Acta Ant. Hung. 41, 2001, 267-362 TIBOR GRÜLL PILATE'S TIBERIÉUM; A NEW APPROACH Summary: The exact meaning of Tiberiéum in the first line of Pontius Pilate's inscription has been studied since 1961. Epigraphists have generally explained it as "a building dedicated to Tiberius", although in view of the -iéum ending it could also be interpreted as "a festival dedicated to Tiberius". Imperial games called Tiberion and Tibereon are also known from other sources. If Tiberiérum is identified with games or festivals held in honour of Tiberius, the first word of the inscription can perhaps be the one - munus - proposed by Labbé. The occasion for holding these imperial games was most likely the fall of Seianus (October 18,31) that became an official holiday throughout the Imperium. Key words: Tiberiéum, Pontius Pilate, inscription, imperial games, munus, Seianus. I. PRESENT STATE OF RESEARCH The explanation of Pilate's world famous inscription is one of the most controversial issues in the history of Roman epigraphy. Since 1961, when fortunate Italian archaeologists found this limestone block containing name and rank of Pontius Pilatus - the most famous governor of Judea and the history of Roman Empire as a whole —, more than twenty scholars, mostly distinguished experts of Roman epigraphy, tried to fill the lacunas of the text and set it into its historical context. 1. (4-5) - - -]S TIBERIÉVM 2. (2-3) - Po]NTWS PILATVS 3. praeßECTYS IVDA[ea]E 4. ]É [ 二-ᅮ 1. Q(uod) f(austum) b(onum) /'(elixque) or felix f(ortunatumque)]s(it) Betz, [Tib(erio) Aug(usto) co(n)]s(ule) or [Ti(berio) Aug(usto) V co(n)]s(ule) Lifshitz, [Nemujs Burr, Ори]s Bartina, [Caesarien]s(ibus) Frova, Calderini, Brusa Gerra, [Dis Augusti]s Degrassi, Frova, Levine, Ringel, [Kal(endis) Iulii]s Weber, [clupei]s Prandi, munujs Labbé, [Iudaei]s Gatti, [a fundamenti]s or [porticu]s Di Stefano, [nauti]s Alföldy - 2. [-—— Pojntius Degrassi, [Sex(tus)? Pojntius Degrassi, [M(arcus)? Pojntius Weber — Ъ. proc(urator) Aug(usti) praefjectus Lifshitz, Iuda[ea]e Lifshitz, Lémonon, Labbé, Iudae[ae Alföldy - 4. [d]é[dit] Frova, Calderini, [fecit, 0044-5975/2001 /$ 5.00 © 2001 Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest 268 T. GRÜLL d]é[dicavit] Degrassi, Brusa Gerra, Levine, Gatti, [dedicávit] Weber, [ornávit] Prandi, [- - -? dedicávit] Betz, [ded(it)，ded(icavit)] Lifshitz, [de suo f]é[cit] Di Stefano, [f]é[cit] or [fecit dedic]áfvitque] Labbé, [fécit] Lémonon, [ref]é[cit] Gatti, Alfóldy As it can be seen, only two words of the four lines are clearly legible: Tiberiéum and Pilatus. Three words can be completed without difficulty: [Ponjtius, [praefjectus and Iuda[ea]e. From the other words only two letters remained (a final -s and an -é-). Ever since A. Frova published the text,1 many suggestions were made to fill the lacunas of the 1st and 4th line, though none of them proved to be the final and indisputable solution.2 This can be clearly seen from the great number of varied, sometimes contradictory suggestions, the unsatisfactory explanations of the meaning of Tiberiéum; as well as the unresolved questions of the original place, date and genre of the inscription. Unfortunately, L. Vidman's rather sceptic statement is still valid: "Versum primum huius tituli, ubi Tiberieum memoratur, alius alio modo supplere conatus est, sed omnia supplementaprorsus incerta sunt"? This study does not claim to have found the philosopher's stone, but a new approach might be fruitful for fiiture research. The key to the explanation of the Pilate inscription is the way we interpret Tiberiéum and complete the word that stands before. Tentamens published in the last forty years explain the Tiberiéum unanimously as a building and they deduce its 1 FROVA, Α.: L'iscrizione di Ponzio Pilato a Caesarea. RIL 95, 1961, 419-434, Figs 1 - 3 二 AE 1971, 477; FROVA, Α.: Ponzio Pilato e il Tiberiéum di Caesarea. In: La Veneranda Anticaglia. In Memoria di Aristide Calderini. Pavia 16-17, 1969-70, 216-227. 2 The following studies are quoted in the notes (in alphabetical order): ALFÖLDY, G.: Pontius Pilatus und das Tiberieum von Caesarea Maritima. SCI 18, 1999, 85-108, Taf. 1 and Abb. 1-4; BARTINA, S.: Pilato en una inscription monumentaria palestinense. Cultura Biblica 19, 1962, 170-175; В ETZ, Α.: Zur Pontius Pilatus-Inschrift von Caesarea Maritima. Pro arte antiqua. Festschrift für Hedwig Kenner Bd. I.. Edited by W. Alzinger, Ch. Schwanzar, Ch. Neeb Gudrun. Österr. Archäol. Inst. Sonderschr., Series 1, Vol. XVIII. Wien 1982, 1.33-36; BRUSA GERRA, C. in Scavi di Caesarea Maritima. Edited by G. Dell'Amore. Milano 1965, 217 ff; BURR, V.: Rom und Judäa im 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. ANRWl. 1, 1972, 886. n. 24; BURR, V. (Hrsg.)： Vergangenheit, Gegenwart, Zukunft. Würzburg 1972, 37 ff; CALDERINI, Α.: Die Inschrift Pontius Pilatus in Cäsarea. Das heilige Land 92-96, 1960-64, 56— 58; DEGRAS SI, Α.: Sull'Iscrizione di Ponzio Pilato. RAL ser. VIII. 19, 1964, 59-65 二 DEGRASSI, Α.: Scritti Vari di Antichità III. Venezia-Trieste 1967, 269-275 二 ΑΈ 1964, 39; Dl STEFANO, I.: Le iscrizioni dei cristiani in Vaticano. Materiali e contributi scientiflci per una mostra epigrafica. Città del Vaticano 1997, 209-215, Nr. 3.1.2; fig. 3.1.2; A. FROVA, op. cit. (note 1); GATTI, G.: A proposito di una 850; LABBÉ, G.: Ponce Pilate rilettura dell'epigrafe di Ponzio Pilato. Aevum 55, 1981, 13-21 二 찌981, et la munificence de Tibère. ΚΕΑ 93, 1991, 277-297 二 AE 1991, 1578; LÉMONON, J.—P.: Pilate et le Gouvernement de la Judée, Textes et monuments. Paris 1981, 23-32; LÉMONON, J.ᅵP.: Ponce Pilate: documents profanes, Noveau Testament et traditions ecclésiales. ANRW\i. 26. 1, 741-778; LEVINE, L. I.: Roman Caesarea. An Archaeological-Topographical Study. Qedem 2. Jerusalem 1975; LLFSHITZ, В.: Inscriptions latines de Césarée (Caesarea Palestinae), 1. Le Tiberieum. Latomus 22, 1963, 783. Nr. 1, Pl. 63. 1; LlFSHITZ, В.: Césarée de Palestine, son histoire et ses institutions. ANRWII. 8, 1977, 490-518; PRANDI, L.: Una nouva ipotesi sull'iscrizione di Ponzio Pilato. CCC 2, 1981, 25-35 二 AE 1981, 850; RINGEL, J.: Césarée de Palestine. Paris 1975, 97 ff; VOLKMANN, H.: Die Pilatus ins chrift von Caesarea Maritima. Gymnasium 75, 1968, 124-135 二 AE 1971, 477; WEBER, Ε.: Zur Inschrift des Pontius Pilatus. BJb 171, 1971, 194-200, Fig. 1 and Fig. 2 1 9 7 1 , 477. 3 Р Ж Ρ 815. Acta Ant. Hung. 41’ 2001 PILATE'S TIBERIÉUM: A NEW APPROACH 269 origin, function, date, place, etc. from the preceding expression. Some scholars claim that it was a sacral building dedicated to the emperor or the emperor's family; others insist that it was a profane structure dedicated to or built by Tiberius, such as a porticus, a library or a lighthouse. The only epigraphist who 一 to my knowledge 一 contradicted this opinio communis is V. Burr, who suggested that this puzzling word was a sacred grove (nemus) dedicated to Tiberius.4 In spite of this relative consesus, the identification of the Tiberiéum as a building is controversial because neither the relatively rich archaeological evidence, nor the literary documents have revealed any information about this proposed edifice so far. Neither Josephus Flavius, who gave a detailed description of Caesarea in about 90 CE, nor Origen, who founded a school in the town after 230 CE, nor Eusebius, who was bishop of Caesarea from 345 CE, mention a Tiberiéum. This lack of both literary and archaeological evidence has been variously explained by scholars. Some suggested that Pilate began the construction of a Tiberiéum in 31 CE, but was not able to finish it because of his fall in 36/37. Others believe that the edifice was demolished during the First Jewish War, or later by an earthquake or some other catastrophe. The most remarkable suggestion by the proponents of the building theory is the one recently published by G. Alföldy.5 His starting point is also the common preconception: "ein Tiberieum nichts anderes als ein Bauwerk, das seinen Namen nach dem des Tiberius erhielt.” Alföldy notes that Roman building names such as Caesareum and Augusteum did not necessarily and exclusively denote sacral edifices, but could designate profane buildings as well. A famous example of the latter is the Caesarean lighthouse Druseion, mentioned by Josephus (Bell, 1.21.6 [412]). The Druseion was named after Tiberius' brother Drusus. On the basis of archaeological excavations in the port of Caesarea we may assume that opposite Drusus' lighthouse there was another lighthouse that - according to Alföldy - could have been Pilate's Tiberiéum. The structure of the inscription makes it plausible that the first word stood in the dative, and may have been nantis, i.e. 'to the sailors'. However, strong objections may be raised against this theory. Firstly, let us quote the testimony of Josephus who described the mole of Caesarea as follows: "When the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Druseion, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar” (Bell. 1.21.6 [412], transi, by W. Whiston). But if Pilate had built or even restored a lighthouse between 31 and 36 CE, how would he have dared to name that building after the Emperor, seeing that it was less significant than the one which bore the name of the Emperor's brother? Secondly, if there was another lighthouse named after Tiberius opposite the Druseion, why is Josephus silent about it? If it was a double 4 BURR, op. cit. (note 2). 5 ALFÖLDY, op. cit. (note 2). Acta Ant. Hung. 41’ 2001 270 T. GRÜLL construction dedicated to the concordia sidera (Tiberius and Drusus), such a scrupulous historian would have mentioned it. Thirdly, how and why was this limestone block transported to the theatre, lying roughly one kilometre away from the port?6 II. THE THEATRE OF CAESAREA The theatre of Herod at Caesarea was excavated in five seasons between 19591963 by the Missione Archeologica Italiana, headed by A. Fro va. 7 The theatre was built of local aeolanite, a rock that is not noted for durability and quality. One part of its cavea was set on the natural slope of a small hill, the other part on an artificial incline. Its dimensions put it in the category of the large theatres, though Scythopolis and Philadelphia surpass it with their 5000 and 6000 seats.8 Its diameter is ca. 62 m (if one also includes the plaza behind the stage building this would be about 88 m9). The length of the stage building is ca. 67 m and its width ca. 9 m. The pulpitum itself is ca. 33 m long and ca. 4.5 m wide. The theatre's cavea, semicircular in shape, consists of two horizontal sections: the ima cavea has survived completely intact, with thirteen row of seats divided by five scalaria into six cunei. A rectangular area, 2 m χ 3.4 m paved with stone slabs and facing the centre of the stage, may have been used for distinguished guests. The praecinctio, which separates the ima cavea from the summa cavea, is 2 m wide and paved with stone slabs. The summa cavea is much less well preserved than the ima cavea, which makes it impossible to know exactly how many rows of seats there were, though it may be assumed that there were at least more than twenty. Thus, the c a v e a t more than thirty rows of seats could hold 3,5004,000 spectators. The summa cavea was apparently divided by six scalaria into seven cunei. Six pairs of vomitoria with barrel-vaulted roofs ran under the summa cavea and gave spectators access from outside the theatre to the praecinctio. The summa cavea was supported by two semicircular walls enclosing a barrel-vaulted ambulacrum. In the outer, i.e. the exterior wall of the theatre, arches formed the entrances to the vomitoria. Thus, looking towards the theatre's cavea from the outside one was offered the characteristic sight of many Roman theatres and amphitheatres, namely a series of solid supporting pillars set in a semicircle and connected by vaults, their faces decorated with pilasters. The semicircular orchestra (ca. 17 m. in diameter) underwent numerous changes during the four centuries it was in use. As the excavators have noted, the 6 The measurements of the limestone block are 82 χ 68 χ 21 cm, i.e. 0.117096 m3. The average density of limestone is 2400 kg/m3, hence the total weight of the block is ca. 280 kgs. It must have been a heavy load even for three ordinary workers. 7 FROVA, A. et al.: Scavi di Cesarea Maritima. Cassa di Risparmio delle Provine ie Lombarde. Instituto Lombardo, Accademia di Scienze e Lettere. Milano 1965, 57-234. 8 SEGAL, Α.: Theatres in Roman Palestine and Provincia Arabia. Leiden 1995, 65 (Mnemosyne Suppl.) 9 This "piazza" was called the porticus post scaenam by Vitruvius and was used as a refuge for the spectators in case of rainfall (De arch. V.9). This impressive semicircular square with the colonnade was built as late as the 3rd century and paralleled the theatre of Dhugga. Acta Ant. Hung. 41, 2001 PILATE'S TIBERIÉUM: A NEW APPROACH 271 area of the orchestra was made out of plaster with painted geometric forms (opus pavonaceum). Over the years, this plaster was refiirbished, repaired, and repainted many times. Only at a later stage, apparently in the later 2nd or the early 3rd century CE, was the orchestra paved with marble slabs of different colours. In the end, apparently during the 4th century, it was encircled with a 1.2 m high wall and adapted to serve as a pool (kolymbethron) .l0 The new walls were decorated with reliefs showing sacrificial scenes from which only slight fragments have been preserved. It is important to note that Pilate's inscription was found on the platform of this wall erected between the northern rim of the cave a and the kolymbethron}1 Arrangements were made to make the orchestra waterproof and water was brought in by pipes from a pool built north of the stage building near the northern aditus maximus. In my opinion it is highly debatable that for this internal reconstruction the builders would have transported the building material from the distant port. To the contrary, it seems quite obvious that the workers 'mined' the stones from the theatre itself. III. LOCATION AND GENRE OF THE INSCRIPTION: A NEW APPROACH AND ITS IMPLICATIONS Epigraphists studying the Pilate inscription interpreted the Tiberiéum on the basis of Greek -ειον, Latin -e(i)um suffix which in most cases refers to a building named after a god, a king, a hero or an emperor (e.g. Serapeion, Caesareion, Augusteion, Herodion, Druseion, etc.). It is quite obvious that the stone block bearing Pilate's inscription may have been part of a monumental structure, placed approximately 2.5-3 meters high,12 but we must also take into consideration that this block is a rather roughly inscribed limestone which could hardly have served as a dedicatory inscription of a representative monumental building. Since Tiberiéum has not been found in the epigraphic material up today, scholars considered it a hapax legomenon.13 Nevertheless, Tiberiéum can be interpreted not only as 'a building dedicated to Tiberius', but also as 'a festival dedicated to Tiberius'. Such meaning of this term is known from two other inscriptions, both of which were found in Greece; one is written in Greek and the other in Latin. Amidst the local competitions held at Ialysos (Halieia, Rhomaia, Kaisareia) we find the expression Tiberifa or Tiberifon (conjecture by L. Robert) which was certainly an agon held in the Roman age.14 On a Corinthian inscription also find a Tibereon beside the 10 This kind of alteration could be quite common in the 3rd-4th century. In the theatre of Sabratha and Leptis (Africa) the frieze inscription on the scenae frons contains the verb lacuna which refers to kolymbethra. Cp. TRAVERS ARI, G.: Gli Spettacoli in acqua nel teatro tardo-antico. Rome 1960, with further examples (p. 140 ff). 11 FROVA, op. cit. (note 7), 92, Fig. 77, 78. 12 ALFÖLDY, op. cit. ( n o t e 2 ) , 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 . 13 VOLKMANN, op. cit. (note 2), 125, 133; LABBÉ, op. cit. (note 2), 282. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI, G.: Supplemente epigrafico Rodio. ASAA 30-32 (N.S. 14-16), 195254, 291, Nr. 66/b. 14 Acta Ant. Hung. 41’ 2001 272 T. GRÜLL following game names: Claudieon, Caesareon, Sebasteon.15 Consequently, if we identify Tiberiéum with a game or festival celebrated in honour of Tiberius, we can also suggest that the first word of the inscription may be munus, a possibility already suggested by G. Labbé.16 G. Alföldy's objection against this interpretation of munus may be accepted on the basis of the statement that it is "mit dem Vokabular der Bauinschriften unvereinbar",17 but we suppose that munus means 'festival' or 'game'. Two questions, however, still remain to be answered: the original location of the inscription and whether such genre of inscriptions existed at all. IV.l. ROMAN THEATRE INSCRIPTIONS If the stone, as I stated above, comes directly from the theatre, its genre can be determined as a 'theatrical inscription' in a broad sense. M. Fuchs, who compiled a typology of theatre inscriptions from the western part of the Roman Empire,19 distinguished four main types: (1) building inscriptions; (2) honorary inscriptions; (3) inscriptions on the statues of gods; (4) inscriptions on seats. As regards the location of the Bauinschriften, two types are common: the text is either written on the frieze of the architrave or on a tabula that is edged on all four sides with a rim. It is also important to note that Pilate's inscription does not have such rims that clearly shows that its block was a part of a wall. But where? M. Fuchs gives the following possible locations of theatre inscriptions: scaenae frons; summa cavea; porticus post scaenam; ima cavea; orchestra·, pulpitum. Inscribed tabulae with rims (Herculaneum, Ostia, Pompeii: great and small theatre, Iguvium, Tergeste, Leptis Magna) are common at the mouth of the versurae in the orchestra (a tabula ansata in Leptis); over the gate leading to the orchestra;20 and on both sides of the aditus (Pompeii). These building inscriptions generally emphasize the merits of the builder or restorer,21 so 15 C.(aio) Rutilio L(uci) f(ilio) / Aem(ilia tribu) Fusco isagogi / Tibereon Claudieon / Caesa[reon Seba]steon /[agonothetae L(uci)] Rutili /L(uci) f(ilii) [ p]atris /[-?. BROWN WEST, Α.: Corinth. VIII,2. Latin Inscriptions 1896-1926. Cambridge, Mass. 1931, 66-69, no. 82 二 AE 1932, 88. 16 “II est légitime de penser aussi au sens de spectacle offert au public: la proximité du théâtre y invite" and "dans le contexte matériel de la découverte, munus a encore une autre acception qu'il est impossible de négliger: celle de spectacle ou de jeux publics, et, le cas échéant, de combats de gladiateurs". LABBÉ, op. cit. (note 2), 285, 287; the author finally rejected this solution because of the assumed secondary use of the stone. 17 ALFÖLDY, op. cit. (note 2), 92. 18 See section IV.2, below. FUCHS, M.: Untersuchungen zur Ausstattung römischer Theater. Mainz am Rhein 1987, 150ᅵ 166 (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut); LE GLAY, M.: Épigraphie et théâtres. Spectacula II. Le théâtre antique et ses spectacles: actes du colloque tenu au Musée archéologique Henri Prades de Lattes les 27, 28’ 29 et 30 avril 1989. Edited by Ch. Landes. Lattes Musée archéologique Henri Prades, 1992, 209221. (This paper was not available to me.) 20 M(arcus) Agrippa L(uci) f(ilius) cos. Ill J trib(unicia) pot (estate) III, CIL II 474 (Emerita, 16 CE, found at the theatre). 21 E.g. Cn. Satrius Rufus, CIL XI 5829 Iguvium, 27 ВСЕ.—17 CE; M. Agrippa in Emerita, see above; App. Claudius Pulcher, CIL Χ 1423 Herculaneum, 32 ВСЕ, inscription on the architrav over the scenae; L. Annius Mammianus Rufus, CIL X 1443, 1444, 1445. Herculaneum, 1st century CE, both sides of the aditus; C. Fufius Geminus, AE 1958, 44. Urbs Salvia, first half of the 1st century CE, two 19 Acta Ant. Hung. 41, 2001 PILATE'S TIBERIÉUM: A NEW APPROACH 273 the general word order in these texts is the following: Nom. (the builder's name), Acc. (name of the building), Dat. (for whom the theatre is built), Abl. (financial source) and finally the predicate. It was quite common that wealthy people restored only a part of a theatre. In this case their inscriptions mention the restorer's name and the restored parts of the building, where the inscription itself was located. An inscription of the Pompeian duumvir M. Oculatius Verus found at the orchestra of the Odeion boasts of the restoration of the pavement for the games.22 In Italic a, where in the 2nd century CE a certain L. Blattius Traianus financed the proscaenium, itinera and arae, an inscription placed on the wall of the pulpitum mentions his benefaction.23 In Leptis Magna L. Caninius Gallus proconsul Africae and patrónus of the town financed the tribunalia of the theatre.24 The cult of the Emperors was displayed in the theatres by the cult statues erected at the scaenae frons, small shrines (sacella, aedicula or exedrae) usually placed on the summa cavea, as well as temples in the porticus post scaenam (Minturnae, Leptis, Emerita). At the theatre of Leptis Magna, the founder's daughter erected a sacellum at the summa cavea in honour of Ceres Augusta, who was identified with Livia and worshipped as Ceres—Fortuna in this small shrine.25 According to J. A. Hanson some twenty examples, certain or probable, of the cavea shrine are known from the Roman world subsequent to the construction of the theatre of Pompey in Rome. These small, shallow temples stand at the top of the theatre cavea on the central axis and they can in almost every case be connected with the cult of the Caesars.26 Consequently, the munus mentioned in Pilate's inscription might refer to a structure inside the theatre as well, although this seems very unlikely because of the rather poor quality of the inscription and the stone. In all probability a dedicatory inscription of a building named after the Caesar would have been more representative. tablets one of which is inscribed with monumental letters; C. Salvius Liberális Nonius Bassus, ed. in 1886, Herculaneum, end of the 1st century CE, marble tablet; Ummidia Quadratilla, CIL X 5183 Casinum etc. 22 M Ö[culat]ius M(arci) f(llius) Verus II [vi]r p[r]o ludis, CIL X 845 Pompeii, on the pavement of the minor theatre, coloured marble plate with inscrusted bronze letters, probably Augustean. 23 J. M . LUZON, MM 19, 1 9 7 8 , 2 7 2 f. t a b . 5 8 a . 24 ШТ 52Λ ; also Inscrit III 1. 26. Volcei, limestone inscription found in 1970. 25 Cereri Augustae sacrum / C. Rubellius Blandus co(n)s(ul) proco(n)s(ul) dedic(avit) / Suphunibal ornatrix pa[triae] Annobalis Rusonis [f(ecit) d(edicavitque)] / s(uis) p(ecuniis) /(aciendum) c(uraverunt), IRT 269, dedicatory inscription from the architrave of the theatre shrine, 35/36 CE (the theatre was built in 1/2 CE); for the cult statue of the shrine, cp. TRAVERSARI, G.: Le sculture del teatro di Leptis Magna. Roma 1976, 76 ff, no. 58, tav. 54. f; HANSON, J. Α.: Roman Theatre-Temples. Princeton, N.J. 1959, 59. 26 E. FlUMI, Volaterra 1977, 20. Abb. 3. Heads of Augustus, Tiberius and Livia could have been placed at the exedra-shrine on the summa cavea\ in Herculaneum there was a shrine dedicated to Tiberius and Livia: WALDSTEIN, CH.-SHOOBRIDGE, L.: Herculaneum. Napoli 1908, 69 ff. (three aedicula with bronze statues). Acta Ant. Hung. 41’ 2001 274 T. GRÜLL IVᅳ2ᅳ INSCRIPTIONS RECORDING MUNERA Other types of inscriptions found in ancient Roman theatres and amphitheatres record the memory of munera gladiatoria and ludi scaenici?1 The ordinary ludi have been recorded in the theatres of Emerita, Dhugga, Rusicade and Amaedara. 28 There were extraordinary ludi which also have been recorded on inscriptions: e.g. in Pisa 44 ВСЕ (after Caesar's murder), at Amiternum on a tabulae patronatus, and in Iguvium, where two marble and one limestone plates commemorated the games "in honour of the Caesar's (i.e. Augustus') victories”.29 The memory of the ludi has also been recorded on bases of statues situated in public places at Ostia, Privernum, Corfinium, Hispellum, Veii and Iulia Concordia. It is evident that there were many occasions to hold a munus gladiatorium in the Roman theatres and amphitheatres. Another inscription from Beneventum 一 in spite of its fragmentary state - obviously refers to the recording method of the public games. The text of the inscription has been preserved in a 15th century manuscript: - - -] / idem basilicam in qua tabul(ae) muneris ab eo editi posit(ae) / sunt, consummavit，ludos palmares ob dedicati/onem earum nomine Euploae suae exhibuit...31 This inscription raises two questions at least: what was the basilica and what were the tabulae muneris? There is literary and archaeological evidence for theatre-basilicas. Pliny the younger wrote to Traian about the troubles during the construction of the Nicaean theatre to which a basilica and a colonnade in the summa cavea also belonged: Huic theatro ex privatorum pollicitationibus multa debentur, ut basilicae circa, ut porticus supra caveam (Epist. X.39.3). In the western part of the Roman Empire there are two theatres where basilicae can be identified. In Iguvium H. Brunn tentatively identified two chambers on both sides of the scenae as basilicae. This identification was indisputably proved by inscriptions located in the same place in the theatre of Dhugga. The above quoted inscription from Beneventum refers to this theatre building in which the magistri and munerarii recorded memories of their munera. It would be also important to know whether such tabulae muneris have ever been discovered. Unfortunately, the provenance of the extant theatre inscriptions is so uncertain that we cannot claim with absolute certainty that one or another inscription comes from the basilica of a theatre. It is also conceivable that many of these tabulae were graffiti or dipinti that disappeared without any trace. To my knowledge, no theatrical inscription beginning with the word munus has been discovered to date. While examining the extant munus inscriptions it becomes obvious that most of them are epitaphs. The general structure of their text is the 27 FUCHS, op. cit. (note 19), 161. 28 CIL II 478; ILTun 1434; ILAlg 2,37; ILTun 1404/5, 1434. Inscrit VI. 1. 7; ฀ Ε 1937, 119; CÄ XI 5820. CIL XIV 4642, 353, 375; AE 1974, 228; ÄE 1961, 109; CIL XI, 5383, 5265; CIL XI 3811; CIL 29 30 X 8664. 31 CIL IX 1666 二 ILS 5068; BUONCORE, M.: Epigrafia anfiteatrale dell' occidente romano III. Roma 1992, nr. 50, 78 ff. 32 FUCHS, op. cit. (note 19), 155; ILTun 1404/5, 1434, 1435. Acta Ant. Hung. 41, 2001 PILATE'S TIBERIÉUM: A NEW APPROACH 275 following: (1) name and title of the munerarius; (2) the object of the munus (e.g. ludus circensis，munus gladiatorium, ludi scaenici, spectacula etc.); (3) the occasion of the munus, or the name of an individual or a group of people, in honour of whom the munus was delivered; (4) other circumstances (most often the price of the munera); (5) and finally the predicate (most often munus ... edidit or dedit), There are also a few examples that differ significantly from the word order mentioned above, where the munus stands on the edge of the text, e.g. Munus Nolae de / quadriduo / M(arci) Comini /Heredi(s).33 IVᅳ3 ᅳ INSCRIPTIONS IN THE THEATRE OF CAESAREA 34 Let us now take a closer look at the inscriptions found in the theatre of Caesarea. According to C. Lehmann's research six inscriptions certainly come from the theatre; specific find spots are known only for Pilate's inscription and another one found in the orchestra. Both of these were published in the excavation report by C, Brusa Gerra.35 Gerra also describes another four that were found in the theatre. She gives no provenance for the rest of her nineteen inscriptions; they could come from the theatre or from the other Italian excavation areas to the north and northeast of the city centre. Aside from the inscriptions excavated by Italian archaeologists, Lehmann mentions two other inscriptions that were found near the theatre; one was published by Lifshitz in 1959;36 the other published by himself in 198437 - this is a column that the director of the Caesarea Museum found in the Italian's dump just south of the theatre and presumably came to the surface during the Italian excavation in the theatre. We know two athletes by name who won a prize in the games of Caesarea: one of them is Aelius Aurelius Menander, who was honoured on a monument in Aphrodisias;38 the other is a certain Aurelius Septimius Eirenaios.39 Apart from them, the inscription of Q. Caecilius, a κωμωδός [πρω]τολόγος was also found here.40 If we accept that Pilate's inscription records an imperial game called Tibérieum and it comes from the theatre itself, we can assume that its stone was originally a part of the colonnade in the summa cavea, or it was placed in the wall of the possible basilica beside the scenae, or the wall of the aditus leading to the orchestra. In all 33 J—E 1985, 280 (a graffito from Pompeii, Necropoli Porta Nocera, tomb nr. 13); GIORDANO, C.: La gens Cominia in No la e il suo contributo alia colonizzazione dell'Africa romana. Torre del Greco 1979, 31; M. DELLA CORTE: NSA 1958, 152, Nr. 382 (fig.). One other example: Muner(e) С Pomp(ei) Mart(ialis) / esse(darius) lib(eratus) / Faustus (coronarum) XXXVII. / natione Arabus / Euche contubern(alis) de suo, CIL XII 3323 - ILS< 5096 (Nemausus/Nîmes). I am greatly indebted to Prof. CLAYTON LEHMANN (University of South Dakota) for sharing this information with me. 35 Scavi di Caesarea Maritima, 217-28. 36 Latomus 2\, 1962, 149-50. 37 LEHMANN, С. M.: Epigraphic a Caesariensia. CPh 79, 1984, 45-52 (inscriptions of 3rd century officials excavated SE of the theatre in 1968-70). 38 LEBAS, PH.-WADDINGTON, W. H.: Inscriptions grecques et latines recueilles en Asie Mineure. Voyage archéologique en Grèce et Asie Mineure, III. 5. Paris 1870 (repr. Hildesheim 1972, 1620b). 39 LlFSHITZ, op. cit. (1977, note 2), 510. 40 LlFSHITZ, RBi 74, 1967, 57, note 3; corrected by J. et L. ROBERT, REG 80, 1967, 645. Acta Ant. Hung. 41’ 2001 276 T. GRÜLL probable cases the regular hole on the right side of the inscription can be easily explained as a trace of the beam supporting velum (in the upper cave a) or another architectural detail of the building. V. IMPERIAL GAMES IN CAESAREA The main purpose of the provincial games was to celebrate the cult of the emperor.41 The theatre, amphitheatre and hippodrome of Caesarea were built by Herod also in order that games and festivals in honour of Augustus may be held there.42 The Caesareans were passionate spectators and players, a custom that was severely criticised by the Talmud and other rabbinic writings. Rabbi Yossi ben Chanina, who was also an inhabitant of the town, prophesized that "Once a day sa!es of Juda will teach the Torah in the theatres and circuses of Caesarea” (bMeg. 6a). The next step is to determine the date and occasion of the "games held in honour of Tiberius”. Most historians would agree that the emperor's official attitude was to forbid the worship of himself during his lifetime (cf. Cass. Dio 58.8.4). Suetonius notes that he behaved almost like a private citizen, for on the occasion of his birthday he allowed only one additional double-horse coach on the ludi plebei,44 His busts, statues and portraits were not situated among the simulacra of gods, but among the other ornamenta of the temples.45 In his letter to the Gytheians he gave permission to honour him with pictures, statues, theatrical plays and processions.46 The decennial of his accession to the throne (August of 24 CE) was celebrated with festivals.47 Tiberius' relative temperance concerning the cult of his person changed radically after the fall of Sei anus (October 18, 31): Cassius Dio (58.12.5-6) mentions that "on the forum a statue was erected in honour of Libertás, the senators and the priests celebrated a feast which has never occurred yet [sc. under Tiberius], and the day of his [sc. Seianus'] death was celebrated annually by chariot races and beast huntings.” Inscriptions also reveal that the day of Seianus' fall was celebrated throughout the Empire. The fasti of Brundisium speaks about "public high à^ys"(laetitiae pub41 CLAVEL-LÉVÊQUE, M.: L'espace des jeux dans le monde romain: hégémonie, symbolique et pratique sociale. 1986, 2405-2563. 42 Jos. Bell. 1.21.7 [415]; VI.9.2 [418]; Ant. XV.9.6 [341]; LlFSHITZ, op. cit. (1977, note 2), 490518; LÄMMER, M.: Die Kaiserspiele von Caesarea im Dienste der Politik des Königs Heródes. Kölner Beitrage zur Sportwissenschaft 3. Jahrbuch der Deutschen Sportschule Köln 1974 [1975], 95-164. (This book was not available to me.) 43 Tosephta Oholoth, XVIII. 16. Ed. by Zuckermandel, p. 617, 1.16-19; Midrash Echa Rabba (Petichta) XVII. Ed. by S. Buber, 1899, 14; Jer. Taanit 1.4. 147; Bab. Megilla 6a. Cp. LIEBERMANN, S.: Greek in Jewish Palestine. New York 1942, 31-33. 44 Natalem ... vix unius bigae adiectione honorari passus est, Suet. Tib. 26.1, cf. Cass. Dio 58.8.4. 45 Suet. Tib. 26.1; Cass. Dio 57.9.1; Tac. Ann. 4.37.5. 46 SEG XI, 922, between 14 and 19 CE. Cf. FLSHWICK, D.: The Development of Provincial Ruler Worship in the Western Roman Empire. ANRWll.\62, 1978, 1201-1253 (esp. 1210-1215.) 7 Decennalia, Cass. Dio 57.24.1. Acta Ant. Hung. 41’ 2001 PILATE'S TIBERIÉUM: A NEW APPROACH 277 Исае) in connection with this event, provided that Degrassi's conjecture is correct.48 A sevir Angus talis of the Umbrian Terni erected an inscription celebrating the "fall of the most dangerous enemy of the Roman people”;49 P. Viriasius Naso, governor of Crete erected an altar on the same occasion "to the Numen and Providence of Tiberius Caesar Augustus and the senate”.50 Later, this day became more important because of the death of Agrippina which also fell on a.d. XV Kal. Nov. Beside the above mentioned solemnities, the senate presented a gift to Juppiter every year (Tac. Ann. 6.25.3). P. Herz was probably right in claiming that "der Tag der Hinrichtung zu einem offiziellen Festtag wurde, der u. a. von römischen Statthaltern in den Provinzen gefeiert wurde”.51 VI. A POSSIBLE RECONSTRUCTION Finally let us try to reconstruct the whole text of the inscription. In the first line munus fits the empty space perfectly.52 The second line contains the entire name of Pilate, except for hispraenomen. I agree with Labbé who suggested that Pilate's first name might consist only of one or two letters. Degrassi's suggestion Sex(tus) is too long, while Weber's M(arcus) seems to be acceptable, considering that Marcus was the most commonly used praenomen of the gens Pontia. The third line also has two words. Although the reading of praef/ectus Iud[ae]ae is clear, I am not quite certain about the right spelling of the name of the province. On the one hand, I am sure that the A after the D, and the upper transversal line of the last Ε are discernible even on high resolution photos, consequently Lifshitz, Lémonon and Labbé correctly transcribed the word as Iuda[ea]e, On the other hand, I believe that the sculptor used ligatured letters, therefore the line can also be correctly transcribed as PR조FECTUS I V D 조 조 . In the fourth line it is impossible to accept the reading dédit (Frova's suggestion) because é sounds short in present perfect. The expression munus ... fecit is not likely if we accept that the word munus refers not to a building, but a game. Degrassi's and Weber's dedicávit is also unacceptable because the apex undoubtedly belongs to an É. The most acceptable solution in my view is édidit which most often occurs in the munus inscriptions. While the text of the inscription is adjusted to the centre, thus the é is situated almost in the middle of the 4th line, it is also likely that 48 [Ti. Caesa] ri divi Aug[usti f.] / [Augusto c] onservatori p[atriae] / [libertate res] tituta publicfa laetitia] / [ob honore]m Augustalit[atis] {Inscrit XIII/2, p. 523); cf. DEGRASSI, Α.: Unda dedica degli Augustali Brindisini a Tiberio. Athenaeum 42, 1964, 299-306. It must here be noted that in his commentary Degrassi connected Pilate's inscription with Seian's fall. 49 Salúti perpetuae Augustae / libertatique publicae /populi Romani (...) Providentiae Ti. Caesaris Augusti nâti ad àeternitatem / Români nominis, sublato hoste pern ic ios is s imo p(opuli) R(omani), / Faustus Titius Liberális VIvir Aug(ustalis) iter(um) / p(ecunia) s(ua) /(aciundum) c(uravit). (CIL XI, 4170-/^157) 50 [Numjini ac Providentiae / [Ti. Ca]esar(is) Aug(usti) et senatus, / [in mem(oriam)] eius die qui fuit XV k. Novemb., / [P.] Viriasius Naso, pro cos. tertio, sua pecunia / consecravit. {ICret IV, 272 二 CIL III, 12036 二 ILS 158, Gortyn, Crete, 32 CE). 51 HERZ, P.: Kaiserfeste der Prinzipats zeit. ANRWll.\6.2, 1978, 1135-1200 (esp. 1155-1158.) 52 LABBÉ, op. cit. (note 2), 285. Acta Ant. Hung. 41’ 2001 278 T. GRÜLL an adverbial phrase may have completed the text, e.g. the frequently used de s(ua) p(ecunia) or de suo. This latter version is more probable because the text does not use any abbreviations. On the basis of the above suggestions, we can conclude that the Pilate inscription could well be reconstructed as follows: 1. Munujs Tiberiéum 2. M： (?) Po]ntius Pilatus 3. praefjectus Iuda[ea]e 4. de suo] é[didit. H-1165 Budapest Nagyvázsony u. 2 Acta Ant. Hung. 41’ 2001