucifer<br />
match. Since these " cruiscean" were superseded by the paraffin<br />
and other lamps, they have been genei'ally reduced to the mean<br />
use of melting brimstone or sulphur for smoking of bees, and those<br />
I have recovex'ed were being iised for this purpose by the old<br />
ladies who kept bees.<br />
The provision of wicks for these lamps was of some importance,<br />
and was made of the pith of rushes from the ditches ; and<br />
I have often as a boy earned a luncheon by gathering and peeling<br />
these. They were prepared by strijjping off the outer skin,<br />
and raising by a gentle pressure, the pith in a long piece, very like<br />
Macaroni ; these were tied in bundles and dried for use.<br />
Food.— Following up tliese notes on the Domestic Economy<br />
and Occupation, we naturally come next to the preparation of<br />
food. Thus we have, say, the meal— Oat and <strong>here</strong> meal was until<br />
recently the staple food of the people in Scotland, and the prepara-<br />
tion of their meal formed an imjiortant industry. Mr ]\Iacgrogor<br />
mentioned, in the paper before referred to, that he recollected a<br />
time Avhen loaf or wheaten bread was unknown in Kilmuir. " I<br />
remember," he says, " when loaves of bread were made at the<br />
manse for a Communion or Sacramental occasion, when crowds of<br />
females resorted to the minister's liouse to see the ' aran<br />
caneach,' that is, the foggy or spongy bread, and on tasting it<br />
they did not at all relish it, as tliey did not consider it to be at<br />
all so substantial as their own oaten cakes.
Old Highland Industries. 395<br />
" The mode of preparing the grain for meal varied considerably,<br />
the most primitive being wliat was called gi-addan meal.<br />
This was prepared as follows :—The standing oats or l)arley<br />
having been cut down and brought to a convenient spot, the<br />
grain is taken in handfuls from the sheaf and held over a pot or<br />
flat stone and set fire to, and the grain being thus parched and<br />
dried, the slight teiuli-il is burnt through, anil the grain drops on<br />
the stone or into the pot. This handful is kept constantly beat<br />
by a stick to separate the grain more readily from the straw.<br />
When sufficient grain has been collected, it is stirred about in<br />
the pot or on the stone till quite diy, it is then fanned, and the<br />
grain so prepared for the mill."<br />
I need not describe to you the quern or hand mill; it is well<br />
known as being composed of two flat stones, the upper one revolving<br />
on a centre pin and di'iven by hand. The quern has not<br />
altered in its construction for thousands of years, and I found the<br />
Bedouin Arabs in Jericho preparing their grain in exactly the<br />
same way with the quern as I found the girls in Benbecula and<br />
Harris. It is often referred to in Scripture as the Jews' handmill,<br />
and no doubt it was a quern which Samson ground on in his<br />
prison house.<br />
The manufacture of these mill-stones was of great importance,<br />
and suitable stones were carried great distances. I liave found in<br />
the outer Islands many stones, of which tlie only account which<br />
could be given was, that they were Lochaber stones, and no doubt<br />
the Margarodite schist of Glenroy is admirably suited t
396 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
myself comfortable for the night, hut I vesumod my boots and<br />
started over the hill, and after stumbling over rocks and bogs<br />
for a mile or so, we came to the cottage w<strong>here</strong> the operation was<br />
being carried on. We were just in time. The grain was being<br />
separated from the straw very much as described by IVIr ^lacgregor,<br />
and the husks were being taken ott'the grain by stirring the parched<br />
corn in a pot, the fire still kept burning the grain, and the husking<br />
and kiln drying were one and tlie same operation. After the grain<br />
had been thoroughly husked and dried, it was winnowed and ready<br />
for grinding. The woman who did this took the grains and dropped<br />
them gently into the centre hole of the upper stone, while she<br />
turned it with the other hand, and the meal was thrown out round<br />
the outer rim of the stones. After preparing about a peck of it<br />
she gat<strong>here</strong>d it up, and with a sieve separated the meal from any<br />
seeds and impurities. She then proceeded to bake the cake in the<br />
ordinary way, and when shaped she spread over the upper surface<br />
some melted sugar and carroway seeds. The baking and firing was<br />
done in the ordinary way on a flat disc of metal, and when<br />
sufficiently fired it was cut up and handed round to the members<br />
of the family and visitors. When warm and fresh, it was very<br />
palatable, and I enjoyed a portion. Being much interested in the<br />
custom and operation, I begged a bit of the cake to take home.<br />
I was presented with a goodly portion, which I brought home on<br />
trial, and a day or two after my arrival I was describing to some<br />
friends the opei-ation, and ottered to allow them taste of my fare.<br />
But I reckoned without my host, for on ordering in the bread I was<br />
informed by the serving maid that my wife had ordered the precious<br />
cake to be thrown out to the pigs, it smelt the house so, and I<br />
must confess that however i)leasing and attractive the cake was<br />
partaken of in a Highland bothy, fresh, and with all the romance<br />
of the situation, yet in our refined condition it had lost its sweet-<br />
ness, and became absolutely ofiensive. So much for our early<br />
tastes and romantic ideas of Highland life.<br />
Jamieson, in his work on popular songs and ballads, gives the<br />
following graphic picture of Highland life in the beginning of the<br />
present century, and though a little coloured it fairly enough<br />
describes the amount of home resources of old country life, which,<br />
alas ! is a thing of the past, and the Highlander now depends too<br />
much on foreign produce and the regular A'isits of the Glasgow<br />
steamers for his comforts. He says— " On a very hot day in the<br />
beginning of autumn, tlie author, when a stripling, was travelling<br />
afoot over the mountains of Lochaber, from Fort-Augustus to<br />
Inverness, and when he came to the place w<strong>here</strong> he was to have
Old Highland Industries. 397<br />
breakfasted t<strong>here</strong> was no person at lionie, nor was t<strong>here</strong> any phice<br />
w<strong>here</strong> refreslnnent was to be had nearer than Dores, which is<br />
eighteen niih^s from Fort- Augustus. With this disagreea])le jirospect<br />
he proceeded about tliree miles further, and turned aside to the<br />
first cottage he saw, w<strong>here</strong> he found a liale looking, lively, tidy, little,<br />
middle-aged woman spinning wool, with a ])ot on the lire and some<br />
greens ready to be put into it. She understood no Knglish, and<br />
his Gaelic was then by no means good, though he spoke it well<br />
enough to be intelligible. She informed him that she had nothing<br />
in the house that could be eaten except cheese, a little sour cream,<br />
and some lohisky. On being asked rather sharply how she could<br />
dress the greens without meal, she good-humouredly told him<br />
that t<strong>here</strong> was plenty of meal in the croft, pointing to some unreaped<br />
barley that stood dead ripe and dry befure the door, and<br />
if he could wait half-an-hour he should have brose and butter,<br />
bread and cheese, bread and milk, or anything else that he chose.<br />
To this he most readily assented, as well on account of the singularity<br />
of the proposal, as of the necessity of the time ; and the<br />
good dame set with all possible expedition about her arduous<br />
undertaking. She first of all broiight him some cream in a bottle,<br />
telling him, ' He that will not work neither will he eat ; if he<br />
wished for butter, he must shake that bottle with all his might,<br />
and sing to it like a mavis all the time; for unless he sung to it no<br />
butter would come.' She then went to the croft, cut down some<br />
barley, burnt the straw to dry the grain, rubbed the grain between<br />
her hands, and threw it up before the wind to separate it from the<br />
husks ; ground it upon a quem, sifted it, made a bannock of the<br />
meal, set it up to bake before the fire, and lastly went to milk her<br />
cow, that was reposing during the heat of the day, and eating some<br />
outside cabbage leaves ayont the hallau. She sung like a lark<br />
the whole time, varying the strain according to the employment to<br />
which it was adapted. In the meanwhile a hen cackled under the<br />
eaves of the cottage, two new laid eggs were immediately plunged<br />
into the boiling pot, and in less than half-an-hour the jioor, starv-<br />
ing, faint and wayworn minstrel, with wonder and delight, sat<br />
down to a repast that, under such circumstances, would have been<br />
a feast for a prince."<br />
The simple mode of preparing meal is still continued, and the<br />
burning of the grain to remove the ears of corn and get rid of the<br />
husk was practised in Skye till very recently.<br />
The meal thus produced was called "graddan" meal, and was<br />
highly esteemed and sold for several shillings more per boll than<br />
the ordinary mill-made meal, and the Rev. Mr Macgregor told me
398 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
that, in his early clays in Skye, the winter mornings were enlightened<br />
and enlivened Ijy the appearance of the fires of each family being<br />
alight preparing the morning food in this manner. "When the<br />
lairds established regnlar water mills on their estates a few cen-<br />
turies ago, the millers were empowered by Acts of Parliament to<br />
search out and break all the quern stones to be found ; and families<br />
were only allowed to use querns and other means of grinding<br />
their corn during stormy weather, or such causes as prevented their<br />
access to the regular mill to which they were thirled. The ganger<br />
was also a great enemy to the quern, for it was a source of trouble<br />
to him, by enabling the native to prepare his malt for smuggling,<br />
an art not altogether unknown in the present day, but rendered<br />
easier from the removal of the malt duty.<br />
The Government, kings, lairds, and miller seem to have<br />
been all combined against the quern from very early times, for not<br />
only in the following Act passed by King Alexander III. of Scotland,<br />
viz.:— " That no man shall presume to grinde quheit, maisloch<br />
or rj'e with hand mills except he be compellit by storm, and be in<br />
lack of mylnes quhilk should grinde the samen, and in this case<br />
if a man grindes at hand mylnes, he shall give the throtien measure<br />
as multer ! and<br />
if any man contraveins this, our prohibition, he<br />
shall tyne his hand mills perpetually." Of course this was to<br />
protect the lairds who had erected water mills, and to enable the<br />
millers to pay their rents.<br />
From the quern up to the laird's mill t<strong>here</strong> Avere various<br />
qualities of mills, and I have seen both in Shetland and in Lewis<br />
the ui)right wheel at work, and I show you drawings of it. It is<br />
called a " clappan," from the peculiar noise it makes as the stone I'e-<br />
volves. The peculiarity, as you will observe, is that the wheel is<br />
horizontal, and the axle upright, and that the upper stone of the<br />
mill is fixed to the same axle as the wheel, exactly as if cart<br />
wheels and axle had been set on one side, one wheel at the water,<br />
the other at the grindstone. The house must be built over the<br />
burn of course, so that the motion passes directly to the grinding<br />
stones. The princij)l(; of the mill is exactly the same as any other.<br />
It is the peculiar horizontal water wheel which marks it out from<br />
the ordinary.<br />
At the same cottage refcrrt'd to at Lochboisdale, I was amused<br />
watching an old lady of nearly four score preparing her snuflf.<br />
She took some leaves of ordinary tobacco, and having unrolled<br />
them and dried them till they were (juite cris]), she put them in a<br />
bowl, and with the round knob of the tongs she ground them to a<br />
fine powder, and proceeded to regale herself with a pinch. I was
Old Highland Industries.<br />
399<br />
told that this was not an uncommon way of preparing their snuflf,<br />
and that they preferred it to the shop snuff from Glastjow, wliich<br />
they said contained glass, which cut their nostrils and lips.<br />
In the olden times want of communication and means of transport<br />
imposed on all our ancestors the necessity of laying up winter<br />
stores and preparing and preserving food, and at Martinmas the<br />
meal girnal was fdled, and the mart or cow and other animals<br />
killed for winter use.<br />
The preparation and utilisation of all parts of these animals<br />
for winter use formed no small item in the home industry, and the<br />
ingenious uses to which all parts of the animal was put and the ingenuity<br />
it developed, must have been beneficial to the operators.<br />
Within my own recollection I have seen the animal killed and<br />
the hams and flesh salted ;<br />
the fat prepared and made into candles ;<br />
the white and black puddings i)repared ; the horns converted<br />
into spoons by the travelling tinkers ; the skin tanned and converted<br />
into shoes, brogues, sieves for corn, and other articles. All<br />
these operations required a certain amount of skill and experience,<br />
and the education of the peasantry in such arts must have prepared<br />
them, in a singularly suitable manner, to form the best emigrants<br />
and colonists.<br />
If I follow up this line a little further, we shall find that the<br />
making of clothes formed also an impoi'tant factor in house work.<br />
Throughout the Highlands and in many of the Lowland houses<br />
in Scotland, till the beginning of the century, almost all the ordinary<br />
worsteds were prepared for the weaver, as well as the linens,<br />
and even yet I know of some goodly stock of home-made sheeting<br />
and linens.<br />
In the better class the dame had her maids to spin in tlie<br />
evening round the fire, and in the Highland cottage I have seen<br />
often the old wife and her daughters busy spinning the wool, but<br />
this is now exceptional and spasmodic. A few years ago the Harris<br />
cloth, under the encouragement of the late Countess of Dunmore,<br />
and other ladies, became fashionable, and considerable quantities<br />
were forced on the market, but after the novelty had passed away,<br />
the demand subsided. The manufactui-ers took up the trade, and<br />
with their superior appliances they produced imitations at a<br />
cheaper rate, and a more finished article for the cockney consumer.<br />
The preparation of these cloths formed an important and<br />
picturesque feature in Highland life, and almost every traveller<br />
during the Jast century described the process more or less. I<br />
need not t<strong>here</strong>fore go into details. After the wool was cleared,
400 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
carded, and dressed, it was the duty of the females to spin it<br />
into worsted or threads, and the doing so gave occupation to<br />
the old and infirm as well as the young, and grannie at the<br />
spinning wheel has always been a favourite subject for Scottish<br />
painters and jioets. Tlie distaff was a more ancient form of<br />
spinning, and had the advantage of being done on the hillside,<br />
and I have met the girls herding on the hillside and busily<br />
spinning with the distaff. The working of the distaff is very<br />
simple and picturesque, viz.—A bundle of wool is held under<br />
the arm and also a staff about 4- feet long, which is allowed to pro-<br />
ject in front, and over the projecting end passes the thread of<br />
worsted. The end hangs down a foot or two, and on a spindle<br />
is hung the whorl or ring of stone, which is the fly-wheel, and which<br />
is sjmn round from time to time and twists the wool ; gradually<br />
the thread is fed out from the store under the arm, and as spun it<br />
is rolled into a ball above the whorl. In almost all cairns and pre-<br />
historic dwellings, these whorls are to be found, often made of<br />
steatite, but any soft stone will suit.<br />
The preparation of the wool for weaving, and also the dyeing<br />
of it, was a matter which gave scope for much ingenuity, and I<br />
have made a list of the different dyes used, which may be interest-<br />
ing. Now the mineral dyes have superseded the native, wliich<br />
were as a rule vegetable, but alum, copperas, and urine were used to<br />
clean the wool and fix the colours.<br />
Many of tha colours were extremely bright and pretty, though<br />
it was at all times difficult to produce the bright scarlets of the<br />
regular dyester, and amongst the home-made cloths we find certain<br />
quantities of the brightest dyes creeping in from the regular manufacturers.<br />
The following is, however, a list of such dyes and their<br />
results as I have been able to procure, viz.:<br />
Dyes.<br />
1. Heather, witli Alum Dark Green.<br />
The Heather must he pulled before flowering,<br />
and from a durk, shady place.<br />
2. Ci 0' tie, a coarse kind of Lichen {ParmcUa scixalili^) Philamot — Yellowish<br />
]5ro\vw (colour<br />
of a dead leaf).<br />
3. Crottle Corkir (white and ground, and mixed with<br />
urine) ( Lecanora (artarea) Scarlet or Crimson.<br />
4. Common Yell) w Wall lAchcnf PanncUa parietina ) Brown.<br />
5. \\QQV.\^itih{ii\ ( liamalnia iirojndoruni) Red.<br />
fi. White Crottle (Lecanora paUc'icrnx) Re'l.<br />
7. Limestone Lichen ('f7?Tfo/(t^irt calc.arca) Scarlet.<br />
Used liy the peasantry in linu stone districts<br />
(Shetland, &c.)<br />
8. I^ark Crottle (ParmcUa ceratophylla) Brown.<br />
—
—<br />
Old Highland Industries. 401<br />
9.<br />
10.<br />
Wliin Bark (Furze)<br />
Dulse, a sea-woed, or<br />
DVKS.<br />
Circcn.<br />
Duilisg, "The leaf of the<br />
water.' Brown.<br />
11. "Shillister," (Iris) root Black or Grey.<br />
<strong>12</strong>. Alder Black.<br />
13.<br />
14.<br />
Soot (Peat)<br />
Blaeberry, with Alum or Copperas<br />
Dirty Yellow<br />
Blue<br />
15. Blaeberry, with nut Galls Dark Brown<br />
16.<br />
17.<br />
Blaeberry, with Alum, Verdigris and Sal-Ammoniac Purple Red.<br />
Elder, with Alum Blue.<br />
IS. Privet Ripe Berries, with salt Scarlet Red.<br />
19. Do Green.<br />
20. "Euonymus," (spindle tiee bui-ning bu.sli), with<br />
Sal-Ammoniac Purple.<br />
21. Currant (common burning bush), with Alum Brown.<br />
22. Apple Tre", Ash, and Buckthorn, also Poplar and<br />
Elm Yellow.<br />
23. Broom (Common) Lively Green.<br />
24. Rue (Galium Veruni), or Ladies' Bed Straw Fine Red.<br />
25. Roi
402 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
aromatic plant. The cairmeal (28) is the orohus tuherosus. A<br />
fenuented liquor was in olden times made from its tuberous roots,<br />
after being ground down into meal.<br />
Logwood and Redwood are much in demand now; but these<br />
are foreign dyes, though long known and used. I saw a dye<br />
being made in one case in Jura. The large pot was filled witli<br />
alder leaves and twigs, from which a black dye is prepared by a<br />
simple infusion (like tea), and the colour is made fast by the<br />
addition of logwood and copperas.<br />
The process of dyeing with vegetable home dyes was—To<br />
wash the thread thoroughly in urine (long kept, and called in<br />
Gaelic "fual,") rinsed and washed in pure water, then put<br />
into the boiling pot of dye, which is kept hard a-boil on the fire.<br />
The thread is now and again lifted out of the pot on the point of<br />
a stick, and plunged back again till thoroughly dyed. If blue the<br />
thread is washed in salt water, any other colour in fresh. The<br />
yarn is then hung out to dry, and Avhen dry is gathei-ed into balls<br />
or clews, and it is then ready for the weaver's loom.<br />
I am able to show you a small bit of tartan, dyed in the<br />
Highlands 130 years ago, and used ever since; the green being<br />
purely from the heather, the red possibly from Crottle, No. 3.<br />
After the wool is spun and dyed, and the weaver has made<br />
the cloth, comes the waulking or feltiiig of the cloth, which in<br />
manufactories is done by the waulking mill, formerly formed of<br />
ponderous wooden hammers which beat the cloth in a damp state<br />
till the open wove cloth is closely felted together and made a suit-<br />
able protection against wind and rain. In the Highland districts<br />
women make use of their feet to produce the same result, and a<br />
picturcisque sight it is to see a dozen or more Highland lassies set<br />
round in two rows facing each other. The web of cloth is passed<br />
round in a damp state, each one pressing and pitching it with a<br />
dash to her next neighbour, and so the cloth is handled, pushed,<br />
crushed, and welded as to become close and even in texture. The<br />
process is slow and tedious, but the ladies know how to beguile<br />
the time, and the song is passed round, each one taking up the<br />
^•erse in turn, and all joining in the chorus. The effect is very<br />
])eculiar and often very pleasing, and the waulking songs are<br />
very popular in all the collections.<br />
I have on various occasions watched the waulking process,<br />
but seldom in recent years. It is often the occasion of a little<br />
boisterous merriment and practical joking, for, should a member of<br />
the male sex be found prowling near by, he is, if caught, unceremoniously<br />
thrust into the centz'e of tlie circle and tossed with the
Old Highland Industries. 403<br />
web till, bruised with the rough usage and blackened witli the dye,<br />
he is ghul to make his escape from the hands of tlie furies.<br />
LiNKN.—The growing of lint, which had formed a valuable<br />
and extensive feature amongst the peasantry, came to an end some<br />
30 or 40 yeare ago, and, except as an experiment, it is never grown<br />
now.<br />
It was introduced some 400 or 500 years ago, and was universally<br />
cultivated tliroughout Scotland. The first I have an<br />
account of in this quarter is at Portsoy, w<strong>here</strong> lint was first grown<br />
in 1490. In 1G86, to promote the use of linen, an Act was passed<br />
ordaining that no corpse of any person whatsoever be buried in<br />
any shirt, sheet, or anything else, except in plain linen, the cost<br />
not exceeding 20 shillings Scots per ell. The nearest deacon or<br />
elder of the parish, with one or two neighbours, were required to<br />
see that this was complied with.<br />
The cultivation of lint or flax became a national industry, and<br />
lint was grown on almost every farm in Scotland, and it was to<br />
j)romote the linen trade that the British Linen Company was commenced<br />
in 1746 —it is now, as you are aware, entirely a banking<br />
company. Factories were established in every district. We had<br />
an extensive trade in Inverness, and mills were built at Cromarty,<br />
Spinningdale, and as far north as Kirkwall and Stornoway. Pennant<br />
gives a statement of the various quantities manufactured in<br />
each county and town, and accordingly we find that Inverness,<br />
when at the height of its prosperity in 1770-71, produced 223,798<br />
yards, at an average price of 6d. per yard, or a total value of<br />
£6425. 5s. 2d. I can remember the Citadel buildings and Factory,<br />
now Albert Place,* tilled with handlooms; but Forfarsliire seems to<br />
have been the gi-eat seat of this trade in Scotland. In my early days,<br />
in Forfarshire I used to see the lint grown and steeped in pools, or<br />
" lint pots" as they were called, and every village and clachan had<br />
its handloom weaver, and from whom as boys we used to beg a<br />
bunch of threads, or " thrums," as they were called, to make cords<br />
and strings, and every old wife span the lint to supply the household<br />
linen. Much of this old linen still remains in old families,<br />
and my grandmother's entire family linen was home-made.<br />
The quality of this linen was very superior, and the beauty<br />
of the patterns and artistic character of the designs is surprising.<br />
I have been favoured with some very fine specimens from Mr<br />
Rodei-ick Maclean, of Ardross. These I show you were gi-own at<br />
Redcastle and Conan in the years 1810-20, and woven by hand-<br />
* These latter buildings, I am informed, were used for cotton thread<br />
spinning—not linen weaving.
404 Gaelic Society of inuerness.<br />
loom weavers in Inverness—that from Conan woven by one Macpliail,<br />
hand-loom weaver, in 1855, he being then about seventy<br />
years old, and was his last weavings.<br />
Perhaps the most interesting is a tablecloth lent me by Mrs<br />
Aitken, which bears the name of Marion Elliot, 1722, and a<br />
specimen, 1 754, of very fine quality. I might multiply specimens,<br />
but tLine will not permit.<br />
Potatoes.—A debate arose after Mr Maclean's paper on<br />
" Rosskeen," the other evening, on the cultivation of potatoes, and<br />
as this is an important article of food in the Highlands, I shall<br />
make a few notes as to the introduction of this valuable and universal<br />
industry, as it has had a very importar t ettect on the habits<br />
and mode of life in the Highlands. The potato w;us at tii-st viewed<br />
with jealousy and dislike, and began to be cultivated with hesitation,<br />
about its moral character, for it was believed " that some of<br />
the more uncontrollable passions of human nature were favoured<br />
by its use."<br />
It is said potatoes were fii'st introduced into Ireland about<br />
1585, by Sir Walter Raleigh, and so extensively cultivated t<strong>here</strong><br />
that they were a succour to the poor when their cereal crops were<br />
desti'oyed by the soldiers during the civil war. The exact date<br />
of the introduction of potatoes seems uncertain, for Martin in his<br />
"Western Isles" says that in 1689 potatoes were the common food<br />
of the people in Skye. From Ireland they were introduced into<br />
England about the end of the 17th century, and sold in 1694<br />
at 6d. and 8d. per pound. They were first heard of in Scotland<br />
in 1701, and the Duchess of Buccleuch's household book mentions<br />
the esculent as brought from Edinburgh, and costing 2s. 6d.<br />
a peck. In 1733 it began to be cultivated in gardens. According<br />
to Chambers's "Domestic Annals," the field culture of the<br />
potatoes was first practised in the county of Edinburgh by a<br />
man Henry Prentice in 1746. Parker says:— "Potatoes were<br />
introduced into Uist in 1743. In the spring of that year Clan<br />
Ranald was in Ireland, and saw witli surprise and approbation<br />
the practice of the country, and brought home a cargo ot potatoes.<br />
On his arrival the servants were convened, and directions given<br />
how to plant them, but they all refused, and were immediately<br />
committed to prison. After a time they gave way, and agreed<br />
to plant these roots. When ripe, many of the tenants laid these<br />
potatoes at the laird's door, saying, ' I he laird might order them<br />
to plant these foolish roots, but he could not make them eat<br />
them.' " It was ten years latei- before they reached Barra. Some<br />
doubt on this story is raised by the fact that Martin in his
Old Highland Industries.<br />
description of the Western Isles says that in 1689 they were the<br />
ordinary food of the couunon people in Skye at that date.<br />
Kelp. - One of the most important industries was Kelp. From<br />
the eighteenth century, kelp was the great sta})le of Highland export,<br />
and during the war in the beginning of the century, the kelp<br />
stores yielded over 5000 tons of kelp, at the average price in tlie<br />
market of £16 per ton, yielding not less than X80,000, exceeding<br />
five times the rent of the thirty thousand acres of Hebridean arable<br />
land.<br />
Since the introduction of Spanish barilla and other substitutes,<br />
kelp fell in price from two-thirds to one-third of the former<br />
average, but as it is manufactured at a cost only of from £3 to<br />
£4 per ton, it is still produced in the Hebrides, and along the<br />
West Coast of Scotland.<br />
Mr A[acleod, the late proprietor of Harris, in a letter to Lord<br />
Glenelg, then Secretary of State, dated April 10th, 1829, says :<br />
" The production of and manufacture of kelp, which has existed<br />
more than 200 years, had for a gi-eat length of time received a<br />
vigilant and special protection against the articles of foreign or<br />
British growth or manufacture, which compete with it in the<br />
mai-ket, namely, barilla, pot and pearl ash, and black ash, the last<br />
of which is formed by the decomposition of salt, effected chiefly by<br />
the use of foreign sulphur, which sulphur forms three-fourths of<br />
the value of the manufactured alkali."<br />
Up to the year 1822, considerable duties were leviable on all<br />
the commodities just enumerated, Vjut in that year the duty on salt<br />
was lowered from 15s. to 2s. a bushel. Shortly afterwards the impost<br />
on barilla was considerably reduced. This measure was<br />
quickly succeeded by a repeal of the remainder of the salt duties<br />
(duties which had lasted more than 130 years), and of the duty on<br />
alkali made from salt. Close upon this followed a considerable reduction<br />
in the duty on pot and pearl ash, and an entire removal of<br />
that on ashes from Canada, and this last step was accompanied by a<br />
diminution in the duty on foreign sulphur from £15 to 10s. a ton.<br />
Such is the succession of the measures which now threatens the<br />
total extinction of the kelp manufacture, and with it (in reference<br />
to Scotland alone) the ruin of the landed proprietors in the<br />
Hebrides and on the West Coast, the most serious injury to all<br />
descriptions of annuitants on kelp estates, and the destitution of a<br />
population of more than 50,000 souls. Mr Bowie, in his evidence<br />
before the Select Committee on Emigration in February 1871, says<br />
— " I know one estate w<strong>here</strong> formerly 1 100 tons of kelp were manufactured<br />
annually, another w<strong>here</strong> <strong>12</strong>00 tons were manufactured<br />
—<br />
105
406 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
annually; and assuming that the price got at market was only<br />
£15 a ton, taking the expense of manufacturing and conveying to<br />
market at £3, we had t<strong>here</strong> a profit of £<strong>12</strong> a ton ; so in the one<br />
case we should have a profit to the proprietors of £13,200 a year,<br />
and in the other case a profit of £14,400, and this independent of<br />
the land rental. But the whole of that kelp rental has vanished,<br />
the proprietors are reduced to their nominal land rental, and<br />
while so reduced to their land rental they have thrown upon theii*<br />
hands a large surplus population, whom they cannot assist, and<br />
for whom they have not the means of employment."<br />
The mode of manufacturing kelp I shall describe, as it is,<br />
though often referred to, little known beyond the shores w<strong>here</strong> it<br />
is collected and manufactured.<br />
It is a very interesting sight on a fine summer day to see the<br />
little groups of busy men and women along the shores collecting<br />
and keeping alight the dried sea weed, and the smoke rising high<br />
in the air, or drifting in picturesque clouds across the hillocks, forms<br />
a sight to be long remembered, whilst the odour of iodine strongly<br />
taints the air, and the pungent fiavour is not unpleasing.<br />
About the year 1862 the British Sea Weed Company, Limited,<br />
built chemical works at Dalmuir, near Glasgow, and took a lease<br />
of the North Uist shores from Sir John Orde, paying as a Royalty<br />
£1000 a year, for the right of getting all the kelp made on tlie<br />
North Uist shores.<br />
In 18G5 over <strong>12</strong>00 tons were made in North Uist and shipped<br />
to Glasgow; the price paid to crofters and cottars was from 35s.<br />
to G3s. per ton. For the following eight years the average amount<br />
of kelp made in North Uist wjis about 900 tons.<br />
On the east side of North Uist t<strong>here</strong> is a number of bays<br />
and islands, round which a great quantity of what they call cut or<br />
black sea weed grows on the inshore rocks and stones.<br />
The weed is cut once in three years, that is to say, the part of<br />
shore cut this year will not be cut again for three years, so as<br />
to allow the weed to grow to a full ripe crop.<br />
The crofters and cottars remove from their homes to the stores<br />
of these bays and islands and live in sheilings during kelp making,<br />
generally from 15th June till loth August.<br />
The first thing to be done is to roof the old sheiling and nuike<br />
it as comfortable as j)ossible for from four to six people to live in<br />
for two months. When the tide is out, the weed is cut from the<br />
rocks and stones with a common corn hook; they take a heather<br />
rope and warp it all round with sea weed, and stretch it outsiile<br />
w<strong>here</strong> they are cutting the sea weed. When the tide comes in.
Old Highland Industries. 407<br />
the rope and sea weed float, and at liigli water they drag at both<br />
ends of tlie rope and pull it ashore, witli the sea weed enclosed, as<br />
salmon lishers do when dragging for salmon in the River Ness.<br />
When the tide goes back from the weed that is thus taken<br />
ashore, the weed is put into creels on horses' backs, and sometimes<br />
on men and women's backs, and spread on the grass to dry, and<br />
treated as hay is treated, until it is dry enough to burn.<br />
When ready for l)ui-ning, say a quantity to make a ton of<br />
kelp, a trench is formed, which is called a kiln, <strong>12</strong> to 24 feet, by 2<br />
feet G inches by 2 feet deep, the sides and ends formed witli stones,<br />
the bottom having a layer of turf. The weed is set aburning by a<br />
little straw or heather; the weed has to be kept on constantly to<br />
keep down the flame as much as possible, and exclude the air from<br />
the burning mass inside.<br />
The heat is intense during the four to eight hours' burning.<br />
Men and women do the burning ; some woni(;n are better burners<br />
than men. When the kiln is full of burning sea weed, two or<br />
three strong men rake, mix and pound the whole mass together<br />
with iron clubs, having long handles. When this is done, the<br />
kiln is covered over with sea weed and stones to keep the kelp<br />
dry. In twenty-four hours, although still hot, it can be broken<br />
into large lumps and shipped, if a vessel is waiting. The kelp<br />
is weighed by the kelp otficer on board the ship, 22^ cwt. to the<br />
ton. This extra 2^ cwt. is put on for stones, sand, or gravel,<br />
which sometimes find their way into the kelp, and not always<br />
unknown to the helper, especially in Ireland; lately 20 cwt. per<br />
ton is the rule.<br />
Drift or red weed comes ashore on the west or Atlantic side<br />
of the Islands, during the whole year. In winter the farmers and<br />
crofters use it for manuring their land, from June till October.<br />
It is made into kelp, when t<strong>here</strong> is demand for it. During the<br />
last five years t<strong>here</strong> has been little demand for kelp.<br />
The red weed is 50 per cent, more valuable than the cut weed<br />
for producing Bromide of Potassium, Iodine, Iodide, Potash,<br />
Salts, kc, (tc.<br />
The best red weed kelp will produce 20 lbs. of Iodine per ton,<br />
cut or black weed from 3 to 8 lbs.<br />
The principal places w<strong>here</strong> kelp is now got from is— Donegal,<br />
Sligo, Gal way, and Clare, in Ireland ; Orkney, North and South<br />
Uist, Barra, and Tyree. T<strong>here</strong> is no cut weed kelp made in Ireland,<br />
all being drift. The price in Ireland is from £4 to £2<br />
per ton.<br />
Ropes.— I shall now refer to a few specimens of native ingen-
408 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
uity—specimens of which, by the kindness of a few friends, I am<br />
able to show you. The first is a specimen of rope made from the<br />
long fibrous roots of the bog fir which grow in the bogs. The gentleman,<br />
Mr Robertson of Portree, who piocured it for me, said his<br />
attention was attracted to it one day by observing that, when a<br />
boat from Rona, moored by it, at the Portree Pier, was blown away<br />
by the wind, the rope never sank, like a manilla rope, but floated<br />
by its own buoyancy. These ropes possess great strength, and are<br />
thoroughly serviceable. The root is split up into long thread-like<br />
fibres, and then spun like ordinary hemp, and might readily be<br />
mistaken at first sight for a manilla rope.<br />
Locks.—By the kindness of Mr L. Ross, Portree, I am able to<br />
show you two specimens of old-fashioned locks, which are exceedingly<br />
ingenious, and possess tumblers and all the leading featuroK of a<br />
patent tumbler lock. I tried to get an old lock, but they ara not<br />
to be had, but I have been fortunate enough to find a meclianic<br />
who could make them. These locks are in common use in St<br />
Kilda, and I found them on all the barns and byres, though of less<br />
perfect construction than the s})ecimen shown.<br />
Clocks.—The next is a wooden clock made entirely of beechwood;<br />
all the wheels and cogs are of wood, except wdiere for axles<br />
and escapement a small amount of steel and brass are introduced,<br />
and these seem to be bits of ordinaiy stocking wire.<br />
It has been kindly lent me by Mr William Sutherland, of<br />
Lochcarron, and he says it belonged to his great-grandmother, and<br />
was brought by her from Fairburn, in the parish of Urray.<br />
says—<br />
" I remember the clock very well in my father's house.<br />
He<br />
It<br />
kept excellent time. It had a dial of wood, also hour and minute<br />
hands of carved wood. The clock must be at least 150 years old.<br />
If I had taken an interest<br />
out the maker's name."<br />
in it when a boy, I might have found<br />
BuoGUES. —The making of brogues was a matter of some<br />
importance, and it was not unusual before starting on a journey<br />
to sit down and make the brogues. These were simply rougli<br />
leather uppers sewed to the soles without welts, or strips of leather<br />
which in our modern shoes are considered necessai-y for attaching<br />
the soles to the upper leather, and which enables the shoemaker to<br />
produce the elegant and highly-finished articles now made.<br />
The old brogue maker began by sewing the sole on to the<br />
upper leather (which he had previously shaped) by means of along<br />
thong of leather, and when he had done so, he turned the shoe,<br />
while still soft, outside in, thus concealing the sewing, and pi'oducing<br />
the finished article. These brogues were not meant to be
Old Highlnrd Industries. 409<br />
water-tight, but simply as a protection, and their duration was<br />
not great.<br />
They are now ahnost extinct, and T liad great difficulty in getting<br />
a specimen. I am indebted to Mr Macphail, Glenmore, Skye,<br />
and Mr J. i\racallum, Fort-William, for the specimen now shewn.<br />
A still more primitive kind of shoe is still used in Shetland,<br />
namely, the " rivelan." It is, as you will see, a piece of untanned<br />
leather, 'aken while still flexible, and tied round to the shape of<br />
the foot, and then allowed to harden. A lace of cord is then<br />
introduced round the upper edge, and so the shoe is held on. It<br />
is a curious contrast to see the women working in the peat bogs,<br />
one half of them clad in modern Indiarubber goloshes, the other<br />
half in native rivelans. The specimens shown were prepared, and<br />
worn into shape by a young lady at Scalloway, and cost me 2s Gd.<br />
The p('oi)le in the outlying districts had to provide themselves<br />
with most of their utensils, and necessity made them handy and expert<br />
in many trades, and the custom still obtains of assisting the<br />
village craftsman. I was struck with this in Jura, for on entering<br />
one of the cottages I saw the occupant dropping burning peat<br />
through a small hole 3 or 4 inches in diameter. On asking what<br />
was the object of this, I was informed he was making peat charcoal.<br />
I examined the process and found that l)elow this hole was<br />
a small chamber about 2 feet in diameter, built of stones about 20<br />
inches deep, and covered with a flat stone very much like the upper<br />
stone of a quern.<br />
The peats are burned to a red heat in the open fire and then<br />
dropped in all aglow through the small hole referred to, and when<br />
the chamber is quite full sods are placed over the hole to exclude<br />
the air, and so the charcoal is })repared. This charcoal is used l^y<br />
the clachan blacksmith, and is said to greatly improve the quality<br />
of iron. It is not so powerful as coal but answers the purpose otherwise<br />
very well. The arrangement with the smith is peculiar.<br />
T<strong>here</strong> were twelve tenants in the clachan or club farm, and each<br />
pays the smith 15s. per annum for his work, the smith being<br />
bound on his part to do all jobbing for the tenants. The crofters<br />
must each pi'ovide and bring his own fuel, blow the bellows and<br />
work the forehammer.<br />
In this same clachan, I saw a peculiar kind of pigsty, made<br />
by building a hollow peat stack against the gable of the house in<br />
the autumn. Into this hollow, which is capable of accommodating<br />
three pigs, the young porkers are thrust inside, w<strong>here</strong> they stay<br />
over winter. Meanwhile the stack is being gradually reduced, and<br />
by the time the peat is consumed, the pigs are fit for the market.<br />
27
ilO Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Drixks.— Of the early beverages of the Highlanders little is<br />
known. Whey was their common drink, but tradition says that<br />
a kind of ale was made from the heather, a punch from the mountain<br />
ash, and mead from honey. Boethius says, — '' Drinks were<br />
distilled from thyme, mint, and anise." The heather ale was from<br />
the tops in bloom, which contained a large amount of honey, being<br />
out, steeped and boiled, and fermented. Honey was also boiled<br />
with water, and fermented ; and though it is often said the art is<br />
lost, " Nether-Lochaber" told me he had seen and drunk heather<br />
ale in Rannoch as late as 1840. While a liquor is got by tapping<br />
the silver birch—and this is practised at the })resent time<br />
it is sometimes fortified by spirits, and when kept resembles cider.<br />
The roots of the " Orobus Tuberosus," the Oor-meil or Carrael<br />
of the Highlanders, was used for chewing to remove the feeling of<br />
hunger, and a fermented liquor was also made from it.<br />
Wine was also made from currant and elder flower. I have<br />
tasted some red currant wine over 60 years' old, ver^ good and<br />
strong, although I was assured, on the most reliable evidence, no<br />
spirit was ever put into it.<br />
I had written an account of whisky as known to the ancients,<br />
but I find that Mr. Macdonald, of Dingwall, has so fully gone<br />
into the question in a former paper, that it would only be repeating<br />
what has already been thoroughly done by him. I shall,<br />
t<strong>here</strong>fore, content myself with one or two remarks on this subject,<br />
as applicable to Scotland and the Highlands.<br />
Until the close of last century whisky was less used than<br />
rum and brandy, which were Ian led on the West Coast, aud<br />
thence conveyed over the interior ; indeed, it was not till the<br />
beginning of the last century that spirits of any kind were so<br />
much drunk as ale, vvhich was formerly the universal beverage.<br />
French wines and bi-andy succeeded the general use of ales<br />
among the gentry.<br />
It is said that in the seventeenth and the early part of the<br />
eighteenth century " Inverness enjoyed almost a monopoly in the<br />
art and practice of malting, and supplied all the Northern counties.<br />
One half of the aggregate architecture of the town was a huge and<br />
unsightly agglomeration of malting houses, kilns and granaries,<br />
but from the date of the Revolution onward, this trade suflcred a<br />
gradual decline ; and at one time it threatened to involve the<br />
whole interests of the community in its fall. So low had the<br />
times sunk even at the date of the Civil War of 1715-46, that it<br />
looked almost lik(i a field of ruins the very centre of it containing<br />
many for.saken and dilapidateil houses."<br />
—
Old Highland Industries. HI<br />
"Whisky house is a term, till recently, almost unknown in<br />
Gaelic. Public houses were called Tit^h-leanna, that is ale houses,<br />
and had whisky been the ct)mm(>n drink of two hundred years<br />
ago, t<strong>here</strong> certainly would have been some notice taken of it in<br />
the laws aftecting the Highlands, the accounts of society as<br />
it then e\'isted, and mor(! particularly in their songs, tales, and accounts<br />
of convivial meetings which have come down to us; but<br />
t<strong>here</strong> is no such thing, while the allusion to ale is very common.<br />
It is true among the gentry that the latter three-fcurths of the last<br />
century saw a marked increase of the use of French wines, and<br />
ale became less used.<br />
It is not ditiicult to .seek and lind the causes for the introduction<br />
of whisky into the Highlands, apart from Government<br />
encouragement. The gradual improvement of agricultuie produced<br />
more grain, particularly barley, than was required for the<br />
consumption of the country, much of the crops were reaped in a<br />
damp and unripe state, and t<strong>here</strong> being no roads it could not be<br />
conveyed to the Lowdands, w<strong>here</strong> the manufacture of whisky was<br />
largely carried on, in a state such as to enable the farmer to pay<br />
to his landloid a gradually inci'easing rent.<br />
By Act of Parliament the Highland district was marked out<br />
by an arV)itrary and imaginary line running at the base of the<br />
Grampians. North of this area no distillation was allowed,<br />
except from stills contaiiiing 500 gallons, and this, as a matter of<br />
course, was a complete interdict against the use of barley legally<br />
within the area, as t<strong>here</strong> was neither consumption for the grain<br />
nor disposal of the produce, as one still in a few mouths would<br />
have worked up the whole cro[Js. However, distillation was the<br />
easie.st way of disposing of it. The people thus were forced into<br />
illegal distillation in order that they might use their crops, keep<br />
credit with their landlords, and acquire the more expensive<br />
necessaries for their families, which an improving state of society<br />
demanded.<br />
From the ill judged acts of the Government proceeded illegal distillation,<br />
and all its subordinate results to the people in the country.<br />
"We mu.-st distinguish between fermentation and distillation.<br />
Fermented liquors seem to have been known, common to all races,<br />
but the first distinct account of distillation, was spirit distilled<br />
from wine in the 1 3th century. A.t this time Raymond Lully<br />
of Majorca regarded it as an emanation from the divinity newly<br />
revealed to man, but hidden from antiquity because the human<br />
i"ace was too young to use the Vjeverage. The discovery was<br />
supposed to indicate the end of the world and the consumation
415 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
of all things. The liquor was called aqua A-ita>. This spirit was<br />
inipf)rtod into this country soon after, and its manufacture encouraged<br />
by Government, with a view to prevent the large export of<br />
money for French and Dutch spii-its, and in 1695 the Scottish<br />
Parliament forbade the use of rum as interfering with the " Consumpt<br />
of strong waters made of malt," and because "the article<br />
(rum) was rather a drug than a liijuor, and prejudicial to the health<br />
of all who drank it."<br />
The common drink of the people till about 1725 was a light<br />
ale, which sold in pints (equal to two Rnglish quarts), for l!d., and<br />
hence the name "twopenny." At this time 6d. per bushel of a<br />
malt tax was imposed, and the Edinburgh brewers struck, and a<br />
riot took place. The "twopenny" grew scarce, and several of the<br />
brewers were incarcerated in the Canongate Tolbooth, for not<br />
exerting themselves to continue the trade of brewing. Fortunately<br />
they thought better of it and resumed work.<br />
In Inverness, from 1730 till 17G0, the price of wine was,<br />
for claret, sherry, and port 14s. to 20s. per dozen.<br />
Smuggled brandy, claret, and tea w^ere common, V)ut in 1744<br />
the Town Council entered strong protests against them, as, they<br />
said, " they threatened to destroy the health and morals of the<br />
people," and the Oouncillors bound themselves to discontinue the<br />
use of these "extravagant and pernicious commodities in their<br />
own families."<br />
In 1761, a Dutch merchantman of 250 tons, loaded with<br />
wines, brandy, spices, iron, and salt was cast ashore on the coast<br />
of Strathnaver ; all the country Hocked round, and not knowing<br />
the strength ot brandy and such foreign liquor, drank to excess of<br />
it, and it is said that this very ship's lading debauched Caithness<br />
and Strathnaver to that degree that very many lost their lives<br />
through their immoderation (see CD. A. Annals, page 103).<br />
In 1652 a representation to Queen Mary was made i-egarding<br />
the poverty of the Preshytr rian Clergy. They f^ay " Most of them<br />
led a beggar's life ;" and in the proceedings of the General Assembly<br />
1576, they were compelled to eke out their stijjcnds by<br />
selling ale, and the question formally put was, " "Whether a minister<br />
or reader may tap ale, beei', or wine, and keep an open<br />
tavern V to which it was answered, " Any minister or reader that<br />
taps ale, or beer, or wine, and keeps an open tavern, should be<br />
exhorted by the Connnissioners to keep decorum."<br />
In the Glasgow Town Accounts whisky figures as early as<br />
1573, under the name of aqua vita', the quart being charged at<br />
24s., as " The Magistrates and divers honest men " did occasion-
Old Highland Industries 413<br />
ally treat themselves to a dijune, but this was after the completion<br />
of some public business, tending to the honour and profit of<br />
the common weal.<br />
In 1G97 claret sold at lOd. the mutchkin.<br />
In 1720 the Edinburgh prices were: —Neat claret, lOd. ;<br />
strong claret. Is. 3d. ; and white wine, Is. per bottle.<br />
It has been said no record exists of a honie manufacture of<br />
whisky till 1708, but this does not seem quite correct, and<br />
Inverness seems to have been well ahead of the times, for in the<br />
Town Council books of 1650, the Council ordered three gallons of<br />
the best aqua vita^ to be distilled, and si.\ pairs of the best white<br />
plaids to be made and sent South, to be bestowed, by the Town's<br />
Commissioner in Parliament, on such as he may think proper.<br />
An amusing conversation is recorded between Dr Johnson<br />
and Boswell, when in Skye, regarding the drink of the Scots.<br />
Johnson asserted " That they (the Scots) had hardly any trade,<br />
any money, or any elegance before the Union. AVe have taught<br />
you (said he) and will do the same, in time, to all barbarous<br />
nations." Boswell said— " We had wine before the Union."<br />
Johnson— " No, sir ; you had some stuff, the refuse of France,<br />
which would not make you di'unk." Boswell— " I assure you, sir,<br />
t<strong>here</strong> was a great deal of drunkenness." Johnson— " No, sir<br />
t<strong>here</strong> were people who died of dropsies, which they contracted,<br />
trying to get drunk."<br />
In 1708 about 50,0(iO gallons of whisky were produced, and<br />
the production went up in 1756 to -433,000 gallons. Shortly after<br />
this a demand for Scotch whisky sprang up in England, and in<br />
1776 an import duty of 2s. 6d. per gallon was imposed on all spirits<br />
sent into England. Here, I think, was another cause of smuggling,<br />
and it is stated by a recent writer that in that year 300,000<br />
gallons crossed the Border. Of course, as the restrictions on<br />
licensed distillers were increased, the temptations were greater to<br />
the smuggler, and a bill was passed in 1823, sanctioning legal<br />
distillation at 2s. 6d. per gallon, the Highland proprietors agreeing<br />
to put down illegal manufactures. Since then the practice has<br />
gradually declined. Though we speak of Highland smuggling,<br />
it was by no means confined to the Highlands, though it has<br />
lingered t<strong>here</strong> longest ; for in Edinburgh in 1777 t<strong>here</strong> were 8<br />
licenced stills, and about 800 unlicenced.<br />
Ferintosh smuggling was well known and long practised in<br />
the district, and much more whisky seemed to come from the dis-<br />
rict than could well be made. The privilege arose from the losses<br />
sustained by the Culloden famUy in 1689-90, estimated at<br />
;
414 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
.£49,400. 6s. 8cl. Scot. King William III. gave the family,<br />
instead of money, the perpetual privilege of distilling from grain<br />
raised on the estate for a small composition in lieu of excise.<br />
It was known much abroad, and one author says it produced as<br />
much whisky as all Scotland put together, and the licence was<br />
withdrawn in 1785, and a compen.sation of £21,500 paid. The<br />
greatest sufferers were the Ding^vall lawyers, whose business and<br />
support mainly depended on defending smugglers and redding<br />
quarrels from that district.<br />
Time will not permit me to refer at length to all the occupations<br />
of the Highlander, and his various devices for |)roviding for<br />
his daily wants. The merchant and commercial traveller provides<br />
him with cheaper articles if not so good ; but I think his life has<br />
lost much of its pictui-esqueness, and his ingenuity and readyhandedness<br />
seems in a large measure gone or in abeyance. In<br />
these olden times t<strong>here</strong> was ever ready at hand light, agreeable<br />
tasks to fill up his time. His long evenings were taken up making<br />
his brogues, a lock, ropes, fishing tackle, and hunting gear.<br />
Now everything is purchased, and when not actually engaged in<br />
regular employment, the Highlander spends his time in idling<br />
about his doors, or the useless and delusive task of discussing<br />
politics, his rights and his wrongs, which, by the way, in mj ex-<br />
perience, he knows far better than his duties. The result of all<br />
this is that the Highlanders of the West Coast do little for their<br />
own comfort, and it is consistent with my own knowledge that the<br />
amount of food and luxuries brought into the Islands is far in<br />
excess of what they Nvei-e 30 years ago, and that the natives<br />
seem to make less use of the articles ready to hand than they<br />
formerly did. For instance, a Highlander does not kill his pig<br />
and cure it for his family, using all the portions to the<br />
best advantage. He sells it cheap and imports cui-ed hams<br />
at a high rate. He does not use his poultry, but sells all his eggs<br />
by V>arter to little merchants, and purchases tea and sugar and<br />
coffee to use in his family instead. He does not make soup and<br />
cook the shellfish so plentiful on the coast, but exports them for,<br />
after all, a small return, and I cannot regard it as a good sign of<br />
the times, when everything is imported and little done at home.<br />
For instance, in the case of the rope made of the moss roots, it<br />
was a substantial article, and sufficiently good for its purpose, and<br />
when asked why he did not always make and use such, his reply<br />
was, " Ach, it's too much bother, we can buy a hemp one easier."<br />
No doubt this is true, but is it wise? During the long winter<br />
nights, the time wasted might be profitably occupied by these
—<br />
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badencch. 415<br />
homo-mades, but I fear the inclination is gone, and tlie agitation<br />
which has been carried on for the last few years has tendofl<br />
to put a stop to these useful and economical occupations.<br />
much<br />
At no time does tlie Highlander ever seem to ha^o had great<br />
artistic instincts, oiu; seldom sees a bit of ornamentation or carving,<br />
or any attempt at drawing.<br />
Occasionally the handle of a dirk or a walking-stick with a<br />
big crook is manufactured, but such articles of artistic merit as the<br />
Swiss mountaineer makes in the long winter nights in his Alpine<br />
not that the<br />
village, are foreign to the instincts of the Highlander ;<br />
skill and ingenuity are altogether wanting, l)ut the mind has been<br />
turned fi'om it. An active, roving life better suits the Celt, and<br />
the precarious life of a fisherman, in lieu of the liunt'-r's, pleases<br />
him better than the drudgery of agriculture and spade labour, and<br />
even the dangerous and risky occupation of smuggling has gi-eater**<br />
charms for some of them than iiny regular employment in the long<br />
winter nights.<br />
I would not wish to be understood as saying that the Scottish<br />
Highlander wants the aptitude for adapting himself to his situation,<br />
nor th(^ capacity of turning anything he requires to account.<br />
I have shown the contrary in the foregoing notes ; but I think<br />
the cessation of home work and home-made appliances has rendered<br />
him too dependent on foreign aid, and led him to look for<br />
outside support, when he ought to be able to help himself, and<br />
to turn to his us-^s and comfort much that lies ready to hand, and<br />
which would save him actual outlay of money, and add much to<br />
his comfort and pleasure.<br />
5th May 1886.<br />
On this date (being the concluding meeting of the Session),<br />
Paul Liot Bankes of lietterewe, was elected a life member of the<br />
Society, while Alexander Machardy, chief constable of Invernessshire<br />
; R. J. Macl)eth, 42 Union Street, Inverness ; Rev. John<br />
Cameron, R.C., Dornie, Kintail ; John Fraser, 57 High Street,<br />
Inverness; and Hugh Bannerman, 213 Lord Street, Sou thport,<br />
were elected ordinary members. T<strong>here</strong>after, the Secretary read<br />
the following paper by Mr Alexander Macpherson, solicitor,<br />
Kingussie :<br />
GLEANINGS FROM THE OLD ECCLESIASTICAL<br />
RECORDS OF BADENOCH.<br />
Part I.<br />
In these times of never-ending ecclesiastical and political
416 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
controversies and conflicts, giving rise to such unrest in oui' everyday<br />
life, one not unfrequently hears long-drawn sighs for the<br />
" Good old Times" to which no particular epoch has yet been positively<br />
assigned. Amid the microscopical distinctions so unhappily<br />
prevailing in our Presbyterian Churches, and the wranglings and<br />
strife of rival factions, " the spirit of love and of a sound mind "—to<br />
use the words of the large-hearted Christian leader, so recently<br />
taken from us— " is often drowned in the uproar of ecclesiastical<br />
passion." It would, I believe, be productive of the most beneficial<br />
results in our religious as well as in our political life if, combined<br />
with the "sweet reasonableness" and large tolei-ance of spirit<br />
which so pre-eannently characterised Principal Tulloch, we had<br />
more of such plain honest speaking as that of the great reformer,<br />
John Knox, who learned, as he himself says, " to call wickedness<br />
by its own terms—a fig a tig ; a spade a spade." But the so-<br />
called " March of Civilisation " has changed the whole current of<br />
our social and religious life, and afi'ected the si)irit of the age to<br />
such an extent that it may be reasonably doubted whether the<br />
most orthodox and constitutional Presbyterian in the Highlands<br />
would now submit to the administration of discipline to which, in<br />
days gone by, the Kirk-Sessions of Badenoch, without respect of<br />
persons, so rigorously subjected the wandering sheep of their<br />
flocks.<br />
Knox's system of Church discipline has been described as a<br />
theocracy of such an almost perfect character, that under it the<br />
Kirk-Sessions of the Church looked after the life and conduct of<br />
their parishioners so carefully that in ICoO Kirkton, the historian,<br />
was able to say—" No scandalous person could live, no scandal<br />
could be concealed in all Scotland, so strict a correspondence was<br />
t<strong>here</strong> between the Ministers and their congregations." The old<br />
Church annals of Badenoch contain in this respect abundant evidence<br />
of the extent to which the Ministers and Elders of byegone<br />
times in the Highlands acted as ecclesiastical detectives in the<br />
way of discovering and discouraging " the works of darkness," and<br />
the gleanings which follow give some indication of the remarkable<br />
powers exercised for such a long pei'iod by the Courts of the Church.<br />
These gleanings have been extracted from the old Kirk-Session<br />
Records of the parishes of Kingussie, Alvie, and Laggan, comprising<br />
the whole of the extensive district, distinguished by the general<br />
appellation of Badenoch—so long held and despotically ruled by<br />
the once powerful family of the Comyns—extending from Corryarrick<br />
on the west, to Craigellachie, near Aviemore, in the east<br />
a distance of about forty-tive miles.<br />
—
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 117<br />
So early as 1597 a deputation appears to have been appointed<br />
by the General Assembly to visit the northern Highlands, and in<br />
a report subsequently presented by the deputation to the Assembly,<br />
James Melvin (one of their number) states as the results of his<br />
own observations in the wild and then almost inaccessible district<br />
of Badenoch. " Indeid, I have ever sensyne regrated the esteat<br />
of our Hielinds, and am sure gif Cluyst war pretched amang<br />
them they wald scham monie Lawland professours"—a prediction<br />
which, if any fearless, independent member of the "Highland<br />
Host " would ventui'e, after the manner of the old covenanting,<br />
trumpet-tongued lady-friend of Norman Macleod, simply to ask<br />
certain Lawland " Principals as well as Professours," to Gang<br />
ower the fundamentals—might probably beheld to be verified even<br />
in the present day.<br />
According to Shaw, the historian of "The Province of IMoray,"<br />
Kingussie was a parsonage dedicated to St Colum (Columba), and<br />
Insh a vicarage dedicated to St Ewan. " How early", says<br />
Shaw, " these parishes were united 1 lind not." Insh was erected<br />
as a Parliamentary Church, declared to be a quoad sacra parish<br />
by the General Assembly in 1833, and erected as such by the Court<br />
of Teinds in 1 869. The village of Kingussie occupies the precints of<br />
the ancient Priory founded by George, Earl of Huntly about the year<br />
1490, and traces of the Chapel of the Monastery are still to be seen<br />
in the old Church-yard behind the village. "T<strong>here</strong> were," as stated<br />
by Shaw, " Chapels at Invertromie and Noid, and Brigida's Chapel<br />
at Benchar."<br />
The existing Records of the Parish of Kingussie and Insh<br />
date back to the induction of the Rev. William Blair as minister<br />
of the Parish in September 1721. T<strong>here</strong> is an unfortunate gap<br />
from 2oth June 1732, to l-jth June 1746, in regard to which t<strong>here</strong><br />
is an explanatory memorandum inserted to the effect "that through<br />
thefrequent changes of Session Clerks, many confusions, defects, and<br />
disorders have happened in the Minuts. The Minuts in Mr John<br />
Macpherson's time, who dyed at Aberdeen, are lost, and also the<br />
Minuts in time of Mr John Grant, schoolmaster and Session Clei-k."<br />
The glimpses whichtheKirk-Session Records furnish of the religious<br />
and social state of the Highlands during the last century, are such<br />
as may, after all, tend to make the sighs for the so-called " Good<br />
old Times" less deep, and render us somewdiat more contented<br />
with the times in which wo now live. One of the most striking<br />
features of these Records is the bui'ning zeal which appears t(j<br />
have animated the Ministers and Eldei-s of the time in ferreting<br />
out and chronicling the most minute particulars bearing upon the
418 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
wanderings of the erring slieej) of the Kingussie fold. In numerous<br />
instances several closely- written pages are devoted to the<br />
narration of a single case of discipline. Many of the details recorded<br />
are such as would not certainly be legarded in the present<br />
day as tending to editication, and only such gleanings are given<br />
as are of general interest in the way of illustrating the manners and<br />
customs prevailing among the Highland people, down in the case<br />
of so lie parishes even to the third or fourth decade of the present<br />
century.<br />
It would appear that t<strong>here</strong> were black sheep calling for the<br />
exercise of ecclesiastical discipline in those days even among the<br />
"Ministers' men." At the Session Meeting on 21st March 1725,<br />
"John Macdonald, in Kingussie,' was appointed to make "public<br />
satisfaction " for drinking a whole Fabbath night till ten o'clock<br />
next morning, and " caballing" with other men and "some women"<br />
in the Minister's house, "the Minister being that day in the parish<br />
of Insh." Apparently the too-trustful Minister had in his temporary<br />
absence, left all his belongings under John's charge, and the<br />
"caballers," it is recorded, not only consumed ?11 the aquavitae in<br />
the Ministers house " at ye time," but also " four pints aquavitie,<br />
carried out of William Frasers house." John maintained that<br />
" they had but three chapins aquavitie,'' and boldly defended " the<br />
innocency of theii meeting by their not being drunk as he alledges."<br />
Proving anything liut obsequious to the appointment of the Ses-<br />
sion, John, as " the ringleader of the cabal," was solemnly referred<br />
to the Presbytery of the bounds for contumacy. The Presbytery<br />
in turn remitted him back to the Session, " to satisfie according to<br />
their appointment, otherwise be charged before the Comissary and<br />
be punished in his Person and Goods, in case of not satisfying for<br />
his prophanation of the Lord's day, and insnaring oyrs forsaid to<br />
ye same sin." The crest-fallen John had perforce no escape for it<br />
in the end, but humbly to stand before the congregation and be<br />
" severly rebuked for his wickedness."<br />
Here is a singular enactment by the Kingussie Session anent<br />
"JPennie Weddings," which appear to have been prevalent in<br />
Badenoch down even to within living memory :<br />
^' April Ath 1725.—The Session enacts that nocoupplebe matrimonially<br />
contracted within tlie united parishes of Kingussie and<br />
Insh till they give in into the hands of the Session Clerk 3 lbs.<br />
Scots or a white plaid, or any other like penniuHortli, worth 3 lbs.<br />
Scots as pledge that they should not have pennie weddings, otherwise<br />
to forlite their pledges if they resile."<br />
A few months laU'v it is recorded that " Malcolm Bain in<br />
—
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 419<br />
Milntown of Kintjussit' '" \v;is delated and rebuked for a " inaiiifost<br />
breacli of the Lord's day, by solliii
—<br />
420 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
'^ July lOtli, 172G.—The Session imderstanding yt jt are a<br />
great many stragglers and vagabonds come into tliis Parisli without<br />
testimonials, as also a great many dissolute and unmarried<br />
women from different parts of the kingdom, commonly follow<br />
the soldiers at the Barrack of Ruthven, and are sheltered in some<br />
houses in the Parish, w<strong>here</strong> they and the soldiers have frequent<br />
mettings, and very often upon the Lord's day, to the great scandal<br />
of religion, and profanation of ye Sabbath : T<strong>here</strong>fore the Session<br />
think it necessary to apply to the Civil Judge that all such as<br />
shelter such women and vagabonds shall be condignly punished,<br />
and fined in twenty pounds Scots toties qnoties, and this to be intimated<br />
from the Pul])it."<br />
A week later the Decreet of<br />
follows<br />
the Bailie is referred to as<br />
:<br />
'' July \^h, 172G.— This day it is informed yt the Session<br />
had applied to the Baillic, in pursuance of a former resolution<br />
anent vagabonds and strangers coming into the Parish witi)Out<br />
testimonials, and that the Baillie hath passed a Decreet of ten<br />
pounds Scots toiies quoties agt all person or persons that shall<br />
harbour such vagabonds for three nights successively, which Act<br />
was this day intimated from the Pulpit that none pretend ignorance."<br />
We have next the complaint of an alien settler at Ruthven,<br />
against his Highland Janet, who had— probably from incompatibility<br />
of temper—failed " to do him ye duties of a mai-ried wife."<br />
^^ September 2tSth, 1726.—This day Donald Rotson, in Ruthven,<br />
compeared before the Session, and gave in a complaint before<br />
the Session against Janet Gi'ant, his married wife, showing yt ye<br />
said Janet hath deserted him some time ago, and that he cannot<br />
prevaile with her to return to him, or to do him ye duties of a<br />
married wife, and entreats the Session would summond her before<br />
them, and prevaile with her to be reconciled to him, or els give a<br />
reason why she will not. The Session, considering yt ye course<br />
that said Janet has taken is a manifest perjury and breach of her<br />
marriage vows, and yrfor is ground of scandal and offence, do<br />
appoint her to be summond to next Session ; meantime, that the<br />
Minister and Donald M'Pherson, of Culinlin, converse with her yr<br />
anent and make rejtort."<br />
It is subsequently recorded that the rebellious Janet was<br />
ultimately persuaded by the Session to retiu'ii to her disconsolate<br />
Donald. Alas, however, for the vanity of Donald's wishes !<br />
Nearly six years later the long-suliering mortal appeared before<br />
—
—<br />
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 421<br />
the Session, and gave in a petition, showing that the faithless<br />
Janet ha I "deserted him these five years past, not knowing qr<br />
she is." Poor Donald's patience had ai)parently become quite<br />
exhausted, and he beseeches the Session " that he might have<br />
liberty to marry anoyr." The Session considered the case of<br />
such an intricate nature, that we are told they referred the<br />
matter to the Presbytery, but T have been unable to trace whether<br />
Donald subsequently obtained the " liberty " he so ardently desired.<br />
Here is one of many similar entries of "grievous scandals "<br />
and "breach of Sabbath":<br />
^^ July 0th, 1727.— The Session do iind the following account<br />
to be true and genuine, namely, that upon the eleventh of June,<br />
being the Lord's day, it happened that Alister Roy, in Croft's<br />
sheep, had run into Donald Ban, in Dell of Killiehuntly's corn,<br />
and Donald Ban's wife hastening to take ym away in order to<br />
house them, Alister Roy's wife and daitghter came and took them<br />
away by force, qrupon the said jNIarjorie craved a pledge qch was<br />
refused, and then she went and took away a door as pledge brevi<br />
mamt ; then Alister Roy's wife and daughter took hold of her and<br />
pulled and tore ye linnens off her head, and gave her several<br />
scandalous names, upon qch Donald Ban came out and attacked<br />
the said Alister, and had some blows with hands and feet,<br />
hinc inde."<br />
In a subsequent minute we tind a "John M'Lawrence and<br />
James Robertson in Brae-Ruthven " delated foi' being both drunk<br />
on the Lord's day.
422 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
—<br />
—<br />
others for want of room (|ch frequently occasions an intolerable<br />
ajid unwholesome small in the Congregation, and may have very<br />
bad efll'cts on the people while attending Divine worbhip. The<br />
Session do refer tlie consideration yrof to tlic Pbty entreating they<br />
may put a stop to such a bade practice."<br />
Tiie fiddling propensities of the Badenoeli people of the time<br />
appear to have been altogether irrepressible, and to have, for a<br />
lengthened period, greatly exercised the reforming zeal of the<br />
Kingussie Session. Here is one of numerous entries of what the<br />
Session term " heathenish practices " at Leickwakes<br />
March lOth, 1728.—This day were called John Campbell, in<br />
Kinvonigag, John M'Edward, in Knockichican, and Donald<br />
M'Alvea, in Killiehuntly, and only conijieared John M 'Edward,<br />
who confessed that he had a tiddler in liis house at tlie Ijcickwake<br />
of a dead person, but said he did not think it a sin, it leingso long<br />
a custoine in this country. The Session finding tliat it is not easie<br />
to rout out so prevailing a custonie, do agree that for the more<br />
eflectual discouraging such a heathenisli practice, the INlinister represent<br />
from the Pulpit how undecent and unbecoming to the<br />
designs of ye Christian religion such an abuse is, they all appoint<br />
that the civil Judge be applied for suppressing the same."<br />
The result of the application to the Civil Judge is recorded a<br />
few days later as follows :<br />
" March \lth, 1728.—This day tlie Minister read from the<br />
pulpit an Act of the Court, enacting and ordaining tliat all fiddlers<br />
playing at any Leickwakes in time coming shall pay to James<br />
Gordon, Procui-ator-Fiscal of Court, five ])ounds Scots for each<br />
contravention, and each person who calls or entertains them in<br />
their families shall pay to the said James Gordon twenty pounds<br />
Scots for each contravention, and the said James Gordon is <strong>here</strong>by<br />
empowered to seize any fiddlers t-o playing at Leickwakes, and to<br />
secure ym until they pay their fines, and find caution they shall<br />
not play at Leickwakes in time coming."<br />
The watchful Session appear to have been fully alive to the<br />
possible danger of allowing unaccredited interlopers to settle in the<br />
Parish. In one of their minutes, an " Angus M'Intire, now in<br />
Coirarnisdel "—even although a " Mac " and presumably a Highlander—is<br />
peremptorily summoned to a])pear before them to " give<br />
an account of himself, as a stranger come into the Parish without<br />
a testimonial."<br />
Tn the next extract we have an enactment directed against<br />
matrimonial contracts on the Saturdays :<br />
—
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. ^23<br />
^^ December 6th, 1728.—The Session finding that it is a<br />
common practice foi- people to contract in order to matrimony upon<br />
the Saturdays, by which they frequently sit up in Change-liouses,<br />
and incroach upon the Lord's day. The Session do enact yt none<br />
shall be contracted upon the Saturdays within this Parish in time<br />
coming, and that tliis may be intimated from the Pulpit, that none<br />
pretend ignorance."<br />
In tlie following year, it is recorded that " ^Mary Kennedy in<br />
Benchar, while being reproved for her sin, uttered several foolish<br />
and impertinent expressions." Mary appears to have been a<br />
regular Jezebel, and we are told that she " gave such great offence "<br />
tliat she was t<strong>here</strong> and then bodily " seized " by the redoubtable<br />
Ivi'k officer, brought before the Session, and sentenced<br />
in sackloath next Lord's day and be rebuked."<br />
" to stand<br />
Li the beginning of 1729 we come upon an entry, indicating<br />
the extent to which the Kingussie Session had anticipated the<br />
famous Forbes Mackenzie by at least a century and a half<br />
" January 6th, 1729.—Kenneth Macpherson, changekeeper,<br />
in Balnespick, compearing was examined anent his entertaining<br />
severals in his house upon the Lord's Day, and found he was<br />
guilty of the forsaid abuse, and likewise yt it has been a prevailing<br />
custome in the Parish for people to assembler together in<br />
Taverns, especially after divine service, to remain till late at night.<br />
The Session for preventing such an abuse do enact yt all changekeepers<br />
within the Parish be henceforth discharged from giving<br />
to any person yt may frequent yr houses on the day forsaid above<br />
a cha])ine a piece as they shall be answerable."<br />
With all the zeal of the Session what strikes one as remarkable<br />
is that if the delinquents confined themselves to the moderate (1)<br />
allowance of " a chapine a piece " on the " Sabbath " they might<br />
apparently, without any fear of being subjected to the punishment<br />
of standing in the " publick place of repentance," indulge to their<br />
heart's content in the most liberal ])otations oi " aquavitie " on<br />
any other day of the week.<br />
We have next the judgment of the Session anent what is<br />
termed the ".scand'ilous abuse of gathering nuts upon the<br />
Sabbath."—<br />
" August \lth, 1719.— The Minister understanding that it is a<br />
common practice in this Parish with severals, especially with<br />
children and servants, to prophane the Lord's Day hy fre(|uenting<br />
the woods and gathering nuts upon the Sabbath, made })ul>lick<br />
intimation from the Pulpit, that if any person or persons, young or<br />
old, should be found guilty of said scandalous abuse, that they<br />
!
—<br />
424 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
should be insisted against fox- breach of Sabbath and punished<br />
accordingly, and that the Heads of families would be made lyable<br />
for the transgressions of their children and servants in these<br />
Here is the case of two worthies falling " a scolding " on<br />
the Lord's Day, with an apparent ferocity not excelled even in the<br />
memorable battle of the Kilkenny cats, and all " about eating<br />
of corn."<br />
" May ?>\st, 1730.—This day t<strong>here</strong> was delated to the Session<br />
a scandal yt broke forth last Lord's Day after divine service betwixt<br />
Alexander Keannich in Knockicchien and James Glass Turner in<br />
Knockichalich in Killihuntly, showing that the said Alexander<br />
Keannich was travelling with an armsfull of peats, and, meeting<br />
with said Glass, they fell a scolding about eating of corn, and<br />
yrafter did beat and bruise one anoyr until they were separated by<br />
the neighbours, viz.:-— Donald Fraser, Angus Kennedy, and<br />
Finlay Ferguson, weaver, all in Knockichalicli or yr abouts."<br />
The Session, finding that this was " a notorious breach of the<br />
Lord's Day, very much to be testified against, appointed the<br />
delinquents to stand before the congregation and be rebuked."<br />
Here is the case of a jealous husband tempted, as he owned, " by<br />
Satan " making his uneasy wife, Elspet, " swear upon a knife."—<br />
"Jinie '2nd, ITS*^.—This day compeared John Stuart in<br />
Farlettor, and Elspet Kennedy, his wife, who were confronted, and<br />
the said John being interrogate Imo, If he entertained any<br />
jealousie of his wife with Duncan Gordon in Farelettor, owned he<br />
did ; 2nd, being asked what grounds and presumptions he had to<br />
do so, answered that sometime in March hist a stirk in the town<br />
being amissing, he observed the said Duncan and his wife separate<br />
from the company in search of that beast—-that then Satan, he<br />
owned, had tempted him to entertain a jealousie ; 3rd, being asked<br />
if he put her to an oath of purgation, owned he drew a knife and<br />
obliged her to swear, as she would answer to God in the Great<br />
Day, that she would never have any oft'spring or succession, if<br />
she did not tell the truth, and that he had done this three or four<br />
times, and once upon a Lord's Day ; 4th, being asked if his wife<br />
complied with the said oath, both he anil she owned she did. She<br />
being asked what made her leave her own house, answered yt he<br />
was daily so inieasy to her that she was obliged to leave him, and<br />
declared that she would never return until she got satisfaction for<br />
the scandal that was raised upon lier. The Session considering<br />
that this is an aliair of an intricate nature, refer to the Presbytery<br />
for advice."
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenocli. 425<br />
We have next a batch of four sadly-misi^uiclecl Highlanders<br />
dealt with by the Session '* for lisliing upon a Sabbath evening."<br />
" Oc/obrr Ifli, 1730. —This day Thomas and Mm-dow ]\Iac-<br />
.<br />
pherson and John Shaw in Invereshie being summoned and called,<br />
compeared, and being interrogate anent their guilt in ])rophaning<br />
the J_,ord's Day l>y fishing, as was delated. They owned that they<br />
tislied upon a Sabbath evening u})on the water of Fesliie at<br />
Dugarie. Compeared also John Macpherson, boatman at Insh,<br />
who owned liimself guilty of art and part in buying the said fish<br />
yt night, all of tliem being rebuked and reproved. The Session<br />
considered the whole afiair, and appointed ym to compeare before<br />
the congregation <strong>here</strong> Sabbath come a fortnight, and be sharply<br />
rebuked for ye said transgression."<br />
In the next extract we have the case of a husband and wife<br />
delated for '_' a customary practice of bakeing bread upon the<br />
Lord's Day."<br />
—<br />
—<br />
" October I8th, 1730.—This day, Anne Macpherson, spouse to<br />
Donald Fraser in Knochachalich, formerly delated, being sumd. and<br />
called, compeared with her husband, and owned only that she did<br />
bake a little bannock for an herd, who was to go off early next<br />
morning."<br />
Anne's ingenious plea that it was " only a little bannock for an<br />
herd," led the Session, it is recorded, to let off the culprit with a<br />
—You must ne-s'er do it again, Anne—in the shape of " asharpe<br />
Sessional rebuke with certification."<br />
From the following entry it would appear t<strong>here</strong> must have<br />
been a considerable number of bad halfpennies in circulation in<br />
the Highlands at the time, but apparently the "bawbees," bad as<br />
they were, were considered by the contributors yood enough for<br />
the Church box :<br />
''December 2ith, 1730.—T<strong>here</strong> is found in the box Two<br />
pounds and eleven sh, Scot., over and above what is marked,<br />
qch makes twentie-seven lbs. and eighteen sh., Scots. intheTreasrs<br />
hands, of quch tliere is of bad halfpennies thirteen 2>ounds seven<br />
sh. Scots., wereof t<strong>here</strong> are are twelve sh. st. given at ninepence<br />
per pound weight, which amounts to two sh, three pence st. of<br />
good money."<br />
Here is the record of the dealing of the Session with parties<br />
travelling on a Lord's Day " with a great many horse."<br />
''November 2lst, 1731.—This day William Maclean and<br />
Donald INIacpherson in Farlotter, John Macpherson in Toli\a,<br />
and William Shaw in Knockanbeg, formerly delated, being called<br />
compeared, and being asked if they and some oyrs in the Parish<br />
2<br />
—
—<br />
426 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
of Inch did travel on a, Lord's Day with a gi-eat many horse<br />
loa(hied with meal, confessing guilt, they were sharply rebuked,<br />
and such of them as were masters of families were ordained to<br />
stand before tlie Congregation, and servants were dismissed with<br />
a sharjie rebuke before tlie Session with cei-titication."<br />
Passing over a period of about seveiiteen years, we come to<br />
tlie case of an exceptionally wild Highlander asking a spade from<br />
his neighbours, and tlie terrible language, and dire results, which<br />
followed their refusal of that much prized implement.<br />
"June 2nd, 1748.— This day was laid before the Session a<br />
coiii]>laint and petition from Jean Cameron, spouse to Duncan<br />
Macnicol in Ruthven, against Peter M'Konnich, alias Macdonald<br />
in Kuthven, and Janet Mackenzie his spouse, setting<br />
forth that upon the 2nd day of May last, the said Peter<br />
came to<br />
not get.<br />
the complainer's house asking a spade, which he did<br />
He then said that if he had her husband behind a<br />
hedge he would stamp ujioii his belly, and reproached her<br />
publicly in the following words :—D n you for a B h your<br />
Fayr was hang'd and d n me if I will deny it ; and as he was<br />
passing through the streets said d n his soul if he should deny<br />
what he had said, and that the said Janet his wife, uttered the<br />
words in the streets of Ruthven that the said Jean Cameron's<br />
fiither and uncle were both hanged for theft, and beseeching the<br />
Session to take theee scandalous reflections under their considera-<br />
tion, and that the guilty persons may be censured and brought to<br />
condign punishment. The Session having reasoned t<strong>here</strong>upon<br />
agreed that such abusive language defaming and scandalizing the<br />
memory of the dead, and entailing infamy upon their posterity, is<br />
in itself injurious and unchristian, and to be discoui-aged in liuman<br />
society, and if proven relevant to infer Church censure."<br />
Several closely written pages of the Session Records are taken<br />
up with the depositions of the witnesses. Here is the Session<br />
judgment :<br />
"The Session having summed up the evidence, do find<br />
that . . . both Peter Macdonald and his wife Janet<br />
ought to 1)0 subjected to the censure of the Church— the rather<br />
that yre were this day laid before the Session suflicii'iit testimonials<br />
•the complainer's father liv'd and dy'd under the reputation of an<br />
honest man—w<strong>here</strong>fore the Session unanimously agree that the<br />
said Peter and his wife Janet shall stand before the Congregation<br />
at Kingussie next Lord's Day in the publick place of repentance,<br />
and be sharjily rebuked for their oflence, and for terror to others ;<br />
and the Session do petition the Judge Ordinary <strong>here</strong> present to<br />
—
—<br />
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 427<br />
cause secure their persons in prison until they find caution to fulfill<br />
and obtemper this sentence, as also until they secure the peace<br />
by a Bond of Lawburrows."<br />
The Session had, it will be seen, taken the precaution to<br />
have the Baillie, or Judfje Ordinary, present with them on the<br />
occasion, and it is satisfactory to find tliat the wild and foulmouthed<br />
Peter, and his fitly-mated Janet, were t<strong>here</strong> and then<br />
subjected to the "condign punishment" they so justly deserved.<br />
The sentence of " James Stewart," the Baillie of the time, is appended<br />
in the Records to the Session judgment, and runs as follows<br />
:<br />
"The Baillie ordains the persons of the said Peter ^IcDonald<br />
and his wife Janet to be imprisoned within the Tolbooth of Ruthven,<br />
untill they find caution conform to the above sentence.<br />
Apparently the Kingu.ssie Session regarded the Apostolic injunction<br />
to " be not forgetful to entertain strangers, for t<strong>here</strong>by<br />
some have entertained angels unawares," as of a very limited ap-<br />
plication. Judging from results, it is to be feared that in some parts<br />
of the Highlands, even in the present day, " angels' visits" are<br />
"few and far between." In the old turbulent times in Badenoch<br />
the prospect of such visits appears to have been considered so very<br />
remote that the canny Session felt constrained to restrict to a<br />
single night the time within which a " stranger" could be developed<br />
into such a visitor, and the efficacy of his visit exemplified. So<br />
distrustful was the Session of importations from other quarters<br />
that any " stranger" coming into the District without suflicient<br />
ci-edentials was bracketed with the wandering " vagabond." Here<br />
is the stringent pioliibition directed against either the one or the<br />
other being entertained in the Parish " two nights on end" :—<br />
^^ June ISth, 1749.—The Session considering tint t<strong>here</strong> are<br />
several strangers and vagabonds who come into this Parish without<br />
certificates and are sheltered t<strong>here</strong>in, the Session agree to apply to<br />
the Judge-Ordinary if the persons of all such will be apprehended<br />
and incarcerated, and that such as entertain one or more of them<br />
two nights on end shall be fined in "iOs. sterling."<br />
Here are the very moderate dues fixed by the Session for<br />
digging the gra\-es of every '• person " come of age and of every<br />
" child ; " " the gentlemen," it will be observed—doubtless with -a<br />
lively anticipation of favoui-s to come—being " left to their own<br />
discration " :<br />
—<br />
"June 2Src[, 1749.—The Kirk-Session considering that it<br />
would be exti-emely convenient for the Parish the Kirk Officer<br />
should be employed in digging the gi-aves, and do appoint him to do
—<br />
428 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
yt service to any that shall employ him, and yt he shall have a<br />
sixpence for every person come to age and fourpence for every<br />
child, and the gentlemen shall be left to their own discration ;<br />
and the Session appoint then- Clerk to give him a crown out of<br />
their boxt for buying tools."<br />
We come next upon the<br />
by the Session<br />
record of a singular payment made<br />
:<br />
" December 9th, 1750.—Petition John M'Intosh, Court Officer<br />
at Ruthven, creaving that the Kirk-Session may allow him payment<br />
for his trouble and pains at the Session Desire in apprehending<br />
the person of Christian Guthrie, and incarcerating and retaining<br />
her in the Tolbooth of Ruthven for the space of 21 days, by which<br />
he is entitled to prison wages. The Session appointed 3 sh. and<br />
Gd str. to be given him, and that the Minister pay him out of the<br />
funds in his hands."<br />
In of the following year we have the complaint of a<br />
greviously afflicted "Jean Macpherson," mated to a more than<br />
ordinarily boozy and wicked tailor body, who made a "football"<br />
of his own infant :—<br />
" Fehruarij \Oth, 1751.—Compeared Jean Macpherson, spouse<br />
to John M'Intire, taylor in Ruthven, complaining on her said<br />
husband, that he is a habitual drunkard, frequenting changehouses,<br />
spending his efiects, ruining his family, beating the complainer,<br />
and selling his back cloaths and bed cloaths for liquor, and<br />
that, when he comes home drunk, he tosses his own infant like a<br />
foot-ball, and threatens to take away her own life ; she t<strong>here</strong>fore<br />
begged the Session that they would put a stop to the progress of<br />
his wicked life, and secure tlie safety of the complainer and her<br />
child, and that they would disoharge all the Change-keepers in the<br />
Parish from giving him liquor."<br />
The deliverance of the Session in the case of the unfortunate<br />
" Jean" would surely satisfy the most ardent temperance reformer<br />
of the present day : —<br />
" The Session, considering this complaint, and being persuaded<br />
of the verity of the facts, do agree to petition the Judge-<br />
Ordinary to interpose his authority that no Change-keepers or<br />
sellers of liquor votsoever shall gift or sell liquor of any kind,<br />
either ale or aquavitie, to the said John, under the failzie of<br />
twenty shillings str., the one-half of which to be applied for the<br />
support of the complainer and her child, and that this act, when<br />
obtained, shall be intimated from the Pulpit."<br />
Similar interesting extracts from the Kingussie Records could<br />
be almost indefinitely multiplied, but the gleanings already given
Celtic Den'uation of English Riuer Names. 429<br />
have extended to such a length, that I must, in tlio meantime,<br />
desist. Next Session I propose to give some furthei- such gleanings,<br />
includin«r extracts from the Records of the Parishes of Alvie<br />
Dr A. H. F. Cameron has contributed the following notes in<br />
reference to his paper in last year's volume of Transactions, on the<br />
CELTIC DERIVATION OF ENGLISH RIVER NAMES.<br />
He says :—I should like to add a few notes on the derivation<br />
of river names. The first I wish to mention is the name Yar or<br />
Yare, which is probably derived from Earr, an end, a boundary.<br />
Allan supposed to mean a gi-eat river may be from Allaidh<br />
Abhaian, the wild, tiei'ce river. I think the influence of Celtic<br />
river names may be traced even in the heart of London. I have<br />
mentioned my belief that the name Bourne is the Gaelic Burn<br />
and in a curious work, entitled " London and its Environs Described,"<br />
published in the year 1761, under the word Holborn, I<br />
find the following, " This street was anciently a village called Oldborne,<br />
built on the bank of a brook or borne,* called Olborne or<br />
Holbourn, that sprung up near middle row and flowed down the<br />
hill in a clear current till it fell into the river of Wells at Holboi'n<br />
Bridge. Tyburn, too, w<strong>here</strong> the last Jacobite execution took<br />
place, was, on the same authority, anciently a village situated on<br />
the eastern bank of the rivulet Tyburn, fi'om whence it took its<br />
name.<br />
I should like to correct one or t'yo printer's errors in my paperin<br />
the last volume of the Transactions. The name of the Teme<br />
in Worcestershire is misspelt, and the second root mentioned by<br />
Mr I. Taylor should be Dwr not Devon.<br />
Scotland with the spelling hum."<br />
* Webster gives " Bourn, a brook, a torrent, a rivulet, obaolete used in<br />
;
MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY.<br />
HONORARY CHIEFTAINS.<br />
Sir Kenneth S. INIackenzic of (iaiilocli, Uart.<br />
Professor John Stuart lilarkie, K(linl)urgh University<br />
Charles Fraser-Maekiutosh of Druinniond, ]M.P.<br />
Colin Chisliolin, Namur Cottage, Inscrness<br />
Alex. Nicolson, M.A., LL.D., advocate, sheritt'-substitute, Kirkcudbright<br />
LIFE MEMBERS.<br />
Bankes, Paul Liot, of Letterewe, Koss-shire<br />
Baillie, James E. B., of Dochfour<br />
Bui'gess, Pet^r, factor for Glenmoriston, Druranadrochit<br />
Campbell, Alasdair, of Kiluiartin, C len-Urquhart<br />
Chisholm-Gooden, James, 33 Tavistock Square, London<br />
Chisholm of Chisholm, R D. M., Erchless Castle<br />
Ferguson, R. C. Munro, of Novar<br />
Fletcher, J. Douglas, of Rosehaugh<br />
Finlay, R. B., Q.C., M.P., London<br />
Fraser-Mackintosh, Charles, of Drummond, M.P.<br />
Macdonald, Lachlan, of Skaebost, Skye<br />
Mackay, Donald, Gampola, Kandy, Ceylon<br />
Mackay, Geoi'ge F., Roxburgh, Otago, New Zealand<br />
Mackay, James, Roxburgh, Otago, JSew Zealand<br />
Mackay, John, C.E., Hereford<br />
Mackay, John, of Ben Reay<br />
Mackenzie, Sir Kenneth S., of Gairloch, Bart.<br />
Mackenzie, Allan R., yr. of Kintail<br />
Matheson, Sir Kenneth, of Lochalsh, Bart.<br />
Scobie, Captain N., late of Fearn, Ross-shire<br />
HONORARY MEMBERS<br />
Blair, Sheriff, Inverness<br />
Bourke, Very Rev. Canon, Kilcolman, Claremorris, Mayo<br />
Burgess, Alexander, Caledonian Bank, Gairloch<br />
Cameron, Donald, Woodville, Nairn<br />
Cameron, Ewen, manager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank<br />
ing Company, at Shanghai
432 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Cameron, James Randal, Jacksonville, Oregon<br />
Campl)ell, Duncan, editor, " Northern Chronicle," Inverness<br />
Campbell, George IMurray, Jamaica<br />
Chisholm, Captain A. INIacra, Glassburn, Strathglass<br />
Davidson, Donald, of Drummond Park, Inverness<br />
Dunmore, the Kight Hon. the Earl of<br />
Ferguson, Miss Marion, 23 Grove road, St John's Wood, London<br />
Fraser, Alexander, agent for the Commercial Bank of Scotland,<br />
Inverness<br />
Fraser, A. T. F., clothier. Church Street, Inverness<br />
Grant, John, Cardiff, Wales<br />
Grant, Field-Marshal Sir Patrick, G.C.B., Chelsea, London<br />
Grant, Robert, of Messrs Macdougall & Co., Inverness<br />
Grant, Major, Drumbuie, Glen-TJrquhart<br />
Innes, Charles, solicitor, Inverness<br />
Jolly, William, H.M. Inspector of Schools, Pollockshields, Glasgow<br />
Macandrew, H. C, sheriff-clerk of Inverness-shire<br />
Macallister, Councillor T. S., Inverness<br />
Macbean, William, Imperial Hotel, Inverness<br />
MacConnachie, John, M.I.O.E., Mayor of Cardiff<br />
Macdonald, Alexander, of Edenwood<br />
Macdonald, Allan, solicitor, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Andrew, solicitor, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Captain D. P., Ben-Nevis Distillery, Fort-William<br />
Macdonald, John, Marine Hotel, Nairn<br />
Macfarlane, Alex., Caleilonian Hotel, Inverness<br />
Mackay, Charles, LL.D., Fern Dell Cottage, near Dorking<br />
Mackenzie, P. A. C, Rio de Janeiro<br />
Mackenzie, Rev. A. D., Free Church, Kilmorack<br />
Mackenzie, Major Colin, late of 78th Highlanders, 49 Pall Mall,<br />
London<br />
Mackenzie, Mackav D., National Provincial Bank, Gateshead-on-<br />
Tyne<br />
Mackenzie, Malcolm, St Martin's, Guernsey<br />
Mackenzie, Osgood H., of Inverewe, Pool ewe<br />
Mackintosh of Mackintosh, INIoyhall<br />
Mackintosh, Angus, of Holme, Palace Chambers, i) Bridge Street,<br />
Westminster<br />
Mackintosh, Eneas W., of Raigmore<br />
Mackintosh, P. A., C.E., Bridgend, Glammorgan<br />
Macmillian, E. H., manager of the Caledonian Bank, Inverness<br />
Macpherson, Colonel, of Glentruim, Kingussie
Members. 433<br />
Menzies, John, Banavie Hotel, Fort-William<br />
Moir, Dr F. F. M., Aberdeen<br />
Rose, Major, of Kilravock<br />
Ross, Rev. William, Cowcaddons Free Church, Glasgow<br />
Scott, Roderick, solicitor, Inverness<br />
Shaw, A. INIackintosh, Secretary's Office, G.P.O., London<br />
Stewju-t, Col. Charles, C.B., O.M.G., C.I.E., Ornockenach, Gatehouse<br />
of Fleet<br />
Stoddart, Even, Mudgee, New South Wales, Australia<br />
Sutherland, Evan Charles, of Skibo<br />
Wilson, P. G., Inverness<br />
ORDINARY MEMBERS.<br />
Aitken, Dr Thomas, Lunatic Asylum, Inverness<br />
Baillie, Peter, Inverness<br />
Bannerman, Hugh, 213 Lord Sti-eet, South port<br />
Barclay, John, accountant, Inverness<br />
Barron, James, " Courier" Office, Inverness<br />
Bisset, Rev. Alexander, R.C., Stratherrick<br />
Black, G. F., National Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh<br />
Buchanan, F. C, Clarinnish, Row, Helensburgh<br />
Cameron, Miss M. E., of Innseagan, Fort-William<br />
Cameron, A. H. F., 2 Shield Road, Livei-pool<br />
Cameron, Rev. Alex., Sleat, Skye<br />
Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel<br />
Cameron, D., teacher, Blairour, Aonachan, Lochaber<br />
Cameron, Rev. John, Dornie, Strome Ferry<br />
Cameron, William, Keeper of the Castle of Inverness<br />
Campbell, Angus, hotel-keeper. Tongue<br />
Campbell, Fi-aser (of Eraser & Catnphell), High Street, Inverness<br />
Campbell, George J., solicitor, Inverness<br />
Campbell, Paul, shoemaker, Bridge Street, Inverness<br />
Campbell, T. D. (of Gumming & Campbell), Inverness<br />
Carter, J. J., Inland Revenue Collector, Inverness<br />
Cesari, E., Station Hotel, Inverness<br />
Chisholm, Alpin, High Street, Inverness<br />
Chisholm, D. H., 21 Castle Street, Inverness<br />
Chisholm, Duncan, coal merchant, Inverness<br />
Chisholm, Archibald, P.F., Lochmaddy<br />
Chisho m, Colin, Namur Cottage, Inverness<br />
Chisholm, Simon, Flowerdale, Gairloch<br />
Clunas, James, Nairn
434 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.<br />
Cockburn, Thomas, Royal Academy, Inverness<br />
Cook, James, commission agent, Inverness<br />
Cran, Jolin, Kirkton, Bunchrew<br />
Gumming, James, Allanfearn, Inverness<br />
Davidson, Andrew, scul])tor, Inverness<br />
Davidson, D., Waverley Hotel, Inverness<br />
Davidson, John, grocer, Inglis Street, Inverness<br />
Davidson, William, Ruthven, Stratherrick<br />
Dott, Donald, Caledonian Bank, Lochmaddy<br />
Durie, William, H.INI. Customs, Londonderry<br />
Douglas, William, Town and County Bank, Inverness<br />
Elliot, Matthew, flesher, Inverness<br />
Fergusson, Charles, The Gardens, Cally, Gatehouse, Kirkcudbrightshire<br />
Fergusson, D. H., pipe major, I.H.R.V., Inverness<br />
Forbes, Duncan, of Culloden<br />
Forsyth, John H., wme merchant, Inverness<br />
Fraser, ^neas (Innes & Mackay), Inverness<br />
Fraser, Alexander, solicitoi-, Inverness<br />
Fraser, Alexandei', Schoolhouse, Kingussie<br />
Fraser, A. R., South Africa<br />
Fraser, Miss Catherine, 25 Academy Street, Inverness<br />
Fraser, D., Glenelg<br />
Fraser, Donald, registrar, Inverness<br />
Fraser, Dr Hugh A., Morven, by Fort-William<br />
Fraser, Wra,, Elgin, Illinois<br />
Fraser, Rev. James, Erchless, Strathglass<br />
Fraser, James, C.E., Inverness<br />
Fraser, James, Mauld, Strathglass<br />
Fraser, John, Rowan Cottage, Kenneth Street, Inverness<br />
Fraser, Miss H. G., Farraline Villa, North Berwick<br />
Fraser, Miss Mary, 2 Ness Walk, Inverness<br />
Fraser, Rodei-ick, contractor, Argyle Street, Inveiniess<br />
Fraser, William, Haugh Brewery, Inverness<br />
Galloway, George, chemist, Inverness<br />
Gillanders, K. A., Drummond Street, Inverness<br />
Gillanders, John, teacher, Denny<br />
Gow, Alex., "Dundee Advertiser," Dundee<br />
Glass, C. C, <strong>12</strong>2 North Street, St Andrews<br />
Grant, Rev. J., E.G. Manse, Kilmuir, Skye<br />
Grant, Dr Ogilvie, Inverness<br />
Grant, William, INIanchester<br />
Gray, James, slater. Friar's Street, Inverness
Members.<br />
436<br />
Gunn, "William, draper, Castle Street, Inverness<br />
Hood, Thomas, chemist, Patrick Street, Cork<br />
Horno, Jolin, 41 Soutlisido Koad, riiverness<br />
Jerram, C S., Woodoote House, Windlesliam<br />
Kennedy, Neil, Kishorn, Loehcarron<br />
Kerr, Thomasi^ Caledonian Bank, Inverness<br />
Livingston, Colin, J''ort-William<br />
Macbain, Alexander, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., head-master, Raining's<br />
Sc'iool, Inveixiess<br />
Macbc .n, Mrs, g.ocer, Neale Place, Rose Street, Inverness<br />
Macbean, W. Charles, solicitor, 22 Union Street, Inverness<br />
Macbean, Ex-Bailie William, Union Street, Inverness<br />
Macbean, George, writer. Church Street, Inverness<br />
Macbean, James, 77 Church Street, Inverness<br />
Macbeth, R. J., 42 Union Street, Inverness<br />
IVIacCord, Collector of Customs, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Alex., Audit Office, Highland Railway, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Alexander, messenger-at-arms, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Alexander, flesher, New Mai'ket, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Chaides, Knocknageal, by Inverness<br />
Macdonald, David, St Andrew's Street, Aberdeen<br />
Macdonald, Dr William, Port Elizabeth, South Africa<br />
Macdonald, John, banker, Buckie<br />
Macdonald, Thomas, builder, Hilton, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Donald, flesher. New Market, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, D. C, solicitor, Aberdeen<br />
Macdonald, Finlay, Druidaig, Kintail<br />
Macdonald, Hugh, 2 Petty Street, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Huntly, Mile-end, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, John, supervisor, Dingwall<br />
Macdonald, John, merchant. Castle street, Cnverness<br />
Macdonald, John, superintendent of police, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Kenneth, town-clerk, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Ewen, flesher. New Market, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, William, sheriff-clerk-depute, Inverness<br />
]\Iacdonald, John, 14 Shore Street, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, William, master carpenter, lunes Street, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Ralph Erskine, Corindah, by Bowen, Downs, Queensland<br />
Macdonald, Dr Sinclair, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, William, clerk, 63 Church Street, Inverness<br />
Macdonald, Altona, Pennsylvania, U.S.A.<br />
Macdonald, Alexander, G2 Tomnahurich Street, Inverness
436 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Macdonell, Alexander, prison warder, Inverness<br />
Macgillivray, Finlay, solicitor, Inverness<br />
Macgillivray, William, Denny Street, Inverness<br />
Macgregor, Alexander, solicitor, Inverness<br />
Macgregor, John, hotel-keeper, Invermoriston<br />
Macliardy, Alex., chief constable. The Castle, Inverness<br />
Macintyre, Donald, Episcopal School, Inverness<br />
Maciver, Duncan, Church Street, Inverness<br />
Mackay, Bailie Charles, Culduthel Road, Inverness<br />
Mackay, James John, London<br />
Mackay, Rev. G. W., Beauly<br />
Mackay, William, solicitor, Church Street, Inverness<br />
Mackay, William, bookseller, High Street, Inverness<br />
Mackay, William, Elmbank, Drummond, Inverness<br />
Mackenzie, Mrs, Silverwells, Inverness<br />
Mackenzie, Alexander, editor, " Celtic Magazine," Inverness<br />
Mackenzie, Alexander, wine merchant, Church Street, Inverness<br />
Mackenzie, A. C, teacher, Maryburgh, Dingwall<br />
Mackenzie, Andrew, ironmonger, Alness<br />
Mackenzie, Dr F. M., Inverness<br />
Mackenzie, H. F., Caledonian Bank, Dornoch<br />
Mackenzie, John, Auchenstewart, Wishaw<br />
Mackenzie, John, grocer, 1 Greig Street, Inverness<br />
Mackenzie, Simon (Harrison & Co.), Chambers Street, Edinburgh<br />
Mackenzie, William, Clarence Cottage, Drummond, Inverness<br />
Mackenzie, William, clothier. Bridge Streot, Inverness<br />
Mackintosii, Duncan, Bank of Scotland, Inverness<br />
Maclachlan, Dugald, Caledonian Bank, Portree<br />
Maclachlan, Duncan, publisher, C4 South Bridge, Edinburgh<br />
Maclachlan, Dr Alexander, Beauly<br />
Maclachlan, Rev. Lachlan, St Columba Church, Glasgow<br />
Maclennan, John, teacher, Inverasdale, Gairloch<br />
Maclennan, Alex.. Macdougall's Tartan Warehouse, Inverness<br />
Maclennan, Dr D. U., Widnes, near Liverpool<br />
Maclennan, Alex., flesher. New IVIarket, Inverness<br />
Maclennan, Angus, factor, Askernish, South Uist<br />
Maclennan, Donald, commission agent, Inverness<br />
Mackintosh, Hugh, ironmonger, Inverness<br />
Maclean, Alex., teacher, Oulloden<br />
Maclean, Roderick, factor, Ardross, Alness<br />
Macleay, W. A., birdstuffer, Inverness<br />
Macleish, D., banker. Fort-William<br />
Macleod, Reginald, Dunvogan Castle, Skye
Members.<br />
Maclcod, John, IVryrtlci Bank, Drunnnond, Inverness<br />
Macleod, Noil, " The Skye Bard," 7 Royal Exchange, Edinburgh<br />
Macinillan, D., Church Street, Inverness<br />
Macnee, Dr, Inverness<br />
Macphail, Alexander, Strathi)etter<br />
Macphail, Alex., Kuthven House, Aberdeen<br />
Macpherson, Duncan, 8 Druniuiond Street, Inverness<br />
Macpherson, Alex., solicitor, Kingussie<br />
Maci)herson, Hugli, Castle Street, Inverness<br />
Macpherson, John, Glen-AtlVic Hotel, Strathglass<br />
Macrae, A. Fraser, 172 St Vincent Street, Glasgow<br />
Macrae, Rev. A., Free Church Manse, Clachan, Kintyre<br />
Macrae, Rev. Angus, F.C, Glen-Urquhart<br />
Macrae, Duncan, Ardintonl, Lochalsh<br />
Macrae, R., postmaster, Beauly<br />
Macrae, John, solicitor, Dingwall<br />
Macrae, Kenneth, Dayville, Grant County, Oregon<br />
Macraild, A. R., Fort- William<br />
Macritchie, A. J., solicitor, Inverness<br />
Mactavish, Alexander, ironmonger, Castle Street, Inverness<br />
Mactavish, Duncan, High Street, Inverness<br />
Matheson, Dr Farquhar, Soho Square, London<br />
Medlock, Arthur, Bridge Street, Inverness<br />
Menzies, Duncan, farmer, Blairich, Rogart<br />
Millar, William, auctioneer, Inverness<br />
Mitchell, Alex., The Dispensary, Inverness<br />
Morrison, Hew, Andover House, Brechin<br />
Morrison, J. A., Fairfield Road, Inverness<br />
Morrison, William, schoolmaster, Dingvvall<br />
Morrison, Dr D., West Bow, Edinburgh<br />
Mortimer, John, 344 Great Western Road, Aberdeen<br />
Munro, A. R., Eden Cottage, Ladypool Lane, Birmingham<br />
Murdoch, John, Meikle Aikenhead, Cathcart<br />
Murray, Francis, Lentran<br />
Nicolson, Alex., M.A., LL.D., advocate, sherifi"- substitute of<br />
Greenock<br />
Noble, John, bookseller, Castle Street, Inverness<br />
O'Hara, Thomas, Inspector of National Schools, Portarlington,<br />
Ireland<br />
Ramsay, Donald, 3 Anderson Street, Inverness<br />
Robson, A. Mackay, Constitution Street, Leith<br />
Rose, Hugh, solicitor, Inverne.ss<br />
Ross, A. M., '* Northern Chronicle," Inverness<br />
437
438 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
Ross, Alex., architect, Inverness<br />
Ross, Alex., traveller, Teaninich Distillery, Alness<br />
Ross, D. R., inspector of poor, Glen-Urquhart<br />
Ross, Duncan, Hilton, Inverness<br />
Ross, George, ironmonger, Dingwall<br />
Ross, Jonathan, merchant, Inverness<br />
Sharp, D., 81 Scott Street, Garnethill, Glasgow<br />
Shaw, David, Caledonian Bank, Bouar-Bridge<br />
Simpson, George B., Broughty-Ferry<br />
Sinton, Rev. Thomas, Glengarry<br />
Smart, P. H., drawing-master, Inverness<br />
Stewart, Colin J., Dingwall<br />
Stuart, W. G., draper. Castle Street, Inverness<br />
Sutherland, Rev. A. C, Adelaide<br />
Sutherland, George Miller, solicitor, Wick<br />
Thomson, Rev. R. W., FoddeHy, Strathpeffer<br />
Thomson, John, 57 Ai-gyle Place, Aberdeen<br />
Thoyts, Canon, Tain<br />
Whyte, David, Church Street, Inverness<br />
Whyte, John, librarian. Free Library, Inverness<br />
Wilson, George, S.S.C, 20 Young Street, Edinburgh<br />
APPRENTICES.<br />
Cameron, Ewen, Edinburgh<br />
Carter, Eldon M., Craigellachie Villa, Millburn, Inverness<br />
Clmholm, C. C, factor's office, Highland Railway<br />
Maccorquodale, Roderick, 42 Union Street, Invei'ness<br />
Mackenzie, Hector Rose, Park House, Inverness<br />
Mackintosh, John, clerk, 74 Church Street, Inverness<br />
deceasb:d members.<br />
Rev. Dr Thomas Maclachlan, Edinburgh<br />
E. H. Wood of Raasay<br />
Dr Duncan Mackay, Inverness<br />
Dr Thomas Stratton, Devonport
LIST<br />
BOOKS IN THE SOCIETY'S LIBRARY.<br />
NAMES OF BOOKS.<br />
Ossian's Poems (H. Society's edition<br />
Gaelic and Latin), 3 vols.<br />
Smith's Gaelic Antiquities<br />
Smith's Seann Dana ...<br />
Highland Society's Report on Ossian's<br />
Poems ....<br />
Stewart's Sketches of the Highlands, 2 vols<br />
Skene's Picts and Scots .<br />
Dain Osiein Mhic Fhinn<br />
Macleod's Gran Nuadh Gaelach,<br />
An Teachdaire Gaelach, 1829-30 .<br />
Carew's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland<br />
Grain Ghilleasbuig Ghrannd, two copies<br />
Connell's Eeul-eolas<br />
Maclauchlan's Celtic Gleanings<br />
Maclauchlan's Early Scottish Church<br />
The Dean of Lismore's Book .<br />
Macleod and Dewar's Gaelic Dictionary<br />
Highland Society's do., 2 vols<br />
Ritson's Caledonians, Picts, and Scots<br />
Dr Walker's Hebrides, 2 vols<br />
Campbell's Language, Poetry, and Music<br />
of the Highland Clans .<br />
Macnicol's Remarks on Dr Johnston's Tour<br />
in the Hebrides .<br />
Somers' Letters from the Highlands<br />
Colonel JMackenzie<br />
of Park mount<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Mr W. Mackay<br />
Mr Charles Mackay<br />
ditto<br />
Rev Dr Maclauchlan<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Sir Ken. S. Mackenzie<br />
of Gairloch, Bart.<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
jNIr John Murdocli<br />
ditto<br />
ditto
440 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
NAMES OF BOOKS.<br />
Cameron's Chemistry of Agriculture<br />
Sketches of Islay ....<br />
Cameron's History of Skye<br />
Kennedy's Bardic Stories of Ireland<br />
Hicky's Agiicultural Class-Book<br />
Grain Ghaelach Mhic Dlumleibhe .<br />
The Wolf of l5adenoch .<br />
Familiar Illustrations of Scottish Life<br />
Antiquity of the Gaelic Language .<br />
The "Dauntless Red Hugh of Tyrconnell<br />
The Kilchoman People Vindicated .<br />
Caraid a' Ghaidheal—Sermon .<br />
Highland Cleai-ances the Cause of High<br />
land Famines<br />
Co-operative Associations<br />
Lecture......<br />
Review of " Eight Days in Islay " .<br />
Gold Diggings in Sutherland .<br />
Review of Language of Ireland<br />
Highland Character<br />
An Teachdaire Gaelach, 1829-30<br />
The Scottish Regalia<br />
Campbell's West Highland Tales, 4 vols<br />
Bliadhna Thearlaich<br />
Macfarlane's Collection of Gaelic Poems<br />
Old Gaelic Bible (partly MSS.)<br />
MacHale's, Ai-chbishop, Irish Pentatcucl<br />
Irish Translation of Moore's INIelodies<br />
The Bull " InefFabilis " (Latin, English<br />
Gaelic and French)<br />
Celtic Language and Dialects .<br />
Boiirke's Irish Grammar<br />
Bourke's Easy Lessons in Irish<br />
Mackenzie's Beauties of Gaelic Poetry<br />
Mac-Crimmon's Piobaireachd .<br />
Stratton's Gaelic Origin of Greek and Latin<br />
Gaelic Translation of Apocrypha (by Rev<br />
A. Macgregor) ....<br />
Buchanan's Historia Scotiae<br />
The Game Laws, by R. G. Tolmie .<br />
DONOR.<br />
Mr John Murdoch<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
•litto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
cUtto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Mr Alex. Mackenzie<br />
ditto<br />
Miss Hood<br />
J. Mackenzie, ]\[.D.,<br />
of Eileanach<br />
Canon Bourke<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Rev. W. Ross, Glasgow<br />
Rev. A. Macgregor<br />
ditto<br />
ditt«<br />
Mr William Mackay<br />
ditto
NAME OF BOOKS.<br />
St James's Magazine, vol. i.<br />
Fingal (edition 1762)<br />
Collection of English Poems (2 vols.)<br />
Philologic Uses of the Celtic 'J'ongue<br />
Seoto-Celtic Philology<br />
Dana Oisein (Maclauchlaii's edition)<br />
Munro's Gaelic Primer .<br />
M 'Alpine's Gaelic Dictionary .<br />
M'Pherson's Duanaire .<br />
Munro's Gaelic Grammar<br />
Grain Mhic-an-t-Saoir<br />
Grain Uilleim Ros....<br />
Ceitliir Searmoinean, le Dr Dewar .<br />
Carswell's Prayer Book (Gaelic)<br />
Scot's Magazine (1757) .<br />
History of the Rebellion, 1745-46 .<br />
Welsh Bible<br />
Old Gaelic New Testament<br />
Adhamh agus Eubh (Adam and Eve)<br />
Old Gaelic Bible ....<br />
Grain Ailein Dughallaich<br />
^[acpherson's Poems of Ossian<br />
An Gaidheal for 1873<br />
Grain, cruinnichte le Mac-an-Tiiainear<br />
The Gospels, in eight Celtic dialects<br />
Eraser of Knockie's Highland Music<br />
The Clan Battle at Perth, by Mr A. M<br />
Shaw .....<br />
The Scottish Metrical Psalms .<br />
Sailm Dhaibhidh Ameadreachd (Ed. 1C59)<br />
Biographical Dictionary of Eminent )<br />
Scotsmen (1) vols.)<br />
Grain Ghilleasbuig Grannd<br />
Clarsach nam Beann<br />
Fulangas Chriost .<br />
Dain Spioradail<br />
Library. 441<br />
DONOR.<br />
Mr Mackay, bookseller,<br />
Inverness<br />
G Fraser-Mackintosh,<br />
Esq., M P.<br />
Mr D. Mackintosh<br />
Mr D. Maciver<br />
Lord Neaves, LL.D ,<br />
F.R.S.E.<br />
Maclachlan &, Stewart<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Purcliased<br />
Mr A. Macbcan<br />
Mr D. ISIackintosh<br />
Mr L. Mackintosh<br />
Mr L. Macbean<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
The Publishers<br />
Mr A. Mackintosii<br />
Shaw, London<br />
Mr J. Mackay, C.E.,<br />
Hereford<br />
Mr Mackenzie, Bank<br />
Lane, Inverness<br />
The Author<br />
Mr J. Eraser, Glasgow<br />
Mr A. R. Macraild,<br />
Inverness<br />
Mr J. Graigie, Dundee<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
29
442 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
NAMES OP BOOKS.<br />
Spiritual Songs (Gaelic and English)<br />
Alexander Macdonald's Gaelic Poems<br />
Orain Mhic-an-t-Saoir<br />
Leabhar nan Ceist ....<br />
Co-eigneachadli Soisgeulach (Boston)<br />
History of the Druids (Toland's)<br />
Melodies from the Gaelic<br />
Maclean's History of the Celtic Language<br />
Leabhair Sailm ....<br />
Origin and Descent of tlic Gael<br />
Stewart's Gaelic Grammar<br />
Macpherson's Caledonian Antiquities<br />
(1798)<br />
Biboul Noimbli (London, 1855)<br />
Searmona Mhic-Dhiarmaid<br />
Dain Oisein .....<br />
Fingal(1798)<br />
Life of Columba (1798) .<br />
Orain Roib Dhuinn Mhic-Aoidh<br />
Dain leis an Urr, I. Lees<br />
Searmons leis an Urr, E. Blarach .<br />
Eaglais na h-Alba, leis an Urr A. Clare,<br />
Inbhirnis .....<br />
Bourke's Ai-yan Origin of the Gaelic Race<br />
Reid's Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica<br />
Munro's Gaelic Primer (three copies in<br />
library) .....<br />
Eachdraidh na h-Alba, le A. MacOoinnich<br />
(three copies) ....<br />
Dain Ghailig leis an Urr. I. Lees .<br />
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue, by<br />
Professor Geddes (1872)<br />
Philologic Usesof the Celtic Tonguo(1873)<br />
Poems by Ossian, in metre (179G) .<br />
Proceedings of the Historical and Archaeological<br />
Association of Ireland<br />
(1870-86)<br />
Shaw's Gaelic Dictionary (1780)<br />
.<br />
History of the Culdecs, Maccallum's<br />
Macdiarmid's Gaelic Sermons (MS. 1773)<br />
DONOR.<br />
Mr J. Craigie, Dundee<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Mr J. Mackay, Hereford<br />
ditto<br />
Purchased<br />
The Author<br />
Rev. Dr Lees, Paisley<br />
The Author<br />
ditto<br />
Mr Alex. Kennedy,<br />
Bohuntin<br />
The Society<br />
Rev. A. Macgregnr<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
'
NAMES OF ROOKS.<br />
Gaelic Grammar, Irish character (1808)<br />
Gaelic Pentateuch, Irish character .<br />
Gaelic Book of Common Prayer (1819)<br />
Gaelic Psalter, Irish character<br />
Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness,<br />
<strong>12</strong> vols. ...<br />
Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica<br />
Oi-ain le Rob Donn ...<br />
Leabhar Oran Gaidhealach<br />
Vible Casherick, Manx .<br />
Biobla Xaomtha, Irish .<br />
Dr Smith's Sean Dana .<br />
Evans' Welsh Grammar and Vocabulary<br />
Grain Uilleim Rois<br />
Grain Dhonnacha Bhain<br />
Co-cluuinneachadh Grain Ghailig .<br />
Book of Psalms, Irish ....<br />
Grain Nuadh Ghaidhealach, le A. Mac<br />
Dhomhnuill....<br />
Laoidhean o'u Sgi-iobtuir, D. Dewar<br />
Leabhar Oran Gailig<br />
An\ Biobla Naomtha (1690) .<br />
The Family of lona<br />
Gi-ant's Origin and Descent of the Gael<br />
Rathad Dhe gu Sith<br />
Dain Spioradail, Ijrr. I. Griogalach<br />
Dai-a Leabhar airson nan Sgoileau Gaidh<br />
ealach .....<br />
Treas Leabhar do., do.<br />
What Patriotism, Justice, and Christianity<br />
demand for India<br />
Grain Ghaidhealach<br />
Priolo's Illustrations from Ossian<br />
Photograph of Gaelic Charter, 1108<br />
The Celtic Magazine, vol. i.<br />
Do. vols. ii. to X. .<br />
Elementary Lessons in Gaelic<br />
Stewart's Gaelic Granniiar<br />
Irish Pedigrees, by O'Hart<br />
Dan an Deirg agiis Tionnia Ghuill (E^ng<br />
lish Translation), two copies<br />
.<br />
Library. 443<br />
DONOR.<br />
Rev. A. Macgi-egor<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Purchased<br />
Rev. W. Ross, Glasgow<br />
The Publishers<br />
Purchased<br />
The Author<br />
Mr D. Mackintosh<br />
The Author<br />
Mr C. S, Jerram
Hi Gaelic Society of Inueniess.<br />
NAMES OF BOOKS.<br />
Gaelic and Eucflish Vocabulary (174:1)<br />
.<br />
Ai-yan Origiu of the Celtic Race and<br />
Language .....<br />
Old Map of Scotland (1746) .<br />
Collection of Harp Music<br />
Valuation Roll of the County of Inverness<br />
(lSGy-70)<br />
Do. do. Ross (1871-72) .<br />
Inverness Directory (18G9-70)<br />
Greek Testament<br />
Greek Lexicon .....<br />
Gospel of St John adapted to the Hamiltonian<br />
System (Latin) .<br />
Histoire de Gil Bias de Santillane( French)<br />
Prophecies of the Brahan Seer, 2nd edition<br />
My Schools and Schoolmasters<br />
Gaelic Etymology of the English Language<br />
Dr Charles Mackay<br />
The Highland Echo ....<br />
The Highlander Newspaper, complete, 4<br />
volumes .....<br />
Hebrew—Celtic Affinity, Dr Stratton<br />
Illustrations of Waverley, published for<br />
the Royal Association for Promoting<br />
the Fine Arts in Scotland (18G5) .<br />
Illustrations of Heart of Midlothian, do.<br />
do. (1873)<br />
Illustrations of the Bride of Lammermuir,<br />
do. do. (1875) ....<br />
J llustrationsof Red Gauntlet, do., do. (187G)<br />
Illustrations of the Fair ]\Iaid of Perth .<br />
Illustrations of the Legend of Montrose .<br />
Gunn on the Harp in the Highlands<br />
"<br />
English Translation of Buchanan's "Latha<br />
'Bhreitheanais," by the Rev. J.<br />
Sinclair, Kinloch-Rannoch (1880)]<br />
An t-Oranaiche, compiled by Arcliibald<br />
Sinclair (1880) . . . .<br />
Danaibh Spioradal, ike, le Seumas Mac-<br />
Bheuthain, Inverness (1880)<br />
DONOR.<br />
Rev. A. Macgrcgor<br />
Mr John Mackay,<br />
Hereford<br />
Mr Colin M'Callum<br />
London<br />
Mr Charles Fergusson<br />
ditto<br />
tlitto<br />
cUtto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Mr A. Mackenzie<br />
Mr James Raid<br />
J. Mackay, Sv,'ansea<br />
Purchased<br />
Purchased<br />
The Author<br />
Miss Frasei-, Farraline<br />
Villa, N. Berwick<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
ditto<br />
Miss Cameron of Inn-<br />
Translator<br />
Comi»iler<br />
A. Maclean, coal merchant,<br />
Inverness
Library. 445<br />
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONOR.<br />
Macdiarmid's Sermons in Gaelic (1804)<br />
The Autlior<br />
. Colin IMacCalluni,<br />
London<br />
Bute DockSjCardiff, by John M'Connacliio,<br />
C.E. (187G) ....<br />
C)bservations on the Present State of tlie ]<br />
Highhmds, by the Earl of Selkirk } John Mackay, C.E.,<br />
(1806) J Hereford<br />
Collection of Gaelic Songs by Ranald ] F. C. Buchanan, Clar-<br />
Macdonald (1806) . . . \ innisli, Row, Helens-<br />
Mary Mackellar's Poems and Songs (1880)<br />
Dr O'Gallagher's Sermons in Irish (1877)<br />
J<br />
burgh<br />
The Author<br />
John Makay, C.E.,<br />
Hereford.<br />
John Hill Burton's History of Scotland ) L. Macdonald of<br />
(9 vols.) I Skaebost<br />
Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland<br />
(2 vols.) ditto<br />
A Genealogical Account of the Highland ]<br />
Families of Shaw, by A. Mack- \ The Author<br />
intosh Shaw (1877) . . .<br />
j<br />
History of the Clan Chattan, by A.<br />
Author<br />
The Mackintosh Shaw (1880) . .<br />
Leabhau- an t-Sean Tiomna<br />
dtarruing on Teanguidh<br />
air na ]<br />
Uglidar- I<br />
rach go Gaidhlig tre cliuram agus ! A. R. Macraild, Insaothar<br />
an doctiir<br />
Roimlie so Easpog<br />
Uiliam Bhedel [<br />
Chillemhorie 'n<br />
verness<br />
j<br />
Erin (1830) . .<br />
Edmund Burke's Works, 8 vols.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.J<br />
. Mr Colin Chisholm<br />
Land Statistics of Inverness, Ross, and ]<br />
Cromarty in the year 1871, by H. [ The Author<br />
C. Eraser J<br />
Church of Scotland Assembly Papers<br />
The Poolewe Case . . . Mr<br />
Ossian's Fingal rendered into Heroic ) A. H. F. Cameron,<br />
Verse, by Ewen Cameron (1777) Esq. of Lakeficld<br />
J<br />
Ossian's Fingal rendered into verse by<br />
Archibald Macdonald (1808) . ditto<br />
Clarsach an Doire—Gaelic Poems, by<br />
Neil Macleod .... The Author<br />
MacDiarmid's Gaelic Sermons .<br />
—<br />
. \<br />
J<br />
W. Mackenzie<br />
^^' MacOallum<br />
^^^l^^<br />
London
446 Gaelic Society of Inverness.<br />
XAMES OP BOOKS.<br />
Laebhar Couuinn nan Fior Ghael—The<br />
DONOR.<br />
Book of the Club of True Highlanders<br />
Purchased<br />
Grammar of the Gaelic Language (Irish),<br />
by E. O'C Mr H. C. Fraser<br />
Esquisse de la Religion des Gaulois. Par<br />
M. Henri Gaidoz. 1879 . . M. Gaidoz<br />
Notice sur les Inscriptions Latines de<br />
rirlande. Par M. Henri Gaidoz.<br />
1878<br />
Melusine Recueil de Mythologie, &c. Par<br />
M. Gaidoz<br />
M. Gaidoz<br />
MM. Gaidoz et Rolland. 1878 .<br />
Guide to Sutherlandshire, by Hew Morri- ) rpi * +1<br />
son . . . . .<br />
.J<br />
Transactions of the Royal National Eist- ) Mr J. ISIackay, C.E.,<br />
eddfod of Wales . . .<br />
. j Hereford<br />
Bute Docks, Cardiff, by J. Macconnachie, ] rr\ a 1.1,<br />
The Author<br />
M.I.C.E. . . . . :<br />
I<br />
In Memoriam -Earl of Seafield . . \<br />
^he Dowager-Countess<br />
01 beaneld<br />
Past and Present Position of the<br />
(<br />
Skye L. INIacdonald of Skae-<br />
(^<br />
Crofters<br />
American Journal of Philology<br />
J<br />
host<br />
Revue Celtique, vol. vi., No. 3 . . M. Gaidoz<br />
Notes on St Clement's Church, Rowdill,<br />
Harris . . . . .A. Ross, Inverness<br />
Notes on Clan Chattan Names .<br />
Mr J. Mackay, C.E.,<br />
. J. Mac])herson, M.D.<br />
rr, T5 1 I<br />
,n. ,<br />
The Proverbs of W ales , . . . <<br />
^ • H f 1<br />
,o>^t<br />
,