The Prehistoric Archaeology of Slieve Gamph:
movement, place and patterns
Noel McCarthy, B.A.
Volume 1: Text
PhD Thesis submitted to the School of Geography and Archaeology
National University of Ireland, Galway
August 2010
Supervisor: Dr. Stefan Bergh
0
Contents
Volume 1
Chapter 1
Abstract
v
List of Figures and Tables
vi
Abbreviations
xv
Site Codes
xvi
Acknowledgements
xvii
1
Where We Are
Introduction
1
1.1
Aims and objectives
3
1.2
Methodological approach
5
1.2.1
Terminologies and conventions
7
1.2.2
Layout, content and discussion
8
1.3
Chapter 2
2.1
9
Physical geography
1.3.1
Geology and glacial action
10
1.3.2
Local soils, relief and drainage
13
The Lay of the Land(scape)
17
Thinking prehistory
18
2.1.1
Investigations into Irish prehistory
21
2.1.2
The hazy juncture between natural and cultural
24
2.1.3
Local studies in North Connacht
27
2.1.4
Previous attention to Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
28
2.1.5
The Record of Monuments and Places
30
2.2
The ‘landscape’ combination
32
2.3
A landscape of interpretation
34
2.4
Keeping maps in mind
38
2.5
Discussion
40
i
Chapter 3
General Archaeological Trends Visible Around
Slieve Gamph
44
3.1
The Mesolithic period
44
3.2
The Neolithic period
48
3.3
The Bronze Age
51
3.4
The Iron Age
53
Chapter 4
4.1
4.2
57
Local and Regional
Case Study A: Callow/Culdaly
61
4.1.1
Location and topography
62
4.1.2
Earliest evidence – The Neolithic period
65
4.1.3
The Bronze Age and later prehistory
70
4.1.4
Summary Review of Case Area A – Callow/Culdaly
77
Case Study B: Lough Conn/River Moy
79
4.2.1
Location and topography
80
4.2.2
Earliest evidence – Mesolithic and Neolithic
82
4.2.3
Crossing the Moy and its floodplain
83
4.2.4
Summary Review of Case Area B –
95
Lough Conn/River Moy
4.3
Case Study C: Corrower/Carrownaglogh
97
4.3.1
Location and topography
98
4.3.2
Archaeological evidence
99
4.3.3
Later prehistoric evidence
104
4.3.4
Later prehistoric site groupings
110
4.3.5
Summary review of Case Area C –
121
Corrower/Carrownaglogh
ii
4.4
Case Study D: Tawnatruffaun/Easky River
123
4.4.1
Location and Topography
124
4.4.2
Earliest evidence – The Neolithic period
124
4.4.3
Site groupings
128
4.4.4
The Bronze Age and Later Prehistory
132
4.4.5
Summary Review of Case Area D –
135
Tawnatruffaun/Easky River
4.5
Chapter 5
5.1
5.2
Case study overview; patterns of similarity and diversity
137
144
If Not Here, Where?
If not here, where?
145
5.1.1
Field survey
147
5.1.2
Recorded voids or voids in the record?
150
What constitutes a monument?
153
5.2.1
The role of the „natural‟
155
5.2.2
Prominent boulders and associated evidence
161
5.3
Investigating the known
171
5.4
Discussion
177
Chapter 6
6.1
6.2
Landscape and Movement in the Environs of
Slieve Gamph
181
Movement in prehistory
182
6.1.1
The perception of movement
182
6.1.2
Physically defined pathways
184
6.1.3
Symbolic, visual and mentally defined pathways
186
Regional and local mobility
187
6.2.1
General movement across North Connacht
187
6.2.2
Regional movement around Slieve Gamph
188
iii
6.3
6.4
Movement in the hinterland of Slieve Gamph
190
6.3.1
Maritime travel
191
6.3.2
The use of inland waterways
194
6.3.3
Away from river and sea – dryland route options
198
6.3.4
Mountain passes
202
206
Discussion
Viewing Slieve Gamph and its Hinterland
Chapter 7
209
7.1
Viewing the ‘void’
210
7.2
The upland megalithic tomb group at Carrowreagh
219
7.3
Later prehistoric monuments in their regional context
224
Chapter 8
The Prehistoric Archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its
Hinterland
228
234
Bibliography
iv
Abstract
The current project was stimulated initially by a perceived imbalance in the
archaeological record for North Connacht where large, upland cairns and passage
tombs, common in areas to the east, were not to be found on the western reaches of
Slieve Gamph/The Ox Mountains. Further enquiry illustrated a number of other
disparities with adjacent regions as well as the low level of investigation undertaken in
comparison to those localities.
To analyse the prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland a
number of avenues were followed. A wide ranging program of field survey was
performed, which established that the archaeological record as it stood was quite an
accurate reflection of the archaeology on the ground. No large upland monuments were
uncovered but a number of intriguing, ostensibly natural features were discovered
displaying similar visual and conceptual elements to more recognised monuments in
prominent landscape positions elsewhere. These were investigated in their local and
national contexts showing that they may form quite a large corpus of sites, in
association with some of which, Bronze Age hoards have been found.
The confirmed lack of large upland monuments was assessed in comparison to
the areas where these sites are to be found with the conclusion arrived at that increasing
reverence in which these other regions, particularly the Cúil Irra peninsula, were held,
drew attention away from western Slieve Gamph and the lands to the west.
A central part of the project was to develop an understanding of how people
lived in, and moved through, their landscape in prehistory. This goal was approached by
viewing sites individually and as collectives in their local and regional landscapes to
envision how people interacted through these sites and the now invisible routes that
connected them. As a result, a number of potential settlement areas and routes through
the landscape were identified including a lost crossing point on the River Moy marked
by ritual monuments on land and the deposition of objects in the adjacent river.
The overarching result of the project illustrated that, though possessing a wide
array of fascinating prehistoric sites and conundrums, the physical bulk that is Slieve
Gamph was treated in much the same manner as it is today, as a large topographical
feature to be negotiated as part of everyday life as people lived and moved in its
hinterland.
v
List of Figures and Tables
Figures
Chapter 1
Figure 1.1
Left: The national and regional location of the study area. Right: The
physical features that form the boundary of the study area and the
position of some of the larger towns in the region.
Figure 1.2
The Culdaly standing stone from the south with the rising ground of
Slieve Gamph behind.
Figure 1.3
The distinctive profile of Nephin with Lough Conn at its foot and the
Nephin Beg range beyond.
Figure 1.4
The locations of some of the major physical features in western
Connacht.
Figure 1.5
Gleann na Mochart, „The Gap‟, as seen from the west.
Figure 1.6
The Drumsheen standing stone with the Ballina lowlands stretching out
beyond.
Figure 1.7
The location of some of the distinctive physical features in the region
around the study area.
Chapter 2
Figure 2.1
The Corimla South ring-ditch which was originally recorded in the RMP
as a mound.
Chapter 3
Figure 3.1
The distribution of prehistoric and possible prehistoric sites in the North
Connacht region with the current study area outlined in red (background
hillshade model after Driscoll 2006).
Figure 3.2
The distribution of earlier prehistoric finds in the North Connacht region
(Driscoll 2006).
Figure 3.3
The distribution of Early Prehistoric sites in North Connacht
(background hillshade model after Driscoll 2006).
Figure 3.4
The distribution of Later Prehistoric sites in North Connacht
(background hillshade model after Driscoll 2006).
vi
Figure 3.5
Digital Elevation Model (DEM) showing the distribution of barrows in
the region around Slieve Gamph.
Figure 3.6
The distribution of prehistoric artefact findspots within the study area.
Figure 3.7
Comparative distributions of earlier and later prehistoric sites in the
region immediately adjacent to the study area.
Chapter 4
Figure 4.0.1
Left: The prehistoric sites of North Connacht and the sites within the
overall study area in relation to the selected case areas. Right: The
positions of the four case study areas around Slieve Gamph.
Figure 4.1.1
Map of Case Study Area A Callow/Culdaly, showing the position and
variety of prehistoric sites and locations of artefact findspots.
Figure 4.1.2
The view south from the upper slopes of Slieve Gamph across the peat
covered Glendaduff to Larganmore with the higher ground in the
townlands of Carrowneden, Graffy and Callow in the distance.
Figure 4.1.3
The position of locations in Case Area A mentioned in text.
Figure 4.1.4
The location of areas of Neolithic and possible Neolithic activity in the
Callow/Culdaly case area.
Figure 4.1.5
Left: The position of Neolithic and possible Neolithic sites along the
Cartron–Doonty valley. Right: The view south from Knockfadda across
the valley to Doonty Hill beyond.
Figure 4.1.6
The heavily damaged Letterbrone wedge tomb on the southern slopes of
Slieve Gamph. The distinctive shape of Larganmore can be seen in the
distance to the southwest.
Figure 4.1.7
The location of possible Bronze Age settlements within the
Callow/Culdaly case area.
Figure 4.2.1
Map of Case Study Area B, Lough Conn/River Moy, showing the
position and variety of prehistoric sites and locations of artefact
findspots.
Figure 4.2.2
The position of the two possible loughs of ‘Curragh’ and
‘Rathnaconeen’ along the lower stretches of the River Moy.
Figure 4.2.3
The locations of sites and townlands mentioned in text.
vii
Figure 4.2.4
TIN model indicating the location of sites and approximate artefact
discovery locations flanking the River Moy at the crossing point between
the townlands of Coolcronaun and Bunnafinglas.
Figure 4.2.5
Drawings of the two bronze swords recovered from the River Moy
during dredging works in 1963.
Figure 4.2.6
The position of the heavily overgrown Creggaun court tomb on a
westerly spur of higher ground. The lines indicate the downward slopes
to the north (right) and south (left) of the monument.
Figure 4.2.7
The locations of the four concentrations of activity along the River Moy
and the position of the two Lisduvoge fulachtaí fiadh to the west.
Figure 4.3.1
Map of Case Study Area C Corrower/Carrownaglogh, showing the
position and variety of prehistoric sites and locations of artefact
findspots.
Figure 4.3.2
The position of the geological fault lines along the southern ranges of
Slieve Gamph.
Figure 4.3.3
The position of the Carrownaglogh court tomb as seen from the ridge of
higher ground to the west with the rising body of Slieve Gamph beyond.
Figure 4.3.4
The mountaintop view west from Slieve Gamph towards the distinctive
tree-lined gorge of Glenree.
Figure 4.3.5
The positions of the four Neolithic sites in the Corrower/Carrownaglogh
case area.
Figure 4.3.6
Extract from the 1837 1st edition Ordnance Survey map with the two
large areas of bogland circled and the locations of the small cairn and
barrow marked in red.
Figure 4.3.7
The distribution of sites and artefacts west of the glacial meltwater
channel of Glenree.
Figure 4.3.8
The locations of groups of sites in Case Area C.
Figure 4.3.9
The Carrowcrom wedge tomb from the southwest with one of the many
low drumlinoid hills in the area visible in the background.
Figure 4.3.10 The smaller, more westerly of the two Carrowcrom standing stones with
the larger 2.85m high stone beyond and the cloud shrouded Slieve
Gamph in the distance.
Figure 4.3.11 The food vessel bowls from Corrower Grave VII (after Brindley 2007,
61).
viii
Figure 4.3.12 Combined mid- and post-excavation plans of the cemetery mound
excavated by Raftery to the north of Corrower townland and below a
section of kerbing along the southwest side of „cairn B‟ towards the
south of the townland.
Figure 4.3.13 Reconstruction drawing of the excavated cemetery mound at Corrower
(after Raftery 1960, 92) and Cairn A towards the south of Corrower
townland as seen from the northeast with a large amount of field
clearance debris and overgrowth masking a large proportion of the site.
Figure 4.3.14 The Corrower stone pair from the west with the upper edge of the steep
descent down to Cartron Lough behind and Slieve Gamph forming the
horizon.
Figure 4.4.1
Map of Case Study Area D Tawnatruffaun/Easky River showing the
position and variety of prehistoric sites and locations of artefact
findspots.
Figure 4.4.2
The locations of areas mentioned in text.
Figure 4.4.3
The Ballynahowna unclassified megalithic tomb as seen from the west
with Miosgáin Meadbh visible atop Knocknarea in the distance and site
plan (after O‟Nualláin 1989, Fig. 27) of the surviving monument
elements inset. The Easky River valley runs from right to left just beyond
the trees to the rear of the tomb.
Figure 4.4.4
Left: The distribution of sites in the area around Tawnatruffaun and
above the view southwest across Gleneask and the riverside parts of
Tawnatruffaun townland as seen from point A on the map.
Figure 4.4.5
Comparative distribution of Early Christian sites and post rows in the
greater region around the Tawnatruffaun/Easky River case area.
Figure 4.4.6
Upper: The distribution of confirmed Neolithic monuments in the region
between Killala Bay to the west and Ballysadare Bay to the east. Lower:
A similar distribution along the coastal strip to the north of Slieve
Gamph but this time including cairns as well as megalithic tombs and
structures that may or may not be of a Neolithic date.
Figure 4.5.1
Upper: The distribution of sites of known Neolithic type with the
apparent void either side of Killala bay hatched. Lower: The same area
with other possible Neolithic sites indicated.
ix
Chapter 5
Figure 5.1
Left: The best preserved of the four hut-sites/animal pens uncovered
along the mountaintop to the south of Lough Talt, Co. Sligo. Right: The
Kincuillew stone setting from the north with the rock outcrop on which it
sits to the rear.
Figure 5.2
The most southerly of the three stones that form the stone alignment with
the stone pair in the background.
Figure 5.3
The Kincuillew stone setting as seen from the southwest sitting atop a
large granite outcrop.
Figure 5.4
The locations of the prominent boulder sites mentioned in text.
Figure 5.5
The Browneshill portal tomb, Co. Carlow.
Figure 5.6
The locations of the prominent boulder sites around Slieve Gamph.
Figure 5.7
The pair of propped boulders at Carrowdoogan, Co. Mayo.
Figure 5.8
Prominently positioned boulders on and around Slieve Gamph.
Figure 5.9
Above: Viewshed model of the Cuil Írra peninsula and the surrounding
area including the northern reaches of Slieve Gamph as seen from the
Magheraboy causewayed enclosure. Below: Closer view of the Cúil Írra
area with the Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery at centre.
Figure 5.10
The area around Slieve Gamph visible from the causewayed enclosure at
Magheraboy.
Chapter 6
Figure 6.1
Section of Corlea No.9 trackway (after Raftery 1996).
Figure 6.2
The position of the general routeways through North Connacht
(background hillshade model after Driscoll 2006).
Figure 6.3
The distribution of Neolithic and possible Neolithic sites in the area
around Killala Bay.
Figure 6.4
The locations of the artefacts discovered in the area around Pontoon.
Figure 6.5
The grouping of fulachtaí fiadh in the area south of Lough Cullin.
Figure 6.6
The Ox Mountains Inlier (unshaded area) with the positions of the main
mountain passes highlighted.
Figure 6.7
Upper: The distribution of Neolithic and possible Neolithic sites around
Ballysadare Bay. Lower: The distribution of later prehistoric sites in the
same region around Ballysadare Bay
x
Figure 6.8
Above :„Gleann na Mochart‟ or „The Gap‟ as seen from the Carha ringbarrow 8km to the northwest. Below: The mountain pass at Glendaduff
with the Corlee stone row in the foreground.
Figure 6.9
The discovery locations of the two bronze cauldrons found in the study
area.
Chapter 7
Figure 7.1
The distribution of court, portal and passage tombs along the North
Connacht coastline.
Figure 7.2
The westerly passage tomb at Carrowhubbuck South as seen from the
east with Killala Bay in the background and the higher ground west of
the bay beyond.
Figure 7.3
Above: The positions of Neolithic and possible Neolithic sites on the
Cúil Irra peninsula. Right: Schematic plan of the orientation of the
monuments at Carrowmore with Listoghil represented by the larger
symbol towards the centre (Bergh 1995, 126).
Figure 7.4
The position of the upland group of megalithic tombs in the townlands of
Carrowreagh and Kincuillew, Co. Sligo.
Figure 7.5
The most northerly of the Carrowreagh court tombs from the west with
the position of the Kincuillew tomb on the rising ground to the left of
centre and the distinctive profile of Muckelty Hill on the horizon to the
extreme right of the image.
Figure 7.6
Aerial view of the position of three of the Carrowreagh tombs in relation
to the numerous circular depressions in their immediate vicinity. Each
hollow appears as a dark circle marking the vegetation on its sides with
the lighter circle at the centre representing the water retained at the
bottom of the features (image – OSI Mapviewer, osiemaps.ie,
approximate scale 1:8500).
Figure 7.7
Right: Quartz outcrop atop Slieve Gamph c.3.4km to the north of Lough
Talt. Below: The variety of bedrock geology in the area of Slieve Gamph
around Lough Talt.
Figure 7.8
The distribution of barrows and fulachtaí fiadh across North Connacht.
Figure 7.9
The variable distribution of mounds and barrows across North Connacht.
xi
Site Catalogue
Figure SC.1
The grounds of Templeview House with the position of the mound
indicated.
Figure SC.2
Plan of the Carrowpadeen wedge tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.3
Plan of the Fortland court tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.4
Plan of the southerly Fortland court tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.5
Plan of the Ballynahowna court tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.6
Plan of the Ballynahowna unclassified megalithic tomb (after Ó'Nualláin
1989).
Figure SC.7
Plan of the Culleens wedge tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.8
Plan of the Camcuill portal tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.9
Plan of the Knockanbaun portal tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.10 Plan of the Tawnatruffaun court tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.11 Plan of the Tawnatruffaun portal tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.12 Plan of the Tawnatruffaun court tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.13 Plan of the Caltragh wedge tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.14 Above: Plan of the Caltragh court tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989). Below:
The tomb as seen from the northwest looking into the rear chamber of
the gallery over the obscured backstones.
Figure SC.15 The Bellafarney megalithic structure as seen from the east with one of
the prostrate slabs visible to the left of centre.
Figure SC.16 Plan of the Carranduff wedge tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.17 Extract from the 1st edition OS map of 1837 showing the enclosure at
Carrowneden (left) and the same area c.1894 (right) when the 25 inch
maps for the area were produced.
Figure SC.18 Plan of the Carrowleagh wedge tomb (after DeValera and O‟Nualláin,
1964).
Figure SC.19 Northeast end of the Carrowleagh wedge tomb from W showing
capstones and outer walling.
Figure SC.20 Plan of the Carrowleagh court tomb (after DeValera and Ó'Nualláin
1964).
Figure SC.21 Plan of the Ballyholan court tomb (after DeValera and Ó'Nualláin 1964).
Figure SC.22 The Rathreedaun standing stone as seen from the lower ground to the
west.
xii
Figure SC.23 Plan of the Carrownaglogh court tomb (after DeValera and Ó'Nualláin
1964).
Figure SC.24 Corimla South ring-barrow as seen from the northwest.
Figure SC.25 The Drumsheen mound from the northwest, a short distance from the
Carrownaglogh Bronze Age settlement.
Figure SC.26 Drumsheen mound and enclosure from south.
Figure SC.27 Carrowcrom standing stone from the north-east with stone row (4034SR) in the right background.
Figure SC.28 Carrowcrom standing stone from the east with Nephin in the distance
above the trees.
Figure SC.29 The front of the Carrowcrom wedge tomb as seen from the southwest.
Figure SC.30 The Carrowcrom standing stone from the southwest.
Figure SC.31 The Carrowcastle standing stone from the north-west.
Figure SC.32 The positioning of ogham inscriptions on the western face of the
Corrower standing stone (after Macalister 1945, 10).
Figure SC.33 Carrowcrom standing stone (4033-SS) from the west with second stone
(4018-SS) in background and Slieve Gamph on the horizon.
Figure SC.34 The Carrowcrom stone row from the west with standing stone (4018-SS)
in the background.
Figure SC.35 Possible mound in Carrownlabaun townland from the east. The
Carrowreagh passage tomb (PA-4013) is c.10m out of shot to the left.
Figure SC.36 Plan and cross-section of Corrower cemetery mound (after Raftery 1960,
80).
Figure SC.37 Revetment on the south-west side of the northerly Corrower cairn.
Figure SC.38 Cloonta mound from the north-east, as seen from the Carha standing
stone (SS-4003).
Figure SC.39 The Carha ring-barrow from the north-east.
Figure SC.40 The Carrownaglogh possible standing stone from the south-west.
Figure SC.41 The Carrowcrom possible megalithic structure from the ENE with
Nephin on the horizon
Figure SC.42 The Behy Beg ring-barrow from the north-east.
Figure SC.43 The pair of propped boulders at Carrowdoogan.
Figure SC.44 Plan of the Ballina unclassified megalithic tomb (after DeValera and
Ó'Nualláin 1964).
xiii
Figure SC.45 Plan of the Creggaun court tomb (after DeValera and Ó'Nualláin 1964).
Figure SC.46 Plan of the Drumrevagh court tomb (after DeValera and Ó'Nualláin
1964).
Figure SC.47 Plan of the Ballymacredmond court tomb (after DeValera and Ó'Nualláin
1964).
Figure SC.48 Plan of the Coolcronaun court tomb (after DeValera and Ó'Nualláin
1964).
Figure SC.49 Plan of the Lissaniska West megalithic tomb (after DeValera and
Ó'Nualláin 1964).
Figure SC.50 Extract from the 1st Edition OS map showing the position where a
fulacht fiadh is now recorded close to the village of Knockmore.
Figure SC.51 Above: Plan of the northerly Carrowreagh court tomb (after Ó'Nualláin
1989). Below: The area around the grouping of tombs in Carrowreagh
and Kincuillew (Image from the OSI Mapviewer).
Figure SC.52 Plan of the Letterbrone wedge tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.53 Schematic plan of the westerly Derrynabaunshy wedge tomb.
Figure SC.54 Plan of the westerly Culdaly wedge tomb (after Ó'Nualláin 1989).
Figure SC.55 The entrance to the portico with the large septal stone at centre.
Figure SC.56 Above: The Larganmore standing stone from the north. Right: The
eastern face of the stone.
Figure SC.57 The Corlee stone row as seen from the north with the profile of Rush Hill
on the horizon.
Figure SC.58 Plan of the Knockfadda court tomb (after O‟Hara 1991, 54).
Figure SC.59 Doonty cairn as seen from the north-east.
Figure SC.60 Upper: Plan of the Doonty wedge tomb (after DeValera and O‟Nualláin
1964). Lower: Some elements of the now destroyed tomb incorporated
into the modern field boundary.
Figure SC.61 The Prebaun cist as seen from the north.
Figure SC.62 Left: Prebaun portal tomb from the east. Right: Plan of the Prebaun
portal tomb (after O‟Hara 1991, 57).
Figure SC.63 The Callow boulder burial from NNE with standing stone (7053-SS)
behind.
Figure SC.64 Culdaly standing stone from the north with Doonty hill on the horizon.
Figure SC.65 The Cuillonaghtan stone row from the north-west.
xiv
Figure SC.66 Outlying upright slab with stone row behind.
Figure SC.67 The Lismoran standing stone.
Figure SC.68 Left: The Corlee prominent boulder as seen from the east. Right: Closer
image of the boulder from the east with the Corlee stone row in the
background.
Tables
Chapter 3
Table 3.1
The types and quantities of sites within the study area on and around
Slieve Gamph.
Table 3.2
The types and quantities of artefacts discovered within the study area
around Slieve Gamph.
Abbreviations
ASI
Archaeological Survey of Ireland
By.
Barony
Co.
County
DEHLG
Department of Environment, Heritage and Local Government
DEM
Digital Elevation Model
GIS
Geographic Information System
GPS
Global Positioning System
GSI
Geological Survey of Ireland
NMI
National Museum of Ireland
OD
Ordnance Datum
OS
Ordnance Survey
Ph.
Parish
RMP
Record of Monuments and Places
RMR
Recorded Monuments Register
SMR
Sites and Monuments Record
Td.
Townland
TIN
Triangulated Irregular Network
xv
Site Codes
AS
Anomalous Stone Setting
MT
Megalithic Tomb
BA
Barrow
OG
Ogham Stone
BB
Boulder Burial
PA
Passage Tomb
BU
Burial
PB
Prominent Boulder
CA
Cairn
PE
Pre-Bog Enclosure
CI
Cist Grave
PF
Pre-Bog Field System
CM
Cemetery Mound
PL
Pre-Bog Linear Feature
CT
Court Tomb
PM
Potential Site – Map
EN
Enclosure
PO
Portal Tomb
EW
Earthwork
PR
Post Row
FF
Fulacht Fiadh
PS
Prehistoric Settlement
FS
Field System
PW
Pre-Bog Wall
FW
Field Wall
RA
Rock Art
HA
Habitation Site
RD
Ring-Ditch
HO
Holed Stone
RE
Rectangular Enclosure
HS
House Site
SA
Stone Alignment
HT
Hut Site
SC
Stone Circle
IF
Iron Working Furnace
SP
Stone Pair
IS
Inscribed Stone
SR
Stone Row
MC
Miscellaneous
SS
Standing Stone
MD
Mound
TO
Tomb
MI
Midden
WT
Wedge Tomb
MS
Megalithic Structure
Volume 2
Artefact Catalogue
Site Catalogue
xvi
Acknowledgements
The compilation of information and production of this thesis would not have
been possible without the great assistance and encouragement that came from a number
of people. Firstly, Dr Stefan Bergh, who not only agreed to supervise the project but
also gave numerous valuable ideas and insights over the years. Very early in the process
it became apparent that GIS was going to play a large part in the analysis and
representation of the landscape around Slieve Gamph. As such, the assistance of the
staff of the computer services department at NUI Galway was invaluable with particular
gratitude to Collette McGuinness. At times of GIS crisis Nick Hogan, now at UCC, was
always available to answer questions and queries. Thanks are also due to the staff of the
Department of Archaeology at NUI Galway for the encouragement and interest shown
at all times during the project, particularly Professor John Waddell, Dr Carleton Jones,
Dr Michelle Comber and Joe Fenwick.
Gratitude is also deserved by others who supplied valuable information on a
range of issues. Primary among these are the vast number of landowners who allowed
access to the various sites across the region, and in many instances went much further,
supplying information on the sites and landscapes of the region. Joanna Nolan allowed
for access to information on the excavations at Tonybaun while Dr Kathryn Moore of
the Earth and Ocean Sciences Department at NUI Galway gave an assessment of the
geology of Slieve Gamph in the environs of Carrowreagh.
The project relied on a widespread programme of fieldwork, commonly in
remote areas. Getting to and from these places would not have been possible without the
time and effort of my brother Derek, who would deposit me in one place, before hours
later retrieving me from a different point miles away. This process was invaluable as it
negated the need to retrace one‟s steps to a fixed starting point, thus allowing for greater
areas to be covered on foot with great freedom.
Thanks are also due to all the postgraduate students who shared time and space
within the Department of Archaeology especially Jim McKeon, Rory Sherlock, Paul
Naessens, Fiona Gavin, Gerard Dowling and Roseanne Schot.
All forms of support imaginable came from my parents Margaret and Sean to
whom nothing was a problem. Finally, the greatest possible thanks are due to my
girlfriend Carol who dedicated just as much time, effort and sacrifice as myself towards
completing this project, and though not on the cover, deserves just as much credit for its
completion.
xvii
Chapter 1 – Where we are
Chapter 1
Where we are:
Aims, Methodology and Physical Geography
Introduction
The current project was stimulated by what one can describe as an imbalance in
the archaeological record for North Connacht, the area in question spanning portions of
the counties of Mayo and Sligo in the north west of Ireland. Within the region,
landforms vary from sea-level estuary and river floodplain to upland peat-covered
mountaintops with many intermediary stages in between. When one assesses the extant
prehistoric evidence across the greater North Connacht region, much is known about
renowned areas such as the Cúil Írra peninsula with its numerous monuments ranging
from the recently discovered causewayed enclosure at Magheraboy, to the famed and
much studied Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery, all overlooked by the imperious
Miosgán Meadhbha atop Knocknarea. To the south, the magnificent mountaintop tombs
on Carrowkeel have also received much attention over the centuries while sites to the
west such as the Céide Fields Neolithic field system and the court tombs at Ballyglass
and Rathfran have also garnered much attention. Later in the prehistoric period these
areas were similarly adorned with monuments dating to the Bronze and Iron Ages as
well as the more recent Early Christian and Medieval periods.
Amazingly, within this broad archaeological landscape, Slieve Gamph/The Ox
Mountains and its hinterland stand apart as a region largely untouched by archaeological
enquiry. In many instances it has been effectively demoted to serve as a backdrop to
adjacent areas where the archaeology is more visible and accessible. Slieve Gamph
however is one of the most dominant features of this landscape, influencing local
weather patterns as well as people‟s actions in the region. Even to the present day, the
mountain range still greatly influences all modern logistical activity with all roadways
and service lines taking routes either around the range or through the few available
passes. The main reason for the low level of archaeological investigation to date can be
ascribed to the fact that there are no visually dominant mountaintop monuments to draw
the attention and curiosity of potential investigators. Consequently, it would appear that
1
Chapter 1 – Where we are
the region never developed the mystique and renown more generally associated with
other areas where such monuments were to be found and over time drew researchers
from far and wide.
At the outset of the current project this apparent lack of monuments or any
substantial mythological references was in itself fascinating. In order to investigate not
only the archaeology of the mountain range but also its influence in the surrounding
landscape, the least studied, least recorded, western part of the range was selected. In
defining the bounds of the study area natural topographical features were chosen where
possible to adhere to elements of the landscape that would have existed in prehistory.
The most extensively employed boundary feature was the River Moy as it not only rises
on the eastern side of Slieve Gamph but flows southwards before turning around the
southern end of Slieve Gamph and then progressing north (Figure 1.1). At the point
where the Moy starts to move north the boundary of the study area migrates to the
eastern edge of Loughs Cullin and Conn. At the northern end of Lough Conn no
physical features lent themselves towards serving as a boundary so it was necessary to
chart an arbitrary line from the lakeside to the most southerly point of Killala Bay, at the
modern town of Ballina. From here the boundary follows eastern shore of Killala Bay as
far as the town of Easky before following the course of the Easky and Buncrowey
Rivers, ascending the western side of Slieve Gamph to a point less than 1km from the
source of the Moy. Consequently, the study area comprises an area of c.750km2,
extending across the counties of Mayo and Sligo within which 397 sites, and 159
artefacts, of a prehistoric or possible prehistoric date have so far been discovered. These
sites and artefacts form a horizon of prehistoric culture within the current study but not
withstanding their discovery or categorisation, the greater goal of the project is to
understand what these remnants tell us about broader prehistoric life in the region
around Slieve Gamph.
2
Chapter 1 – Where we are
1.1
Aims and Objectives
From the initial visualisation and planning of this project two overarching aims
influenced the ensuing survey and analysis. The first of these was the desire to develop
an understanding of life and landscape in the region throughout the prehistoric period.
In this endeavour it was believed that to understand how the human and physical
environments interacted, a comprehension of the trials, tribulations, successes and
failures experienced by the people who occupied the landscape in prehistory would be
necessary. The second main aim was quite old-fashioned in that it was a desire to add to
the current breadth of knowledge of prehistoric people and the landscapes they
inhabited. This aim operated on a number of strata from the inner-child joy of
investigation and discovery to an act of necessity in a landscape of great variation and
inconsistency in the archaeological record. Simply stated, it was envisioned that the
only way to explore, and attempt to explain, these deviations in the record was to test
the validity of the archaeological record. If the result of this was simply to confirm the
absence of sites or monuments in a particular areas, which was very often the case, that
in its own way adds to the record pertaining to the region as commonly it is the voids in
distribution or knowledge that ask more profound questions of our understanding.
As with all projects of such a nature there were also a number of more specific,
targeted, aspirations that subsequent fieldwork and analysis were intended to fulfil.
Primary among these was to develop an appreciation of the nature of the interplay
between settlement and ritual sites in the region around Slieve Gamph. Alongside and
intertwined with this was the desire to consider whether nucleated or dispersed
settlement patterns could be identified using both known indicators of settlement
themselves and any associated ritual monuments in the locality.
It is commonly accepted that people‟s needs and desires change over time
depending on variations of internal and external factors ranging from personal choices
to economic or environmental stimuli. In many cases therefore the nature of site
placement can be seen to highlight changes in attitude towards the landscape across
time and space. As such, to investigate these changes is to glimpse elements of the
motivation that caused such societal changes. Here again we countenance an analysis of
elements we cannot clearly see, in this case the role played by the physical environment
on the lives of the people who interacted with it. Primarily, in such a topographically
varied landscape an assessment of the role played by routeways through the landscape
3
Chapter 1 – Where we are
Figure 1.1 – Left: The national and regional location of the study area (outlined in red).
Right: The physical features that form the boundary of the study area and the position of some of the
larger towns in the region.
and the attendant selection criteria for places of settlement and ritual was of great
importance towards this understanding, as was a realisation of how these routeways
were perceived and employed in the period of their use.
Among the other aims of the project was a more modern desire to set the few
previously undertaken local investigations into their wider regional context in terms of
their physical, domestic and ritual landscapes. In this it was hoped that this limited, but
detailed, knowledge could be used to enlighten our understanding of the greater region
in which those sites reside. To facilitate the numerous project aims a range of methods
were employed from modern computer generated mapping to more simple but no less
effective traditional, physical field survey. Along with the more general aims set out
here additional, more detailed, objectives will be outlined in advance of the various
chapters to which they directly apply.
4
Chapter 1 – Where we are
1.2
Methodological Approach
The main methodological ethos of the project is to initially adhere to the
principle of empirical field survey, and based on the evidence acquired, to interpret and
develop a narrative reflecting life in North Connacht through prehistory. Within such a
model, in a landscape that incorporates such a wide variety of sites, it becomes almost
unavoidable that certain aspects of fieldwork and the identification of sites will have
attendant quasi-phenomenological aspects. Although no individual sociological or
philosophical thesis is being used as a methodological tool, the vast areas involved and
the search for previously unrecognised sites will always be an experiential exercise.
Consequently, the identification of anthropogenic elements of the landscape is a result
of what one recognises as differing from the natural landscape and by that very nature is
based on one‟s interaction with the current landscape.
The actual survey process itself was primarily carried out on foot as this not only
allowed for access into the uplands but also facilitated movement through the landscape
in a fashion not constrained by the modern road network. The main advantage of this
method was that it allowed for the development of an appreciation of the current
topography, and by encountering different landforms on a regular basis, engendered an
appraisal of how that topography may have appeared
in prehistory. In terms of the physical performance of
field survey the foot based method was useful in that
greater areas of upland Slieve Gamph could be covered
in a single day as one did not have to retrace one‟s
steps or work in unnecessary loops to return to an
initial starting point. As a result of the freedom
afforded by this method, a number of unrecorded sites
were discovered throughout the region including the
Carrownaglogh stone pair and alignment as well as the
Culdaly standing stone (Figure 1.2). The only
disadvantage of this type of survey is its time
consuming nature but this is an acceptable sacrifice
when one considers the results that can be achieved.
Numerous maps were both analysed and
produced throughout the project from examination of
5
Figure 1.2 – The Culdaly standing
stone from the south with the
rising ground of Slieve Gamph
behind.
Chapter 1 – Where we are
historic maps depicting the region to using modern OS maps for route planning and infield orienteering, to the production of illustrative materials for the text itself. The
production of these maps was largely performed through the employment of GIS
(Geographical Information Systems) in conjunction with national vector data, RMP
databases1 and primary data produced by the associated research. These maps appear in
various formats the most common being sequentially coloured elevation models with
overlying contours in raster format. In some instances TIN models are used when
analysing very localised areas as these give a truer representation of the base
information being employed without excessive extrapolation (see Figure 4.2.4).
The use of RMP data carries with it a number of issues. Few of the RMP
catalogued sites within the study area for example currently carry substantial
descriptions making it difficult to assess a site‟s potential. The ongoing revision of
categorisations and the ability to update the records regularly will hopefully go a long
way towards alleviating this problem. Towards this end, the simplicity and availability
of the RMP online is a great aid to the desk based survey process in terms of site
selection and location for field survey. Future archaeological projects will undoubtedly
find this an invaluable pre-field survey investigative tool as the layers of information
that will eventually be provided will help to inform the prospective surveyor of many
issues regarding the site or sites in question. When viewed at a smaller scale, the
recorded location for each site is overlaid on a quite recent aerial photograph atop which
the relevant six inch map features and OS Discovery Series contour lines are visible.
The level of detail that can be gleaned from such a resource is greatly time efficient as
not only does it give a reasonable initial overview of an area but it also allows for easier
location of sites on the ground as one can use the modern field boundaries and other
recent landscape features not illustrated on the OS Discovery Series maps.
At the outset of the project it was envisioned that the field survey, which
composes the majority of the project, would be supported by a series of more detailed
technical surveys of either specific sites or locales for the purpose of investigating
anomalies that arose as the project progressed. Unfortunately, and to the detriment of
the strength of some of the hypotheses laid out as a result of the project, it subsequently
transpired that though wholeheartedly supported by local landowners, these more
focused investigations were made impossible by outside influences whose stance was
unyielding.
1
Outside the selected study area RMP site location data used to construct maps is correct as of July 2009.
6
Chapter 1 – Where we are
1.2.1
Terminologies and conventions
Although the area chosen for the study measures some 750km2 (Figure 1.1)
there is little detailed knowledge of all but a handful of sites where excavation has taken
place in the past. As such the dating of many sites is contingent on the application of
generally accepted trends such as court tombs being generally dated to the Neolithic and
barrows being either Bronze or Iron Age in date. As with almost all similar projects the
standard terminologies for time periods in Irish prehistory will be employed but there
will also be a more generalised time scheme used in terms of either Early or Later
prehistory. The earlier part of this sequence will combine the Mesolithic and Neolithic
periods with the second phase comprised of the Bronze and Iron Ages. In other
instances such as this a looser approach to classification of sites was used in certain
cases where it was thought that the Archaeological Survey of Ireland categorisations
were either restrictive or over-cautious. In a number of cases sites are referred to as
„possible‟ sites and in others are just described as actual sites if their credentials suffice.
A case in point is the series of „prominent boulders‟ that are mentioned at various stages
throughout the project. As it is still arguable whether these locales are to be considered
archaeological sites or not they are treated as possible sites pending future investigation.
The megalithic structure in Doonty townland is an opposite case however as it is clearly
a megalithic structure that resembles a kerb-cairn but as yet has not been recorded by
the Archaeological Survey of Ireland.
In the catalogues that were formed as part of the fieldwork associated with the
study a series of site and area codes were developed to aid the survey of monuments in
such a large tract of the country. These codes are not however used in the text of the
study when describing particular sites but are used as reference tools towards the
position of relevant detailed descriptions in the pertinent catalogue. Within the
catalogue of sites some images have been rotated to orient the north arrow so that it
aligns vertically up the page, this has been done so as to aid the reader in orienting
themselves with relation to the site. It is hoped that when subsequent associated text
refers to a feature in a given direction it will be easier to quickly focus on the point
under discussion. Within these representations all scales used are either the original
scales themselves or are accurate recolourings of the original scales.
In many areas across Ireland there are multiple spellings attributed to different
villages or townlands ranging from phonetic spellings of original Irish names to highly
anglicised versions. From the outset therefore it was decided that in the interest of
7
Chapter 1 – Where we are
clarity and to aid the location of particular places, the version of placenames used would
be that which appears on the current Ordnance Survey Discovery Series maps.
1.2.2
Layout, content and discussion
The narrative will first give an outline of the regional topography of Western
Ireland within which Slieve Gamph resides and identify the major features that
dominate the region. Following this summary, as the investigation and analysis of
prehistoric sites and landscapes requires quite a level of interpretation of the surviving
evidence, the second chapter will outline previous projects that took differing
approaches towards the investigation and presentation of prehistoric landscapes. It will
also discuss some issues that affected the current study as well as locally relevant
studies referred to throughout the project.
In starting our view of the archaeology of the study area we will first look at
general trends and distributions visible across the greater North Connacht region to
place the current study within its regional context in terms of the quantity, type and
distribution of prehistoric sites. Focussing specifically on the study area chapter four
describes a series of four localised case studies which have been chosen to highlight
specific attributes of the prehistoric archaeology in the hinterland of Slieve Gamph.
These are discussed at number of levels on the basis of aspects of similarity and
diversity from their neighbouring areas, as well as how these patterns were defined by
the interaction between people and their local environment.
The fifth chapter further discusses the results of the fieldwork undertaken
throughout the project but on this occasion discussion is not confined to specific areas
or monument types with the voids in the archaeological record of particular interest.
This more liberal view assesses what people, in the past and present, consider a
monument to be and how other less renowned types of monument may have been
perceived by past peoples. Following this discussion of people‟s psychological
landscape associations more physical interactions are investigated in the form of
people‟s movement through their landscape. This relationship is assessed not only on
how the topography shaped developments but also on how people put their own mark
on the landscape at important places in their spheres of activity. The project concludes
with an analysis of some of the more peculiar occurrences noted during the project and
how these may be viewed in respect to other instances both close to the study area and
in the broader Irish landscape.
8
Chapter 1 – Where we are
1.3
Physical Geography
The physical landscape of Connacht is comprised of a diverse combination of
rugged uplands, rolling drumlins and estuarine lowlands. Within the region a variety of
different topographical entities ally with each other to form a series of individually
distinctive stages upon which the human experience takes place. Considering that this
physical environment is one of the most dominant determining factors governing the
type, level and success of human activity it is necessary to develop an understanding of
the physical landscape within which prehistoric people operated.
At a macroscopic level the greater Connacht region is divided by a north-south
aligned belt of lakelands extending from Lough Corrib in the south through Lough
Mask and a band of smaller lakes in mid-west Mayo, eventually leading to the
conjoined pairing of Lough Cullin and Lough Conn (Figure 1.4). The territory west of
this band of lakes is typified by regions of high mountains interspersed by tracts of lowlying bogland. To the south, the open bog and rock outcrop landforms of west Galway
cede to the emergence of the renowned Twelve Bens that delimit the south-western
extent of a mountain grouping incorporating other very well known physical entities
such as the Sheeffry Hills and the Partry Mountains. The northern end of this grouping
is marked by the distinctive cone-shaped Croagh Patrick on the southern shores of Clew
Bay beyond which the terrain drops down to a collection of small lakes in the vicinity of
the modern towns of Westport and Castlebar. To the north of Clew Bay, the distinctive
Figure 1.3 – The distinctive profile of Nephin with Lough Conn at its foot and the Nephin Beg range
beyond.
9
Chapter 1 – Where we are
profile of Nephin and the Nephin Beg range dominate the skyline, while further north
again, broad expanses of blanket bog are interspersed by occasional peaks such as
Slieve Fyagh and Maumakeogh close to the North Mayo Atlantic coastline.
Slieve Gamph/The Ox Mountains is the most substantial mountain range east of
the aforementioned north-south lakeland band until one reaches the extensive uplands of
Sligo and Leitrim. The range lies at the northern extremity of a vast lowland region
stretching east as far as the River Shannon and south to the Slieve Aughty Mountains in
southern Co. Galway. The western portion of this region is home to an assemblage of
glacial drumlins that congregate around the Castlebar lakelands before extending out
into Clew Bay, forming the reputed 365 islands in the bay. This gathering of drumlins is
bounded on the east by a series of north-south oriented ridges and eskers that extend
from Slieve Gamph in the north as far as central Galway where they meet the western
extremities of the Eiscir Riada1. The majority of the eskers and drumlins are low ridges
of gravel and boulders with altitudes averaging from 60-90m OD. A number of
examples rise to a level above the average becoming highly visible characteristics of the
landscape. These range from the relatively low Slieve Dart, 6km north of Dunmore Co.
Galway, at just over 140m OD to the more lofty 262m OD example at Cuillalea, 5km
northeast of Balla, Co. Mayo. As with the Eiscir Riada which runs east-west across the
centre of the country, many modern routeways incorporate the Connacht eskers in their
north-south journeys, most likely adhering to long-established routes that kept to the
higher ground along their course.
1.3.1
Geology and glacial action
The oldest rocks in the region are those that form the Ox Mountain (Slieve
Gamph) and Rosses Point inliers (MacDermot et al. 1996, 10). The Ox Mountain inlier
extends for a distance of 104km from Newport in southwest Mayo to beyond
Manorhamilton, Co. Leitrim (ibid, 11). The inlier is a combination of three highly
metamorphosed rock units separated from each other by major faults or slides.
1
Running from east to west across the approximate centre of Ireland the system of glacially deposited
ridges collectively referred to as the Eiscir Riada form the main dryland routeway across the country.
Created at the end of the Midlandian glaciation as the glaciers subsided, the ridges served as a linear
routeway of higher, drier ground above the lower, wetter and commonly peat-covered lands either side.
The Eiscir Riada served as the major east-west routeway through much of Irish history and was home to
An Slí Mhór or „the great way‟. The Eiscir Riada appears in many mythological and historical accounts as
well as influencing the positioning of many of the more important historical sites in Ireland, the most
famed instance being the monastery and castle at Clonmacnoise occurring at the point where An Slí
Mhór, the important east-west routeway intersected with the River Shannon, the most important northsouth routeway.
10
Chapter 1 – Where we are
Comprised of various types of gneiss, the Slishwood Division forms the northern
portion of the inlier extending from c.4km east of Knockalongy to beyond the town of
Manorhamilton in Co. Leitrim (MacDermot et al. 1996, 5). Morphologically it takes the
form of a linear range of mountains with distinctive peaks and valleys, the most striking
being the „Collooney Gap‟ (Figure 1.7). Southwest of this division lies a less
metamorphosed Dalradian grouping that makes up the main body of Slieve Gamph and
is composed of schists with some pockets of granite (ibid, 11). The third rock grouping
in the immediate vicinity is the Callow Succession. Lying southwest of the Dalradian
group it is composed of schists so similar that it was once thought to be part of the
Dalradian group, however the rocks of the Callow Succession are slightly less
metamorphosed and separated from the northern group by a major break (MacDermot et
al. 1996, 14; Long et al. 1992, 21). Moving away from the Ox Mountain inlier the
lowland bedrock in all directions is composed of Carboniferous Limestone ranging
south as far as the Curlew Mountains and north to the Atlantic coast.
Over the millennia, the effects of glaciation and various other forms of erosion
have created highly distinctive features within the physical landscape of Slieve Gamph.
Northwesterly ice flows at the end of the last Ice Age carved numerous valleys and
passes through Slieve Gamph and other mountain ranges in the region (MacDermot et
al. 1996, 23). A case in point is the „Collooney Gap‟ situated in the northeast of the
mountain range which is a glacially formed pass that today acts as the main route
southward from the North Sligo region. In the wider landscape, the northwesterly
orientations of the Glencar valley near Manorhamilton and the Bricklieve Mountain
range further south typify landscapes that have been heavily influenced by these
northwesterly glacial movements. Within the current study area glacial activity has
created numerous different features that doubtlessly influenced prehistoric activity in
the region. North of Aclare Co. Sligo, glacial action gouged a wide upland valley within
which Lough Easky now resides (Figure 1.7). The current valley floor is situated at an
altitude of 170m OD, some 200m below the valley‟s western side. A similar situation is
to be seen further southwest along the range at Glendaduff where a valley floor c.100m
lower than the surrounding mountain range has been created. With the appropriately
simple local title of „The Gap‟, Gleann na Mochart is the third and most spectacular
pass through the mountain range within the bounds of the study area. The pass was
formed by a combination of glacial pressure acting upon a notable geological fault and
the erosive effects of glacial meltwater as it streamed to the northwest (MacDermot et
11
Chapter 1 – Where we are
Figure 1.4 – The locations of some of the major physical features in western Connacht
(background hillshade model after Driscoll 2006).
al. 1996, 23). The result of this action was to form a pass through the mountain range
where the mountain drops sharply 230m to the valley floor before steeply rising again to
its former height with striking visual effect.
While glacial reduction was widespread in the region many physical features
were added to the landscape as the ice retreated at the end of the last Ice Age. The
Loughs of Easky and Talt, both within glacial valleys, are held in place by glacial
moraines while the numerous eskers deposited around the margins of Slieve Gamph are
also distinctive elements of the post-glacial landscape (MacDermot et al. 1996, 22). The
ever-increasing number of quarries in the area testifies to the high volume of sand and
gravel contained within these esker deposits, and indeed in similar eskers in other parts
12
Chapter 1 – Where we are
of the country. It is likely that these examples were employed as routeways and areas
for occupation above the surrounding, commonly wet, lowlands.
Figure 1.5 – Gleann na Mochart, „The Gap‟, as seen from the west.
1.3.2
Local soils, relief and drainage
The wide variety of landforms visible in the greater Connacht region can also be
seen at a smaller scale within the bounds of the current study area. As one moves east
from Lough Conn, the broad floodplain of the River Moy gives way to gently
undulating hillocks and hollows which together compose the Ballina lowlands. East of
these lowlands, an upland plateau substantially composed of bogland leads to the foot of
the steeply rising western face of Slieve Gamph itself. Stretching out from the foot of
Slieve Gamph‟s northwestern face the land surface is dominated for several kilometres
by blanket bog before eventually being succeeded by degraded grey brown podzolic soil
that runs in a band along the coast towards Sligo Bay. This soil type is suitable only for
poor tillage or grazing, the latter being most common in modern times (Aalen et al.
1997, 17-18). In addition to the lowland blanket peat the higher ground of Slieve
Gamph is also peat covered. Both the upland „montane‟ type peat and lowland blanket
bog have been extensively cut away in the past leaving extensive tracts devoid of any
cover and the bedrock exposed. Evidence from Carrownaglogh at the western foot of
Slieve Gamph shows that peat growth in the lowlands began around 2000 BC, while
coring in Bunnyconnellan East some 3.8km to the south has demonstrated that peat
cover in that locality may reach a depth of 4.6m (O‟Connell 1990, 268-70). The
likelihood of sites being concealed by such a depth of peat is illustrated by the discovery
of a well preserved court tomb at Carrowleagh, 1.5km north of Carrownaglogh, as a
result of turf cutting in the mid 20th century (DeValera and Ó‟Nualláin 1964, 44).
The River Moy and its tributaries comprise the main drainage entity of the North
Connacht area. Forming over 60% of the current study area boundary, the River Moy
13
Chapter 1 – Where we are
Figure 1.6 – The Drumsheen standing stone with the Ballina lowlands stretching out beyond.
rises on the eastern side of Slieve Gamph before flowing southwest parallel to the
mountain range before turning to the north and finally discharging into Killala Bay.
Along its route the Moy acquires the contributions of numerous streams and small rivers
as well as draining the conjoined lakes of Lough Conn and Lough Cullin. These are the
largest lakes in the locality and are connected to the Moy by means of a short man-made
channel emanating from the eastern side of Lough Cullin. Further south, a number of
smaller lakes also drain into the Moy, either via small intermediary rivers and streams
or by first joining either Lough Conn or Lough Cullin.
The current study area is overlain by a vast network of streams and small rivers.
On the east and south of Slieve Gamph nearly all of these eventually feed into the Moy
but on the north of the range the majority make their way directly to the sea. Rivers
such as the Easky and Leaffony radiate out from Slieve Gamph to join the sea either
along Killala Bay or the northern coastline of West Sligo. Numerous small lakes are to
be seen inside the bounds of the study area, the better known of these being the Loughs
of Talt, Easky and Callow. Lough Talt and Lough Easky are each situated in glacial
valleys carved through Slieve Gamph and are drained by rivers of the same name, the
Easky River flowing north to the sea while the Lough Talt River like so many others
joins the River Moy east of Slieve Gamph. In advance of dredging in the last few
centuries the lower reaches of the River Moy would have occupied a floodplain almost
3km across in places. This would place a premium on fording and crossing points along
this stretch of the river such as those currently at Ballylahan, Foxford and Ballina. This
intertwining system of rivers would not have acted solely as a series of barriers to
14
Chapter 1 – Where we are
movement in the past, most likely serving a greater role as routeways themselves. This
rings true for the Moy in particular as, prior to the construction of bridges at Ballina in
the eighteenth century, the river would have served as a travel conduit inland from the
coast as it was navigable for several kilometres upstream. Vessels with a shallower draft
such as prehistoric log-boats would offer access to a vast network of waterborne travel
opportunities with the Moy navigable along almost its entire course and many of its
tributaries being just as serviceable.
Moving east of Slieve Gamph the mountain range gives way to a wide expanse
of lowland extending as far as Lough Gara and the Curlew Mountains. These
„Ballymote Lowlands‟ are interrupted by occasional „islands‟ of higher ground such as
Knocknashee and Muckelty Hill before eventually rising up to form the Bricklieve
Mountains and the mountains of south Leitrim (Figure 1.7). While largely being
lowland this expanse contains a liberal scattering of drumlins, with particular groupings
around Riverstown and Tobercurry (MacDermot et al. 1996, 3).
As it exists today the North Connacht physical landscape is a result of millions
of years of geological activity, glacial erosion and deposition as well as thousands of
Figure 1.7 – The location of some of the distinctive physical features in the region around the
study area.
15
Chapter 1 – Where we are
years of soil and peat development. These processes have resulted in a much varying
topography ranging from lowland floodplains to heavily altered mountains and hills.
These elements combine to produce the physical framework within which the people of
the prehistoric period went about their everyday lives. They travelled through this
landscape and exploited its resources all the while leaving their own imprint both
deliberately and through cumulative incidental actions. It is with an understanding of
the pre-existing topography and the progressive changes during this period in question
that we can attempt to decipher the relevance of deliberate changes made to the
landscape by the people of the period.
16
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
Chapter 2
The Lay of the Land(scape):
Theoretical Approaches and Previous Research
The investigation of prehistoric archaeology requires one to approach the subject
matter from a number of angles and use much varied processes in its examination and
interpretation. The processes involved can diversify from regimented survey and
recording to the development of hypothetical people and lifestyles that could have acted
in a particular region. This chapter will look at some of these approaches as well as
outlining some previous international and local projects that can be used to further the
understanding of the monuments and landscape of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland.
As there is currently no reliable evidence indicative of the Palaeolithic human
occupation in Ireland and the virtual invisibility of the Mesolithic horizon in the
landscape around Slieve Gamph we will begin by looking at another of the most
important periods in prehistory and the phase when people made their first alterations to
the landscape around Slieve Gamph, the Neolithic period. This will be approached by
charting some of the changes across Europe that heralded this change in lifestyle and
economy as well as viewing how these changes have been interpreted by modern
authors. One of the initial topics of conversation will be an appraisal of the level of
sedentism in Neolithic society followed by an assessment of what relevant artefactual
and field studies undertaken to date can add to the discussion and appreciation of
prehistoric landscapes.
The current project, similar to many others, draws from a wide sphere of
available information including primary field data and evidence gleaned from various
previous projects. These projects will be discussed in relation to their results and
usefulness in understanding occurrences around Slieve Gamph. The excavations at
Lislackagh and Rathdooney Beg are described in detail to highlight a number of issues
important not only to the understanding of the Slieve Gamph landscape but also to how
the understanding and interpretation of the landscape was developed. Rathdooney Beg
is a local example of a well known phenomenon by which monuments are used
recurrently over time, while along with Lislackagh, it highlights how virtually invisible
Iron Age strata can lurk within monuments of apparently different date. It is as a result
of such occurrences that throughout the project it became necessary to date certain
17
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
monuments as belonging to either Earlier or Later prehistory where a more definitive
date could not be ascertained.
Within the current project the use of various types of map plays a pivotal role in
building a familiarity with a landscape the reader may rarely interact with. The use of
GIS, the creation of thematic maps and the employment of other available remote
survey techniques are important in this endeavour to bridge the gap between physical
landscape and removed reader. This review will therefore conclude with an evaluation
of attitudes towards such resources, how they have been used previously and an
assessment of their position within the current project.
2.1
Thinking prehistory
The Mesolithic-Neolithic transition across Europe was once believed to have
been a period of increasing sedentism brought on by the demands and rewards of an
agricultural lifestyle. Increasing sedentism further signified by the emergence of a
penchant for the erection of large permanent monuments in the landscape. There is now
however growing support for the notion that the people of the Neolithic period may not
have been as rooted as once thought. Beginning with Julian Thomas‟ (1991) Rethinking
the Neolithic quite a number of authors now question the level of sedentism in Neolithic
society. Thomas (1999, 11) in particular suggests that the willingness of previous
authors to ascribe the impetus of Neolithic developments to an agricultural way of life
was driven by a romanticised view of an eternal pastoral countryside occupied by a
sedentary mixed farming society. As until recently little evidence was known from
Ireland it is not surprising that studies of the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition largely
based their efforts on evidence gathered across Britain and mainland Europe. In Europe
it is the interaction between the modernly designated „Neolithic‟ LBK1 culture and the
„Mesolithic‟ Ertebølle-Ellerbek culture that is of great interest (Whittle 1996, 365). The
LBK appeared as the quintessential Neolithic culture occupying and utilising fertile
loess soils, constructing substantial longhouses and using a standardised pottery form.
Discoveries of shaft-hole adzes indicate that they were interacting with other cultures in
Northern Europe and Southern Scandinavia, where one finds the Ertebølle-Ellerbek
culture (Thomas 1999, 15). The Mesolithic culture to the north did not however
1
LBK, Linearbandkeramik or Linear Pottery culture appeared in Central Europe c.5500 BC.
18
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
immediately assume the „Neolithic package‟ in place of their own way of life instead
adopting part of the Neolithic culture without wholesale changes to their own, making
use of a new beneficial technology as they saw fit (ibid. 15). The adoption of Neolithic
economic or technological elements by an indigenous Mesolithic society should
therefore be seen in this light where suitable components were taken up as they were
deemed worthwhile. This is also quite likely the way in which a more sedentary lifestyle
was assumed during the earlier parts of the Neolithic period as,
“These Neolithic people were herders, small-scale cultivators and users of a
still broad spectrum of resources. Their history was not one of inexorable
population growth, settlement expansion or subsistence intensification”
(Whittle 1996, 365).
As it relates to the Neolithic occupants of mainland Europe it would not be appropriate
to apply this vision as a model for every part of the continent though a certain thread
must also be assumed true for Ireland where the adoption of new technologies would be
dependent on proof of their potential benefits being borne out over time. Similarly, once
an economic shift did occur it would make little sense to completely abandon tried and
tested subsistence strategies when those resources available previously had not greatly
diminished as a result of the adoption of agriculture. Indeed it can be argued that
clearances in the forest cover allowed smaller fruit and nut bearing species to thrive
along the forest edges effectively making wild resources more available (GroenmanVan Waateringe 1983, 227; Cooney 2003, 49).
Consideration at this point must be given to how the Irish case may differ from
models visible in European prehistory particularly in the light that the time lapse
between the LBK horizon in Central Europe and the appearance of Neolithic
technologies in Ireland is almost 1,500 years. In subsequent phases a significant
contraction in the timespan required for technologies to cross the continent can be noted
such as the appearance of metallurgy across Europe. Initially a Copper Age can be seen
to precede the more renowned Bronze Age though the further west one moves across
the continent the shorter this Copper Age lasted as the improving bronze-working
technologies spread more quickly in its wake. By the time this phenomenon reached
Ireland the preceding Copper Age only spanned approximately 200 years. Following
this model of increasing speed with westerly movement on the coat-tails of other interrelatable elements it may have been the case that what once would have been
decipherable chronological gaps between the appearance of Neolithic elements in
Central Europe would see each element arriving into Ireland in relatively close
19
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
succession. If it was the case that the technological elements now associated with the
Neolithic arrived into Ireland within a reasonably short timeframe is hardly surprising
that agriculture and a more sedentary lifestyle were perceived as interdependent
elements of that era. The idea however of a homogenised Neolithic falls down not only
in regard to the vast chronological gaps that can be identified across Europe but also
when one looks a little closer to home. On the intermediary island of Britain the
association of agricultural economy and sedentary lifestyle differs from both the
European and Irish examples as well as varying across the island itself. In southern
Britain for example there is a marked contrast between the ephemeral appearance of
Neolithic houses which leave little trace and the more substantial Scottish and Irish
examples (Bradley 2007a, 42). This pattern cannot be used as evidence of lower scale
activity in that region in the Neolithic however given the logical route of conveyance
that the elements of the Neolithic way of life would have taken into Britain and Ireland.
Indeed the greater number of large pits containing both domestic and ritual deposits in
the region, some of which are hypothesised as being associated with the abandonment
of settlement sites, illustrates that a different, insular form of Neolithic settlement
activity was being undertaken at the time (ibid. 46).
The main enquiry at this point however is to what extent sedentism became the
norm for Neolithic peoples in Ireland. Based on the evidence from the Céide Fields on
the North Mayo coast it has largely been acknowledged that the mainstay of the
agricultural life at the time was stock-rearing, particularly of cattle, supplemented by
limited cereal production (Caulfield 1983; Waddell 1998). The landscape positioning of
the Céide Fields would appear to support this as the site is located close to the northern
foot of Maumkeogh Mountain which would allow for seasonal transhumance while
close proximity to the sea facilitated the exploitation of marine resources. This pattern
of local movement through the landscape was augmented by more distant contacts. The
appearance of porcellanite axes across the country indicates contact between distant
groups of people and the main sources of porcellanite at Tievebulliagh and Brockley in
Co. Antrim. Indeed analysis by the Irish Stone Axe Project demonstrated that 53.8% of
the then examined axes1 were procellanite with only the counties of Longford and
Waterford not represented (Cooney and Mandal 1998, 58). The two main methods that
are commonly mentioned to explain the spread of porcellanite axes across the country
are long distance trade and gift exchange. Both of these methods require considerable
1
A total of 13,569 axes at that time.
20
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
travel and contact involving discussions regarding the properties and origins of the
material. Although this type of travel differs from that associated with practices such as
transhumance both would have combined to form a significant element of mobility in
the lives of Neolithic peoples within local spheres and beyond.
2.1.1
Investigations into Irish prehistory
One of a number of large-scale long-term projects commenced in the 1990s „The
Irish Stone Axe Project‟ sought to analyse each of the known Irish stone axes and create
a database containing details of their discovery, physical characteristics and raw
material (ibid. 1998, 4). The first and only monograph published by the project to date
primarily focussed on general patterns visible in the national distribution and the
petrology of the axes analysed at that point. With the vast number of axes involved in
the study it is not a surprise that information about each individual axe was excluded
from this interim monograph until the publication of the database itself and though this
has not yet happened the project was awarded a major grant from the Irish Research
Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences in 2006 for the development of a webbased version of the database (www.ucd.ie/archaeology/research/researcha-z/isap/).
Established in 1992 The North Munster Project under the auspices the
Discovery Programme investigated a vast 9000km² region incorporating counties Clare,
Limerick, Kerry, and Tipperary with research focussing on the later prehistoric period
and the Later Bronze Age/Early Iron Age in particular (Grogan 2005b, 1-2). To
facilitate the project a landscape archaeology theoretical approach was adopted
incorporating social, spatial, ritual, economic and historical aspects of prehistoric life to
effectively view “the perceptual landscapes of prehistoric peoples” (ibid. 6). The
evidence gathered was analysed using a series of databases of sites and finds as well as
the incorporation of GIS to manage and evaluate the information gathered. As the
project progressed however the unfeasibility of completing all the investigations
(particularly excavations) set out in the original research design led to a reallocation of
resources towards a number of specifically designated less extensive „landblocks‟ that
could then be analysed in detail. The results of the project were presented in two
volumes published in 2005 the first of which is dedicated to what is identified as the
„Mooghaun landblock‟, a more manageable 286km² area of south-east Co. Clare
selected to include the well known hillfort and nearby Late Bronze Age hoard that lend
their name to the „landblock‟ (Grogan 2005a, 7). The second volume takes a more
21
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
general approach and analyses the prehistoric landscape of the entire study area of
North Munster and though it approaches all elements of the prehistoric period both the
study and discussion undertaken are heavily weighted in favour of the timeframe of the
overall project, the later prehistoric period. A wide-ranging body of investigative
methods were employed throughout the project including various desk-based surveys,
field survey, excavation, aerial photography and palynology (Grogan 2005b, 6).
The results of the project illustrated that four varied sub-regions could be
identified within the Munster/South Leinster area signified by typologies of sites and
artefacts; with the North Munster region being typified by the use of sheet goldwork
(ibid. 145). Within the North Munster region further sub-divisions and territorial
boundaries were visible that were interpreted as being the result of a social structure
based on familial links and extended lineages while the positioning of cemeteries on
opposing sides of natural boundary features such as rivers was seen as a reinforcement
of these boundaries (Grogan 2005b, 142). Close spatial relationships between high
status residential sites, ceremonial circles and sites of votive deposition also led the
author to surmise that there would have been a strong element of social control being
implemented by a choice individual or family to whom the greater community shared an
allegiance (ibid. 143).
To illustrate the results of the project a large number of maps were generated to
show site positions and artefact findspots as well as to express the proximity of one to
the other and possible inter-relationships between them. The use of GIS allowed not
only for the production of these maps but also for viewshed analysis of areas around
some of the numerous hillforts in the region. Many of the maps produced are however
at quite a large scale and lack sufficient vertical contrast to give the reader a concept of
the local landscape setting of many sites while photographs that could be used to fill this
perceptual void are absent. In many cases pre-existing sites have been omitted from the
profusion of maps while minimal discussion of their existence within later prehistoric
site distributions creates a void in the landscape timeline essentially disconnecting
activities of the later prehistoric period from those that went before. In drawing the
results of the project onto a national platform an interesting comparison is made
between the distributions of later prehistoric sites in North Munster and their
counterparts in North-East Connacht which incorporates the current study area.
Concentrations of sites such as that of the fulachtaí fiadh to the north of Turlough, Co.
Mayo and the profusion of barrows in the Ballymote lowlands are described and
22
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
interpreted as „cores‟ of activity distinguishable from each other by the nature of their
component elements with particular reference to fulachtaí fiadh and barrows (Grogan
2005b, 174-181). The Recorded Monuments Register (RMR) is the primary source of
information used for the investigation of the region and as such there is little discussion
of the landscape aspect of the relevant sites or potential outside factors that may have
influenced the creation of the concentrations described while problems related to the
misidentification of sites within the record are not addressed. Later prehistoric axes and
swords are comprehensively listed by national region but in relation to the North-East
Connacht region they are not given individual discovery locations so their relationship
to the aforementioned „cores‟ cannot be analysed.
As noted on numerous occasions throughout the study of prehistoric archaeology
the deposition of objects in wetland contexts is an aspect common to numerous regions
in Ireland, Britain and beyond. Grogan (2005a and 2005b) mentions frequent
occurrences within the study area of The North Munster Project with the most
renowned being that at Killaloe on the River Shannon. This specific location was
selected for the deposition of objects in the water over a protracted period of time with
the consequence that the location, an important ford, was not defined as a result of a
radical visual modification of the site but as a cumulative result of prolonged activity
over time. The continual deposition of objects over this timespan demonstrates not only
the significance of the place itself but also the importance of the wetland context and the
role played by tradition and cultural memory which kept the process active and relevant
over millenia.
One of the goals of the current project in the environs of Slieve Gamph is to
develop an understanding of the importance and influence of various modes of
movement through the landscape during prehistory. It was with a similar objective in
mind that Condit and O‟Sullivan (1999) and The North Munster Project (Grogan 2005)
analysed the later prehistoric hillforts in proximity to the Broadford Gap, Co. Clare and
the apparently associated fording-places on the River Shannon. As noted above the
significance attached to the River Shannon crossing point between Killaloe and Ballina,
Co. Tipperary has long been accepted in light of the vast quantity of artefacts recovered
from the river at that point. Condit and O‟Sullivan‟s analysis of the extended area
included an appraisal of the surrounding topography as well as the material culture
previously discovered. They concluded that the hillforts at Laghtea and Formoyle Beg
were deliberately sited in dominant positions above important routeways so as to exert
23
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
both physical and symbolic control on people travelling to or from the fording points
(Condit and O‟Sullivan 1999, 35-37). The positioning of the hillforts in conjunction
with the vast amount of Bronze Age weaponry deposited at the fording points is seen as
representative of the political and territorial importance of the fords as well as the
increasing militarism that occurred throughout the Bronze Age (ibid. 37). The continued
importance of the position from at least the Neolithic and probably much earlier can be
seen as a reflection of the regard with which this point in the landscape was held
throughout prehistory. Similar results were noted by The North Munster Project for
numerous other hillforts in the region where the common appearance of conspicuously
large hillforts suggested not only that they were positioned to impose upon the nearby
routeways but also to compete with each other for status at a local level (Grogan 2005b,
124).
2.1.2
The hazy juncture between natural and cultural
It is not unusual for prehistoric sites to show regard for elements of the natural
topography other than rivers and wetlands, a point clearly illustrated by numerous
studies in south-west Wales that have shown the strong possibility of a connection
between cultural monuments and distinctive rock formations (Tilley 1994; Fleming
1999; Cummings 2002, Bender et al. 2007) as well as the effect of surrounding
topographical features on the layout of specific tombs (Cummings et al. 2002). Tilley
(1994, 94-105) for example describes how rock outcrops appear as dominant focal
points in the landscape that may be spatially related to megaliths (see Brück 1998, 2005
and Fleming 1999, 2006 for discussion). This association has also been noted by Corlett
(2002, 35) who suggests that the granite tors on Two Rock and Three Rock Mountains
in Co. Dublin may have been the inspirational stimuli that led to the construction of the
passage tombs in the locality. It is possible that natural rock formations may once have
been perceived as man-made structures while it has been suggested that during the
Mesolithic period there may have been a belief that certain natural rock formations were
erected by the ancestors (Cummings 2002, 112; Bradley 1998, chapter 2).
In the Bricklieve Mountains 35km east of Slieve Gamph a number of large
erratic boulders are strewn across the landscape and it has long been postulated that
many of these served as important features throughout prehistory. The Buddagh Da or
Daghda‟s Stone is a 2.8m high boulder situated some 1.3km to the south of and on the
same ridge as Cairn B of the Carrowkeel passage tomb cemetery (Moore 2002, 11).
24
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
With a name meaning the club or penis of the Daghda, the father god of the Tuatha De
Danann, it is thought that its position may mark a possible routeway from the south onto
the ridge‟s northern summit and onwards towards the location of Cairn B. Down a
steep-sided valley to the east of the Buddagh Da lies the „Stirring Rock‟ a massive
erratic boulder that at one time moved with the “most gentlest push” (ibid., 11). The
importance of this natural feature was signified and enhanced by the construction of a
megalithic monument just 5m away. Directly below the cliff atop which Cairn E is
positioned lies another large erratic boulder entitled the “Old Gate” which once again is
thought to mark a routeway which on this occasion leads from the valley floor to the top
of the ridge (Macalister et al. 1912, 319). During his investigations in the Carrowkeel
area Macalister (1912, 321) stated that the small but prominent Cairn A was too small to
contain any internal structure and as such he did not spend much time excavating it
though he did remark that it was constructed on two natural outcrops. Similarly his
examination of Cairn P also failed to reveal any internal structure save for four large
boulders over which the cairn material had been heaped (ibid, 330). The incorporation
of natural features within the matrix of such a highly ritualised monument may indicate
an assignation of importance to these natural features during the period of construction.
Similar occurrences have also been noted by Bender, Hamilton and Tilley
(2007) during their investigation of the Neolithic and Bronze Age landscape on
Leskernick Hill in Bodmin Moor in Cornwall. The project drew from many disciplines
ranging from archaeology and geology to the social sciences in the attempt to identify
the relevance the landscape played in the lives of the people who occupied it. An
extensive survey program focussed on recording the various natural and cultural
elements that made up the landscape while a very considered reflexive theoretical
framework was applied to the process of survey and excavation in the attempt to not
only interpret the evidence uncovered but to also understand how the resulting
interpretations were arrived at (ibid, 37). During the project a number of interesting
inter-relationships were discovered between cultural and natural landscape components,
the most obvious of which was the much noted practice of construction of substantial
hilltop cairns in relation to distinctive granite tors in the region. This was not a newly
noticed phenomenon but was one of a series of such juxtapositions that became visible
over the course of the project. A second was the identification of barely perceptible
25
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
stone circles, stone spirals and wall structures within the streams of clitter1 stretching
down the sides of the hill. Many of these features where constructed with minimal
interference to the overall clitter scatter where in some cases the act of construction
itself was as simple as reorienting some of the clitter stones or putting some of the
material in an upright position (Bender et al. 2007, 218). Many of the structures were
very small and became invisible from certain angles or from a distance leading
inevitably to questions as to whether the perceived structures were of human or natural
formation.
Somewhat more convincing however were a number of the circular houses built
within and of the clitter where there had not been substantial clearance to allow more
space around the house suggesting that a deliberately close association was being kept
between the house and its setting (ibid. 174). The third instance where the cultural and
natural environment intertwined is the most interesting and also possibly the most
relevant to the current project. It involves the excavation of a stone circle with what
appeared to be either a recumbent stone or earth-fast boulder at its centre. The results of
the excavation indicated that the central stone had once been an earth-fast boulder but
that it had been removed from its original position and placed transversely across the pit
from which it had been extracted while peat from the pit gave an Early Bronze Age date
of 1750 – 1540 cal. BC (Bender et al. 2007, 103). The explanation arrived at was that
contrary to either of the original hypotheses, as though the orientation of the stone had
been altered, it had always lain in a prostrate position and was neither a recumbent stone
nor an in situ earth-fast boulder. This suggests that at Leskernick there appears to be
two central considerations behind the inclusion and alteration of a natural boulder
within such a distinctly ritual construction. One is the desire to incorporate an overtly
natural element within the structure of the monument while another is that the natural
element could be altered in what now appears to be a minor way so as to conform to the
needs of the monument. This subtle alteration of a „natural‟ feature to construct a
monument is similar to the pattern of activity previously reported by Macalister where
rock outcrops and natural boulders were incorporated within the medium of Carrowkeel
cairns A and P respectively. It would seem to be quite a modern approach in that it may
have been the appearance of the monument that was of central concern as opposed to
1
“Clitter is a rather evocative Cornish term used to describe extensive boulder and stone spreads that lie
downslope of upland tors on the granite hills of the county... It is assumed that they formed as a result of
the large-scale frost shattering of the tors and the downslope movement or mass wasting of the shattered
material during periglaciation” (Bender et al. 2007, 208).
26
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
actual originality. It also shows that although separated by almost a century and a
myriad of different approaches to archaeology the excavations by Macalister and
Bender et al. both noted the central role played by natural features within the matrix of
the prehistoric monuments they were investigating. They not only indicate that
„naturally inspired‟ monuments were constructed across Britain and Ireland but that
throughout the history of both archaeology and antiquarianism the status assigned to,
and treatment of, such monuments depended heavily on the prior expectations and
eventual goals of the investigator.
2.1.3
Local studies in North Connacht
Located to the east of the current study area, excavations by Mount in 1994 at
Rathdooney Beg highlight the continuity of occupation in the region. Positioned on the
summit of a drumlin ridge just north of Ballymote Co. Sligo, Rathdooney Beg had long
been recognised as the site of a small barrow cemetery, one of three along the same
ridge (Mount 1994, 79). With panoramic views of Sligo the site‟s location maximises
the effect of previously constructed monuments in the immediate and distant landscape.
Knocknarea with Miosgán Meadbha on top is visible to north, Carrowkeel passage tomb
cemetery to the south-south-east, the large cairn on Kesh Corann to the south and
Knocknashee with its cairns and hillfort to the west (Mount 1994, 79-80). The three
cairns located in eastern Slieve Gamph are also visible to the north-north-east (ibid. 80).
The cemetery itself consists of a large bowl barrow (Site 1), a second smaller bowl
barrow (Site 2) with a saucer barrow (Site 3) adjoining it. This figure-of-eight formation
draws parallels with numerous other sites of a similar period such as the house sites at
Navan Fort and the Teach Cormac/An Forradh conjunction on Tara.
Excavations focussed on the two conjoined barrows with the interior of the
saucer barrow and the ditch of the smaller bowl barrow being investigated, a relatively
small cutting was inserted across the ditch of Site 1 to examine the enclosing ditch and
recover possible dating material (Mount 1999, 340). Samples of preserved seeds from
the ditch were radiocarbon dated to 3930-3520 cal. BC indicating silting of the ditch
had begun by this period (ibid. 340). A radiocarbon date for Site 2 was obtained from a
portion of carbonised oak planking found in its ditch. This discovery indicates that the
ditch had begun to silt up by 380-120 cal. BC. A date of BC 114 – AD 71 for Site 3 was
extracted from charcoal recovered from one of three shallow pits discovered under the
mound (Mount 1994, 84). The construction sequence and dates observed at Rathdooney
27
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
Beg are evidence of both re-use of a pre-existing ritual site and continuity of occupation
of the surrounding landscape itself. The positioning of the Neolithic mound in a
prominent topographical location in clear view of a host of other monuments of a
similar era would have engendered the site with just as much ritual significance as its
mountaintop counterparts, a fact not lost on later people who recognised and further
adorned the hilltop.
The radiocarbon dates from the later phases at Rathdooney Beg can be
favourably compared to those recovered from Lislackagh near Swinford, Co. Mayo
where excavation of what was originally considered to be an Early Christian ringfort
was necessitated by the imminent construction of a by-pass south of Swinford town.
Occupying a commanding position on top of a ridge, overlooking the Killeen River to
the south the site originally portrayed the morphological characteristics of a ringfort
with a circular bank and ditch with an entrance on the south-east (Walsh 1995, 7).
During excavation however three circular features ranging between 3.6m and 4.6m were
uncovered below the ploughsoil. These were interpreted as the remains of small huts or
ring-ditches and charcoal discovered in their foundation trenches hinted at the
possibility of their destruction by fire. Iron-working had also taken place on site as
evidenced by the discovery of a pit-furnace, furnace bottoms and some smelted but
unforged iron. A wide array of lithic, iron, bronze and glass finds were recovered but
the radiocarbon dates were most unexpected. The dates placed all of the structures in the
Iron Age between 200 BC and AD 140 and not the expected Early Christian period
(ibid, 7). These dates indicate occupation of the structures at Lislackagh in the same
period as the later phases at Rathdooney Beg.
2.1.4
Previous attention to Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
Apart from brief mention or description, all previous large-scale prehistoric
studies undertaken in the greater North Connacht region have generally ignored Slieve
Gamph, particularly the southern reaches of the mountain range. Caulfield (1983) only
mentions Slieve Gamph in the process of describing the general North Mayo
topography within which the Neolithic field systems at Belderg reside. In his analysis of
Knocknarea and the Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery Burenhult (1984, 29) solely
states that;
“…the primary Ox Mountains…creates a sharp natural border towards the
south and east and are a dominating feature.”
28
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
To date the most extensive appraisal of prehistoric activity in the environs of Slieve
Gamph has been carried out by Bergh (1995) whose study analysed the cairns situated
on the peaks of the northern reaches of Slieve Gamph in the context of their relationship
with sites in the Cúil Irra region.
Incorporating the current study area Springs‟ (2003) Landscape of Wedge Tombs
in NW Ireland focused heavily on sites previously acknowledged to be wedge tombs
and though quite an extensive index and photographic record was produced the rigidly
formulaic survey and recording methods appear to have hindered the project as a whole.
Misidentification of sites within the current study area, the virtual omission from the
study of the vast quantity of unclassified megalithic tombs in the region and the
relegation of pre-existing monuments to a lesser role in the study undoubtedly tainted
both the resultant distributional data and the conclusions derived from such data.
Very few sites have been excavated within the bounds of the current study area.
The most significant to date was carried out on a pre-bog farmstead near the western
foot of Slieve Gamph in the townland of Carrownaglogh, Co. Mayo. Excavation
uncovered the remains of a sub-rectangular stone-walled enclosure measuring over two
hectares in area within which a small 7m diameter hut with a central hearth was
discovered just north of the centre of the main enclosure (O‟Connell 1990, 260).
Radiocarbon dates recovered from cultivation ridges within the enclosure and from a
hearth under the stone-built enclosure wall suggest that the earliest phases of activity at
the site occurred around 1200 BC (ibid. 268). Pollen analysis from the site shows a
major phase of woodland clearance around 750 BC indicating an expansion of
agricultural activity in the area at that time (O‟Connell 1990, 268). In addition to the
study at Carrownaglogh two other palaeoecological investigations were undertaken
along the western foot of the Slieve Gamph mountain range to examine the nature of
prehistoric agricultural activity in the region. These studies were undertaken at
Bunnyconnellan East and Lough Doo located 3.8km and 10.7km southwest of
Carrownaglogh respectively. The overall result of the three palaeoecological studies
was to show that although there is extant megalithic evidence for human activity in the
region during the Neolithic period it is not until the middle and later Bronze Age that
evidence for significant woodland clearance occurs in the pollen record (O‟Connell
1990, 276-7).
On the western side of the River Moy the recent realignment of the N26 BallinaFoxford roadway necessitated a series of excavations in advance of construction where
29
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
preliminary results indicate the discovery of up to thirty sites of archaeological potential
deriving from a variety of eras. One site uncovered was a previously unrecorded fulacht
fiadh in the townland of Carrowntreila while excavation of a known Children‟s Burial
Ground in Tonybaun to the south of Carrowntreila was also undertaken. As a result of
these excavations two stone axes, a concave based arrowhead and over 250 flakes of
chert and flint were recovered. As many of the finds were recovered from unstratified
contexts the information they could potentially supply is greatly reduced, importantly
however they confirm not only human activity in the prehistoric period but also the
importation of non-native flint into the region. One of the most important finds from
this excavation was that of a flint microlith (Joanna Nolan pers. comm.) which
represents the first conclusive evidence of a human presence in the region during the
Mesolithic period, moreover this discovery pushes the envelope of human activity along
the River Moy and in the region as a whole back to the Early Mesolithic period.
2.1.5
The Record of Monuments and Places
One of the more large-scale archaeological projects undertaken in Ireland to date
is the ongoing compilation of inventories of archaeological sites within each county in
the state. The results of this field survey work are then being used to update the Record
of Monuments and Places (RMP) relating to each county. As such the first ports of call
in all archaeological investigations are the RMP and the relevant county‟s
archaeological inventory from where one can begin to understand how many and what
type of sites exist in an area. The RMP is commonly used to gauge an initial
appreciation of sites of all time periods as well as general locational data of those sites.
The county inventory can then be used to „flesh-out‟ this basic information with a
sometimes quite detailed description of the site, or sites, in question. Unfortunately at
the outset of the current project neither of these normally helpful and time saving
sources relating to Co. Mayo were comparable to other counties. Initial analysis of the
RMP to identify prehistoric sites that would be relevant to the study was greatly
hindered by the lack of detail contained within site classifications. Easily definable sites
such as megalithic tombs or standing stones were generally clearly identified but this
did not continue into the realms of the less simply definable, commonly earthen,
monuments. As such the record contained vast quantities of sites simply identified as
„enclosure‟. No indication of potential date was given meaning that sites as varied as
barrows, ringforts and on occasion moated sites were all included within the
30
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
overarching „enclosure‟ title. As the ringfort is one of the most common field
monuments in Ireland the difficulty of identifying earlier sites such as barrows among
such a large body of possibilities is obvious. This occurrence in the Mayo RMP stood in
stark contrast to the RMP for Sligo where the accuracy of site recording was much
higher.
Figure 2.1 – The Corimla South ring-ditch which was originally recorded in the RMP as a mound.
A second difficulty of the record is the current absence of a published inventory
for Co. Mayo or North Co. Sligo which further hindered the process of extracting
relevant prehistoric sites from the corpus of enclosures. Compilation of inventories for
both areas is currently underway though publication of relevant inventories appears to
be a distant prospect. Contact with those engaged in the survey highlighted the
difficulties that are caused by a substantial time lag between survey and published
results as the survey for a large proportion of the Mayo is now complete which has led
to the identification of a number of pertinent sites within the study area including the
large ring-barrow at Behy Beg to the east of Ballina. The very recent development of an
online viewer1 of the RMP for the whole country has gone a long way towards helping
to eradicate the void between field survey and publication of a hard copy inventory.
1
Available at www.archaeology.ie.
31
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
2.2
The ‘landscape’ combination
The description and study of a landscape cannot be seen in simplistic fashion,
any landscape is a continually evolving and changing entity composed not only of the
visible topographical features but also of an abundance of unseen elements. As such any
given landscape does not solely exhibit one component or reside in one chronological
period, various eras and actions overlay and interact with each other to form a
continuum of natural and human activity. Prior to the development of more allembracing research strategies many archaeological studies separated sites and artefacts
from the specifics of their locality in the attempt to comprehensively describe and
categorise the objects or sites in question. However with the increasing acceptance of
post-processual theorising and the evolution of landscape archaeology since the 1970s
most projects now attempt some measure of assessment of the overall relevance of a site
or region. Landscapes are no longer perceived as the neutral backdrop against which
humans act but are now seen as integral to the actions that take place in and around
them. Using literary metaphor Muir (2000, 6) perceives the landscape as;
“…a parchment from which earlier inscriptions have been erased to make
way for new writing, but on which the older writing is still faintly visible.”
This vision however does not take into account the power of the landscape to influence
the „writer‟, the person who acts within and upon the landscape while the inference of
human as author emphasises the role of „Man the controller‟. The landscape-human
interaction is a more symbiotic relationship with changes instigated by one affecting the
other. This idea however has been rejected by Tilley (1994, 11-19) on the grounds that
the act of separating people in any way from their physical surroundings detracts from
the understanding of people, space and place as a whole. In reference to the process of
sub-division of landscape into its constituent elements he states that;
“A concept of place privileges difference and singularity; a concept of
landscape is more holistic, acting so as to encompass rather than exclude”
(ibid, 34).
The acceptance of the notion of an inter-relationship between all elements acting
upon and within a landscape has led to more in-depth considerations of what was once
perceived as a purely physical, inert entity. Developed from such thought processes, the
concept of landscape containing a „genetic aspect‟ holds that any person acting within a
given landscape is influenced by events and changes that may have occurred previously
32
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
in that landscape, be they natural or artificial (Keller 1997, 87). For people, this
relationship has the ability to constrain lifestyle by creating innate social and mental
norms or taboos that can influence the movement or choices of the individual in
question (ibid. 88). Such a model of a genetic, or familial, link between the landscape
and those residing within it also serves to influence the actions and thoughts regarding
the future for the residents. It is a frame of mind that imbues the landscape with an
importance beyond that of being simply a place of habitation and a vehicle of
sustenance supply, it is a world of now invisible places, paths and locales (Tilley 1994,
17-31).
Considering the mental significance ascribed to the ancient landscape by modern
writers it is hardly surprising that theories revolving around there being mental origins
for the construction of the first prehistoric monuments have become a central issue in
many attempts to interpret prehistoric landscapes and monuments. As a result of this
increasing acceptance of the importance of the mental aspect of the landscape the
application of theories drawn from modern philosophy has arisen. At the forefront of
these is Tilley‟s (1994) A Phenomenology of Landscape which examines three
prehistoric landscapes from a phenomenological viewpoint. To facilitate the
phenomenological methodological and interpretive framework Tilley asserts that
personal experiences of the landscape are universal and inflexible across time. This is
based on the premise that since the vessel of humanity remains fundamentally the same
throughout the ages the resultant experiences of similar vessels in the same landscape
must be equivalent at any given time. Such a rigid approach does not take account of
physical changes in the landscape over time or personal attitudes and priorities of the
person who acts within the landscape. More pertinent however as Brück (1998, 28)
points out, the body is a social construct, it is a cumulative result of physical and social
conditions in concert with personal experiences and expectations. In this sense it is the
multi-faceted „person‟ who interacts with the landscape as opposed to a nondescript
generic „body‟. In fact Tilley (1994, 18) himself notes that;
“All places have metonymic qualities… and differential densities of meanings
to their inhabitants according to events and actions they witness, partake in
and remember”. [emphasis added]
With these „differential densities of meanings‟ in mind it becomes impossible to
accept Tilley‟s prior supposition that all human experiences of the landscape are
equivocal across time given that he even acknowledges that people within the same time
33
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
period can have different experiences of a landscape depending on their prior
experiences.
The perception of the greater landscape having a mental component could be
regarded as an extension of the concept of the mental aspect within the origins of
monument building. Following from this notion the argument for the use of specific
physical places for monument construction is increasingly gathering momentum.
Studies of the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods in particular have attempted to identify
whether or not it is the actual location at which a site is placed that governed its
importance more so than the actual monument that was erected in that position. A
strong indicator of the continuing importance of a specific place is the re-use of said
location for the construction of a later monument. This is a recurring theme throughout
the Neolithic period and is particularly well illustrated at Ballyglass Co. Mayo where a
very close temporal proximity led the excavator to suggest that a pre-existing house was
demolished to facilitate the erection of a court tomb on the site (O‟Nualláin 1972, 4957). Among an increasingly sizeable number of such instances the pattern of activity
continuing at a particular location has been noted at Gwernvale in Powys, Wales and
Hazelton in Gloucestershire, England where Neolithic monuments were erected on the
site of pre-existing Mesolithic flint scatters while Le Pinnacle in the Channel Islands
and Caerloggas on Bodmin Moor are highlighted as examples of sites where such
continuity of use over an extended period of time strongly suggests that it is the
particular location that is of primary importance in the ritual process (Bradley 1993, 2629; Cummings 2002a, 76).
2.3
A landscape of interpretation
The term „landscape archaeology‟ saw burgeoning use in the 1970s culminating
with the publication of Aston and Rowley‟s Landscape Archaeology in 1974, a project
embarked upon to adjoin the process of field archaeology with the new study of
landscape history. Since this initial endeavour many following authors have taken their
own view and approach to the discipline with varying evolutions, results and critiques
emerging. The variety of views and approaches is hardly surprising given the broad
range of contributory elements that combine to create the totality of existence in the
landscape.
34
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
Within the sphere of landscape archaeology many terminologies tend to generate
overly simplistic mental images of the past, the term „archaeological landscape‟ for
example will commonly channel the reader‟s thoughts towards a personal, socially
construed mental vista where the individual perceives an artistic scene of flowing
physical geography from which the archaeological elements stand proud. This vision
sees the sites of bygone ages as being superimposed on a background canvas of
„landscape‟, a neutral entity that has no effect on the monuments in the foreground.
Such a separation of site from surrounding emanated largely from Romanticism and in
particular the grand vistas represented in numerous landscape genre paintings. Since
this preordained visual image dominates it is vital that the concept of landscape as
something more than a pretty backdrop be highlighted.
As a discipline, much of archaeology in its formative and early years was highly
empiricist in nature concerned with discovery, description and categorisation of
artefacts and monuments. The advent of „new archaeology‟ in the 1960s however
attempted to bring a more scientific thread to the study of archaeological remains. This
emphasis on scientific approaches however led to a continuation of the separation of
site, place and space as the abstracted information utilised by, and produced by,
scientific approaches had the effect of dehumanising the archaeological record;
“…new archaeology considered space as an abstract dimension or container
in which human activities and events took place. The implication of this
perspective was that activity and event and space were conceptually and
physically separate from each other and only contingently related. Such a
view of space decentred it from agency and meaning… The neutrality of this
space resulted in its being divorced from any considerations of structures of
power and domination” (Tilley 1994, 9).
Increasing disillusionment and dissatisfaction with the rigid and abstract
procedures and results of processual archaeology led to the development of a more
interpretive form of archaeological discourse in which all aspects of society were to be
incorporated. Post-processualism broke away from the strictly scientific approach to the
reading of the past in the attempt to see facets of past societies now invisible in the
archaeological record and though the post-processual movement had been active for a
number of years, Tilley (1994) was the first to make a concerted attempt to apply such
thought processes to archaeological landscapes. Unhappy with over-emphasis by
landscape and environmental studies on functionalist aspects he highlighted the lack of
35
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
consideration given to factors such as myths, cosmologies and symbolism while also
mentioning that;
“On the other hand, there exists a vast body of literature concerned with the
analysis of ritual performance and cosmological and social structures in
which the environment is equally irrelevant, a mere backdrop to the
unconstrained ramifications of the human mind” (ibid. 22).
Tilley‟s goal therefore was to amalgamate prior approaches to develop an understanding
that not only dealt with the physical empirical evidence but also with the more cerebral
aspect inherent within the landscape. Using a phenomenological approach drawn from
the work of Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty, Tilley decried the current concept of
landscape as a modern capitalist construct. Even the modern procedure of landscape
study through the use of cartographic resources is deemed unsuitable without context as
it is to be seen;
“as a product of capitalist economics which represent landscape as a
quantifiable resource that can be mapped, measured, bought and sold” (Brück
2005, 47 discussing Tilley 1994, 20-26).
In later publications he criticises desk-generated interpretations of archaeological
landscapes and the authors he believes responsible for them as being abstract and
objectified (Tilley 2004a, 224-5; Fleming 2006, 270). Although his strict
phenomenological framework does not work in its entirety in this criticism he is correct,
as regardless of one‟s views on theoretical approaches, the primary information with
regard to an archaeological landscape lies in the field where it awaits reading, recording
and discussion. Without interacting with that landscape how one could come to an
informed conclusion is unfathomable. Subsequently, interpretation of the evidence is
open to the application of various frameworks particularly within the realms of some
less inhibited post-processual writers where inference and conjecture abound.
The post-processual approach to landscape archaeology is one of self-liberated
freedom. It has as a central component the desire to go „beyond the evidence‟ and the
belief that more scientific archaeology brings the discipline no closer to a satisfactory
understanding of the past. Such freedom from the burden of empirical archaeological
evidence has led to a number of interpretational approaches of which phenomenology is
but one. In his critique of post-processual landscape archaeology Fleming (2006, 275-7)
highlights „the hyper-interpretive style‟ as being problematic on a number of fronts with
particular reference to its almost wilful disengagement from potential academic
criticism or future referrals. Edmonds‟ (1999) Ancestral Geographies of the Neolithic:
36
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
landscapes, monuments and memory is put forward as an example of the difficulties
associated with the hyper-interpretive style. The absence of in-text references or
footnotes is seen as being exclusive of the less knowledgeable reader while a loose
connection to data and argument make academic response or critique almost impossible
(Fleming 2006, 275). This loose connection to the primary data is accentuated by a
series of short hypothetical narratives describing past lives but very much written with
present sensitivities in mind. The episode of a woman expertly knapping stone is an
interesting example in that though neither the activity nor the protagonist is of concern
here what is of interest is that the deliberate depiction of such an occurrence appears to
be an indication of the author‟s willingness to consider modern feminist perspectives
within his interpretations (Fleming 2006, 275). Amusingly the start of the first vignette
portraying an old man spitting into the fire prior to beginning a story adheres to a
familiar stereotype avoiding a reversal to a young woman spitting into the fire. Could it
be that this is for fear of offending the sensitivities of the modern reader for whom such
a narrative is written?
The concept of a closer personal interaction with the physical world, particularly
in the distant past, has led to many modern romanticised visions where a „closer to
nature‟ trait is ascribed to the people of the time as well as inferring a degree of
environmental determinism and a consciousness of this determinism. Contributory to
these romanticised visions are contemporary moralities and sensitivities which colour
one‟s perceptions and interpretations of the past (Fleming 2006, 276). As such it should
not come as a surprise that viewing from concrete metropolises through a veil of
environmentalist guilt and political correctness many assign the „in touch with nature‟
label to the residents of past landscapes. Highlighting this potential interpretational
barrier Fleming (ibid, 276) correctly states that;
“Considerations of taste and the attitudes of our age impose their own
constraints. Outside satire or parody, we are unlikely to find a contemporary
archaeologist in the near future writing a narrative vignette like this: „as he
clubbed the odious bastard to death, he was conscious how well his skull
would look in the wall-niche – something to give the wife a thrill when she
did the dusting – and how good a few slices of his thigh would taste,
accompanied by a dandelion salad”.
Interestingly it is the social constraints and expectations that preclude such a depiction
in modern times that Tilley was attempting to access when applying phenomenological
theoretical approaches to his study of the ancient landscapes of the Black Mountains in
37
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
Wales. Critiques of nationalist and colonialist interpretations of the past have heavily
condemned the practice of either bowing to, or over-emphasising particular agendas.
Similarly, interpretations derived in the modern era must first recognise the current
trends in social spheres and secondly avoid deliberate or inadvertent manipulation of the
evidence with the goal of producing a result that sits comfortably with modern
sensitivities.
The numerous approaches to, and interpretations of, archaeological landscapes
vary almost as much as the landscapes themselves ranging from hyper-interpretive
flights of fancy to strictly empirical measurement and description. Within this
undulating landscape of interpretation it is imperative however that studies are grounded
on the evidence that resides in the region under appraisal. Later considerations may then
assess the evidence to develop a balance of probability and produce a narrative relevant
to that landscape which can be seen to hold against scrutiny by virtue of the strength of
its underlying evidence.
2.4
Keeping maps in mind
As the current project will make extensive use of modern cartographic and
survey techniques, particularly GIS, it is necessary to analyse the merits of such
techniques in the light of the fact that they are being applied to analyse time periods
greatly removed from modern ways of seeing the world. This consideration is largely
stimulated by a significant point raised by Fleming‟s (2006) critique of post-processual
landscape archaeology where he highlights the notable variation of attitude towards the
use of visual aids in volumes that take a landscape approach to archaeology. Tilley
(1994, 1996, 2004a, 2004b) uses both distribution maps and photographs extensively to
orientate the reader in space as well as to enable the reader to engage with specific
views or features discussed within the text. In a similar style Bradley (1993, 1998, 2000,
2002) makes widespread use of maps and photographs while Cummings et al. (2002,
62) also use various types of visual aid most notably an abstracted 360º depiction of the
topography adjacent to the Cotswold-Severn tombs of the Black Mountains. The
approach taken by these authors differs considerably from „hyper-interpretive style‟
writers such as Edmonds (1999) who in addition to shying away from in-text references
appear to make a concerted effort not to include over-arching vistas such as location
38
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
maps. Site plans are utilised though they generally tend to be line drawings that impose
a separation between the sites depicted and their landscape setting. Subsequent ideas of
landscape setting are portrayed through a limited series of aerial photographs which as
Fleming (2006, 270) has noted appear to have been selected primarily on the grounds of
aesthetic appeal. This assertion seems to be corroborated by the small size of a number
of these photographs which in effect condenses the visible landscape to such an extent
that only the target site is clearly visible (see Edmonds 1999, 133).
In many circles the concept of „landscape‟ itself has been widely critiqued as
being overly modern in approach as it is seen as being derived from a geographical,
Cartesian mindset derived from modern capitalist culture. This holds that the modern
perception of landscape is inextricably interwoven with cartography and capitalism
where landscape is to be seen, as previously mentioned, “as a quantifiable resource that
can be mapped, measured, bought and sold” (Brück 2005, 47 discussing Tilley 1994,
20-26). Techniques that provide the modern person acting in or studying a landscape
with perspectives outside that of the ground level view are seen by many postprocessualists as verging on the irrelevant. Maps are perceived with disdain similar to
that reserved for aerial photographs as they are unrealistic, sometimes romanticised,
visions giving over-views of vast swathes of ground unimaginable to the earth-fixed
prehistoric peoples. Moreover maps are alleged to be an objective view of the reality of
landscape and as such cannot be seen as neutral depictions of the topography as they are
created by a person with all the socialisation and prioritisation that they personally
embody (Johnson 2007, 85).
Emphasis on the drawbacks associated with cartographic production and use
however serves to devalue the mental capacity of prehistoric people and their ability to
perceive the world in an abstract way. As discussed previously there is now general
acceptance of the landscape of the past (and present) containing a „mental aspect‟. This
conveys a sense of deeper significance to the surrounding landscape and its variant
component elements, ascribing an ability of the inhabitants toward mental abstraction of
features of the landscape and the significance attached to them. It is not unreasonable
therefore to suggest that these abstract thought processes could have been extended to
apply to the concepts of space, place and direction. From an ethnographic perspective,
conducting a conversation with a person who has lived and worked all their life in the
landscape without the use of a map is an interesting exercise. In some cases they may
find the mental conversion to a „hard-copy‟ printed map somewhat of a hurdle but their
39
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
description of places and ways of movement are easily recognisable to a modern map
reader with even a moderate knowledge of the landscape in question. The main
alteration is the method of description of place and direction where the cardinal points
are replaced by expressions such as „along‟ or „towards‟, where the first marked
position on the mental map is „here‟, the current location, then followed by the desired
destination. The opposite is commonly the case when using modern high detail maps
prior to a journey where the destination is first marked before questioning how to get
there. Although an alteration of thought process is required to migrate between mental
and physical maps it is not as great as one may think, the person guiding themselves by
map will commonly orient themselves in relation to adjacent physical features before
reaching for a compass or more recently a GPS unit, for confirmation. More temporary
markers such as houses and stands of trees are also used in this form of „relational
orienteering‟ and while prehistoric examples of these may be invisible in the current
landscape their loss cannot be used as an excuse for the abandonment of the use of maps
in the study, characterisation or presentation of an archaeological landscape.
Questions arise at this point however as to the positive uses of such survey
techniques or visual aids and the level to which interpretation is helped or hindered by
these approaches. Most volumes that broach the subject of either cartographic or aerial
photographic usefulness take variations of the same initial stance, that while being
aesthetically pleasing and acting as guides to the empirical evidence on the ground they
draw attention to the topography and a world that is „lived on‟ as opposed to the human
world that is „lived in‟. This argument has merit when over-reliance on such aids
hampers a study or its interpretive processes but to ignore the positive utilisation of
these techniques entirely as a reaction to their potential shortcomings should they not be
utilised appropriately, is surely the greater mistake.
2.6
Discussion
From antiquarianism through to modern day archaeology North Connacht has
attracted the attention of numerous investigators intent on unlocking the secrets of the
prehistoric monuments of the area. Early in the sequence the highly visible sites at
Carrowkeel and Carrowmore were the focus of attention as the search for artefacts
overpowered the quest for knowledge of the people who built and were interred in the
40
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
tombs. Since then a more balanced line of enquiry has been followed though biases
have still developed as a result of unevenly distributed studies that tended to focus on
the more spectacular prehistoric monuments in the region leaving what was happening
contemporaneously around the western reaches of Slieve Gamph largely unknown. The
research that was undertaken focussed on areas to the east and west where evidence
stretching back to the Mesolithic has been uncovered. Within the current study area
itself quite a narrow strata of information has been recorded ranging from the basic
details of sites that eventually formed the current RMP to the cataloguing of finds in the
National Museum of Ireland and finally a small number of excavations undertaken at
various times over the last seventy years.
Across North Connacht a wide distribution of prehistoric sites can be seen with
distinctive clusters being visible within this greater distribution. Unfortunately only
minimal evidence of Mesolithic occupation has been recovered from within the study
area to date but the locations where this evidence has been uncovered to the east and
west as well as the number of stone axes found in the area highlight the potential for a
substantial level of human activity within the study area during the Mesolithic period.
Human activity in the Neolithic period is more easily discernible once again in the form
of the chronologically transcendent stone axes and the appearance of the numerous
megalithic tombs that spread out across the landscape. In the Bronze Age various
artefacts and monument types again give an indication of the distribution of human
activity in the region while changes in the pollen record show that it was at this time
that more extensive episodes of forest clearance occurred. The Iron Age has always
been one of the more difficult prehistoric horizons to identify without detailed
investigations in the form of excavation given the similarity of monuments in the
Bronze and Iron Age.
The substantial difficulty of assigning a date to particular monuments or
artefacts is commonly caused by the use of that site or artefact over a prolonged period
of time1. This is a particular issue within the bounds of the current project where 397
sites are under consideration, many of which do not submit to easy categorisation or
dating2. To alleviate this problem somewhat many of the sites have and will be
1
See the extended range of dates recovered from the nearby excavations at Rathdooney Beg for
example.
2
It must be noted that rigid categorisation of various site types, particularly megalithic tombs, is not
considered a goal of this project but that as this process is the only one that can help to date some of the
sites within the region at this time there is little option but to utilise this pre-existing framework.
41
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
discussed within two larger groups of Early Prehistory and Later Prehistory. As so little
is known about the Mesolithic within the study area the earlier of these is essentially the
time that includes the Mesolithic, Neolithic and up to the Early Bronze Age. Based on
the current evidence, or lack thereof, from the study area this period is effectively a
combination of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age eras, a timeframe that besides the
first appearance of metallurgy sees a continuation of use of stone tools and megalithic
tombs. The subsequent later prehistoric period can be defined as the era that saw
increased use of metal technologies and an alteration in ritual behaviour in the form of a
move away from the primary construction and use of megalithic tombs towards more
individualistic burial rites. Sites of this period also indicate an expansion of settlement
into the greater region with the concentration of sites along rivers and valleys on the
wane.
Many differing approaches have been taken towards the study of prehistoric
sites and the landscapes that they both occupy and help to form. These range from strict
empirical descriptions of what is to be found on the ground to highly interpretive
narrations of life in the prehistoric period. The phenomenological approach developed
to build an understanding of the perception of landscape has been critiqued for
disregarding the socialised nature of human experience while what has been dubbed „the
hyper-interpretive style‟ has been criticised for wilfully operating without reference to
empirical evidence. Both styles however have attributes that are relevant and useful in
the study of ancient landscapes. At a basic level the phenomenological approach
advocates the importance of empirical interaction with, and knowledge, of any
landscape under consideration. This topographical familiarity is an extremely important
component in the interpretation of past landscapes without which the criticism of the
use of cartographic sources as being abstract and irrelevant proves correct. However
familiarity with the subject terrain and an understanding of the changes that have
occurred over time goes some way to counteract the abstraction between map and
reader. The 2-D, coloured-coded map regresses from being an intangible depiction of
hills, roads and rivers to become an interface to personal views, visions and
topographical experiences. It is unavoidable that these views and experiences will be
coloured by modern mindsets and priorities but the processes involved in developing
such knowledge of the topography affords the interpreter a better insight into how one
would live within and as part of the landscape. Subtleties of the topography become
apparent which in turn enables a greater understanding of the landscape, ways of
42
Chapter 2 – The lay of the land(scape)
moving within it, site positioning and importance as well as the initial impetus for site
construction. The knowledge gleaned from interaction with, and understanding of the
landscape in question then allows one to draw on the liberty afforded by the interpretive
process to develop a coherent understanding of life and landscape during the period.
43
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
Chapter 3
General Archaeological Trends Visible Around Slieve Gamph
Prehistoric studies undertaken in the greater North Connacht region to date have
on the whole targeted either specific site types or condensed localisations of sites, with
few analysing more wide-ranging diachronic trends in the region. As such, it may be
helpful to give an indication of apparent changes in site types and positions in the
broader area around Slieve Gamph as the prehistoric period progressed. It should be
noted at this point however, that care must taken in drawing wide-reaching models of
activity from distribution maps of surviving sites and the results of dispersed
investigations. As discussed in chapter two, distribution maps are differently employed
by various writers on grounds of their abstraction from the ground-based human. At this
point in the current study however their positive uses outweigh their drawbacks as an
aid to general discussions of a large topographical area. The highly detailed localised
knowledge of prior studies and limitations posed by their initial research priorities also
pose difficulties in general discussions, as they can give an unbalanced impression of
activities and priorities in a specific locality.
Keeping these issues in mind, this chapter will outline the distribution and type
of prehistoric sites in the region around Slieve Gamph and consequently it is designed
to be just that, an outline, based on records of known sites and using results of previous
studies it is a general summarisation of the current evidence. The narrative will
chronologically identify the time periods represented in the North Connacht region and
discuss the levels of evidence for each period, before discussing the patterns and
inconsistencies that reside within the current evidence.
3.1
The Mesolithic period
Many studies of the prehistoric period across Britain and Ireland indicate a
general pattern of sites showing an inclination towards coastal, riverine and lacustrine
occupation throughout the Mesolithic and Neolithic eras with increased expansion into
the surrounding landscape during the Bronze Age. This can also be considered the case
for the current study area as shown by the distribution of surviving sites, which are
44
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
Figure 3.1 – The distribution of prehistoric and possible prehistoric sites in the North Connacht
region with the current study area outlined in red (background hillshade model after Driscoll 2006).
predominantly ritual monuments such as megalithic tombs, barrows, mounds and
standing stones. The Mesolithic period however is roundly accepted as being an era
devoid of megalithic construction or large-scale anthropogenic landscape alteration.
Consequently, it is generally difficult to identify sites of the period without excavation
or the chance discovery of artefacts. Definitive evidence of Mesolithic activity is
extremely scarce in the area immediately around Slieve Gamph. There is however a
growing body of evidence pertaining to the greater North Connacht region.
Commencing in 2004 after peat erosion uncovered the site, excavations by
Graeme Warren at Belderg on the North Mayo coast to the west of the current study
area have revealed a lithic scatter of Later Mesolithic date (Warren 2004; Driscoll 2006,
46). The study is the first dedicated Mesolithic excavation to be undertaken in the northwest of Ireland and while serving to increase the knowledge of the Mesolithic period in
Ireland, its close proximity to the renowned „Céide Fields‟ Neolithic field system may
also serve to increase the understanding of the relationship between, and progression
from, the Later Mesolithic to the Neolithic period in Ireland. To the east of Slieve
Gamph a notable concentration of early prehistoric material has been recovered in the
environs of Lough Gara, a lake that straddles the border between the counties of Sligo
and Roscommon. The collection of lithics from non-excavated contexts from this area
amounts to a total of 2955 artefacts including 161 stone axes, 17 distally trimmed flakes
45
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
and 37 butt trimmed flakes (Driscoll 2006, 222 and Appendix 18). Butt trimmed flakes
(sometimes referred to as Bann flakes) have long been recognised as signifying the
existence of Later Mesolithic activity while the polished stone axe was once seen as a
harbinger of the Neolithic period and people‟s growing desire for clearing tree-cover to
facilitate farming. The discovery of a partially polished axe at the Early Mesolithic site
of Mount Sandel in Co. Derry however expanded the window within which the
production and use of the polished stone axe was to be considered. By the time „The
Irish Stone Axe Project‟ was established in 1990, the acceptable range of potential dates
for the use of polished stone axes had broadened to an almost 6,000 year period from
the Early Mesolithic to the Bronze Age, with the number of examples also increasing
substantially from c.10,600 to in excess of 20,000 (Cooney and Mandal 1998, 28-51). It
is also likely that this increased number of axes has been further added to by the
continual discovery of axes as a result of the recent increase in archaeological
excavations linked to the intensification in construction projects over the last number of
years. It is fortuitous therefore, that the first monograph produced by the project in 1998
was not to be an end but effectively an interim report of the work completed at that
stage. In the context of the current study and its regional landscape approach The Irish
Stone Axe Project is not directly relevant save to put into a national context the number
of stone axes that have been recovered in the counties of Mayo and Sligo.
One discovery that would surely have piqued the interest of The Irish Stone
Axe Project is that of a polished axe in a cremation burial pit at Hermitage, Co.
Limerick in 2001, from where radiocarbon dates derived from accompanying material
surrendered date ranges of 7550-7290 BC and 7530-7320 BC (Collins and Coyne 2006,
21). These dates support the previous evidence from Mount Sandel that polished stone
axes were in use as far back as the Early Mesolithic period. This confirmation also
precludes any explanation regarding the lack of paleobotanical evidence for large-scale
tree clearances prior to the Neolithic being the result of a lack of the required
technology. If in future one was to consider that all polished stone axes from undated
contexts have the potential to be Mesolithic in date, then by extension their discovery
may be deemed an indication of not just Neolithic activity but also possible Mesolithic
activity. The Hermitage find is also important for future studies of early Irish prehistory
as it is the first such structured burial of the Early Mesolithic in Ireland. Its existence as
a deliberately created „place‟ in the landscape is also of interest within the current
46
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
project1, as it indicates that even in the early stages of Ireland‟s past people wished to
establish and identify particular positions in their world.
Though a number of stone axes have been found within the study area, only a
single microlith, uncovered during the excavation of the Tonybaun cillín, close to the
western bank of the River Moy, is the singular diagnostically identifiable Mesolithic
artefact that has been recovered from within the area to date.
Analysis of the discovery locations of the stone axes submitted to the National
Museum of Ireland shows that they have mainly been recovered from wetland locations,
with a particular concentration following the course of the River Moy. The
commonality of discoveries along the Moy is likely the result of a positive bias in the
potential discovery of artefacts as a result of the Moy dredging works in the 1960s,
though the occurrence of Mesolithic and Neolithic sites and artefacts in waterside
locations is a well recognised pattern throughout Britain and Ireland.
The current study area has to date offered no definitive evidence of occupation
during the Mesolithic period, but in areas adjacent there have been numerous
discoveries in the greater North Connacht region, indicating human activity across the
region during the time period. To the east, in the area around Loughs Gara, Arrow and
Allen large quantities of Mesolithic and possible Mesolithic artefacts have been
recovered, while continuing work at the emerging Late Mesolithic site at Belderg
indicates activity to the west during that era. Consequently, it is highly improbable that
Figure 3.2 – The distribution of earlier prehistoric finds in the North Connacht region (Driscoll 2006).
1
See chapter 6.
47
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
there was no Mesolithic occupation in the quite vast landscape that lies between these
areas of confirmed activity. It must be the case therefore, that with its extensive coastal
and riverine network, there are Mesolithic sites waiting to be discovered in the region
around Slieve Gamph.
3.2
The Neolithic period
Though named in respect of a technological change, the emergence of the
Neolithic period across Europe quickly came to be defined economically, as a move
from the hunter-gatherer lifestyle to one based on agriculture (Thomas 1999, 7).
Arguments for increasing sedentism during this period were also forwarded, based on
the belief that a development of a less mobile lifestyle was largely the result of the
requirements of a farming economy, and the rewards to be gained from such a lifestyle.
The physical evidence also seemed to support this move towards a more rooted society,
with the appearance of substantial houses and extensive field systems enclosing newly
acquired open farmland hewn, with the ubiquitous polished stone axe, from the chaotic
landscape once roamed by „primitive‟ hunter-gatherers. This period was also the first to
see the erection of permanent, monumental ritual structures in the landscape whose
construction was seen as a further signifier of social stability, sedentism, power and
control (Thomas 1991; Whittle 1996; Waddell 1998; Cooney 2000, 2003).
As with many theories achingly developed to show a clear structured
development of humankind, fitting neatly within the compartments deemed necessary to
be considered advancement, these hypotheses have gradually been eroded. Macalister‟s
(1941) model of the Mesolithic population being in direct competition with, and
eventually usurped by, an influx of more advanced farmers has foundered against the
concept of a more gradual acculturation of agriculture and the other elements seen to
define the Neolithic period. The recent discovery of Later Mesolithic evidence, in close
temporal and topographical proximity to the Neolithic field system and ritual
monuments of the Céide Fields is the latest in a line of examples illustrating how
closely related Mesolithic and Neolithic activity can be, both spatially and temporally. It
suggests that the transitional period was less likely a sudden social upheaval or
transplantation, and more likely a gradual change and progression as the extant
population came to understand and embrace new ideas. The argued line of progression
48
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
follows that, through the act of farming, a more settled population became more closely
linked to the localities in which they lived, leading to the first construction of large
permanent markers in the landscape, while the economic benefits of the farming
lifestyle allowed for technological progressions such as the production of the first
pottery vessels. Thomas (1991 and 1999) in particular is correct in being sceptical of the
wholesale acceptance of the appearance of a “Neolithic package”, composed of
agriculture, polished stone tools, pottery and megalithic tomb building appearing almost
simultaneously as the Neolithic unfolded. This caution has been supported by the
regression of the recognised date for the first production and use of polished stone axes
into the Mesolithic period, as well as the use of pottery by some Mesolithic societies
such as the Ertebølle-Ellerbek culture in Scandinavia (Thomas 1999, 15).
Setting aside arguments regarding the exact level of sedentism in the Neolithic,
it is inconceivable that people residing throughout the North Connacht region were not
in regular contact with near and distant neighbours. Indications of this contact can be
seen in the similarity of monument type seen across the region as well as the
importation of exotic materials such as flint and porcellanite. A number of
concentrations of Neolithic sites can be seen in the greater region and although to
conceive of these extant site concentrations as being indicative of settlement nucleation
in the prehistoric period is problematic, their location may aid the identification of
Figure 3.3 – The distribution of Early Prehistoric sites in North Connacht (background hillshade
model after Driscoll 2006).
49
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
routeways through the landscape. Given the restrictive topographical layout that
includes a mountain range, an extensive lakeland area and a substantial river floodplain,
the location and extent of said routeways throughout the region would be of great
importance.
Viewing the general distribution of Neolithic sites throughout the region, one
can see a generally dispersed pattern with a number of concentrations such as those seen
in the areas around Ballyglass and Rathlackan to the west of Killala Bay, as well as
Carrowmore and Carrowkeel in Co. Sligo. Many of the sites in these areas are funerary
in nature, though important settlement evidence has also been confirmed in the region,
as at Mullaghfarna where a gathering of rock-cut hut-sites is situated on a plateau just
below some of the more impressive Carrowkeel tombs. Within the study area, there are
to date six types of evidence that can be seen as indicators of Neolithic activity. Five of
these are funerary in nature including the known Neolithic monument types of passage,
portal and court tombs. Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age wedge tombs will also be
considered part of this Early Prehistoric tradition as though their usage carries on into
the Early Bronze Age their architecture is more akin to that of earlier tomb types.
Within the study area there are also 34 sites recorded as either megalithic tombs or
megalithic structures, largely depending upon the condition in which the monument
survives. Once again, these sites will be included within the corpus of earlier prehistoric
sites based on their megalithic architecture. Indeed, on inspection a number of these
sites are clearly Neolithic or Early Bronze Age in origin, the ambiguity associated with
their identification apparently being caused by the rigid set of morphological criteria
and limited typological bands used to categorise megalithic tombs. The sixth type of
Neolithic evidence comes in the form of the corpus of 37 artefacts1 recovered in the
region. Unfortunately, there has been no direct evidence of Neolithic settlement
uncovered in the study area to date, though throughout the project hypothetical
settlement positions will be advanced based on the cultural and landscape evidence
pertaining to particular locations.
1
This number includes 5 concave or barbed and tanged arrowheads of a Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age
date as well as the 244 flint and chert flakes found during excavations at Tonybaun which have been
counted as a single find to avoid a bias being caused in the record.
50
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
3.3
The Bronze Age
A similar pattern to that visible among the Neolithic sites is once again
discernable when viewing the distribution of sites of the Bronze Age, where once again
there is quite a wide distribution of sites with occasional concentrations visible
throughout the region. While most sites of the period still appear in close proximity to
water courses they tend towards smaller rivers and streams, with a pronounced decrease
in the proportion of sites that congregate along the course of larger rivers. There is also
a greater instance of sites in immediate coastal positions, which may indicate either an
increased use of the sea during the period, or more prosaically, that coastal erosion has
seen the demise of the Neolithic coastline and any sites that may have been immediately
adjacent to the coast. Condensed groupings of sites are visible in areas surrounding
Slieve Gamph though the sites within the current study area appear as a more diffuse
distribution. To the southwest of the study area, in excess of 120 fulachtaí fiadh, two
burial mounds and a cairn amongst other site types have been identified occupying an
area of approximately 10km² around the Loughs of Derryhick and Levallinree. This
highly condensed concentration certainly indicates quite a volume of activity during the
later prehistoric period, but a number of caveats must be added. Firstly, fulachtaí fiadh
are generally recognised to date from the 1000 year period between 1800 BC and 800
Figure 3.4 – The distribution of Later Prehistoric sites in North Connacht (background hillshade
model after Driscoll 2006).
51
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
BC with dates outside this bracket not being excluded (Waddell 1998, 177; O‟Sullivan
and Downey 2004, 37). As with all monuments of such a wide date range, it cannot be
assumed that individual sites are contemporaneous with each other. This note of caution
works equally for all periods and site types under discussion, but their very existence
satisfies the general nature of the discussion at hand and as such, we can use them as
proof of extensive human activity during the period. A second cautionary note on this
site concentration is that there has been a vast amount of focussed field-walking
undertaken in the area, and as this level of investigation has not been carried out
elsewhere in the region, it is possible that it is the inequity of research that has created
the apparent concentration as much as the original activity.
When overall site distributions in the North Connacht region are analysed, an
incongruity is visible in the distribution of barrows east and west of Slieve Gamph. To
the east and along the northern coast there are a large number of barrows, some of
which form cemeteries such as the excavated example at Rathdooney Beg. On the
western side of the mountain range, the number of sites drops greatly with fewer than
Figure 3.5 – Digital Elevation Model (DEM) showing the distribution of barrows in the
region around Slieve Gamph.
52
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
ten between Slieve Gamph and Killala Bay. Undoubtedly, a proportion of this
incongruity is the result of site destruction or lack of discovery, but the dramatic
difference between two reasonably close areas is so striking one can see a more
deliberate hand at work.
3.4
The Iron Age
The only site of an Iron Age date identified within the study area to date is an
unassociated iron-working furnace uncovered adjacent to the cillín at Tonybaun. The
furnace itself was dated to 477-210 BC but no contemporary features were noted,
leaving this as the only Iron Age feature within the bounds of the study. It could be
conjectured that some of the large body of sites including standing stones, barrows,
cairns or mounds, could be Iron Age in origin, but to date no evidence for such has been
discovered within the study area as none of these sites have been excavated. Of the
relatively few barrows extant in the
study area, two ring-barrows are
recorded in the Mayo townlands of
Carha and Behy Beg that may be
Iron Age in date given that a
number of ring-barrows have
surrendered radiocarbon dates that
fall within the Iron Age. Deposits
from under the enclosing bank at
Daithi‟s Mound near the Iron Age
royal site of Rathcroghan, Co.
Roscommon for example, gave a
date range of 350 BC – AD 230
(Raftery 1994, 71). Closer to the
current study area is Rathdooney
Beg Site 3, a saucer-barrow at the
previously discussed barrow
cemetery in Co. Sligo, from which
Figure 3.6 – The distribution of prehistoric
artefact findspots within the study area.
a date of 114 cal.BC – AD 71 was
53
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
recovered (Mount 1994, 84). As ephemeral as the evidence from ritual monuments is,
there is even less in terms of secular evidence relevant to the study area. Within the
area, only the discovery of the Tonybaun furnace indicates activity in the Iron Age.
However, to the south, Walsh‟s (1995, 7) dating of the settlement at Lislackagh to the
Iron Age between 200 BC and AD 140 may give an inkling to the possible date of
similar sized enclosures in the region, such as those at Loughnagore at the western end
of the Gleann na Mochart gorge and the heavily degraded pre-bog enclosures in
Prebaun and Doonty townlands. Without extensive excavation it is impossible to state
with any certainty that the various types of site to be found within the study area are
definitively Bronze or Iron Age in date, as not only can a similar corpus of monuments
be identified from Bronze or Iron Age horizons but the reuse of Bronze Age sites in the
Iron Age is also a common reoccurrence.
Figure 3.7 – Comparative distributions of earlier and later prehistoric sites in the region immediately
adjacent to the study area.
54
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
Earlier Prehistoric Sites
Later Prehistoric Sites
Site Type
Quantity
Site Type
Quantity
Court Tombs
34
Barrows
20
Passage Tombs
3
Boulder Burials
3
Portal Tombs
5
Cemetery Mounds
3
Wedge Tombs
22
Cist Burials
9
Megalithic Tombs
21
Fulachtaí Fiadh
33
Megalithic Structures
13
Pit Furnace (Iron Working)
1
Standing Stones
34
Stone Circles
1
Stone Pairs
2
Stone Rows/Alignments
5
Undated Prehistoric Sites
Possible Prehistoric Sites
Site Type
Quantity
Site Type
Quantity
Cairns
22
Earthworks
13
Mounds
28
Enclosures
4
Pre-Bog Enclosures
5
Field Walls/Systems
15
Pre-Bog Field Walls/Systems
22
Holed Stone
1
Pre-Bog Linear Feature
1
Hut/House Sites
30
Rock Art
1
Inscribed Stones
2
Stone Settings (Anomalous)
4
Linear Feature
1
Middens
6
Post Rows
10
Prominent Boulders
7
Tombs/Burials
7
Table 3.1 – The types and quantities of sites within the study area on and around Slieve Gamph.
55
Chapter 3 – General archaeological trends visible around Slieve Gamph
Stone
Stone Axes
20
Flint Javelin
2
Flint Arrowhead
5
Chert Microlith
1
Flint Scraper
2
Chert Arrowhead
1
Quern Stones
2
Chert & Flint Flakes1
245
Misc. Stone Artefacts
4
Copper
Flat Axe
1
Bronze
Flat Axes
10
Socketed Axes
15
Bronze Cauldrons
2
Bronze Flesh-Hook
1
Axes/Palstaves
10
Bronze Halberds
3
Daggers/Knives
3
Bronze Rapiers
3
Bronze Spearheads
7
Swords
17
Various Bronzes
5
Other Materials
Pottery-Food Vessel
9
Various Iron
4
Human Skeletons
2
Human Bone (Burnt)
4
Log Boats
4
Various Wooden
10
Ox Tooth
1
Table 3.2 – The types and quantities of artefacts discovered within the study area around Slieve Gamph.
____________________________
1
244 of these flakes were recovered as a result of the excavations in advance of the N26 road realignment.
56
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Chapter 4
Local and Regional:
Case studies along western Slieve Gamph
The North Connacht region is well known for being home to a large number and
wide variety of archaeological sites ranging from the Mesolithic through to the PostMedieval period. Within this vast body of evidence, prehistory is well represented by a
large number and wide distribution of sites that include the famous passage tomb
cemeteries at Carrowmore and Carrowkeel, as well as the Neolithic settlement site at
Belderg and the iconic Miosgáin Meadbh atop Knocknarea just west of Sligo city. As
the study area falls within this broad area of substantial prehistoric activity, it comes as
no surprise that there are also a large number of sites within the study area. As
fieldwork progressed, this number increased not only as a result of the survey work
itself but also as a consequence of the ongoing work of the Archaeological Survey of
Ireland, as their compilation of the archaeological inventories for counties Mayo and
Sligo continued. At the outset of the project, it was assessed that there were
approximately 360 prehistoric sites within the study area, this number rose to 397 by the
conclusion of the fieldwork program and there can be no doubt that this will increase
further in future years, as there are still large numbers of sites yet to be uncovered and
recognised. In a similar vein, analysis of the National Museum of Ireland archives
identified 159 artefacts that were recovered throughout the study area. Many of these
were of poor provenance, but there were 76 examples whose discovery locations were
described in enough detail to see that their findspots could be satisfactorily identified
and given recognition equivalent to that afforded to upstanding field monuments.
The vast number of locations to be assessed and considered was one element of
the project, but much more important was the development of an understanding of how
each site, or group of sites, existed in the physical and cultural landscapes of their time,
as well as how they interacted or overlapped with preceding generations. Intertwining
such strands of spatial and temporal knowledge to form a coherent picture of prehistoric
life requires detailed analysis of the areas involved, as well as the investigation of
specific questions and patterns in the data. To enable a development of more localised
knowledge, it was decided that a series of four case studies would be undertaken in
various districts throughout the overall study area, to investigate apparent variations and
57
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
patterns in the archaeological record as well as to address the overall research goals of
the project. The location of each „case area‟ was chosen on a number of grounds with
the goal of illustrating differences and similarities in the sites and monuments that
survive in the various locales.
Case Area A – Callow/Culdaly
Prior to commencement of the project, it was obvious that there were a large
number of sites in the Callow/Culdaly area, which is topographically dissimilar to many
other areas around the mountain range. Within the bounds of the case area, there are 113
sites of prehistoric or possible prehistoric date within an area that is distinctly upland in
nature. Though few in number, the Neolithic sites in such upland locations away from
large river courses was unlike the general pattern elsewhere in the overall study area, so
the selection of this case area aimed to discover whether there were more localised
reasons for this occurrence. A further angle of enquiry was to compare this upland area
to that at the eastern part of Case Area C, and the southern part of Case Area D, where
numerous sites are also recorded though the density and age range of many of the sites
varies.
Figure 4.0.1 – Left: The prehistoric sites of North Connacht and the sites within the overall study area
in relation to the selected case areas.
Right: The positions of the four case study areas around Slieve Gamph.
58
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Case Area B – Lough Conn/River Moy
The region is once again a topographically distinctive area unlike others in the
study area, or much of North Connacht, bordered by two of the greatest natural physical
features in the region. The area is an elongated region constrained to the east by the
River Moy within its expansive floodplain, and on the west by the conjoined Loughs of
Cullin and Conn. In such a divergent topography such as that around Slieve Gamph, the
case area was selected to investigate how the prevailing bounded topography affected
issues of site placement and movement within a localised area. Consequently, the area
would act as a counter-balance to many of the upland areas closer to the mountain
range, where similar monument types survive in different landscape settings. A further
goal of the case area was to allow for comparison with other areas where similar
patterns were visible, particularly regarding the number of Neolithic sites recorded
along the course of the Moy. Analysis of the results would then allow for comparison
with similar patterns of Neolithic monuments visible along the Easky River in Case
Area D. Given the general frequency of Bronze Age sites in North Connacht, the case
area possesses a distinctly lower than would be expected number of sites of that period.
Analysis of the area similarly allows for comparison with other case areas where
different numbers and distributions of Bronze Age sites are visible.
Case Area C – Corrower/Carrownaglogh
The third case area was also selected to investigate specific questions that arose
in pre-fieldwork analysis. The area is composed of lower lying fertile areas, tracts of
bogland and peat covered uplands that extend from the western foot of Slieve Gamph.
Consequently, different locales within the case area are comparable to each of the other
case areas selected. Specific research questions attached to Case Area C regard the low
number of Neolithic sites in the region, where as few as four identified sites can be
attributed to the era. The development of distinct and deliberate nucleations of Bronze
Age sites, in parts of the region away from major topographical features is a pattern
comparable to that seen in Case Areas A and D. The Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area
was also the only area in which substantial excavations have taken place, necessitating
that they be placed within their local and regional landscape, as well as establishing how
the detailed information gathered from these excavations could be applied to the greater
corpus of sites in the surrounding region.
59
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Case Area D – Tawnatruffaun/Easky River
The final case area was selected once again as it combined both upland and
lowland areas, as well as containing some of the most densely amassed site groupings
within the overall study area, many of which are direct evidence of human activity as
opposed to the more commonly visible burial monuments. Aligned along another of the
major rivers of the region, the area is also comparable with Case Area B where
Neolithic sites are to be found along the river edges, though in this instance there is no
accompanying extensive floodplain.
Each case area was selected based on varying criteria designed to analyse
aspects of the archaeological record common to various areas, but also to investigate
interesting anomalies arising in particular case areas, deserving of analysis in their own
right. As a result, there is no fixed blueprint as to how each case area is approached as
this would be to assume that a uniform set of activities were being carried out across the
region throughout prehistory, as well as assuming that survival and discovery conditions
were also equivalent across regions and millennia. Each case area entry therefore aims
to describe and interpret what actually survives on the ground today.
60
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.1
Case Study A: Callow/Culdaly
Figure 4.1.1 – Map of Case Study Area A Callow/Culdaly, showing the position and variety of
prehistoric sites and locations of artefact findspots.
61
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.1.1
Location and Topography
The Callow/Culdaly case study area lies immediately south of the main body of
the Slieve Gamph mountain range and is easier to define using physical boundaries than
many of the other case study areas selected. It can be seen to comprise the upland
foothills to the north of the conjoined Callow Loughs, and west of the notable SW-NE
aligned descent down to the low-lying plains flanking the River Moy. The selected
boundaries on the north and west of the area are more physically determined, in the
form of the rising body of Slieve Gamph itself. This area, which has been chosen as the
first case study is largely coterminous with Survey Area 7, employed as part of the field
survey methodology, indeed it was the realisation of the high volume of recorded
prehistoric sites in this locality, in comparison to other areas around Slieve Gamph, that
was one of instigating factors of the overall project itself. To date, some 113 sites of
prehistoric or probable prehistoric date have been identified within the case study area,
which spans an area of c.65km2. The locality is one of the most topographically distinct
regions around Slieve Gamph, with the majority of the area being upland in nature lying
above 110m OD. This combination of upland setting and high site numbers is a pattern
not seen in any other region within the overall study area, and while it is true to say that
other areas incorporate tracts of uplands, none display the same volume of recorded
prehistoric sites.
The topography of the Callow/Culdaly area can be described as a succession of
substantial hills, interspersed by a series of valleys and hollows, commonly occupied by
small lakes, streams and rivers. The nature of the topography appears to have precluded
the development of a vast irregular riverine network, as seen in the lower lying regions
around Slieve Gamph. Here, quite a direct arterial river system sees small hill-side
streams feed into a number of small lakes, whose outflows form small rivers that serve
as tributaries to the River Moy. The size of lakes in the area varies considerably
depending upon season and ambient conditions, while many are situated within
expansive areas of bogland, whose status is similarly dependent on environmental
conditions. It is clear however, that elements of the physical landscape as it exists today,
cannot be equated with landforms of the prehistoric period. Across much of the upland
area a significant accumulation of peat has occurred over the millennia, with levels of
growth and survival varying greatly depending on locality. Many of the upland valleys
possess substantial deposits of peat overburden, a prime example of such can be
witnessed in the small valley north of Doonty Hill (Figure 4.1.3), that lies between the
62
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Figure 4.1.2 – The view south from the upper slopes of Slieve Gamph across the peat covered
Glendaduff to Larganmore with the higher ground in the townlands of Carrowneden, Graffy and
Callow in the distance.
cairn atop Doonty Hill and the nearby megalithic structure. Though a localised example,
this landform serves as a good example of the accumulation process in the region as a
whole. Here, the land surface has been greatly changed as a result of the peat build-up,
with depths of between 2m and 4m commonly visible in extraction cuttings. It is also
worth noting that most such cuttings have not yet reached the pre-bog ground surface,
so even greater depths can be assumed. This deep accumulation of peat cannot be seen
to hold for the entire Callow/Culdaly case area however, as in contrast to the areas
where great depths of peat are visible, the area around the Cullin wedge tomb and field
walls has very little peat cover with the pre-bog ground surface exposed in many places,
while in the south-eastern extremities of the case area upland heath and bog fall away
towards better-drained pasturelands along the River Moy.
The variation between ancient and modern land surface requires that the
potential for these variations to impinge upon the archaeological record be noted.
Indeed, the certitude of such an effect is evidenced by the relative paucity of artefacts
reported to the National Museum of Ireland that can be provenanced to the
Callow/Culdaly area. To date, eight artefacts of a prehistoric or possible prehistoric date
have been submitted to the museum from the Callow/Culdaly case area. Of this eight,
only three can be confidently assigned prehistoric dates. Two are flat bronze axes1,
identified by Harbison (1969) as belonging to his Ballyvalley typology of the later
1
Artefact Catalogue Numbers 3-04 and 3-10
63
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
phases of the Early Bronze Age c.1650 BC. The third prehistoric artefact, which may
also be the oldest artefact recovered in the area, is a perforated stone hammerhead1
discovered in Coollagagh townland, towards the western edge of the current case area.
All of the other artefacts recovered in the locality are of an indeterminate date, but could
conceivably be prehistoric in origin. In most cases, the location of the find-spot of the
artefacts is very poorly recorded with only the name of the townland on offer. However,
some general analysis of their find contexts can be attempted.
As previously mentioned, the discovery locations of those artefacts that have
been recovered further indicates the level to which the archaeological record has been
affected by land-form changes. Of the eight artefacts identified, all but two were
unearthed in the lowlands to the south of the area, within a region that comprises less
than one third of the case area. This south-eastern section of the Callow/Culdaly case
area is comprised of better, more intensively utilised terrain, which has undoubtedly
increased the likelihood of artefacts being discovered in the area. The low overall
number of finds from the region stands in striking comparison to the quantity of
prehistoric sites within the case area, with 113 sites of prehistoric origin recorded to
date, making it by far the most dense concentration of sites within the overall study
area. To date, there have been no discoveries indicative of human presence in the area
during the Mesolithic period, though this lack of Mesolithic evidence is not surprising
when one considers the nature of the area, and the level of prior research undertaken. As
previously mentioned, the case area is largely upland with landforms ranging from deep
peat bogs to exposed bedrock, where in many cases the intensity of land usage could not
be lower. In locations around the numerous deserted cottages, field systems and limited
evidence for ridge and furrow cultivation can be seen where there is soil-capability for
such activity. The shallow depths reached by this type of agriculture constrain the
likelihood of prehistoric ground levels being disturbed, while in areas of deep cutting
for peat extraction, it is a common feature of the area that even up to modern times, the
pre-existing ground surface has not been reached. In cases where this surface has been
uncovered, few artefacts have been reported to the National Museum of Ireland, and
none indicative of Mesolithic activity.
1
Artefact Catalogue Number 8-33
64
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Figure 4.1.3 – The position of locations in Case Area A mentioned in text.
4.1.2
Earliest evidence – The Neolithic period
The current lack of evidence for Mesolithic activity in the region cannot be used
to argue against the possibility of a human presence during the period, given the general
acceptance of the ephemeral nature of Mesolithic sites. Consequently, the expression
regarding the absence of evidence not being evidence of absence must be observed
closely in this instance. Within the case area, the apparent paucity of artefactual
evidence holds for the Neolithic period as well as the Mesolithic, but on this occasion
there are five sites that can be confidently identified as Neolithic in origin. Prior to
investigation, eleven other recorded sites were suggestive of a possible Neolithic date
though in most instances, the current condition of these inhibits closer identification.
Five of these sites were recorded as megalithic structures and six as cairns, and after
inspection a number of these sites can be quite confidently assigned dates subsequent to
the Neolithic period. The cairn atop Croghan Hill (Figure 4.1.3) in Carrowneden
townland has been reclassified as a ring-barrow, while the cairn in Coollagagh townland
appears to be derived from local field clearance. One slight caveat to be noted however
65
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
being a single larger stone protruding from the north-west corner of the cairn, though
this larger stone does not appear to be structural in nature. The megalithic structure in
Prebaun townland discussed below is more accurately described as a cist grave, and as
such, it is to be considered of a later prehistoric date.
The five sites of a confirmed Neolithic date that lie within the Callow/Culdaly
case area are each of a funerary nature, with four being court tombs and one portal
tomb. The court tomb in Coollagagh townland, towards the western edge of the case
area, appears to be typical of the greater regional and national pattern of court tombs. It
is situated on the southern side of the Yellow River valley, where the terrain rises up
towards higher ground to the south of the site. Currently in a poor state of repair and
substantially overgrown, seven orthostats are visible suggestive of an open court
arrangement. An 1837 Ordnance Survey sketch plan and two earth-fast stones east of
the current arrangement however hint at an original layout that may have incorporated a
full court arrangement. The meagre remains of a much dilapidated E-W aligned gallery
are visible extending to the west of the court, which is an orientation that appears to
emulate that of the valley of the Yellow River immediately to the north.
Just over 2km to the east, a similarly sited Neolithic tomb is visible in the form
of the now collapsed Prebaun portal tomb. Situated on the northern, gently sloping side
of a low ridge, the tomb‟s orientation again appears to mimic that of adjacent physical
features, as although in a collapsed state it appears to have retained its orientation to a
large extent during that collapse. Similar to the Coollagagh court tomb, the surrounding
landscape falls away sharply a short distance from the site, while its central axis again
aligns with the orientation of the surrounding topography. This orientational similarity
of axis and physical feature tempts one to theorise about possible associations between
the orientation of a site in relation to nearby physical features. The danger of drawing
such conclusions from such a small sample however, is highlighted when the other
Neolithic tombs of the Callow/Culdaly case area are evaluated.
From the outset, the low number of extant Neolithic sites hinders any attempt to
understand the original distribution of sites belonging to that period within the case
area. This is exacerbated by the fact that the few sites that are available for perusal
illustrate varying traits. The argument for the two previously mentioned sites mimicking
the orientation of their immediate local topography, does not hold for the other
Neolithic sites within the case area. The central axes of the Knockfadda and
Cartronmacmanus court tombs are aligned NE-SW, with the court arrangement situated
66
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
to the northeast. In each case, the tomb is once again situated close to the upper side of a
valley, but their central axes are not oriented in a fashion similar to the topography on
which they lie.
Among the unclassified megalithic tombs within the case area, there are three
that display traits indicative of a possible Neolithic origin. The first of these, lying in the
townland of Creggaun1 to the east of the case area, is heavily damaged with only what
appears to be the north side of the gallery remaining reasonably intact. It is oriented NESW with a probable entrance through two jamb-stones on the northeast end of the
gallery. A heavily leaning possible court-stone adjoins the northern jamb-stone
(DeValera and Ó'Nualláin 1964, 69). This jamb-stone arrangement allied to the
apparent orientation of the tomb led DeValera and Ó'Nualláin (ibid, 69) to surmise that
the site represents the remains of a court tomb, a conclusion that the current evidence
Figure 4.1.4 –
The location of areas of
Neolithic and possible
Neolithic activity in the
Callow/Culdaly case area.
1
This Creggaun townland is located close to the village of Killasser in the barony of Gallen and should
not be confused with Creggaun townland to the south of Ballina in the barony of Tirawley which is also
home to a court tomb.
67
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
does not dispute. A second tomb of possible Neolithic origin identified by DeValera and
Ó'Nualláin (1964, 66) is the unclassified Prebaun megalithic tomb, which they identify
as being reminiscent of a subsidiary chamber of a court tomb. This enigmatic structure
is distinctly trapezoidal in plan, with its long axis oriented WNW-ESE, though to assign
it a Neolithic date is problematic given its likeness to the internal structure of the
southern Culdaly wedge tomb, which has a large septal stone blocking the entrance to
the tomb on the western side akin to that at the eastern end of the Prebaun tomb.
Moreover, if one is to accept that this is a subsidiary chamber of a court tomb, then the
implication is that it was once attached to a court tomb of considerable size. Given the
current poor nature of the surrounding land, and the survival of quite a number of
prehistoric sites in the locality, the complete removal of all parts of the tomb, bar one
almost complete subsidiary chamber is unlikely. It is therefore more likely that this
tomb represents a variation of the generally accepted plan of a wedge tomb, or possibly
a megalithic tomb layout that does not fall within the traditionally recognised tomb
types. Finally, the Doonty megalithic tomb shares a similar orientation, topographical
position and size of structural components to the previous tombs. The gallery is once
again aligned NE-SW, with no evidence of a court surviving. A perpendicularly set
stone on the southern side of the gallery however hints at an internal jamb or sill
arrangement, reminiscent of the gallery of a court tomb. This gallery arrangement, an
orientation towards Knocknashee on the north-eastern horizon and a topographical
position above a significant decline in the landscape are suggestive of the site being the
remains of a heavily damaged court tomb.
Neolithic sites and topographical features
Although eight sites of Neolithic or possible Neolithic date within the
Callow/Culdaly case area is quite a low number, a general trend can be seen within the
area with each of the sites positioned along the side of substantial valleys, in upland
localities. This is typified by the congregation of two court tombs and six unclassified,
undated megalithic sites along the valley between Cartron and Doonty Hills (Figure
4.1.5). Each typifies the locally prevalent positioning of site, at the upper break of slope
above a notable valley. The valley itself appears to be the central of three formed as a
result of glacial melt-water outflows from the Glendaduff area, the others being the
Yellow River valley to the west and the Bellanamean River valley to the north. The
floor of the central portion of the valley is higher than either end adjacent to it,
68
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
suggesting that there was not a prolonged river system flowing through it and
consequently, it is not surprising that the valley is no longer occupied by a substantial
river course. The topography of the valley itself however lends well towards its use as a
gently rising access route from the eastern lowland Moy floodplain, into the more
elevated lands to the east of Glendaduff.
An exception to the pattern of court tombs in the uplands are those in the
lowlands along the course of the Moy. These sites lie outside the bounds of the current
case area to the south and southwest at Pollsharvoge, Pollnagawna and Ballinillaun.
These lower-lying tombs could be seen however as the exceptions that prove the rule, as
though they lie outside the current case area, their siting appears to be at odds with the
pattern of the previously mentioned tombs in the uplands. These lowland tombs can be
seen to faithfully follow the course of the River Moy, akin to those in the Lough
Conn/Lower River Moy case area discussed below. Beyond the Pollsharvoge court
tomb however, no examples survive along the river‟s catchment for a distance in excess
of 20km. This is of interest as the Pollsharvoge tomb (Figure 4.1.4) is the closest
lowland court tomb to the Callow/Culdaly case area.
Figure 4.1.5 – Left: The position of Neolithic and possible Neolithic sites along the Cartron–Doonty
valley. Right: The view south from Knockfadda across the valley to Doonty Hill beyond.
69
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
As evidenced in other areas around Slieve Gamph, river-associated court tombs
regularly occupy positions along paths that lead to and from rivers, in a fashion that
suggests they are being situated in relation to these routeways. This can also be said to
be true for those in the Callow/Culdaly case study area, where the court tombs align
upper slopes of the chief valleys leading from the riverine lowlands to the higher ground
in the foothills of Slieve Gamph. They are positioned on gently rising ground, alongside
noticeable linear declines. It is likely therefore, that the genesis of the positions selected
for these tombs lies in the fact that they were erected in significant places alongside
long utilised routeways through the landscape, where the slope was more gentle, and ran
along a notable topographical feature that aided navigation. With this in mind, it is to be
expected that these pathways were in use for a substantial period of time prior to the
construction of the tombs, a length of time sufficient to allow the path to become
regarded as a fixed part of the topography, in a period when navigation was still aided
by being in a position proximal to a significant landscape feature. With woodland
coverage in the region surviving without major alteration until the Bronze Age, it is
quite likely that the positioning of these tombs represents human activity in the region
before the Neolithic period in which the tombs were constructed, a continued period of
use that would allow for an accretion of people and activity in the area. The construction
of the tombs alongside these routes, in effect acted as a formalisation of the long-used
local pathways as important elements in the landscape whose permanency is equivocal
to that of the flanking stone tombs.
4.1.3
The Bronze Age and later prehistory
The association between the valleys in the region and tomb placement continues
throughout the final stages of the Neolithic period and into the Bronze Age, where the
Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age wedge tombs follow both the general pattern of the
earlier court tombs, as well as showing an expansion of the localities in which they were
constructed. The majority of wedge tombs still appear along upland valleys in much the
same pattern as the court and portal tombs, though the majority of tomb building
appears to shift to the most northerly of the three valleys in the case area, along the foot
of Slieve Gamph itself. However, the distinctive close proximity of site to substantial
natural feature begins to wane, with tombs now being sited on both the floor as well as
the upper sides of the valley. A notable alteration in the choice of tomb location occurs
in this later period with wedge tombs appearing exclusively in more elevated positions,
70
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
with no wedge tomb in the case area
sited below 100m OD. With this
common higher position being
prevalent, it is not a surprise to
discover that no wedge tomb
associates closely with the River Moy,
as is a feature of earlier tombs. This
does not appear to be an anomaly of
survival in the archaeological record,
as when one views the greater area
there are no wedge tombs recorded in
the lowlands southeast of Slieve
Gamph and its foothills for a distance
in excess of 10km, until one once
again encounters rising ground in the
region of Kilkelly, Co. Mayo. Eight
wedge tombs survive in the
Callow/Culdaly case area, five of
Figure 4.1.6 – The heavily damaged Letterbrone
wedge tomb on the southern slopes of Slieve
Gamph. The distinctive shape of Larganmore can
be seen in the distance to the southwest.
which lie in varying positions along the most northerly valley in the area. However, as
is the case in other regions around Slieve Gamph no single pattern of siting is clearly
indicated. It is possible that the more diffuse occurrence of tombs across the landscape,
and in some cases the relationship to other nearby monuments, reflects their
construction in relation to now invisible elements of the landscape.
Similar to the preceding Neolithic period, there is currently no direct evidence
for settlement within the case area but the vast numbers of sites of later prehistoric date
suggest that the region was significantly populated throughout the period, with a
number of distinct groupings of sites indicating the location of probable settlements.
There is once again little to be learned from the artefact assemblage from the case area
that applies to the Late Neolithic/ Early Bronze Age period. The only artefacts that can
be definitively assigned a Bronze Age date are the two previously mentioned bronze flat
axes from the townlands of Carrowmore1 and Killasser2, which date to the later phases
of the Early Bronze Age. Both axes are provenanced only to the townland from which
1
2
Artefact Catalogue Number 3-04
Artefact Catalogue Number 3-10
71
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
they were recovered, though the Carrowmore example has the extra information of
having been retrieved from a depth of six feet in a bog. Unfortunately, there is no
indication of how this depth in the bog relates to the pre-bog ground surface or other
potentially contemporary features. The further difficulty associated with the discovery
locations of these artefacts is that they lie outside any of the main concentrations of
extant Bronze Age sites, while neither townland in which they were reportedly found
possess any recorded sites of a prehistoric date.
The Callow/Culdaly case area displays an intriguing divergence in the
placement of particular site types during the later prehistoric periods, with the more
formal stone-built sites primarily surviving in the uplands to the north of the area, while
what appear to be the more settlement oriented sites, survive in the lowlands to the
south. There is limited evidence of activity in the lowest lying areas close to the River
Moy but this changes as one moves northwards towards higher ground. Progressing
northward from the Moy at Cloongullaun, where the modern road-bridge crosses the
Moy, the first concentration of sites lies in quite a dispersed fashion around the
diminutive Rubble Lough (Figure 4.1.7). This small complex of sites is comprised of
four fulachtaí fiadh and a mound lying between the aforementioned lough and a stream
that serves as a tributary to the Moy. Approximately 2.5km to the northwest, a similar
grouping of six fulachtaí fiadh lie between the dual rock outcrop hills in Graffy
townland, and the hilltop cairn that lends its name to the townland of Carn to the west.
East of the Graffy concentration, three fulachtaí fiadh located around an area of bogland
in Carrowneden and Tiraninny townlands can be interpreted as a third area of
occupation, while a fourth episode of settlement as indicated by the location of fulachtaí
fiadh lies to the north. This complex of four closely spaced fulachtaí fiadh are situated
in an upland valley on the northern side of the distinctive Croghan Hill (Figure 4.1.3),
known locally as „Srón‟ for its resemblance in profile to that of a person‟s nose.
Though fulachtaí fiadh are one of the most common site types in the Irish
archaeological record, a general consensus as to their original purpose has never been
reached. The ever-increasing number and variety of interpretations regarding their use,
range from the original notion of their use for cooking or bathing, through to their
potential use in the production of beer or manipulation of structural timbers
(Ó‟Drisceoil 1988; Buckley et al. 1990; Quinn and Moore 2007; Danaher 2007). In
many instances, the wide variation of purpose hypothesised for their use could be
employed to argue against the notion that the simple existence of fulachtaí fiadh be seen
72
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
as signifiers of Bronze Age settlement. The balance of evidence, and weight of
hypotheses, regarding the use of fulachtaí fiadh however leans towards their use for
activities associated with everyday life, which justifies their consideration in
archaeological analyses as indicators of human settlement activity during the period of
their formation. The accumulation of burnt stone that commonly forms the most
identifiable element of a fulacht fiadh can be seen as either a result of prolonged activity
or short term high volume activity. Similarly, the occurrence of discrete groupings of
fulachtaí fiadh in the Callow/Culdaly case area can be interpreted in a number of ways;
firstly that a group of fulachtaí fiadh represents the prolonged, consecutive use of a
small number of fulachtaí fiadh or secondly; that they can be seen as a single larger
episode of use over a shorter time period. Within the current case area, the divergent
nature of the fulacht fiadh groupings (Figure 4.1.7), from tight gatherings to loose
associations, necessitates that a third option must be considered drawing on the
relationship between sites within the local topography and treating each apparent
grouping on a case by case basis.
Settlement indicators
Given the commonality of fulachtaí fiadh and other forms of burnt stone
spreads, it is somewhat remarkable that nowhere within the overall study area have
fulachtaí fiadh been recorded in great numbers. This is of particular interest given the
proximity of the Turlough region, just south of Lough Cullin, where to date in excess of
120 fulachtaí fiadh have been recorded within quite a limited area (Lawless 1991 and
2001). Those fulachtaí fiadh that are recorded within the Callow/Culdaly case area are
not evenly spread across the landscape, but occur in a series of localised groupings.
These groupings can be favourably compared to those excavated in 2003 at Caltragh, on
the route of the Sligo Inner Relief Road, where a series of fulachtaí fiadh were found to
be in close association with three round-houses and a number of Bronze Age cremated
burials (Danaher 2007, 61-89). The fulachtaí fiadh were positioned along the edge of a
wetland that would once have been a lake, with the houses and cremation burials
located a short distance upslope on the high, drier ground. A series of radiocarbon dates
for each of the features indicate contemporary usage in the sixteenth and fifteenth
centuries BC (ibid, 155-7). The location and topographical positioning of the fulachtaí
fiadh resembles closely that of the fulacht fiadh groupings in the Callow/Culdaly case
area. They are positioned in close proximity to a body of water at a level where a trough
73
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
could access the local water table, below south-facing, rising ground on which any
related settlement would avail not only of the sun‟s heat but also the protection from the
prevailing winds.
Within the case area each of the four groupings of fulachtaí fiadh is predictably
positioned in relation to wetland areas that have now largely become marsh and bog.
The four fulachtaí fiadh in the area around Rubble Lough, a short distance north of the
Moy, are to be more accurately described as two localised pairs of fulachtaí fiadh. The
southernmost pair flank a stream that joins the Moy a short distance to the southwest,
with rising ground adjacent to the north. This pattern is replicated by the second pair
where the fulachtaí fiadh lie alongside Rubble Lough itself, with rising ground c.50m to
the north. It is most likely that these fulachtaí fiadh represent two individual, though not
necessarily contemporary, occupations where the settlement relating to the fulachtaí
fiadh was situated on the slightly higher ground to the north, where they are not only
within easy reach of the fulachtaí fiadh, but also positioned in the lee of two SW-NE
aligned ridges that provide an amount of protection from the prevailing winds. The
mound, located c.300m NNE of Rubble Lough is potentially contemporary in date to
the fulachtaí fiadh, however, the distance between the fulachtaí fiadh and the mound
makes a direct association tenuous given such an isolated example. The pattern of
fulachtaí fiadh being „overlooked‟ by monuments of a ritual nature is one that is
replicated a number of times throughout the Callow/Culdaly case area, a phenomenon
that is discussed below.
The second concentration of fulachtaí fiadh within the case area lies c.800m
northeast of the Callow Loughs, in the townlands of Graffy and Callow (Figure 4.1.7).
This grouping can again be separated into differing areas of activity, the first a loose
association of three fulachtaí fiadh lying either side of a stream leading to Derrynadooey
Lough; the second an adjacent pair a short distance to the west and third an adjacent pair
of sites at the foot of Carn Hill. The two episodes of closely positioned sites can once
again be interpreted as evidence of settlement in the nearby locality. The three along the
Derrynadooey bound stream are more difficult to interpret however, as they are quite
well separated by distances ranging from 70m to 100m. Given these intervening
distances, their contemporaneity cannot be assessed with any great degree of certainty
but their positioning confirms human activity in the locality, while also being additional
evidence of Bronze Age settlement in the valley between the hills of Graffy and Carn.
Overall, the group of seven fulachtaí fiadh highlights the existence of settlement in an
74
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
elevated position within the valley that could have been used to access the uplands to
the west. Many other approaches to the higher ground in Callow townland are made
either difficult or impassable by steep slopes and sheer rock cliffs. It is therefore likely
that this settlement grew up along the main approach to the Callow uplands from the
east.
The third area where a number of fulachtaí fiadh are to be found lies 2km to the
east of those in Callow townland. The group is comprised of three sites in the vicinity of
an expanse of bogland in Carrowneden townland. These three fulachtaí fiadh can again
be viewed as two separate entities, two closely spaced fulachtaí fiadh representing one
episode with an outlier across the wetlands to the east representing a second. It can be
postulated that the two closely set sites can once again be seen to correspond to
substantial activity in the locality, while their topographical location demonstrates the
familiar pattern of being only a short distance from rising ground.
The fourth group of fulachtaí
fiadh are the most distinctive of those
to be seen in the Callow-Culdaly case
area, entailing four closely set
fulachtaí fiadh in Treanrevagh
townland. They are positioned near
the base of the northern side of an
upland valley and are once again in
close proximity to rising ground. The
valley itself is somewhat of a rarity in
the region, being a short hanging
valley at the head of which is nestled
Croghan Lough, while to the
southeast the valley opens out, and
drops down, to the lowlands
alongside the River Moy. The
southern side of the valley is formed
by the rising bulk of the hill locally
known as „Srón Cham Chruacháin‟ or
Figure 4.1.7 – The location of possible Bronze Age
settlements within the Callow/Culdaly case area.
75
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
„The Crooked Nose of Chruacháin‟1, at the northern end of which the Carrowneden
ring-barrow is located. These four fulachtaí fiadh are the most definitive evidence of the
location of a related settlement. They are not only closely set in relation to one another
but their position on the north side of the valley suggests the selection of the location to
take advantage of protection from the elements afforded by the topography, while
avoiding a position in the shadow of „Srón‟ to the south.
Though a result of human activity, and by extension settlement in the area, the
relationship between the various other site types cannot be treated in the same way as
the relationship between fulachtaí fiadh and settlement sites. Without excavation or the
application of relevant remote sensing techniques, it is difficult to develop an
association between these site types and the location of the settlements that gave rise to
them. The pre-bog walls and field systems to be seen in the case area consequently
cannot be employed directly to identify the precise location, or proximity associated
settlement, though they can be counted among the total amount of locales where we see
strong evidence for occupation. Taking these pre-bog walls and field systems into
account, eight locales (Figure 4.1.7) where a strong argument for prehistoric occupation
can be made are to be identified within the area. These include the locations of the
previously discussed fulacht fiadh groupings, as well as the locations where pre-bog
walls and enclosures have been identified. In addition to the numerous other types of
ritual and secular sites that can be seen, these pre-bog features can be regarded as
indicative of settlement activity in the region, prior to the formation of the peat deposits
that overlie them. To the west of Slieve Gamph, palaeoecological studies undertaken in
relation to Herity‟s excavations at Carrownaglogh have shown that peat growth began
c.2000 BC with substantial levels of coverage reached by c.1000 BC (O‟Connell 1990,
268). Conveying these results south across the mountain range to a similar
topographical area at a comparable altitude, it is possible to extrapolate that the pre-bog
walls and enclosures were probably constructed and utilised prior to 1000 BC. Each of
the eight localities is comprised of a number of elements commonly positioned within
topographically definable areas, such as the placement of fulachtaí fiadh in close
proximity to rising ground on which the associated occupation site would have been
situated. A relationship also exists in each case where the more secular components of
the landscape, such as fulachtaí fiadh and pre-bog walls, can be identified in relation to
1
This name stems from the profile of the hill particularly when viewed from the northeast where the top
of hill runs quite level before rising towards its north-western end and then dropping steeply down to
Croghan Lough.
76
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
ritual monuments, typified by occurrences in each of the eight locales. The Treanrevagh
fulacht fiadh group, and likely nearby settlement, are positioned below the striking
hilltop barrow on „Srón Cham Chruacháin‟ with a mound located a short distance to the
north. The pre-bog enclosure and walls in the region of Prebaun are closely associated
with a cist grave and an unclassified megalithic tomb, while the locality around the
Cullin wedge tomb is home to a series of pre-bog walls and an unclassified megalithic
structure, as well as the wedge tomb itself. These Cullin sites lie on the opposite side of
„Srón‟ hill, and as such, could be seen to share a similar relationship with the hilltop
barrow as the Treanrevagh settlement to the east. Finally, the most southerly grouping
of fulachtaí fiadh lies a short distance from a mound that overlooks the depression
within which Rubble Lough, the adjacent fulachtaí fiadh, and probable settlement,
reside.
4.1.4
Summary review of Case Area A – Callow/Culdaly
The Callow/Culdaly case area lies to the south of the main body of the Slieve
Gamph mountain range and with 113 prehistoric or possible prehistoric sites in the
region represents the most heavily endowed case area under investigation. In many
places around the case area, substantial layers of peat have formed above the original
ground surface, which undoubtedly obscures even more sites and artefacts. The earliest
period from which human activity can be ascertained is the Neolithic, though in
comparison to other areas around Slieve Gamph this period is represented by a very low
number of sites. Those that can be identified show an affinity towards striking features
of the natural topography along the edges of which they are commonly positioned. As
no great woodland clearances are noted until the Bronze Age, it is hypothesised that the
positioning of the Neolithic tombs along the edges of highly distinctive natural features
reflects a relationship between the communities who built them and the long utilised
routeways that were used throughout the region. The attraction of these earlier
monuments in the guise of court and portal tombs, towards distinctive topographical
features, is likely to be a reflection of the nearby existence of other contemporary
cultural elements in the form of either settlements or routeways that similarly utilised
the nearby topographical features, both as methods of communication and as statements
of place.
Although the connection to natural landscape features alters as time progresses
with sites proliferating across the region, the intrinsic link to local topographical
77
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
features does not disappear. Settlements appear to be placed in a more dispersed fashion
but further analysis shows that they remain in positions relevant to local settlement and
routeway distribution. The elevated ground in Callow and its eastern approaches typify
this pattern of site distribution and date range. A grouping of fulachtaí fiadh lie at the
foot of a gentle rise that opens out onto the top of an undulating 3km NW-SE aligned
ridge, home to a number of sites. The fulachtaí fiadh, and their positioning, can be
interpreted as evidence of settlement along an approach-way towards the higher ground
to the west. On this higher ground, a complex of sites that include pre-bog field walls,
standing stones and a boulder burial indicate further episodes of prehistoric activity of
both secular and ritual nature. The exact contemporaneity of these two main sessions of
activity in the upper and lower regions of Callow townland need not be seen as a
drawback to analysis of their inter-relationship as all the elements involved are of a later
prehistoric date, while the same pattern of site to topographical position or routeway can
be seen in other localities throughout the case area.
In the Bronze Age, an expansion of the numbers of sites and the areas where
occupation can be identified reflects a consolidation of, and increase in, human activity,
agricultural practices and population numbers. Within the case area, eight
concentrations of sites can be identified as likely locations of settlement during the later
prehistoric period. It is not argued that these settlement locales are contemporary with
each other but that they give an indication of the way in which the greater landscape
appears to be more extensively occupied and utilised in the later prehistoric period as
opposed to the earlier period represented by the Neolithic tombs that congregate along
the substantial topographical features of the area.
78
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.2
Case Study B: Lough Conn/River Moy
Figure 4.2.1 – Map of Case Study Area B, Lough Conn/River Moy, showing the position
and variety of prehistoric sites and locations of artefact findspots.
79
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.2.1
Location and Topography
The second selected case area lies between two of the major natural features of
the northwest of Ireland. To the west, the conjoined loughs of Conn and Cullin extend
the length of the case area, while the eastern side is formed by the expansive lower
reaches of the River Moy and its floodplain. The intervening area is composed of a
combination of tracts of low-lying and quite often boggy land interspersed with
numerous N-S aligned ridges. The case area is more extensive than the others selected
for consideration as it stretches across an area in excess of 90km2. Within the area, there
are quite a low number of prehistoric sites spread diffusely across the region with few
concentrations discernable. Similar to the previous case area, the level of recorded site
numbers could be heavily influenced by the intervening millennia of activity or lack of
discovery to date.
It can be argued that the Lough Conn/River Moy case area is not substantively
related to the Slieve Gamph mountain range, however it is an area that owes a large
amount to the mountain range in terms of its physical formation and available resources.
The position of the mountain range, and the durable nature of the mountain‟s formative
material, influences the very shape of the topography that formed in the area to the west
of Slieve Gamph. Modern drainage systems and the dredging of the River Moy in the
1960s have substantially changed the nature of the landscape visible across the Lough
Conn/River Moy case area. Consequently, to understand the world in which the people
of the prehistoric period lived, one must endeavour to reconstruct the physical setting of
their lives. The current lay of the land is the result of a series of actions that occurred
from the very earliest times when the physical landscape was formed. The position of
Slieve Gamph, and its granitic composition, guides the River Moy south along its
eastern flank before the river eventually finds its way through a gap in the lower reaches
of the range on the east of the Lough Conn/River Moy case area, at Coolcronaun. The
narrowness of this gap saw to it that what once would have been a lake comparable in
size to Lough Cullin, would have formed above the outlet at Coolcronaun. A similar
situation existed a short distance further north, where the available channel again
narrows at Rahans, 1.5km south of Ballina. The overall effect of these two contractions
would be to form two medium sized permanent or seasonal lakes, each approximately
5km long and 3km wide at their broadest point. The formation and position of the upper
of these lakes (referred to as Curragh Lough) is mirrored by the current arrangement of
Lough Cullin, which is separated from the larger Lough Conn to the north by the out80
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
cropping form of the SW-NE aligned Ox Mountain Inlier. Over time the two expanses
of wetland along the Moy became inundated by substantial layers of peat resulting in
two notable tracts of level bogland. A further alteration to the topography was instigated
by the implementation of the Moy Drainage Scheme in the 1960s. This further altered
the prevailing terrain, with the deepening of the river channel facilitating a much greater
outflow from the region, thus having the desired result of reducing the frequency and
extent of flooding during wetter periods. The drainage program was quite successful
overall, though the river still floods periodically each winter. The result of this series of
alterations is that the physical landscape visible today is far removed from its
appearance during the prehistoric period. What was once an expansive floodplain
incorporating a series of lakes and rivers, transformed into peatland floodplain, which
was subsequently drained to an extent where certain areas became dry enough to be
suitable for use as summer pasture. In all prehistoric studies changes that occur within
the physical environment necessitate that the extant evidence be conceptually removed
Figure 4.2.2 – The position of the
two possible loughs of ‘Curragh’
and ‘Rathnaconeen’ along the
lower stretches of the River Moy.
The northern edge of the NE-SW
aligned Ox Mountain Inlier
(visible as the lighter shaded
area) is composed of durable
schist, granite and marble the
first two of which are commonly
exposed on the surface today.
The substantial hills that form the
northern fringe of the inlier
currently separate Lough Cullin
from Lough Conn as well as
retaining the prehistoric ‘Curragh
Lough’.
Light Blue – below 10m OD
Gold
– 10m to 12m OD.
81
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
from the modern topography and placed within its contemporary landscape. The
magnitude of changes visible in the Lough Conn/River Moy case area highlight the
need for such an approach to the prehistoric archaeology of the region.
4.2.2
Earliest Evidence – Mesolithic and Neolithic
The earliest evidence of human activity in the Lough Conn/River Moy case area
is also the earliest evidence for human activity within the overall study area. It comes in
the form of a single microlith1, found during excavations at Tonybaun in advance of the
first phase of the N26 road realignment. The site being excavated was a „cillín‟, or
„children‟s burial ground‟, a short distance from the western bank of the River Moy.
During the course of excavation two stone axes2 were recovered along with 244 flakes
of flint and chert3. A high volume of the articles retrieved were debitage, without
discernible context or association with datable features, though one object was
identified as a chert scalene triangle microlith of the Early Mesolithic (J. Nolan, pers.
comm.). The most substantial evidence of Mesolithic activity revealed in the broader
North Connacht region to date has been at Lough Gara to the east and at Belderg to the
west (Fredengren 2002; Warren 2004). Logically therefore, it is to be assumed that there
would also have been a human presence in what is quite a large intervening space
between these two confirmed locations of Mesolithic activity but until the discovery of
this diagnostically Mesolithic artefact, no confirmatory evidence existed. In a broader
context therefore the discovery of this microlith, even taking into account that it is only
a single artefact, is significant in that it affirms a human presence in the region not only
during the Mesolithic period but in the earlier part of that era.
A second indicator of Mesolithic activity in the region comes in the form of the
number of stone axes that have been discovered. To date 12 stone axes have been
uncovered throughout the case area, many as a result of the Moy dredging works in the
1960s. Until quite recently, the stone axe, and more specifically the polished stone axe,
was seen as an indicator of Neolithic occupation and activity linked to the perceived
widespread felling of trees and the adoption of an agricultural way of life. This was
predicated by the circular reasoning that widespread tree clearance was not required
prior to the adoption of an agricultural way of life, while the absence of forest clearance
for other purposes was assumed to be resultant of a lack of the required technology.
1
Artefact Catalogue Number 8-12
Artefact Catalogue Numbers 8-32 and 8-33
3
Artefact Catalogue Number 8-13
2
82
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
However, as additional evidence accrued, this doctrine was challenged and eventually
the accepted date of production and use of such implements has been pushed back into
the Mesolithic period. Indicative of this is the 2001 discovery of a polished stone axe in
a cremation burial pit at Hermitage, Co. Limerick that returned Early Mesolithic
radiocarbon dates of 7550-7290 BC and 7530-7320 BC (Collins and Coyne 2006, 21).
This discovery gave an indication of just how far back in time the usage of polished
stone axes in Ireland extends. The growing acceptance of the earlier dates applicable to
the discovery of stone axes makes it reasonable to assume that a proportion of the 12
stone axes from the Lough Conn/River Moy case area may have originated in the
Mesolithic period.
Within the national context, an assemblage of 12 stone axes stands as a paltry
sample, particularly when compared to findspots such as Killaloe, Co. Clare where to
date in excess of 800 examples have been recovered from the River Shannon. Though
the volume of examples does not compare, what can be stated with certainty is the
adherence of the context of discovery of the axes from the Lough Conn/River Moy case
area with the greater trends visible across the country. As is common with many stone
axe discoveries in Ireland, each Lough Conn/River Moy axe was discovered in close
proximity to wetlands and in particular the River Moy, with five axes recorded as being
recovered from the river during the 1960s drainage works and two discovered on the
surface of the riverbank. Most of the axes lack detailed information regarding the exact
location of their discovery though in many cases enough detail is supplied to allow for
reasonable analysis. Interestingly, each of the axes was found in locations that respect
the existence of the hypothesised loughs of Curragh and Rathnaconneen suggesting that
the lakes actually existed at the time in question and were a defining feature in the
landscape.
4.2.3
Crossing the Moy and its floodplain
Axe discovery locations, allied to analysis of the local topography and
comparison with the locations where artefacts from later periods were discovered,
coincide at a number of positions along the river indicating the presence of a series of
crossing points on the river, that would have been utilised throughout the prehistoric
period. The most southerly of these at Foxford is to this day an important crossing on
the Moy, and is the point at which the modern N26 roadway crosses the river. This lies
at the head of „Curragh Lough‟ and is the last potential crossing point for quite a
83
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
distance until one reaches a point at Coolcronaun 5.3km to the north. The Irish name for
Foxford, Bellass, was interpreted by Lewis (1837) in his Topographical Dictionary of
Ireland as meaning “the mouth of the cutaract”, however an alternative interpretation
would be, „the ford of the cataract‟. The latter more accurately describing the location
where the town developed, at a crossing point on the river, above a waterfall.
The conceptual structure of such a river crossing point should not however be
seen simply as the crossing of a dryland route over an intervening water body. Instead,
the efficiency and ease of waterborne movement necessitates that such a point in the
landscape be seen as an intersection of two important modes of transport. In modern
times the potential of waterborne travel and trade along the Moy has been much
forgotten as reliance on road transport increased. During the early 19th century however,
the river was envisaged as being the future of travel in the region, with plans formulated
by the county surveyor of the time to connect Ballina to Lough Conn by canal thus
allowing for further connection from there to Galway (Lewis 1837a, 104).
In many instances the points at which differing forms of travel interact develop
into important centres in the local
and regional landscape, where the
relationship between different modes
of travel solidifies over time,
generating substantial settlement and
associated activities. In most places
throughout the region where such a
position can be identified,
subsequent development obscures
the location as it would have been
during prehistory. Along the lower
stretches of the River Moy for
example, two of the three identifiable
crossing points have been overbuilt
by the towns of Ballina and Foxford,
whose development drew settlement,
commerce and associated
development towards them. Their
Figure 4.2.3 – The locations of sites and
townlands mentioned in text.
growth and success was instrumental
84
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
however in drawing attention away from the third such position, at Coolcronaun, where
the character of the crossing point was never substantially altered until very recent times
when a quarry was established to the east.
The area in which the crossing point is located is currently home to the
neighbouring townlands of Coolcronaun and Bunnafinglas. It appears in the landscape
as a band of higher ground bisected by the River Moy and it is at this point, where the
river makes its way through a breach in the higher ground, that the width of the flanking
floodplain decreases from 2.5km to c.150m. Atop the steeply rising western side of the
river channel a court tomb is positioned oriented to the east overlooking the crossing
point, while a short distance from the eastern side of the river a westerly facing Late
Neolithic/Early Bronze Age wedge tomb was constructed in Bunnafinglas townland.
This later tomb lies a short distance from the base of a cliff. The orientation of the
tombs however cannot be seen as a signifier of a direct association with the nearby
crossing point, as they correlate with patterns of orientation long noted throughout
Ireland for court and wedge tombs. Analysis of the topographical positioning of the two
sites within their local context goes some way towards suggesting a link to the river
crossing however. Similar to a number of other court tombs in the Lough Conn/River
Moy case area, the siting of the example at Coolcronaun could be simplistically
described as being on higher ground, a short distance from a notable descent to an
expanse of lower lying wetlands. Though the ambient conditions have changed much
since prehistoric times, the low altitude of many of these wetland areas suggests that
they would also have been wetland in character during the period in question. The
Coolcronaun tomb follows this pattern of positioning, overlooking what would have
been a significant intersection of dryland and waterborne routeways. This pattern of
distinctive topographical positioning in relation to local routeways has also been seen in
the positioning of the court tombs in the Callow-Culdaly case area.
The variety of sites and artefacts pertaining to the locality indicates that the
importance associated with the area spanned numerous periods even up to quite recent
times, with the formation of a Children‟s Burial Ground and the construction of
Coolcronaun House on the west side of the river, while the modern Bunnafinglas
graveyard lies adjacent to the eastern bank of the river. This continuity of activity most
likely originated as far back in time as the Mesolithic period; the earliest evidence of
human activity uncovered to date however comes in the form of the Neolithic court
tomb and the stone axe of a similar, or earlier, date recovered from the river. In
85
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
subsequent eras it appears that the relevance of the position in the surrounding
landscape became further formalised with the erection of the Bunnafinglas wedge tomb
in the Early Bronze Age. Two standing stones are also likely to be Bronze Age in
origin, chronologically correlating with the dates attributable to the two bronze swords
from the riverbed. The first sword1, which appears to be slightly earlier in date, is the
only artefact from the locality whose findspot has been accurately reported having been
dredged from the river near Bunnafinglas graveyard. The sword has been identified by
Eogan (1965, 160) as belonging to his Class 4 category of bronze swords, which are the
most common type of bronze sword found in Ireland and can be dated to the Dowris
Phase of the Later Bronze Age
between 900 BC and 600 BC.
The second sword2, which
appears to be of a slightly later
date, has been identified by
Eogan (1965, 163) as an
example of his Class 5 swords,
also known as Gündlingen type,
after their similarity to a type
identified in south-western
Germany (Waddell 1998, 279).
Eogan‟s Class 5 swords can be
distinguished from preceding
sword types by a number of
morphological criteria, one of
which being that they
incorporate a longer more
slender blade than earlier
examples. Within this body of
longer swords it is worth noting
that the Coolcronaun example is
Figure 4.2.4 – TIN model indicating the location of sites
and approximate artefact discovery locations flanking the
River Moy at the crossing point between the townlands of
Coolcronaun and Bunnafinglas. The lighter shaded area
represents the current topography up to 10m OD.
1
See Artefact Catalogue entry 3-52 for description of this sword. The growth of the corpus of bronze
swords and the time elapsed since Eogan published his Catalogue of Irish Bronze Swords in 1965
necessitate that a revision of Irish sword classifications be undertaken. Pending such work Eogan‟s
classification system effectively remains the default system used to identify Irish bronze swords.
2
Artefact Catalogue Number 3-65.
86
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
the longest recovered in Ireland to date, with an original length of 84cm. The discovery
of the two swords follows the long recognised pattern of deposition of such objects in
wetland contexts. A number of feasible hypotheses exist as to why this practice took
place throughout prehistory. These include that they were placed during ceremonies
marking boundaries between people or places, that they were ritual offerings to the
ancestors or deities or that the act of placing the sword in such a context was to be seen
as the symbolic ending of the life of the object (Condit and O‟Sullivan 1999, Bourke
2001, Grogan 2005). At this point consideration of the intrinsic value of such a bronze
sword can shed light on the magnitude of such practices. From a basic economic
standpoint, the sword was worth its weight in bronze which could have been traded or
recycled if no longer required, a practice which appears to have been widespread as
indicated by the discovery of various bronze hoards composed of broken objects1 and
amorphous bronze ingots.
Interestingly, the European Gündlingen type swords of the 7th century BC are
seen to be contemporary with the production and use of iron swords (Waddell 1998,
279). It is possible therefore, that the Coolcronaun example can be seen as an indicator
of Early Iron Age activity in the region. Other nearby indicators of Iron Age activity
include the recovery of the upper stone of a beehive quern from the eastern side of the
river at Bunnafinglas and the discovery of an iron-working furnace at Tonybaun. The
discovery of a beehive quern in wetland contexts is not unusual in Ireland with the
frequency of such discoveries again highlighting their use as ritual or votive offerings.
Waddell (ibid, 320) suggests the likelihood that quern stones would have been
discarded/deposited a short distance from where they were used and that this may be an
aid to the location of contemporary settlement. It is plausible therefore to hypothesise
that the discovery of artefacts from the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age allied to the
construction of up to four monuments of a similar date range indicates the existence of a
settlement of that period in close proximity to the river crossing point.
In addition to the two previously mentioned standing stones, a third stone is also
present in the vicinity of the river crossing. However, the position and morphology of
this stone suggests that it may owe its origins to the nearby Coolcronaun House which
1
The hoard found under a rock at Cooga, Co. Sligo included the heavily damaged hilt of a bronze sword
and two socketed bronze axes one of which was also heavily damaged, the other apparently unfinished.
The hoard can be interpreted as the property of a person (possibly a smith) who was retaining the
damaged objects as either a form of currency or with the unfulfilled intention of recasting the bronze into
another form.
87
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Figure 4.2.5 – Drawings of the two bronze swords recovered from the River Moy during dredging
works in 1963. The upper is the Class 4 sword from Bunnafinglas while the lower is the Class 5
Gündlingen type sword from Coolcronaun (after Eogan 1965, Fig.‟s 81 and 82).
was constructed in the middle of the nineteenth century1. Completing the total of seven
possible prehistoric sites within what is to be considered a tight regional concentration,
are two enclosures, neither of which is any longer visible above ground. The first,
depicted on various editions of the Ordnance Survey map series is of apparently small
size suggestive that it is a small barrow or a hut-site. The exact character of the
enclosure may be resolved in the near future however, as the site lies within the
proposed road-take for the second phase of the N26 realignment and is due to be
excavated in advance of construction. Similar to the other sites in the locality, the
enclosure was sited on the more gently sloping ground north of the spine of the E-W
aligned ridge that forms the river crossing. The second recorded enclosure is no longer
extant in any form, having been destroyed by large scale quarry working on the east of
the Moy, and though there is no way to identify the type of site or the period it belonged
to, its hilltop position overlooking the crossing point is suggestive of a deliberate
association with the nearby fording point.
The total of six artefacts from the immediate locality that have been submitted to
the National Museum of Ireland were all recovered during the course of the oftenmentioned Moy drainage scheme of the 1960s. Those not, or unlikely to be of
prehistoric origin were an „iron spike‟ and a Viking sword. Local reports suggest that
there may also have been additional artefacts recovered though these have not reached
the National Museum of Ireland. Once again, the quantity of artefacts may not be
exceptional when compared to other areas around Ireland, but when viewed in a
regional context, the collection represents the largest grouping of artefacts that are not
associated with an archaeological excavation or attributable to the work of a collector of
antiquities. It is also likely that considering the large-scale mechanical method of
1
See Site Catalogue entry 5026-SS for discussion.
88
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
recovery, quite a number of other artefacts may not have been noticed and still lie
within the heaps of dredge-spoil that line the riverbank.
Though the concentration of sites and artefacts in the Coolcronaun area is highly
suggestive of nearby settlement it mirrors the general Lough Conn/River Moy case area
and is similar to most other case areas where there is no direct evidence for prehistoric
settlement. Studying the relationship between site location, artefact discovery location
and topographical analysis, it may be possible to identify concentrations of prehistoric
activity, and by extension potential areas of settlement. This analysis is poorly aided by
the low quantity of surviving monuments in the case area, where only 39 prehistoric
sites have been identified in a region of c.90km2. In comparison to other North
Connacht regions the proportion of these sites that can be said to originate from the
earlier part of the prehistoric sequence is substantial, at almost half (17). Later
prehistoric sites are common throughout the region, but within the current case area it
appears that site survival is heavily biased towards more easily recognisable monument
types, with the disappearance of less identifiable, commonly prehistoric sites. This is
most likely a consequence of pressure on the available land resources in the area. The
prevailing topography is clearly visible as a repetitive series of N-S aligned ridges
interspersed by low-lying tracts of marsh and bog. As such, prior to the development of
modern drainage systems the vast majority of human activity would have been centred
on the higher, drier ground. These limited areas were used continually, impacting in a
variety of forms on the archaeological remnants of previous generations. The more
highly visible and recognisable stone tombs appear to have survived quite well, as have
more recent large earthen sites such as ringforts, but older sites such as fulachtaí fiadh
and barrows would appear to have fared worse with very few surviving in the record.
The original presence of such sites is undoubted, given that of the very few
archaeological excavations carried out in the area two have uncovered fulachtaí fiadh.
These survived as shallow but extensive spreads of burnt material which were only
identified during archaeological monitoring in advance of road construction (Gillespie,
2003; Zajac 2004).
At Drumrevagh, the only confirmed barrow within the case area shows evidence
of extensive damage with the bank surviving to a height of only 0.3m on the northern
side and being almost indistinguishable on the south. The discoveries of two burials at
Rathduff and Drumrevagh also indicate the destruction of above ground burial markers
in the area. The exact location of the Drumrevagh burial is unknown but general
89
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
descriptions of the location and circumstances of discovery, during the construction of
buildings associated with the nearby Mount Falcon estate, indicate that it was located
c.120m north of the barrow in the same townland. No above ground indicators of the
Drumrevagh burial survived prior to the discovery of the burial itself and though reports
do not indicate why it was attributed a prehistoric date, its proximity to the nearby
barrow may support the prehistoric assertion. More definitively, the Rathduff burial was
contained within a cist grave described as being “in a green mound on a little hill”.
Markings on the capstone of the cist were interpreted as being the result of plough
damage, suggesting that the „mound‟ had been substantially eroded by ploughing prior
to the discovery of the underlying cist grave. The number of previously unrecognised
sites that have come to light as the result of agricultural or construction related activities
suggests that there are yet more similarly unrecorded sites to be discovered in the area.
The tendency of later prehistoric sites, particularly ritual monuments, to be constructed
of less robust materials than earlier periods appears to have led to substantial destruction
of said monuments over subsequent generations. There is a real probability therefore
that the apparently low numbers of later prehistoric sites within the Lough Conn/River
Moy case area is the result of this gradual destruction of sites within a landscape of
limited agriculturally exploitable terrain and not the result of their original absence.
Of the seventeen recorded megalithic tombs in the case area ten are identifiable
as court tombs and three as wedge tombs; four do not subscribe to any commonly
recognised classification. As mentioned previously, the court tomb at Coolcronaun
follows the pattern noted in the Callow/Culdaly case area where the surviving court
tombs are positioned in relation to significant topographical features that define
potential routeways through the landscape. The Coolcronaun court tomb is typical of
this pattern of monument positioning being deliberately sited to overlook the
conjunction of two distinctive routeway options in the locality. It is notable that a
number of the other court tombs in the case area also follow this pattern of site
placement. Unsurprisingly, given the nature of the local topography each of the sites is
located in an elevated position while all but two, Ardagh and Derreen, are located in
close proximity to distinctive topographical features. In general, these tend to be along
the top of the N-S aligned ridges that are common throughout the region. These sites
would therefore occupy positions frequented by people moving within or through the
area. Typical of this placement model are the court tombs at Ballybeg and
Ballymacredmond (Figure 4.2.3); each are close to steep descents along the top of
90
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Figure 4.2.6 – The position of the heavily overgrown Creggaun court tomb on a westerly spur of higher
ground. The lines indicate the downward slopes to the north (right) and south (left) of the monument.
which would be the most viable, and easily identifiable path. The tomb in Creggaun1
townland differs only in the scale of the topography on which it was erected. It is again
situated on higher ground with discernible slopes descending to what are now tracts of
bogland to the north and south, however, the position it occupies implies greater
importance when viewed in its regional context. The tomb was constructed atop one of
the only portions of higher ground that does not adhere to the local pattern of N-S
aligned ridges, a similarity it shares with the Coolcronaun court tomb. The site occupies
a central position along an E-W spur of higher ground that can be seen as a site of
potential settlement, as well as serving as an E-W routeway between two of the parallel
upland ridges.
All of the court tombs in the case area follow the national pattern of varying
orientation with a general trend towards the east. The only confirmed wedge tomb in the
case area also obliges the observed national model, by facing west. Of the other
surviving megalithic tombs in the area two are worthy of note. Despite being in a poor
state of repair, the arrangement of the surviving elements of the unclassified megalithic
tomb at Lissaniska West has been noted by DeValera and Ó‟Nualláin (1964, 65) as
resembling that of a wedge tomb, with a westerly orientation and a portico to the front.
This assertion can be taken further in comparison with the other tombs in the greater
region, as the morphology of the orthostats that comprise the tomb appear more akin to
those seen at other wedge tombs throughout the study area. In general, court tombs in
the region tend to be constructed of more substantial stones, commonly of rounded
appearance, whereas wedge tombs are constructed of lesser volume elements with
flatter faces, signifying that split boulders were used. The Lissaniska West tomb is
1
This Creggaun townland is located to the south of Ballina in the barony of Tirawley. Another court tomb
in the Creggaun townland of the Gallen barony has previously been discussed as part of the
Callow/Culdaly case area.
91
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
constructed entirely of more slender slabs that are rarely to be found within the matrix
of local court tombs. The combination of factors indicates that the tomb should be
considered a Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age wedge tomb. If one is to consider the
tomb to be a wedge tomb, it becomes only the second extant example within the case
area, and one of only sixteen sites that originate from later prehistory. In such a large
area the low volume of later prehistoric sites is marked, while unlike other case areas
these later sites follow the pre-existing pattern of congregating in areas close to river
and lake edges.
The second unclassified megalithic tomb whose date of construction can be
estimated is that located just south of Ballina. The tomb, locally known as „The Dolmen
of the Four Maols‟, is extant solely as what appears to be the terminal chamber of a
more extensive monument postulated by Jones (2007, 277) as a possible passage tomb.
Following the pattern of the structural size of monument elements, the capstone of the
Ballina tomb follows the model visible in Neolithic monuments further north. In its
local context, the site is positioned in an elevated position overlooking the Moy similar
to many of the Neolithic tombs in the locality though its southerly orientation is at
variance with the court tombs in the area, which are commonly oriented within an arc
from NE to ESE. The possibilities therefore appear limited to the site being the
remnants of a passage tomb or a much altered portal tomb. A „simple‟ passage tomb
arrangement akin to those at Carrowmore or Carrowhubbuck, where a central
megalithic chamber is surrounded by a boulder circle, appears to be the most likely of
the known monument types that the Ballina tomb may belong to. Its larger
morphological elements appear to indicate a Neolithic date while the southerly
orientation lessens the likelihood of it being a court tomb. The general layout and
structure do not follow that of a portal tomb resulting in the assessment that the
combination of factors suggests that the structure is akin to a „simple‟ passage tomb.
A number of later prehistoric artefacts have been recovered from the case area
though these once again follow pre-existing patterns. A large number of artefacts are
provenanced to Ballina, or described as having been discovered „near Ballina‟, which
unfortunately renders them of little value, aside from their intrinsic value as antiquities.
As a regional postal centre Ballina serves a great swathe of North Mayo and the address
of many areas fall under the realm of Ballina. Many of the artefacts that found their way
to the National Museum of Ireland had little information supplied so were recorded as
being from „near Ballina‟, as such this cannot be used as an accurate indicator of where
92
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
the artefacts were actually recovered. Towards the south of the case area, a similar
difficulty arises at Foxford were a group of nine bronzes ranging in form and date from
Middle Bronze Age flat axes to a Late Bronze Age sword are recorded as coming from
a „hoard or collection‟. Spanning almost one thousand years, the range of dates
attributable to the pieces suggests that the „hoard‟ is the work of a collector who
gathered the objects together prior to 1939, when they reached the National Museum of
Ireland. Each of the other artefacts recovered in the area are isolated, chance finds,
without association to other artefacts or contemporary sites, the most lucid collaboration
of site and artefact occurring at the previously discussed fording point at Coolcronaun.
Settlement indicators in the area
In analysing the potential positions of settlement in the Callow/Culdaly case
area, the argument was forwarded that the occurrence of fulachtaí fiadh in distinct
groupings could be used to identify locations where contemporary settlement was
likely. The only potential location for
such analysis in the Lough Conn/River
Moy case area is at Lisduvoge, on the
eastern shores of Lough Conn, where
two fulachtaí fiadh lie in close
attendance. Similar to the fulacht fiadh
groupings in the previous case area, they
are alongside an area of wetland, in this
case Lough Conn, and are close to rising
ground. Fulachtaí fiadh have been
located at only four other places
dispersed throughout the area, each
being an individual example. This is
quite unusual when viewed in
comparison to the fulachtaí fiadh
concentrations in the region around
Turlough, to the southwest of the study
Figure 4.2.7 – The locations of the four
concentrations of activity along the River Moy
and the position of the two Lisduvoge
fulachtaí fiadh to the west.
area, where in excess of 120 sites have
been identified in what is to be
considered a small area. It is to be
93
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
assumed therefore that fulachtaí fiadh would have been a common feature in the
landscape of the current case area in later prehistory; yet today, possibly through a
combination of destruction and lack of recognition, they do not appear in large numbers
in the archaeological record.
A gradual diachronic trend of activity away from riverside locations can be
identified in the Lough Conn/River Moy case area. The single microlith, representing
the earliest era discernible in the region, suggests activity along the edges of the River
Moy and its floodplain in the Early Mesolithic, a pattern emphasised by the corpus of
stone axes from the locality. The surviving tombs of the Neolithic period occupy
elevated positions in the landscape hinting at the location of both contemporary and preexisting routeways or settlements, yet still observing quite a close relationship with the
major rivers and lakes in the region. In other case areas, a very definite migration away
from riverside locations is visible as time progresses towards later prehistory, but either
as a result of variant survival or original absence, the riverine and lacustrine relationship
remains throughout prehistory in the Lough Conn/River Moy case area. Along the
course of the River Moy four concentrations of activity spanning various eras can be
identified (Figure 4.2.7), one at each of the three main fording points on this lower part
of the river and a fourth in the vicinity of the modern townlands of Tonybaun and
Ballymacredmond. The small number of apparently isolated fulachtaí fiadh hint at the
potential spread of settlement across the area, but only the closely associated pair at
Lisduvoge serve to argue towards related settlement. A substantial difficulty persists
within the Lough Conn/River Moy case area that is also apparent elsewhere in that the
vast majority of surviving evidence comes in the form of ritual monuments, with a
dearth of settlement indicators. This requires logical extrapolation of the available
evidence and a certain amount of faith in the potential for the surviving evidence to
reflect the model that existed during prehistory.
94
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.2.4
Summary review of Case Area B – Lough Conn/River Moy
The Lough Conn/River Moy case area like many regions around Slieve Gamph
and the greater North Connacht region is comprised of a combination of bogland tracts
and farmland on the higher, drier ground. Unlike many other areas however, distinct
natural boundaries exist to the east and west effectively forming a N-S corridor between
the River Moy and its expansive floodplain to the east, and the Loughs of Cullin and
Conn to the west. Within this area, a glacially formed series of ridges are similarly
aligned N-S on the top and sides of which are to be found the areas most suited to
occupation. The topography as it exists today is much removed from that of the
prehistoric period largely as a result of successive sequences of peat formation and
human drainage patterns. Analysis of the surviving landforms suggests the existence of
two large wetland expanses, each occupying an area comparable to that of Lough Cullin
today. This large wetland area can be seen to act upon the lives of the people of the
period in two ways. Firstly, as a constraint on dryland movement which could only be
crossed at three points where the wetlands were constricted by higher ground and
secondly, as an ideal method of waterborne transport along the deeper waters of the
wetlands. It is interesting to note that the planned second phase of the N26 road
realignment moves away from the current route that crosses parts of these now bogland
areas to once again utilise the higher, drier ground at the edges of these prehistoric
wetlands.
The earliest confirmed evidence of human activity recovered from the overall
study area was discovered within the Lough Conn/River Moy case area in the form of a
single Early Mesolithic microlith, which though being the most minimal evidence,
indicates human activity along the banks of the River Moy prior to 5500 BC. Mesolithic
activity in regions to the east and west and the discovery of a number of stone axes
could previously have been used to argue for possible Mesolithic activity in the area,
but the wide range of dates within which stone axes were produced and used meant that
it was only with the discovery of the microlith at Tonybaun that such an early date for
activity in the area could be confirmed. In the Neolithic period, the distribution of
activity is embodied by the series of court tombs that, to a large extent, occupy positions
flanking the Moy and its floodplain. Once again however, this cannot be seen as directly
representative of settlement in those localities, but of a general affinity with the higher,
better quality agricultural land.
95
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
The importance attached to conduits of movement can be seen throughout
prehistory in the case area, from the positioning of court tombs in nationally recognised
patterns along the course of the Moy, to their occurrence in places where one can move
between the N-S aligned ridges of higher ground. The example at Coolcronaun exhibits
a number of positional traits visible at other similar sites in the region, as well as
signifying and imposing upon one of the important crossing points on the river. The
crossing point serves as a microcosmic view of the continuing importance of particular
places in the landscape from prehistory to the present day, with evidence and site types
ranging from a stone axe and bronze swords to the construction of burial monuments
from the prehistoric court and wedge tombs to a quite recent cillín and even a modern
cemetery in Bunnafinglas.
Unlike the preceding case area there is little direct evidence for settlement from
any prehistoric period in the case area. The best possibility at present is that signified by
the two closely spaced fulachtaí fiadh in Lisduvoge townland, a short distance from the
shore of Lough Conn. Other areas of potential are signified by concentrations of
artefacts or the location of monuments, though in most instances only excavation at
these places would shed greater light on the exact nature of activity at said sites.
96
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.3
Case Study C: Corrower/Carrownaglogh
Figure 4.3.1 – Map of Case Study Area C Corrower/Carrownaglogh, showing the position and
variety of prehistoric sites and locations of artefact findspots.
97
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.3.1
Location and topography
Covering an area of c.80 km2, the third selected case area occupies a diverse
topographical region to the east of the town of Ballina. Moving from west to east, the
Moy floodplain and Ballina lowlands give way to an area typified by a repetitive series
of low drumlinoid hills, interspersed by numerous small lakes, rivers and streams. To
the south of the area, a NE-SW alignment of medium size lakes mark the eastern border
of this lowland region, beyond which one begins to climb the bulk of Slieve Gamph.
The gradient is gentle and undulating at first, before becoming quite level as one crosses
the peat-covered upland plateau that extends from Slieve Gamph at an altitude of
c.120m OD. Towards the south of the case area this plateau is quite brief, but further
north it can be seen to extend for a number of kilometres, before one reaches the steeper
face of the main body of Slieve Gamph itself. To the east of the case area, the highly
distinctive mountain pass of Gleann na Mochart, locally known as „The Gap‟, is home
to the glacially formed Lough Talt. The variety of current land surface in the area ranges
just as much as the topography. In the west rolling pasturelands are intermingled with
tracts of bogland that become even more frequent as one progresses east, eventually
forming the vast boglands on the
upland plateau.
In many archaeological
studies a description of the
underlying geology is routinely
rehearsed as a matter of course,
regardless of whether or not it
applies to the archaeology under
analysis. In previous case areas
the processes that formed the
current and prehistoric
topography where discussed as
contributory elements that framed
human activity in prehistory. In
the Corrower/Carrownaglogh
case area however, an
understanding of the very
bedrock elucidates the overall
Figure 4.3.2 – The position of the geological fault
lines along the southern ranges of Slieve Gamph.
98
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
topography that was formed, and the lives that played out within what was to become a
combined cultural and natural landscape.
Slieve Gamph has long been recognised as an intrusion of igneous and
metamorphic rock types into the more common carboniferous limestone to the east and
west. Within and along this intrusion, the variety of rock types and their associated
dividing fault lines allied with substantial glacial activity to create some of the defining
features of the area. Chief among these is the striking mountain pass of Gleann na
Mochart, which formed at a fault line where the predominately schist composition of
northern Slieve Gamph, meets the granite that forms the spine of the southern part of
the range. Extending for a distance of 5km northwest of „The Gap‟, a deep glacial
meltwater channel known as Glenree, is one of the most striking features in the
landscape. Towards the south of the case area a band of interlinked lakes stretching
from Lough Brohly to Carrowkeribly Lough lie along the fault that divides the
mountain range from the limestone lowlands to the west.
4.3.2
Archaeological evidence
The general occurrence in each case area is towards the vast majority of extant
prehistoric sites surviving in the form of ritual monuments, a trend that continues in the
Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area. A further continuity is that though Neolithic sites
are rare within the case area, it is this period that is once again the earliest era
represented by extant sites. There is however a difference visible in the Neolithic sites
of the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area, in that those surviving do not follow trends
visible in other areas, and as such, tend to pose more questions than answers. There are
three known Neolithic sites within the case area, two of which are court tombs at
Carrowleagh and Carrownaglogh on the upland plateau near to „The Gap‟, and one
passage tomb at Carrowreagh, in the lowlands between Ballina and Bunnyconnellan. A
fourth possible Neolithic tomb at Corimla South lies a short distance northwest of the
passage tomb. In general, the court tombs that lie within the overall study area tend to
follow the national pattern of lowland positioning. Conversely however, the two that
fall within this case area are to be found in distinctly upland settings. Both are sited on
what is now the peat-covered plateau that extends northwest from Slieve Gamph at
altitudes ranging from 120m to 200m above sea level. In the North Connacht region
very few court tombs are to be found above a level of 120m-130m OD, placing the
Carrowleagh example at the upper end of this scale and the Carrownaglogh site c.80m
99
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
above it (Figure 4.3.5). The general location of the two court tombs is also at variance
with local patterns as they are sited quite a distance from a major river course. With this
in mind, there appears to be two general criteria presiding over the selection of potential
court tomb sites in the region. On one hand, there are tombs that are clearly positioned
in relation to major water courses as seen along the course of the Moy and Easky River,
while on the other, some are placed in areas defined by their proximity to other types of
notable topographical features. On first appraisal, the Carrownaglogh court tomb sitting
along the side of a broad valley appears to fall into the latter category. The valley is
however the gathering point for a small stream that rises a short distance away. This
stream flows north eventually forming one of the main tributaries of the Easky River,
whose flanks are home to numerous Neolithic sites1. Indeed, should one wish to see it as
such, the location of the court tomb could also be perceived as the source of the Easky
River2, suggesting the possibility that the Carrownaglogh tomb owes its origins to the
tradition that arose along the Easky River. Understanding any further connection
between the tomb and those of a similar type to the north is hampered by the little
amount of the site that is visible above the level of the surrounding bogland. It is
possible however, that the site‟s northerly orientation may both align with the nearby
stream, and respect the position of the concentration of Neolithic sites in the
Tawnatruffaun area to the north3.
Figure 4.3.3 – The position of the Carrownaglogh court tomb (visible as an area of light brown foliage
to the left of centre) as seen from the ridge of higher ground to the west with the rising body of Slieve
Gamph beyond.
1
See Case Area D Tawnatruffaun/Easky River for discussion.
The Easky River is one of a number of interlinked features so named, Lough Easky is the traditionally
recognised source of the Easky River which meets the sea at the coastal town of Easky to the north.
3
Also see Case Area D Tawnatruffaun/Easky River for discussion.
2
100
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
A difficulty arises when one considers the apparent paucity of Neolithic sites in
the region between the Carrownaglogh court tomb and those along the lower reaches of
the Easky River to the north. The location of the tomb however should not be seen as a
singular episode involving the physical act of tomb construction, devoid of other
activity in the area. Uniquely within the local topography of the upland plateau region, a
ridge of higher ground lies to the west of the court tomb which creates the only
substantial area that receives protection from the prevailing north-westerly winds. The
tomb itself is positioned on the eastern side of the gently sloping valley behind this
ridge. The insertion of a subsidiary chamber accessible from the court of the tomb
would seem to indicate both a second phase of construction activity at the site, possibly
displaying a continued relevance attached to the site over a prolonged period, as well as
reflecting continued occupation in the locality during the Neolithic period. Viewing the
monument within the wider region, the location of the site places it less than a kilometre
from the western entrance to „The Gap‟ (Figure 4.3.5), and the access to the eastern side
of the mountain range that this provides; while the valley and stream serve as both
physical and psychological links to the substantial activity of the period further north.
In most situations, direct assumption of a ritual site being a signifier of nearby
associated settlement can be problematic, particularly where no visible traces of the
settlement remain. In the case of the Carrownaglogh court tomb however, the location
selected for the construction of the monument exploits one of the most suitable sites for
occupation for some distance. It is a location sheltered from the worst of the elements
Figure 4.3.4 – The mountaintop view west from Slieve Gamph towards the distinctive tree-lined gorge
of Glenree. The peat covered expanse of the upland plateau can be seen either side of Glenree with the
Ballina Lowlands and the Moy floodplain in the distance.
101
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
but offers mobility along and through the mountain range, while the day-to-day
requirements were made easier within what would once have been gently sloping,
reasonably well-drained land with a ready supply of fresh water.
The second court tomb in the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area at
Carrowleagh lies 3km northwest of the Carrownaglogh tomb. As with the previous
tomb, it is still substantially submerged in the peat from which it emerged as a result of
turf-cutting. It is once again sited a short distance from a stream, but on this occasion
the location of the monument is not as topographically distinctive as the Carrownaglogh
tomb. The tomb is still positioned on the upland plateau but lies toward the western
edge of these uplands, a location that is today quite a featureless tract of open bogland
interspersed with tree plantations that currently obstruct visibility. When visited by
DeValera and O‟Nualláin shortly after its discovery in the 1960s however a panoramic
westerly view was described. As will also be noted in the case of the nearby
Carrowleagh wedge tomb and the Carrowreagh passage tomb, the discovery of sites as a
result of turf-cutting is a recurrent episode. This stems from the fact that, similar to
other areas around the mountain range, the blanket peat in the region is of sufficient
depth to conceal substantial monuments. The future potential for further site discoveries
in this fashion has lessened however as a result of the decrease in peatland exploitation
for fuel. Into the future however, the increasing construction of wind turbines in upland
areas and their requirement to be built on solid ground, may actually increase the
likelihood of peat-submerged monuments being uncovered. The discovery
circumstances of the Carrowleagh court tomb can be seen to be representative of the
reason for the apparent lack of monuments in the uplands to the north of the case area,
where vast swathes of bogland survive largely intact.
The location of the court tomb would appear to be more suited to being the
location of the third confirmed Neolithic site in the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area,
which is the passage tomb in Carrowreagh townland, 6km southwest of the
Carrowleagh court tomb. The Carrowreagh passage tomb is one of the more important
monuments in North Mayo as it is the only passage tomb recorded in the county, and
one of only three surviving passage tombs west of the main body of the Slieve Gamph
mountain range. Now heavily overgrown with trees and bushes, the monument first
became visible as a result of turf-cutting in the mid 19th century when Aldridge (1964,
14) originally described it as a stone circle. Since then however, it has been recognised
as a passage tomb though converse to the common perception of Irish passage tombs
102
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
being situated in conspicuous topographical positions, the tomb appears deliberately
placed at the lowest point in the local landscape, at an altitude of just 34m OD. This
placement is not unlike that visible within the tombs of the Carrowmore passage tomb
cemetery where a number of tombs do not occupy prominent positions. The typical
tomb layout visible at Carrowmore is also replicated by the Carrowreagh tomb, where a
central chamber is approached by a short passage within a surrounding kerb of boulders.
There are a number of potential stimuli visible locally that may have influenced
people to construct the passage tomb at this apparently inconspicuous position in the
landscape, chief among them being its very close proximity to the small Srafungal
River1 which flows from east to west only 3m north of the tomb. The immediacy of the
river clearly defines it as a central consideration during the selection of the position for
the passage tomb, as does the path taken by the river which loops distinctively 40m
west of the tomb, before joining with the Fiddaun River 140m to the west. The
Srafungal River is narrow and quite shallow along its course in the neighbourhood of
the passage tomb making it fordable along its length. As such, it is difficult to associate
the tomb with a formalised crossing point on the river though the very close
juxtaposition of tomb and river can be seen as compelling anyone moving along the
river to interact with the monument. Directly across the river a possible second site
survives as a 40m wide, 3m high sub-circular mound that may indicate the presence of
an associated site on the opposite bank. This site lies in the neighbouring townland of
Carrownlabaun with the river forming the modern townland boundary. The ancient
origins of such townland boundaries have long been noted, although to regress as far as
the Neolithic period without excavated evidence would be to stretch the bounds of
possibility. The categorisation of the river as a political boundary can however be seen
to reflect the continuing significance attached to the river, initially marked by the
builders of the passage tomb, and later carried through the eras in variant forms before
being formally instated as the boundary between the townlands of Carrowreagh and
Carrownlabaun.
A quite dilapidated and overgrown unclassified megalithic tomb 1km northwest
of the Carrowreagh passage tomb represents a fourth site of Neolithic origin in the
Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area. Located in the townland of Corimla South, many
elements of the tomb are now absent but enough remains to define a gallery aligned
NW-SE. The current state of the monument sees both ends of the gallery open, making
1
Also known as Whitestream.
103
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
it difficult to ascertain from which direction the gallery would have been entered. The
tomb does not adhere to noted patterns of either court or wedge tombs, nationally or
locally, while the axial orientation of the gallery towards the Carrowreagh tomb
indicates that it is possibly the remnants of a passage tomb1; whose intervisibility with
the Carrowreagh tomb, though now obscured, would have been dependent only on
prevailing vegetative conditions.
The Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area possesses relatively few Neolithic
monuments, with only four extant in the current record, though as mentioned the
topographical conditions that exist in parts of the Callow/Culdaly case area are
replicated on an even greater scale
within the current area where
extensive deep tracts of bogland, many
as yet intact, certainly conceal further
evidence of Neolithic life in the
region. The future potential for the
discovery of early prehistoric sites
beneath the upland bogs is typified by
those sites that are recorded today,
with three of the four sites being
revealed as a result of turf-cutting
since the mid 19th century. Indeed the
area could be seen as a region where
sites are sealed in the condition that
they were c.2000 BC when the
formation of the peatlands gathered
pace (O‟Connell 1990).
4.3.3
Figure 4.3.5 – The positions of the four Neolithic
sites in the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area.
Later prehistoric evidence
In the present case area the vast majority2 of prehistoric sites stem from later
prehistory with a variety of site types represented. Within the corpus of extant sites four
distinct concentrations are identifiable that can be interpreted as either the result of
continued human activity in those localities over a period of time or alternatively as
1
2
See Site Catalogue entry 4010-MT for discussion
53 sites out of a total of 57 (93%).
104
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
being indicative of nearby contemporary settlement, while a fifth location of particular
relevance within the case area is the Bronze Age settlement and field system at
Carrownaglogh (Figure 4.3.8). There are a total of 57 prehistoric sites in the
Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area, with just under half (27) of those falling within the
five localised gatherings. The occurrence of quite a proportion of sites in a dispersed
fashion outside the more noticeable concentrations also suggests the development of a
more expansive settlement model in later prehistory. A wide variation of monument
types can be seen within the localised groupings, with the earliest attributable date
occurring in the locality of the previously discussed Neolithic sites at Carrowreagh and
Corimla South. This locality does not possess abundant sites, but in comparison to other
parts of the case area it is the only locality that exhibits extant evidence of human
activity in both the Neolithic and later prehistoric periods.
The later prehistoric horizon is only represented by two sites, a small cairn on
top of a low hill and a barrow c.100m to the southwest. Both sites lie in the townland of
Corimla South and though limited in number their proximity and topographical position
make them worthy of note. They both inhabit higher ground to the north of the
Carrowreagh passage tomb but unlike the generally undulating terrain in the region both
sites are situated in relation to a distinctly level platform of higher ground. This portion
of elevated ground does not on first view appear to be of great importance; a more
expansive long term view however indicates that the location may be of greater
relevance than one might initially perceive. As has been previously mentioned, the
Carrowreagh passage tomb a short distance to the south was uncovered as a result of
peat exploitation in the mid to late nineteenth century. On the ground today however,
only occasional patches of bogland hint at the original scale of the peatland that would
have existed.
Analysis of the first edition Ordnance Survey map of the area from 1837 shows
that peat covered a large area to the south of the Corimla South sites while to the north
of the area, Corimla bog still occupies an extensive area (Figure 4.3.6). Using
palynological evidence from a series of locations O‟Connell (1990, 277) elucidates a
model whereby there was increasing expansion of the blanket bog during the Bronze
Age. It is likely therefore, that from the Middle Bronze Age and into the Iron Age, the
higher ground on which the cairn and barrow sit served as the narrowest point at which
the low-lying wetlands could be traversed towards the uplands to the east. Indeed, the
possible use of the locality as a routeway from as early as the Neolithic period is
105
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Figure 4.3.6
Extract from the 1837 1st
edition Ordnance Survey
map with the two large
areas of bogland circled
and the locations of the
small cairn and barrow
marked in red.
Note that at the time the
map was produced the
passage tomb at
Carrowreagh (green
shaded area) still lay
within the blanket peat.
indicated by the positioning of the Carrowreagh passage tomb, while much later, it is
also the route that would have been used by Captain O‟Dowd‟s band of Irish rebels and
French soldiers as they moved from Ballina, via Bunnyconnellan and „The Gap‟ to join
General Humbert at Tubbercurry in 1798 (Cleary 1998; O‟Connor 1998). It is not
surprising therefore, that it is also the route of the modern roadway from Ballina to
Bunnyconnellan and onwards to the mountain pass at „The Gap‟. The five prehistoric
sites in the locality vary greatly in date and form, but their appearance in the area
appears to indicate a continuing relationship with a potentially important route through
the local countryside, while the topographical position of the two relatively small later
prehistoric sites in Corimla South shows that they not only occupy a strategic wetland
crossing point, but a level plateau that would appear to be an excellent location for
habitation.
In the previous case area, one of the few excavations1 undertaken in the region
to date, at Tonybaun, uncovered evidence ranging from the Mesolithic to modern times.
It is interesting therefore that given the more remote nature of the Corrower/
Carrownaglogh case area, the comparatively large number of three substantive
excavations have been undertaken. The most recent of these was Herity‟s series of, as
1
Apart from the four excavations at Corrower, Carrownaglogh, Tonybaun, and Quignalegan a number of
small pre-development programs of archaeological monitoring and test excavation have been carried out
in the recent past. Very few of these investigations uncovered archaeological remains with no prehistoric
sites or features being recognised.
106
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
yet unpublished, excavations in Carrownaglogh townland that uncovered a Late Bronze
Age settlement (see Figures 4.3.7 and 4.3.8 for location). The program of excavation
was undertaken after the discovery of a flint knife in association with pre-bog field
walls in 1963 and as a result of the subsequent investigations an irregular, oblong stonewalled enclosure encompassing an area of c.15,000sq.m was detected beneath the
blanket peat (Herity 1970). Quite a large proportion of the enclosure was excavated,
revealing a series of cultivation ridges throughout, as well as a small sub-circular wall
of earth and stone encircling a hearth denoting a hut-site which was partially excavated.
In conjunction with the excavation program, a series of palynological investigations
were undertaken along the western side of the mountain range, in order to reconstruct
both the contemporary environmental conditions and the land-use history of the greater
region. These studies were carried out on samples taken from the site at Carrownaglogh
and locations to the south at Bunnyconnellan East and Lough Doo.
As the results of the excavation have not been published, the available evidence
is cursory in nature but when allied to O‟Connell‟s palaeoecological evidence and
analysis of the local landscape a reasonable picture of contemporary activity can be
constructed. The site is located close to the southern edge of the distinctive meltwater
channel of Glenree, though significantly, it does not directly overlook the ravine itself
(Figure 4.3.7). Instead, it is a short distance away at a lower level than the sides of
Glenree. It is possible to suggest therefore, that this selection would protect the
inhabitants from the prevailing north-westerly winds, while the location‟s proximity to
the Glenree River flowing along the bottom of the gorge acted as a simply accessible
fresh water supply. In many other areas, this would not be a very important issue given
the plethora of rivers and small streams that crisscross the region but the
palaeoecological evidence indicates that by the Mid to Late Bronze Age the land in the
area had decreased in quality and layers of peat had formed (O‟Connell 1990, 276-7). In
such a landscape a consistent source of fresh water would be even more valuable, and
the settlement location appears chosen to take advantage of the shelter as well as to
access the water source. The occupation of lands where peat had begun to form adds
further credence to the notion of substantial population increase in the Bronze Age, a
fact borne out by the discovery of field walls constructed on top of peat horizons at
Carrownaglogh, indicating that even the peatlands were being utilised for agriculture
(ibid, 277). It can be surmised that many of the slower moving water bodies in the
107
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
locality would not be ideal sources of clean water and the site‟s close proximity to the
brisk Glenree River would go a long way towards alleviating this problem.
Lying less than 2km from, and in clear view of, „The Gap‟ on the edge of a
distinct natural pathway to and from the mountain pass, the Carrownaglogh settlement
occupies a notable position along what would have been the main routeway between the
east and west of Slieve Gamph. As such, the location of the site and its morphology
appear to be quite incongruous, given that in many other areas of the country such
strategically important positions were symbolically or physically controlled by the
construction of imposing sites nearby1. This would not appear to be the case at
Carrownaglogh, where what can only be described as a humble farmstead, is all that has
to date been identified in the vicinity. Additionally, despite quite extensive exploitation
of the boglands for fuel in the more recent past, the closest prehistoric monument in the
area is the unclassified megalithic tomb in Drumsheen townland, some 1.4km to the
west. Again the answer may lie in the prevailing topography of the time, as the episode
of field walls being built on peat that had formed in the area indicates that the land
proximal to the Carrownaglogh settlement was of poorer quality quite early in the
Bronze Age. The focus of agricultural activity in the period therefore, would most likely
have been towards the better, lower-lying soils to the west where a number of sites are
to be found. This pattern appears to have been borne out in subsequent periods also,
with the location of numerous ringforts of the Early Christian period in the area also
congregating on the lower lands to the west. When added to the older sites, a focussed
group of sites spanning a wide timeframe can be seen to portray similar locational traits.
In total, 33 sites ranging from barrows and standing stones to ringforts occupy a
c.5km2 area in the lowlands immediately west of the mouth of Glenree (Figure 4.3.7).
This concentration of sites appears to display two main axes along which the sites are
oriented. The first is generally east-west from the mouth of Glenree with the second
ostensibly north-south along the better ground at the foot of the upland plateau. The
majority of the Early Christian sites congregate in the vicinity of where these two axes
intersect and it can be deemed likely that this is also a pattern that existed in later
prehistory where habitation of this locality allowed for exploitation of the agricultural
potential of the lowlands with access through the mountain range along Glenree. The
upland settlement could therefore be seen as an outlier of other contemporary settlement
1
The North Munster Project (2005) was one of a number of studies that illustrated how many of the
hillforts in south-western Ireland can be seen to impose this type of symbolic control over areas of
movement.
108
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Figure 4.3.7 – The distribution of sites and artefacts west of the glacial meltwater channel of Glenree.
sites to the west, along one of the more important routeways in the region. Its
establishment being necessitated by the expansion of agricultural activity in a region,
where better quality land was gradually being subsumed by the continued growth of
blanket peat.
The occurrence of high status sites in relation to more important routes through
the landscape has already been noted. However, no definitively high status sites are
visible in relation to Glenree or „The Gap‟ to which it leads. Apart from the flint knife
found at Carrownaglogh, only two other artefacts have been recovered in the locality, a
bronze cauldron and bronze rapier found in Cloonta bog at different times in the mid
20th century. The cauldron is typical of this type of artefact being composed of three
main pieces, a rounded sheet forming the base and two upper sheets for the sides all of
which were then riveted together. A further similarity to other finds of this type were
the facts that extensive repairs were carried out on it during its lifetime and that such
discoveries of cauldrons alone in bogs is also a recognised pattern. Cauldrons of the
Late Bronze Age are perceived variably as symbols of wealth from which many guests
can be fed, or as magical vessels that could hold numerous animals simultaneously. The
repetitive repairs that were carried out upon the cauldron indicate its importance at the
109
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
time of its use, suggesting that not only was there a person in the locality of sufficient
wealth to possess such a cauldron, but also that there was likely a person that possessed
the necessary skills to carry out the repairs to the vessel. The second bronze object
recovered in the area has also assumed quite a level of importance, though this would
appear to be a modern assignation rather than contemporary with its production and use.
This is because it has been used by Burgess and Gerloff (1981) to typify and name a
particular morphological type of rapier, Type Cloonta1. These rapier types belong to
Burgess and Gerloff‟s larger Group IV rapiers which, as a group, comprise almost half
of all rapiers recorded in Ireland, and are the latest of the rapier types visible in the
record. The Cloonta rapier may have being given added modern importance due to its
fortuitous nomenclature but similar to the preceding cauldron its discovery fits well
within the national pattern for such objects, once again being discovered in a bog.
As with many of the other case areas, and the study area in general, the quantity
of artefacts recovered is very low when compared to other parts of the country.
However, the two Cloonta finds fill some voids in the field record. The act of wetland
deposition of the two bronzes shows an alignment of belief system between the local
and national spheres, while the discovery of a high status object such as the cauldron
illustrates that communal feasting or gathering and all the associated social and political
activities were being undertaken in the region in the Late Bronze Age. One question that
will await future discoveries to elucidate is where the owners of these objects lived. The
concentration of sites at the western end of Carrownaglogh townland may give an
inkling as to their general location, while the apparently poorer conditions of life at the
Carrownaglogh settlement would appear to preclude the uplands from being the main
area of settlement activity in the locality.
4.3.4
Later prehistoric site groupings
Moving south along the foot of the mountain range from the group of sites at
Carrownaglogh, two further groupings of later prehistoric sites are to be found in the
vicinity of the townlands of Carrowcrom and Corrower (Figure 4.3.8). Though lying
only 2.5km from the Corimla South group of sites and 4.3km south of the
Carrownaglogh sites, the topography of the area is quite different from the preceding
areas. Instead of the generally flat open terrain with occasional hills, this area to the
south is typified by a network of low, rolling, drumlinoid hills with hollows in between,
1
This is also sometimes mistakenly referred to as Type Cloontia.
110
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
which are commonly home to small bogs and wetlands. Along the eastern side of the
region an interlinked band of lakes extends along the geological fault between the
metamorphic rocks of Slieve
Gamph and the sedimentary
limestone of the lowlands. These
lakes form a 6.6km band that run
NE-SW before joining the River
Moy at Bunnafinglas, close to the
crossing point discussed in the
Lough Conn/River Moy case area.
The more northerly
grouping of sites is the Carrowcrom
group, which similar to many other
localities, is comprised of a variety
of monument types. The earliest of
the nine sites in the area appear to
be a small wedge tomb and an
unclassified megalithic tomb. The
two tombs are only 400m apart but
given the undulating pastureland
Figure 4.3.8 – The locations of groups of sites in
Case Area C.
that characterises the area, they are not intervisible. It is worthy of note, that neither of
the tombs have been placed in prominent positions though there are numerous
opportunities to do so in the immediate locality. As such, it is clear that these less
conspicuous positions have been deliberately chosen. In general, the wedge tombs that
Figure 4.3.9 – The Carrowcrom wedge tomb from the southwest with one of the many low drumlinoid
hills in the area visible in the background.
111
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
fall within the bounds of the overall study area follow the national trend of not
necessarily being sited in particularly prominent landscape locations. These two sites
however seem to avoid such locations, possibly being associated with more important
contemporary, but now invisible, features. On the eastern side of the mountain range
wedge tombs are commonly positioned in elevated positions along the flanks of the
mountain but their positions cannot be described as being deliberately prominent. At
Carrowcrom however the wedge tomb is conspicuously sited at a lower level
surrounded by numerous areas of higher ground. Conversely, a possible megalithic
structure1 occupies the top of the hillock immediately northwest of the wedge tomb.
This possible site is visible as little more than a small prostrate slab but by dint of its
survival and positional similarity to the cist grave found in 1941 at Rathduff, „in a green
mound on a little hill‟, it is also possibly a cist grave.
An interesting outlier to this group of sites is a closely associated cluster of two
standing stones of substantial size and a three
stone row which appear to form two distinct
sites. Each are situated on low knolls within
60m of each other and the morphology of
their constituent elements appears to
differentiate the two large standing stones
from the adjacent stone row which is
comprised of much smaller elements. The
two larger stones are a 2.75m tall slab of
schist and a more diminutive, rotund 1.43m
high example. Aside from the fact that the
two stones are 40m apart, the two stones
appear to share a relationship given that the
long axis of the smaller stone can be seen to
orient towards the centre of the western face
of the larger. The nearby stone row is
composed of three much smaller slabs, the
most westerly two of which are quite narrow
1
See Site Catalogue 4049-MS for description.
112
Figure 4.3.10 – The smaller, more westerly
of the two Carrowcrom standing stones
with the larger 2.85m high stone beyond
and the cloud shrouded Slieve Gamph in
the distance.
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
and barely 1m high1. The two sites2 are generally oriented NW-SE but they do not share
a common, parallel alignment. The location of the sites however is similar to a number
of other sites throughout the region, being once again closely associated with a river that
flows E-W some 30m to the north of the sites.
This small grouping of sites cannot easily be connected to the concentration of
sites to the south-east as the majority of standing stones in the Corrower/Carrownaglogh
case area tend to be found outside the noticeable localised site groupings, and though
closely spaced in relation to each other they are similarly distant from other later
prehistoric sites. Local tradition states that a number of standing stones in the area form
a line leading directly north but this is not absolutely accurate when the sites are plotted
on a map. Indeed, it may be the way in which the sites are marked on various maps that
caused this belief to arise. On the OS Discovery Series maps of the area for example,
the positioning of the „Standing Stone‟ text-titles demarcating the sites in question
appear to make their locations more linear than is actually the case on the ground. To
assume that the sites are directly in line with each other would also be to assume that the
sites are closely contemporaneous with each other, which is always a dangerous
assumption when dealing with sites with a construction timespan ranging from the
Neolithic to modern times3. Each of the sites recorded to date do however appear to be
ancient in origin and a number share similar morphological and positional traits.
In all, twelve standing stones are recorded in the region, which is by far the
highest concentration of standing stones within the overall study area, and one of the
largest in North Connacht. Unfortunately, two of these are of limited interpretational
use as the example at Lissard More no longer survives and the site at Drumsheen
appears to be the remains of a much dilapidated and somewhat reconstructed megalithic
tomb4. Viewing the remaining examples, a number of recurrent attributes can be
identified including a definitive difference in height, where it is noticeable that five are
in the region of 3m high while the others never approach this height. Many of the stones
are placed in obvious topographically striking positions, either on hilltops or the edge of
1
See Site Catalogue Numbers 4018-SS and 4033-SS for detailed descriptions of the two larger stones and
4034-SR for description of the three stone row.
2
If one considers the two larger standing stones to be associated with each other.
3
Stones that could be interpreted as standing stones were until recently being set upright to act as
scratching posts for cattle or as gateposts; one gatepost in Carrowdoogan townland erected in the early
20th century was never used and as such appears as an ancient monument. Similar doppelgangers for the
future are still being created today with the current penchant for the erection of mock standing stones as
garden features.
4
See Site Catalogue entry 4014-SS for discussion.
113
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
ridges, while others such as that at Corrower occupy more subtle „central‟ positions in
lower lying areas. The only standing stone from which very little can be drawn in terms
of either morphology or positioning, is the example at Carrowcastle, which is not of
great size and is set in quite a pronounced hollow prompting one to suggest that it may
not be of great antiquity. The discovery of a possible recumbent, second stone leaning
against the nearby field wall may however suggest that the site may be of prehistoric
date after all.
A recurrent duality that appears within the corpus of standing stones is that they
are positioned at either highly visible points in the landscape, or are located in close
proximity to river courses; in some cases both of these attributes are fulfilled. The
occurrence of many of the standing stones outside the recognisable site concentrations,
allied to their common association with liminal topographical features, suggests a
deliberate process of positioning such sites on the edges of either settlement or
territorial areas. Their placement could be seen as the formal marking of the associated
river as the recognised boundary between areas of controlled lands. The numbers and
distribution of sites are not however sufficient to form a boundary in a modern sense,
whereby the perimeter of the controlled area is marked. It has been suggested that they
acted as a form of central marker but their riverine proximity suggests that it is likely
that they were positioned to be seen by people moving along the river. This is a similar
hypothesis as that applied to the positioning of the Carrowreagh passage tomb in the
Neolithic, and it can be said with certainty that waterside and waterborne transport
enjoyed continued importance throughout prehistory and into the Early Christian period,
when the impressive hilltop rath that inspired the townland name, Lissard More, was
positioned to control riverine access to Lough Brohly from the south1.
Standing stones do not survive in great profusion within the study area but it is
noteworthy that in the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area, where a reasonable number
of sites can be seen, there appears to be a distinct separation between standing stones
and other sites of a broadly similar date. One area where this division is not as
pronounced however is in the region of the last grouping of sites in the case area at
1
The current outlet river from Lough Brohly is a canalised redirection of what the local topography
suggests would have been the original course some 40m to the west of its current position. Prior to these
works the rath would have been even more dominantly situated directly above the river‟s course. Though
not of importance to the current study an investigation of the date and original purpose of these works
would be quite interesting given that they are evidence of substantial engineering works prior to the
compilation of the 1st Edition OS maps of 1837. The resultant linear nature of the outlet is suggestive of
the presence of a watermill somewhere in the immediate locality and the presence of such a substantial
Early Christian site in close proximity may even suggest that there may be a horizontal mill nearby.
114
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Corrower where a 3.22m high standing stone1 is one of a number of later prehistoric
sites in close proximity to each other.
1
This site is recorded in the RMP as an ogham stone but it is clearly a pre-existing standing stone that
was inscribed with ogham script later in its life, see Site Catalogue entry 4031-SS for discussion.
115
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Later prehistory around Corrower
The most obvious area of activity is composed of seven later prehistoric sites
towards the south of Corrower townland, with three sites further north in the vicinity of
Corrower Lough offering a number of parallels to those to the south. The standing stone
retained its importance beyond its original use as later in its life it was inscribed with
ogham inscription, a portion of which was subsequently removed (Macalister 1945, 10).
It is in the process of the removal of the portion of script that the reverence with which
the stone was held is illustrated, as regardless of the exact motive for removal, it was
not deemed appropriate, or acceptable, to either knock the stone down or break it up to
achieve the desired erasure. Only 40m to the south of the standing stone lies a small
overgrown cairn that shares certain traits with the cemetery mound excavated by
Raftery 1.3km to the northwest. The cemetery mound was one of two excavations
undertaken in Corrower townland, the second being a cist grave that forms part of the
main group of sites in the locality.
The first of these excavated sites was the cemetery mound first noticed in 1937,
when a food vessel and cremated bones were discovered as the mound was being
quarried for sand and stone to construct the nearby roadway. After quarrying
recommenced in 1939, more burials were found and consequently the remainder of the
mound was excavated for the National Museum by Joseph Raftery. The mound was
circular in plan with no traces of an external bank or ditch that may suggest it was the
remnants of a barrow type monument. Inclusive of the earlier discoveries, a total of nine
graves containing the cremated remains of thirteen, possibly fourteen, individuals were
uncovered (Raftery 1960, 89). A variation in burial rite could be noted within the
cemetery with some burials in cists, others in pits and an uneven distribution of
accompanying pots which were the only associated grave-goods recovered. A total of
seven food vessels were recovered from the various burials, all of which were tripartite
bowls. The most architecturally significant and artefact rich grave in the cemetery was
that designated Grave VII, which was a polygonal sided cist constructed of seven
granite slabs, capped with a large slab of mica schist (ibid, 84). The grave contained the
remains of at least five people, including a fully grown adult and a child of less than
twelve years old, accompanied by three highly decorated food vessel bowls. Originally,
the morphology of the site and the pottery uncovered were the only form of dating
evidence available. As such, Raftery could not date the site any more accurately than to
say that it was constructed at some time during the Bronze Age. Recently however as
116
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
part of her project regarding the dating
of food vessels and urns in Ireland,
Brindley (2007, 61) recovered a
radiocarbon date of 2131–1881 cal.
BC (3610±40 BP)1 from cremated
bone found in Grave VII, placing the
date of the cemetery into the Early
Bronze Age, consistent with the
typological similarities noted in the
decoration of food vessel pottery and
that of Beaker pottery (Waddell 1998,
Figure 4.3.11 – The food vessel bowls from
Corrower Grave VII (Brindley 2007, 61).
144).
The final act at the Corrower
cemetery mound was the construction of an interesting, U-shaped arrangement of
kerbstones, which held a small cairn in position atop the centre of the mound. Prior to
the cairn, the area was first covered with a mound of earth through which no later
graves were inserted, an episode interpreted by the excavator as being indicative of a
single period of use, with each of the burials being made at the same time (Raftery
1960, 89). The variation of burial custom and the layout of the graves however, suggests
a more long-term development of the site as the distribution of graves follows two
outlines, one a loose distribution of four sites outside the bounds of the later cairn, and
secondly a concentration of five graves towards what was to become the centre of the
monument. The position of the site in a topographically prominent position was in itself
a way of making it visible in the surrounding landscape, suggesting that the site may
have been frequented as a burial site originally appearing as a flat cemetery. None of the
grave cuts intersect each other which obviously inhibits any relative phasing of the
various graves. The ability of the builders to avoid pre-existing graves does however
indicate an awareness of the position of those graves at the time of subsequent burials.
This continuing visibility of the sites above ground may be the impetus for the selection
of a glistening micaceous schist slab to act as the capstone of Grave VII, which was
otherwise constructed of granite. Each of the graves had visible surface markers in the
form of either a capstone or a series of smaller stones that ensured they were visible on
1
Brindley‟s (2007, 61) uncalibrated C14 date calibrated using OxCal 4.1 online interface (Bronk Ramsey
2009).
117
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
the ground. It is only at the latest phase of activity when the mound and cairn were
being constructed that a clear focus turns to Graves VI and VII, the mound being used
to envelope the known area of the cemetery beyond the central cairn.
The reasons for a final „closing‟ of the cemetery are long lost as is the story of
what happened to those who constructed the mound, but were not interred there
themselves. There are two potential models of activity that could explain this apparent
conundrum. Firstly, Raftery‟s model whereby the construction of the mound was the
last act at the site is contingent on all of the graves following the mould noted in the
four that had not been disturbed prior to excavation. Five of the nine graves were
uncovered before controlled excavation took place, all of which fell outside the
perimeter of the portion of the mound that survived when excavation commenced
(Figure 4.3.12). It could not have been possible therefore for the excavator to identify
whether or not these graves had been dug through the mound. It is also the case that
later insertions would be inserted into the outer areas of the mound, around the visible
cairn, while those towards the centre would be the primary graves at the site. If
Raftery‟s hypothesis is regarded as reflective of the original morphology of the
monument, the likelihood exists that the people who performed the final acts at this
northern Corrower cemetery mound lived relatively close by themselves.
Extant sites in the region may therefore indicate potential areas of activity that
may be contemporary with the cemetery mound. To the east, a pair of low-lying
fulachtaí fiadh close to Corrower Lough imply the possibility of a settlement in the
locality particularly as they are in close proximity to rising, drier ground. A small,
heavily eroded enclosure 40m north of the fulachtaí fiadh may even be a contemporary
ritual monument though confirmation of this is difficult without excavation. Some
850m south of the two fulachtaí fiadh, a second site that has been excavated in
Corrower townland is an individual cist grave uncovered at the rear of a house during
the laying of a path in 1961. The site was excavated in the following year by Rynne
(1962, 1), who described a small architecturally elaborate cist grave whose sides were
formed of four granite slabs1 and whose covering was comprised of six stones kept in a
level position by a number of pinning stones. A quantity of cremated bone was
recovered from the cist but no accompanying grave goods were found to be present and
unlike Grave VII in the cemetery mound further north, no radiocarbon date has since
been sought from the cremation deposit.
1
One of the slabs is described as being gneissoise granite.
118
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Figure 4.3.12
Combined mid- and post-excavation
plans of the cemetery mound
excavated by Raftery to the north of
Corrower townland and below a
section of kerbing along the
southwest side of „cairn B‟ towards
the south of the townland.
On the plan stones recorded by
Raftery (1960, 80) to have been in
association with burials beneath the
mound are coloured blue while those
identified as comprising the kerb for
the cairn built on top of the mound
are coloured grey.
The cist grave is the most northerly of the main grouping of six sites that
originally drew attention to the Corrower area, the other five in the localised
concentration being another possible cemetery mound, the aforementioned 3.22m high
standing stone, two cairns and a stone pair. A recently discovered fulacht fiadh a short
distance further south, close to Lough Caorhann, could be considered an outlier to the
six proximal sites to the north. As the sites within the main concentration are all of a
ritual nature, the location of a fulacht fiadh may give an idea as to the approximate
location of any associated settlement. Based on their morphology each of the recorded
sites in the locality appear to be late prehistoric in origin, though further interpretation
becomes difficult due to their ambiguous nature and events that occurred in the
intermediary period since their construction. Indicative of this is that each of the cairns
has become a dumping ground for large stones removed from the surrounding fields
119
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
during their improvement for agriculture. Additionally, given the high volume of earth
within its matrix, the more southerly of the two cairns (cairn A) could alternatively be
described as a mound. The site is recorded in the RMP as an enclosure, however, no
enclosing elements are visible at the site which is quite overgrown towards its centre. A
similar fate has befallen the other cairn in the townland 70m to the northeast where,
once again, a number of large stones cleared from the surrounding land have been
dumped beside the overgrown cairn.
Figure 4.3.13 – Reconstruction drawing of the excavated cemetery mound at Corrower (after Raftery
1960, 92) and Cairn A towards the south of Corrower townland as seen from the northeast with a large
amount of field clearance debris and overgrowth masking a large proportion of the site.
Note: The above drawing and photograph are not illustrated at the same scale, the diameter of the
possible mound visible at the base of Cairn A is approximately 6m greater than the excavated cairn
above, which had a diameter of 13m.
This small „cairn B‟ offers a tentative solution to the earlier question as to where
the builders of the northern cemetery mound came from, or went to, as this cairn
resembles the structure noted by Raftery. Though the site shows little evidence of an
underlying mound, a kerb of stones up to 0.35m can be identified along the southwest
side of the monument. These compare favourably with those that were constructed to
retain the central cairn of the cemetery mound to the north which averaged 0.25m by
0.30m in size (Raftery 1960, 79). The level of overgrowth makes tracing of the kerb at
cairn B difficult at points as does the variation of stone size used, though this is another
similarity the site appears to have with the excavated cemetery mound where not only
120
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
was there a substantial opening on one side of the kerb, but there were also a number of
points along its course where the kerb disappeared (Figure 4.3.13). The absence of the
kerbstones in both cases is most likely the result of millennia of taphonomic actions on
the relatively small and light stones used to form the kerb, but the similarity of
occurrence at the two sites is notable nonetheless.
A further funerary monument nearby is the possible cemetery mound known as
„David‟s Fort‟, a site that similar to the two previous cairns was not depicted on the 1st
edition OS map in 1838 even though two ringforts in neighbouring fields were
recorded. The site was first cartographically noted in 1898, when it was also identified
as the location of „Graves‟ but a definitive period of construction cannot be attributed to
it given its ambiguous morphology and the close proximity of activity at the nearby
ringforts. Given that the site is within an area of accumulated later prehistoric
monuments, it must also be deemed to be of a possible prehistoric date but it is likely
that only excavation of the site would resolve the matter.
The final prehistoric site in the immediate locality is that of an enigmatic stone
pair (Figure 4.3.14) c.100m to the east of cairn B. It occupies the higher ground above
Cartron Lough and the valley in which the series of conjoined lakes sit. Local secondary
accounts tell of a capstone that once straddled the two stones but the morphology of the
stones, and the lack of any evidence of a prostrate capstone in an area that has not been
substantially cleared of numerous other large stones, would seem to preclude this. There
Figure 4.3.14 – The Corrower stone pair from the west with the upper edge of the steep descent
down to Cartron Lough behind and Slieve Gamph forming the horizon.
121
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
is no evidence visible above ground to suggest that the site represents the remains of a
larger monument and though quite a phenomenological observation to make, the two
stones appear to be quite complimentary of each other.
4.3.5
Summary review of Case Area C – Corrower/Carrownaglogh
The third case area is once again composed of diverse topography ranging from
the low-lying Ballina Lowlands in the west to the steeply rising western face of Slieve
Gamph to the east. Similar to the southern parts of the Lough Conn/River Moy case
area the region once again owes its morphological characteristics to the bedrock
geology and subsequent glacial action that formed not only the distinctive Gleann na
Mochart but also the glacial outflow gorge of Glenree and the band of lakes to the
southeast of the case area. Similar to the previous case studies, these formations did not
just act as a backdrop against which prehistoric societies played out their lives but
actually shaped human actions in the region by both constraining and facilitating the
viability of activity in particular areas.
The earliest human activity detected in the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area
to date comes in the form of the relatively small quantity of four megalithic tombs that
survive today, three of which have emerged from substantial peat deposits in the last
150 years. Two of the four sites are heavily submerged court tombs situated on the peat
uplands to the east of the case area that like some of those in the first case area
Callow/Culdaly survive as proof of Neolithic activity and by logical extension
settlement in places distant from the major river courses of the region. The other two
Neolithic sites in the lowlands that comprise most of the case area are a passage tomb
similar to the type found in the Carrowmore cemetery and what appears on analysis to
be a second heavily damaged passage tomb. The confirmed passage tomb at
Carrowreagh is the only surviving monument of its type west of Slieve Gamph though
some of its characteristics are unlike those generally held as representative of the
national passage tomb tradition particularly the fact that it is situated at the lowest point
in the local landscape. The tomb is also sited conspicuously close to a small river which
in a regional sense continues the association between Neolithic monuments and the
riverine network but at a more local level forces anyone moving along the river to
interact with the tomb.
Given the low number of Neolithic sites within the bounds of the case area it
comes as little surprise that the majority of extant sites are of a later prehistoric date
122
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
while a noticeable shift occurs between the general Neolithic patterns and those of the
Bronze Age and later with a definite revision of prioritised land away from the edges of
rivers and floodplains towards the interior of the area, a shift that tallies well with the
palaeoecological studies that show extensive woodland clearance did not take place
until the Bronze Age. During the same period encroaching peat formations began to
inundate portions of landscape on the upland plateau along the foot of the mountain
range reducing the available land resources in the region and subsuming some of the
Neolithic and Early Bronze Age landscape and sites. Once again similar to preceding
case areas a number of concentrations of sites and artefacts can be identified within this
corpus of surviving evidence. The location of these groupings can be seen as the result
of combining the better places for settlement in terms of local land quality and
association with related routeways though in some cases as at the excavated site at
Carrownaglogh the need to occupy and utilise poorer upland soils shows that there
would have been a greater spread of human settlement activity across the landscape
beyond that which is visible on the ground today.
123
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.4
Case Study D: Tawnatruffaun/Easky River
Figure 4.4.1 – Map of Case Study Area D Tawnatruffaun/Easky River showing the position
and variety of prehistoric sites and locations of artefact findspots.
124
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.4.1
Location and topography
The fourth case area, Tawnatruffaun/Easky River, is an elongated area flanking
the Easky River, towards the north of the overall study area. Similar to the first and
third case areas, the limits of this case area are not defined by elements of the physical
landscape but by the appearance of a concentration of extant sites in close proximity to
each other. In this instance, it is also the propinquity of a large number of sites to the
course of the Easky River that illustrates an apparent association. This is particularly
evident along the middle reaches of the river course, where the greater number of sites
again appear to have survived largely as a result of the protection afforded to them by
the peat formations that accrued subsequent to their period of construction and
abandonment. As the case area extends along a river, from the nearby mountains to its
estuary, it is not a surprise that the case area contains a combination of uplands and
lower lying coastal regions. In many respects the topography of the Tawnatruffaun/
Easky River case area resembles that of the previous Corrower/Carrownaglogh area,
where the upland plateau along Slieve Gamph gives way to a patchwork of pastureland
and bogland as one moves into the lowlands. Moving northwards from the uplands in
the south of the case area, one leaves the expansive upland plateau along the foot of
Slieve Gamph, which is at its widest at this point towards the north of the mountain
range, before dropping down to the lower lands alongside the Easky River, which joins
the Atlantic where the town of Easky is now to be found. The topography of the area
slopes quite regularly from a maximum elevation of c.140m in the south to sea level
some 13.2km to the north with few steep slopes in the intermediary area. Unlike
previous case areas, there are also few substantial hills though there are a small number
of drumlinoid hillocks that appear glacial in origin. The defining natural feature of the
area is the Easky River itself as it makes it way from Lough Easky in the Slieve Gamph
uplands to join the sea.
4.4.2
Earliest evidence – The Neolithic period
The occurrence of the first substantial evidence of human activity deriving from
the Neolithic period is a model once again replicated in the Tawnatruffaun/Easky River
case area. There are eighteen monuments of a Neolithic or possible Neolithic date
recorded, though as with other case areas the extensive tracts of peat that have
accumulated undoubtedly conceal further sites of the period. Such an instance is noted
in museum records relating to the discovery of a number of wooden stakes in
125
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Owenykeevan1 townland in
1950, one of which was
submitted to the National
Museum of Ireland. The
accompanying report mentions
the emergence of a „stone circle‟
as a result of turf-cutting in the
neighbouring townland of
Caltragh, and although at present
such a monument has not been
recorded, it is worthy of note
that this report bears similarities
with those associated with the
early appearance of the passage
tomb at Carrowreagh, Co. Mayo
which was first interpreted as a
stone circle. As is the example in
previous case areas and much of
North Connacht, each of the
Figure 4.4.2 – The course of the Easky River and
locations of areas mentioned in text.
eighteen extant monuments in the Tawnatruffaun/Easky River case area is funerary in
nature. In addition, quite a number of chronologically ambiguous, secular sites have
been recorded within the case area, giving intonations of the settlement evidence as yet
unrecognised. The pre-bog status of these sites strongly implies prehistoric origins but
as yet a more accurate date has not been deciphered. Pre-bog walls or field systems are
recorded in thirteen different locations in the higher, peat-covered uplands towards the
upper reaches of the Easky River, while in ten similar locations post rows2 are recorded.
It would appear likely that the previously mentioned „wooden stake‟, found in
Owenykeevan townland, also belongs to this type of structure. The stake was
discovered with its tip still imbedded in the pre-bog land surface, suggesting its
This townland is commonly referred to as „Owenykeevan or Tawnamadoo‟. The report also refers to the
nearby discovery of a hollowed out wooden trough in 1920, a spear (material unknown) in 1949 and two
cist graves found at some time before 1947; one cist contained a quantity of bone. None of these other
artefacts reached the National Museum of Ireland.
2
A post row is defined as a line of related posts, including stakes, in a peatland context that in certain
instances may be the vestigial underpinnings of single-plank toghers. These may date from prehistory to
the early medieval period (DEHLG Heritage Service Public Mapviewer available at
www.archaeology.ie).
1
126
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
insertion at a time when the old land surface could still be reached through the layers of
peat overburden. Of greater interest however in the argument for the existence and
potential dating of settlements in the case area, is the discovery of a wooden trough
close to the location of the stake1. This trough is quite vaguely described as being
hollowed out from a single piece of wood and measuring „between the size of a horse
trough and a household basin‟. The most pertinent facet of information however, was
the mention of the trough being found resting on the pre-bog ground surface, placing its
production and use to the period in which the earliest peat formations were developing
in the area. The trough itself serves as direct evidence of human activity in the locality,
but if it is to be regarded as a water or feed trough for animals, it also serves as a firm
indicator of stock inclusive agriculture at the site prior to the formation of the overlying
peat deposits. Unfortunately, no palaeoecological studies have been undertaken in the
immediate vicinity, but if one was to apply the results from the studies undertaken by
O‟Connell (1990) further south along this western side of Slieve Gamph, peat growth
would have begun in conducive areas in the Early Bronze Age. It is possible that quite a
proportion of the pre-bog walls and field systems are of a Neolithic date particularly
given their distribution, which intertwines with that of the extant megalithic tombs of
the period. Alternatively, it would appear that the relationship between the post rows
and the peatland contexts within which they are commonly found indicates that they are
of a Bronze Age date or later; when a considerable depth of peat had formed
necessitating their construction.
The most tangible evidence of Neolithic society once again survives in the form
of the megalithic tombs to be found in the case area. Of a current total of eighteen
monuments, three portal tombs and six court tombs can be considered to be Neolithic in
date while the other nine are comprised of a cairn, three wedge tombs and five
unclassified megalithic tombs. To the southeast of the case area there are also two cairns
at Tawnadremira (Figure 4.4.2), which are quite likely to be Neolithic when one
considers their very elevated position on the mountainside. From a macroscopic
perspective, a number of irregularities can be noted in the type and distribution of
monuments in the region. Along the coastal strip to the east and west of the
Tawnatruffaun/Easky River case area it is interesting to note that there is a distinct lack
of passage tombs for a distance of 30km, between the two sites at Inishcrone on the
1
These positions and associations are based on witness recollections later marked on the OS 6 inch map
of 1913 on the occasion of the reporting of the stake discovery in 1950. It must be noted that the trough
was uncovered some thirty years earlier around 1920.
127
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
eastern shore of Killala Bay and that at Barnabrack, on the southern side of Ballysadare
Bay. This apparent void is particularly striking towards the east, where the close
proximity of the Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery and the numerous other similar
monuments in the region serve to highlight the lack of such sites further west. Along the
intermediary low-lying coastal strip, there are in excess of fifty monuments of a
Neolithic, or possible Neolithic, date with twenty-two of these being recognised
Neolithic types (Figure 4.4.5).
General analysis of site distribution highlights a significant imbalance in the
surviving record as when one moves to the west of the Easky River and the tombs that
closely flank its course. West of the Easky, only the court tomb at Caltragh1 survives to
indicate a human presence away from the immediate environs of the river during the
Neolithic period. Artefacts recovered from the region do not help populate the apparent
void in the record either, as their quantity is low and the level of information regarding
their discovery similarly low. Of the artefacts to have found their way to the National
Museum of Ireland, only three could be assessed as being of a potential Neolithic date,
and none of these were recovered west of the Easky River. Two of these artefacts, a
stone axe and a flint scraper, are provenanced solely to the townlands from which they
were recovered, Crowagh2 and Easky. The third artefact is the only one for which any
substantive record exists, it is a chert flake discovered on the beach at the mouth of the
Easky River. It was found in 1969 in association with what was described as an
occupation layer containing bone and shells, subsequently recognised as a midden,
eroding from the nearby cliff face. It is notable that none of these potentially Neolithic
objects were recovered west of the Easky River, but the extremely small size of the
sample involved precludes over-interpretation of what is a corpus undoubtedly affected
greatly by prevailing accumulations of soil and peat now obscuring prehistoric land
surfaces. One is also forced to question why so few stone axes have been recovered in a
region populated by a relatively high number of tombs, suggestive of extensive human
activity during the period. This is most likely a result of their lack of discovery, as
opposed to their lack of original existence, as when compared to the River Moy where a
number of axes have been discovered, no extensive dredging or other infrastructural
works have been undertaken along the Easky River. Moreover, the stony nature of areas
Denoting a cillín or children‟s burial ground, „Caltragh‟ is a very common townland name throughout
Ireland. This Caltragh is in the barony of Tireragh and electoral division of Rathmacurkey, Co. Sligo.
2
This is another townland known by two different names commonly given together as „Crowagh or
Dunneill Mountain‟.
1
128
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
frequented more often by walkers or fishermen along the lower reaches of the river also
hinders the recognition of stone implements by those who may find them casually.
If one introduces the unclassified megalithic tombs in the region into the overall
distribution, the imbalance in the record is further reinforced with only two such tombs
being recorded beyond the immediate environs of the Easky River, five others lie along
the river and the sides of its accompanying valley. Of the two sites beyond the Easky
River, the unclassified megalithic structure at Finned lies in very close proximity to two
wedge tombs suggesting that it is Early Bronze Age in origin. What can only be
described as a possible megalithic structure at Culleens also lies within an area
populated by a number of Bronze Age monuments, once again creating the suspicion of
the site being of a similar date range. This western void will be discussed further in later
chapters, but in the context of the Tawnatruffaun/Easky River case area it serves as a
striking contrast to the number and variety of Neolithic monuments within the case area.
Indeed, this case area was partially selected as it was envisioned that analysis of the area
could help throw some light on why there is less Neolithic evidence for quite a distance
to the west.
Along the Easky River, fifteen Neolithic or possible Neolithic sites are recorded
with a sixteenth site, the court tomb at Caltragh, 1.4km to the west in a similar
topographical position alongside the Owenykeevan River. The sites along the Easky
appear on first glance to be quite evenly distributed along the length of the river until
one reaches the upland areas to the south where the number of sites drops to zero on the
much mentioned upland plateau. As noted previously, the current topographical
conditions require that this lack of recorded monuments on the uplands not be perceived
as lack of existence. This is particularly relevant in the current case area where there are
large expanses of bogland, much of which has not been extensively harvested for turf
production.
4.4.3
Site groupings
A closer view of the area indicates that there are four concentrations of sites in
positions along the Easky River. The first of these is at Fortland, c.2km from the mouth
of the river where the remains of two badly damaged court tombs are to be found
c.800m apart in level, low-lying ground on the western side of the river. There is also a
record of a now destroyed megalithic tomb in the area creating a group of three
monuments. The second grouping of monuments along the river is composed of the two
129
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
sites at Ballynahowna, once again along the western side of the river c.6.1km south of
the mouth of the river1. The two sites, a court tomb and an unclassified tomb are
situated along the western side of the river channel in what is once again a level area of
agricultural lands. In many cases unclassified megalithic sites cannot be assigned date
ranges as too little of the original monument remains. In the case of the Ballynahowna
example however, O‟Nualláin‟s (1989, 27) assertion that the site is likely to represent a
much damaged portal tomb appears to hold true. Moreover, in the context of the
Neolithic monuments of the region one can say that it is almost certain that the site is
Neolithic given not only its plan, but also the truly megalithic size of the structural
elements employed in its construction, which in the context of other megalithic tombs in
the overall study area tend to decrease in mass as time progresses2. Similar to the
Fortland sites, little can be inferred from the topographical setting of the sites given that
they are situated in what is now open pastureland interspersed with patches of bog.
Their close proximity obviously indicates an attachment to the river but unfortunately,
there are few other indicators that may suggest why these particular positions were
chosen for the erection of monuments. In the mid nineteenth century, a workhouse was
constructed a short distance to the south at the point where the modern road linking
Ballina and Sligo now crosses the Easky River. This suggests that the location may have
been a crossing point on the river of some antiquity though there is currently no
supporting topographical or artefactual evidence to support this further. It is also
Figure 4.4.3 – The Ballynahowna unclassified megalithic tomb and site plan as seen from the west
with Miosgáin Meadbh visible atop Knocknarea in the distance (after O‟Nualláin 1989, Fig. 27).
The Easky River valley runs from right to left just beyond the trees to the rear of the tomb.
1
2
This is an approximate distance along the river, it would be 5.3km „as the crow flies‟.
See Chapter 5 for discussion.
130
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
possible that the close proximity of the unclassified/portal tomb in particular to the
upper edge of the river channel, allowed for unobstructed visibility of Miosgáin
Meadbh, the most prominent of the numerous tombs on the Cúil Írra peninsula some
23km to the east1 (Figure 4.4.3).
The third area where a possible Neolithic concentration can be identified lies in
a region spanning either side of the Easky River and the townlands of Camcuill and
Knockanbaun. Here two portal tombs each lie c.350m from the river on opposing sides
but share distinctive common traits representing a similarity of purpose and knowledge
of each other‟s position. Both sites are situated on gently rising ground, only a few
metres north of tributaries that feed into the Easky River, at points less than 80m apart.
The close association of tomb and river is a relationship commonly noted in previous
case areas and other studies nationally, where it is usually associated with settlement
and movement along the riverside. These two monuments also appear to follow this
pattern indicating the importance of travel along the Easky River and its tributaries and
their importance as a conduit linking the inland areas to the sea. The two portal tombs
however are not the only sites in the vicinity, as when one moves onto the higher
Figure 4.4.4
Left: The distribution of sites in the area around
Tawnatruffaun.
Above: The view southwest across Gleneask and the
riverside parts of Tawnatruffaun townland as seen
from point A on the map.
1
Direct visibility is currently obscured by a stand of trees but the small amount of ground between the
tomb and the river channel would be simple to keep clear should there be a desire to do so.
131
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
ground away from the river, a number of pre-bog walls and field systems are to be
found. Though these cannot definitively be said to be of a Neolithic date they give an
impression of the extent of potential settlement that developed prior to the onset of
substantial peat formation that most likely saw its full formation in the Bronze Age.
The final concentration of Neolithic ritual sites is also the furthest upriver from
the coast and is once again accompanied by a considerable number of pre-bog walls and
post rows in and around the townland of Tawnatruffaun. In addition to the numerous
pre-bog features in the surrounding uplands, there are also five megalithic tombs and a
mound within a 1km area along the Easky River; three of the megalithic tombs are
recognised Neolithic types in the form of two court tombs and a portal tomb. In the
locality the river meanders along the bottom of the flat-bottomed valley of Gleneask, on
the higher ground above which the field systems are to be found. Conversely, and akin
to the pattern noted in previous case studies, all but one of the ritual monuments in the
cluster are to be found along the lower edges of the river valley. This choice of location
for such monuments appears at odds with other areas, where they are frequently to be
seen similarly flanking the courses of natural valley features, but usually in a position
above the valley. An explanation for this irregularity may lie in the prevailing
topography of the immediate area, as it is not directly comparable to that of the
floodplain of the lower River Moy. Instead, the topography appears to have formed in a
fashion more akin to that of Glenree a short distance to the south, where the erosive
effects of glacial meltwater emanating from the mountainous region between
Tawnaneilleen and Meenagleeragh carved the profile of Gleneask through which the
Easky River now flows. Although Gleneask now appears as such, it cannot be
considered a floodplain in the form of that along the Moy where seasonal, or quite
likely regular, flooding created an expansive area of level wetland and subsequent peat
deposits. Within Gleneask, the positioning of a number of sites along the lower edges of
the valley suggest that such flooding was not a common occurrence during the Neolithic
period, while the close proximity of sites to the river course itself, such as the southerly
Tawnatruffaun court tomb, suggest that it has remained along a stable course for quite a
time.
It can be regarded as certain that the better preservation conditions in the
uplands safeguarded the monuments in these areas to a greater level than further north
along the course of the river. Consideration must be given therefore as to how
representative of the wider landscape this more complete distribution of sites may be. It
132
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
could be said that the lesser number of sites in the lowlands to the north and west of the
Easky River is the result of millennia of degradation and destruction. Should this be the
case, then one could expect the pattern to be replicated in other upland areas where
taphonomic actions were very similar. This however is not the case, as when one looks
at other nearby localities vast tracts of the upland plateau are devoid of sites while only
the court tomb and a number of field boundaries at Caltragh are to be found a very short
distance to the west along the Owenykeevan River. Indeed, these sites are so close1 to
the Tawnatruffaun distribution they should actually be considered part of that grouping
of sites.
There are various potential theories that could explain the uneven distribution of
Neolithic sites in the region but the emphasis on the immediate catchment area along
the Easky River is notable. It is this focus that appears to highlight the importance of
one river among many that descend from the north-western slopes of Slieve Gamph,
and following the course of the river gives an indication of why this is so. The Easky
River is the only river that leads from the sea to an upland pass through the mountain
range. Encountering Lough Easky at the northern end of the pass, a traveller could then
descend to the lowlands east of Slieve Gamph following the course of the Owenaher
River, emerging at a point 1km northeast of the Castlerock court tomb. The balance of
archaeological and topographical evidence suggests that the logical course of
development was of a gradual build-up of settlement and ritual sites along a naturally
defined routeway over a prolonged period of time prior to the formation of the blanket
peat that preserved many of the sites in the upland areas.
4.4.4
The Bronze Age and later prehistory
In the Early Bronze Age the pattern of sites being closely associated with river
courses dissipates considerably, with a wider variety of areas being used for occupation.
The paucity of Neolithic monuments west of the Easky River is replaced by series of
groupings of Bronze Age sites, which no longer congregate in a linear fashion along
river edges but are more locally focussed. Once again this is a pattern shift visible both
nationally and regionally, where the Bronze Age sees an expansion in the areas
inhabited. While there is still evidence of occupation along the Easky River, the
associated sites are much less pronounced than in the Neolithic. A number of the preApproximately 1km over quite level ground that prior to the formation of today‟s peatlands would have
taken little time to traverse.
1
133
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
bog field walls and systems within the
case area could also be seen as Bronze
Age, as could the post rows noted in the
uplands of the case area. Given their
wide distribution, many of the pre-bog
walls could only be dated through
excavation or the chance discovery of
dating material in relation to an
uncovered portion. It is possible however
to hypothesise as to the date of some of
the post rows. Though chronologically
ambiguous, the relationship of these post
rows with the landscape in which they
reside may help to plot a period in which
it is most likely they were constructed.
Figure 4.4.5 – Comparative distribution of Early
Christian sites and post rows in the greater region
around the Tawnatruffaun/Easky River case area.
As they are predominantly found in the
upland blanket peatland area around Tawnatruffaun and are acknowledged as structures
utilised to serve as pathways or platforms above the bog, it follows that they must have
been emplaced at a time when substantial peat deposits had accumulated. If the dates for
peat expansion derived by O‟Connell (1990, 275) as part of the palaeoecological studies
along the western flank of Slieve Gamph are projected as a general guide for this case
area, a short distance to the north, then sizeable peatlands can be seen to have formed by
the Early Christian period. This hypothesis is confirmed by the distribution of ringforts
and cashels throughout the overall study area that are invariably to be found on lower
lying, more fertile lands away from the mountain range (Figure 4.4.5). Similarly, sites
indicative of medieval and post-medieval activity in the uplands, such as booley huts or
clachans, are also substantially absent. It can be considered probable therefore that the
post rows are indicative of activity during later prehistory in the Bronze or Iron Ages.
In comparison to the evidence surviving from the Neolithic period in the case
area, the information available relating to the later phases in prehistory is scarce. Aside
from the number of sites that may or may not be later prehistoric in date, there are only
six monuments of recognised Bronze Age type, those being three wedge tombs, two cist
134
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
graves and a possible stone row1. There are also four mounds within the case area
though it cannot be said with any certainty if these are of prehistoric origin. Two
artefacts recovered within the case area also suggest activity in the Bronze Age with the
discovery of a bronze sword in the townland of Fortland and a bronze spearhead in
Owenykeevan. Neither object resides in the National Museum of Ireland but the sword
has been identified by Eogan (1965, 82) as belonging to his Class 4 group of swords of
the Late Bronze Age. Within this rather meagre body of evidence for later prehistory
few patterns or concentrations are discernible with the exception of the vicinity of
Owenykeevan, where the previously mentioned wooden trough and stake were found,
while a short distance to the west, on discovery of two cist graves at Ballyogan a
quantity of bone was reported though no other objects. Neither were archaeologically
examined or excavated though the report of the discovery did give quite an accurate
location of the findspot in relation to local features.
From the earlier part of the Bronze Age, the three extant wedge tombs appear to
show a continuation of the riverside positioning visible in the earlier megalithic tombs,
though there is a shift of emphasis away from the Easky River into the more general
landscape. The monuments at Caltragh and Tawnamore share positional affinities with
the preceding court tomb in the locality as they are close to the Owenykeevan River but
other wedge tombs further west break the trend and are to be found in the open
landscape away from immediate riverside positions. Once again in a pattern seen in
other case areas a number of times previously, at least six concentrations of Bronze Age
sites can be identified in the greater region around the Tawnatruffaun/Easky River case
area, two of which fall within the bounds of the case area itself. The first is the much
discussed group of sites around Tawnatruffaun, while the second is a more indistinct
grouping comprised of a cairn, a midden, a hut-site and a possible stone row close to the
town of Easky. These sites in conjunction with the discovery of a flint scraper and a
chert flake2 within an area of c.0.2km2 suggest a level of prehistoric activity in the
locality, though little else can be said given the ephemeral nature of the evidence.
Stretching up to the modern era and considering the development of the town of
Easky itself, it is not surprising that the local area would have been selected as a suitable
area for settlement throughout the ages. Moreover, one could argue that it would have
been an even more idyllic settlement location in prehistory than in the modern era when
1
2
See the environs of Easky, Carrowpadeen and Culleens, Figure 4.4.2.
The chert flake was found in association with the midden as it was being eroded along the coast.
135
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
its coastal position allowed for exploitation of maritime, riverine and landward
resources as well as being the hub of various transport options along the coastline and
up the Easky River. The later strategic importance of the area is denoted by the
construction of not only a number of ringforts in the Early Christian period but also two
later castles, one either side of the river effectively guarding access to the river as well
as an abbey a short distance upstream.
4.4.5
Summary Review of Case Area D – Tawnatruffaun/Easky River
The commonality with which prehistoric sites are to be found in concert with
river courses is both a national and local phenomenon and it was with this in mind that
the fourth case area was selected along the course of the Easky River, to analyse what is
the greatest concentration of sites in such positions within the bounds of the overall
study area. Many of the extant sites are difficult to assign to a particular date range in
prehistory, other than to say that their pre-bog status implies quite an early prehistoric
date. The existence of other peatland sites such as post rows also implies substantial
activity in their localities in the period after the peat had accumulated to significant
levels, while their distance from later monuments appears to infer that they are also of a
prehistoric date. The first solid evidence of human activity in the region once again
derives from the Neolithic period, with the appearance of a number of portal and court
tombs in flanking positions along the Easky River. Analysis of the distribution and
positioning of these sites indicates that not only are they closely, and deliberately,
associated with the river as it flows towards the sea at Easky but that it also appears to
delineate an area beyond which contemporary monuments were not constructed for a
great distance until one reaches the eastern side of Killala Bay near Inishcrone.
Considering the number of sites in the area, there have been relatively few discoveries
of artefacts reported to the National Museum of Ireland. Those that have been reported
however, such as the hollowed-out trough from Owenykeevan, provide tangible
evidence of the people who lived in the area. The lack of artefact discoveries could also
be the result of ambient conditions not being conducive to the recognition and discovery
of artefacts that surely survive in the region.
The distribution of Neolithic sites in the area around the townland of
Tawnatruffaun would appear to represent a population that, though originally developed
in a concentrated fashion along the Easky River, expanded outwards building the field
systems that survive beneath the peat throughout the area. This pattern was carried into
136
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
the Early Bronze Age when the erection of a number of wedge tombs indicate continued
expansion while still remaining largely faithful to riverside positions. Outside the
immediate bounds of the case area, this trend progresses further as river-linear
positioning is replaced by more centralised site grouping, which although associated
with various rivers and streams, is not as bound to their courses as previous generations.
Figure 4.4.6 – Upper: The distribution of confirmed Neolithic monuments in the region between
Killala Bay to the west and Ballysadare Bay to the east. Lower: A similar distribution along the coastal
strip to the north of Slieve Gamph but this time including cairns as well as megalithic tombs and
structures that may or may not be of a Neolithic date.
137
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
4.5
Case Study Overview: Patterns of Similarity and Diversity
Throughout the overall study area there are many monuments located in
positions adjacent to distinctive physical features such as rivers or valleys, a trend that is
particularly prevalent among sites of the Neolithic period. The extant evidence for this
pattern of site placement is highlighted by the concentration of sites along the Moy and
Easky rivers, with the higher ground along the edges of the Moy floodplain being home
to a number of court tombs occupying positions related to nearby routeways through the
region. In the Callow/Culdaly case area a similar pattern of positioning is visible where
the few Neolithic tombs that survive also respect distinctive topographical features in
the landscape, along which established pathways would have been travelled. The low
quantity of Neolithic sites in the Callow/Culdaly area is mirrored by a similar scarcity
of Neolithic sites in the Corrower/Carrownaglogh area, where only three sites of the
period survive. As the available evidence is limited in many areas, the pattern of
interaction between routeways through the landscape and Neolithic sites can be best
seen along the upper reaches of the Easky River in the Tawnatruffaun/Easky River case
area. Unlike the sites along the Moy a number of those adjacent to the Easky River
appear to have been constructed on the valley floor, effectively within the floodplain of
the river. This appears to be a converse relationship to that seen along the Moy but here
one can argue for a case of „the exception proving the rule‟, as their position is not
within a floodplain comparable to that along the lower reaches of the River Moy and is
likely to have been more easily traversable. The sites are however in close proximity to
what is likely to have been the main routeway in the region, along the Easky River and
its immediate valley sides. As such, the monuments still fulfil the criteria of being
tangible markers of the nearby community for travellers in the region.
The distribution of Neolithic sites in a linear fashion along the Moy and Easky
rivers is made all the more visible by the lack of similar monuments in the intervening
landscape. To the north, it is possible that this uneven distribution of Neolithic sites is a
result of the value attached to the Easky River as a routeway from the coastline south to
Lough Easky and beyond, through Slieve Gamph to the lowlands on the eastern side of
the range. Along its course it is quite a substantial river and would allow for waterborne
movement along much of its length, while canal style, tow-path haulage was possible
along its shallower parts. The effect of the river‟s frequency of use was the
establishment of the route as a formalised path through the region, leading to the
138
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
establishment of the numerous pre-bog field systems and ritual monuments associated
with a settlement pattern that formed and intensified along the river and its surrounding
area. To the west of the Easky River however, there is a distinct lack of recorded
monuments of the Neolithic period in a region populated by numerous rivers that also
lead from the coastline into the uplands. Tempting as it may be to imbue deeper
relevance to this void and to seek explanations based on aspects of ritual or social
control, it is more likely that more functional factors are at play. The main lines of
explanation are the existence of a bias in the archaeological record, caused by the
destruction or lack of discovery of sites and the accumulation of settlement in particular
regions. The linear nature of Neolithic sites along topographical features indicates the
prevailing nature of site placement which, by extension, can be seen as a reflection of
the position of associated settlement. In light of such patterning, it is notable that there
are no Neolithic sites recorded within a c.1km band along the coastline between Killala
Bay and Ballysadare Bay.
A potential explanation for this phenomenon is provided by the fate that befell
what was most probably a passage tomb at Tanrego, on the western side of Ballysadare
Bay. The site was recorded by Beranger and Bigari in 1779 but had been subsumed by
encroaching estuarine sands by the time Wood-Martin sought the site in 1858 (Harbison
2002, 101-2). It is certain that the action of the Atlantic Ocean also affected other
Neolithic sites along the coastline, most potently in the guise of millennia of coastal
erosion, degrading the limestone and shale lowlands that form the Atlantic seaboard.
Though the volume of erosion is open to speculation, it is in no doubt that the coastline
visible today is not the coastline that existed during the Neolithic period and as such,
any sites positioned in a linear fashion along or immediately adjacent to that seaboard
would now be lost. Further effects of site degradation are indicated by the condition of
many of the lower lying sites throughout North Connacht. Along the Easky River, the
condition of the sites in the environs of Fortland compared to those further upriver
suggests a slow but continual demolition of monuments in better agricultural areas as
elements are cleared away in a piecemeal fashion, when they were no longer perceived
to be a direct part of the monument. It is possible that this occurrence in better
agricultural lands, allied to lack of discovery in poorer bogland areas, may explain some
of the reason for the east-west variation of Neolithic sites. An alternative, though not
mutually exclusive, explanation for this void could be the accumulation of sites in
139
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
particular areas throughout the region from whence sites expanded into surrounding
areas in subsequent periods.
A difficulty with this expansion hypothesis exists when viewing the greater
region around Killala Bay, where a similar void can be seen on the western side of the
bay. Within this region west of Killala Bay, there are no Neolithic sites recorded within
an area of approximately 160km2 between Ballina to the south and Rathfran Bay to the
north (Figure 4.5.1). An even more relevant similarity is that the boundary between this
apparent void and the neighbouring high volume concentration of Neolithic monuments
is once again formed by a river, the Cloonaghmare River, extending from Rathfran Bay
on the western side of Killala Bay to the uplands further west. If one combines the areas
where such a void is visible to the east and west of Killala Bay it results in a total area
in excess of 330km2, within which only the two passage tombs at Inishcrone act as
remnants of the Neolithic period. Even if one considers all other sites that could
conceivably be argued to be of a Neolithic date such as wedge tombs or the various
unclassified megalithic tombs and structures, this number only rises to eleven1. This
void in the archaeological record is made all the more striking given that just north of
the Cloonaghmare River lies the most dense concentration of court tombs in Ireland,
including the renowned examples at Ballyglass and Rathfran. A highly dubious
explanation for the distributional void revolves around the concept of a controlled space
along the bay with boundaries demarcated by the Cloonaghmare and Easky Rivers.
There is currently no tangible evidence to support such a hypothesis.
The concentration of lower lying Neolithic sites and associated settlement which
expanded into regions along substantial river courses may indicate the reason why „The
Gap‟2 was never formalised as an important routeway in the fashion of other such routes
throughout the region. With the survival of a great proportion of the native forestscape
prior to the Bronze Age, it is likely that the Moy valley and its many tributaries were
sufficient in both means and directionality, to traverse the majority of the region that
was significantly populated. As previously mentioned, the numerous smaller rivers and
streams to the north that descend from the western side of Slieve Gamph to the sea in
the area west of the Easky River, did not serve as substantial routeways beyond their
own extent. Similarly, areas to the south and east of the mountain range were easier to
access along the course of the Moy and the numerous available water courses emanating
1
Five of these are wedge tombs of an Early Bronze Age date, four are unclassified megalithic structures.
„Gleann na Mochart‟, the mountain pass towards the eastern side of the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case
area.
2
140
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
from it. It is possible therefore that the physical distance separating „The Gap‟ from
other major marine or riverine routeways may have been a factor that precluded it from
ever becoming a focus of substantial settlement activity during the Neolithic period. The
distinctive Glenree gorge that extends westward from „The Gap‟ could serve as an ideal
guide through the landscape but it is only usable as a route marker from the edge of the
upland plateau, which is still quite a distance from any of the recognised routeways in
the region. Having mentioned reasons why it was never substantially demarcated, it
must also be recognised that the construction of court tombs either side of the pass
indicate a level of activity in the Neolithic period though this appears to be quite low.
Outside of controlled excavation the discovery of artefacts is always subject to
numerous elements of luck that see to it that an object is found. The chance of that
artefact being submitted to the National Museum of Ireland with useful information
relating to its location is heavily dependent on factors such as the frequency of people
visiting a potential findspot, the ability of a person to notice that which may be hiding in
plain sight, as well as any attachment that may form between finder and object that may
impinge on their interest to publicise the find. These variables are largely out of control
of the archaeologist, but the identification of positions where artefacts may potentially
have been deposited is within the realm of the investigator. Throughout the history of
archaeology, studies have identified ways in which the terrain influences patterns that
developed in prehistoric life, such as the belief in the existence of a mythical „Riverford
Culture‟ that arose from the common discovery of sites and artefacts in positions close
to river fording points. Though the idea of such a culture has been debunked, the
incidence of sites and artefacts accruing at important river crossings is a phenomenon
that continues to be noticed. Logic subsequently dictates that if one can identify such
fording points, or similar meeting points of routeways, then the location of potential
sites or artefact rich depositional areas can also be identified. This approach proved
successful at Coolcronaun where analysis of the topography indicated the existence of a
significant contraction of the river floodplain that could serve a variety of purposes. The
location provided a crossing point from east to west sides of the Moy as well as serving
as an ideal position for settlement whose location would allow for easy access,
influence and observation of activity along the river. In this way, particular positions in
the landscape become foci for activity in the region stemming originally from their
advantageous topography. In other cases along the Moy, at Ballina and Foxford, these
locations became the ideal position for the formation of modern towns.
141
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
Applying this reasoning to the apparent incongruence between the relatively
high level of human activity indicated by the number of megalithic tombs and potential
settlements1 in the region along the Easky River, and the low number of artefacts
recovered, one can see topographical and ambient conditions as being contributory to
the apparent lack of artefacts recovered. Along its length, the Easky River never
develops a substantial floodplain comparable to that visible along the lower reaches of
the Moy, while the character of Easky River means that it is fordable at a great number
of positions, particularly at times of low water. Additionally, the riverbed at many
positions along the lower stretches of the Easky River is predominantly stone covered,
facilitating easier crossing but also helping to disguise any stone artefacts from potential
Figure 4.5.1
Upper: The distribution of sites
of known Neolithic type with
the apparent void either side of
Killala bay hatched.
Lower: The same area with
other possible Neolithic sites
indicated.
1
As evidenced by the number of pre-bog walls and field systems in the area.
142
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
modern day finders. The availability of a greater number of points where river and land
borne movement meets lessens the stature accrued by individual points where greater
numbers of people would have needed to travel to, settle and potentially deposit votive
offerings. Consequently, the differing morphologies of the Moy and Easky appear to be
just as relevant a factor in the identification of activities that occurred along their
courses as population numbers or belief systems in prehistory. At certain points along
the lower Moy the topography of the region and morphology of the river itself served to
condense human activities at particular points, which were eventually formally
recognised by the construction of monuments respective of these positions and the
formal deposition of votive offerings at these important places in the landscape.
Conversely, along the Easky River a more expansive distribution of a greater number
and type of monument is visible, which do not appear to congregate at specific focal
points along the river.
Through each of the case areas a clear pattern of expansion can be seen as time
progresses into the Bronze Age. Settlement evidence is sparse, but associated sites of
the period show a more even distribution across the landscape. This is a pattern noted in
many areas and though in each episode within the overall study area Neolithic activity
is represented by the ritual monuments of the area, their association with the numerous
pre-bog field systems in the regions such as Tawnatruffaun, the more famous example
at the Céide Fields, or the close relationship between tomb and preceding house at
Ballyglass, indicate that it is acceptable to assume nearby occupation related such
tombs. The result of this model implies Neolithic settlement occurring within
reasonable distances of distinctive topographical features in the area. Subsequent sites
such as wedge tombs, cist graves, standing stones and fulachtaí fiadh among many
others, indicate an expansion of occupied areas in the Bronze and Iron Ages. This
follows recognised patterns of increased population and the continued opening up of the
native woodland for settlement and agriculture over the millennia. The positioning of
the earlier monuments appears to illustrate a desire to associate with positions
frequented not only by those that would have been closely linked to the particular
monuments, but also those from outside the immediate area who may be passing
nearby.
In later periods, there appears to be a lessening of the importance attached to this
outward projection of the monument‟s importance with stimuli for their positioning
appearing to quite literally move closer to home. Clusters of sites develop across the
143
Chapter 4 – Local and regional: case studies along Western Slieve Gamph
region each of which can be seen to represent localised settlements. In the lower lying
areas to the south of Slieve Gamph, groups of fulachtaí fiadh in the Callow/Culdaly case
area represent small settlements comparable that excavated at Caltragh, Co. Sligo,
where three Middle Bronze Age round houses were uncovered on gently rising ground,
with a series of fulachtaí fiadh in close association on the adjacent lower ground
(Danaher 2007, 79). Each of the fulacht fiadh groups south of Slieve Gamph can also be
seen to be accompanied by one or more ritual monuments that may be related to the
nearby settlement or group of settlements in an area. Away from these more visible
indicators of habitation where fulachtaí fiadh are less numerous, it tends to be
gatherings of these associated ritual monuments that stand as indicators of human
activity in a locality. Towards the north of the Callow/Culdaly case area and throughout
the other regions around Slieve Gamph these groupings are the main indicator of
settlement visible on the current land surface, and as such, it is difficult to ascertain
whether there is any substantial separation of everyday and ritual space. The space
between the fulachtaí fiadh and mounds or cairns in the Callow/Culdaly case area could
be argued as suggestive of a deliberate distance between the sites, but as the exact
location of any associated settlement cannot be ascertained without excavation, any
hypothesis regarding the separation of ritual and domestic space would be entirely
conjectural.
144
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Chapter 5
If not here, where?
The Importance of Form, Position and Place
At the very earliest stages of the project, prior to any fieldwork being
undertaken, it became obvious that a number of voids existed in the archaeological
record pertaining to the region around Slieve Gamph. Ostensibly this was typified by
the apparent lack of mountaintop monuments along the western reaches of the mountain
range, a pattern greatly at variance with upland areas to the east and even with the
eastern stretches of Slieve Gamph itself. Subsequently, establishing an understanding as
to why this void in the record developed became one of the central research questions of
the overall project as it was deemed likely that potential reasons for the occurrence may
be rooted in the greater Slieve Gamph hinterland, not just atop the range itself.
Initially, this chapter will analyse how the lack of upland monuments manifests
itself in comparison to other nearby North Connacht regions and describe the results of
the field survey undertaken to test the validity of the current records. As will be seen,
the field results generally held with the recorded pattern of monuments so the majority
of subsequent analysis focuses on potential explanations for the phenomenon. One
avenue of enquiry regards an assessment of what is considered to constitute a
monument in the modern eye, and how differing assemblies of elements that would
normally be disregarded as „natural‟, can be shown to be of archaeological merit. This
raises the question of why particular „natural‟ features are so easily brushed aside in
many surveys and what one may see if the decision is taken to look beyond the easily
identifiable, anthropogenic indicators and consider the potential role played by natural
landscape elements. Finally, the discussion will return to the corpus of known sites and
monuments to analyse if there are stimuli in the broader landscape that gave rise to the
construction of prominent monuments.
The previous chapter outlined many of the types of sites in the region around
Slieve Gamph in their local contexts, as well as discussing them as parts of four case
study areas. An important thread of this chapter however is to look beyond the known,
accepted archaeological record with the goal being to use the freedom from rigid
typological and morphological considerations to assess the broad breadth of
archaeological potential in the region. This will allow for discussion of the
145
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
archaeological record in the context of the surrounding landscape, to enquire whether
the apparent spaces in the record accurately reflect the evidence that exists on the
ground, and if so, to analyse the reasons for the existence of said voids.
5.1
If not here, where?
The ever-increasing instances of evidence for prolonged activity at particular
locations prior to the erection of more visible anthropogenic markers show that the
argument in favour of a particular location being revered holds to be true. The
importance of place, as Bradley (1993) has termed it, is a pivotal consideration reflected
in both the act of monument construction and the selection of the location deemed
worthy of such adornment (see also Bradley 1998, 2000; Cooney 2000; Cummings and
Whittle 2004). With such diligence and reverence given over to site selection, it is
essential that the reasons for a particular location being selected for the construction of a
monument should be given as much regard as the physical entity erected thereon. By
extension, an interesting though complicated line of enquiry is to identify similar
positions in the landscape that have not been given similar adornment in the past to
investigate whether there is a tangible reason for selecting one location above another.
As has been mentioned on numerous occasions, the identification and explanation of
significant gaps in the archaeological record was one of the main stimuli for the
instigation of the project. The notable lack of extant Neolithic monuments west of the
Easky River discussed in the preceding chapter is an example of one such void in the
record that revealed itself during the course of the study. Much earlier in the process
however one of the most obvious of these breaks in the pattern of sites across North
Connacht was the variation with which sites such as cairns and passage tombs were
constructed atop Slieve Gamph and the other mountainous areas in the region. From the
earliest stages of the project it was clear that a substantial disparity was visible in the
way particular monument types were positioned in the region around Slieve Gamph,
leading to the formulation of a simple question as to why in an area of North Connacht
where prehistoric monuments are common atop numerous substantial hills and
mountains, were there so few examples recorded along the extensive western reaches of
Slieve Gamph? This apparent lack of monuments becomes even more noticeable when
the western part of the mountain range was compared to adjacent regions to the east,
146
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
where imposing hilltop cairns and passage tombs dominate the surrounding landscape;
with almost every substantial upland region home to either individual monuments or
groups of cairns and passage tombs.
Forming the eastern boundary of the Ballymote lowlands, the Bricklieve range is
home to the numerous monuments of the Carrowkeel passage tomb cemetery, many of
which are large and occupy prominent positions atop the mountain range. Twenty
kilometres north of the Bricklieve Mountains, a similar pattern of monument siting is
visible in the region around Sligo town and westward into the Cúil Írra peninsula (see
Bergh 1995). Close to Sligo town, the two large cairns that top the eponymous Carns
Hill are but two of a number of hilltop monuments in the area. West of Carns Hill along
Cúil Írra one first encounters the Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery before ascending
the prominent bulk of Knocknarea, itself crowned by the 10m high cairn of Miosgaín
Meadbha, which almost certainly enshrouds a substantial passage tomb (Figure 5.9). In
this area of northern Co. Sligo even locations where remains are no longer visible above
ground the potential for substantial hilltops to harbour sub-surface remnants of
destroyed monuments must be considered. This potentiality was highlighted by the
discovery in 2003 of a hilltop causewayed enclosure at Magheraboy, constructed on the
most prominent hill in the expanse between Knocknarea and Carns Hill (see Danaher
2007). The site represents the earliest monumental construction uncovered in the region
to date, and it is worthy of note that in an area where the construction of passage tombs
in prominent positions was commonplace, the lack of such a monument atop the
prominent hill in Magheraboy is indicative of the contemporary existence of the
causewayed enclosure. The potential relevance of this to the general distribution of hill
and mountaintop sites in the region will be discussed in more detail below. Standing
proud of the Ballymote lowlands barely 6km east of Slieve Gamph, the elevated
landforms of Knocknashee and Muckelty Hill are home to cairns of considerable size,
while the flat-topped summit of Knocknashee is also the location of one of the very few
hillforts in North Connacht. The absence of prominent cairns or passage tombs on the
main body of Slieve Gamph is amplified by the existence of a number of elevated cairns
and passage tombs on the eastern reaches of the range.
As discussed in previous chapters, Slieve Gamph is an extensive geological
feature that can be traced SW-NE from Clew Bay to North Leitrim with the main body
of the range falling within the current study area. To the east, as the range passes south
of Ballysadare Bay its profile is typified by a tapering band of steep hills interspersed by
147
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
numerous passes of varying width and elevation. The narrow undulating nature of the
terrain along this stretch of the range gives rise to a number of distinctive peaks, atop
five of which either cairns or passage tombs were constructed. Further east, as the range
passes to the south of Lough Gill on the eastern side of „The Collooney Gap‟, which
serves as the main N-S routeway in the area, the neighbouring mountain peaks of Slieve
Dargan and Slieve Daeane are also home to four mountaintop monuments. It is this
preponderance of prominent monuments on the eastern reaches of the Slieve Gamph
range, as well as those atop nearby hills and mountains, that begs the question as to why
there are no comparable sites to be found just a short distance away along the main
body of Slieve Gamph. Further to the apparent lack of sites in prominent upland areas,
the lowlands west of Slieve Gamph are similarly devoid of such monuments where the
three recorded passage tombs are to be found in low-lying positions. Indeed, the tomb at
Carrowreagh c.5km east of Ballina, occupies the lowest available point in the immediate
locality. The extant cairns in the lowland area around the south and west of Slieve
Gamph comprise a variation of Bronze Age sites and clearance cairns of indeterminate
date. The common appearance of various megalithic tomb types and the recovery of
numerous artefacts of the period does however illustrate a substantial human presence
throughout the Neolithic period.
5.1.1
Field survey
In order to investigate the apparent lack of large upland monuments, a
fieldwalking program was initiated to establish the nature of the evidence that survives
in the Slieve Gamph uplands, the purpose of which was to scrutinise to what extent the
record reflected the physical evidence on the ground. The area surveyed as part of this
investigation incorporated the mountainous uplands that stretch from Larganmore in the
south, as far as the region north of Easky Lough, where two monuments are recorded in
the townland of Tawnadremira. Initially, comparisons were made with regard to the
deliberately chosen highly visible positions in which many monuments were
constructed in adjacent regions. To facilitate this, the mountain range was viewed from
a great number of positions during the overall survey process across lower lying areas
around the mountain range, to ascertain if there were any sites displaying distinctive
profiles similar to the large cairns visible to the east. The result of this process was
overwhelmingly negative for indications of monuments in the guise of either cairns or
passage tombs, though three sites later termed „prominent boulders‟ were discovered
148
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
(see discussion below). In addition to this visual survey of the mountaintop a physical
exploration of the mountain was undertaken, with similarly underwhelming results and
no visually prominent megalithic sites being discovered. Six previously unrecognised
sites were discovered on the mountain range just south of Lough Talt, four of which
were small dry-stone walled hut-sites or animal pens whose origins most likely stem
from transhumance practices of the medieval period or later. The largest site
encountered as part of this fieldwork program was a quite large, heavily denuded c.30m
diameter, dry-stone walled enclosure within which were a number of sizeable boulders.
The enclosing wall, most commonly visible as a single irregular course, also
incorporated a number of boulders along its course but given the poor condition of the
site little can be stated as to its use. The lack of discernible internal structures and the
potential for the internal boulders to provide shelter from the elements would suggest
that the site was a form of animal enclosure. The sixth site is also likely to be the
earliest to come to light. It is composed of a 0.85m high angular boulder propped on its
western side by two smaller, well-matched stones, its tapered eastern end resting on a
large rock outcrop (Figures 5.1 and 5.3). As with the previous site, this propped stone is
difficult to date but a prehistoric origin seems highly likely as it can be seen to resemble
a boulder burial or small cist-like structure.
Along the range north of Lough Talt as far as Easky Lough, which resides in the
next mountain pass to the north, there were no sites of any era identified in mountaintop
positions. The only previously unrecorded sites discovered along this stretch of the
range were along the lower western slopes, where a small rectangular ditched feature
Figure 5.1 – Left: The best preserved of the four hut-sites/animal pens uncovered along the
mountaintop to the south of Lough Talt, Co. Sligo. Right: The Kincuillew stone setting from the
north with the rock outcrop on which it sits to the rear.
149
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
appears to be the remains of a house platform, once again possibly associated with
transhumance activities in the region. Similarly, the southern end of the cairn belonging
to the Carrownaglogh court tomb appears to have been remodelled to form another
house footing of a medieval or post-medieval date. A third, more enigmatic, composite
site was noted a short distance upslope from the positions of the house platform and
court tomb. The site is comprised of a stone pair in association with what can be
described as an expanded alignment of three upright stones that generally follow the
line of the mountainside. Once again, it is not possible to ascertain a definitive date for
these features as they do not conform to any commonly recognised monument type.
The three stones that form the alignment are two smaller uprights and a larger
slab set on its edge each of which are c.40m apart1. They cannot be seen to constitute
what one would normally consider to be a stone row in its most common form nor do
they appear to be the remains of a wall, though it is likely that they represent the
remnants of some form of boundary marker. In light of their orientation, position in the
landscape and their remoteness from areas of substantial medieval or post-medieval
activity it is possible that the stone pair and alignment are of some antiquity.
The stones that form the stone pair
are narrow slabs standing just over 1m
high and though they share a parallel NESW axial alignment, they do not align with
each other, as the southern stone is offset
some 3m west of the northern stone. Their
morphology is reminiscent of Christian
gravestones though if this were the case
their orientation indicates a burial oriented
to the southeast while their position on a
c.35° slope also appears to preclude their
use as Christian burial markers. The only
indications of settlement that may belong
to the Christian period in the locality are
Figure 5.2 – The most southerly of the three
stones that form the stone alignment with the
stone pair in the background.
the aforementioned house platforms, each
c.500m to the north and northwest at an
1
Neither the alignment or subsequent stone pair is currently registered in the RMP but is recorded within
the Site Catalogue, entries 4062-SA and 4065-SP respectively.
150
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
altitude 70m below the stone pair. Historical records of General Humbert‟s ill-fated
1798 campaign in North Connacht describe a retreat westwards through „The Gap‟
during which two men died and were buried along the route. One was buried along the
old roadway in Gortersluin townland on top of the higher ground east of Lough Talt,
while the second was interred to the west of „The Gap‟ at Frenchman‟s Bridge a short
distance east of Bunnyconnellan (Cleary 1998; O‟Connor 1998). The stone pair and
alignment are in excess of a kilometre north of the route taken by Humbert‟s men at a
substantially greater altitude making it highly unlikely that the site is associated with
this episode in the history of the area.
The results of the extensive fieldwalking program along the western reaches of
Slieve Gamph confirmed the general tenet inherent in the record for the area, with no
remnants of large prominent monuments such as cairns or passage tombs being
discovered. The existence of a quite small number of previously unrecorded
mountaintop sites was confirmed as a result of the survey but none were comparable in
morphology, size or date to the sites visible on neighbouring mountain ranges or the
eastern parts of Slieve Gamph itself. This confirmed absence of sites initiated a
consideration of the factors that may have influenced this pattern of monument
construction. The very base consideration of whether there was human activity in the
region during the Neolithic period was answered in the affirmative by the existence of a
number of court tombs in the immediate vicinity of the mountain range and the two
mountaintop sites at Tawnadremira.
5.1.2
Recorded voids or voids in the record?
Though the top of the mountain is largely bereft of monuments, a direct
association can be seen to exist between a number of monuments and the mountain
range. This is typified by sites such as the Carrownaglogh court tomb that was
constructed in such close proximity to Slieve Gamph that the majority of the panoramic
horizon is formed by the mountain range. Similarly, the unusually elevated positioning
of three court tombs in the neighbouring townlands of Carrowreagh1 and Kincuillew, on
the eastern side of the mountain range, shows a deliberate attempt to connect with that
locality and the mountain range. It is noteworthy that in the upland areas of Slieve
1
Carrowreagh is a common townland name across the country; this Carrowreagh is to be found in the
barony of Leyny, Co. Sligo a short distance south of Lough Talt on the eastern side of the mountain range
and is not to be confused with the other commonly mentioned Carrowreagh, Gallen By. Kilgarvan parish,
Co. Mayo, 9.5km to the northwest, which is home to one of the few passage tombs in the region.
151
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Gamph the physical attributes and building materials necessary to facilitate the
construction of mountaintop monuments akin to those in regions to the east were
available, but never utilised. The lack of suitable construction material cannot therefore
be deemed a preventative factor toward the erection of large mountaintop monuments,
as even in modern times, the surface is strewn with stones and boulders of various sizes.
Equally, considerations of the ease of access to mountaintop positions where
construction would be most visually striking is also little different to that which prevails
in the Bricklieves, Knocknarea or eastern Slieve Gamph, with some highly prominent
positions actually being easier to access. The stark absence of sites therefore appears to
be indicative of a more deliberate avoidance of the region for construction. With the
creation of three passage tombs in the lowlands to the west of Slieve Gamph, and the
similarity of the Carrowreagh and Carrowhubbuck passage tombs to those at
Carrowmore, one can infer that both the knowledge and belief systems of the Sligo
passage tomb builders were shared by at least some people to the west. In comparison to
the neighbouring regions to the east, three passage tombs in such a vast area is a paltry
number but it is positively immense when compared to the number recorded west of
Killala Bay, which is zero.
Such an exceptional drop in numbers as one moves westward cannot be
explained as being the result of site destruction or lack of discovery, particularly when
one considers the breadth of archaeological endeavours that have been undertaken in the
environs of Belderg, Ballyglass and Rathlacken. This pattern of activity raises questions
as to what belief systems were being followed in various regions of North Connacht, to
what extent these overlapped or adjoined each other and why such sudden disparities
are visible in the archaeological record. To the east, the region around the Cúil Írra
peninsula is one of the only areas where court and passage tombs can be seen to occupy
a broadly similar landscape but it has also been noted here that the two monument types
occupy distinctly detached positions in the region (Bergh 1987, 245). In what is a
distinctive, naturally bounded topography the two court tombs recorded on the Cúil Írra
peninsula occupy peripheral positions around an area where the numerous passage
tombs occupy both the interior area and the most prominent landscape positions. At the
time, Bergh (1987, 249) interpreted this pattern as being the result of two differing
societies with different economic models, the builders of the court tombs being more
locally oriented farmers with the passage tomb builders belonging to a more hierarchical
society, exploiting a greater range of resources.
152
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Of particular note in that area is the considerable absence of court tombs within
an area that forms part of a greater region with a dense concentration of Neolithic sites
to be found. In this light, the number and distribution of court tombs on the peninsula
stands in great contrast to those visible in other areas adjacent to it. To the north, court
tombs are commonly found along the lower coastal strip between King‟s Mountain and
the ocean, as well as along the foot of Castlegal Mountains just north of Lough Gill. To
the south of the Cúil Írra peninsula, numerous court tombs are found in localities south
of the Collooney Gap, westward along the coastal strip leading towards Killala Bay and
onwards to the noted concentration of tombs on the western side of the bay. Given this
widespread distribution of court tombs across the greater region, the fact that only two
such monuments are recorded in peripheral locations on Cúil Írra appears to support
arguments in favour of a deliberate separation of areas chosen for the erection of the
different tomb types. The similarity of date, construction technique and occasionally
artefacts however appears to stand against their erection by divergent cultures. Instead,
it may be the case that the more dispersed court tombs acted as local foci for burial and
ritual activities, with the passage tomb cemeteries being constructed and visited for
specific rites or on particular occasions in the calendar.
As previously mentioned, the greatest concentration of court tombs in Ireland
lies in the area around the excavated sites at Rathlackan and Ballyglass on the northwestern side of Killala Bay. Most of these sites are to be found in the lowlands around
the mountains and hills of North Mayo where once again large upland monuments are
rare. This distribution pattern is only less surprising given the distance the area lies from
the epicentre of passage tomb construction some 50km to the east. Indeed, a noticeable
shift can be seen in lowland passage tomb building in the immediate vicinity of Cúil Írra
where a short distance south across Ballysadare Bay, the number of passage tombs in
lowland positions reduces dramatically. There are then no lowland passage tombs
recorded until one encounters the example at Carrowreagh and the two sites at
Carrowhubbuck near Inishcrone on the eastern shore of Killala Bay.
153
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
5.2
What constitutes a monument?
The act of monument construction is a very visible, very deliberate deed
designed in many cases to prolong and be seen through the generations. Less obvious to
the modern viewer however, are the criteria that guided the selection process for the
monument‟s location. If one considers a modern construction project, there are
numerous invisible constraints within which the site selection process takes place.
Secular considerations include who owns or has control of the land, how close it will be
to any associated settlement, is the structure necessary within the locality, or does a
person with power and influence act unilaterally? More ritual or religious reasons may
pay regard to the location where a specific occurrence took place or where an important
person visited, lived or died. We must also consider idyllic places where people may
like to occupy but through the control of higher powers, or social constraints, access is
denied in order to preserve the very elements that denote that location as special. These
may be places of spiritual or secular significance that have commanding views,
dominate the surrounding landscape or allow access to particular resource areas. Among
many others, considerations such as these are pivotal toward the selection of suitable
locations for the construction of modern sites ranging from roads and houses, to
churches and shopping centres, yet they are not clearly visible within the matrix of the
completed site. Such stimuli considerations are just as visually imperceptible in
prehistoric sites, which commonly requires the agglomeration of examples to illustrate a
pattern of occurrences and in some cases necessitates quite a degree of interpretation of
the surviving evidence.
A number of recent studies have analysed the differing level of importance
attached to places where sites are constructed, with most querying what elements need
to be in position for the location to become recognised as an important „place‟. In many
cases and commonly in the earlier landscape treatises, „place‟ is seen in a very modern
fashion as being quite localised and bounded where one can stumble across it as one
moves through the landscape (Tilley 1994). More recently however, Cummings and
Whittle (2004, 69) have argued that a wider perspective needs to be taken of the
surrounding landscape as the centralising characteristic of many of the Welsh megaliths
they investigated drew focus inwards, from the surrounding area towards the
monument. This is certainly true for many of the visually dominant sites, or those well
known to the population in the surrounding region, but in many cases in Britain and
154
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Ireland similar and contemporary monuments are not always positioned in such
dominant positions, suggesting that a different stimulus is at play. Also in Wales, a
number of monuments can be seen to be either oriented on, mimic, or be closely
associated with natural elements of the landscape, particularly distinctive rock outcrops
(Cummings and Whittle 2004). Similar associations have also been noted on numerous
occasions across Ireland including those at Caherguillamore, Co. Limerick and
Altdrumman, Co. Tyrone where the constructed monument was all but indistinguishable
from the adjacent natural feature (Hunt 1967; Ó‟Nualláin, 1983). Cooney (2000, 131)
however notes that a stark divergence can be seen between visually inconspicuous
monuments and their more striking counterparts, such as the iconic Poulnabrone portal
tomb. Though of a similar date the Altdrumman portal tomb appears to have been
erected with consideration of a different set of priorities, where ease of visibility from
the surrounding landscape was less of a priority in comparison to having a very direct
association with a natural feature, in this case a distinctive rock outcrop.
The process of attaching importance to specific places in the landscape and the
continued veneration of these places is not a phenomenon that is confined to prehistory
as even today religious pilgrimages to specific sites are continued. One of the most
notable of these is the climbing of Croagh Patrick on „Reek Sunday‟, the last Sunday in
July, where thousands of pilgrims ascend to the small church on the summit of the
764m high conical mountain on the south side of Clew Bay, Co. Mayo. This type of
physical sacrifice is replicated in smaller fashion throughout the country where a local
mass rock may be frequented at particular times of the year as a sign of reverence and
remembrance of times past. In many cases, these appear as little more than a boulder of
convenient height to be used as an altar, which, with conventional and local knowledge
can be identified as being a mass rock of the penal period in Irish history, when the
performance of Catholic services was outlawed. From an archaeological perspective,
without records or local knowledge of their existence the vast majority of these sites
would be virtually indistinguishable within the surrounding landscape, leaving one
reliant on the small number of examples that do stand out as unusual in their localities,
to point towards the greater corpus of sites in the broader landscape.
In a similar fashion, the significance ascribed to particular places in the
landscape can be seen in the more secular but nonetheless important tradition of hillwalkers carrying a stone to the top of a hill or mountain, and placing it at the highest
point. It is commonly placed with numerous others left by previous visitors effectively
155
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
forming a cairn that symbolises achievement, while also indicating a desire to be
associated with the place beyond the moment of actually being there. Significantly, this
desire for remembrance does not hold as an imperative that one‟s name is associated
with the particular stone, just that it signifies a sense of achievement, respect and
communion with those who have gone before, and are to come. Reflecting these
attributes towards the prehistoric archaeological record, it must be considered likely that
the increasing number of sites noted in association with „natural‟ features is indicative
of a more widespread and intrinsic aspect of monument construction than is readily
recognisable in the form that survives today.
5.2.1
The role of the ‘natural’
The juxtaposition of monument and natural place is a characteristic noted in a
number of publications to date and many of these clearly indicate how natural
geological formations were regarded as being and defining special places in the
landscape (Bradley 1993, 1998, 2000; Tilley 1996; Cummings and Whittle 2004;
Bender et al. 2007). Tilley‟s (1998) investigation of the striking granite tors on Bodmin
Moor illustrated the similarity that some of the formations hold with constructed
megaliths, while also demonstrating how the power and reverence that was imbued in
these places was subsequently acculturated by the construction of cairns or enclosure
walls. Similar occurrences are noted by Whittle and Cummings (2004) in Wales, where
megalithic monuments can be seen to either mimic the profile of highly visible rock
formations, or in some instances where they are in close proximity, to almost blend in
with the outcropping rock. The examples from Britain appear to support Tilley‟s (1998,
165) proposition that the tors of Bodmin Moor were important from as early as the
Mesolithic when they acted as ideal vantage points to wait for prey animals, as well as
acting as known, fixed points in the landscape. The tors would have become significant
as permanent and reliable markers, with a strong sense of history for people living and
moving in the surrounding area, effectively acting as “non-domesticated megaliths”
(ibid. 165).
As a result of the continuing exploration of the extensive archaeology of
Bodmin Moor, similar associations between prehistoric structures and natural features
have been noted in the Neolithic and Bronze Age landscapes on Leskernick Hill
(Bender, Hamilton and Tilley 2007). During the project, the acknowledged practice of
constructing hilltop cairns in relation to distinctive granite tors in the region was once
156
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
again noted as was a second in the form of barely traceable stone circles, spirals and
walls within the streams of clitter1 stretching down the sides of the hill. Of particular
interest was the fact that many of the features were constructed with minimal
interference to the overall clitter distribution (Bender et al. 2007, 218). Similarly, a
number of the circular houses that were identified had been built within the clitter
without substantial clearance of the surrounding material that would allow more space
around the house, suggesting to the investigators, that a conscious effort was made to
keep a close association between the house and its natural surrounding (ibid. 174). The
third instance where the cultural and natural environments intertwine within the
Leskernick project is also the most interesting when compared with similar occurrences
in Ireland (see section 5.1.5 below). It involves the excavation of a stone circle with
what was initially assessed to be either a recumbent stone, or earth-fast boulder, at its
centre. The results of the excavation indicated that the central stone had indeed once
been an earth-fast boulder, but that it had been removed from its original position and
placed transversely across the pit from which it had been extracted (Bender et al. 2007,
103). No evidence was uncovered to suggest that the stone had ever been placed in an
upright position in the intermediary period while material from the pit beneath the
realigned stone surrendered an Early Bronze Age date of 1750 – 1540 cal. BC (ibid.
103).
The alteration and appropriation of a „natural‟ feature as part of a monument at
Leskernick is similar to the pattern of activity uncovered by Macalister (1912) on
Carrowkeel, where rock outcrops and natural boulders were incorporated within the
medium of Cairns A and P respectively. Macalister‟s „tomb openings‟ in the early 20th
century uncovered some spectacular megalithic architecture, that to this day is
continually being reanalysed and reinterpreted, and though some of the more recognised
tomb types discovered are fascinating, the results of Macalister‟s activities at Cairns A
and P pose more fundamental questions. At Cairn A no internal structure was found and
the majority of the 12.2m diameter2 monument was composed of “two natural knobs or
bosses of rock which were utilised in its construction”, while at Cairn P four large
boulders were uncovered within a conical cairn where no internal structure in the form
“Clitter is a rather evocative Cornish term used to describe extensive boulder and stone spreads that lie
downslope of upland tors on the granite hills of the county... It is assumed that they formed as a result of
the large-scale frost shattering of the tors and the downslope movement or mass wasting of the shattered
material during periglaciation” (Bender et al. 2007, 208).
2
40 feet.
1
157
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
of a “cist, chamber or interment” was revealed (Macalister et al. 1912, 330). In each
case the apparent lack of internal structure stands as a reflection of the expectations of
the excavator, who envisioned the sites as being purely funerary in nature with a
stereotypical passage tomb layout and construction. The lack of the „required‟ internal
structure or deposited artefacts thus denoted them to Macalister as being the equivalent
of cenotaphs and consequently these intriguing results were largely ignored. Though not
given recognition as such, there was an internal structural focus at the sites in the guise
of the natural outcrops at Cairn A and the four large boulders at Cairn P, which aside
from being encapsulated in substantial cairns, were not altered in a way that made them
stand out as cultural entities. However, the very act of enclosing these two ostensibly
natural features within two large cairns indicates a formalisation of the reverence that
attached to the two sites.
Cairns A and P are part of a growing body of examples where natural elements
are recognised as being incorporated into highly regarded prehistoric monuments.
Elsewhere in the Bricklieves among a number of large erratic boulders the Buddagh Da
or Daghda‟s Stone, a 2.8m high boulder on the same ridge as Cairn B, is thought to
mark a possible routeway from the south onto the ridge‟s northern summit and onwards
towards the location of Cairn B (Moore 2002, 11). East of the Buddagh Da, the „Stirring
Rock‟ is again an immense erratic boulder, the importance of which was formalised and
enhanced by the construction of a megalithic monument just 5m away. Directly below
the cliff atop which Cairn E is positioned lies a further large erratic boulder entitled the
“Old Gate” which once again is thought to mark a routeway, on this occasion leading
from the valley floor to the top of the ridge (Macalister et al. 1912, 319). The recurrence
with which natural elements are either incorporated into monuments or form the central
focus of a monument requires that we must return to the very root of what is considered
to be a monument in modernity. One must assess whether conceptions of what
constitutes a monument influence what one chooses to see and how one treats that
which does not meet modern preconceived expectations.
In many instances where there is a natural element incorporated into a
monument, there is a relatively low level of alteration of the original feature which
retains the relevance that the natural feature was originally invested with. The act of
construction thus served to highlight the importance of the particular place in the
locality. The close association or inclusion of natural features is also an increasingly
noticed theme in Irish prehistory. One of the first recognised and most notable examples
158
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
of the phenomenon was uncovered in the 1940s at Cahirguillamore, Co. Limerick,
where a natural formation of a large boulder leaning against a cliff-face was used as an
impromptu megalithic tomb (Hunt 1967; Jones 2007, 174). It was used to inter the
disarticulated remains of thirteen individuals1 with a crouched burial within a mound at
the front of the structure sealing, and effectively ending, the use of the monument
(Jones 2007, 174). Artefacts recovered during the excavation include a portion of a
broken stone axe, stone and shell beads, mushroom headed pins and Beaker pottery,
suggesting that the site was in use throughout the Later Neolithic period and into the
Early Bronze Age (ibid. 175-6).
The very obvious adoption of natural elements within the matrix of each of the
above mentioned sites is a pattern that can also be identified at a number of sites across
the current study area. Though the megalithic tomb at Corimla South2 is in quite a poor
state of repair, enough of the monument survives to indicate a NW-SE aligned gallery,
3.8m to the southeast of which lies an immense 2.4m x 2.3m apparently earth-fast
boulder. This does not appear to have been a structural element of the tomb and its
earth-fast appearance suggests that it was in position prior to the construction of the
tomb. Further to the obvious association due to their proximity the orientation of the
gallery acknowledges the position of the boulder as well as that of the Carrowreagh
passage tomb 1km to the southeast. Similarly, the Creggaun court tomb just south of
Ballina incorporates a 2.6m natural boulder towards the rear of its cairn that once again
appears to have no structural relationship with the tomb (see Figure 4.2.3 for location).
Another striking example of the desire to include natural elements within the matrix of a
monument comes at Kincuillew, on top of Slieve Gamph c.1.5km southwest of Lough
Talt. Here a rock with a roughly trapezoidal plan is propped on two corners by well
matched c.400mm stones with a third corner resting directly on the large granite outcrop
atop which the whole monument sits. The conscious use of the outcrop as a plinth for
the monument defines the strength of the relationship between the natural, solid and
perceptually everlasting bedrock outcrop and the structure built on top of it. The
importance attached to such natural elements of the landscape is also illustrated at the
cist grave in Prebaun townland to the south of Slieve Gamph, where the almost square
grave was constructed contiguous to a distinctive triangular outcrop of rock with the
outcrop itself employed as the northern side of the cist. Such an obvious connection to a
1
2
The thirteen individuals entailed adults or adolescents, one child and two infants.
See Chapter 4, Case Area C – Corrower/Carrownaglogh.
159
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
natural feature implies a strong desire to
be associated with conspicuous elements
of the landscape. This can be seen in
structures that are so closely aligned
with natural elements that the
construction of the monument acts as a
formalisation and definition of the
reverence in which the location was
held. At Kincuillew and Carrowkeel
rock outcrops in particular were deemed
of such reverence that they were
formalised with the construction of
monuments physically on top of them,
while in other cases natural elements
formed conspicuous parts of sites. Such
Figure 5.3 – The Kincuillew stone setting as
seen from the southwest sitting atop a large
granite outcrop.
actions lead to a different relationship
between the site and observer, as the act
of commemoration physically changes the site, altering its character and in effect
adding an element of humanisation yet not substantially altering the original formation.
Close affinities with natural formations mean that it should not be deemed
surprising that many sites closely resembling, or incorporating, natural features would
go unrecognised prior to the discovery of more definitive evidence at the site. The
Cahirguillamore tomb acts as a case in point where the site had not been previously
identified as a monument and only came to light as workmen preparing the adjacent
cliff-face for blasting, uncovered the flexed burial at the front of the tomb. The
circumstances surrounding such a discovery once again raise the question of what one
considers to be a monument prior to obviously human evidence being found in the form
of artefacts or burials. The paucity of evidence relating to ritual aspects of the
Mesolithic period in Ireland for example had long hindered the development of an
understanding of such practices during the period. Collins and Coyne‟s (2006, 21)
discovery at Hermitage, Co. Limerick, therefore raised numerous questions not only
regarding research queries as to Mesolithic burial, but also regarding prior expectations
of how a Mesolithic burial would appear. Three important aspects noted by the
excavators were the high degree of technical knowledge exhibited by the cremation
160
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
process itself, the addition of grave goods and the discovery of a post hole in one of the
pits suggestive of a grave marker (Collins and Coyne 2006, 21). The act of, and level of
technical skill achieved in the cremation process indicated that this was not an isolated
instance or a burgeoning attempt at a new ritual practice but was a known process that
likely indicates a common burial rite of the period yet this had never previously been
noted. It is likely that prior to the emergence of absolute dating techniques the presence
of a polished stone axe within a cremation burial would have led to the assumption that
the feature was Neolithic or later.
The inclusion of the stone axe and two microliths, each of which had been burnt,
indicates their importance to the people of the period as well as being a possible
indicator of belief in an afterlife. The erection of a grave-marker was an action affecting
a number of different strata of meaning and symbolism within the mind of those who
erected it, signifying a precise place in the landscape that could be returned to in the
future. In addition to the personal reverence for the individual buried there the
Hermitage discovery is akin to the later sites discussed above indicating a conscious
alteration of the natural world and the creation of a humanised place in the natural
landscape. The marking of the site also acted as a symbol to prolong into the future that
could be seen and understood by other people or generations. The Hermitage discovery
once again raises the question of what one perceives as constituting a monument, how
its durability affects its visibility in the modern landscape and how visible a human
hand must be in its formation for it to be accepted as a monument in modernity.
With such questions in mind, the investigation of reasons for the lack of large
mountaintop cairns or passage tombs along the western reaches of Slieve Gamph
centred on three strands of possibility; that they were simply never constructed, that
they were constructed but either as a result of destruction or lack of discovery were not
recorded or thirdly, that a different type of monument was in use at the time.
Subsequent fieldwork yielded a variation of results that, as is typical in many such
studies, raised further questions without satisfactorily resolving the original enquiries.
What can be said with a degree of certainty is that the record as it stands is
representative of the situation on the ground with extensive fieldwalking identifying a
number of sites but none of the nature that were being pursued. What were noted in
particular positions however, were a number of very large, prominently sited boulders
that taken as individuals appear natural, though the increasing regularity of their
occurrence warranted further investigation.
161
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
5.2.2
Prominent boulders and associated evidence
The first conspicuously sited boulder noted in the study area was observed
during a visit to the Corlee stone row along the southern fringes of the mountain range
(see Figure 4.1.3 for location and Figure 6.8 for image). Here, in addition to the stone
row, a souterrain was recorded though there is no documentary or field evidence to
suggest that an accompanying enclosure, in the guise of a ringfort or cashel ever existed
at the site. On inspection the souterrain presented as a shallow stone filled depression
below the summit of the hillock on which the sites sit with a possible entrance to the
feature marked by a small, 0.7m high standing stone. The three-stone row is sited on a
gentle slope on the opposite side of the hillock c.50m to the west. Between the two sites,
and occupying the highest point on the hill, lies a large 1.3m high boulder with a second
smaller stone adjacent to it. In many respects the boulder resembles a mass rock though
there is no documentary evidence or local memory to suggest this is the case. Indeed,
the hilltop position close to a road and small hamlet1 would suggest that the site is quite
unsuitable as the location of a mass rock. One would also consider that the celebration
of Mass in close proximity to an overtly pagan monument, in the form of the stone row,
would also detract from the site‟s suitability as the location of a mass rock. The erection
of the stone row high up on the hill indicates that consideration was given to ensuring
that the site was visible from the surrounding countryside but contemplating this
implied desire, the fact that the stone row was not positioned on the highest point of the
hill appears to indicate that the boulder or a structure it formed part of was already in
position on the hilltop.
Prominent boulders and Bronze Age deposition
The conundrum raised by the association of the stone row, „souterrain‟ and
ostensibly natural glacial erratic that was apparent at Corlee was worthy of further
investigation. Hence, throughout the project, attention was given towards ascertaining
whether further examples of the occurrence could be identified. One of the first
indications of similar activity came from an outside source, namely Whitfield‟s (1993,
11) description of the findspot of the Banagher hoard2 of a gold dress-fastner, a bronze
bracelet, two bronze rings and a necklace of 125 amber beads, found close to a mass
rock in Meenwaun townland, Co. Offaly. The hoard was found atop a small but
1
Today only a few houses are to be found in the locality but quite a number of cottages are marked in the
locality around the nearby crossroad on the OS 1st edition map of 1837.
2
Sometimes referred to as the Meenwaun Hoard.
162
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
prominent hill on which the mass-rock sat a
short distance from a major routeway
towards the River Shannon crossing at
Banagher. The nearby routeway at this
point is constricted by two expanses of
bogland making the location, on elevated
ground a short distance away, ill-suited to
what should be a clandestine mass rock
location. The discovery of the hoard at the
site indicates that the boulder was in
position at least as early as the Bronze Age
and was not placed there during Penal times
when the site was reused as a mass rock.
The rock itself was described by Whitfield
(ibid, 10) as “a magnificent example of
Figure 5.4 – The locations of the prominent
boulder sites mentioned in text.
what anyone would surely expect a Mass rock to be”, so it is likely that the ready
availability of the site outweighed the risk associated with the location.
The reverence that prominently positioned boulders were held in is illustrated by
the number of Bronze Age artefacts and hoards that have been found in close
association with similar sites across Ireland. In his Catalogue of Irish Gold Armstrong
(1933, 56-7) describes two gold lunulae found under large stones in Co. Tyrone. The
first lunula, which was subsequently purchased for the Royal Irish Academy in 1884, is
described as having been found in the townland of Trillick, “under a large rock on a
mountain when it was being broken up” (ibid, 57). The second lunula was discovered in
the townland of Carrickmore where it was found rolled up under a stone (ibid, 56).
Although there is no description of the location or size of this stone it appears quite
likely that it was of considerable size as it was such an impediment that it required
removal. Indeed, the townland names of Trillick and Carrickmore add to the intrigue of
these two finds as each refers to stone formations in their respective localities. Trillick
translates as „Trí Leac‟ or „Three Stones‟, a title sometimes interpreted as referring to
the existence of the remnants of a megalithic tomb in the townland, no megalithic tombs
are recorded in the townland however so the possibility of the name deriving from a
more obscure feature cannot be disregarded. The name Carrickmore refers to a „large
rock‟, a title that may stem from either a boulder, or boulders, of significant enough
163
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
status nearby to influence the name of the townland. On investigation however it
appears more likely that the name refers to the upland granite formation on which the
townland is situated. A caveat to this is that the Sites and Monuments Record for the
townland lists a mass-rock1 of which no visible remains survive. In this situation it is
possible to draw a correlation between the townland name which refers to a large rock, a
now missing mass-rock and the discovery of a gold lunula under a large rock during its
removal.
Among the numerous other Bronze Age hoards discovered over the last few
centuries the Dreenan hoard from Co. Fermanagh was composed of nine bronze
artefacts including a sword, 4 spearheads, a socketed axe, hammer, knife and a „lump‟
of bronze. The hoard was discovered when a large stone obstructing tillage was being
removed from land on the western end of Boa Island in Lower Lough Erne around
1875. Almost two decades later, two socketed axes were found c.1m below the ground
surface near to a large rock at Silvan Park in Co. Dublin in 1894 (Eogan 2000, 219).
One of the more interesting Late Bronze Age hoards uncovered to date is that from
Kilbride, close to Newport, Co. Mayo, to the southwest of the current study area. The
Kilbride hoard2 of two socketed bronze axes, a penannular gold bracelet and a gold
dress fastener was also found when a large stone was being removed from agricultural
land on a high Drumlin hill in 1987 (Cahill 1988, 26). In the corpus of hoards found in
relation to prominent boulders the Kilbride hoard is one of the most important, as it is
one of the very few were the physical details of the discovery are recorded. The boulder
itself was identified as a 1.15m high, gneiss glacial erratic, which appropriately enough
most likely originated from Slieve Gamph. The hoard was concealed under the corner of
the boulder within a matrix noted by the finder as being darker than the surrounding soil
(ibid, 26). Once again a similarity exists between the objects of the Kilbride hoard and
those of other hoards in that the two axes were in very poor condition while the dress
fastener was missing one of its decorated terminals (Eogan 2000, 218-9; Cahill 1988,
26).
The variation in dates across the Bronze Age at which items were being
deposited in association with prominent boulders is illustrated by the discovery of a
hoard of four Early Bronze Age flat axes at Glenalla, Co. Donegal (Harbison 1969, 37).
These are also of great importance as they were “…found on the surface of the ground
1
Northern Ireland SMR No. TYR 036:038.
The hoard is also known as the Dyra hoard after the landowner John Dyra on whose property it was
discovered.
2
164
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
under a large rock on the high land dividing Glenalla and Oughterlin townlands” (ibid,
37). The description of the placement of these axes clearly states that they were on the
ground surface under a large rock, suggesting that the rock would have to be moved to
facilitate their deposition. It also follows that the rock would have to be moved again in
the event that the axes were to be recovered at a later date, which implies either that
they were regarded as being of high value or alternatively, that there was no intention of
retrieval. Though little specific detail of the discovery was recorded, the Gorteenreagh
hoard is described as having been found while stones were being cleared from a Co.
Clare field in 1948. The hoard is a collection of six gold ornaments dating from the Late
Bronze Age that included a collar, two bracelets and a fibula. Although originally
recorded as comprising eleven pieces, the hoard actually represents six items of
jewellery as the collar was found in a disassembled state. This hoard differs from many
of the others as it has been interpreted as possibly being the personal jewellery of an
individual. Unfortunately, there is little accurate description of the exact location of the
find and as such, it is similar to the only Bronze Age hoard that can be confirmed as
being discovered within the current study area from Cooga townland in Co. Sligo.
The Cooga hoard was found under a rock during the digging of a ditch on a cutaway bog and is composed of a sword fragment, two socketed axes and a bronze „cake‟
(Eogan 1983, 147-8). Ostensibly, the hoard appears to be a collection of raw material
that either belonged to a bronze-smith or was intended to be traded with a smith as each
of the pieces was found in either poor or fragmentary condition. This hoard however
cannot be favourably compared with others found in association with large rocks or
boulders, as the reference to the manner of its discovery suggests that the hoard was not
deposited in relation to a large boulder or in a prominent topographical position. The
diminutive character of the stone that covered the hoard suggests that the person who
deposited the items had sufficient knowledge of the locality to return to the site while
the economic nature of the hoard allied to the simple method of its concealment may be
indicative of the presence of a nearby contemporary Bronze Age settlement. The
circumstances of the Cooga hoard are similar to those of the Banagher discovery which
was also found in a cut-away bog but in the case of the Banagher hoard the find location
is described as being beside an unusually shaped rock on a little hill where the rock
would have acted as an easily recognisable marker (Whitfield 1993, 11).
Innumerable individual artefacts or hoards have been discovered as a result of
land improvement over the years and though the instances where sufficient record of the
165
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
find location and circumstance are infrequent, there are enough examples to suggest a
pattern of deposition of Bronze Age artefacts, in many cases Early Bronze Age
artefacts, in relation to sizeable stones and boulders in prominent positions. This leads
one to question whether these sites are being chosen simply because they are easily
identifiable on return or if there is a deeper seated reason for the phenomenon. A
possible explanatory parallel may come in the form of the discovery of a hoard,
comprising a decorated bronze axe and 2 pieces of copper (cakes/ingots), during
excavations at the Toormore wedge tomb in Co. Cork, where the careful placement of
the items indicated that the deposit was intended as a votive offering placed at the
entrance to the tomb (O‟Brien 1993, 1999). The deposition of the offering indicates a
greater level of meaning inherent within the act of placing the objects in the ground,
they were being placed in a position that was not only revered but also considered safe
and stable into the future. The tomb would have been seen as a fixed place in the
landscape whose revered status would ensure that the location would not be
substantially interfered with, or offerings removed.
It cannot be definitively said at this point whether the objects or hoards found in
conjunction with prominent boulders in the past were votive deposits, or caches of
valuables that were intended to be recovered at a later date. The question of whether
there was ever any intention of recovery of these objects however is not as pertinent at
this point as the question regarding the significance of where they were deposited. The
Toormore deposit appears to indicate a concern with longevity and stability of place,
which is something that was surely ascribed to many of the large boulders mentioned
earlier. Throughout prehistory, numerous examples exist of herculean efforts being
employed to create monuments of truly megalithic proportions. One of the most
dramatic instances being the Browneshill portal tomb1, a granite-built tomb located on a
hill to the east of Carlow town. The site possesses the reputedly largest capstone of any
megalithic tomb in Europe with estimations of its weight in the region of 100 tonnes or
more. Further examples of the raising of large capstones such as the Carrickglass portal
tomb2, Co. Sligo, with a capstone of c.65 tonnes show that the knowledge and
technology to manipulate such large objects was widespread across the country from at
least as early as the Neolithic period.
1
2
Sometimes referred to as the Kernanstown Dolmen.
Also known as „The Labby Rock‟.
166
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Within this body of differing
activities, in chronologically separated
periods, lies a common thread that
offers a potential explanation, for not
only the discovery of Bronze Age
hoards in association with prominent
hilltop boulders, but also for some of
the occurrences where prominently
placed boulders exist within the study
Figure 5.5 – The Browneshill portal tomb,
Co. Carlow.
Photo: Carleton Jones.
area around Slieve Gamph. The
hypothesis centres on the perceived, or possibly acknowledged, human hand in their
construction and the permanency of the sites. The deposition of Bronze Age hoards,
many incorporating broken items or ingots/cakes that had commercial value, indicates
that the person who deposited the artefacts most likely intended to return to collect them
at a later date. To facilitate this, they were placed in a position that was firstly
identifiable, and secondly, was not likely to be interfered with, thus exposing the
objects, which in most cases is exactly how the hoards came to light in the modern era.
The reason why said positions were seen to be safe and stable in the Bronze Age is a
point of departure from where we can look further into the past, when the inclusion of
large ostensibly natural boulders within the matrix of Neolithic monuments was
common, and in a number of cases served as a megalithic centrepiece. Given the
composition and morphology of many of the deposited artefacts, it would be overly
simplistic to say that the deposition of objects at a prominent place in the landscape was
primarily a ritual action inferring that the chosen locale was of elevated importance.
What is the case however, is that the process of creating a mindset whereby certain
positions or sites are perceived as fixed in landscape and time, is one that stretches back
long before the Bronze Age, when societal mores had become attached to these sites
that made their alteration or destruction taboo. It is possible therefore, that particular
landscape features now commonly regarded as natural such as erratic boulders, would
once have been looked upon as special places in the landscape marked in some
instances by their inclusion within the bodies of megalithic tombs of the period.
Outside the bounds of the current study area increasing numbers of prominently
positioned boulders are being identified, including a number that have assumed varying
levels of importance both locally and regionally. Many of these large boulders are
167
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
stereotypical glacial erratics, yet most have had stories and legends attached to them
over their histories. In many cases these stories involve Fionn Mac Cumhaill and a feat
of strength that remains in local folklore and rarely go any further than the local areas in
which they reside. One instance where the site developed a national standing however is
that of the Catstone on the Hill of Uisneach in Co. Westmeath. The stone is a much
degraded glacial erratic in excess of 4m high, one of the earliest references to which
appears to come in the 7th century when it is described as the „omphalic stone at
Uisneach‟ (Schot 2008, 99). The first definitive reference to the site was in the later 12th
century by Giraldus Cambrensis in his Topographia Hiberniae when he identifies it as
the Umbilicus Hiberniae or the navel of Ireland (ibid. 99). Similar to many of the other
boulders mentioned already, the site is once again situated in a prominent position, this
time on a steep slope at c.150m OD and has been variably described as the navel of
Ireland, a boundary stone, a meeting-place of the Irish provinces and „the stone of the
divisions‟ (ibid. 100). Unlike many of the other sites mentioned however, the veneration
of the Catstone was clearly formalised at some point in its history by the scarping out of
the immediate area around it to form a c.21m banked enclosure, with the Catstone at its
centre (Schot 2008, 101). In the case of the Catstone, it is interesting to note that it is
this stone on the side of Uisneach that became perceived as the focal point of the
provinces and not the summit of the hill which is much more visible from the
surrounding countryside.
At Clooshgereen, just south of Oughterard, Co. Galway, a large prominently
sited boulder known as St. Patrick‟s Stone shares many attributes with those described
in the area around Slieve Gamph. It is once again prominently sited just above a
substantial decline and appears as a highly visible protrusion on the skyline a short
distance from a similarly positioned hilltop cairn. Its distinctive profile and position are
likely reasons why it was later appropriated as a Christian site, an occurrence that
appears to have happened at many such sites. Illustrating this are over 250 stones and
boulders across Ireland that have been recorded as either holy stones, saint‟s stones or
mass rocks a number of which appear physically and positionally unsuitable for the
purpose. The discovery location of the Banagher hoard is one obvious example of the
reuse of an earlier site during the Penal period though a number of other sites have been
noted by various writers as being atypical to what one would expect such a monument
168
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
to be1. With such a large number of rocks recorded in various fashions, allied to an
unknown amount of unrecorded examples it must be assumed that the examples
mentioned here are but a few of many yet to be discovered, or recognised for the
longevity of importance that they embody.
Prominent boulders around Slieve Gamph
Throughout the fieldwork program a number of prominent boulder sites (Figures
5.7 and 5.8) were identified, the first being the Corlee example discussed above. Within
the vicinity of the Corlee boulder, three other similar topographical positions are
recorded as being home to more stereotypical hilltop monuments with a fourth, a kerb
circle, being discovered on a crest below the hilltop cairn in Doonty townland as that
cairn was being investigated. The second occurrence was recognised at a much greater
altitude of 260m OD on top of Larganmore toward the south-western end of Slieve
Gamph, 2.6km southwest of the Corlee site. This was the first such feature discovered
in a truly mountaintop position, but was followed by two visually and topographically
striking examples in the mountainous townland of Glenawoo on the southern side of
Gleann na Mochart. Lying on its long axis, the 2.2m high southern Glenawoo boulder
occupies the brow of one of the lower peaks to the east of Crummus, the highest point
along the southern side of „The Gap‟. The boulder is positioned in close proximity to
the steep northern face of the mountain, maximising its profile against the skyline when
viewed from the lowlands below by appearing as a protuberance above the normal
skyline of the mountain peak on which it sits. This is a situation replicated only 600m to
the northeast where the second mountain peak boulder in Glenawoo again appears as a
protuberance on the edge of the mountain skyline. In this instance the boulder is of an
even greater size at 3m high and occupies an even more striking position, on top of a
small peak area with descents on three sides making the site even more striking in
profile when seen from the valley floor to the north.
Along the northern reaches of the Slieve Gamph range, the 2.3m high „Giant‟s
Rock‟ lies at the edge of an upland plateau in Lugawarry townland, in a position
possessing spectacular views across Ballysadare Bay, Cúil Írra and Miosgáin Meadbh.
1
See the SMR descriptions (Northern Ireland) for mass rocks at Ballycollin, Ballymacward, Broom-More
in Co. Antrim and the Broguey Stone in Co. Down each of which describe large rocks, extant or lost,
whose morphology or location led the various writers to comment on the unusual nature of the sites for
use as mass rocks.
169
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Figure 5.6 – The locations of the prominent boulder sites around Slieve Gamph.
From the lower ground to the north, along the narrow strip of land between the
mountain and the sea, the site has a highly distinctive profile as it stands proud of the
surrounding skyline. A secondary acknowledgement of the importance of the site is
signified by the boulder‟s incorporation within an ancient field boundary indicating that
at the time the wall was constructed, the boulder was a recognised boundary marker in
the region. Without extensive excavation the antiquity of the wall cannot be stated with
any certainty, though as much of its course is substantially submerged in peat, a very
recent date can be discounted. Akin to the Glenawoo examples the prominence of the
site is accentuated by its positioning on the edge of a precipice, without which the sites
would not be visible from the lower ground in the regions around them. The occupation
of a plateau or precipice edge position is an attribute shared by the most debateable of
these prominent boulder sites at Carrowdoogan along the western side of the mountain
range. Here, within an area liberally strewn with stones, rocks and boulders of varying
sizes, two apparently propped boulders occupy a slight rise at the edge of the upland
plateau that extends from the western side of Slieve Gamph1. From the site there are
1
The tapering upland plateau along the western foot of the range expands further westward as one moves
north along the range; at this point to the south the plateau is little more than 250m wide whereas at its
greatest in the region around Tawnatruffaun its breadth is in excess of 4km.
170
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
extensive views to the west across the Ballina lowlands and the River Moy floodplain
and though part of an extensive spread of boulders, are highly visible from the lower
ground to the west (Figure 5.8 below). At the site, a massive 4.3m high angular slab of
granite rests on a smaller 1.6m stone in a formation that in itself would normally be
considered a striking natural configuration. Its accompaniment however by a second
smaller propped boulder formation only 1m to the north, indicates that there may be
more to the site than a coincidental arrangement of glacially deposited material. The
prominent position of the site adds to the intrigue and is reminiscent of a number of the
other instances mentioned. A modicum of support for the argument in favour of these
Figure 5.7 – The pair of propped boulders at Carrowdoogan, Co. Mayo.
Left: As seen from the southeast.
Right: As seen from the east overlooking the Ballina lowlands
with the distinctive profile of Nephin and the Nephin Beg mountain range in the distance.
propped or prominent boulders being the result of human activity comes from the work
of Bender et al. (2007, 213) on Bodmin Moor who ponder the difficulty of identifying
whether or not rock formations are of cultural or natural origin. Their reasoning follows
that:
“Although determination of whether a perched block has been emplaced
by rockfall is site specific, and therefore can only be achieved in the field,
it is clear that perched boulders, when found on low-angled slopes and
at considerable distances from cliff faces or on hillsides with no backing
cliff, must be cultural relicts”
This logic supports the cultural element that is embodied by the prominent positions of
many of the previously discussed hilltop, mountaintop or precipice edge boulders as if
distance from a backing cliff reduces the possibility of a perched block being a natural
formation, then surely being in position above such a cliff or descent is even more
171
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
evocative of the entity being a cultural relict. The Carrowdoogan propped boulders
however are within an area copiously scattered with large rocks with a steep incline
c.250m to the west. An addendum to the position taken by Bender et al. discussed
elsewhere in the volume (ibid, 210-218) could be that cultural influence can be
identified when formations are to be found in multiples, where the orientation of the
constituent elements are dissimilar. In this way the theoretical weakness of using more
subtle indicators to infer human influence is offset by identifying multiple signatures of
differing types. In the case of the Carrowdoogan formations, these multiple signatures
are their very close proximity, position on a slight rise and the differing orientations of
the elements involved, particularly of the smaller propped boulder whose supporting
stone is at right angles to the upper stone.
5.3
Investigating the known
To date, six prominent boulder sites have been noted in mountaintop and hilltop
positions on and around Slieve Gamph though evidence from around Ireland suggests
that there is a broader appearance of the site type that has not as yet been realised in
archaeological inventories or investigations. In the context of the current study area, it
must be questioned whether these sites exist in place of more stereotypical prominent
monuments such as cairns and passage tombs, or if they are separate entities that
coincidentally occupy similar landscape positions. To investigate this, a more positive
approach was taken towards understanding why the monuments to the east were
constructed in the positions they were. Instead of looking to areas on western Slieve
Gamph where construction did not take place, consideration was given towards
understanding the reasons for the positioning of recognised sites in the region. As noted
previously, there are two main concentrations of hilltop monuments in North Connacht,
around the Bricklieve Mountains including the Carrowkeel passage tomb cemetery and
in the area north of the Collooney Gap, including the sites around Sligo town, the
Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery, Cúil Írra and the flanking sites atop the eastern
reaches of Slieve Gamph.
172
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
1
2
Figure 5.8 – Prominently positioned boulders on and around
Slieve Gamph.
Clockwise from top left:
1. Boulder on top of Slieve Gamph in eastern Glenawoo
overlooking Gleann na Mochart. 2. The Larganmore standing
stone with Lough Muck in the distance. 3. The prominent
boulder in Corlee townland to the south of Slieve Gamph with
the stone row visible to left of centre. 4. The western Glenawoo
boulder overlooking Lough Talt. 5. The „Giant‟s Rock‟ in
Lugawarry with Ballysadare Bay and Knocknarea in the
distance.
3
4
5
173
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
As the latter group of monuments is comprised of a more diverse and wider
geographical spread of monuments, including those on eastern Slieve Gamph, it was
analysed to see if there was a stimulus within this group that saw monuments being
erected in that area, which did not exist further south along Slieve Gamph. The obvious
first step was to look towards the renowned sites of Miosgáin Meadbh and the
Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery. This approach however would assume that there
was an over-arching, inward looking plan, or plans, whereby people were constructing
monuments looking inwards towards a central focus of reverence. This focus of
veneration may have been one of the major sites in the area or, as Bergh (2000, 2002)
postulates, towards the „ultimate monument‟ that is Knocknarea. If this was the case
then it comes as little surprise that the western reaches of Slieve Gamph were never
chosen as the location for the construction of large mountaintop monuments in
prehistory as a result of the region‟s distance and lack of intervisibility with that focal
point.
The hypothesis whereby a lack of stimuli led to the lack of monuments appears
to be supported by a second possible explanation developed during the project that may
explain why certain positions were chosen for the construction of hilltop sites in the
region. The theory stems from the discovery of the Magheraboy causewayed enclosure
on a hilltop to the southwest of Sligo town, during excavations in advance of the
construction of the Sligo Inner Relief Road (Danaher 2007). Morphological
identification and dating place the construction of the site in the earliest stages of the
Neolithic suggesting that the enclosure represented the earliest ceremonial monument
uncovered in the region to date, predating the numerous megalithic tombs and cairns
throughout the area. Radiocarbon dates ranging from the early to the middle Neolithic
support this assumption, with dates from the ditch sections falling within a range from
4230-3530 cal. BC, with the majority of the thirteen published dates related to the ditch
segments falling within the period between 4050 BC and 3650 BC (Danaher 2007, 1578). A number of pits within the enclosure show a more expansive date range with
similarly early dates at the start of the sequence but carrying on for a longer period, with
three of the later dates falling within the bracket of 3650-3360 cal. BC (ibid. 158).
174
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Though evidence of activity within the enclosure was sparse1 the continued creation of
numerous pits shows that activity continued at the site beyond the main period of
construction, and as the hilltop was not subsequently used as the location of a cairn,
passage tomb or any other type of megalithic tomb, it must be assumed that the
enclosure was still substantially visible at the time.
Within an area where almost every hilltop or prominent position was home to
substantial megalithic structures, the lack of a similar monument on the hilltop at
Magheraboy, where the earliest construction in the region was located, indicates a
particular relevance attaching to the site during the period when the other monuments
were being created. Causewayed enclosures can generally be seen as multi-functional
sites with arguments for activities ranging from communal gatherings, to ritual
enclosures and even defended sites being mooted in different instances (Darvill and
Thomas 2001; Varndell and Topping 2003). The Magheraboy site likely served many
purposes, each of which at its core had the effect of fixing the location as a central point
to which people would come at different times. In analysing the question as to whether
there was an absent stimulus along the western reaches of Slieve Gamph it was
considered whether Magheraboy may have been the original central focal point in the
Cúil Irra region. From the position of the enclosure, each of the significant well known
sites in the region are visible, Carns Hill to the southeast, Miosgáin Meadbh to the west
and the sites along eastern Slieve Gamph to the southwest. This notion of an outward
looking perspective was something briefly considered by Danaher (2007, 118) but his
scope of interest did not extend beyond the immediate locality adjacent to the
excavation. The purpose, size, longevity and location of the site however are surely
representative of use by a larger contingent of the regional community, derived from a
greater catchment area. It is also worthy of note that in the later period of activity at the
site there is still very little evidence of a people who contemporarily were constructing
large, highly visible monuments in the surrounding landscape.
1
The quantity of artefactual evidence from the Magheraboy enclosure is very low in comparison to that
recovered at Donegore Hill in Co. Antrim where c.49,000 sherds of pottery representing at least 1500
vessels were found as well as numerous hearths, pits and post-holes. At Magheraboy 1229 sherds of
Carinated Bowl pottery representing at least 36 vessels were found. One reason for this difference may be
a result of the differing activities that occurred within the two enclosures though it must also be noted that
the vast majority of the finds at Donegore were recovered from the upper layers of topsoil and sod at the
site. At Magheraboy these layers were removed using a 22 tonne excavator and mechanical dumper until
the natural boulder clay beneath was exposed; cut features visible within this strata were then recorded
and excavated (O‟Neill 2005, 15; Danaher 2005, 14). As such, any artefacts within the top strata of the
site most likely found their way to the spoil heap.
175
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
To investigate and illustrate this occurrence further, a modern approach was
taken with the creation of a digital terrain model (DTM) and an overlying viewshed
model of the area with the causewayed enclosure as the origin point for the viewshed.
Notwithstanding the inherent difficulties associated with using computer extrapolated
models for such analyses, the results were of immense interest with almost all of the
Neolithic and probable Neolithic sites in the region falling within the field of view from
the hilltop in Magheraboy. In addition to the aforementioned sites, this includes the sites
atop the adjoined Slieve Daeane and Slieve Dargan on the eastern side of the Collooney
Gap, almost all of the sites that compose the Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery, as
well as the grouping of sites at Barnasrahy. Visibility from the causewayed enclosure
extends even further into the surrounding region with the uplands of Kesh Corann and
the western Bricklieves visible in the distance to the south. The sheer number of
locations visible from the one central position adds extra weight to the argument in
favour of the enclosure being a particularly important feature of the extended Neolithic
landscape, beyond the simple fact of it being the first monumental construction in the
region. In addition to other reasons for so little evidence being found within what was a
large scale, long term ceremonial monument, a third possibility may be that people‟s
links to the site were more cerebral than physical and though the creation of ditch
segments and internal pits indicates a sustained level of physical interaction the
construction of monuments on surrounding hills and along the horizon also served as
permanent psychological links to the causewayed enclosure. It is possible that this
visual link to surrounding locations and the sites built thereon, negated the need for
large numbers of ceremonial depositions at the time of gatherings at the site as the
permanent conceptual link was already there in the broader landscape.
From the southern reaches of Slieve Gamph, even upland areas in the region
around Sligo such as Knocknarea are not visible, meaning that any visual link with the
causewayed enclosure is entirely obscured. In addition to other factors such as the lack
of striking mountain peaks, and the greater distance that appears to exist between the
mountain range and areas of Neolithic settlement, this lack of a central stimulus
monument may have seen to it that the belief system that developed further to the east
never became as well established around western Slieve Gamph and its hinterland. It
may also be the case that this lack of a particularly early central focus in the region, led
to the profusion of more locally oriented tombs such as the numerous court and
occasional portal tombs. These tombs symbolise just as many personal and group
176
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Figure 5.9 – Above: Viewshed model of the Cuil Írra
peninsula and the surrounding area including the
northern reaches of Slieve Gamph as seen from the
Magheraboy causewayed enclosure.
Below: Closer view of the Cúil Írra area with the
Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery at centre.
177
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
considerations regarding one‟s existence in the landscape, reverence for the ancestors
and even expressions of local resource control as the passage tombs and hilltop cairns1
to the east but appear more locally oriented.
5.4
Discussion
Among the main goals of any archaeological investigation, one will find an
innate desire to inform on the nature of the extant evidence as well as to develop an
interpretation that explains not only individual sites, but also their place in the greater
scheme of life during the period in question. The goals of this project were none too
different, with extensive fieldwork being undertaken involving the consideration of
numerous individual sites as well as the landscape in which they reside. The apparent
simplicity of such goals is however commonly confounded by the patterns and
peculiarities that reveal themselves during the process. In the case of many areas around
Slieve Gamph, some of the most interesting patterns that became visible were the voids.
Reason dictates that if one can explain why particular spaces exist, then that information
should crystallise the motivation for selecting the positions for the monuments that
survive today.
The most intriguing void in the archaeological record relating to Slieve Gamph
is the lack of upland, mountaintop monuments akin to those visible further to the north
and east. In the field, this perceived lack of sites held to be true raising questions as to
what may have been the impetus for the phenomenon. The most basic enquiry to
ascertain whether there was evidence of substantial human activity in the region at the
time was illustrated in the affirmative by the existence of a number of Neolithic
monuments around the mountain as well as quite high up on the mountainside itself in
places like Carrownaglogh, Co. Mayo and Carrowreagh Co. Sligo. Similarly, there is
ample accessibility to mountaintop locations and potential structural material in the
various localities so such practical concerns cannot be seen as a preventative factor. The
discovery however of a number of prominently positioned boulders in places where one
might expect to find cairns or passage tombs in other regions nearby, raised the more
pertinent question of what one actually considers to represent a site or monument. A
review of Macalister‟s activities on Carrowkeel in particular illustrates the pitfalls of
1
That most likely enshroud passage tombs.
178
Figure 5.10 –
The area around
Slieve Gamph
visible from the
causewayed
enclosure at
Magheraboy.
179
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
being constrained by fixed expectations. In modern studies, and particularly landscape
studies, a more rounded approach is attempted where sites are generally assessed within
the landscape in which they sit, taking all attributes into consideration without ruling
out potential avenues of enquiry purely because they do not fit the prescribed path.
One of the initial reasons for investigating the prominent boulder phenomenon
was their occupation of striking topographical positions. However, it soon became
apparent that a number of Bronze Age objects and hoards have been found in direct
association with similar boulders around the country. To date, nine instances have been
recorded by various authors, where the location and circumstances of the discovery
were of such significance that they were noted at the time of discovery. Given the large
number of objects found as a result of land clearance works where no details were
retained, it is likely that this number should be considerably greater. The argument in
favour of these features actually being considered archaeological sites is supported by
these depositions and the underlying importance that such deposition implies. The sites
were effectively seen as fixed places in the landscape that could be identified and
revisited at will. This would appear to imply a long term importance attached to these
distinctive places which possibly developed in the earlier parts of prehistory, when
displays of reverence towards natural features and places was a recurrent theme.
Supportively, a number of archaeological studies in Britain and Ireland have noted this
relationship between natural and cultural landscape elements, where distinctively
natural features are drawn within the matrix of human constructions. This continues into
the present study where in the region around Slieve Gamph, a number of examples can
be identified where either very obviously unaltered natural elements such as earth-fast
boulders are combined within the structure of a monument or alternatively the
monument itself occupies a striking natural position.
Each of the prominently sited boulders identified on and around Slieve Gamph
was identified on either morphological or associative grounds, in some instances both.
All seven however display traits that separate them from the glacial erratics strewn
across the region. Those that are not in direct association with other prehistoric
monuments have been identified as they stand out in the landscape in positions where it
is highly unlikely that they were glacially deposited. Unfortunately, further
investigation in the guise of geophysical survey or excavation has not been possible at
any of the locations to date, so the exact nature or date of the sites cannot be stated
definitively. One can say that they occupy positions similar to those of the more notable
180
Chapter 5 – If not here, where?
hilltop monuments further north but given their many morphological dissimilarities,
they cannot be seen as direct contemporaries with other monument types, and as such,
one can as yet only speculate as to their precise date and purpose.
The second notable void in the distribution of prehistoric monuments in the
region also stems from the earlier prehistoric period with the appearance of a distinctive
lack of Neolithic sites either side of Killala Bay from the Easky River in the east to the
Cloonaghmore River in the west. Within this vast area, on the fringe of the greatest
density of court tombs in Ireland, it is remarkable that the only extant Neolithic sites are
the two passage tombs at Inishcrone. There are currently no satisfactory explanations
for this stark imbalance in the record, as no evidence exists to suggest that the area was
uninhabitable in the Neolithic period, while the distribution of pursuant Bronze Age
sites is comparable to that elsewhere across the region. This void, which cannot be
explained satisfactorily as being the result of monument destruction or lack of
discovery, is bounded to east and west by rivers raising the possibility that there were
cultural or social motivations that influenced the construction of ritual monuments in
the locality. One of the only other nearby areas where such a separation of Neolithic
monument types is visible is on the Cúil Írra peninsula, where only two court tombs are
recorded, in areas peripheral to the region where passage tombs dominate. This is not to
suggest that there are different belief systems or societies dominant in particular areas
but more likely, that the more dispersed court tombs represent more local concerns and
serve the needs of the local community while the agglomerated passage tomb
cemeteries possibly acted as areas of visitation or pilgrimage at different times of year.
The aggregation of both secular and ritual activity is represented by the
construction of the Magheraboy causewayed enclosure early in the sequence of
monument construction on the Cúil Írra peninsula. The subsequent development of the
Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery and the numerous other spectacular Neolithic
monuments on Cúil Írra saw the area develop a critical mass of primarily ritual activity
establishing it as the pre-eminent ritual centre in Neolithic North Connacht. To the west
it is likely that the lack of a focused central area of ritual importance developing in the
earlier parts of prehistory led to the continued use of the more locally relevant court
tombs, denegating the potential, and need, for such a ritual centre to develop in
following generations.
181
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Chapter 6
Landscape and Movement in the Environs of Slieve Gamph
Prior to the instigation of fieldwork for the project, one of the main research
goals was to analyse whether patterns of activity could be identified in specific areas or
if a more diffuse distribution of sites was to be seen in the region around Slieve Gamph.
Subsequent desk-based and field survey illustrated that such patterns could be identified
and that these patterns of site location, density and quantity changed throughout
prehistory. In chapter four it was noted in each of the case study areas that a distinct
alteration in site positioning occurred throughout the prehistoric period from linear
patterns along notable natural features to a more widespread and dispersed pattern of
nucleated groups of monuments. It must be stated that in most cases we are primarily
dealing with ritual or funerary monuments, which some would argue cannot be deemed
as directly indicative of nearby settlement. However, with the exception of some of the
more elevated sites, it should be considered highly likely that the communities who
constructed the sites occupied the surrounding landscape. Indeed, the number of hutsites visible in elevated positions on Knocknarea and Mullaghfarna show that even
elevated areas are potentially the locations of substantial settlement. The occupation of
such upland areas may have been transient or seasonal, but it illustrates the propensity
of the population to inhabit apparently inhospitable places in the landscape when the
need arose. The likelihood exists that these more upland settings were occupied or
utilised in the Neolithic period to facilitate the construction of the megalithic tombs
nearby but even this possibility of seasonal use plays into the concept of a greater
community consciousness, a communality that brought people and groups together for
specific occasions or projects.
In chapter five it was noted that one potential reason for very few passage tombs
being found within the current study area, and none at all further to the west, was that
the Cúil Írra region developed into a form of central ritual area visited periodically by
surrounding populations. The differing, foreign, materials from which many of the
Neolithic artefacts discovered in the region are composed also suggests that in the
Neolithic period there was still substantial movement around the landscape. The degree
of sedentism in society was increasing, as were people‟s attitudes to place and space but
for a variety of reasons a significant level of mobility remained in society.
182
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
In the Bronze Age the association of sites with local routeways can still be seen
to exist but within the study area the nucleation of sites tends to make it more difficult
to trace such routes in the intermediary spaces. Throughout the island however,
important locales can be identified not only by the grouping of sites but also by the
modern day discovery of artefacts at important landscape positions. Many of these
objects are once again composed of materials exotic to the region, implying that they
were transported and traded into the area along what would by then have been long
established routeways.
In considering how patterns of prehistoric sites and artefact findspots relate to,
and rely upon, local routeways the perception of movement in prehistory and modernity
will first be discussed. Subsequently, the concept of movement through the landscape as
both a physical and symbolic act will be examined before an investigation of the
evidence relating to how people moved around Slieve Gamph and its hinterland. The
purpose of this chapter is to draw together information gathered throughout the study
area as well as from beyond the study boundaries to discuss the interaction that would
have existed between the people of different regions in North Connacht. The role played
by the physical mass of Slieve Gamph and the numerous natural features in its
hinterland in both the establishment and efficiency of routes through the region will also
be analysed.
6.1
6.1.1
Movement in prehistory
The perception of movement
It has long been recognised that to investigate and interpret the past one needs to
be aware of the socialisation of a person as their life progresses and that this must be
taken into consideration in both the modern world of the interpreter, as well as the past
societies under investigation (Tilley 1994; Edmonds 1999; Bender et al. 2007). This is
particularly important the further one goes back in time where there is the greatest
remove between modern and past societies. One area of interpretation that is
substantially affected by modern social structures and conveniences is the concept of
movement around the landscape. Today the majority of the countryside is divided up,
bounded and owned. People move through it along designated routeways from point to
point without ever substantively engaging with the landscape through which they travel.
183
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Modern road systems and motorised transport enable one to travel vast distances with
minimal effort or societal interaction and still return home on the same day. A reliable
sustenance supply is not a pivotal consideration as again such essentials are supplied
with minimal effort. These simplicities of modern society however impinge not only on
how one studies and engages with archaeological landscapes but also on how they are
interpreted. An area where this is particularly prevalent is that of how the consideration
of mobility is treated in archaeological studies. This has itself been somewhat of a
mobile target over the history of archaeology, with opinions varying as to the level of
movement in society at various stages. More recently, it has been generally recognised
that the permanent settlements of the Neolithic period in central and south-eastern
Europe cannot be directly equated with occurrences in north-western Europe (Whittle
1997; Cooney 2003). Studies of the earliest phases of Irish prehistory comfortably
discussed the ways in which mobility was a significant benefit to hunter-gatherer
societies, who moved through the landscape, taking advantage of a variety of resources
available at different times of year. Even here however, a level of fixedness could be
identified in the form of possible base camps such as Mount Sandel (Woodman 1978,
1985b). With the appearance of agriculture, field systems and large ritual monuments
the Neolithic, Bronze Age and following eras were seen as periods of increasing
sedentism eventually leading to the structured nature of modern society. Many of these
ideas are continually being reassessed not least the level of sedentism prevalent in
society (Hodder 1990; Whittle 1996; Bradley 1997; 2000; Thomas 1999).
How past societies engaged with their surroundings has always been one of the
core considerations of the discipline of archaeology and one of the central strands of
enquiry has been how people moved through and around the landscape. Basic surveys
of sites of all ages commonly look for features such as an entrance, orientation and
topographical position. Other pertinent avenues of enquiry commonly include
assessments of how close or intervisible, other sites in the region may be but quite
rarely does the subsequent report discuss why these assessments are made. This is
largely because the concept of movement throughout the landscape is treated in quite a
blasé manner and not clearly discussed. There are however underlying reasons for such
brief discussions of mobility in society. Chief among these is that tracing paths and
routes through the landscape based on surviving evidence is a highly conjectural
occupation, easily open to question or derision. Consequently, it has become easier to
184
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
describe and plot in detail the sites of a region and let the reader hypothesise for
themselves.
6.1.2
Physically defined pathways
Concern with mobility can be noted in many differing aspects of the
archaeological record, from the siting of monuments in relation to routeways, to visual
connections that imply connectivity and in some cases to the very construction of
pathways through the landscape. One of the earliest and most striking expressions of
this desire for easier movement comes in the guise of the Sweet Track discovered in the
Somerset Levels in the 1970s. The most substantial Neolithic trackway found in Britain
or Ireland to date, it was formed of planks of oak, ash and lime with rails and pegs of
hazel and alder. The various components were prepared on dry land and brought to the
site where the rails were laid longitudinally and secured in place by sharpened pegs
driven into the ground at an angle. The planks were then wedged between the peg-tops,
longitudinally above the rails, and held in position by vertical pegs (Coles and Coles
1986). The construction of the trackway has been dendrochronologically dated to the
years 3807/6 BC.
Possibly the earliest trackway yet discovered in Ireland is that designated Corlea
No.9 which was discovered in Corlea Bog, Co. Longford. Upon excavation it
surrendered a mid 4th millennium BC date but on this occasion the structure was of a
more simple nature mainly composed of
lengthways stems overlaid with brushwood and
occasional transverse pieces (Raftery 1990).
There have also been a number of later
prehistoric trackways uncovered, particularly in
the central boglands where industrial peat
extraction has reduced the levels of vast swathes
of bog to strata not seen since prehistory. The
most substantial trackway yet discovered is the
renowned Corlea trackway also uncovered in
Corlea Bog. Other trackways such as that at
Clonfinlough in Co. Offaly, tend to be simple
constructions primarily composed of brushwood
but the Corlea example was a monumental feat
185
Figure 6.1 – Section of Corlea No.9
trackway
(after Raftery 1996).
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
of organisation and engineering that rightly can be described as a road. It was
constructed in a single phase in 148 BC running for a length of 1km to a small island of
dry land, beyond which, a further 1km trackway had previously been uncovered in the
1950s (Raftery 1994, 99). This was a monumental construction requiring thousands of
man-hours and can be seen not only as the culmination of the preceding millennia of
construction of such structures across wetlands, but also has having a symbolic
importance beyond its purely functional use. It embodied an Iron Age statement of
power and control by either a local group or king, who invested great resources to
construct a monumental roadway that potentially could be used to travel from the royal
centre at Rathcroghan, towards the Shannon river-crossing at Lanesborough and beyond
towards Uisneach (ibid. 104).
The idea of particular locales being identifiable as important ritual areas from as
early as the Neolithic was discussed in chapter five with regard to the development of
the ritual landscape that is Cúil Írra in Co. Sligo. The likelihood is that such areas were
regularly visited by people from the surrounding area and that, as with medieval or
modern day pilgrimage, it was the journey and the sacrifice that it embodied that was as
important as the final destination. In Britain, formal approach-ways are noted at many
major prehistoric sites but even more interesting are the increasingly numerous and
varied cursus monuments. Though currently rare in Ireland1 these intriguing sites are
one of the most palpable ways in which processional movement was formalised in the
Neolithic period. Commonly mooted as processional ways, the actual purpose of these
elongated banked enclosures is a subject of much conjecture but their common
incorporation of, or association with, contemporary ritual sites is marked (see Barclay
and Harding 1999). In Ireland, there are a number of linear earthwork sites but only a
few of these are possible cursus monuments. The more likely cursus monuments are
commonly found in association with some of the better known ritual landscapes on the
island, at Tara, Newgrange, Loughcrew and Knockainey Hill. This pattern fits well with
many of the British examples where an association with other monument types is
commonly recognised, frequently including them as integral parts of the monument
(Tilley 1994; Barclay and Harding 1999; Johnston 1999; Last 1999).
1
This is most likely due to their lack of discovery as opposed to their lack of original existence as those
that have been noted in Ireland coincide with areas where substantial archaeological survey has been
undertaken. In Britain the vast majority of cursii have been identified and traced through systematic aerial
survey but through a combination of lack of comparable survey and different ground conditions such
work has not been undertaken in Ireland.
186
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
A very interesting and important fact that has emerged in relation to the cursus
monument phenomenon, is the low level of evidence that would confirm what type of
activity occurred within the sites. Moreover, their varying morphology and irregular
positioning of entrances has led to questions as to their feasibility as processional routes
with Johnston (1999, 46) going as far as hypothesising that the construction of the
monument created an internal sacred place, along which processions would no longer
take place. The ritualisation of swathes of the landscape by the construction of a cursus,
if it is subsequently used or not, signifies that movement or procession along that path
has progressed onto another stratum of meaning beyond the normal into the world of
spirituality and the ancestors.
6.1.3
Symbolic, visual and mentally defined pathways
It is not just the construction of large, highly visible monuments such as cursus
or avenues that can be seen to symbolise the Neolithic reverence for routeways and
movement. More personal, symbolic, efforts also point towards the veneration of
specific points where routeways combine. The most noted example of this is the
deposition of in excess of 768 stone axes in the River Shannon at Killaloe, Co. Clare
(Condit and O‟Sullivan 1999, 29). The vast number of axes involved precludes the
possibility that these represent occasions of accidental loss, but instead represent a
continued occurrence of the deposition of axes at this important river crossing that is
still used today. This however should not be seen in the modern sense of a bridge
crossing a river where the river is a barrier; instead it should be seen as the meeting
place of two routeways, one on land and one on water. In this way, one can envisage the
importance of the site in the surrounding landscape from as early as the Mesolithic
period.
Similar to the previously mentioned highly visible monuments, the importance
attached to this location was developed and intensified over time as a result of the
activities that occurred in the locality. Conversely however, the significance of the place
was not formalised by the construction of a large communal monument. Instead a
different method of remembrance and devotion existed where societal memory kept the
place relevant and either individual or group depositions continued over the millennia.
In this way this important position, on an important routeway, assumed a mental and
symbolic relevance in the landscape that could equally be associated with daily
187
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
activities such as travel and trade while being interwoven with respect for the deities
and ancestors whose axes were deposited there.
The pattern of deposition continued into the Bronze Age signified by the
recovery of at least ten bronze objects ranging from swords to sickles from the river, as
well as a number of others on dry land nearby (Condit and O‟Sullivan 1999, 31). The
importance of the routeway also survived and was accentuated by the construction of
the hillforts at Laghtea and Formoyle above approachways from the east and west
respectively (ibid. 35). These constructions can be seen as an extension of the mental
and symbolic importance of both the crossing point and, more pertinently, the routeway
that it formed part of. Their appearance symbolises not only a desire to impose a level
of control and dominance over the route and those that followed it but also shows how
pivotal movement, travel and by extension trade had become by the Late Bronze
Age/Iron Age period.
6.2
6.2.1
Regional and local mobility
General movement across North Connacht
The position of monument groupings allied to the topography of North Connacht
allows one to identify a number of general routes around the region by both waterborne
and dryland methods. As much of the region is coastal in nature waterborne transport
along the coastline would allow for great manoeuvrability along the seafront and inland
along the many rivers that feed into the Atlantic along this stretch of coastline. This
coastal route would allow for travel and trade along the western seaboard from Donegal
in the north southward to Sligo Bay and Cúil Írra (Figure 6.2). From here one can pass
along the west Sligo coast with access to the communities that are to be found along the
coastal strip before crossing Killala Bay to the Ballyglass and Belderg areas of
extensive Neolithic settlement beyond. The changeable nature of the weather and sea
conditions along the northwest coast of Ireland would have made movement along this
part of the seaboard a dangerous activity most easily and safely exploited in the summer
period. Even in more predictable conditions the coastline would still be best negotiated
in a segmented fashion where travellers could shelter from the worst of the conditions.
Given the long periods of the year when travelling at a distance from the shore
was not advisable there would have been an equally available dryland route along the
188
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
coast, that like the offshore route, ensured connectivity between local groups as well as
more distant centres. Beyond the immediate coastal areas the archaeological record and
prevailing topography indicate that a number of inland routes were travelled. In the
earlier parts of prehistory these are primarily along rivers and lakes where once again
there was an option of water or land based methods for movement. In later prehistory,
these riverine routes were still utilised as well as areas of higher, drier ground made
more easily traversable by continued forest clearance. Regardless of the period
however, movement away from the coastline was guided along topographically defined
routeways through the greater landscape that one had little choice but to follow. From
the Cúil Írra/Sligo Bay area one could travel eastwards along the steep-sided Glencar
valley towards Upper Lough Erne and the drumlin covered north midlands. Moving
south one is compelled to pass through the Collooney Gap into the Ballymote Lowlands
towards areas of major prehistoric activity at Lough Gara, Carrowkeel, Knocknashee
and Rathdooney Beg as well as the eastern side of Slieve Gamph and the upper stretches
of the River Moy. Westwards along the North Connacht coastline, the Moy valley
served as a conduit along which one could travel into south Mayo and onward towards
Galway or alternatively westward towards Clew Bay and the beacon on its southern
shore, Croagh Patrick. In moving to these areas one is once again corralled along one of
two topographical routeways, the first leading due south passes between the lower
altitude western reaches of Slieve Gamph and Farbreiga Mountain while the second
travels southwest on the western side of Farbreiga directly towards Clew Bay.
6.2.2
Regional movement around Slieve Gamph
The elongated nature of the Slieve Gamph range sees it effectively form an
almost 30km visual, symbolic and physical boundary between east and west in this
region of North Connacht imposing obvious restrictions on movement. It can be
concluded that settlement patterns would subsequently have been influenced by the
routes taken by established pathways further embedding the developed routeways
within local and regional landscapes. As such, hypothetical journeys between major site
concentrations in the region would see the development of a land-based route from the
Cúil Írra region to Ballyglass/Belderg along the seaward lowlands north of Slieve
Gamph, where there are quite a number of Neolithic monuments, and around or across
Killala Bay. From eastern locations such as Knocknashee or Carrowkeel Slieve Gamph
can be traversed in an east-west direction through one of the large distinctive passes or
189
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Figure 6.2 – The position of the general routeways through North Connacht (background hillshade
model after Driscoll 2006).
alternatively by following the course of the River Moy around the southern reaches of
the mountain range. Travelling northwards from Carrowkeel towards the
Knocknarea/Carrowmore complex of monuments on Cúil Írra Slieve Gamph would
have been traversed as it is today via the Collooney Gap, possibly following the course
of the Ballysadare River.
With in excess of thirty examples the area around the town of Ballycastle to the
west of Killala Bay is the most dense concentration of extant court tombs in the country
incorporating the excavated sites at Ballyglass and Rathlackan. When considered along
with the renowned Céide Fields near Belderg this represents an area that saw significant
occupation during the Neolithic period and as with many areas along the coastline it
would have been accessible by maritime or landward routes along the coastline around
or across Killala Bay. The bay also acted as an important access route inland using the
course of the River Moy and its many tributaries. It comes as little surprise therefore
that in addition to the many Neolithic court tombs and the discovery of a number of
stone axes in the area the only diagnostically Mesolithic artefact discovered within the
bounds of the current study area to date was found adjacent to the river c.6km south of
Killala Bay.
190
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
6.3
Movement in the hinterland of Slieve Gamph
One of the difficulties associated with the investigation and interpretation of the
landscape around Slieve Gamph is the low level of detailed evidence available. Many
primarily ritual sites have been discovered and categorised but few have been
investigated to such an extent to recover evidence of the people who built them. Cursory
inspection of the locations and distribution of the sites of the region appears to indicate
a loose scattering of monuments ranging from the Neolithic through to the postmedieval period with occasional gatherings of sites of broadly similar dates. It goes
without saying that there is much more to the story of these tombs than faceless people
appearing, building a tomb and then vanishing back into the mists of time. The question
remains however as to how one goes about humanising these sites and relating to people
of a landscape of which so little today exists. One could look at the pattern of
contemporary artefacts in conjunction with the monuments to ascertain whether
particular concentrations indicate potential settlement locations. Unfortunately this is
not a very useful option within the current study area as the majority of finds have a
very loose provenance and in almost all instances are single discovery episodes. Modern
agricultural practices within the study area are dominated by pastoral activity with very
little arable cultivation thus lessening the potential for near surface concentrations of
artefacts to be identified. There are a few locales where multiple artefact discoveries
have been made within a limited area allowing for assessment and extrapolation of
contemporary activity in the area.
A similar approach may also be taken towards the assessment of particular
groups of monuments in close proximity to each other. This does not assume that
morphologically or chronologically similar sites were in use at the same time but that
the location in question was occupied during that given period. Gatherings of sites of
the same, or contiguous, time periods can therefore be perceived in two ways, either as
short term, high volume or longer term, low density activity. Both situations however
denote the area as being one that would have been visited by neighbouring groups or
more distant travellers. The extensive group of Neolithic court tombs to the west of
Killala Bay for example stands as a case in point as though their use may span several
centuries their congregation denotes that the area would have been substantially
populated during the period. It can therefore be seen as a region in which people would
not only have lived but also a place to travel to and from.
191
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Smaller concentrations of particular sites may also be indicative of the presence
of contemporary settlement, a good example of such being the groupings of fulachtaí
fiadh visible in the region to the south of Slieve Gamph1. The appearance of fulachtaí
fiadh in close groups is a common occurrence across the spectrum of Irish archaeology
that on excavation can be seen to relate to other structures nearby2. The occurrence of
fulachtaí fiadh in association with house sites should not be seen as remarkable given
the panoply of potential uses associated with such sites, many of which are everyday
domestic activities that range from cooking to bathing and brewing to hide preparation.
These would have been common activities that require easy and immediate access
where substantial spaces between them and one‟s home represents unnecessary effort.
These local homesteads would have existed as part of an interlaced pattern of houses,
farms and intermediary pathways that would serve the local community as well as
serving as a conduit to the greater countryside beyond. Local, regional and long distance
contacts were available through the use of these pathways facilitating the transport of
raw materials and knowledge as well as local and exotic produce.
Sites can be categorised as secular, ritual or a varied combination of the two but
all are humanly constructed and formed in the same fashion as an artefact of exotic
material is crafted. They can also be viewed in a similar manner as not only a signifier
of a person‟s existence in the landscape but also as a reflection of their extra-local
contacts that carry knowledge, technology, fashions, news, myths and legends.
6.3.1
Maritime travel
The use of waterborne transport raises the advantages of this mode of transport
in terms of its availability and efficiency along the North Connacht seaboard. The large
inland areas accessible by shallow draft vessels have already been noted but when this is
allied to the vast area accessible by coastal movement waterborne travel would likely
have been the most widespread and effective method of travel, particularly in the earlier
parts of prehistory. As a means for the transport of goods waterborne methods would be
of great benefit enabling the conveyance of heavy loads with relatively little effort. With
so much of the region accessible by maritime means it is somewhat surprising that there
is relatively little recorded evidence for prehistoric occupation along the seaboard. One
would assume that this is largely the result of millennia of coastal erosion along this
1
For more see the Callow/Culdaly case study in Chapter 4.
See Danaher 2007 for discussion of the proximity of fulachtaí fiadh and round houses at Caltragh, Co.
Sligo.
2
192
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
stretch of the Atlantic coastline that has seen the demise of the prehistoric coastline and
any sites that had once been adjacent to it. The survival and destruction of different sites
in coastal positions appears to support this probability in that the remaining sites tend to
be in locations sheltered from the direct action of the Atlantic waves or deriving from
later periods where the intervening period of erosion between their construction and
modern study is reduced. Westward along the coast maritime transport would also have
been the most efficient means of travel along and around Killala Bay toward the
concentration of sites in the area around Ballyglass as well as along the course of the
River Moy.
In the preceding chapter it was postulated that one potential reason for the
differing distributions of Neolithic sites either side of Killala Bay and as far east as the
Easky River is likely to be the cumulative result of site loss and destruction. In many
regions court tombs in particular can be seen to be commonly constructed alongside
natural features that would either have guided movement or were themselves conduits
of movement. The apparent void could be the result of the loss of the tombs placed in
positions susceptible to the rigours of time, changes in observance or agricultural
activity. In more coastal areas there is also in excess of 5000 years of erosion on the
exposed Atlantic seaboard to be considered. The consumption of monuments by the
developing peatlands is a largely reversible phenomenon if one identifies the location of
such a site but envelopment by the sea tends to be a much more finite event. Case in
point is the passage tomb recorded at Tanrego on the shores of Ballysadare Bay which
has disappeared as a result of the actions of the Atlantic, a circumstance that may not
have been foreseen at the time of its construction. Although we no longer know the
exact position of the Tanrego monument its position as identified by Beranger
(Harbison 2002, 101) in the vicinity of one of the narrower points on the coastal
corridor appears to suggest an association with nearby maritime and dryland routeways.
Use of maritime travel along the coast would obviously be guided by the
coastline which in the case of Killala Bay narrows as one approaches Inishcrone from
the north. At this point the extensive sandbanks at the mouth of the Moy have created
the sweeping strand at Inishcrone as well as the adjacent Bartra Island between which
the outflow from the Moy passes. This point acts as a fixed node in the local seascape
where two directions can be taken, either upriver along the Moy or continue along the
coast. The positioning of the two passage tombs close to this point also gives an idea as
to the relevance of the area for land based travel. As discussed previously extant
193
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Neolithic sites in this locality are exceedingly rare and passage tombs even more so but
the local topography suggests that this area may once again be the meeting place of
different routeways. Not only is it the point where the seaward passage meets the Moy
channel but it is also a viable crossing point for land routes in the region. It is here that
even in modern times the deep water channel between the beach at Inishcrone and
Bartra Island can be less than 200m while a similar situation exists at the western end of
the island where one can cross back onto the mainland at Ross Strand before journeying
onward to the north or west. There is no simplistic argument being made here
suggesting that a situation existed whereby people travelling on land would try to ford
what is a very dangerous stretch of water but rather that the various options available
would make the area amenable and attractive for settlement and expansion.
Figure 6.3 –
Upper - The distribution of
Neolithic
and
possible
Neolithic sites in the area
around Killala Bay.
Lower – All prehistoric sites
in the area around Killala
Bay.
194
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Later prehistoric evidence in the form of standing stones, mounds and barrows
hints at a substantial level of occupation in that time period as does one of the more
interesting artefact discoveries from the study area. Two artefacts were recovered in the
area the first being a poorly provenanced chert arrowhead found somewhere around the
town of Inishcrone but the second is more intriguing. It is a Middle Bronze Age
socketed and looped spearhead described tantalisingly as being found „between Killala
and Inishcrone‟. The only dry land between Killala and Inishcrone is Bartra Island but
unfortunately no other details of the discovery are supplied so it cannot be said with any
certainty whether it was found on land or in a watery context. It does however once
again raise the probability intimated by the location of earlier sites, contemporary sites
and the local topography that this locale was an important hub throughout prehistory.
Indeed this importance continued over time with the construction of Inishcrone Castle
in the Medieval period as well as the development of the modern town and now disused
pier.
6.3.2
The use of inland waterways
The common appearance of Neolithic sites close to river courses is a reoccurring
trait in the area around Slieve Gamph as well as throughout the country at large. This
noted pattern is well illustrated within the current study area where the majority of court
and portal tombs are positioned either along river courses or in the case of larger rivers
along the edges of their floodplains. As discussed in previous chapters this is best seen
along the western edge of the River Moy floodplain and along the course of the Easky
River. One of the most obvious conclusions to be drawn from this is that in addition to
the economic benefits to be gained directly from the various rivers, the rivers
themselves were employed as conduits of travel, plied by log boats akin to those that lie
off Illanee Island at the southern end of Lough Cullin. The use of boats along the coast
not only opens up a wealth of travel and trade opportunities between various areas along
the coastline but also along the numerous interlaced rivers and lakes of the region.
Away from the seaboard the most prevalent manner of moving through the
region appears to have been along the many rivers and streams that flow from the
mountains to the sea. Riverside movement allows for the option of travel either along
the riverside or on the river itself by means of either small or quite large dug-out
vessels. The discovery of log boats is quite a regular occurrence made even more
common by modern drainage and dredging schemes and though the four log-boats
195
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
visible submerged in Lough Cullin are possibly of a later date they highlight the large
area accessible by waterborne transport in prehistory. By plying the two larger lakes in
the region, Lough Conn and Lough Cullin, a vast area is accessible by boat along the
lakes and the many rivers and streams that feed into them (see Figure 6.5 below). This
potential does not appear to have been greatly realised in the Neolithic period with quite
a low number of sites or artefacts of the period recorded around the lakes. Of the few
sites in this inland region only the court tomb at Colladussaun and two stone axes bear
any direct relationship with the lakeside. It is in the Bronze Age that one sees a large
increase in the number of sites that are to be found in close proximity to the lakes with
the appearance of site concentrations along the western side of the lake between Lough
Conn and Nephin mountain as well as an increase in the number of artefacts recovered
in positions closely associated with the lakes. To date at least eleven Bronze Age
artefacts ranging from bronze swords and axes to a sherd of decorated food vessel
pottery have been found at various locations around the lakes.
Discovered on the shore of Freaghlin Island1 the piece of food vessel pottery
was one of four artefacts found within a c.1km2 area at the southern end of Lough Conn
which when analysed in conjunction with the discovery of a bronze sword on the
lakeshore at Illannaglashy 1.2km to the northeast indicates usage of not only the lake
edges but also the islands within the lake during the Bronze Age. The other two
artefacts from the locality also add to the story of the region as one, a socketed and
looped bronze spearhead, was found on the mainland shore opposite the location of the
pottery find as little as 100m to the east2. The fourth artefact discovered in the locality
to date succinctly returns one to the consideration and identification of local and
regional routeways as it was found, appropriately enough, during the construction of the
road bridge at Pontoon. The artefact itself was a Middle Bronze Age rapier/dagger
found „on a rock under overburden‟ at the western landfall of the bridge when it was
being constructed in 1964. The location where the rapier was found is one of the more
pivotal if inhospitable points in the region as it is by far the narrowest point at which
one could cross the adjacent lakes on land but is defined by difficult rocky terrain. The
area is morphologically similar to the crossing point on the River Moy at Coolcronaun
and the two ancient wetlands that once stood either side of the narrow strip of higher
1
Also known as Bilberry Island.
Unlike many artefact findspots throughout the region each of these four artefact findspots could be
accurately plotted using the detailed descriptions supplied to the National Museum of Ireland on the
occasion of their reporting.
2
196
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
ground that served as the crossing1. In a similar fashion to the occurrences at
Coolcronaun this narrowing of the lakelands is also the result of the granite and schist
Ox Mountain Inlier being more glacially resilient than the surrounding limestone
lowlands.
Though there are no prehistoric sites in the immediate area the discovery of four
artefacts by different people at different times since 1949 indicates that there may be a
substantial Bronze Age horizon in the locality. As such the apparent placing of the
rapier at a nearby crossing point could be seen as another instance of the commonly
noted occurrence of such points in the landscape being the chosen location of votive
offerings. Unfortunately it is but one object so this theory stands on a flimsy footing but
Figure 6.4 – The locations of the artefacts discovered in the area around Pontoon.
there is a level of support given by the topographical position of the site at the meeting
point of Loughs Cullin and Conn through which all lacustrine travel would have to pass.
This intersection of two different modes of travel is a phenomenon seen at other
locations around the study area where on many occasions they are marked by the
construction of sites nearby or the development of settlements. The crossing point at
Coolcronaun (Figure 4.2.4) is one such example where two differing modes of
communication came together at a point which was then marked by the construction of
a number of sites nearby as well as the deposition of artefacts in the river at the crossing
point. A similar situation transpired at Foxford with the eventual result being the
development of the modern town at the intersection of landward and riverine routeways.
1
For more see the Lough Conn/River Moy case study in Chapter 4.
197
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
In modernity towns that developed at important fording points across the country are
seen as having grown at a crossing point where the river is commonly regarded as a
topographical barrier. In prehistory, particularly early prehistory, a different mindset
would have attached to such positions with the river and its edges possibly being the
more important method of travel. Over time as one moved into the later phases of
prehistory and into the Early Christian and Medieval periods the diffusion of human
activity into the greater landscape resulted in an increase in the use and efficiency of
land based travel until its modern dominance became established.
A short distance south of Lough Cullin lies the most condensed grouping of sites
in this part of North Connacht. It is to be found in the vicinity of Derryhick and
Levallinree Loughs and is composed of c.130 fulachtaí fiadh along with a number of
other sites of varying dates. It is tempting to see this area as being a hotbed of activity
during prehistory but in comparison
to other regions the number of
Bronze Age sites other than fulachtaí
fiadh is remarkably low. There are
however a large number of Early
Christian and Medieval sites nearby
including a round tower, castle, raths,
cashels, and at least five horizontal
water mills. Considering the nature of
the majority of sites in the locality it
appears likely that many of the sites
recorded as fulachtaí fiadh in the area
may not actually be of a prehistoric
date but are associated with activity
during later periods1. Having noted
the difficulty of assuming that all of
the sites recorded as fulachtaí fiadh
are prehistoric in date it is true to say
that there is a noticeable Bronze Age
Figure 6.5 – The grouping of fulacht fiadh in
the area south of Lough Cullin.
horizon visible in the area and that
1
The position of the fulacht fiadh recorded at Knockmore for example is depicted on the 1 st Edition OS
map of 1839 as the location of a corn-drying kiln and associated corn mill (see Site Catalogue 5018-FF).
198
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
the two sites that have surrendered absolute dates returned middle and later Bronze Age
dates1. The area is therefore to be seen as the location of substantial Bronze Age activity
a short distance south of Lough Cullin with accessibility to the greater region by
waterborne means along the interwoven network of rivers and lakes.
In general the Loughs of Cullin and Conn could be used as a centralised body of
water that allowed for access to a large area adjacent to them but of even greater use as
a conduit of travel through the region was the large network of rivers and smaller lakes.
The main artery of this network is the River Moy that descends from the eastern side of
Slieve Gamph before travelling around the range to join the sea at Killala Bay. The
majority of Neolithic sites can be seen to lie in association with the Moy suggesting that
the river was a central focus of activity in the Neolithic, a pattern that fits well with
national and local archaeobotanical studies which indicate no great woodland clearance
until the Bronze Age. The pattern of Neolithic sites along the Moy adheres to this thesis
with the location of monuments on the higher ground along the course of the river
implying that activity during the period was largely concentrated along a band of
ground skirting the course of the river.
6.3.3
Away from river and sea – dryland route options
Slieve Gamph is composed of an elongated intrusion of largely schist and
granite that extends north-easterly from the eastern side of Clew Bay as far as
Manorhamilton in Co. Leitrim (see Figure 6.6). Along much of its course the formation
is either low-lying or sub-surface or appears as a series of hills in a linear arrangement
but the most visible portion of the inlier forms an elongated curtain of mountain that
stretches from Larganmore, just east of Foxford as far as Lough Gill to the south of
Sligo town. Along this stretch it forms a formidable flat-topped physical and mental
barrier in the landscape that would have played a great role in the ability of people to
move through the surrounding area.
Along the range there are a number of distinctive mountain passes through
Slieve Gamph that stand out in the modern landscape but of concern here also are some
lesser noted lowland corridors that are formed where the steeply rising bulk of Slieve
Gamph coerces travellers to move in a fixed linear direction until a pass is reached
Buckley and Lawless‟s (1988, 23) dates of “3310 ± 40 b.p.” and “2780 ± 50 b.p.” have been used in an
uncalibrated format. When calibrated, date ranges of 1688 – 1500 cal. BC for the site at Cashel Upper and
1051 – 816 cal. BC for that at Lack West are retrieved (C14 date calibrated using the OxCal 4.1 online
interface (Bronk Ramsey 2009)).
1
199
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Figure 6.6 – The Ox Mountains Inlier (unshaded area) with the positions of the main mountain
passes highlighted.
where one can cross the range. In other regions the topography serves to constrain the
parts of the landscape available for settlement or movement within a narrow band until
one reaches a point where the landscape opens out again. The most obvious such
corridor is to be found along the northern side of the mountain range where for a
distance of 20km all settlement and land-based movement is compressed between
Slieve Gamph to the south and the Atlantic Ocean to the north. This corridor has an
average width of 4km but in one instance this contracts to as little as 800m ensuring that
all land-based travel in the area would be ushered through a comparatively narrow
ocean-front corridor (see Figure 6.7 below). This low-lying area is home to a relatively
high number of prehistoric monuments with as many as fourteen Neolithic and sixteen
possible Neolithic sites. Unsurprisingly most of these are to be found in close
association with some of the numerous rivers and streams in the area but they also
demonstrate a secondary positional trait in that they indicate the direction of two
possible landward routeways used in the Neolithic period. The first of these is along the
northern foot of the mountain range alongside Red Hill and the three court tombs that
encircle its base before continuing onward towards the court tombs at Belville and
200
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Barnacoghil and further westward to the concentration of sites in the area around
Tawnatruffaun. The second route similarly passes through the narrow corridor south of
the Tanrego Intake but unlike the previous route which continues due west this path
leads northwest along the higher ground overlooking the coastline. Once again there are
a number of sites along this route including the court tombs at Carrowgilpatrick and
Halfquarter as well as the portal tomb at Ardabrone.
Activity in the region and along the two routeways can be seen to change
substantially by the later phases in prehistory when the location of a large number of
barrows, mounds, standing stones and fulachtaí fiadh indicate that the emphasis of
activity had shifted strongly towards areas flanking the more northerly, coastal of the
two pathways described above. Evidence of settlement and ritual activity is still visible
along the foot of the mountain range but it is limited in comparison to that which
develops a short distance further north where a large number of sites occupy the higher
ground between the Ardaglass River to the west and Ballysadare Bay to the east. At the
northern end of this area a distinctive group of six mounds along the narrow Portavaud
peninsula highlights a further potential area of settlement and an associated routeway
through the region across the mouth of Ballysadare Bay. Use of this c.600m crossing to
Mussel Point at the western end of Cúil Írra would negate the need to travel almost
20km around the bay to link with the communities in that area. Even in modern times
three „fearsat‟ or tidally accessible estuary crossings have been noted in the area around
the Tanrego Intake (Augustin 2003, 43). Two of these traverse the intake itself while the
third crosses Ballysadare Bay from Streamstown on the south to Kellystown on the Cúil
Írra peninsula (ibid. 43). The common use of „fearsats‟ is further illustrated to the north
of the Cúil Írra peninsula where tidally accessible passages are used to cross onto Coney
Island. Further to the west Bartra Island in Killala Bay is accessible from the west via
„fearsat‟ and the bays of Rathfran and Lackan are also traversable in amenable tidal
conditions.
201
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Figure 6.7
Upper: The distribution of
Neolithic and possible Neolithic
sites around Ballysadare Bay.
Lower: The distribution of later
prehistoric sites in the same region
around Ballysadare Bay (earlier
sites have been removed for
clarity of image).
202
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
6.3.4
Mountain passes
On permanently dry land the most obvious place to begin looking for the traces
of routeways through the region are at the mountain passes that appear at irregular
intervals along the range where divergent paths would most likely come together to pass
through the mountain. As a result of their condensing influence on local routeways the
locations of such passes through the mountain range would have become fixed nodes in
the landscape to which routes through the greater countryside would eventually arrive to
traverse the mountain range. This could conceivably have seen to it that these fixed
positions developed an added importance as much frequented locales throughout the
prehistoric period. This suggests that the identification and assessment of these elements
of the prehistoric landscape would help us to establish not only how these locations
were perceived and utilised in the past but also how that relationship developed and
altered over time. Mountain traverses are quite numerous and accessible on the northern
reaches of the range with the Collooney Gap the most significant to this day serving as
the main access route from the Ballymote Lowlands northward towards Sligo town and
Donegal beyond. Short distances west of the Collooney Gap there are similar if less
expansive and higher altitude passes at Ladies Brae, Tullaghan and Glen. These more
westerly passes may not appear to be as important today as that at Collooney but they
serve to connect areas of prehistoric activity either side of the range at some of its
narrowest points. The pass at Tullaghan in particular can be seen to link two areas of
substantial Bronze Age activity north and south of the range with the importance of the
route through the mountains persisting over time, eventually being formalised by the
construction of a cliff-edge fort and possible souterrain known as Tullaghan Castle
overlooking the approaches to the southern entrance to the pass. The pass is a short
distance east of the grouping of sites to the south of the mountain range but would be a
more feasible option than Ladies Brae which is almost four times longer and rises to an
altitude in excess of 100m higher than the pass at Tullaghan. In the Bronze Age the two
locales either side of the range are represented by quite a number of wedge tombs,
barrows and fulachtaí fiadh. On the northern side of the mountain this pass can be seen
to link with the previously discussed coastal routes and is only a short distance from the
possible crossing point at the mouth of Ballysadare Bay to the opposing Cúil Írra
peninsula.
Along the 32km main body of Slieve Gamph to the southwest of Ladies Brae
there are only four passes through the range. This low number of passes stands in
203
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
contrast however to their size and appearance from the surrounding landscape. Three of
these passes along this broader stretch of the mountain extend for in excess of 6km and
from a distance appear as distinctive V-shaped indentations in the Slieve Gamph
skyline. The most northerly two of these passes effectively share a common easterly
entrance but lead different directions from that position. The first takes an almost due
north direction and incorporates the upland Lough Easky at its highest point of c.190m
OD while the second traverses its highest point, c.170m OD, on the range 2.5km
southwest of the Lough Easky. The course of this second pass which is home to a
network of small streams and rivers is less well defined or renowned as a modern route
through the mountains which is most likely the result of a bias developed as a
consequence of the construction of roadways along other passes to the north and south
creating an impression that these were always the most important routes in the region.
The most visually striking of the mountain passes along Slieve Gamph is the much
mentioned „Gleann na Mochart‟ more commonly known as „The Gap‟ the highest point
of which lies at c.180m OD. The eastern entrance to this pass lies a short distance south
of those mentioned previously but on this occasion the pass, which formed along a
geological fault between the northern and southern parts of Slieve Gamph, is oriented
further to the west than the previous two and gives way to the Ballina Lowlands (see
Figure 6.6). The fourth, furthest south and also lowest, at c.160m OD, of the mountain
passes is that at Glendaduff which separates the Larganmore outlier from the main body
of Slieve Gamph.
The immediate environs of each of the passes are not overly endowed with
extant prehistoric monuments though a number can be seen a short distance away from
each. Across the region sites of any era are rarely to be found above an altitude of 170m
OD with the vast majority below 100m, a pattern that appears to illustrate a general
trend towards the selection of lower lying areas for settlement activity. It comes as little
surprise therefore that any sites associated with the various mountain passes occur
where the two criteria intersect and the route through the mountain range descends to
below c.170m. This is obviously not a strict rule and as such there are occasions where
this pattern is not replicated, particularly further south in areas incorporated within the
Callow/Culdaly case study area1. This spatial remove between the distinctive mountain
passes and the location of the settlements of those who would have utilised them may
give some idea as to why no recognised site types have yet been uncovered in close
1
See the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area in Chapter 4.
204
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
proximity to the passes. It is also true to say that the regions closer to the mountain
passes are higher in altitude and substantially peat covered meaning that a large number
of sites could still lie undiscovered. The Carrownaglogh court tomb close to the western
entrance to „The Gap‟ indicates a level of activity in these uplands during the Neolithic
period but subsequent evidence from the Bronze Age settlement site appears to indicate
that it was a less optimal location to settle or farm by the Middle Bronze Age1. Further
extrapolation of more subtle indicators also gives an idea of the usage of „The Gap‟ as a
routeway in prehistory. The probability of Neolithic use is supported by the positioning
of three court tombs and a cairn on a plateau high on the mountainside 1.5km south of
the eastern entrance to the pass as well as the construction of a court tomb at Castlerock
on the lower ground in the area between the eastern entrances to both „The Gap‟ and the
more northerly route past Lough Easky. Though little in quantity the existence of
Neolithic tombs either side of the range in fairly close attendance to such a striking and
useful natural feature is surely indicative of its exploitation as a significant routeway
during the Neolithic.
Figure 6.8 – Above :„Gleann na Mochart‟ or „The Gap‟ as seen from the Carha ring-barrow 8km
to the northwest.
Below: The mountain pass at Glendaduff with the Corlee stone row in the foreground.
1
See the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area in Chapter 4 and Figure 4.3.7.
205
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
Later prehistoric activity east of the pass is signified by few but varied elements.
Within a 1.5km radius of the pass lie a barrow, fulacht fiadh and a relatively rare
boulder burial while the discovery of a bronze spearhead nearby and particularly a
bronze cauldron a short distance to the north imply the possible presence of quite a high
status settlement in the area. It is worthy of note that the only other cauldron discovered
in the region to date was from a bog at Cloonta c.6km northwest of „The Gap‟, a short
distance from the grouping of later prehistoric sites in Cloonta, Carha and western
Carrownaglogh. The site of this discovery is also on the western edges of the
concentration of enclosures and ringforts in the lowlands at the entrance to Glenree (see
Figure 4.3.7) which appear to be once again gathered at a point where two regional
routeways intersect, that through „The Gap‟ and a second more ephemeral route in a NS direction along the lowlands west of the upland plateau that extends from Slieve
Gamph. This second route is not topographically defined but reveals itself within the
distribution of sites in the region that are aligned along it. Many of these sites are Early
Christian in date but the concentration of prehistoric sites that are also in the area shows
that the route they portray has its roots in prehistory. Aside from sketching the path of
the N-S route this diachronic grouping of sites further illustrates the spatial separation
between the mountain passes and areas of settlement highlighting that it can be seen to
continue beyond the prehistoric period when the vast majority of later settlement sites
such as raths or cashels are to be found below an altitude of 100m OD.
Figure 6.9 – The discovery locations of the two bronze cauldrons found in the study area.
206
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
6.4
Discussion
As with many interpretations of prehistoric archaeology the way in which
prehistoric mobility is viewed is as much a reflection of modern sensibilities as it is an
expression of occurrences in the period involved. As socialised beings, current
perceptions of movement are difficult to detach from leaving residual ideas of how one
moves through the landscape. Today a traveller does not automatically include
considerations of interaction with other people as part of their route plan nor do they
consider the possibility of getting thoroughly lost in an unknown area where the status
of local residents is unknown. People travel great distances along strips of neutral
territory conversing along the way in formalised settings such as shops, restaurants and
filling stations. In prehistory this network of routeways and facilities was not available
but there were still viable options for the would-be traveller.
It must be stated at the outset that the majority of movement through the
landscape in prehistory would, like today, have consisted of local journeys to the next
group of houses, nearby fields or resource areas and as such the development of most
routeways would have been largely local phenomena that interconnected and led to the
greater region. The lack of large conurbations negated the necessity for major
interconnecting routeways to be used for the movement of people and the supply of the
condensed population yet the transport of exotic goods and materials across the island
attests to the importance of distant travel and trade in the prehistoric economy. Not all
travel at the time would have been purely functional in the guise of trade or everyday
farming and the ritualised nature of some prehistoric travel implies that the ways in
which people moved through the prehistoric landscape is a many faceted question that
encapsulates a number of contemporary priorities. From as early as the Neolithic highly
visible tombs were being constructed on hilltops effectively acting as beacons in the
surrounding landscape while in certain lower lying areas the act of movement was being
formalised by the construction of enigmatic cursus monuments. Both of these
monument types were highly symbolic expressions of the importance of place and
movement whose origins stemmed from practical concerns. They represent how
different forms of movement are not just physical actions but also comprise a mental
process by which places are approached, negotiated and departed from.
The importance of moving through the landscape was encapsulated by the
appearance of the earliest wooden trackways constructed in the Neolithic. They can be
207
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
seen as important elements of the contemporary landscape built to ease access to
difficult or important places and though they appear ostensibly functional the very act of
their construction implies the importance of not only the structure but also the
destination. The functionality of a particular route should not be seen to deride from the
importance attached to conduits of movement in the Neolithic period which on occasion
can be seen to transcend into highly ritualised structures such as cursus monuments. In
Ireland these structures are rare but where they have been identified they are associated
with some of the most important and impressive sites in the country. By the Iron Age
wooden trackways had developed into larger communal structures that added another
aspect to their make-up as a symbol of prestige and conspicuous consumption. In this
they differ little from some of the large hillforts built as symbols of power and prestige
that dominated swathes of countryside and the routeways therein. The long recognised
pathways in the surrounding landscape still retained a high level of relevance, so much
so that in a number of instances the position of the hillforts was predicated by the
presence of important, much used routeways.
Less visible but equally important places in the landscape would have required a
level of societal memory, local knowledge and frequency of interaction with the
landscape for one to recognise the importance of a place. These places, where different
routeways intersect or meet natural barriers, must be negotiated so at their heart they are
purely functional but they also represent places to which various attributes attach and
grow. River crossings such as that at Coolcronaun embody this functionality as well as
being places of liminality between worlds, where everyday life could meet that of local
deities or the ancestors. They are also places that exude danger in the form of strong
currents and floods or alternatively in dealing with groups who may control access to
such areas.
The physical act of movement through North Connacht can be broken down to a
number of contributory and interdependent layers from general large scale patterns to
very local personalised journeys. Overall prehistoric movement patterns however cannot
be seen in the light of modern transport means where vast distances can be travelled
with relative ease, instead they are to be visualised as a series of journeys from one area
to the next. Movement would be guided, coerced or confined by the prevailing
topography of the region allowing the modern viewer to hypothesise as to where the
better trodden paths may have been. Travel along these routes would have employed
dryland as well as waterborne means and given the coastal nature of the region it is
208
Chapter 6 – Landscape and movement in the environs of Slieve Gamph
likely that maritime, lacustrine and riverine transport was much exploited. The use of
the coastline as a place to live and travel along is a long recognised pattern stretching
back to the Mesolithic and there is no reason to suggest, and plenty of evidence to
refute, that communities abandoned tried and tested coastal economies in subsequent
periods.
Along various routeways there were a number of nodes and intersections that
can be identified in the modern landscape. One of the more obvious of these occurs at
the southern end of Killala Bay where the Moy estuary meets the bay. At this point the
shifting sands that form Bartra Island and the strand at Inishcrone narrow the expanse of
the bay to c.200m. Further south similar topographically defined crossings can be
identified at Coolcronaun and Pontoon where wide expanses of wetland were crossed at
contractions that greatly reduced the width of the inhospitable terrain that had to be
negotiated. The importance of each of these places in the landscape was formalised by
the construction of monuments in their vicinity or by the deposition of artefacts nearby.
At Inishcrone this process is made visible from as early as the Neolithic when two
passage tombs were constructed in adjacent positions to the east while journeying a
short distance westward brings one into the greatest concentration of court tombs in the
country. The crossing at Coolcronaun was similarly marked by adjacent monuments but
these were added to by the deposition of a number of prehistoric artefacts in the river.
The third such crossing-point at Pontoon differs from the others in that there are no
immediately associated sites nearby but on this occasion the discovery of four artefacts
at different times in the recent past suggests a reasonable level of activity in the locality,
with the Bronze Age horizon currently most visible.
In the region around Slieve Gamph it is obviously not only rivers and wetlands
that impinge upon viable route options, even more coercive is the mountain range itself
which acts as a linear curtain separating east from west and north from south. The
mountain is passable however along a number of paths most of which are glacially
formed. These passes through the range were used, as they are today, to travel from
place to place as well as to keep in contact and trade with other groups around the range
and would have developed a relevance equivalent to the wetland crossings in the
lowlands. Interestingly however none of these mountain passes appear to have been
commemorated by the construction of prehistoric monuments in adjacent positions
though their approachways and hinterlands are well populated with such sites and by
extension, the communities who built them.
209
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
Chapter 7
Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland:
Patterns and places in broader contexts
As one looks at the types of sites and their locations within any study area a
number of patterns become visible. These can be quite localised or applicable to the
region as a whole but the question arises as to how they fit into the greater regional
narrative. Where there are patterns and norms however there will always be elements
that stand out as different and the question that must be asked at that point as to why
this is so and how can the understanding of idiosyncrasy enlighten our overall
appreciation of the archaeology of a region. The area around Slieve Gamph is no
different in this respect and as such there are patterns of distribution and individual sites
that do not follow greater regional or classificatory models. In drawing the study to a
close this chapter will look at some of these idiosyncratic occurrences within their local
and Irish contexts before discussing the prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its
hinterland as it now stands: what may be surmised through the analysis of the
archaeology of the region as well as some potential issues for the future.
Three main peculiarities that have not yet been substantially addressed can be
identified within the study area. The first of these is the apparent lack of Neolithic
tombs in the area west of the Easky River and around Killala Bay identified in Chapter
4. This area will be analysed in relation to heavily populated and renowned centres of
Neolithic activity both locally and nationally to investigate whether patterns of
development can be identified and reflected back to the phenomenon visible around
Killala Bay. A second discussion will also stem from analysis of the Neolithic tombs of
the region and particularly an unusually sited gathering of five monuments to be found
high up on the eastern side of Slieve Gamph at Carrowreagh Co. Sligo. These sites are
remarkable not only for the landscape setting they occupy which is very much out of the
ordinary but also for the potential reasons for their construction in such an elevated
landscape. Finally this chapter will investigate why there appear to be so very few later
prehistoric monuments within the bounds of the current study area compared to other
regions across North Connacht, questioning whether this pattern is a result of original
absence, site destruction or other taphonomic processes.
210
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
7.1
Viewing the ‘void’
Within the greater North Connacht region the prehistoric monuments of Slieve
Gamph and its hinterland both follow and digress from regional and broader patterns of
site positioning. As mentioned in Chapter 5 a distinctive disparity can be identified in
the construction and use of passage tombs in the North Connacht region. To the east
their appearance follows the pattern visible across Ireland where such sites congregate
in „cemeteries‟ on high or prominent topographical positions. Moving westward the
appearance of such monuments diminishes almost entirely with only three confirmed
examples within the current study area and none at all further to the west. At first glance
it would also appear that even these few examples do not follow the generally accepted
pattern of passage tombs being in prominent landscape positions but a more considered
viewing contradicts this. Each of the three sites1 is composed of a boulder-circle with a
central burial chamber akin to those visible at Carrowmore while the Carrowreagh and
easterly Inishcrone tomb possess elements reminiscent of short passages extending from
the chamber. This „simpler‟ form of passage tomb can be seen to depart from some of
the more renowned sites in the east of Ireland in that it is constructed of ostensibly
natural, unaltered, boulders forming a boulder-circle. These simpler tombs do not
currently possess large cairns and the open nature of their boulder-circles suggests
unsuitability as a retaining kerb for such a covering as any cairn material would slip
between the encompassing boulders. A further morphological difference between the
site types across the country is that the interior space of these simpler monuments is not
approached by a long passage that extends all the way out through the boulder-circle.
The few sites within the bounds of the study area clearly fall within the genus of
this „simpler‟ form of passage tomb and when viewed within this context their
landscape position actually follows a similar pattern to that visible elsewhere. To the
east it is true that the monuments that compose the Carrowmore cemetery reside on a
notable upland plateau. Individually however, they do not occupy particularly visible
landscape positions that would make particular sites stand out when viewed from a
distance. In this aspect the sites at Carrowreagh and Carrowhubbuck are quite similar.
The two sites at Carrowhubbuck in the town of Inishcrone do not occupy the most
prominent local topographical positions but their location does make them highly
visible from seaward approaches and the extensive strand to the west. Their position on
1
These comprise the two tombs at Inishcrone, Co. Sligo and the example at Carrowreagh, Co. Mayo.
211
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
the eastern side of Killala Bay at the entrance to the River Moy also positions them at a
very important point in the local and regional landscape. This placement at the maritime
entrance to the River Moy and its catchment ensures that they exert influence upon any
travellers using nearby marine routeways. This is also a pattern notable at other
locations along the Irish coastline where ostensibly simple passage tombs occupy
positions adjacent to highly important local and regional waterborne routeways. The
nearest example is that at Abbeyquarter on the southern bank of the Garvoge River on
the northern side of the Cúil Írra peninsula where the site has been identified as possibly
marking a river crossing along the hypothetical routeway approaching the Carrowmore
cemetery from the northeast (Bergh 1995, 120). A secondary purpose however may
have been to exert influence on riverine movement or even to mark a berthing point
along the Garvoge when moving to or from Lough Gill a short distance to the east.
Further north along the coast the pattern is twice replicated in close succession
along the south Donegal coastline where the once again „simple‟ passage tombs at
Magheracar and Finner stand adjacent to the entry points of rivers that serve as access
routes to Lough Melvin and the Erne system respectively. The most striking example of
this positioning however occurs along the Antrim coast where though few in number the
majority of passage tombs in the region are of „simple‟ construction and are
concentrated along the coastline. Even more noteworthy is the fact that these sites are to
be found at points adjacent to the sound that divides Rathlin Island from the mainland.
Within this corpus a number of tombs, Ballyvoy and West Torr in particular, occupy
positions highly visible from the nearby seaways in a fashion very similar to that of the
western tomb at Carrowhubbuck while given the significance of Rathlin Island and its
stone axe factories in prehistory, their affinity with very important routeways along this
section of coastline is undoubted.
In analysing this penchant for siting passage tombs in significant local and
regional positions, it is difficult to ascertain their exact role in the landscape. It is true to
say that by virtue of their highly visible nature, they play political or symbolic roles by
imposing themselves upon the psyche of those who used their adjacent routes.
However, this is not to say that they are attempting to exert physical and symbolic
possession of an area in the very obvious and domineering fashion of a Later Bronze
Age/Iron Age hillfort. Potential explanations for the appearance of such passage tombs
at these very select locations include the possibility that they are associated with local
residents who wish to signify their presence in the region as well as their allegiances or
212
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
beliefs to those travelling through their locality. This functional interpretation is not
entirely satisfactory however as a result of the lack of such activity in similarly occupied
coastal positions elsewhere. One would assume therefore that the phenomenon is a
result of the specific locations being identified as particularly important places worthy,
or requiring, the construction of passage tombs at the location.
This simple tomb type has been identified as the earliest form of megalithic
tomb identifiable in Ireland, with the majority of radiocarbon dates from excavated
examples congregating around 4000 BC (Sheridan 2003, 10). Their predominantly
coastal positions, in the Northern half of Ireland have also been noted though
Burenhult‟s (1984, 138-140) desire to see them as Mesolithic in origin has been
rebuffed (Bergh 1995; Sheridan 2003). There is however a remnant thread linking these
tombs to the Mesolithic period. The various sites have been noted as coastal, but on
closer inspection they assume very distinct positions close to important local and
regional routeways along the coast. Many of these routes and positions would have been
just as important in preceding millennia but it is only with the onset of megalithic tomb
building in the Early Neolithic that more permanent structures, which could survive and
remain visible into the modern era, were used to mark that significance.
Back in Mayo, the conspicuous riverside setting of the Carrowreagh tomb,
adjacent to a distinctive loop in the river‟s path and close to the confluence of two
flows, implies that it was the association with the water body and its relevance in the
landscape that saw the site selected as the location for the tomb. As with the previous
coastal sites, associated territorial, political or societal reasons for the construction of
the passage tombs lying within the study area are long lost. Their morphological
similarities allied to their position close to important locations along transit routes
however appears to suggest that they could be considered outliers, though somewhat
distant, to the main concentration of similar sites almost 40km to the east. This would
go some way towards explaining the rarity of such sites in the area but the current lack
of passage tombs further west raises other issues. Given their rarity it is possible that
these outlying passage tombs may have been constructed by groups closely connected
to the communities who attended the Carrowmore cemetery. These tombs could
therefore have acted as a mental and symbolic link for people in these areas back to
their parent communities to the northeast. Viewing idiosyncrasies in the archaeological
record as being a harbinger of differing populations, or population movement, has
become a virtual anathema in modern archaeology. In relation to the distribution of
213
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
monuments in the region around Killala Bay however all possibilities must be
considered regardless of current interpretational mores.
To the west of Killala Bay lies the most dense concentration of court tombs in
Ireland, a feature discussed quite extensively in their local context in Chapter 4. This
congregation of tombs reflects one of the vast variabilities in monument distribution
visible in the greater North Connacht region and influence how we should view the
previously mentioned passage tombs in particular. Being broadly of the same
chronological date as this gathering of 34 court tombs are 2 portal tombs and more than
likely a proportion of the 18 other monuments variably described as unclassified
megalithic tombs or structures. There are also 4 cairns in the area that may be of a
generally contemporary date. While it is highly unlikely that each of the sites were
constructed or used at the same time it is true that there are c.50 monuments within an
area of 130km2 between the western shore of Killala Bay and the Belderg area where
the renowned Céide Fields are located, none of which are passage tombs. When
compared to the Cúil Irra peninsula a reversal of this pattern can be seen where there are
numerous passage tombs but only two probable court tombs in peripheral areas of the
c.60km2 peninsula.
Though there are megalithic tombs throughout North Connacht it is the
variability of ways in which the three recognised Neolithic types overlap that is worthy
of comment. In general, portal tombs appear to follow the broader trend towards lower
lying, commonly river adjacent positions and as such it is no great surprise to see that
they appear in similar areas to court tombs. Viewing the types of topography across
North Connacht from the Erris peninsula in the west as far as Sligo in the east there is a
Figure 7.1 – The distribution of court, portal and passage tombs along the North
Connacht coastline.
214
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
much varied range of landforms similar to areas where different monument types are to
be found at other locations. This quantity of prominent landscape positions where the
construction of passage tombs would be viable further suggests that there is a deliberate
yet ephemeral reason for the lack of such tombs in the region west of Killala Bay. It is
probable therefore that there was a considered decision to construct particular tombs in
suitable areas depending on contemporary functional, societal or ritual needs. The
overlapping use of court and passage tombs has been described by Bergh (1995) as
resembling the relationship between modern day cathedrals and parish churches, with
the court tombs serving everyday ritual needs and the passage tombs visited
sporadically for specific purposes or at particular times of the year. Besides being a
relatable teaching tool this is quite an interesting concept and in light of the distribution
of sites throughout the study area deserves consideration.
Moving around the region one can identify areas where divergent distributions
raise particular questions, none more so than the previously mentioned area to the west
of Killala Bay where numerous court tombs are to be found yet no passage tombs.
Conversely this area is immediately adjacent to an expansive area of c.160km2 within
which court tombs are absent and the only confirmed Neolithic monuments are the two
passage tombs at Carrowhubbuck1. To the east of this apparent void the area along the
Easky River and further east along the coast north of Slieve Gamph is once again home
Figure 7.2 – The westerly passage tomb at Carrowhubbuck South as seen from the east with Killala
Bay in the background and the higher ground west of the bay beyond.
1
See discussion of this phenomenon in Chapter 4.
215
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
to numerous Neolithic monuments, particularly portal and court tombs. Within these
three contiguous areas there is a great variation of topography and relief but no
landforms that would physically preclude the construction of any acknowledged
Neolithic tomb type. This again raises the probability of more ephemeral stimuli
towards these variant distributions. The possibility of contemporary landscape features
such as dense primeval forest not being accessed during the period in question appears
unlikely given the vast area involved as well as the presence of numerous rivers and
streams that would allow access along their flanks with minimal effort. The difference
of site type and large quantity suggests a very deliberate selection process at play in the
region and one potential aid towards an explanation may be to look for similar patterns
elsewhere.
Though not a commonly replicated pattern, the sites on the nearby Cúil Irra
peninsula appear to display a similarly divergent pattern with the abundant passage
tombs to be found in elevated, inland positions with the two court tombs residing in
lower lying, peripheral areas of the peninsula. This split pattern suggests that at the time
of their construction there was indeed an acknowledgement of the difference, not only
of the structure of the two types of monument but also a deliberate desire that they
should not be placed in overlapping landscapes (Bergh 1987, 249).
It has long been noted that the places where passage tombs were constructed
should be seen as important in their own right, not only because of their commonly
striking positions but also because they were revisited over time for the construction of
monuments and the formation of subsequent cemeteries. Evidence from North Connacht
appears to further highlight the importance of the landscapes within which these
cemeteries were formed. Here we can see very deliberate positioning of passage tombs
at strategic points in the landscape and the respect shown to those places in the
construction of other tombs in their localities. The chronology of construction however
raises a second question as to the primary importance of the particular location or the
actual monument erected thereon. It cannot be said that all court tombs were constructed
subsequent to passage tombs and as such could be situated to respect the position of the
pre-existing monuments. Therefore, it must be assumed that the place or area was
designated as being of particular reverence and was worthy of the construction of
passage tombs. This reverential treatment of a particular place is a recurrent theme
within the corpus of passage tomb cemeteries that compose the Irish passage tomb
216
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
tradition and can be seen at locations such as Knowth and within the Carrowmore
cemetery itself.
At Knowth the large central mound was probably the last of the sites constructed
within the interior of an encirclement of smaller satellite tombs, the majority of which
have their entrances oriented inward towards what would have been the selected sacred
space (Eogan 1986, 97). This central area was later adorned with the large mound
enveloping its dual passage tombs and the most extensive renditions of megalithic art in
Europe. Even the objects placed within the tomb such as the ornately carved flint
macehead found in the eastern tomb exemplify the importance of the place. Within the
bounds of the Carrowmore passage tomb cemetery a similar pattern of encirclement can
be identified with the majority of the extant monuments oriented towards the interior.
Akin to occurrences at Knowth it is the later monument of Listoghil, a large cairn
covered tomb unlike the other tombs composing the cemetery, that was constructed
inside this space. Unlike the large central mound at Knowth however Listoghil does not
entirely fill the interior space (which is much greater), but interestingly, even though it
lies slightly to the west it is also oriented towards the open interior space and the rising
sun to the southeast beyond (Stefan Bergh pers. comm.).
These construction sequences clearly identify an initial reticence towards the
building of monuments within a designated area that was later adorned with the most
spectacular tomb at each site. When one considers the relationship between the large
mound at Knowth and tomb sixteen, which had to be manipulated by the builders of the
later monument (see Eogan 1986, 82-7 for discussion), it appears unlikely that there was
an overarching advance plan that conceived of a central monument being built. Instead,
a fundamental shift occurred in people‟s attitude toward the hallowed interior and in
place of reverence from the outside it was deemed proper that such an important place
should be comprehensively monumentalised. The earliest phases of construction in
these sequences would therefore resemble an area of open ground, possibly with a
marker1, with a small number of tombs arranged around. Being so designated it is
highly unlikely that other contemporary tomb types would be built within that passage
tomb defined area.
The area east and south of Killala Bay where there is an apparent void in the
Neolithic funerary record, except for the two Carrowhubbuck passage tombs at its
1
Excavations have generally shown little or no large pre-tomb structures but interestingly at Fourknocks
Co. Meath a central post-hole was discovered that was interpreted as being a support for a wooden roof or
the remnant of a totem (Hartnett 1957; Cooney 2000; Jones 2007).
217
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
Figure 7.3
Above – The positions of Neolithic and possible Neolithic
sites on the Cúil Irra peninsula.
Right – Schematic plan of the orientation of the monuments
at Carrowmore with Listoghil represented by the larger
symbol towards the centre (Bergh 1995, 126).
centre, is without question too large to be considered some form of exclusion zone
within which only the construction of passage tombs was appropriate. Particularly as the
number of passage tombs surviving is so low. There does however appear to be other
stimuli in action in the region beyond the selection of a tomb type from a range of
contemporary options as identified by Cooney and Grogan (1994, 58) and the key to
this may lie with the two court tombs on the Cúil Irra peninsula. Here the court tombs
occupy the same general landscape as the numerous passage tombs in the area but are
very markedly and deliberately removed from the epicentre of passage tomb activity.
This would appear to suggest that there is a recognised difference between the two tomb
types not just in relation to architecture and landscape position but also in terms of
accessibility and ritual. Given their more widespread construction, and by extension
availability, it would further appear that court tombs were used as everyday ritual sites
while the more rarefied passage tomb cemeteries were places of special relevance in the
landscape. This idea of site types being perceived with differing types and levels of
reverence is not new (Bergh 1987,1995; Bradley 2000, 2002; Cooney 2000; Cummings
and Whittle 2003; Jones 2007) but it is one that appears to be confirmed by the
existence of the very few, peripheral court tombs on Cúil Irra. These court tombs could
have served the everyday needs of the population living and working in that particular
218
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
landscape, their positions selected most likely close to their parent settlements but away
from the spaces where passage tombs dominated.
How therefore should one view this use of particular monument types with
regard to their distribution in and around the current study area? It is most likely that
there is a combination of factors at play, none of which satisfactorily resolve each of the
voids in the record. The lack of contemporary monuments adjacent to the
Carrowhubbuck passage tombs may be a reflection of the regard in which that area was
held, salutary dissentions being the low number of monuments constructed in the
immediate area as well as the comparatively immense area that the „void‟ constitutes.
The stark juxtaposition of this void adjacent to the greatest accretion of court tombs in
Ireland could be somewhat diluted by the possibility that such monuments may have
been constructed within a narrower time span and a more focussed area than was
previously recognised (Schulting, Murphy and Jones, forthcoming). The simplest
explanation for this phenomenon would be to outline a pattern of site destruction and
lack of discovery, particularly in peatland areas. This however would be to ignore the
fact that the area appears bounded on the east and west by river courses beyond which
only two confirmed Neolithic monuments remain extant. Even deliberate monument
destruction or removal in the intervening millennia does not hold as there are a number
of wedge tombs surviving that would surely also have perished in such a „megalithic
clearance‟. It may be unfortunate but at this point only the bare empirical facts can be
relied upon with a multitude of interpretations possible, ranging from the virtual
impossible, that there was simply no substantial human occupation in the specified
region, to the potential existence of a political powerbase that actively prevented
monument construction in the area.
It is of great relevance that the two sites within this apparent Neolithic void are
passage tombs of the simpler type that are to be found in commonly coastal positions as
well as composing the Carrowmore cemetery. Along with a third at Carrowreagh it is
possible that these sites stand as western outliers at important landscape positions to the
west of the main body of this type of tomb building embodied at Carrowmore. It would
appear as in other instances across Ireland that the constructional sequence of these sites
is a carefully considered process involving showing respect to important core areas and
only occupying these areas later in the sequence. Similarly there appears to be a very
deliberate selection of areas where specific types of tomb were deemed appropriate.
While court tombs enjoy a broadly general spread across the lowlands, simple passage
219
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
tombs appear reserved for particularly relevant positions and in numerous instances this
takes the form of access points into freshwater river and lake systems. This further
cements the notion that such tombs embody much more relevance than purely being
places of burial or locally important points in the landscape. They symbolically reach
out into the surrounding landscape issuing command over that landscape and the people
either living or moving in that landscape. It is little surprise therefore to see later, larger
passage tombs develop into great monumental constructions in even more prominent
positions that further expressed the dominance embodied within them. This
development appears to identify a shift in priority from occupying prominent
topographical locations in the immediate vicinity of the designated area of significance
to seeking out the most impressive, domineering location possible to construct the most
impressive, domineering tomb possible.
7.2
The upland megalithic tomb group at Carrowreagh
Whether viewed at a local, regional or national level the small group of upland
tombs c.2km southwest of Lough Talt stand out as being atypical (Figure 7.4). The
group is composed of just five loosely associated monuments, three court tombs and
two unclassified megalithic tombs (one of which is a possible passage tomb) and as
such would not normally be regarded as spectacular in North Connacht where such
Neolithic monuments are comparatively common. There are a number of factors
however that make this group worthy of note, primary among these being their
landscape setting. This is the first aspect that draws an archaeological eye to this group
as here are three court tombs high up on a mountain where even passage tombs do not
tread1. Such a topographical setting is highly unusual within the local and national
corpus of court tombs which are roundly accepted as normally being lower lying
monuments commonly associated with better quality land. Conversely this group of
monuments are all situated on poor ground at an altitude in excess of 250m OD. Having
identified this idiosyncrasy the need for an explanation for the unusual positioning of
The only passage tomb along this c.30km southern range of Slieve Gamph is the nearby „possible
passage tomb‟ also in Carrowreagh townland. This monument however has only been identified as such
based on the presence of an apparent circular cairn/mound, an internal chamber and its topographical
position, aspects attributable to numerous tomb types. Particularly those greatly obscured by peat and in
this instance manipulated in the not so distant past to house a poitín still (Aldridge 1960-61, 89-90).
1
220
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
these sites became important towards
the understanding of Neolithic
monuments across the greater
landscape.
Though some individual sites
are separated by as much as 500m the
group itself lies within an area of
0.2km2, which, on a mountain that
boasts such a remarkably low number of
upland sites could almost be considered
a tight concentration. Though in a
prominent position the group does not
stand proud on the mountainside but
occupies a saddle of ground c. 500m
east of the highest ridge on the
Figure 7.4 – The position of the upland group
of megalithic tombs in the townlands of
Carrowreagh and Kincuillew, Co. Sligo.
mountain and as such derives some
small amount of protection from the
worst of the prevailing westerly winds. Initial analysis of the setting of the tombs
revealed their position close to the head of two streams that feed into the River Moy.
Initially the possibility was considered that this association with a perceived source of
the largest river in the region may have seen the area being ascribed increased
importance in the landscape. This however cannot be held true as there are numerous
streams along the eastern side of Slieve Gamph that fulfil such criteria, not least the
actual source of the Moy, that were never attended to as this area in the townlands of
Carrowreagh1 and Kincuillew were.
Initially field survey undertaken in the area around the monuments added little
towards the understanding of the area as there was little to be added to known
descriptions of the sites beyond what was already recorded (Aldridge 1960-61,
Ó‟Nualláin 1989). A general impression of the character of the landscape was
developed and a small number of previously unrecognised sites were identified in the
greater region but no new information that reflected spatially or chronologically upon
As noted in other chapters „Carrowreagh‟ is quite a common townland name across Ireland, this
Carrowreagh is in the barony of Leyny, Co. Sligo. The other Carrowreagh townland within the current
study area where there is also a passage tomb resides c.9.5km to the northwest across the border in Co.
Mayo.
1
221
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
the group of megalithic tombs was
forthcoming. The local landscape differs
little from the greater expanses of Slieve
Gamph with the area around the tombs
heavily peat covered, a factor that
greatly hinders investigation of the sites
themselves. The landscape can be seen
as being quite gently sloping to the east
while a short distance to the north there
is a similarly gently sloping valley
leading northwards towards „The Gap‟
and Lough Talt. In the area around the
group of megalithic tombs there are a
Figure 7.5 – The most northerly of the
Carrowreagh court tombs from the west with
the position of the Kincuillew tomb on the
rising ground to the left of centre and the
distinctive profile of Muckelty Hill on the
horizon to the extreme right of the image.
small number of diminutive lakes as
well as the aforementioned streams but
the most distinctive, and dangerous,
features are a number of deep
depressions in the peat each of which holds a pool of stagnant water at its base. The
profile of these features is quite unusual for this region of Slieve Gamph as they lie well
above peatlands that are exploited for fuel production and within an area where there
does not appear to be regular peat slippage. The various disparate informational threads
were drawn together however by an Ordnance Survey of Ireland aerial photograph that
aided a broader appraisal of the area (Figure 7.6).
Inspection of the aerial photography shows that in the vicinity of the upland
tombs there are a much greater number of these depressions than is appreciable at
ground level. Currently, in excess of 350 circular depressions can be identified in the
vicinity of the megalithic tombs with the focus of the congregation being an area of
c.0.375km2 (500m N-S x 750m E-W) within which c.250 hollows can be recognised.
These hollows are not a very recent occurrence having been noted by Aldridge (196061, 89-90) who described them as being „caused by underground streams that carried
away the bog above them‟. This however does not take into account the profile of the
depressions themselves which are commonly circular or sub-circular in plan and do not
show any linearity that would suggest the action of underground waterways. The more
common explanation for such depressions in the landscape would be to identify them as
222
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
solution holes in the bedrock into which overlying strata would slump. The difficulty
with this sensible suggestion however is that the bedrock forming Slieve Gamph in this
area is Caledonian Granite with all the inherent resilience to erosion that entails. Even
the apparently circular shape of the hollows does not conform to recognised weathering
patterns of granite that usually occur along fissures in the rock, or alternatively, where
circular weathering does occur it tends to be the result of an overhanging water source
(Migon 2006; Vidal Romani and Vaqueiro Rodriguez 2007). As these criteria are not
met in the locality and the phenomenon is not repeated elsewhere on the mountain range
one could argue that an anthropogenic cause is possible though the resilient nature of
the granite to even modern quarrying techniques would still appear to indicate that such
steep-sided hollows would be geological in origin (Dr. Kathryn Moore pers. comm.).
Given the appearance of such an unusual geological conundrum spatially overlapping
with the existence of a similarly unusually sited megalithic tomb group the likelihood
emerges that there is a direct relationship between the two occurrences. Either the
people who lived on the mountainside and subsequently constructed the tombs were
also responsible for the appearance of the numerous depressions, or conversely, they
came to this location as a result of the features previously being here.
Figure 7.6 – Aerial view of the position of three of the Carrowreagh tombs in relation to the
numerous circular depressions in their immediate vicinity. Each hollow appears as a dark circle
marking the vegetation on its sides with the lighter circle at the centre representing the water retained
at the bottom of the features (image – OSI Mapviewer, osiemaps.ie, approximate scale 1:8500).
223
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
Suggesting particular reasons for the interrelationship remains entirely
hypothetical given the granitic nature of the bedrock in the area and the pre-metal using
period in which the tombs were constructed. It may be possible that it was the local
stone that was being accessed but as there are no areas that are not obscured by the
overlying peat it is currently not possible to assess whether there are particular
variations of rock at the location that may have been desirable for tool-making or other
purposes. A number of outcrops of differing materials occur throughout the area with
exotic materials to be found in locations not recognised in current geological maps so it
may be that there is a variation of granite in the vicinity suitable for extraction. An
example of this is the appearance of a substantial seam of quartzite outcropping along
the mountaintop in an area of schist and other rock types to the north of Lough Talt.
Figure 7.7
Right – Quartz outcrop atop Slieve Gamph
c.3.4km to the north of Lough Talt.
Below – The variety of bedrock geology in
the area of Slieve Gamph around Lough
Talt.
224
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
7.3
Later prehistoric monuments in their regional context
In the later periods of prehistory, namely the Bronze and Iron Ages, the stark
anomalies visible in the distribution and positioning of sites of earlier periods tend to
disappear amongst distributions more widespread and greater in number than those
pertaining to the preceding periods. In effect this abundance of potential information
can act as a hindrance towards interpretation as the sheer weight of numbers threatens to
obscure smaller details that may stand obvious within a smaller corpus. This section
will analyse how the current information pertaining to the later prehistoric period in the
study area is to be regarded and to investigate whether what we may see as
distributional patterns may be the result of biases in the record.
Across North Connacht previous distributional patterns of Neolithic megalithic
tombs are generally followed by later megaliths with wedge tombs occurring throughout
the region. Many are in what would now be perceived as peripheral areas with the
majority being on the edges of uplands with those found in lower lying positions
tending towards similarly peripheral coastal areas. Within the study area this pattern is
particularly well illustrated along the southern reaches of Slieve Gamph where five
tombs are to be found along the lower slopes of the mountain. Wedge tombs within this
area also form part of a greater overarching pattern of loose concentrations of high
numbers of Bronze Age sites in specific localities.
Later in the Bronze Age, and possibly into the Iron Age, a significant anomaly
of site distribution occurs in the pattern of barrows and ring-ditches. Within the study
area around the western area of Slieve Gamph a general scattering of monuments are to
be found across the landscape but in adjacent regions, particularly to the east, the
numbers of similar monuments are far greater. The upland nature of much of the study
area is clearly the cause of much of the anomaly but in lower lying areas between Slieve
Gamph and Killala Bay the low numbers of sites persists, without other contemporary
sites types filling the void. A similar dispersed distribution and low quantity of fulachtaí
fiadh also occurs in the region which once again stands at odds with neighbouring areas.
To the east the Ballymote Lowlands and North Sligo are home to large numbers of sites
situated across the landscape. Closer to the current study area the coastal areas north of
Slieve Gamph are also well populated by both fulachtaí fiadh and various types of
barrows but this density of sites does not seem to have progressed into the central areas
of the study area (Figure 7.8). To the west there is an apparent void in the record beyond
225
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
Figure 7.8 – The distribution of barrows and fulachtaí fiadh across North Connacht.
the Nephin Beg range but this is a reflection of the contemporary later prehistoric
landforms in the area. Today this area is home to vast swathes of bogland with little
occupation or intensive agriculture and given the evidence from other areas where large
peatlands formed, it is likely that by the period in question similar conditions would
have prevailed, if somewhat less substantial than today. Along the sides of the Moy
floodplain one could logically assume a reasonably high level of occupation throughout
the later prehistoric period. This is attested to by the existence of a number of sites of
the period but also the type and distribution of artefacts that have been recovered.
Furthermore, the discovery and excavation of the Late Bronze Age settlement at
Carrownaglogh1 has shown that by this stage even poorer agricultural lands were being
utilised suggesting that there was indeed a substantial human presence in the greater
landscape. It would appear therefore that the low numbers and loose distribution of later
prehistoric sites in the area between mountain and Moy is a combined result of site
destruction and lack of recognition.
This variation once again raises the issue of the level of investigation undertaken
and the boldness of particular surveyors to describe, interpret or just categorise sites
1
See Chapter 4, Case Area 3.
226
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
within strict parameters, from which a site‟s deviation sees them safely ensconced
within a generic category. The numerous sites in the region that cannot be described
beyond quite general terms such as mound or enclosure appear to support the idea that
many sites have suffered greatly over the millennia but also that interpretational aspects
such as size, condition and landscape position are not given sufficient weight. In terms
of unrecognised sites, one has only to look a short distance southwest to the area around
Turlough, just south of Lough Cullin, to see the sheer number of sites, mainly fulachtaí
fiadh that can be identified within a small area given ample time and intensity of survey.
While fulachtaí fiadh can be notoriously difficult to identify prior to their disruption,
commonly by field drains or other such land improvements, the variation in how
barrows or mounds are identified highlights the categorisation issue.
The apparently poor numbers of barrows west of Slieve Gamph compared to
surrounding regions has already been noted but if one considers the potential of the
quite common „mounds‟ a wider distribution is visible. This raises even greater
problems however as it can be said with certainty that not all, and probably quite few, of
these sites are damaged or obscured prehistoric monuments. Within the study area for
Figure 7.9 – The variable distribution of mounds and barrows across North Connacht.
227
Chapter 7 – Viewing Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
example the site at Carrowconneen is clearly a raised rath of the Early Christian period
while the steep sided mound close to the bridge at Foxford is possibly a motte. A further
general classification that influences one‟s assessment of later prehistoric earthen
monuments is that of „enclosure‟. Happily the previous problems that existed within the
RMP for Co. Mayo have been somewhat rectified but the nature and condition of many
monuments still does not lend to simple description or classification leading to the result
that within the extent of Figure 7.10 there are in excess of 1100 sites currently described
as „enclosure‟.
It is tempting to view the comparatively low number of later prehistoric sites to
the west of Slieve Gamph as being indicative of differing patterns of occupation or even
different approaches to religion and ritual similar to the perplexing situation of
previously discussed court tombs in the region. The actual explanation however is more
prosaic in that it is the friable structural nature of many later prehistoric monuments that
has seen their dissolution from the archaeological record or amalgamation within more
generic types of site. Contemporary artefacts discovered throughout the region lend
credence to this notion in that they are found across regions and time periods similar to
other areas of North Connacht.
228
Chapter 8 – The prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
Chapter 8
The Prehistoric Archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its Hinterland
The prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph is composed of an amalgam of
people, sites and topography that in concert created patterns that in general faithfully
follow wider patterns of structure and position. On occasion however the evidence from
these same regions can be seen to diverge significantly from broader trends. One of the
most obvious patterns to be noted is the changeable distribution of sites over time and
space. In this, the prehistoric sites extant in the region follow the overall Irish trend
whereby as time progresses the visible sites, and by association the people who built
them dispersed outward from maritime, riverine and lacustrine positions into the greater
landscape. As such it comes as no surprise that our earliest evidence for human activity,
in the Early Mesolithic, comes from a riverside position. Though only embodied by the
discovery of a single microlith it highlights what one could logically assume to be the
case, that during the period, people lived along and exploited the waterside resources
the region had to offer. Unfortunately, as is commonly the case with analysing
Mesolithic horizons, their ephemeral remains are not easily definable in the modern
landscape and it becomes tempting to jump to assumptions regarding where people‟s
settlements may lie. This is certainly the case in the region around Slieve Gamph where
the extensive stretches of coastline would have seen activity similar to that uncovered at
other locations around the Irish seaboard. Within the study area it is also very likely that
settlement evidence awaits discovery in places such as Tonybaun where the
aforementioned microlith was found. The elevated glacial ridges running parallel to the
course of the Moy further offer increased visibility as well as the option of hunting,
gathering and the choice of moving on land or water.
Subsequent Neolithic sites also appear most commonly alongside natural
topographical features suggesting human settlement in generally similar positions.
There are notably low numbers in areas away from substantial rivers and natural
features such as the Corrower/Carrownaglogh case area which appears to indicate a
pattern of settlement not extending very far from such features until the Bronze Age.
This limited expansion model makes the location of the Carrowreagh, Co. Mayo
passage tomb even more intriguing as though it is situated beside a small river it appears
to be quite a distance from a major watercourse. The appearance of a „simple‟ passage
229
Chapter 8 – The prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
tomb here points towards the site as representing not only an outlying group of people
connected mentally and symbolically to the builders of the monuments on the Cúil Irra
peninsula but also as a sub-outlier of the similar sites, and most likely associated
settlement, at Inishcrone. From here, some of the earliest people to monumentalise the
region followed the coast and river system to Carrowreagh where they marked the
location with the construction of the passage tomb. Although now spatially incongruous
in relation to broader scale distribution maps, the site lies only a few kilometres along
the system of the first substantial river one encounters travelling southward along the
eastern side of Killala Bay, the Brusna River. In other regions around Slieve Gamph
substantial numbers of Neolithic sites mark currently obscured settlement landscapes in
their vicinity. One of the most striking of these concentrations lies in the region around
the townland of Tawnatruffaun where in addition to quite a number of ritual monuments
it is the discovery of a wooden trough, numerous post rows and pre-bog walls that
suggest the location of a substantial settlement landscape. The geographical spread of
evidence also suggests the presence of settlements, field systems and a ritual landscape
potentially as extensive as the much renowned Céide Fields.
The occurrence of riverside settlement is epitomised by the positioning of the
numerous sites along the Easky River. However, in relation to the quantity of ritual
monuments the area is not exceptional in light of the distribution of sites in the region
north of Slieve Gamph. The large number of sites here does however serve to highlight
one of the most interesting conundrums raised by the study, the virtual lack of Neolithic
monuments west of the Easky River until one crosses Killala Bay. Unfortunately, such
an unusual occurrence allied to the difficulty of discussing, much less explaining a
negative, means that the issue is one that can be hypothesised about at length but not
satisfactorily explained. Lack of a human presence, the existence of territorial
boundaries or the presence of an ethereal ritual exclusion zone are but three of a
plethora of potentialities, each possibly as valid or unfounded as the next. The only
opportunity of resolving the issue is continued investigation of the region‟s bogland
tracts in particular, in the hope of discovering currently unknown monuments, where
any failure to find such sites would only deepen the mystery.
As one moves into later prehistoric periods the general trend of evidence
changes with the well known change in related monuments and settlement indicators.
Within the study area fulachtaí fiadh are the first type of site that can be seen as direct
indicators of human settlement in a particular vicinity, and regardless of their exact
230
Chapter 8 – The prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
purpose, can be commonly associated with nearby settlement. Around Slieve Gamph
the distribution of fulachtaí fiadh varies quite markedly with a number of tight
concentrations to the north and south but sparse numbers to the west adjacent to the
lower reaches of the River Moy. The explanation for this appears to be a simple lack of
recognition as a result of the greater intensity of agricultural activity in the region over
time. This activity appears to have diminished the visibility of many less durable sites
meaning that they only appear by chance, or during pre-development archaeological
survey and excavation. To the north of the mountain range large numbers of fulachtaí
fiadh have been identified, particularly in areas around Ballysadare Bay. In this region
however, there are also a great number of contemporary ritual monuments across the
same landscape making the identification of specific inter-relationships very difficult.
To the south however, smaller, more discrete concentrations of sites can be seen to
congregate indicating potential associations between the position of fulachtaí fiadh,
their hypothesised parent settlements, and nearby ritual monuments. Obviously without
excavation it is not possible to ascertain the exact contemporaneity of each of the sites
but in a number of instances the landscape setting and visual interrelationship of the
sites argue towards the positive.
The distribution of later prehistoric sites indicates a wider spread of people and
their settlements throughout the landscape but in many areas such as at Corrower,
Culleens and Callow, a level of nucleation can be seen. This aggregation of generally
contemporary sites can be seen to identify either a dispersed village type pattern of
settlement or the continued use of the same locality over time. In light of the available
evidence from the Carrownaglogh excavations and other sites across the country it is
possible to infer that great swathes of land were under agriculture, so much so that even
poorer lands and burgeoning boglands were being exploited. It seems likely therefore
that both dispersed settlements and nucleated groups existed in the region around Slieve
Gamph with the latter appearing in areas of better land and in the vicinity of important
locations along routeways and at points where waterborne and dryland routes interacted.
Routes through the North Connacht region have always been vital to the
sustainability and progress of societies in the region, and Slieve Gamph as it still does
today, formed a principle guiding feature along and through which people moved. In
many areas the form of the mountain was the governing factor in how people could
move through the landscape and therefore influenced the way in which places became
important, or conversely did not. Subsequently, it could be assumed that passes
231
Chapter 8 – The prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
allowing passage through the range would become important cultural features in their
own right but this does not seem to be the case in every instance. None of the passes are
adorned with hillforts or similar sites as is a feature along important routeways further
south in Ireland, though on occasion congregations of sites can be identified either side
of the passes. Once again explanations of this negative cannot be seen as concrete, but
given the coastal, low-lying, river-crossed nature of Slieve Gamph‟s hinterland the
likelihood exists that the majority of medium and long distance movement through the
region was primarily waterborne, with people only tackling mountain passes as
necessity dictated or as part of short, local journeys.
At a general level this lower level of relevance attaching to mountain passes and
uplands may have fed into another striking phenomenon visible in the archaeological
record, that being the lack of large, dominant upland monuments on the western
stretches of the range. This void in the record proved to be a true reflection of the
archaeology but it cannot be said to represent a lack of people, opportunity, material or
accessibility in the region. Consequently, logic dictates that there must be a more
ephemeral impetus for the occurrence, or more correctly non-occurrence, and the
distribution of sites around the Cúil Irra peninsula holds a possible explanation. Here
the result of the aggregation of monuments over a long period of time may have
increased the perceived relevance of the region and the mountaintop monuments in the
area negating their requirement along the main body of Slieve Gamph. Interestingly,
any form of land-based procession from the west toward this ritually important area
would be guided along its way by the corridor formed between Slieve Gamph and the
sea with mountaintop monuments only becoming prevalent as one enters the corridor.
The positioning of these tombs therefore does not only allow for an aspect across
Ballysadare Bay into the heart of Cúil Irra and vice versa but also serves to flank
people‟s movement along the corridor below.
Similarly positioned with a spectacular view across Ballysadare Bay towards
Knocknarea and the Cúil Irra peninsula, „The Giant‟s Rock‟ is one of a group of
ostensibly natural objects noted during the upland survey that, without obvious
alteration, transcend the mental boundary between natural and cultural. First noted as a
strange juxtaposition between a hilltop boulder and stone row at Corlee, what have
temporarily been described as „prominent boulders‟ can be found at a number of
locations around Slieve Gamph. Resembling glacial erratics their most noteworthy
characteristic is their occupation of striking landscape positions that maximise the visual
232
Chapter 8 – The prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
potential of their profile on the skyline. As yet, the phenomenon cannot be regarded as a
form of monument as one would normally recognise it but such a visible marker serves
all of the criteria that one expects a monument to fulfil. It very definitely marks a
particular place in the landscape as well as potentially signifying the importance of that
place. Highly visible topographical positions possibly even identify „prominent
boulders‟ as signifiers of ownership or borderlines in the landscape where in various
places around Ireland the deposition of metal hoards was deemed appropriate. The
original intention may have been to retrieve the objects placed at the site but even this
intention implies that the depositor expects to be able to return to find their objects
untouched. This wish however appears highly incongruous with the act of placing
valuable objects in association with such highly visible sites, unless one regards the
location as being safe from interference by others. Into the future there is much work to
be undertaken before the prominent boulder „coincidence‟ can move from the realm of
hypothesis to archaeological inventory but there currently exists enough evidence from
various locations around Ireland to proffer them as an important feature of the
prehistoric landscape.
The intrusive mass of schist and granite that is Slieve Gamph stands as a beacon
of time, pressure and movement largely inconceivable within a human frame of
reference and as such it is perceived as an obstruction to get around, over or through
with the minimum effort possible. The influence of the mountain range however
extends far beyond its immediate form and within its surrounding hinterland plays the
puppet-master in myriad aspects of human life. Its tendrils reach out into the
surrounding landscape corralling and orienting the movement of people, animals, rivers
and streams into specific paths and corridors. Over the breadth of human occupation of
Ireland however it appears to have been a backdrop to other activities in the North
Connacht region, never adorned or revered as nearby Knocknarea while those
monuments that occupy its rolling peaks to the north hanker to be linked to Cúil Irra and
its exalted heritage. The prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
however tells a multifaceted story of human life from the earliest phases of the human
occupation of Ireland. Some of these facets happily follow known precedents visible
across the island while others entirely refuse to follow doctrine and go their own way,
but the most intriguing instances arise where the players just do not show up. It is at this
point that the full variability and invisibility of much of human action is at play. We can
233
Chapter 8 – The prehistoric archaeology of Slieve Gamph and its hinterland
never entirely know the mindset of the people who chose to build, or not build, many of
the monuments visible throughout the region. By analysing the remnants they left
however, we can go some way toward the goal of developing that understanding of their
approach to life and landscape which, in the context of Slieve Gamph, appears to be a
combination of functional, physical interaction with the range and compartmentalisation
of ritual activities in specific areas for specific purposes.
234
Bibliography
Bibliography
Aalen, F.H.A; Whelan, K. and Stout, M. 1997. Atlas of the Irish Rural Landscape.
Cork: University Press.
Aldridge, R.B. 1960-1. Some Megalithic and Other Sites in Cos. Mayo and Sligo.
Journal of the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society 29, 83-90.
Aldridge, R.B. 1964-5. Megalithic and Other Sites in Cos. Mayo and Sligo. Journal of
the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society 31, 11-15.
Andrews, J.H. 2003. Sir Richard Bingham and the Mapping of Western Ireland.
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 103C. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy,
61-85.
Apsimon, A. 1985/6. Chronological contexts for Irish megalithic tombs. The Journal of
Irish Archaeology 3, 5-15.
Armit, I. Murphy, E. Nelis, E and Simpson, D. (eds) Neolithic settlement in Ireland and
western Britain. Oxford: Oxbow.
Armstrong, E.C.R. 1933. Catalogue of Irish Gold. Dublin: Stationary Office.
Aston, M. and Rowley, T. 1974. Landscape Archaeology: an Introduction to Fieldwork
Techniques on Post-Roman Landscapes. Newton Abbot: David and Charles.
Augustin, M. 2003. Barrows in the landscape of Cúil Irra, Co. Sligo. Unpublished M.A.
dissertation N.U.I. Galway.
Bamforth, D.B. and Woodman, P.C. 2004. Tool Hoards and Neolithic Use of the
Landscape in North-Eastern Ireland. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 23(1), 2144.
Barclay, A. and Harding, J. (eds) 1999. Pathways and Ceremonies: the cursus
monuments of Britain and Ireland. Neolithic Studies Group Seminar Papers 4.
Oxford: Oxbow.
Barber, J. (ed.) 1997. The Archaeological Investigation of a Prehistoric Landscape:
Excavations on Arran 1978-1981. Historic Scotland Monograph 2. Scottish
Trust for Archaeological Research: Edinburgh.
Bender, B., Hamilton, S. and Tilley, C. 2007. Stone Worlds: Narrative and Reflexivity
in Landscape Archaeology. Left Coast Press Inc.
Bergh, S. 1987. Court tombs, passage tombs and social contexts in north Co. Sligo,
Ireland. In G. Burenhult et al. Theoretical Approaches to Artefacts, Settlement
235
Bibliography
and Society: Studies in honour of Mats M. Malmer, Part 1. Oxford: British
Archaeological Reports, International Series 336(i), 241-256.
Bergh, S. 1995. Landscape of the Monuments. Stockholm: Riksantikvarieämbet
Arkeologiska Undersöknigar.
Bergh, S. 2000. Transforming Knocknarea – the archaeology of a mountain.
Archaeology Ireland, 14(2), 14-17.
Bergh, S. 2002, „Knocknarea: the ultimate monument‟ in Chris Scarre (ed) Monuments
and Landscape in Atlantic Europe. London: Routledge.
Bourke, L. 2001. Crossing the Rubicon: Bronze Age Metalwork from Irish Rivers.
Bronze Age Studies 5. N.U.I. Galway: Dept. of Archaeology.
Bracken, G.G. and Wayman, P.A. 1992. A Neolithic or Bronze Age alignment for
Croagh Patrick. Cathair na Mart, 12(1), 1-11.
Bradley, R. 1993. Altering the Earth. Edinburgh: Society of Antiquaries of Scotland
Monograph Number 8.
Bradley, R. 1997. Rock Art and the Prehistory of Atlantic Europe. London: Routledge.
Bradley, R. 1998. Ruined Buildings, Ruined Stones: Enclosures, Tombs and Natural
Places in the Neolithic of South-West England. World Archaeology, 30(1), 1322.
Bradley, R. 2000. An Archaeology of Natural Places. London: Routledge.
Bradley, R. 2002. The Past in Prehistoric Societies. London: Routledge.
Bradley, R. 2003. Seeing Things: Perception, experience and the constraints of
excavation. Journal of Social Archaeology 3(2), 151-168.
Bradley, R. 2005. Ritual and Domestic Life in Prehistoric Europe. London: Routledge.
Bradley, R. 2007a. The Prehistory of Britain and Ireland. Cambridge: University Press.
Bradley, R. 2007b. Making Strange: Monuments and the Creation of the Earlier
Prehistoric Landscape. In A. Fleming and R. Hingley (eds), Prehistoric and
Roman landscapes. Macclesfield: Windgather, 33-42.
Bradley, R., Ball, C., Croft, S., and Phillips, T. 2002. The stone circles of northeast
Scotland in the light of excavation. Antiquity 76, 840-48.
Brindley, A.L. 2007. The Dating of Food Vessels and Urns in Ireland. Bronze Age
Studies 7. N.U.I. Galway: Dept. of Archaeology.
Brindley, A.L. and Lanting J.N. 1987/8. Radiocarbon Dates from Moneen and
Labbacallee, County Cork. The Journal of Irish Archaeology 4, 13-20.
236
Bibliography
Brindley, A.L. and Lanting J.N. 1989/90a. Radiocarbon Dates for Neolithic Single
Burials. The Journal of Irish Archaeology 5, 1-7.
Brindley, A.L. and Lanting J.N. 1989/90b. Radiocarbon Dates from Wedge Tombs. The
Journal of Irish Archaeology 6, 19-26.
Brindley, A.L., Lanting J.N. and Mook, W.G. 1989/90. Radiocarbon Dates from Irish
Fulacht Fiadh and Other Burnt Mounds. The Journal of Irish Archaeology 5,
25-33.
Brindley, A.L. and Lanting J.N. 1990. The dating of fulachta fiadh. In Buckley V. (ed)
Burnt Offerings: international contributions to burnt mound archaeology.
Dublin: Wordwell, 55-9.
Bronk Ramsey, C. 2009. OxCal Online Radiocarbon Calibration Interface 4.1. Update
42, 3/4/09. See https://c14.arch.ox.ac.uk/oxcal/OxCalPlot.html
Brück, J. 1998. In the Footsteps of the Ancestors: a Review of Christopher Tilley‟s A
Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths and Monuments. Archaeological
Review from Cambridge 15(1), 23-36.
Brück, J. 2005. Experiencing the past? The development of a phenomenological
archaeology in British prehistory. Archaeological Dialogues 12, Cambridge
University Press, 45-72.
Brück, J. 2006. Death, Exchange and Reproduction in the British Bronze Age.
European Journal of Archaeology 9(1), 73-101.
Buckley, L., Glass, B. and Moore, F. 1989. Recently discovered burials at Tooremore
East, Turlough. Cathair na Mart 9(1), 26-32.
Buckley, V.M. and Lawless, C. 1988. Two C14 dates for fulachta fiadh at Turlough, near
Castlebar – evidence for the prehistoric „mini nuclear winter‟ in Co. Mayo.
Cathair na Mart 7(1), 23-25.
Buckley, V.M. (ed.) 1990. Burnt Offerings: international contributions to burnt mound
archaeology. Dublin: Wordwell.
Buckley V.M. 1991. Excavations at a Lintelled Grave at Lacken, Enniscrone, Co. Sligo.
North Mayo Historical Journal 2(5), 21-4.
Burenhult, G. 1984. The Archaeology of Carrowmore. University of Stockholm.
Burenhult, G. (ed.) 2003. Stones and Bones: Formal disposal of the dead in Atlantic
Europe during the Mesolithic-Neolithic interface, 6000-3000BC. BAR S1021.
Burgess, C.B. and Gerloff, S. 1981. The Dirks and Rapiers of Great Britain and
Ireland. Munich: Beck.
237
Bibliography
Byrne, G. 1991. Rathlackan. Court tomb with associated pre-bog settlement, in I.
Bennett (ed.) Excavations 1990, 46. Bray: Wordwell.
Byrne, G. 1994. Rathlackan. Court tomb with associated pre-bog settlement, in I.
Bennett (ed.) Excavations 1993, 61-62. Bray: Wordwell.
Cahill, M. 1988. A preliminary account of a Later Bronze Age hoard from Kilbride, Co.
Mayo. Cathair na Mart 7(1) 26-29.
Cahill, M. 2002. A hoard of ornaments from Dooyork, Co. Mayo. Cathair na Mart 22,
7-11.
Caulfield, S. 1977. The Beehive Quern in Ireland. Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland 107, 104-138.
Caulfield, S. 1983. „The Neolithic settlement of north Connaught‟. In T. Reeves-Smith
and F. Hammond (eds.), Landscape Archaeology in Ireland. Oxford: British
Archaeological Reports, British Series 116, 195-215
Cavers, G. 2006. Late Bronze and Iron Age lake settlement in Scotland and Ireland: the
development of the „crannog‟ in the north and west. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 25(4), 389-412.
Chapman, H. 2006. Landscape Archaeology and GIS. Stroud: Tempus.
Chapple, R.M. 1998. A chert scraper from Carrowmore Lake, Bangor Erris, Co. Mayo.
Cathair na Mart 18, 16-20.
Cherry, S. 1990. The finds from fulachta fiadh. In Buckley V. (ed) Burnt Offerings:
international contributions to burnt mound archaeology. Dublin: Wordwell.
49-55.
Clancy, P. 2001. A Landscape Study of the Prehistoric Monuments on the Curragh, Co.
Kildare. Unpublished M.A. thesis. N.U.I. Galway.
Cleary, B. 1998. General Humbert‟s campaign in the west. In Poirteir, C. (ed.) The
Great Irish Rebellion of 1798. Dublin: Mercier.
Cleary, R.M. 2003. Enclosed late Bronze Age Habitation site and boundary wall at
Lough Gur, Co. Limerick. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Dublin:
Royal Irish Academy 103C, 97-189.
Coles, B. and Coles, J. 1986. Sweet Track to Glastonbury. London: Thames and
Hudson.
Collins, T. (ed) 1997. Decoding the landscape. Galway: Centre for Landscape Studies.
Collins, T. and Coyne, F. 2006. As old as we felt… Archaeology Ireland 20(4), 21.
238
Bibliography
Condit, T., Gibbons, M. and Timoney, M. 1991. „Hillforts in Sligo and Leitrim‟.
Emania 9.
Condit, T. & Gibbons, M., 1991. A glimpse of Sligo‟s prehistory. Archaeology Ireland
5(3), 7-10.
Condit, T. and O‟Sullivan, A. 1999. Landscapes of Movement and Control: Interpreting
Prehistoric Hillforts and Fording-places on the River Shannon. Discovery
Programme Reports 5, 25-39.
Conneller, C. and Warren, G. (eds) 2006. Mesolithic Britain and Ireland: New
Approaches. Stroud: Tempus.
Cooney, G. 1979. Some Aspects of the Siting of Megalithic Tombs in County Leitrim.
Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 109, 74-91.
Cooney, G. 1983. „Megalithic tombs in their environmental setting, a settlement
perspective‟. In T. Reeves-Smith and F. Hammond (eds), Landscape
Archaeology in Ireland. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, British Series
116, 195-215.
Cooney, G 1987/8. Irish Neolithic Settlement and its European Context. The Journal of
Irish Archaeology 4, 7-11.
Cooney, G. 1990. „The place of megalithic tomb cemeteries in Ireland‟. Antiquity 64,
741-53.
Cooney, G. 1996. „Standing stones: marking the Neolithic landscape‟. Archaeology
Ireland 10(2), 29-30.
Cooney, G. 2000. Landscapes of Neolithic Ireland. London: Routledge.
Cooney, G. 2003 „Rooted or routed: landscapes of Neolithic settlement in Ireland‟. In I.
Armit, E. Murphy, E. Nelis and D. Simpson (eds) Neolithic settlement in
Ireland and western Britain. Oxford: Oxbow, 47-55.
Cooney, G. 2006. Newgrange – a view from the platform. Antiquity 80, 697-710.
Cooney, G. 2007. In Retrospect: Neolithic activity at Knockadoon, Lough Gur, Co.
Limerick, 50 years on. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 107C. Dublin:
Royal Irish Academy, 215-225.
Cooney, G. and Grogan, E. 1994. Irish Prehistory: a Social Perspective. Bray:
Wordwell.
Cooney, G. and Mandal, S. 1998. The Irish Stone Axe Project. Bray: Wordwell.
Corlett, C. 2002. Inspiring Rock Groups. Archaeology Ireland 16(3), 35.
239
Bibliography
Costa, L.J., Sternke, F. and Woodman P.C. 2005. Microlith to Macrolith: the reasons
behind the transformation of production in the Irish Mesolithic. Antiquity 79,
19-33.
Cummings, V. 2002a. The origins of monumentality? Mesolithic world-views of the
landscape in western Britain. In Larsson, L. (ed.) Mesolithic on the Move.
Oxford: Oxbow.
Cummings, V. 2002b. All Cultural Things. In Chris Scarre (ed), Monuments and
Landscape in Atlantic Europe. London: Routledge, 107-121.
Cummings, V., Jones, A. and Watson, A. 2002. Divided Places: phenomenology and
asymmetry in the monuments of the black mountains, southeast Wales.
Cambridge Archaeological Journal 12(1), 57-70.
Cummings, V. and Whittle A. 2003. Tombs with a View: landscape, monuments and
trees. Antiquity 77, 255-66.
Cutting, M. 2003. The Use of Spatial Analysis to Study Prehistoric Settlement
Architecture. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22(1), 1-21.
Danaher, E. 2005. Report on the Archaeological Excavation of an Early Neolithic
Causewayed Enclosure at Area 2C, Magheraboy, Sligo. N4 Sligo Inner Relief
Road And County Extension Contract 1- Final Report. National Roads
Authority.
Danaher, E. 2007. Monumental Beginnings: the archaeology of the N4 Sligo Inner
Relief Road. Dublin: National Roads Authority.
Darvill, T. and Thomas, J. (eds) 2001. Neolithic Enclosures in Atlantic Northwest
Europe. Neolithic Studies Group Seminar group Papers 6. Oxford: Oxbow.
DeValera, R. 1960. The Court Cairns of Ireland. Proceedings of the Royal Irish
Academy. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 60C, 9-140.
DeValera, R. and Ó'Nualláin, S. 1964. Survey of the Megalithic Tombs of Ireland:
Volume II County Mayo. Dublin: The Stationary Office.
Dowling, G. 2001. A Landscape Study of the Prehistoric Archaeology of the Barony of
Clare, North Galway. Unpublished M.A. thesis N.U.I. Galway.
Driscoll, K. 2006. The early prehistory in the west of Ireland: investigations into the
social archaeology of the Mesolithic, west of the Shannon, Ireland.
Unpublished M.Litt. thesis N.U.I. Galway.
Edmonds, M. 1999 Ancestral Geographies of the Neolithic: landscapes, monuments and
memory. London: Routledge.
240
Bibliography
Eogan, G. 1965. Catalogue of Irish Bronze Swords. Dublin: Stationary Office.
Eogan, G. 1983. Hoards of the Irish Later Bronze Age. University College Dublin.
Eogan, G. 1984. Excavations at Knowth 1. Dublin, Royal Irish Academy.
Eogan, G. 1986. Knowth and the Passage Tombs of Ireland. London: Thames and
Hudson.
Eogan, G. 1988. „Knowth before Knowth‟. Antiquity 72, 162-72.
Eogan, G. 2000. The socketed bronze axes in Ireland. Stuttgart: Steiner.
Eogan, G. and Roche, H. 1997a. Excavations at Knowth 2. Dublin: Royal Irish
Academy.
Eogan, G. and Roche, H. 1997b. „Pre-tomb Neolithic house discovered at Knowth, Co.
Meath‟. Archaeology Ireland 11(2), 31.
Fitzjohn, M. 2007. Viewing places: GIS applications for examining the perception of
space in the mountains of Sicily. World Archaeology 39(1), 36-50.
Fleming, A. 1999. Phenomenology and the Megaliths of Wales: a dreaming too far.
Oxford Journal of Archaeology 18(2) 119-125.
Fleming, A. 2005. Megaliths and post-modernism: the case of Wales. Antiquity 70, 92132.
Fleming, A. 2006. Post-processual Landscape Archaeology: A Critique. Cambridge
Archaeological Journal 16(3), 267-80.
Fontijn, D. 2007. The significance of „invisible‟ places. World Archaeology 39(1) 7083.
Fredengren, C. 2002. Crannógs. Dublin: Wordwell.
Garnham, T. 2004. Lines on the Landscape, Circles from the Sky. Stroud: Tempus.
Gerloff, S. 1986. Bronze Age Class A cauldrons: Typology, Origins and Chronology.
Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 116, 84-155.
Gibson, A. and Simpson, D. (eds.) 1998. Prehistoric Ritual and Religion. Stroud:
Sutton.
Gibson, B.D. 2007. The Hill-Slope Enclosures of the Burren, Co. Clare. Proceedings of
the Royal Irish Academy 107C. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1-29.
Gillespie, R. 2003. Carrowntreila – Fulacht fiadh. Excavations.ie
Gili, S., Lull, V. Micó, Rihuete, C. and Risch, R. 2006. An island decides: megalithic
burial rites on Menorca. Antiquity 80, 829-42.
Göransson, H. 1984. Pollen Analytical Investigations in the Sligo Area. In G.
Burenhult, The Archaeology of Carrowmore: Environmental Archaeology and
241
Bibliography
the Megalithic Tradition at Carrowmore, Co. Sligo, Ireland, Theses and Papers
in North-European Archaeology 14. Institute of Archaeology, University of
Stockholm, Stockholm.
Göransson, H. 2002. Pollen Analytical Investigations in the Sligo Area. In M. Timoney
(ed), A Celebration of Sligo. Sligo Field Club: Sligo, 85-95.
Green, S.W. and Zvelebil, M. 1993. Interpreting Ireland‟s Prehistoric Landscape: The
Bally Lough Archaeological Project. In P. Bogucki (ed.) Case Studies in
European Prehistory
Groenman-Van Waateringe, W. 1983. The early agricultural utilisation of the Irish
landscape: the last word on the elm decline? In T. Reeves-Smith and F.
Hammond (eds.), Landscape Archaeology in Ireland. Oxford: British
Archaeological Reports, British Series 116, 212-232.
Grogan, E. 2005a. The North Munster Project, Vol.1: The later prehistoric landscape of
south-east Clare. Dublin: Wordwell.
Grogan, E. 2005b. The North Munster Project, Vol.2: The prehistoric landscape of
North Munster. Dublin: Wordwell.
Hamilton, S. and Whitehouse, R. 2006. Phenomenology in Practice: towards a
methodology for a „subjective‟ approach. European Journal of Archaeology
9(1), 31-71.
Harbison, P. 1969a. The Axes of the Early Bronze Age in Ireland. Munich: Beck.
Harbison, P. 1969b. The Daggers and Halberds of the Early Bronze Age in Ireland.
Munich: Beck.
Harbison, P. 1988. Pre-Christian Ireland. London: Thames and Hudson.
Harbison, P. 2002. Our Treasure of Antiquities: Beranger and Bigari’s antiquarian
sketching tour of Connacht in 1779. Dublin: Wordwell.
Harris, O. 2009. Making Places Matter in Early Neolithic Dorset. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 28(2). 111-123.
Hartnett, P.J. 1957. Excavation of a Passage Grave at Fourknocks, Co. Meath.
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 58C. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy,
197-277.
Herity, M. 1970. Carrownaglogh, Prehistoric Enclosure. Excavations.ie
Henshall, A.S. and Ritchie, J.N.G. 2002. The Chambered Cairns of the Central
Highlands. Edinburgh: University Press.
242
Bibliography
Higgins, J. 1991. A new group of fulachta fiadh in Co. Mayo. Cathair na Mart 11(1),
31-35.
Hingley, R. 1996. Ancestors and Identity in the Later Prehistory of Atlantic Scotland:
The Reuse and Reinvention of Neolithic Monuments and Material Culture.
World Archaeology 28(2), 231-243.
Hodder, I. 1990. The Domestication of Europe. Oxford: Blackwell.
Hunt, J. 1967. Prehistoric burials at Cahirguillamore, Co. Limerick. In E. Rynne (ed.)
North Munster Studies: Essays in commemoration of Monsignor Michael
Moloney. Limerick: Thomond Archaeological Society.
Johnston, R. 1999. An empty path? Processions, memories and the Dorset Cursus. In a.
Barclay and J. Harding (eds) Pathways and Ceremonies: the cursus monuments
of Britain and Ireland. Neolithic Studies Group Seminar Papers 4. Oxford:
Oxbow.
Johnson, M. 2007. Ideas of Landscape. Oxford: Blackwell.
Jones, A. 1999. Local Colour: Megalithic Architecture and Colour Symbolism in
Neolithic Arran. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 18(4), 339-350.
Jones, C. 1998. Interpreting the Perceptions of Past People. Archaeological Review from
Cambridge 15(1), 7-22.
Jones, C. 2007. Temples of Stone: Exploring the Megalithic Tombs of Ireland. Cork:
Collins Press.
Keller, C. 1997. The theoretical aspects of landscape study. In T. Collins (ed.) Decoding
the Landscape. Galway: Centre of Landscape Studies.
Kilfeather, A. 1997. A Tomb with a View: landscape and monuments of the Neolithic
and Bronze Age in mid-Leinster. Unpublished PhD thesis University of
Reading.
King, M.P. 2003. Living with the dead: Reconsidering the „Mesolithic‟/„Neolithic‟
transition in Britain and Ireland. In Burenhult, G. (ed.) Stones and Bones:
Formal disposal of the dead in Atlantic Europe during the Mesolithic-Neolithic
interface, 6000-3000BC. BAR S1021.
Kirk, T. 2006. Materiality, Personhood and Monumentality in Early Neolithic Britain.
Cambridge Archaeological Journal 16(3), 333-47.
Lawless, C. 1991. The Derryhick megalith and an ancient settlement at Turlough
Castlebar. Cathair na Mart 11(1), 20-30.
Lawless, C. 1992. Lough More, Bofeenaun, Co. Mayo. Cathair na Mart 12, 12-31.
243
Bibliography
Lawless, C. 1997. Discoveries at Breastagh-Rathfran Co. Mayo, linear ditch; flint and
chert implements and fulachta fiadh. Cathair na Mart 17, 29-47.
Lawless, C. 1999. Bunduvowen and Garrison Island, the northern bastion of the
Turlough Landscape. Cathair na Mart 19, 105-135.
Lawless, C. 2001. The Landscape and Heritage of Turlough, Co. Mayo. Cathair na
Mart 21, 105-136.
Lawless, C. 2002. Bronze Age Bowl Barrows and Associated Natural Burial Mounds in
Co. Mayo. Cathair na Mart 22, 117-147.
Lewis, S.D. 1837a. A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland Vol. 1. London.
Lewis, S.D. 1837b. A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland Vol. 2. London.
Long, C.B. 1975. The Solid Geology of Part of the Western End of the Ox Mountains
Inlier, near Castlebar, Co. Mayo, Ireland. Unpublished M.A. thesis N.U.I.
Galway.
Long, C.B. and Sleeman, A.G. (ed.) 1992. Geology of North Mayo. Geological Survey
of Ireland.
Lynn, C.J. 1983. Some „Early‟ Ring-forts and Crannogs. The Journal of Irish
Archaeology 1, 47-58.
Lynn, C.J. 1986. Navan Fort: A Draft Summary of D.M Waterman‟s Excavations.
Emania 1, 11-19.
Macalister, R.A.S. 1928. The Archaeology of Ireland, 1st Edition. London: Methuen.
Macalister, R.A.S. 1941. The Archaeology of Ireland, 2nd Edition. London: Methuen.
Macalister, R.A.S. 1945. Corpus Inscriptionum Insularum Celticarum, Volume I.
Dublin: Stationary Office.
Macalister, R.A.S, Armstrong, F. and Praeger, B.1911-12. Report on the exploration of
bronze age carns on Carrowkeel Mountain, Co. Sligo. Proceedings of the Royal
Irish Academy. 29C, 311-47. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy.
MacDermot, C.V., Long, C.B. and Harney, S.J. 1996. Geology of Sligo-Leitrim.
Geological Survey of Ireland.
Mallory, J. P. and McNeill, T. E. 1991. The Archaeology of Ulster. Belfast: Institute of
Irish Studies, Queen‟s University Belfast.
Mandal, S. and Cooney, G. 1996. The Irish Stone Axe Project: A Second Petrological
Report. The Journal of Irish Archaeology 7, 41-64.
244
Bibliography
McCullagh, R.P.J. and Tipping, R. 1998. The Lairg Project: The Evolution of an
Archaeological Landscape in Northern Scotland. Historic Scotland Monograph
3. Edinburgh: Scottish Trust for Archaeological Research.
McDonald, K. 2009. The lost tombs of Finner Camp, Co. Donegal. Defence Forces
Printing Press.
McMann, J. 1994. „Forms of power: dimensions of an Irish megalithic landscape‟,
Antiquity 68, 525-44.
Migon P. 2006. Granite landscapes of the World. Oxford University Press, Great
Britain.
Mills, C.M., Armit, I. Edwards, K.J., Grinter, P. and Mulder, Y. Neolithic land-use and
environmental degradation: a study from the Western Isles of Scotland.
Antiquity 78, 886-895.
Monk, M.A. 1985/6. Evidence from macroscopic plant remains for crop husbandry in
prehistoric and early Ireland. The Journal of Irish Archaeology 3, 31-36.
Monk, M.A. 2007. Fulachta Fiadh: a greasy subject. Archaeology Ireland 21(1), 22-24.
Moore, S. 2002. The Carrowkeel Passage Tomb Complex, Co. Sligo: people and a premonumental landscape. Unpublished paper presented to the Association of
Young Irish Archaeologists convention.
Mount, C. 1995. Excavations at Rathdooney Beg, Co. Sligo, 1994. Emania 13.
Mount, C. 1996. The Environmental Siting of Neolithic and Bronze Age Monuments in
the Bricklieve and Moytirra Uplands, Co. Sligo. The Journal of Irish
Archaeology 7, 1-11.
Mount, C. 1998. Ritual, landscape and continuity in prehistoric County Sligo.
Archaeology Ireland 12(3), 18-21.
Muir, R. 2000. The New Reading the Landscape: fieldwork in landscape history.
Exeter: University Press.
Newman, C. 1997. Tara: an archaeological survey. Discovery Programme Monographs
2. Dublin: Wordwell.
Newman, C. 1999. Notes on four cursus-like monuments in County Meath, Ireland. In
A. Barclay and J. Harding (eds) Pathways and Ceremonies: the cursus
monuments of Britain and Ireland. Neolithic Studies Group Seminar Papers 4.
Oxford: Oxbow.
245
Bibliography
Ní Cheallaigh, M. 2007. Mechanisms of monument destruction in nineteenth century
Ireland, Cromwell and gold-dreaming. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy
107C. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 127-145.
Nolan, J. 2003. Tonybaun – Children‟s burial ground and smelting area. Excavations.ie
Nolan, J. 2005. A children‟s burial ground at Tonybaun, Ballina, Co. Mayo. In
O‟Sullivan, J. and Stanley, M. Settlement, Industry and Ritual, Archaeology
and the NRA. NRA Monograph Series No.3. Dublin.
O‟Brien, W. 1993. Aspects of Wedge Tomb Chronology. In E. Shee-Twohig and M.
Roynane (eds.), Past Perceptions: The Prehistoric Archaeology of South-West
Ireland. Cork: University Press.
O‟Brien. 1999. Sacred Ground: Megalithic Tombs in Coastal SW Ireland. Bronze Age
Studies 4. N.U.I. Galway: Dept. of Archaeology.
O‟Connell, M. 1990. Early Land Use in North-East County Mayo – The
Palaeoecological Evidence. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 90C, 259279. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy.
O‟Connor, P. 1998. The French are at Killala. Lough Talt Development Association.
O‟Connor, T. and Evans, J.G. 2005. Environmental Archaeology: Principles and
Methods. 2nd Edition. Stroud: Sutton.
O‟Donovan, J. 1838. Letters relating to the antiquities of the County of Mayo
containing information collected during the progress of the Ordnance Survey in
1938. Royal Irish Academy.
O‟Donovan, J. 1838. Letters relating to the antiquities of the County of Sligo containing
information collected during the progress of the Ordnance Survey in 1938.
Royal Irish Academy.
Ó‟Drisceoil, D. 1988. Burnt mounds: cooking or bathing? Antiquity 62, 671-80.
O‟Hara, B. 1991. The Archaeological Heritage of Killasser, Co Mayo. Galway: Galway
Regional Technical College.
Ó‟hÓgáin, N. 2003. Ardgroom – Mapping an Archaeological Landscape in the Beara
Peninsula, Co. Cork. Unpublished M.A. thesis N.U.I. Galway.
O‟Kelly, M. J. 1982. Newgrange. London: Thames and Hudson.
O‟Neill, T. 2005. Report on the Archaeological Excavation of an Early Medieval
Enclosure and Early Neolithic Enclosure Ditch with Associated Features at
Area 2B, Magheraboy, Sligo. N4 Sligo Inner Relief Road And County
Extension Contract 1- Final Report. National Roads Authority.
246
Bibliography
Ó'Nualláin, S. 1972a. A Neolithic house at Ballyglass, near Ballycastle, Co. Mayo.
Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 102, 49-57.
Ó'Nualláin, S. 1972b. Ballyglass Neolithic settlement, in T.G. Delaney (ed.)
Excavations 1972, 20-22. Belfast.
Ó'Nualláin, S. 1976. The central court tombs of the north-west of Ireland. Journal of the
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 106, 92-117.
Ó'Nualláin, S. 1983. Irish portal tombs: topography, siting and distribution. Journal of
the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 113, 75-105.
Ó'Nualláin, S. 1989. Survey of the Megalithic Tombs of Ireland: Volume V County
Sligo. Dublin: The Stationary Office
Ó‟Ríordáin, B. And Waddell, J. 1993. The Funerary Bowls and Vases of the Irish
Bronze Age. Galway: University Press.
Ó‟Ríordáin, B. 1997. A Bronze Age Cemetery Mound at Grange, Co. Roscommon. The
Journal of Irish Archaeology 8, 43-72.
O'Sullivan, A. 2007. Exploring past people's interactions with wetland environments in
Ireland. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 107C. Dublin: Royal Irish
Academy, 147-203.
O‟Sullivan, M. and Downey, L. 2004. Fulachta Fiadh. Archaeology Ireland 17(4).
Ordnance Survey of Ireland, 1837a. Field Name Books, Co. Mayo. Ordnance Survey of
Ireland, Dublin.
Ordnance Survey of Ireland, 1837b. Ordnance Survey Letters, Co. Mayo. Ordnance
Survey of Ireland, Dublin.
Ordnance Survey of Ireland, 1837c. Field Name Books, Co. Sligo. Ordnance Survey of
Ireland, Dublin.
Ordnance Survey of Ireland, 1837d. Ordnance Survey Letters, Co. Sligo. Ordnance
Survey of Ireland, Dublin.
Parker Pearson, M. 1999. The Archaeology of Death and Burial. Stroud: Sutton.
Powell, A.B. 2005. The Language of Lineage: Reading Irish Court Tomb Design.
European Journal of Archaeology. 8(1), 9-28.
Quinn, B. And Moore, D. 2007. Ale, brewing and fulachta fiadh. Archaeology Ireland
21(3), 8-11.
Raftery, B. 1990. Trackways Through Time: Archaeological Excavations on Irish Bog
Roads 1985-1989. Dublin: Headline.
Raftery, B. 1994. Pagan Celtic Ireland. London: Thames and Hudson.
247
Bibliography
Raftery, B. 1996. Trackway Excavations in the Mount Dillon Bogs Co. Longford 19851991. Dublin: Irish Archaeological Wetland Unit Transactions 3.
Raftery, J. 1937. Excavation at Carrowjames, Co. Mayo. Journal of the Galway
Archaeological and Historical Society 17, 91-2.
Raftery, J. 1939. The Tumulus-Cemetery of Carrowjames I, Co. Mayo. Journal of the
Galway Archaeological and Historical Society 18, 157-167.
Raftery, J. 1940. The Tumulus-Cemetery of Carrowjames, II Co. Mayo. Journal of the
Galway Archaeological and Historical Society 19, 16-68.
Raftery, J. 1960. A Bronze Age Tumulus at Corrower Co. Mayo. Proceedings of the
Royal Irish Academy 61, 79-93. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy.
Ramsden, P.G. 1991. Prehistoric Archaeology in the Burrin River Valley, Carlow,
Ireland. Carloviana 39, 18-21.
Ramsey, C.B., Buck, C.E., Manning, S.W., Reimer, P. and van der Plicht, H. 2006.
Developments in radiocarbon calibration for archaeology. Antiquity 80, 783798.
Reed, R.C. 1985/6. Irish Court tombs: A Minimum Colonisation Model. The Journal of
Irish Archaeology 4, 1-6.
Reilly, S. 2003. Processing the dead in Neolithic Orkney. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 22(2), 133-154.
Renfrew, C. 1990. The Prehistory of Orkney. Edinburgh: University Press.
Richards, C. 1996. Monuments as Landscape: Creating the Centre of the World in Late
Neolithic Orkney. World Archaeology 28(2), 190-208.
Riley, H. and Wilson-North, R. 2001. The Field Archaeology of Exmoor. Swindon:
English Heritage.
Robb, K. 2001. Archaeoastronomy, Landscape and Belief. A Study of Wedge Tomb
Orientation in Ireland. Unpublished M.A. thesis N.U.I. Galway.
Roberts, B and Ottaway, B.S. 2003. The Use and Significance of Socketed Axes During
the Late Bronze Age. European Journal of Archaeology 6(2), 119-140.
Royal Irish Academy.1979. Atlas of Ireland. Royal Irish Academy.
Rynne, E. 1962. Cist-burial at Corrower, Co. Mayo. Journal of the Galway
Archaeological and Historical Society 30, 1.
Rynne, E., Timoney, M.A., Aldridge, R.B., and Gannon, A. 1966-1971. Miscellanea.
Journal of the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society 32, 89-94.
248
Bibliography
Rynne, E. 1969. Three Irish Knife-Daggers. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland 99, 137-143.
Scarre, C. 2002. A Pattern of Islands: The Neolithic Monuments of North-West
Brittany. European Journal of Archaeology 5(1), 24-41.
Scarre, C. 2003. Diverse Inspirations: Landscapes, longhouses and the Neolithic
monument forms of northern France. In Burenhult, G. (ed.) Stones and Bones:
Formal disposal of the dead in Atlantic Europe during the Mesolithic-Neolithic
interface, 6000-3000BC. BAR S1021.
Scarre, C., Arias, P., Burenhult, G., Fano, M., Oosterbeek, L., Schulting, R., Sheridan,
A. and Whittle, A. 2003. Megalithic Chronologies. In Burenhult, G. (ed.)
Stones and Bones: Formal disposal of the dead in Atlantic Europe during the
Mesolithic-Neolithic interface, 6000-3000BC. BAR S1021.
Schot, R. 2008. Uisneach, Co. Westmeath: archaeology, history and legend (Prehistory
– c.AD 1100). Unpublished PhD. thesis N.U.I. Galway.
Schulting, R., Murphy, E. And Jones, C. (Forthcoming). New dates from the north and a
proposed chronology for Irish court tombs. Proceedings of the Royal Irish
Academy.
Schumacher, T.X. 2002. Some Remarks on the Origin and Chronology of Halberds in
Europe. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 21(3), 263-288.
Sharples, N. and Sheridan, A. 1992. Vessels for the Ancestors. Edinburgh: University
Press.
Sheridan, A. 1985/6 Megaliths and Megalithomania: An account, and interpretation, of
the development of passage tombs in Ireland. The Journal of Irish Archaeology
3, 17-30.
Sheridan, A. 2001. Donegore Hill and other Irish Neolithic Enclosures: a view from the
outside. In Darvill, T. and Thomas, J. (eds) Neolithic Enclosures in Atlantic
Northwest Europe. Neolithic Studies Group Seminar group Papers 6. Oxford:
Oxbow.
Sheridan, A. 2003. Ireland‟s earliest passage tombs: a French connection. In Burenhult,
G. (ed.) Stones and Bones: Formal disposal of the dead in Atlantic Europe
during the Mesolithic-Neolithic interface, 6000-3000BC. BAR S1021.
Springs, K.D. 2003. Landscape of Wedge Tombs in NW Ireland. Unpublished M.A.
thesis N.U.I. Galway.
249
Bibliography
Taylor, W.E.G. 1968. “The Dalradian Rocks of Slieve Gamph, Western Ireland”.
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 67. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy.
Thomas, J. 1990. Monuments from the inside: the case of the Irish megalithic tombs.
World Archaeology 22. 168-178.
Thomas, J. 1991. Rethinking the Neolithic. London: Routledge.
Thomas, J. 1999. Understanding the Neolithic. London: Routledge.
Thomas, J. and Brück, J. 2001. Monuments, Power and Personhood in the British
Neolithic. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 7(4), 763-766.
Tilley, C. 1994. A Phenomenology of Landscape. Oxford: Berg.
Tilley, C. 1994. The powers of rocks: topography and monument construction on
Bodmin Moor. World Archaeology 28(2), 161-176.
Tilley, C. 2004a. The Materiality of Stone: Explorations in Landscape Phenomenology
1. Oxford: Berg.
Tilley, C. 2004b. Round Barrows and Dykes as Landscape Metaphors. Cambridge
Archaeological Journal 14(2), 185-203.
Topping, P. (ed.) 1997. Neolithic Landscapes. Oxford: Oxbow Monograph 86.
Varndell, G and Topping, P. 2003. Enclosures in Neolithic Europe: Essays on
Causewayed and Non-Causewayed Sites. Oxford: Oxbow.
Vidal Romani, J.R. and Vaqueiro Rodriguez, M. 2007. Types of granite cavities and
associated speleothems: genesis and evolution. Nature Conservation 63, 41-46.
Waddell, J., 1985. The Bronze Age Burials of Ireland. Galway: University Press.
Waddell, J. 1998. The Prehistoric Archaeology of Ireland. Galway: University Press.
Walsh, G. 1995. Iron Age Settlement in Co. Mayo. Archaeology Ireland 9(2). Dublin:
Wordwell.
Warren, G. 2004. Belderrig, Belderg More. Excavations.ie
Warren, G., Little, A. and Stanley, M. 2009. A late Mesolithic lithic scatter from
Corralanna, Co. Westmeath, and its place in the Mesolithic landscape of the
Irish Midlands. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 109C. Dublin: Royal
Irish Academy, 1-35.
Webley, L. 2007. Using and Abandoning Roundhouses: a reinterpretation of the
evidence from Late Bronze Age – Early Iron Age southern England. Oxford
Journal of Archaeology 26(2), 127-144.
Whitfield, N. 1993. A massive marker for the Banagher Hoard. Archaeology Ireland
7(2), 9-11.
250
Bibliography
Whitfield, N. 2007. Another Mooghaun bracelet rediscovered. Archaeology Ireland
21(1), 26-30.
Whittle, A. 1996. Europe in the Neolithic: the creation of new worlds. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Whittle, A. 1997. Moving on and moving around: Neolithic settlement mobility. In P.
Topping (ed.) Neolithic Landscapes. Oxford: Oxbow Monograph 86, 15-22.
Woodman, P. 1978. The Mesolithic in Ireland. British Archaeological Reports, British
Series 58: Oxford.
Woodman, P. 1985a. Prehistoric Settlement and Environment, in K. Edwards and W.
Warren (eds), The Quaternary History of Ireland. London: Academic Press,
251-278.
Woodman, P. 1985b. Excavations at Mount Sandel 1973-77. Belfast: HMSO.
Woodman, P. 2002. The Search for an Irish Palaeolithic: Rosses Point Revisited. In M.
Timoney A Celebration of Sligo. Sligo Field Club: Sligo.
Wood-Martin, W.G. 1888. The Rude Stone Monuments of Ireland (County Sligo and the
Island of Achill). Dublin.
Woodward, A. 2002. Beads and Beakers: heirlooms and relics in the British Early
Bronze Age. Antiquity 76, 1040-47.
Zajac, S. 1998. Carrowhubbuck South. Excavations.ie
Zajac, S. 2004. Ballina – Fulacht fiadh. Excavations.ie
Zvelebil, M., Macklin, M.G., Passmore, D.G. and Ramsden, P. 1996. Alluvial
Archaeology in the Barrow Valley, Southeast Ireland: The “Riverford Culture”
re-visited. The Journal of Irish Archaeology 7, 13-40.
Internet References
Cherry, S. and Ryan, M. 1989. Cist Grave at Culleens. Excavations.ie.
www.excavations.ie/Pages/Details.php?Year=&County=Sligo&id=3496
Gillespie, R. 2003. Fulacht Fiadh at Carrowntreila. Excavations.ie.
www.excavations.ie/Pages/Details.php?Year=&County=Mayo&id=10138
Nolan, J. 2003. Tonybaun: Children‟s burial ground and smelting area. Excavations.ie
www.excavations.ie/Pages/Details.php?Year=&County=Mayo&id=10172
Herity, M. 1970-79. Carrownaglogh: Prehistoric Enclosure. Excavations.ie
www.excavations.ie/Pages/Details.php?Year=&County=Mayo&id=5431
251
Bibliography
Warren, G. 2004. Belderrig, Belderg More – Mesolithic/Neolithic. Excavations.ie
www.excavations.ie/Pages/Details.php?Year=&County=Mayo&id=12061
Zajac, S. 1998. Carrowhubbuck South – Adjacent to possible passage tombs.
Excavations.ie.
www.excavations.ie/Pages/Details.php?Year=&County=Sligo&id=1494
Zajac, S. 2004. Ballina – Fulacht fiadh. Excavations.ie.
www.excavations.ie/Pages/Details.php?Year=&County=Mayo&id=12056
252
Noel McCarthy