Regional directory of workers&#39; neighbourhoods and workers&#39; cities 1750 - 1950

Domen Zupančič

University campuses and the surrounding urban environment are an integral part of each other's lives. The subject of this article is the relationship between them, primarily in relation to Pécs and University of Pécs. During the examinations, the network of connections regarding the city, university and its education sites will be visible. As it stands, the education sites of University of Pécs are not yet able to function as campuses. The creation of urban public spaces for the development of campuses is essential, as it can be seen through international examples and design. This may be the result of the numerous reductions and reorganization of educational sites.

The study is devoted to one of the most urgent problems of modern archeology - the reconstruction of ancient structures. One of the most important characteristics of the adaptation systems of archaeological cultures is the traditions of house-building, since they are directly related to the production skills and reflect the adaptation of the population to the environment. At the same time, they carry in themselves both regional and epochal indicators connected with the processes of ethnocultural interaction that took place in antiquity. This is most clearly manifested in transitional periods, at the junction of large chronological epochs. Until recently, materials on the economy of the transitional period from the Bronze Age to the iron in the Altai Priobye were poorly introduced into scientific circulation. The base monument was the settlement of Near Elbany I, where Mikhail Petrovich Gryaznov unearthed the remains of five dugouts [Gryaznov, 1956, p. 81]. In the scientific circulation is introduced in the settlement of Maly Gonbinskaya Cordon 1/3 (Barnaul Ob region) in 1997-2001. Construction of the final stage of the Bronze Age. Settlement Small Gongbinsky Cordon 1/3 (MGC-1/3) is located on the remnant of the radical right bank of the river. Ob, opposite the suburb of the city of Barnaul - with. The Chase. The settlement was discovered in 1977 by Yu.F. Kiryushin, who collected on the plowland several dozen fragments of ceramic vessels of the Irmen and Bolsherechen culture. In the field season of 1997, A.L. Kungurov and D.V. Papin conducted security work on the settlement, an excavation of 8x8 m was cut to the economic trench, into which the eastern corner of the foundation pit of the ancient structure fell. The study of this construction was continued by D.V. Papin in 1999 on the settlement was discovered another 172 square meters. M area, which made it possible to almost completely excavate the foundation pit [Papin, 2000; Kungurov, Papin, 2001, p. 79; Papin, 2001]. Thus, the total studied area of the monument for all the years of the study was 240 square meters. The excavated construction belongs to the circle of antiquities of the late stage of the Irmenian archaeological culture and belongs to the large semi-earthy type structures. The absence of foci, traces of warming of walls and roof, speaks about its easy character. The location of the pillars shows the frame-column type of the structure. Using the obtained data, as well as the experience of experts-archaeologists on the materials of lump-sum monuments of adjacent territories, a graphic reconstruction of the appearance of the structure is proposed, reflecting the key features of its structure. In general, the erection of frame-and-pillar structures was practiced everywhere by culturally diverse groups of the population of the southern part of Western Siberia throughout the Bronze Age and in the transition from bronze to iron. In conclusion, determining the purpose of this building, the authors, based on the specifics of the discovered inventory and osteological collection, particular features of the construction design, and the presence of a number of a one-time funeral complex, come to a conclusion about its ritual character. The ritual purpose of the structure explains, among other things, the mild nature of the building - additional warming of the walls and roof for complete insulation in winter was not required. Thus, the construction, which was investigated at the settlement of Little Golbinsky Kordon 1/3, occupied an important place in ritual practice and was connected with the near-earth burial ground of the Late Irmenian population at the turn of the Bronze and Iron Ages.

Rural architecture and housing types cannot compete with today's technological developments and fall behind. For this reason, research should be conducted promptly especially on rural settlements, in which the most basic examples of traditional techniques and materials are seenandtheextentof culturaldegeneration has increased. Especially some rural areas in the geography of Anatolia, that replete with rich historical and cultural heritage, were able to preserve their architectural features. Unfortunately, rural architecture is being destroyed under the name of efforts for adapting to technological developments and modernism or urban development. Botsa, which is a village in Hatunsaray district of Konya province located in centralTurkey, isstillableto remain in the original with its architecture and traditional dwelling features as much as its history, culture, geography and demographic structure. Botsa demonstrates settlement characteristics since the Bronze Age. It was home to Hittite, Phrygian, Hellenistic-Roman, Byzantine, Seljuk, Karamanid, Ottoman and Republican periods. The village was put under production by the Konya Conservation Board of the Ministry of Culture, however,itsbuildingregistrations are deficient. The presence of people still living in this region, where the traces of different cultures arefound, andthe existence of efforts to maintain rural architecture affect the dynamics of the region and enhance the easier applicability of the proposals to be made. In this study, Botsa village houses, on which the examples of traditional housing typology can be found, were subjected to a general examination. Reliefs of the sample houses have been taken, the details which uniquely belong to that area houses have been examined and it has been concluded that the houses bear endemic characteristics and need to be put under protection.

1750 1950 1750 1950 Ortsregister Helymutató Registro locale List of neighbourhoods Popis naselja Indeks krajev in dežel Overview map of workers’ neighbourhoods and workers’ cities. Arbeiterviertel und Arbeiterstädte zwischen 1750 und 1950 137 Munkásnegyedek és munkásvárosok 1750 és 1951 között Insediamenti operai e città del lavoro dal 1750 al 1950 Ort Region/Staat 1 Agendorf, Gyõr-Sopron-Moson 76, 79, 81, 86 2 Althofen, Kärnten 37, 39, 40, 3 Amarna, Egypt 17, 18 4 Augsburg, Bayern 17, 20, 22, 43, 44, 128 5 Bad Bleiberg, Kärnten 137 6 Bataville, Hrvatska 39, 42, 80, 81, 83, 86, 88, 96, 97, 99 7 Bleiberg, Kärnten 137 8 Borovo/Vukovar, Hrvatska 39, 42, 80, 81, 83, 86, 95, 96, 97, 99, 9 Bourneville, GB 17, 23, 24, 28, 10 Brennberg, Gyõr-Sopron-Moson 76, 79, 81, 82, 86, 90, 93, 94, 96 11 Bruck an der Mur, Steiermark 64, 66, 67, 96, 99, 102 12 Brückl, Kärnten 37, 40 13 Carbonia, Italia 95, 96, 97, 99, 102 14 Cave del Predil / Raibl, Friuli Venezia Giulia 35, 36, 46, 102, 103, 105, 107 15 Crespi d'Adda, Lombardia 45, 46, 47, 48, 58 16 Donawitz, Steiermark 64, 65, 66, 67, 74, 77, 79, 84 17 Duga Resa, Hrvatska 39, 42, 50, 72, 73, 77, 82, 95, 96, 97, 99 45 Litija, Slovenija 39, 42, 70, 73, 77 46 Ljubljana, Slovenija 69, 82, 94, 97, 98, 107, 108, 110 47 Lölling, Kärnten 35, 37, 38, 48 48 Milano, Lombardia 47 49 Maribor, Slovenija 39, 42, 62, 63, 70, 73, 75, 76, 94, 95, 97, 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 120, 126 50 Meszespuszta, Baranya 31, 33, 42, 43 51 Monfalcone, Friuli Venezia Giulia 33, 34, 35, 44, 59, 60, 61 52 München Haidhausen, Bayern 15, 16 53 Mürzzuschlag, Steiermark 53, 54, 55, 90, 91, 93, 96, 99 54 Padova, Veneto 92, 95 55 Panzano, Friuli Venezia Giulia 33, 34, 35, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 58, 59, 60, 61, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 78, 79, 83, 86, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 128 56 Pécs, Baranya 31, 32, 42, 47, 48, 66, 69, 71, 100, 101, 103, 105, 106 57 Pécsbánya, Baranya 31, 32, 33 58 Pécsbányatelep, Baranya 31, 32, 42, 66, 67, 68, 71 59 Piccolo Monte Re, Friuli Venezia Giulia 35, 36 60 Pischeldorf, Kärnten 37, 40 61 Podlabin, Hrvatska 95, 96, 97, 99, 102 62 Pölfing Brunn, Steiermark 41, 42, 44, 52, 62, 63, 64, 65, 80, 83, 85, 88 18 Đurđenovac, Hrvatska 39, 42 19 Eisenerz, Steiermark 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 84, 96, 97, 63 Pordenone, Friuli Venezia Giulia 32, 34, 35, 44, 20 Ferlach, Kärnten 36, 37, 40 21 Fiume Veneto, Friuli Venezia Giulia 102, 103, 64 Port Sunlight, GB 21, 23, 24, 28 65 Radenthein, Kärnten 35, 37, 38 66 Raša, Hrvatska 36, 39, 42, 50, 64, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 99, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114 105, 107, 108 22 Fohnsdorf, Steiermark 41, 42, 52, 76, 79 23 Gailitz, Kärnten 37, 40, 48 24 Graz, Steiermark 53, 54, 55, 64, 65, 66, 67, 89, 90, 91, 93, 96, 99 25 Gyõr, Gyõr-Sopron-Moson 38, 47, 54, 55, 56, 57, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 74, 76, 77, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96, 101, 102, 103, 104, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124 26 Hallstatt, Oberösterreich 41, 43, 44 27 Hüttenberg, Kärnten 32, 37, 38, 48, 88, 93, 94, 95, 97, 104, 107, 109, 110 28 Idrija, Slovenija 39, 42, 70, 73, 75, 77, 106, 116, 118 29 Innerkrems, Kärnten 35, 37, 38, 48 30 Jesenice, Slovenija 37, 39, 40, 70, 72, 73, 77, 92, 94, 95, 97, 104, 105, 107, 109, 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 125 31 Judenburg, Steiermark 96, 97, 99 32 Kapfenberg, Steiermark 53, 54, 55, 74, 77, 79, 84, 90, 91, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99 33 Kertváros, Baranja 66, 69, 71, 34 Klagenfurt, Kärnten 37,40, 49, 50, 51, 52, 60, 61, 62, 63, 66, 70, 73, 75, 80, 81, 83, 86, 87, 89, 91, 94, 95, 97, 35 Klein St. Paul, Kärnten 37, 40, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98 36 Klingenbach, Burgenland 64, 67, 74 37 Knappenberg, Kärnten 104, 107, 109, 110 38 Knittelfeld, Steiermark 76, 79, 96, 99 39 Köflach, Steiermark 54, 90, 98, 99, 101 40 Kremsmünster, Oberösterreich 41, 44 41 La Chaux, Arc-et-Senans, France 19, 20 42 Labin, Hrvatska 39, 42, 50 43 Leoben, Steiermark 64, 65, 66, 67, 74, 75, 76, 77, 84, 96, 97, 99 44 Lippitzbach, Kärnten 34, 40 Workers’ neighbourhoods and workers’ cities 1750 - 1950 102, 103, 105, 106, 107 82, 96, 97, 99 67 Saak, Kärnten 37, 40 68 Salzkammergut, Oberösterreich 41, 43, 44 69 Šarala/Koper, Slovenija 25, 27, 28, 34 70 Seebach, Kärnten 84, 87, 89, 94 71 Selmecbánya, Slovak 64, 65, 67 72 Siegendorf, Burgenland 64, 66, 67, 74 73 Sopron, Gyõr-Sopron-Moson 76, 79, 81, 83, 86, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96, 116, 117, 119, 120 74 Spittal an der Drau, Kärnten 37 39, 40, 48 75 St. Florian, Oberösterreich 41, 44 76 St. Stefan, Kärnten 35, 37, 38 77 St. Veit an der Glan, Kärnten 37,39, 40 78 Stara Sava/Jesenice, Slovenija 37, 39, 40, 48, 72, 125 79 Steyeregg, Steiermark 41, 42, 44, 52, 62, 63, 64, 65 80 Szabolcs, Baranya 66, 67, 68, 71, 76 81 Szabolcsbányatelep, Baranya 31, 32, 42 82 Torre, Friuli Venezia Giulia 33, 34, 35 83 Torre di Zuino, Friuli Venezia Giulia 57, 58, 59, 68, 70 84 Torviscosa, Friuli Venezia Giulia 36, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 76, 78, 81, 83, 86, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 106 85 Trbovlje, Slovenija 39, 42, 70, 73, 77 86 Treibach, Kärnten 37, 40, 48 87 Trieben, Steiermark 74, 75, 79, 84 88 Trieste, Friuli Venezia Giulia 34, 44, 50, 58, 59, 70, 96 89 Trofaiach, Steiermark 80, 83, 85, 96, 98, 99, 101 90 Tržič, Slovenija 36, 38, 42, 50, 51, 52, 62, 70, 73, 75, 77, 78, 80 91 Vasas, Baranya 31, 32, 42, 66, 67, 68, 71 Radnička naselja i gradovi između 1750. i 1950. godine 92 Veitsch, Steiermark 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 84 93 Venezia, Veneto 15, 16, 44, 59, 70, 115, 117, 118, 121, 122 94 Villach, Kärnten 37, 39, 40, 48, 50, 51, 60, 63, 70, 73, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 94, 97 95 Wasendorf, Steiermark 80, 83, 85 96 Weiz, Steiermark 96, 99 97 Wien, Wien 32, 33, 44, 55, 66, 72, 77, 91, 94, 95, 96, 99 98 Wietersdorf, Kärnten 37, 40, 48 99 Wolfsberg, Kärnten 37, 40 100 Zagreb, Hrvatska 39, 42, 88, 91, 93, 94 101 Zeltweg, Steiermark 41, 42, 44, 52, 74, 75, 79, 84 Extras Amman Edoardo 33, 34, 35, 44 Beloz 33, 34, 35, 44 Crespi d'Adda 58 Eichholzer Herbert 96, 97, 99, 102 Endres Franz 96, 97, 99, 102 Engels Friedrich 54, 55, 56, 66 Felice Rudolf 96, 97, 99, 102 Forabosco Viktor 96, 97, 99, 102 Frauneder Hans 96, 97, 99, 102 Fugger Georg, Jakob, Ulrich 17, 20, 44, 56 Fuggerei 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 43, 127 Füredi Oscar 90, 91, 93, 95, 96 Glanzmann Edmund 50, 51, 52, 53, 62 Harvey Alexander 28 Hofmann Josef 98, 99, 101 Horcicka Georg 94, 95, 96, 97, 100 Howard Sir Ebenezer 23, 25, 26, 30 Jaksch Hans 94, 95, 97 Jeanneret-Gris Charles-Edouard 32 Keller Alfred 64, 65, 66, 67, 74, 96, 97, 99 Le Corbusier 25, 27, 28, 32, 75, 77 Ledoux Claude-Nicolas 19, 20, 22 Luzzatti Luigi 48, 49, 50, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90 Meneghel Raphael 74, 75, 76, 77, 84, 96, 97, 99, 102 Mihevc Edvard 25, 27, 28, 34 Montuori Eugenio 95, 96, 97, 99, 102 Owen Robert 19, 20, 21, 22, 24 Pernhart Markus 37, 40 Pulitzer Finali Gustav 72, 74, 75, 77, 82, 95, 96, 97, 99, 102 Radimsky Wenzel 62, 63, 65 Rimpl Herbert 97, 98, 99, 101, 104 Ritter Adolf 90, 91, 93, 96 Rückl Engelbert 52, 53, 54, 55, 66 Sax Emil 53, 54, 55, 56 Schacherl Franz 76, 77, 78, 79, 96, 97, 99, 102 Schuster Franz 76, 77, 78, 79, 96, 97, 99, 102 Schwarz Walther 96, 97, 98, 99, 102 Sobó Eugen 64, 65, 66, 67, 74, 83, 84, 85, 93, 100, 122, 124 Theiss Siegfried 94, 95, 97, 98 Thompson Edward Palmer 36 Thunhart Titus 96, 97, 99, 102 Treu Wilhelm 94, 95, 96, 97, 100 Wagner Otto 90, 91, 93 Winter Max 51, 52, 53, 64 Wirth F.X. 84, 87, 89, 90, 92 Zsolnay Vilmos 31, 32, 33, 42, 66, 67, 68, 69, 76 Delavska stanovanja in območja naselij med leti 1750 in 1950 138 Monographien Monograia Monograph Monograia Monograije Monograije Baranya / Baranya Friuli Venezia Giulia / Friuli Venezia Giulia Hrvatska / Croatia Kärnten / Carinthia Oberösterreich / Upper Austria Slovenija / Slovenia Steiermark / Styria 141 145 157 167 177 185 195 Prof. Arch. Gábor Winkler DSc. Arch. István Decsi Pécsbányatelep Pécs Mining Colony A pécsi nagyüzemi bányászatot megkezdő Duna Gőzhajózási Társaság (DGT) tevékenysége elindítását követően hozzálátott a bányászkolóniák megépítéséhez. Az építési helyszínek kiválasztásakor a közlekedési nehézségek miatt a legfontosabb szempont a munkahely közelsége volt. 1855-ben gyors ütemben kezdődtek meg az építkezések és egy évvel később már 36 kettős munkáslakóház állt. Egy házban 2 lakást alakítottak ki, melyekhez kert és udvar is tartozott. A bánya gyors bővülésének köszönhetően egyre több munkásra volt szükség és ez a kolónia továbbépítését tette szükségessé. 1856 és 1861 között 26 új épületet adtak át és felépült az első templom is. 1865-ben Pécsbányatelepen már 1500 munkásnak volt otthona. 1875-ben épültek a telep legkeletibb lakóházai, melyek már nagyobb méretűek voltak és 8 szoba-konyhás lakás található bennük. Az idő előrehaladtával és a munkások számának növekedésével az infrastruktúra is javult. 1859-ben vízvezetékkel, 1878-ban pedig gázlámpákkal látták el a telepet. Az 1870-es években a templom, kocsma és lakóházak mellett már saját két elemi iskolája, korháza és rendőrsége is volt az itt lakóknak. A századfordulón kevés, de annál fontosabb építkezés zajlott a telepen. Ezek közül is kiemelkedik a bányaiskola, ugyanis nagy Following the launch of large-scale mining in Pécs the Duna Gőzhajózási Társaság (DGT) set out to build mining colonies. The most important factor in the selection of building sites, owing to transportation difficulties, was the proximity of the workplace. Building started at a fast pace in 1855, and a year later 36 double workers’ houses were complete. Two flats were developed in each house, each of which had a garden and a yard as well. Owing to the rapid expansion of the mine an increasing number of workers were needed, and it required the further development of the colony. Between 1856 and 1861 26 new buildings were constructed and the first church was also built. By 1865 Pécsbányatelep was home to 1,500 workers. The easternmost dwellings of the colony were built in 1875, and were larger with 8 one-room, one-kitchen flats in them. As time passed and the number of workers increased the infrastructure also improved. In 1859 a colony was provided with mains water and in 1878 with gas lamps. In the 1870s, along with a church, a pub and the houses the residents also had their own two elementary schools, hospital and police station. There was little but all the more important construction work taking place on the estate at the turn of the century. Among these the most outstanding was the mine school, since there was much 1. kép: Gázlámpák felállítása Pécsbányatelepen 1878-ban (BML: 4013/1878). Fig. 1: Installation of gas lamps in Pécsbányatelep in 1878 (BML: 4013/1878). 141 Baranya / Baranya szükség volt a szakképzett munkaerőre. A téglakötéses, favázas épület munkálatait 1896-ban kezdték meg. Az épületben két tanterem, egy laboratórium és egy tanári szoba volt. 1919-ben már az iskola átépítésén gondolkoztak annak elavultsága miatt. 1902-ben szentelték fel a telep új templomát. A régi templom az alatta folyó bányaművelés hatására megsüllyedt és életveszélyessé vált. A századfordulón kezdődött meg a tisztviselőlakások építése is az új templom körül. Az első épületek 1901-ben készültek el. A három-négy szobás házak a századfordulóra jellemző munkáslakás motívumokat viselték, "a homlokzat díszítésére a téglában rejlő formai megoldások adtak lehetőséget".1912ben már kilenc lakóépület állt a templom körül, amikor újabb háromra kértek engedélyt. Ügyelve arra, hogy a telep megőrizze változatos arculatát, az egy időben épült, megegyező földszinti alaprajzi épületek más-más homlokzatot kaptak. Az első világháború után tovább építették a tisztviselő negyedet, melyek típustervei 1920-ban készültek el és 1923-ra már több is állt belőlük. need for trained workers here. The construction of the block bond, timber framed building began in 1896. There were two classrooms, a laboratory and a staff room in the building. In 1919 they were already considering the reconstruction of the school as it had become outdated. The new church of the estate was consecrated in 1902. The old church had subsided and became life-threatening because of the mining going on below it. At the turn of the century the construction of the officials’ dwellings began around the new church. The first buildings were completed in 1901. The three-four room houses bore the motifs of workers’ dwellings characteristic at the turn of the century, "formal solutions inherent in the brick provided opportunity for decorating the façade". By 1912 there were nine buildings around the church and building permit applications for a further three. In order to preserve the diverse appearance of the buildings with identical floor plans built at the same time, each building was given a different façade. The building of the officials’ district continued after the First World War, the standard plans were prepared in 1920, and a number of them were completed by 1923. 2. kép: Kétcsaládos altiszti ház homlokzata és földszinti alaprajza (BML: C-18569/1925). Fig. 2: Façade and floor plan of a junior official’s semi-detached house (BML: C-18569/1925). 3. kép: A szénbányásziskola tanárának lakása, alaprajz (BML: Tt 266). Fig. 3: House of a teacher of the coal mining school, floor plan (BML: Tt 266). A bánya fejlesztési programja nem csak a tisztviselők létszámának gyarapodását jelentette, hanem a munkásokét is. Az 1910-es években elkészült a minden igényt kielégítő 114 fős legényszálló, melyben vízvezeték, központi fűtés és elektromos áram is volt. A munkába a DGT kiváló építésvezetői, Leixner Károly és Gartner Károly mellett külső szakembereket is bevontak, az ostravai bányamérnök Hans Bindaczot és a drezdai Göhmann és Einhorn vállalatot. Az első világháború, majd a nehéz gazdasági körülmények ellenére jelentős és színvonalas építkezések voltak Pécsbányatelepen az 1910-es és 20-as években, azonban a kolóniák kiépülése a 20es évek közepére lezárult. 1913 és 1931 között a korábban épült 717 munkáslakásokhoz 60, a 16 tisztviselőlakásokhoz pedig 69 újat építettek. Ki kell még emelni az 1925-ben átadott favázas tűzoltószertárt, melyet a régi templom helyére építettek. A következő, 1931-től 44-ig terjedő időszakban az állagmegóvásra, épületek renoválására és átalakítására volt lehetőség. The development programme of the mine did not only mean the increase in the number of officials, but also that of the workers. In the 1910s a hostel for single men to accommodate 114 people and to satisfy every demand was completed. It had running water, central heating and electricity as well. Together with Károly Leixner and Károly Gartner, the excellent clerks of works of DGT, some outside experts were also involved in the work, such as Hans Bindaczot, mining engineer from Ostrava and the Göhmann and Einhorn company from Dresden. Despite the First World War and the following difficult economic circumstances, significant and high-standard construction work was taking place in Pécsbányatelep in the 1910s and 20s, but the construction of the colonies was brought to a close by the 20s. Between 1913 and 1931 another 60 workers’ houses were added to the previously built 717, and another 16 to the previously built 69 officials’ houses. The half-timbered fire-fighters’ depot completed in 1925, built on the site of the old church, is also 142 A Dunagőzhajózási Társaság gondoskodott a munkások sportolási lehetőségéről is. A kolóniákon rendelkezésre álló teke és foci pályák mellett a pécsbányatelepi kaszinó szomszédságában 1939-ben egy fürdőmedencét létesített. Decsi István Képek és forrás: Pilkhoffer Mónika: Bányászat és építészet Pécsett a 19-20. században worthy of mention. In the following period between 1931 and 1944 there was an opportunity to preserve, renovate and convert the buildings. The Dunagőzhajózási Társaság also provided sporting opportunities for the workers. Together with bowling alleys and football pitches they also established a swimming pool next to the casino in Pécsbányatelep in 1939. István Decsi Pictures and source: Mónika Pilkhoffer: Mining and architecture in Pécs in the 19th and 20th centuries. 4. kép: A legényszálló (később kórház) homlokzata és magasföldszinti alaprajza (BML: C-2161/1919). Fig. 4: Façade and mezzanine floor plan of the hostel for single men (later hospital) (BML: C-2161/1919). 143 Baranya / Baranya 144 arch. Walter Bigatton arch. Paolo Tomasella Ph. D. Premessa Introduction Nel contesto territoriale della Regione Friuli Venezia Giulia, lo sviluppo delle città industriali e la nascita dei quartieri residenziali per gli operai è un tema emerso con ritardo rispetto agli altri paesi europei. A cavallo tra il XIX e il XX secolo svariati insediamenti residenziali per operai e lavoratori (con tipologie singole, accoppiate o a terrazzo) furono realizzati in prossimità dei centri industriali primari di Torviscosa, Panzano, Pordenone e Cave del Predil. Questi nuclei abitativi sono caratterizzati dalla loro semplicità formale e da un’intenzionale elementarità, molto spesso derivante dal trasferimento di modelli rurali ancora radicati e presenti nel territorio, nei quali le tipiche strutture abitative sono caratterizzate dalla presenza di residenze impostate su due livelli. I casi di studio regionali più rilevanti di Torviscosa e Panzano sono considerati e riconosciuti in regione come vere e proprie newtowns per lavoratori. L’aspetto che questi insediamenti presenti in Friuli Venezia Giulia hanno saputo costruirsi fino ad ora corrisponde al risultato di un lungo processo di evoluzione urbana non privo di contraddizioni. I casi di studio regionali propongono una riflessione ed un’analisi sull’aspetto degli insediamenti stessi, cercando di identificarne le possibili opportunità di sviluppo e di conservazione. In the context of Friuli Venezia Giulia region, the industrial development and the issue of workers’ housing is a topic emerged later than other European countries. Between the Nineteenth and the Twentieth centuries different dwellings for workers (single, coupled or terraced) were realized near the important factories of Torviscosa, Panzano, Pordenone and Cave del Predil. These dwellings are characterized by their formal simplicity and intentional inexpensiveness, quite often deriving from rural models already present in the territory, whose typical structure had masonries mainly placed on two levels. The most important study cases of Torviscosa and Panzano are considered and recognized in the region as the new workers’ town. The image that this settlements in Friuli Venezia Giulia has been able to build until now is the result of a long process of urban growth not without contradictions. The regional study cases proposes an analysis of the settlements, trying to identify opportunities for the sites’ developing and conservation. Fig. 1: Disegno delle case in Panzano. Fig. 1: Front and ground plan of houses in Panzano. 145 Friuli Venezia Giulia / Friuli Venezia Giulia Fig. 2: Regione Friuli Venezia Giulia. 1 Pordenone, 2 Torviscosa, 3 Panzano, 4 Cave del Predil / Raibl. Fig. 2: Map of the Region Friuli Venezia Giulia. 1 Pordenone, 2 Torviscosa, 3 Panzano, 4 Cave del Predil / Raibl. 146 Torviscosa Una città-fabbrica di nuova fondazione Torviscosa A company-town of new foundation Il caso di Torviscosa, una delle poche città-fabbrica presenti in Italia, è strettamente correlato alla figura dell’industriale Franco Marinotti, già amministratore delegato della SNIA e personalità di spicco nel mondo degli affari del periodo. Quando nel 1930 al presidente Riccardo Gualino fece seguito Senatore Borletti, a quest’ultimo fu affiancato Franco Marinotti. Da quel momento il nome di Marinotti sarà intimamente legato ai successivi sviluppi raggiunti dalla SNIA, cui coinciderà la sua scalata con l’incarico di amministratore delegato nel 1934 per diventare, dopo soli tre anni, presidente della società. La politica autarchica, varata dopo le sanzioni del periodo 1935-1936, incoraggiò, con grandi sostegni statali, la ricerca e gli studi rivolti al conseguimento di risorse alternative, stante la carenza sul suolo nazionale di diverse materie prime necessarie al funzionamento delle industrie. La cellulosa è la materia prima più importante per la fabbricazione delle fibre tessili: essa è ricavata da alberi d’alto fusto (faggio, abete, pino). Non potendo trovare quel legno in Italia, la SNIA Viscosa fece eseguire ricerche e studi trovando così il modo di ottenere la cellulosa attraverso la canna gentile o "arundo donax". Scelta The case of Torviscosa, one of the few factory cities in Italy, is closely related to the figure of Franco Marinotti, former managing director of SNIA. When in 1930 Riccardo Gualino was replaced by Senatore Borletti, the latter was partnered with Franco Marinotti, a prominent personality in the business world of the period. Since that moment, the name of Marinotti would be closely related to SNIA further developments, coinciding with his bid as managing director in 1934 and then, in just three years, chairman of the company. The autarkic policy launched after the sanctions of the period 1935-1936, encouraged, through large state subsidies, researches and studies aimed at obtaining alternative resources, due to the lack in the national territory of several raw materials necessary for the functioning of industries. Cellulose is the most important raw material for the manufacturing of textile fibres: it is obtained from forest trees (beech-tree, fir, pine). It being impossible to find this kind of wood in Italy, SNIA Viscosa carried out researches and studies and found the way to obtain cellulose by using giant cane or "arundo donax". Once the raw material was chosen, it was necessary to identify a territory not already Fig. 3: 21 settembre 1938. Il Duce inaugura gli impianti produttivi (Archivio storico fotografico Associazione "Primi di Torviscosa", ivi). Fig. 3: 21 September 1938. The Duce inaugurates the production plants (Association "Primi di Torviscosa" historical photographic archive, there). Fig. 4: Prospetto e sezione delle case per lavoratori agricoli (Archivio storico fotografico Associazione "Primi di Torviscosa", ivi). Fig. 4: Front and section of the houses for farm labourers (Association "Primi di Torviscosa" historical photographic archive, there). 147 Friuli Venezia Giulia / Friuli Venezia Giulia la materia prima occorreva individuare il territorio, non adibito già a colture agricole, sufficientemente ampio, ricco d’acqua per i bisogni della canna gentile. Fu scelta la zona della Bassa Friulana dove sorgeva il vecchio borgo di Torre di Zuino. Il luogo offriva vaste zone paludose, ridotta densità di popolazione, grande possibilità di reclutare manodopera. Inoltre l’area era dotata di un’arteria stradale importante, della linea ferroviaria VeneziaTrieste ed era vicina al mare. Il 27 ottobre 1937 iniziarono i lavori di trasformazione fondiaria e la costruzione del nucleo urbano. Il 21 settembre 1938, dopo soli 320 giorni, lo stabilimento fu inaugurato da Benito Mussolini; dopo due anni veniva completato il raddoppio e il 26 ottobre 1940 Torre di Zuino diventava un nuovo Comune con il nome di Torviscosa. Nel breve intervallo che dall’inaugurazione portò allo scoppio della Seconda Guerra Mondiale, si edificarono scuole, asilo, piscine, teatro, ristoro, attrezzature sportive: un intero e moderno paese. L’incarico per la progettazione dell’ambiziosa idea urbanistica fu affidato all’architetto Giuseppe De Min (Urbino, 1890 – Vittorio Veneto, 1962), professionista di fiducia del Marinotti che aveva già collaborato allo sviluppo industriale della SNIA. Nel disegnare la città di Torviscosa De Min utilizzò, aggregandoli nel proprio progetto, anche elementi urbani dell’antico borgo: le settecentesche case coloniche diventarono il fondale di uno spazio trapezoidale nel quale al centro rimaneva in evidenza la coeva chiesa. used for farming, sufficiently wide and rich in water for the giant cane requirements. The chosen area was the Bassa Friulana, on which the ancient small village of Torre di Zuino stands. The place offered large marshy areas, a low population density and a large possibility to hire workers. Moreover, the area had an important arterial route and the Venice-Trieste railway line and was near the sea. The land conversion works and the building of the urban nucleus began on 27 October 1937. After just 320 days, on 21 September 1938 the plant was inaugurated by Benito Mussolini; the widening was completed two years later and, on 26 October 1940, Torre di Zuino became a new municipality with the name of Torviscosa. In the short period of time between the inauguration and the outbreak of World War II, schools, a kindergarten, swimming pools, a theatre, a refreshment bar and sports facilities were built: an entire and modern town. The task of designing and realizing of the ambitious town planning idea were assigned to architect Giuseppe De Min (Urbino, 1890 – Vittorio Veneto, 1962), a Marinotti’s professional, who had already contributed to the industrial development of SNIA. In designing the town of Torviscosa, De Min used also some urban elements of the ancient village, by adding them to his design: the eighteenthcentury farmhouses became the backdrop of a trapezoidal space in which the coeval church remained in the centre. Fig. 5: Il vecchio abitato di Torre di Zuino (Archivio storico fotografico Associazione "Primi di Torviscosa", ivi). Fig. 6: The old built-up area of Torre di Zuino (Association "Primi di Torviscosa" historical photographic archive, there) Lo schema urbanistico concepito è relativamente semplice, mutuato in modo apparentemente immotivato dall’idea della cittàgiardino. Ciò è piuttosto curioso considerando che le costruzioni civili ed industriali si trovano immerse nell’ambiente naturale della Bassa friulana. La logica progettuale dell’architetto riserva invece all’elemento naturale (alberi, siepi o prato) la funzione di organizzare la separazione tra gli edifici della fabbrica e la città e quello di enfatizzare le emergenze architettoniche che si pongono come elementi ordinatori dello spazio. Il gruppo dei servizi ricreativi (teatro, dopolavoro) diventa il fondale prospettico dell’esedra antistante la fabbrica, ma anche la porta d’ingresso alla passeggiata ed agli impianti sportivi. La torre della mensa si rapporta con quella del palazzo comunale e con l’imponente fontana prospiciente le piscine. La struttura della fabbrica (alta 54 metri), costruita secondo l’immagine di un gigantesco fascio littorio, si pone come un segnale visivo più accentuato rispetto alla torre dell’arengario comunale. Assieme ai due complessi di abitazione per impiegati e alla scuola elementare, il municipio delimita la piazza principale della città che è collocata in posizione baricentrica rispetto all’edificato. Oltre all’impianto planimetrico della città nuova, l’architetto milanese produsse i disegni delle agenzie agricole, dei dormitori ed anche delle case d’abitazione tipo per le famiglie del salariato agricolo. Le costruzioni erano state pensate per due nuclei familiari, ma potevano essere raddoppiate con la semplice aggregazione del modulo tipo. La tipologia è costituita da due piani, serviti da una scala esterna, identici nella distribuzione degli spazi: una cucina di vaste dimensioni disposta a L è fiancheggiata da un corridoio che rende indipendenti due ampie camere. L’ingresso è protetto da un porticato vicino al quale sono le rimesse per gli attrezzi agricoli. Il modello propone gli elementi tipici della casa rurale spontanea friulana: la grande The town planning layout is relatively simple, derived in an apparently unjustified manner from the idea of garden city. This is quite curious, if one considers that the civil and industrial buildings are immersed in the natural environment of the Bassa Friulana area. On the contrary, the architect’s planning logic gives natural elements (trees, hedges or plain meadow) the function of signing the separation between the factory buildings and the town and of emphasizing architectural features, which acts as space organizing elements. The recreational facilities (theatre, working men’s club) become the perspective backdrop of the exedra facing the factory, but also the entrance door to the public walk and the sports facilities. The cafeteria tower faces that of the town hall and the imposing fountain facing the swimming pools; the factory tower (54 m. high), shaped like a gigantic Roman fascis, is a more accentuated visual sign compared to the town hall tower. Together with the two living complexes for workers and the elementary school, the town hall delimits the main square, which is in a barycentric position to the core built. Besides the plan for the new town, the Milanese architect designed also farming agencies, dormitories and standard dwellings for the 148 cucina pensata come luogo della vita sociale domestica, la scala esterna, l’uso degli scuri alle finestre, la presenza del porticato che protegge dal sole e dalla calura estiva, l’ampio camino esterno. Tale modello, adattato, troverà applicazione nelle "agenzie" (ad esempio borgo Malisana), nuclei agricoli abitativi aggregati al complesso delle stalle e delle rimesse. families of farm wage-earners. These structures were designed for two households, but they could be doubled through a simple aggregation of the standard module. The standard typology consists of two floors connected by an external stair and identical in the distribution of rooms: an L-shaped large kitchen and a corridor giving access to two large rooms. The entrance is sheltered by a porch next to which are sheds for farm tools. The model proposes the typical elements of the spontaneous Friuli farmhouse. a large kitchen designed as a place for the domestic social life, an external stair, the use of window shutters, the presence of a porch protecting from the sun and the summer heat, a large external chimney. The model, adapted, will be applied in the "agencies" (for example the small rural village of Malisana), a living unit aggregated to the complex of sheds. Fig. 6: Disegno prospettico della piazza di Torviscosa, 1941 (Archivio storico fotografico Associazione "Primi di Torviscosa", ivi). Fig. 6: Perspective drawing of the main square of the Municipality of Torviscosa, 1941 (Association "Primi di Torviscosa" historical photographic archive, there). Fig. 7: Piazza del Municipio. Disegno di progetto (1941) e stato attuale (Archivio storico fotografico Associazione "Primi di Torviscosa", ivi). 149 Fig. 7: Piazza del Municipio (Town Hall Square). Design and current state (Association "Primi di Torviscosa" historical photographic archive, there). Friuli Venezia Giulia / Friuli Venezia Giulia Gli edifici riservati agli impiegati, di stile novecentista, furono realizzati con materiali semplici quali intonaco, pietra artificiale e mattoni. I due blocchi di edifici disposti simmetricamente sono porticati e ospitano dodici appartamenti e negozi al piano terra. I diversi edifici, pubblici e privati, sono disposti in modo da definire una gerarchia degli spazi che idealmente poneva al centro i luoghi pubblici. Le strutture residenziali previste erano di due tipi distinti – appartamenti in blocchi per gli impiegati e villini per i dirigenti – disposte secondo una gerarchia sociale cui corrispondeva una certa distanza dal centro della città. Le abitazioni operaie furono concepite secondo uno schema ortogonale tipico degli insediamenti del paternalismo industriale. Le case operaie a servizio dell’azienda sono riconducibili a due tipologie: case "a schiera" e "in linea". Queste ultime, le prime ad essere costruite, sono formate da quattro serie di corpi di fabbrica a due piani, orientati da Nord a Sud. Gli edifici delimitano una serie di corti comuni da utilizzare come orti. Gli alloggi ad un solo piano, serviti in coppia da una scala comune, furono realizzati secondo il criterio della massima economia e ciò determinò una riduzione degli spazi e ad una semplificazione delle soluzioni architettoniche. Fu ridotto alle testate dei singoli blocchi edilizi un motivo di lesene ed archi ciechi, mentre l’inserimento di graticci in muratura, su cui far crescere una quinta arborea, servivano a delimitare le corti interne. Nel proporre anche a Torviscosa un modello di casa operaia definibile come "casa di campagna urbana", l’azienda puntò a creare un ordine sociale basato sulla famiglia, sulla stabilità della mano d’opera e sull’attaccamento di questa al datore di lavoro. The twentieth-century style buildings for employees was made of simple materials such as plaster, artificial stone and bricks. The two symmetrical blocks of buildings are have arcades and house twelve flats, as well as shops in the ground floor. The various buildings, both public and private, are arranged in order to define a hierarchy of spaces characterized by the ideal centrality of public places. The planned residential structures were of two different types – blocks of flats for employees and small houses for managers – arranged according to a social hierarchy corresponding to a certain distance from the town centre. The working-class dwellings was designed on the basis of an orthogonal layout typical of industrial paternalism settlements. The working-class dwellings servicing the business are ascribable to two typologies: "terraced" and "in line" houses. These houses, the first built, consist of four series of two-storey blocks oriented from north to south. The buildings mark the boundaries of a series of common courtyards to be used as kitchen gardens. The single storey housings, served in pairs by a common stair, were built according to the principle of the maximum economy, leading to a reduction of spaces and a simplification of architectural solutions. A pattern of pilasters and dead arches was limited to the heads of the individual blocks, while the insertion of masonry hurdles, aimed at creating an arboreal wing, allows to close the internal courtyards. By proposing also in Torviscosa a model of workingclass house definable as "urban farmhouse", the business intended to create a social order based on the concepts of family, stability of labour and devotion of the same to the employer. Fig. 8: Case Operaie. Stato attuale (Archivio storico fotografico Associazione "Primi di Torviscosa", ivi). Fig. 8: Working-class houses. Current state (Association "Primi di Torviscosa" historical photographic archive, there). La notevole quantità di spazi verdi, oltre a separare tra loro gli edifici e la fabbrica dalla città, è rivelatrice dell’adesione progettuale alla cultura del ruralesimo. All’architettura è demandato il compito di esprimere il rapporto d’interdipendenza fra attività agricola e industriale, per sottolineare valori e aspetti propri della cultura propugnata dalla dottrina fascista, ma anche d’indicare la dipendenza del nucleo urbano dalla fabbrica. In questa logica gli elementi del linguaggio formale dell’architettura trovano precisi riferimenti nella tradizione costruttiva locale. Il mattone rosso a vista con il quale è costruito tutto il complesso della fabbrica, che allude alla ricca tradizione di fornaci della regione, diventa l’elemento unificante delle diverse costruzioni. L’uso di questo materiale si estende oltre i cancelli della fabbrica coinvolgendo anche le architetture dei servizi e quindi la scuola, la palestra, l’asilo, per sottolinearne l’appartenenza al disegno imprenditoriale. L’uso del mattone diventa mera citazione nelle abitazioni: i riquadri delle finestre nelle case operaie, i piccoli timpani nelle case per impiegati. Il mattone scompare del tutto nell’architettura del palazzo comunale: intonaco, pietra naturale e artificiale sostituiscono il prodotto della fornace. The remarkable quantity of green areas in the town, besides separating the buildings and the factory from the town, is also the result of the acceptance of the ruralism culture. The architecture is given the task of expressing the interdependence relationship between farming and industrial activity, in order to underline values and aspects typical of the culture supported by fascist doctrine, but, at the same time, to indicate state the dependence of the urban nucleus on the factory. From this perspective, the elements of the architecture formal language find precise references in the local building tradition. The exposed red bricks with which the entire complex of the factory is built and hints at the rich tradition of brick kilns of the region becomes the element unifying the different buildings. The use of this material goes beyond the factory gates, involving also the architectures of services and, therefore, the school, the gym and the kindergarten, in order to highlight their belonging to the entrepreneurial plan. The use of bricks becomes a mere quotation in dwellings: the window frames in the working-class houses and the small tympana in the houses for employees. Bricks disappear in the architecture of the town hall, where plaster and natural and artificial stone replace the product of kilns. 150 Fig. 9: 1965-1967. Vedute aeree di Torviscosa (Archivio storico fotografico Associazione "Primi di Torviscosa", ivi). Fig. 9: 1965-1967. Aerial views of Torviscosa (Association "Primi di Torviscosa" historical photographic archive, there). Panzano Un quartiere operaio, modello di città sociale Panzano A working-class neighbourhood, model of social town Nella realtà produttiva regionale Monfalcone è riconosciuta da tutti come la città dei cantieri navali. L’immagine che il quarto centro abitato del Friuli Venezia Giulia ha saputo costruirsi fino ad oggi è il frutto di un lungo processo di crescita urbana non priva di contraddizioni. In epoca moderna Monfalcone era ancora una città di tradizione veneta. Dal 1814, dopo alterni avvicendamenti, passò stabilmente sotto il controllo dell’Impero AustroUngarico. Da questo periodo Monfalcone conobbe un importante sviluppo industriale grazie anche alla favorevole posizione geografica. La crescita urbana di Monfalcone tese così a manifestarsi in modo rilevante in un periodo compreso tra Ottocento e primo Novecento, con le rapide trasformazioni sociali, economiche e territoriali legate alla nascita dei primi insediamenti industriali realizzati nel territorio isontino che rapidamente mutarono i caratteri di un’economia locale secolarmente legata all’agricoltura. Proprio nel corso del XIX secolo Monfalcone seppe determinare le condizioni per una nuova integrazione economica basata sulla fondazione di nuovi insediamenti industriali. La presenza di estesi territori pianeggianti poco sfruttati tra il Carso e il Golfo di Panzano, di abbondanti risorse naturali e la presenza cospicua di forza lavoro a basso costo, favorirono la disponibilità dei capitali triestini ad investire e operare in un territorio di confine facilmente raggiungibile via terra e per mare attraverso linee di comunicazione rapide e sicure. Un tessuto diffuso di opifici di media e grande dimensione cominciò a trovare posto ben presto ai margini della città storica. La spinta demografica determinata dalla domanda di forza lavoro da parte delle nuove industrie manifatturiere insediatesi, quali il Cotonificio Triestino e i Cantieri Navali Adriawerke, contraddistinse una fase di rapida accelerazione dei fenomeni insediativi. Accanto a case padronali e residenze borghesi si affacciò la necessità di realizzare abitazioni per la forza lavoro operaia, nuova protagonista della vita cittadina e origine dell’espansione urbana. Il rapido processo d’industrializzazione porterà progressivamente a vere e proprie fratture sociali, in una città che già nel 1913 annoverava più di 11.000 abitanti e una struttura insediativa non in grado di assorbire la crescente domanda di abitazioni. All’inizio del Novecento il problema di trovare alloggi dignitosi per gli operai che in città affluivano numerosi, divenne prioritario. 151 In the regional production context, Monfalcone is recognized as the town of shipyards. The image that the forth city of Friuli Venezia Giulia has been able to build until now is the result of a long process of urban growth not without contradictions. In modern time, Monfalcone was still a town of Venetian tradition. Since 1814, after various ups and downs, permanently passed under the control of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Starting from that period, Monfalcone had an important industrial development, also thanks to its favourable geographical position. Therefore, the urban growth of Monfalcone became significant in the period between the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century, with the rapid social, economic and territorial changes linked to the birth of the first industrial settlements in the Isonzo territory, which rapidly changed the characteristics of a local economy linked to farming for centuries. It was precisely during the nineteenth century that Monfalcone was able to develop the conditions for a new economic integration based on the establishment of new industrial settlements. The presence of wide little exploited territories between Carso and the Gulf of Panzano, abundant natural resources and considerable low-cost labour favoured the willingness of Trieste capitals to operate in a border territory easily accessible by land and sea through rapid and safe communication lines. A thick fabric of medium and large sized factories started to spread over the edges of the historical town. The population increase caused by the labour demand of the new manufacturing factories such as Cotonificio Triestino and, in particular, the Adriawerke shipyards, characterized a phase of rapid acceleration of settling phenomena. The need arises to build, besides manors and middle-class residences, dwellings for the working-class, the new protagonist of the town and origin of the urban expansion. The rapid industrialization process would progressively lead to true social breaks, in a town that in 1913 had already more than 11,000 inhabitants and a settling structure unable to absorb the increasing demand for dwellings. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the need to find decorous houses for the increasing factory workers becomes a matter of priority. The hygiene deficiencies, the onset of infectious diseases due to the unhealthiness of the first houses, the miserable living condition of the working class and the less Friuli Venezia Giulia / Friuli Venezia Giulia Le carenze igieniche, l’insorgere di malattie infettive dovute all’insalubrità dei primi alloggi, la condizione abitativa misera delle classi operaie e meno abbienti, diventarono ambiti in cui i provvedimenti pubblici si susseguirono per tentare di far fronte ai fenomeni connessi con la crescita urbana conseguente la rapida industrializzazione. Il Cotonificio Triestino, le Officine elettriche dell’Isonzo, l’industria chimica Adria diedero corso alla costruzione di case operaie e villini per gli impiegati. Fino alle soglie del primo conflitto mondiale si aprirono nuovi cantieri edili nelle aree libere presenti in prossimità delle fabbriche. In questa prima fase gli interventi compiuti si dimostrarono complessivamente di natura modesta: la qualità dei materiali impiegati e le tecniche costruttive furono di tipo economico, scadenti le infrastrutture e i servizi, mentre il rapporto complessivo degli interventi con la città si dimostrò del tutto inadeguato. Tuttavia la consistenza e la qualità complessiva di questi interventi faranno assumere a Monfalcone una connotazione di città di fondazione industriale attorno alle fabbriche e ai costruendi cantieri navali. In questo scenario l’esperienza del villaggio operaio di Panzano corrisponde, nel suo insieme, alla genesi e allo sviluppo di un quartiere modello inserito in un contesto di città sociale, fenomeno contraddistinto dalla nascita di nuovi nuclei abitativi organizzati attorno ai luoghi di lavoro. well-to-do become matters for which public measures follow one another to try to face the phenomena related to the urban growth deriving from the rapid industrialization. Cotonificio Triestino, Officine elettriche dell’Isonzo and the chemical company Adria built dwellings for workers and small houses for employees. Until the threshold of the first world war, new building sites were opened in free areas near the factories. In this first phase, the interventions were generally quite modest: the quality of materials and the building techniques were cheap, the infrastructures and the services poor-quality, while the overall relationship of the interventions with the town were absolutely insufficient. However the consistency and the overall quality of these interventions will actually give Monfalcone the connotation of a town with an industrial foundation around the factories and, especially, the future shipyards. In this scenery the whole experience of the working-class village of Panzano corresponds to the birth and the development of a model area inserted in a context of a social town, a phenomenon characterized by the birth of new living nuclei organized around the relevant working places. Compared to the Italian and foreign examples of the period, the workers’ village of Panzano was built in the last phase of this process. When in 1907 the shipyard of Monfalcone was built Fig. 10: Veduta d’insieme del quartiere di Panzano (fototeca del Consorzio Culturale del Monfalconese, Ronchi dei Legionari). Fig. 10: General view of the Panzano area (photographic archives of the Consorzio Culturale del Monfalconese, Ronchi dei Legionari). Rispetto agli esempi italiani e stranieri del periodo, il villaggio operaio di Panzano fu realizzato nella fase del crepuscolo di questo processo. Quando nel 1907 nacque il Cantiere Navale di Monfalcone per opera dei suoi fondatori, gli esempi di cittàgiardino, di città sociale o i villaggi operai erano ormai modelli consolidati nel tempo. Questa sorta di ritardo determinò nel caso di Panzano una situazione per molti versi nuova e originale. Panzano si sviluppò in un arco di tempo compreso tra il 1908 e il 1927, anno in cui venne inaugurata l’ultima parte del villaggio con la costruzione delle ville per gli impiegati e i quadri dirigenziali. Gli interventi trovarono un’accelerazione nella loro realizzazione grazie al fatto che i terreni su cui erano previsti gli interventi potevano essere acquistati a basso costo, mentre l’industria navale in loco insediata viveva una fase di rapida espansione. Con il completamento delle grandi opere territoriali legate alla costruzione della ferrovia meridionale austriaca Sudbahn e l’ultimazione, dopo il 1850, del canale d’irrigazione dell’Agro Monfalconese (denominato per l’irrigazione "Canale De’ Dottori" by its founders, the examples of garden cities, social cities or workers’ villages were models already consolidated. In the case of Panzano, this kind of delay causes a situation that is new and original in many ways. Panzano becomes established within the period between 1908 and 1927, the year of the inauguration of the last part of the village with the building of houses for employees and executives. The interventions are accelerated by the fact that the relevant lands may be purchased at a low cost and the ship industry of the place is living a phase of rapid expansion. Upon completion of the big territorial works linked to the building of the Austrian southern railway Sudbahn and the irrigation canal of the countryside around Monfalcone after 1850 (whose part for irrigation is named "De’ Dottori" and the navigable one "Valentinis"), drawn up and entrusted to engineer Raffaele Angelo Vicentini (San Pier d’Isonzo, 1826 – Conegliano, 1885), Monfalcone administrators offered the leading protagonists of the Trieste economy the opportunity to install new industrial activities in the municipal territory with significant tax concessions. These 152 e per la parte navigabile "Valentinis"), il cui progetto venne affidato all’ingegnere Raffaele Angelo Vicentini (San Pier d’Isonzo, 1826 – Conegliano, 1885), gli amministratori monfalconesi offrirono ai principali protagonisti dell’economia triestina la possibilità di insediare nuove attività industriali sul territorio comunale a fronte di concrete agevolazioni di carattere fiscale. Queste ipotesi trovano concretizzazione nel 1907, in concomitanza con la promulgazione della legge austriaca sulla marineria. Una nota famiglia di armatori triestini originari dell’isola di Lussino, i fratelli Alberto e Callisto Cosulich (titolari della compagnia di navigazione denominata Unione Austriaca di navigazione già Austro-Americana e Fratelli Cosulich), riuscirono ad inserirsi in questa favorevole congiuntura sfruttando le possibilità offerte dalla legge per creare a Monfalcone un moderno cantiere navale. La società per azioni proprietaria del cantiere di Monfalcone perfezionerà gli atti di costituzione societaria l’anno successivo e prenderà il nome di Cantiere Navale Triestino (C.N.T.). Con la costruzione dell’opificio emerse da subito la necessità di dare alloggio alla manodopera assunta nei cantieri navali. I proprietari del Cantiere Navale Triestino avviarono, attraverso l’A.E.U.P. (l’Associazione Edile di Utilità Pubblica, un sodalizio d’ispirazione filantropica in realtà legata direttamente all’azienda), un progetto di villaggio operaio razionalmente organizzato nelle aree limitrofe alla fabbrica. L’iniziativa trovò sostegno a tutti i livelli, soprattutto quello di natura pubblica. Un fattore innovativo dell’operazione immobiliare risiedeva nella struttura stessa dell’azienda che promuoveva l’opera: i Cosulich furono i promotori di un’industria moderna destinata a rapidi sviluppi. Non esisteva quindi un vero e proprio progetto complessivo di città sociale, ma un quartiere che si sviluppava e si arricchiva di nuovi servizi e attrezzature di pari passo con la crescita produttiva dell’azienda. hypotheses become a concrete reality in 1907, in concomitance with the promulgation of the Austrian law on marine. A well-known family of Triestine ship-owners from the island of Lussino, the Alberto and Callisto Cosulich brothers, succeed in exploiting this favourable opportunity thanks to the possibilities offered by the law, both to enlarge their company (named Unione Austriaca di Navigazione, formerly Austro-Americana and Fratelli Cosulich) and, in particular, to create in Monfalcone, after a few months following the approval of the law, a modern shipyards. The following year, the joint-stock company owner of the Monfalcone shipyard will finalize the articles of association and will assume the name Cantiere Navale Triestino (C.N.T.). With the building of the factory, the need to accommodate the shipyards’ workers emerged immediately. The owners of Cantiere Navale Triestino launch, through A.E.U.P. (Associazione Edile di Utilità Pubblica - Public Utility Building Association - a philanthropic association directly linked to the business) a plan for a functionally organized workers’ village to be built in the areas adjacent to the factory. The initiative finds a support at each level, especially the public one. An innovative factor of the operation is represented by the structure of the promoting business: the Cosulich brothers are the promoters of a modern company destined for rapid developments. Therefore, there is not a real general plan for a social city, but rather an area that develops and is enriched by new services and equipment in parallel with the production growth of the business. In 1908, the submission to the municipality of a request for the "Authorization to build a dormitory for workers", begins the history of the workers’ village of Panzano, an area that on the date of its completion would have accommodated approximately 5.000 people and emerge as an urban nucleus autonomous as regards the historical consolidated built-in area of Monfalcone. Fig. 11: L’albergo impiegati di via Callisto Cosulich a Panzano in un’immagine del 1931 (fototeca del Consorzio Culturale del Monfalconese, Ronchi dei Legionari). Fig. 11: The hotel for employees in Panzano, Via Callisto Cosulich, in a picture of 1931 (photographic archives of the Consorzio Culturale del Monfalconese, Ronchi dei Legionari). Nel 1908, con la richiesta al comune del "Permesso di costruire un alloggio da adibire a dormitorio per operai", iniziò la vicenda del villaggio operaio di Panzano, quartiere che alla data del suo completamento darà alloggio a circa 5.000 persone e si configurerà come un nucleo urbano autonomo rispetto all’abitato storico di Monfalcone. Come per il settore navale, l’attività immobiliare promossa dai Cosulich venne inizialmente facilitata dalla promulgazione da parte del Governo austriaco di specifiche normative che incentivavano la realizzazione edilizia di residenze per gli operai impiegati nelle fabbriche dell’Impero. La Legge del 1892 concernente "favori per i nuovi fabbricati" e quella del 1902 riguardante i "favori per edifici con abitazioni sane e a modico 153 Like the marine industry, the property activity promoted by the Cosulich brothers was initially favoured by the promulgation by the Austrian government of specific provisions facilitating the realization of dwellings for workers employed in the Empire factories. The law of 1892 concerning the "benefits for new buildings" and that of 1902 concerning the "benefits for buildings with healthy and low cost dwellings" are the main provisions providing for tax exemptions and credit facilities for those who built dwellings for workers. The Austrian laws show a reference to the international debate on working-class dwellings in a moment in which the "open system" (block of flats building) or "semi-open system" (terraced building) realizations prevail over the so called "barracks system". The typology innovations provided for by the Austrian regulations found a concrete realization precisely in Panzano. The houses of all the development plans were indeed isolated by two, four or eight dwellings, while in other cases terraced buildings were realized. Few buildings are an exception to this logic. The overall realization of the Panzano area was carried out in different moments. The first phase, which lasted until 1913, is characterized by the building of dwellings without a real general plan. The first seven working-class houses were built close by the shipyard starting from 1908, with typological Friuli Venezia Giulia / Friuli Venezia Giulia prezzo", furono i principali provvedimenti che stabilirono esenzioni fiscali e facilitazioni creditizie per la costruzione di alloggi per gli operai. Nelle leggi austriache emerge il riferimento al dibattito internazionale sulla residenza operaia nel momento in cui vengono favorite le realizzazioni a "sistema aperto" (edilizia di caseggiato) oppure "semi-aperto" (edilizia a schiera) rispetto a quello definito delle "casa caserma". Le innovazioni tipologiche prefigurate dal quadro normativo austriaco trovarono una concreta attuazione proprio a Panzano. Le case di tutti i progetti di sviluppo sono, infatti, isolate con due, quattro, oppure otto alloggi mentre in altri casi furono realizzati degli edifici a schiera. Pochi edifici faranno eccezione a questa logica. La realizzazione complessiva del quartiere di Panzano si sviluppò in diversi momenti differiti nel tempo. La prima fase, che durò fino al 1913, è caratterizzata dalla costruzione di alloggi senza un vero e proprio progetto complessivo. Le prime sette case operaie vennero costruite nelle immediate vicinanze del cantiere navale a partire dal 1908, con caratteristiche tipologiche molto diverse fra loro. Gli alloggidormitorio si configurano come edifici multipiano a ballatoio, con stanze distribuite serialmente. La disponibilità di finanziamenti agevolati con l’attuazione della legislazione italiana (in particolare la Legge "Luzzati" del 1903 che contribuì alla creazione degli Istituti per le Case Popolari e diede impulso ad un programma nazionale di edilizia popolare) e la crescente domanda di alloggi determinarono le premesse per passare da una prima fase di emergenza ad un livello di progettazione più articolato che configurò Panzano, fin dagli anni precedenti alla Grande Guerra, come un villaggio operaio ispirato ai più evoluti esempi europei. Se per la pianificazione di Panzano appare chiaro il riferimento alle tipologie tradizionali della città giardino o all’impostazione planimetrica e funzionale dei villaggi operai modello già realizzati in Europa, non è altrettanto evidente la matrice ideologica che la contraddistingue. In Panzano il paternalismo e l’utopia dell’Ottocento si traducono in una logica di tipo aziendale che pianifica l’intervento immobiliare così come attua continui miglioramenti al ciclo produttivo. La prima fase di costruzione del villaggio durò fino al 1914, con la realizzazione delle prime "case-caserma", a cui fece seguito un’impostazione tipologica meno rigida. Tipologie aperte, edilizia puntuale con giardino (otto alloggi distribuiti simmetricamente su due piani) o a schiera, organizzarono l’area immediatamente vicina all’entrata principale dei cantieri navali. La distribuzione planimetrica è originata da una rete geometrica di strade che s’intersecano con la via principale, che dalla fabbrica porta al centro storico di Monfalcone. Prima dello scoppio della guerra, furono impostati 110 nuovi alloggi, divisi tra le diverse tipologie. I progetti furono firmati dall’ingegnere Dante Fornasir (Cervignano del Friuli, 1882 – ivi, 1958), il quale, formatosi al Politecnico di Vienna, in quel periodo svolse la doppia funzione di progettista del cantiere navale Cosulich e di ingegnere capo dell’Ufficio Tecnico del Comune di Monfalcone. Subito dopo la guerra, gli impianti del cantiere e le case operaie danneggiate furono ricostruiti con il contributo del Comune e della nuova amministrazione statale italiana. Il piano regolatore della città, che non casualmente delegava interamente ai Cosulich la pianificazione di Panzano, venne approvato: i finanziamenti dell’Ufficio di Ricostruzione, retto da Max Fabiani (San Daniele del Carso/Kobdil, 1865 – Gorizia, 1962), permisero di allargare ulteriormente il progetto del villaggio operaio. Ancor di più i crediti del Commissariato per la Ricostruzione fornirono la capacità finanziaria per l’avvio della seconda fase di realizzazione del villaggio, con la costruzione features very different from each other. Dormitories are multistorey buildings with a gallery and rooms serially distributed. The availability of subsidized loans with the implementation of Italian laws (in particular, the "Luzzati" Law dated 1903, which contributed to the establishment of the Istituti per le Case Popolari - Public Housing Institutes- and boosted the realization of a national programme for public housing) and the increasing demand for dwellings created the conditions to pass from the first emergency phase, characterized by an elementary response to housing needs, to a more complex level of design that converted Panzano, since the years preceding the first world war, into a workers’ village inspired by the most advanced European examples. If in the planning of Panzano the building reference to the traditional typologies of the garden city or the planning and functional layout of the model workers villages realized in Europe is clear, the ideological matrix characterizing it is not so evident. In Panzano, Nineteenth century paternalism and utopias turn into a business logic, which plans the property intervention in the same way it carries out constant improvements of the production cycle. The first building phase of the village, characterized by the realization of the first "barracks", lasts until 1914 and was followed by a less rigid approach. Open typologies, individual buildings with a garden (eight dwellings symmetrically distributed on two floors) or terraced buildings organize the area immediately close to the main entrance to the shipyards. The plan distribution is originated by a geometrical network of roads that intersect with the main road running from the factory to the old town of Monfalcone. Before the outbreak of the war, 110 new dwellings of the different typologies are planned. The designs were signed by engineer Dante Fornasir (Cervignano del Friuli, 1882 – there, 1958), who studied at the School of Engineering of Vienna and, at the time, worked as naval designer for the Cosulich brothers and as head engineer at the municipal Technical Office of Monfalcone. Immediately after the war, the damaged plants and workers’ houses were reconstructed with the contribution of the Municipality and the new Italian government. The town plan, which not by chance delegated the entire planning of Panzano to the Cosulich brothers, was approved: the financial support of the reconstruction office, under the direction of Max Fabiani (San Daniele del Carso/Kobdil, 1865 – Gorizia, 1962), allows to expand the project of the working-class village. Even more, the credits of the Reconstruction Commission give the financial possibility to start the second phase of the village realization, with the building of approximately 300 new dwellings for workers, two large hotels, a theatre, public baths, a farm and some shops. The Twenties’ village is, therefore, already self-sufficient: on the one hand increasing its autonomy from the rest of the town and consolidating, on the other hand, its univocal link to the factory. In the same years, the part of the village aimed at executives and employees was realized in an area adjacent to the working-class houses but spatially and hierarchically separated from them, with the building of large and small houses, mainly detached or semi-detached. The realization of the sports ground, the bathing establishment and two libraries completes in a few years the plan of the village, which, in 1927, was officially inaugurated. On the whole, Panzano represents a successful example of integration between private life and factory work; a rare example in Italy of town planning entirely aimed at the needs of a big industrial complex. 154 di circa 300 nuovi alloggi per gli operai, due grandi alberghi, il teatro, i bagni pubblici, un’azienda agricola e alcuni negozi. Il villaggio negli anni Venti era perciò già autosufficiente: da un lato aveva aumentato la sua autonomia dal resto della città, dall’altro dimostrava di aver rinsaldando il suo legame univoco con la fabbrica. In una zona adiacente alle case operaie, ma da queste spazialmente e gerarchicamente divisa, sorse, sempre in quegli anni, la parte del villaggio destinato a dirigenti e impiegati, con la costruzione di ville e villini per lo più mono o bifamiliari. La costruzione del campo sportivo, dello stabilimento balneare e di due biblioteche completarono in pochi anni il piano del villaggio che, nei 1927, fu inaugurato ufficialmente. Nel suo insieme Panzano costituisce un felice esempio d’integrazione tra la vita privata e il lavoro della fabbrica; un raro episodio in Italia di pianificazione urbanistica interamente funzionale alle esigenze di un grande complesso industriale. Fig. 12: Case a blocco ad otto alloggi nel quartiere di Panzano (1912). Prospetti dei fronti. Fig. 12: Block houses with eight dwellings in Panzano (1912). Fronts. Fig. 13: Case operaie binate e a blocco di quattro alloggi nel quartiere di Panzano (1921). Piante e prospetti. Fig. 13: Twin working-class houses and block houses with four dwellings in Panzano (1921). Plans and fronts. Pordenone Fig.14: Planimetria dell’insediamento di Panzano (1920). Fig. 14: Plan of the Panzano settlement(1920). Pordenone Nel pordenonese, area che si caratterizza dalla metà dell’Ottocento per la presenza di un’importante attività tessile, i primi quartieri operai nacquero sulla base dei principi espressi dal paternalismo industriale. A cavallo tra il XIX e XX secolo le diverse abitazioni per gli operai (singole, abbinate o disposte a schiera), vennero funzionalmente realizzate nei pressi dei cotonifici esistenti a Pordenone, Torre, Cordenons e Fiume Veneto. Queste residenze si caratterizzarono per la semplicità formale e l’economicità, in analogia agli esempi di derivazione rurale già presenti nel territorio, la cui struttura tipologica era contrassegnata dalla presenza di murature disposte prevalentemente su due livelli, tetto in coppi a due falde, aperture con scuri in legno e un piccolo giardino di pertinenza. Questi elementi potevano rimanere singoli, binati o disposti a schiera. Queste tipologie non erano altro che una rielaborazione dei modelli tradizionali in quanto mancavano scuole e professionisti in grado di contraddistinguere in 155 In the Pordenone area, characterized by the presence of an important textile activity since the middle of the nineteenth century, the first working-class areas were built following the principles of industrial paternalism. Between the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, different dwellings for workers (single, coupled or terraced) were realized near the cotton mills of Pordenone, Torre, Cordenons and Fiume Veneto. These dwellings are characterized by their formal simplicity and intentional inexpensiveness, quite often deriving from rural models already present in the territory, whose typical structure had masonries mainly placed on two levels, two-skirted pantile roofs, wooden window shutters and a small garden. These living units could be single, coupled or terraced. Given the lack of schools and professionals able to univocally characterize the designs of these settlements and despite the common design elements, the model has not a scholastic origin, but derives from the elaboration of traditional models. In the chief town of the area west of the river Tagliamento, a curious dormitory for women was built around the end of the nineteenth century. The news of the time described it as "rich in water, air and light and compliant with the most strict hygiene requirements". It was built on an alluvial terrace near the cotton mill, but rather distant from the town. The news of the time stated that "if it were built in another place, it would have embellished our town, which certainly does not abound in elegant buildings". Unfortunately, this building got lost. Friuli Venezia Giulia / Friuli Venezia Giulia modo univoco i progetti di tali insediamenti. Nel capoluogo della destra Tagliamento, verso la fine del XIX secolo venne realizzato un dormitorio di fattura piuttosto curiosa per le donne lavoratrici, definito dalle cronache di allora come "ricco d’acqua, d’aria e di luce e rispondente ai più severi precetti d’igiene" e costruito su di un terrazzo alluvionale poco distante dal cotonificio, ma piuttosto lontano dalla città. La cronaca riferisce che "se fosse stato eretto in altro sito, sarebbe riuscito di vero abbellimento al nostro paese che non abbonda certo di edifici eleganti". Questa testimonianza purtroppo è andata perduta. Fig. 15: Veduta del Cotonificio Amman di Pordenone. Fig. 15: View of the Amman cotton mill of Pordenone. Fig. 16: Case operaie a Cave del Predil/Raibl. Fig. 16: Working-class houses in Cave del Predil/Raibl. Fig. 17: Casa dormitorio per donne lavoratrici a Pordenone (demolita). Fig. 17: Dormitory house for working women in Pordenone (demolished). Cave del Predil / Raibl Cave del Predil / Raibl Diversa e più complessa la vicenda dei bacini minerari di Cave del Predil/Raibl, attivi fino al 30 giugno 1991, noti già in epoca romana ma sistematicamente sfruttati tra la fine dell’Ottocento e tutto l'arco del Novecento. Lo stabilimento minerario, sorto ad opera degli stessi minatori che estraevano solfuri di zinco (Blenda) e piombo (Galena) dalle viscere del Piccolo Monte Re, è stato per molto tempo il più importante per lo sfruttamento di quei materiali dell’intero arco alpino. Dopo la chiusura dell’attività estrattiva i nuovi insediamenti operai costruiti negli anni Cinquanta a Raibl/ Cave del Predil si sono progressivamente spopolati. Al fenomeno si cerca ora di porre rimedio mediante la riconversione delle strutture ad altre destinazioni di carattere museale legate all’attività estrattiva. The history of the mining basins of Cave del Predil/Raibl is quite different and more complex. Active since 30 June 1991, these basins were already known in the Roman period, but they were systematically exploited between the end of the nineteenth century and the whole twentieth century. The mining establishment, built by the miners extracting zinc sulphides (blende) and lead sulphides (galena) from the bowels of the Piccolo Monte Re, has been for a long time the most important one for the exploitation of these materials in the whole Alpine arc. After the closing down of the mining activity, the new working-class settlements built in the ‘50s in Raibl/Cave del Predil became progressively depopulated. Nowadays, we try to find a remedy for this problem by converting these structures to another use with the creation of museum initiatives or exhibitions showing the historical events related to the mining activity. 156 Željko Trstenjak Biserka Dumbović-Bilušić Azra Suljić Duga Resa- proizvodnja pamučnih tkanina Duga Resa je primjer cjelovito očuvanog industrijskog krajolika. Grad na rijeci Mrežnici, razvija se krajem 19. stoljeća. Uz vlastitu hidroelekranu, za potrebe radnika su prvo izgrađeni: škola, vrtić, bolnica, restoran, kupalište i kasino, a potom srednje škole, sportsko rekreacijski sadržaji i sl. Iako se tijekom druge polovice 20. stoljeća grad nadograđivao i postupno mijenjao, u svojoj je strukturi gotovo u cijelosti očuvao najstariji sloj – povijesnu jezgru koja datira s prijelaza 19./20.st. Sl.1: Duga Resa, pregledni plan današnjeg stanja. Fig.1: Duga Resa, overview plan of the present state. Duga Resa is an example of an integrally preserved industrial cityscape. The city on the Mrežnica River began to develop in the late 19th century. With its own hydro-electric power plant, the first buildings that were constructed to meet the needs of the workers were a school, a children's day-care centre, a hospital, a restaurant, a public bath and casino followed by a secondary school, sports and recreation facilties, etc. Although during the second half of the 20th century the city continued to develop and gradually undergo change in its structure is has preserved almost completely the oldest layer – the historic centre which dates from the turn of the 19th/20th centuries. Sl. 2: Duga Resa, pogled na grad s brda Vinice, oko 1930. Fig. 2: Duga Resa, View of the city from Vinice Hill, around 1930. Sl. 3: Duga Resa, pregledni plan iz 1916 godine. Fig. 3: Duga Resa, Overview plan dating from1916. 157 Duga Resa- production of cotton fabrics Hrvatska / Croatia Stambena kolonija Kasar organizirana je uz ulicu u formi dva niza jednokatnih kuća sa stanovima za radnike. Na riječnom otoku formirana je kolonija Insel s nizom identičnih jednokatnih radničkih kuća. Prostornu organizaciju grada karakterizira prožimanje funkcija industrijskog sklopa pamučne industrije i stambenih naselja Kasar i Insel, bez većih prostornih cezura. Evidentna je uvjetovanost urbane matrice s topografskim i prirodnim obilježjima. Sl. 4: Duga Resa, pregledni plan izgradnje iz 1920. godine. Fig. 4: Duga Resa, Overview plan of development dating from 1920. The housing community Kasar was organized along the street in the form of two rows of one-storey buildings with flats for workers. On the river island, the Insel colony was formed with a row of identical one-storey workers' houses. The spatial organization of the city is characterized by the interfusion of the functions of the cotton industry industrial complex and housing settlements Kasar and Insel without greater spatial interruptions. The interdependence of the urban matriy and topographic and natural characteristic is evident. Sl. 5: Duga Resa nacrt karakteristične stambene zgrade s radničkim stanovima u kolonijama Kasar i Insel (1893.). Fig. 5: Duga Resa, layout of a characteristic housing building with workers' flats in the colonies Kasar and Insel (1893). 158 Sl. 6: Duga Resa, nacrt za zgradu bolnice (1895.). Fig. 6: Duga Resa, Layout of the hospital building (1895). Sl. 7: Duga Resa, stambena ulica Kasar. Fig. 7: Duga Resa, Kasar street with housing units. 159 Sl. 8: Duga Resa perivoj s vilom za direktore. Fig. 8: Duga Resa, director's villa with gardens. Hrvatska / Croatia Sl. 9: Duga Resa, glavna ulica s javnim sadržajima: restoranom, kasinom i činovničkim domom. Fig. 9. Duga Resa, main street with public buildings: restaurant, casino and office staff club. Sl. 10: Duga Resa, zgrade industrijskog sklopa pamučne industrije. Fig. 10: Duga Resa, cotton industry industrial complex buildings. Sl. 11: Duga Resa zgrade industrijskog sklopa. Fig. 11: Duga Resa, industrial complex buildings. 160 Podlabin Podlabin Godine 1928. nakon što su u Italiji na vlast došli fašisti, kao manifestacija moći i poleta novoga režima pokreće se program planske izgradnje novih gradova. U okviru tog programa realizirano je dvanaest novih gradova među kojima je njih nekoliko bilo planirano uz ugljenokop. Prva je podignuta Raša (Arsia), zatim Carbonia na Sardiniji (1937) i manje poznat Podlabin (Pozzo Littorio, 1938-42.) u Istri. Urbanistički, sva naselja projektirana su prema tada najvišim svjetskim standardima funkcionalističkog oblikovanja. Podlabin je izgrađen prema projektu Eugenija Montuoria, koautora i nekih drugih novih gradova u Italiji. In 1928, when the fascist came into power in Italy a programme of planned urban construction was launched as a manifestation of the power and vitality of the new regime. Within the framework of that programme twelve new cities were built of which a few were planned in the vicinity of coal mines. The first to be build was Raša (Arsia), followed by Carbonia in Sardinia (1937 and the less known Podlabin (Pozzo Littorio, 1938-42) in Istria. From the town planning point of view all the settlements were developed according to the then highest world standards of functional design. Podlabin was developed according to the designs of Eugenio Montuori, the coauthor os some other new cities in Italy. Sl. 12: Podlabin, maketa prema izvornom, regulacionom planu. Fig. 12: Podlabin, scale model according to the original regulation plan. Sl. 13: Podlabin, pogled sa Starog grada. Fig. 13: Podlabin, view from the Old Bridge. 161 Hrvatska / Croatia Sl. 14: Podlabin, izvorni, regulacioni plan. Fig. 14: Podlabin, original regulation plan. Sl. 15: Podlabin, tlocrt glavnog trga. Fig. 15: Podlabin, layout of the main square. Osnovnu kompoziciju čine dvije ulice: glavna ulica koja povezuje ulaz u naselje od regionalne ceste Rijeka-Raša-Pula s glavnim trgom s crkvom i druga, okomita na nju, od glavnog trga do industrijske zone. Vrlo pravilna urbanistička shema s ortogonalnom mrežom ulica, omekšana je, usklađena s topografijom prostora, ublažena je dugim, blagim zavojima. The basic composition consists of two streets: the main street which connects the entrance to the settlement from the regional road Rijeka-Raša-Pula with the main square and church and another street which is positioned vertically to the main street and runs from the main square to the industrial zone. The very symmetrical town planning scheme with the orthogonal network of streets has been softened and aligned to the topography of the environment, namely defused by long and soft curves. 162 Sve najvažnije javne građevine, smještene su na trgu i u bližoj okolici: to je pravokutni javni prostor, konceptualno podijeljen u dva dijela: prvi dio namijenjen građanskom životu, potrebama stanovništva i trgovini, prolazom kroz kuću Ceva povezan je s tržnicom; drugi, uzdignut na postament, namijenjen je crkvi. All the major public buildings are located in the square and its immediate vicinity: it is a rectangular public space, conceptually divided into two parts: the first part is intended for civic life activities and meeting the needs of the population and trade and its connected by a passage through the Ceva house with the market; the second is elevated on a higher level and intended for the church. Sl. 16: Podlabin, izvorni izgled glavnog trga – pogled prema crkvi Sv. Franje. Fig. 16: Podlabin, original panorama of the main square – view of St. Francis Church. 163 Hrvatska / Croatia Sl. 17: Podlabin, karakteristična stambena ulica. Fig. 17 Podlabin, a characteristic street with tenement houses. Sl. 18: Podlabin, karakteristični tlocrti stambenih zgrada podijeljenih prema društvenoj hijerarhiji - radničko stanovanje 'casermoni' i stanovanje za činovnike - 'casacape'. Fig. 18: Podlabin, characteristic layout of tenement houses divided according to social hierarchy – workers’ dwellings –‘casermoni’ and those for white collar workers –‘casacape’. Sl. 19: Podlabin, perspektiva, osnovna škola – dvorište. Fig. 19: Podlabin, panorama, elementary school – courtyard. 164 Sl. 20: Podlabin, osnovna škola, tlocrt prizemlja. Fig. 20 Podlabin, elementary school, ground-floor layout. 165 Hrvatska / Croatia Sl. 21: Podlabin, industrijska zona, fasade. Fig. 21: Podlabin, industrial zone, facades. 166 Dr. Johann Schwertner Mag. Ilse Grascher Bergbau Bergbau Arbeiterwohnstätten in der ehemaligen Bergbaugemeinde Bad Bleiberg Arbeitgeber: verschiedene Gewerken, Bleiberger Bergwerks Union (BBU) Erbaut im Zeitraum von vor 1827 bis 1950 Ein- und Mehrfamilienhäuser. Gegenwärtig Privatbesitz oder im Besitz von Gemeinnützigen Wohnungsgesellschaften. Carinthia Mining Worker settlements in the former mining community of Bad Bleiberg Employer: various trades, Bleiberger Bergwerks Union (BBU) Built in the period from (before) 1827 to 1950 Single and multi-family houses. Currently privately owned or owned by charitable housing associations. Neben den im Eigentum der Bergarbeiter oder Gewerken befindlichen Knappenhäusern und Keuschen wurden nach der Gründung der Bleiberger Bergwerksunion (1868) zusätzlich werkseigene aufgelassene Gebäude, wie Waschhäuser, Schmelzöfen und Schmieden in Werkswohnungen umgebaut, später auch Einzel- und Doppelhaussiedlungen errichtet. Nach der Einstellung des Bergbaus (1994) gingen die Betriebswohnstätten in Privatbesitz oder in die Verwaltung von Gemeinnützigen Wohnungsgesellschaften über. In addition to the property of the miners or trades located miner houses and chaste after the founding of the Bleiberg mineers Union (1868) additionally factory-owned but abandoned buildings, such as washhouses, furnaces and forges were rebuilt into workman’s dwellings, and later also established single and double house settlements. After dissolving the mining industry (1994) the company dwellings changed into private property or into administration of charitable housing associations. Abb.1: Bergmannskeusche, Bad Bleiberg 77. Fig. 1: Miners cottage, Bad Bleiberg 77. Abb.2: Bergarbeiterhaus, Bad Bleiberg 79. Fig. 2: Miners house, Bad Bleiberg 79. Abb.3: Kastl Waschhaus, Nötsch 6. Fig. 3: Kastl washhouse, Nötsch 6. Abb.4: Tanzer Hüttenhaus, Oberkreuth 80b. Fig. 4: Tanzer furnace, Oberkreuth 80b. 167 Kärnten / Carinthia Abb.5: Ramser Waschhaus, Oberkreuth 80a. Fig. 5: Ramser washhouse, Oberkreuth 80a. Abb.6: Rudolfsiedlung um 1950, Bad Bleiberg. Fig. 6: Rudolf's settlement in 1950, Bad Bleiberg. Abb. 7: Siedlungen der BBU beim Rudolfschacht um 1950. Fig. 7: Settlement BBU at mineshaft Rudolf in 1950. Abb. 8: Siedlungen der BBU beim Rudolfschacht im 2005. Fig. 8: Settlement BBU in 2005. Eisenverarbeitende Industrie Arbeiterwohnstätten in Feistritz im Rosental Erbaut von der Krainischen Industriegesellschaft - Drahterzeugung Gebaut um 1910 Mehrfamilienhaus Heute im Privatbesitz Schließung der Drahterzeugung 1933 Iron-processing Industry Worker settlements in Feistritz im Rosental Built by the Krainischen industry society – wire production Built in 1910 Multi-family house Today privately owned Closing the wire production in 1933 Abb.9: Arbeiterwohnhaus Maltschacher Straße. Fig.9: Worker's house at Maltschacher Straße. 168 Eisenbahn Railway Der Ausbau der Südrampe der Tauernbahn benötigte allein auf Kärntner Seite über 5000 Arbeiter. Auch nach Vollendung der Strecke war die Bahn neben der Tabakfabrik in Klagenfurt der größte Arbeitgeber in Kärnten. Die Direktion der k.k. Staatsbahnen befand sich in Villach, das mit Spittal die höchste Dichte an Bahnarbeiterwohnungen aufweist. Die Siedlungen der Eisenbahngesellschaften sind in Österreich die Vorläufer des gemeinnützigen Wohnungsbaus. The expansion of the southern chute of the Tauernbahn required only to Carinthian site about 5,000 workers. Even after finishing the track the railway was next to the tobacco factory in Klagenfurt the largest employer in Carinthia. The board of k.k. state railways was in Villach, which offers including Spittal the highest density of railway workers' houses. The settlement of the railway companies in Austria are the precursors of the charitable house building. Die Anlagen der k.k. Staatsbahnen in Spittal an der Drau The housing estate of k.k. state railways in Spittal an der Drau Die Wohnanlage Carl-Wurmb-Weg 4-10 Erbaut von der k.k. Staatsbahn Gebaut 1906-1909 Mehrfamilienwohnhäuser Heute verwaltet von der ESG Villach Wohnungsgesellschaft mbH The housing estate Carl-Wurmb-Weg 4-10 Built by k.k. state railway Built in 1906-1909 Multi-family houses Today managed by ESG Villach Wohnungsgesellschaft mbH Abb.10: Wohnanlage Carl-Wurmb-Weg 4-10 (a+b), Vorderansicht. Fig.10: Apartments at Carl-Wurmb-Weg 4-10 (a+b), Vorderansicht. Abb. 11: "Holzlagen" an der Rückseite sicherten die Eigenversorgung mit Gemüse und Kleintieren. Fig. 11: Wooden storehouses for vegetables and small animals. 169 Abb. 12: Gemüsegärten vor den Häusern. Fig. 12: Garden infront of houses. Kärnten / Carinthia Das Dienerhaus der k.k. privilegierten Südbahngesellschaft The house of servants of k.k. privileged south railway society Spittal an der Drau, Auenweg 5 Erbaut von der k.k. Staatsbahndirektion Villach Gebaut 1908 Mehrfamilienhaus Heute verwaltet von der ESG Villach Wohnungsgesellschaft m.b.H. Spittal an der Drau, Auenweg 5 Built by k.k. state railway board Villach Built in 1908 Multi-family house Today managed by ESG Villach Wohnungsgesellschaft mbH Abb.13: Vorderansicht. Fig. 13: Front Façade. Abb.14: Rückansicht. Fig. 14: Rear Façade. Abb.15: Rückansicht. Fig. 15: Rear Façade, part. Tabakregie Die Arbeiterhäuser der Österreichischen Tabakregie in Klagenfurt Tabakregie The workers settlements of the Austrian Tabakregie in Klagenfurt Ensemble Karawankenzeile 3-7, Rosentalerstraße 37-39 Erbaut von der Österreichischen Tabakregie (Staatsmonopolbetrieb) Gebaut 1925-1932 Mehrfamilienhäuser Heute Gemeindebauten der Stadt Klagenfurt Ensemble Karawankenzeile 3-7, Rosentalerstraße 37-39 Built by Austrian Tabakregie (government monopoly company) Built in 1925-1932 Multi-family houses Today public housing of the city of Klagenfurt 170 Abb.16: Tabakarbeiterheim, 1. Ausbaustufe 1929. Fig. 16: Tobacco workers residence in 1929. Abb. 17: Tabakarbeiterhäuser Karawankenzeile 3-7, 2009. Fig. 17: Tobacco workers residence in 2009. Abb.18: Innenhof Karawankenzeile 3-7. Fig. 18: Inner courtyard, Karawankenzeile 3-7. Abb. 19: Rosentalerstraße 37. Fig. 19: Rosentalerstraße 37. Abb. 20: Rosentalerstraße 39, 1944. Fig. 20: Rosentalerstraße 39, 1944. Abb. 21: Rosentalerstraße 39, wiederaufgebaut. Fig. 21: Rosentalerstraße 39, rebuild. 171 Kärnten / Carinthia Das Tabakarbeiterhaus St. Ruprechterstraße 66-68 The tobacco workers house St. Ruprechterstraße 66-68 Erbaut von der Österreichischen Tabakregie (Staatsmonopolbetrieb) Gebaut 1925 Mehrfamilienwohnhaus Heute Gemeindewohnungen der Stadt Klagenfurt Built by Austrian Tabakregie (government monopoly company) Built in 1925 Multi-family house Today public housing of the city of Klagenfurt Zum Zeitpunkt der Errichtung der ersten Arbeiterhäuser der Tabakregie beschäftigte die staatliche Tabakfabrik in Klagenfurt über 700 fast durchwegs weibliche Arbeiterinnen. Die Häuser haben große begrünte Innenhöfe, in denen sich früher auch Gärten zur Selbstversorgung befanden. Für beide Anlagen war in aller nächster Nähe ein Konsum vorhanden. Die Herstellung von Rauchwaren wurde 1941 eingestellt. Die Tabakarbeiterhäuser sind heute neben der Bahnarbeitersiedlung die einzigen noch bestehenden nicht genossenschaftlich ausgeführten Arbeiterwohnbauten Klagenfurts. Alle Häuser sind in Gemeindebesitz und befinden sich in einem hervorragenden Zustand. At the time of establishment of the first workers houses of the Tabakregie the State Tobacco factory employed almost over 700 female workers in Klagenfurt. The houses have large courtyards with vegetation, where in the past there were also gardens for self-supplyment. For both constructions there was a shop in the close vicinity. The production of tobacco products was discontinued in 1941. Today the tobacco workers houses are beside the railway workers houses the only remaining non-cooperative society workers houses of Klagenfurt. All houses are in community property and in excellent condition. Abb. 22: Plan Tabakarbeiterwohnhaus, 1922. Fig. 22: Tobacco workers residence, plan in 1922. Abb.23: Gedenktafel an der Nordseite. Fig. 23: Memorial plate. Abb.24: Vorderansicht straßenseitig. Fig. 24: Street view. Abb. 25: Rückansicht hofseitig. Fig. 25: Rear view. 172 Textilindustrie Die Arbeiterhäuser der Fa. Loden Hopfgartner in Mühldorf/Mölltal Textile industry The workers houses of the Fa. Loden Hopfgartner in Mühldorf/Mölltal Erbaut von der Fa. Loden Hopfgartner Gebaut von 1940 bis 1952 Mehrfamilienwohnhäuser Heute: Mietwohnungen, Gemeindewohnungen und in Privatbesitz Built by Fa. Loden Hopfgartner Built from 1940 to 1952 Multi-family houses Today: Rental housing, community housing and privately owned Die Lodenfabrik wurde in den 1990er Jahren geschlossen. Abb. 26: Mühldorf 3, gebaut 1940. Fig. 26: Mühldorf 3, built in 1940. The Loden factory was closed in the 1990s. Abb. 27: Mühldorf 107, "Marienheim", gebaut 1940. Fig. 27: Mühldorf 107, "Marienheim", built in 1940. Abb. 28: Mühldorf 135, "Rosenheim", gebaut 1952. Fig. 28: Mühldorf 135, "Rosenheim", built in 1952. Abb. 29: Mühldorf 120, gebaut 1948. Fig. 29: Mühldorf 120, built in 1948. 173 Abb. 30: Mühldorf 121, gebaut 1948. Fig. 30: Mühldorf 121, built in 1948. Kärnten / Carinthia Holzverarbeitende Industrie Die Arbeitersiedlung der Fa. Leitgeb in Kühnsdorf West Wood processing industry The workers settlement of Fa. Leitgeb in Kühnsdorf West Erbaut von der Fa. Leitgeb Faserplattenindustrie Gebaut um 1950 Reihenhaussiedlung Heute im Privatbesitz der Bewohner Built by Fa. Leitgeb Fiber board industry Built in 1950 Row house settlement Today private property of the inhabitants Die Anlage (Kühnsdorf West Nr. 14-20, 22, 24, 26, 28) besteht aus 10 Elementen mit je 3 bis 7 zusammengebauten Reihenhäusern. Die Grundflächen der insgesamt 57 Reihenhäuser bewegen sich zwischen 54m2 und 82m2 , die dazugehörigen Grundstücksgrößen zwischen 140m2 und 640m2. The system (Kühnsdorf West Nr. 14-20, 22, 24, 26, 28) consists of 10 elements with 3 to 7 together built row houses. The bases of the 57 townhouses range between 54m² and 82m², the corresponding property sizes between 140m² and 640m². Die Firma Leitgeb stellt ihre Produktion Ende der 1990er Jahre ein. Fa. Leitgeb discontinued their production in the end of the 1990s. Abb. 31: Teilansicht der N-S ausgerichteten Häuserreihen. Fig. 31: Row of houses, NS view. Abb. 32: Häuserreihe Kühnsdorf West Nr. 16. Fig. 32: Row of houses, Kühnsdorf West Nr. 16. Abb. 33: Gesamtansicht der Ost-West ausgerichteten Häuserreihen. Fig. 33: Row of houses from EW. Abb.34: Kühnsdorf West Nr. 17. Fig. 34: Kühnsdorf West Nr. 17. BILDER Mit * gekennzeichnete Bilder: Bergbauverein Bad Bleiberg. Mit ** gekennzeichnete Bilder: Ch. Stückler, Spittal / Drau, 2009. Alle übrigen Bilder: Mag. I. Grascher, 2005-2009. 174 Karte 1: Verteilung der noch existenten Arbeiterwohnstätten in Kärnten (errichtet bis 1950) nach Wirtschaftssparten der Bauherren. Map 1: Distribution of still existing worker settlements in Carinthia (built until 1950) classified by the economic category of builders. 175 Kärnten / Carinthia Karte 2: Darstellung der noch existenten Arbeiterwohnstätten in Kärnten (errichtet bis 1950) nach Bebauungstypen. Map 2: Distribution of still existing worker settlements in Carinthia (built until 1950) classified by building type. 176 Dr. Paulus Wall Einführung Foreword Wie überall in Europa haben Arbeitersiedlungen dort ihren Ursprung, wo wirtschaftliche Notwendigkeit der Anlass dafür war, dass die Arbeit vieler Menschen an einem Ort die Produktion, den Transport oder auch die Beschaffung der Rohstoffe garantierte. Das industrielle Zeitalter fand in Oberösterreich bereits einen Jahrtausende alten Salz-Bergbau vor. Die ebenfalls traditionelle Eisenverarbeitung, vor allem der Sensenschmiede, ist noch dem vorindustriellen Zeitalter zuzurechnen und hat ihre Blüte vor der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts und war bereits im Auslaufen. Erste, als industrielle Gründungen zu bezeichnende größere Produktionszweige waren die Textilindustrie zur Baumwollverarbeitung ab dem Jahr 1830 in Gmunden und Linz, dann die Waffenproduktion in Steyr ab 1860 und ab 1938 die Stahlerzeugung in Linz. Für die Region nördlich der Donau war der Abbau von Granit ein wichtiger Handelszweig, der schon in frühen Zeiten die Ansiedlung von Arbeitern begünstigte. Like everywhere else in Europe, Upper Austria's housing estates were a result of economic necessity. It was only due to the physical labour of many people that the production, transport and supply of resources was guaranteed. Ancient salt mining built the foundation of the Upper Austrian industrial age. However, it was the traditional steel manufacturing, and in particular the "Sensenschmiede", that lead to the preindustrial age. It's progress dates back to the mid 18th century and was already in decline. The first striking steps in production formed the textile industry for cotton processing which arose in 1830 in Gmunden and Linz. Soon it was followed by the production of amory in Steyr in 1860. In 1938 the steel production in Linz peaked. For the region north of the Danube the mining of granite had always formed an important basis in trade which, as a consequence was a reason for many people to settle there. Abb. 1: Linz, Wollzeugfabrik kurz vor dem Abriss, 60er Jahre. Fig. 1: Linz, factory before demolition in 60ies in 20th century. Linz Linz Ein Sonderfall für das 20. Jahrhundert ist die Stadt Linz, mit der neu errichteten Eisenproduktion. Durch Reichstagsbeschluss und Verfügung von Hermann Göring wurde im Jahr 1938 der Grundstein für die sog. "Hermann-Göring-Werke" gelegt. Dies hatte zur Folge, dass bereits zum Aufbau der Rüstungsindustrie Arbeitskräfte benötigt wurden, für die in verschiedenen Randgebieten der damaligen Stadtbezirke im Norden (Urfahr) und im Süden (Keferfeld, Kleinmünchen, Bindermichl, Spallerhof) Arbeiterwohnungen errichtet wurden. Dies war wohl im 20. Jahrhundert die letzte Siedlungsgründung, die ausschließlich für die Angestellten und Arbeiter der neuen Industriezweige errichtet wurden. Sie sind nahezu unverändert bis heute erhalten geblieben und wurden nach längerer Diskussion teilweise unter Denkmalschutz gestellt. Durch die überraschende Bestimmung der NS Regierung 1938 in Berlin, die Stadt Linz a.d.Donau als bedeutenden Industriestandort für Chemie und Stahl auszubauen, wuchs die Bevölkerung von 112.000 sofort monatlich um ca. 1.500 Einwohner an. Ein Linz was renowned during the 20th century for the newly developed steel production. The "Reichstagsabschluss" and Hermann Göring’s decision built the foundation for the "Hermann-GöringWerke" in 1938. The need for increased armament manufacture resulted in the increased employees. As a result workman’s flats were errected in the fringe areas of Linz. They were located in the North (Urfahr) and in the South (Keferfeld,…) The building of flats was the last housing development for employees of the new industries. The flats are still a part of Linz’s townscape today and are still almost indentical to the original shape. After long discussions they have partly been placed under a preservation order. In 1938 the NS-government appointed Linz (by the Danube) as the principle location for chemistry and steel industries development. As a result the popluation of 112,000 increased by 1500 inhabitants on a monthly basis. A programme for immediate residential buildings provided 355 flats during the first year. The first architectual drawings of the city were created in the studio 177 Oberösterreich / Upper Austria Wohnbausofortprogramm brachte 355 Wohnungen im ersten Jahr. Erste städtebauliche Festlegungen erfolgten im Atelier des Generalbauinspektors Albert Speer. 1939 wurde Univ. Prof. Arch. Roderich Fick zum "Reichsbaurat für die Stadt Linz" bestellt und landwirtschaftlich genutzte Flächen ehemaliger Nachbargemeinden zu Siedlungsgebieten bestimmt. Dort entstanden sowohl die Wohnhäuser für die aus dem ehemaligen Dorf St. Peter – wo die Hermann Goering-Werke errichtet wurden – abgesiedelten Bewohner als auch die Mehrfamilienhäuser (heute als Hitlerbauten bekannt) für die notwendigen Arbeiter in dem neuen Industriebetrieb. of inspector Albert Speer. In 1939 University Professor. Arch. Roderich Fick was named "Reichsbaurat for the city of Linz" and spaces primarily used for farming were transformed into housing development areas. Houses were built there for the inhabitants of the village of St.Peter, where the "Hermann-Göring-Werke" had been established, but also tenement housing (today also known as "Hitlerbauten") were built for the workers of the new industry area. Abb. 2: Linz, Franckviertel, Ebenhoch-Helletzgruber-Ing. Stern-Wilmhözelstraße. Fig. 2: Linz, Franckviertel, Ebenhoch-Helletzgruber-Ing. Stern-Wilmhözelstraße. Abb. 3: Linz, Franckviertel, Stieglbauernstraße. Fig. 3: Linz, Franckviertel, Stieglbauernstraße. Abb. 4: Linz, Franckviertel, Stieglbauernstraße. Fig. 4: Linz, Franckviertel, Stieglbauernstraße. Arbeiterwohnstätten in Gmunden Linz and Gmunden Die Textilindustrie konnte in mehreren Städten Oberösterreichs auf beachtliche Produktionseinrichtungen verweisen. Neben Gmunden, wo 1872 die "Theresienthaler Aktiengesellschaft" in der ursprünglichen Mühle eine Spinnerei eingerichtet hat und für Wohnzwecke der Fabriksarbeiter 2 Häuser gebaut wurden, ist The textile industry managed to expand in different cities of Upper Austria. In Gmunden, a spinning company was created in the old mill in 1872 by the "Theresienthaler Aktiengesellschaft". Additionally two houses were built for the factory workers to live in. In Linz the 178 Abb. 5: Linz, Am Bindermichl, Hatschekstraße. Fig. 5: Linz, Hatschekstraße. Abb. 6: Linz, Am Bindermichl, Kreuzland. Fig. 6: Linz, Kreuzland. Abb. 7: Linz, Kaplanhof. Fig. 7: Linz, Kaplanhof. Abb. 8: Linz, Kaplanhof. Fig. 8: Linz, Kaplanhof. Abb. 9: Linz, Keferfeld. Fig. 9: Linz, Keferfeld. Abb. 10: Linz, Keferfeld. Fig. 10: Linz, Keferfeld. 179 Oberösterreich / Upper Austria Abb. 11: Linz, Spallerhof. Fig. 11: Linz, Spallerhof. Abb. 12: Linz, Spallerhof. Fig. 12: Linz, Spallerhof. Abb. 13: Theresiental, 1971, im Hintergrund die Textilfabrik. Fig. 13: Theresiental with textile factory in 1971. Abb. 14: Theresiental, 1971, im Hintergrund die Textilfabrik. Fig. 14: Theresiental with textile factory in 1971. Abb. 15: Theresiental, Grundrissplan der ersten Siedlung um 1888. Fig. 15: Ground plan, Theresiental,1888. 180 in Linz die Wollzeugfabrik entstanden, die – an der Donaulände gelegen – zu den größten Fabriken der Monarchie zählte. Von den Siedlungshäusern der Arbeiter ist heute nicht mehr viel erkennbar, zu ihrer Zeit waren sie aber eine beachtliche Sozialleistung. "wool factory" developed. It was located next to the Danube at the "Donaulände". At that time it accounted for the two largest factories of the Monarchy. Unfortunately nowadays there is not much left of the housing estate but at that time they set a great example for socially supported buildings (e.g. Aschensiedlung in Linz). Steyr Steyr Eisengewinnung am Erzberg und Eisenhandel entlang der Enns bezeugen schon früh ausgedehnte Siedlungstätigkeit. Die alte Eisenstadt Steyr hatte das Privileg, dass ausgeführtes Eisen am Stadtplatz zum Kauf angeboten werden musste. Die Entwicklung der Eisenindustrie begünstigte auch die Ansiedlung zahlreicher Arbeiter, die in diesen Zweigen tätig waren. Die Industrialisierung brachte einen neuen Höhepunkt und die Arbeitersiedlung im Wehrgraben zählt heute zu den besterhaltenen Arbeitersiedlungen aus dem 19. Jahrhundert. Die Eisenindustrie verbreitete sich von Steyr auch in die Umgebung, wo das Messererhandwerk als Kleinindustrie Fuß fassen konnte. The extract of iron and its trade caused early expansion of the population in Enns. The ancient iron city of Steyr were privileged to sell iron in the town square. The development of the iron industry encouraged the settlement of employees who worked in this area. The industrialisation formed the new climax and the workers’ housing estate in the "Wehrgraben" is known to be one of the best preserved of the 19th century. The iron industry started spreading from Steyr into the fringe areas where the knife trade was established. Abb. 16: Steyr, Eysnfeld, Lageplan. Fig. 16: Steyr, Eysnfeld, site plan - new. Abb. 17: Steyr, Eysnfeld, Lageplan. Fig. 17: Steyr, Eysnfeld, site plan - archive. Abb. 18: Steyr, Wehrgraben. Fig. 18: Steyr, Wehrgraben. Abb. 19: Steyr, Wehrgraben. Fig. 19: Steyr, Wehrgraben. 181 Oberösterreich / Upper Austria Abb. 20: Steyr, Wehrgraben. Fig. 20: Steyr, Wehrgraben. Abb. 21: Steyr, Wehrgraben. Abb. 21: Steyr, Wehrgraben. Schloss Poneggen Schwertberg/ Poneggen Neben der Eisenindustrie gab es in mehreren Orten Oberösterreichs eine für die damalige Zeit bedeutende Textilindustrie. Dazu zählt auch das ehemalige Schloss Poneggen, das vor 200 Jahren der Sitz der kk privilegierten Strumpfmanufaktur Poneggen gewesen ist. Um 1760 wurden östlich des Schlosses für das Stammpersonal Wohnhäuser errichtet. Along with the iron industry, the textile industry also achieved great development in many Upper Austrian places. Among them the former castle Poneggen, which housed the head of the privileged k.k. tight manufactory Poneggen 200 years ago. Around 1760 14 waver houses were built for the employees which were located in the East of the castle, with a small street separating them. Abb. 22: Schloss Poneggen. Fig. 22: Castle Poneggen. Abb. 23: "Häuslzeile". Fig. 23: Narrow street view. 182 Es wurden 14 Weberhäusel gebaut, die eine enge Gasse bildeten und aus Wohnhäusern auf der linken Seite und einem dazugehörigen Wirtschaftsgebäude auf der rechten Seite bestanden; nach hinten hinaus war der Zugang zu ihren Äckern und Wiesen. Wohnstätten in Form von Mehrfamilienhäusern gab es vor allem in Linz, aber auch in Gmunden. On the left hand side the residential houses were located whereas the trading buildings were situated on the right. The street lead out into the fields and acres. Further accommodation in the form of tenement houses were founded in Linz and Gmunden. Further family accomodation were founded in Linz and Gmunden. Plöcking Plöcking Ein weiterer Produktionszweig im Gebiet nördlich der Donau waren die Steinbrüche und der Abbau von Granit. Um die Arbeiter dem Unternehmen zu erhalten und Abwanderung zu vermeiden, wurden zuerst Häuser durch die Eigentümerfamilie angekauft. 1870 wurde die Errichtung des "Neugebäudes" in Plöcking geplant, in dem jeder Arbeiterfamilie eine eigene abgeschlossene Wohnung zur Verfügung stand. Nach der Fertigstellung 1872 hatte das Gebäude 48 Wohneinheiten sowie Schlafstellen in den ausgebauten Dachräumen für die ledigen Steinbrucharbeiter. Toiletten und Wasserentnahmestellen waren außerhalb des Hauses. Plöcking 27, 30 und 31, erbaut 1870/72 von Planck von Planckenburg. Another production field located North of the Danube was the stone quarry and the mining of granite. In order to ensure the workers settle and prevent them from moving, buildings were bought by the quarry owners. In 1870 the errection of a "new building" was planned in Plöcking. The plan was to provide allocated flats for the working families. After the completion in 1872 the buildings consisted of 48 accommodation units as well as lodgings for the unwed quarry workers in converted attic space. Lavatory and water intake points could be found outside of the houses. Abb. 24: Plöcking, Originalzustand vor Umbau. Kleines Bild: Neugebäude (Aufnahme ca. 1950). Fig. 24: Plöcking, BW picture presents building before reconstruction. Small picture presents reconstructed building in 1950. 183 Oberösterreich / Upper Austria Die letzte Arbeitersiedlung in Oberösterreich wurde in den Fünfzigerjahren im Gemeindegebiet von Traun errichtet. Es handelt sich um eine Häuserzeile mit zehn nach außen gleichen Objekten mit jeweils vier Wohneinheiten. Diese sogenannte Hammerwegsiedlung wurde von der Stadt Traun für die Arbeiter in verschiedenen Betrieben errichtet und es war bezeichnend, dass es unter diesen Bewohnern ein einmaliges Zusammengehörigkeitsgefühl gegeben hat, das diese Menschen für ihr Leben geprägt hat. Die Siedlung besteht noch in Anteilen, die alten Häuser werden jedoch laufend abgerissen und durch Neubauten ersetzt. Upper Austria's last workers' housing estate was built in the fifties of the 20th century in the municipal area of Traun. It is a row of houses with ten outwardly identic objects, each containing four accomodation units. Erectecd by the township of Traun for labourers of different fields of work this so called "Hammerwegsiedlung" enabled a unique sense of togetherness among its residents that moreover formed those people's lives. This housing estate partially still exists but the old houses are being demolished constantly and replaced by new buildings. 184 Doc. dr. Domen Zupančič Delavska naselja v Sloveniji Slovenia’s historic workers' accomodation Spodnji seznam predstavlja osnovni pregled izbora delavskih naselij na območju republike Slovenije. Izbor temelji na dveh pogojih: tipika območja in kvalitetne obnove. Izvorno so naselja nastala na pobudo nosilcev ekonomskega in prostorskega razvoja in jih lahko strnem v tri skupine: industrialci (premogovniki, železarstvo, bombaž), železnice in država. Najstarejše naselje ali bolje rečeno delavska kasarna je Stara Sava na Jesenicah (ob koncu 18. st), najmlajše delavsko naselje na območju Slovenije je delavsko naselje Šalara pri Kopru iz leta 1957. Naselje je zasnoval arhitekt Edo Mihevc. Prvotne zasnove tovrstnih posameznih objektov ali naselij so temeljile na splošnih tipskih načrtih, ki so omogočali ponovitve in prilagajanje trenutnemu stanju in prostorskim pogojem na lokaciji (členitve na fasadi, barve, gradbeni materiali, etažnost objekta). Načrti in celovite avtorske arhitekturne ureditve se pojavijo v zgodnjem 20. st. Skupna značilnost pri tematiki delavskih naselij je v zagotavljanju minimalnih pogojev preživetja delavca in delavske družine. To so skromno oblikovani objekti s skromno odmerjenimi prostori, načeloma ima bivalni prostor hkrati več funkcij (kuhinja, spalnica, otroška soba). Z ozirom na skromne zidane prostore imajo praviloma tovrstni objekti še pridane zunanje elemente in servisne objekte (poljska stranišča, zelenjavne vrtove, drvarnice, shrambe, golobnjake). Trenutno stanje delavskih naselij je zanimivo, ob prehodu v tržno ekonomijo in prenosu javne lastnine v zasebne lastniške odnose, so se spremenili tudi odnosi do nepremične dediščine. Posamezni objekti so slabše vzdrževani. Močno razdrobljena lastniška struktura ne omogoča korenitih, celovitih obnov; nemalokrat so objekti slabo upravljani. S posameznimi vzorčnimi prenovami so narejeni koraki naprej, obnove potrebujejo še večjo odmevnost v strokovnih in splošnih krogih. Stanovalci kolonije v Mariboru so med mojim raziskovanjem naselja odkrito in prisrčno pozdravili prenovo objekta na Preradovičevi ulici. Veseli bi bili dodatnih pojasnil ali strokovnih smernic, ki bi jih ob lastnih prenovah upoštevali (fasadni plašči, ostrešja, ograje). Podobni odzivi so bili tudi na drugih lokacijah. Vesel sem bil volje in upanja prebivalcev, da bodo za objekte poskrbeli kar se da dobro, če bo le njihova prihodnost bolj trdna. Kot arhitekt lahko ocenjujem, da je bilo življenje v teh delavskih insulah vse prej kot preprosto. Poleg trdega dela na delovnem mestu, so bile doma družine z veliko otroci. Preživljanje "prostega" časa je bilo možno le izven stanovanj (gostilne, vrtovi, cesta), saj imajo stanovanja majhne kvadrature. Pri obnovah in prenovah takih prostorskih struktur je neizogibno vprašanje: kako ohraniti identiteto objekta in ponuditi stanovalcem zadosten bivanjski standard (osvetljenost, izolativnost stavbnega pohištva, ekonomičnost ogrevanja, ustrezne sanitarije, mirujoči promet, odprava arhitekturnih ovir, dvigala). S tega vidika nas čaka še veliko dela, ki bo temeljilo na jasnih načelih zasnove in razvoja teh naselij. Pri tem moramo sodelovati vsi: prebivalci, arhitekti, urbanisti, konservatorji, zgodovinarji, sociologi in druga strokovna javnost. Ena izmed možnosti so širše anketne arhitekturne delavnice kot strokovne podlage za nadaljnje delo. The following list is a basic review of selected workers' accommodations on the territory of the Republic of Slovenia. The selection is founded on two conditions: area type and quality of renovation. The housing accommodations were originally created on initiatives from promoters of economic and spatial development who may be divided into three groups: industrialists (coal mining, iron and cotton industries), railways, and the state. The oldest housing estate or, more accurately, 'worker's barracks' is Stara Sava in Jesenice (end of 18th century), and the latest worker's housing estate in Slovenia is Šalara near Koper, built in 1957, designed by architect Edo Mihevc. The original designs of individual structures or estates of this kind were based on general standard blueprints which enabled repetitions and adaptations to the current situation and the spatial conditions of the location (façade articulation, colours, building materials, number of storeys). Designs and comprehensive authorial architectural solutions appear in the early 20th century. The common feature of the issue of the workers' housing accommodation is assuring minimal living conditions for the workers and their families. These are modestly designed structures with rooms of modest dimensions. In principle, the residential space is multi-functional (kitchen, sleeping room, children's room). On account of their modest spaces, structures of this kind usually had outer structures and service structures added (outbuildings, vegetable gardens, woodsheds, pantries, dovecotes). The current situation of the worker's housing accommodations is interesting. In the wake of the transition to a market economy and the transfer of property from public to private ownership, attitudes towards immovable heritage also changed. Some structures are poorly maintained. A highly fragmented ownership structure does not facilitate radical, comprehensive renovations; structures which are poorly managed are not unusual. Through the implementation of individual exemplary renovations, progress is being made, but these renovations need greater recognition among the expert and the general public. Residents of ahousing estate in Maribor sincerely and cordially hailed the refurbishment of a structure in Preradovičeva Street during the course of my survey of their estate. They would be glad to have additional clarifications or expert guidelines which they could incorporate into their own renovation projects (building envelopes,roofings, rails). Similar reactions were evident at other locations. I was pleased at the desire and hope of the residents to take as good care as possible of their structures if only their future were more certain. As an architect, I can estimate that life in these worker's insulae was anything but simple. Besides toiling at work, they had to cope with large families at home. 'Leisure' was available only outside dwellings (in bars, gardens, streets) as dwellings had small floor areas. In the course of renovating or refurbishing such structures a question inevitably arises: how can one maintain the structure's identity and provide the residents with sufficient residential standards (illumination, insulated windows and doors, energy efficient heating, appropriate sanitation, stationary traffic, removal of architectonic impediments, elevators) Concerning this question, there is a lot of work ahead which is to be founded on clear design and development principles related to this type of accommodation. Everybody needs to participate in this process: residents, architects, urbanists, conservation specialists, historians, sociologists and other expert public. One possibility is to hold broader architectural survey workshops to create an expert basis for further work. 185 Slovenija / Slovenia Gorenjska Jesenice, Stara Sava – Kasarna (EŠD 202), Prešernova cesta 48 Gorenjska Jesenice, Stara Sava the Barracks workers house Investor Viktor Ruard in njegovi nasledniki konec 18. Stoletja (cca 1770-85) Victor Ruard and his successors end of 18th century (cca 1770 -85) Objekt je zgrajen po tipskem načrtu. Prvotni načrt je predvideval tri etaže in dvokapno streho – mansardo. Izveden je z dvema etažama in mansardo. Objekt je bil obnovljen leta 2005 in je namenjen Glasbeni šoli Jesenice. V objektu sta poleg učilnic predstavljeni dvoje tipičnih delavskih domovanj (1930 in 1940) v obliki muzejskih sob. Poleg obnovitve kasarne je bilo v tem obdobju obnovljeno celotno območje Stare Save. The structure is built according to a standard blueprint. The original blueprint anticipated three storeys and a pitched roof with a garret. The realisation has two storeys and a garret. The structure was refurbished in 2005 and intended for use by the Music School of Jesenice. In addition to classrooms, the structure houses two typical workers' dwellings (1930 and 1940) as museum rooms. In addition to the refurbishment of the 'barracks', the entire area of Stara Sava was refurbished. Sl. 2: Vzhodna fasada in park pred kasarno. Fig. 2:Eastern façade and garden infront of the barracs. Sl. 1: Ohranjen dimnik. Fig. 1: Restored chimney. Sl. 3: Trg med cerkvijo in kasarno. Fig. 3: Square at the Barracks and church of Stara Sava. 186 Gorenjska Tržič, Delavsko naselje Preska, Preska Bombažna predilnica in tkalnica Tržič BPT Preska Gorenjska Tržič, Workers' accommodation Preska Cotton weaving mill Tržič investitor Edmund Glanzman začetek 20. stoletja Edmund Glanzman at the beginning of 20th century Območje Preske tvori osem štiri stanovanjskih objektov oz. hiš nanizanih vzdolž osi ulice. Objekti imajo dve etaži in mansardo. Vhodi v objekte so na zatrepnih straneh, ena stanovanjska enota je v pritličju, druga stanovanjska enota je v mansardi. Strehe so močno členjene – s frčadami. Ob preučevanju morfološke enote sem ugotovil, da gre v bistvu za dva tlorisno enaka tipa, ki se razlikujeta pri oblikovanju frčad. Osrednji objekti imajo dvokapne, vstopni oz. izstopni objekti pa imajo enokapno frčado. Vsako stanovanje v objektu ima vrt proti glavni osrednji ulici. Bočno k osnovnim objektom sledijo servisni objekti (drvarnice, lope). Preska je dober primer goste zazidave z visokim deležem izrabe stavbnega zemljišča. Poudariti moram, da imajo objekti strmejši naklon strehe, kot je značilno za območje Gorenjske. Naklon strešin je med 47° in 49°. Eight 4-unit houses constitute the area of Preska. The structures are two-storeyed, with a garret. The entrances to the houses are on the gable side; one dwelling unit is on the ground floor, the other is in the garret. The roofs are heavily articulated, with prominent dormers. While studying the morphological unit, I found out that there were two identical floor plans which differ in the design of the dormers. The central structures have pitched roof dormers, while the entrance and exit structures respectively, have lean-to roof dormers. Every dwelling in the structure has a garden on the side of the main street. Lateral to the residential structures there is a succession of service structures (woodsheds, sheds). Preska is a good example of dense development with a high floor space index. I have to stress that the structures feature a steeper roof inclination than usual in this area of Gorenjska/Upper Carniola. The pitch of the slopes vary between 47° and 49° degrees. Sl. 4: Sprednja fasada objekta z značilnimi zelenjavnimi vrtovi. Fig. 4: Front façade with vegetable gardens. Sl. 5: Vhod v hišo. Fig. 5: Entrance in the house. Sl. 6: Pogled na ulico proti severu. Fig. 6: Street view, north view. Sl. 7: Poleg stanovanjskih objektov so značini še manjši gospodarski objekti (drvarnice, golobnjaki). Fig. 7: Along dwellings are small objects as dovecots and woodsheds. 187 Slovenija / Slovenia Gorenjska Tržič Dekliški dom, Blejska cesta Bombažna predilnica in tkalnica Tržič Gorenjska Tržič Maiden’s accommodation, Blejska cesta Cotton weaving mill Tržič investitor Edmund Glanzman 1923 Edmund Glanzman 1923 Za samske delavke, ki so delale v bombažni predilnici, je lastnik Edmund Glanzmann poskrbel kot pravi gentelman. V bližini svoje vile preko potoka Mošenik je dal postaviti večji objekt namenjen samo njim. Objekt je stisnjen med potok na vzhodu in med strmo pobočje na zahodu. V nasprotju z naseljem Preska je tu poudarek na objektu in manj na okolici. Funkcionalno zemljišče ob objektu je skromno in ne nudi zunanjih aktivnosti (zelenjavni vrtovi, drvarnice). Objekt ima tri etaže in mansardo, streha je štirikapnica. Fasada ni izrazito oblikovana, izstopajo poudarjeni loki oz. preklade nad okni v srednji etaži. Vstop v objekt je na južni strani, ki je bolj plastično oblikovana. Edmund Glanzman, the owner of the cotton mill, provided for his unmarried women workers like a true gentleman. Not far from his villa, across Mošenik stream, he erected a large structure intended only for them. The structure is squeezed between the stream to the east and a steep slope to the west. Unlike the Preska housing estate, here more emphasis is placed on the structure and less on the surroundings. The land appertaining to the structure is limited and does not provide for outdoor activities (vegetable gardens or woodsheds). The structure is three-storeyed, with a garret and hip roof. The façade does not feature any particular articulation; only the arched windows in the middle storey stand out. The entrance to the house is on the southern side, which is more articulated. Sl. 8: Zahodna fasada dekliškega doma, prepoznana je horizontalna členjenost z okenskimi odprtinami. Fig. 8: West façade of Maiden’s accommodation, surface is clearly horizontaly divided with different openings. Sl. 9: Zastekljen vogal nadstropja. Fig. 9: Glazed corner in the 2nd froor. Sl. 10: Vzhodna fasada dekliškega doma. Fig. 10: East façade of Maiden’s accommodation. Sl. 11: Lok nad vhodnimi vrati. Fig. 11: An arch above the entrance door. 188 Ljubljana Hranilniška kolonija (EŠD 13692), Hranilniška ulica Ljubljana Colony of Kranjska hranilnica savings bank Kolonija je nastala po grafičnih predlogah Wilhelma Trea. Prvotno ulično pozidavo z drevoredom je tvorilo 9 objektov pravokotnega tlorisa, danes jih je 7. Objekti so dvoetažni z mansardo pod dvokapno streho. Prvotno naj bi streha imela čope. Poleg teh objektov je na zahodni strani ulice večji objekt, pravokotnega tlorisa s štirimi etažami in mansardo. Tudi ta objekt odstopa od načrta. Streha na tem objektu je štirikapnica. Objekti imajo zasebna dvorišča za objekti (na vzhodni in zahodni strani). Fasade so oblikovane preprosto in niso močno razgibane. Posebnost osnovnih objektov je ločni opečnati portal vstopnih vrat v objekte in ločne opečnate preklade nad okni v pritlični etaži. The workers' housing was constructed following the graphic templates of Wilhelm Treu. The original street development comprised nine structures in a rectangular layout; there are now seven. The structures are two-storeyed, with a garret under a pitched roof. Originally, hip roofs were planned. In addition to these structures, there is a large structure on the west side of the street with a rectangular layout, four storeys and a garret. This structure, too, is different from the original design. The house has a hip roof. The houses have private backyards (on the eastern and western side). Façades are simple and not strongly articulated. A notable feature of the houses are the arcaded brick entrance portals and brick arches above the ground-floor windows. Sl. 12: Večstanovanjski objekt na južnem delu ulice. Fig. 12: Multistorey object at the southern part of the street. Sl. 13: Pogled na hiše z notranjiih dvorišč. Fig. 13: View from inner courtyard. Sl. 14: Ulični pogeld na osnovni objekt. Fig. 14: Basic object, street view. Sl. 15: Severni del ulice. Fig. 15: Northern end of the street. Kranjska hranilnica 1887-1889 189 Kranjska hranilnica 1887-1889 Slovenija / Slovenia Štajerska Trbovlje Kolonija Njiva (EŠD 774), Cesta 1. junija, Trg svobode 22 - 26 Štajerska Trbovlje Colony Njiva (EŠD 774), Cesta 1. junija, Trg svobode 22 - 26 Rudarske hiše v Trbovljah so izreden primer delavske večstanovanjske arhitekturne rešitve. Pravokotni tlorisi treh etaž imajo dvokapno streho, severni del tlorisa tvori stopnišče in sanitarni vozel. Tako stopnišče in sanitarni del sta na notranjem dvorišču izmaknjena iz ravnine fasade osnovnega objekta. Fasada notranjega dvorišča ima dva lesena balkona vpeta med sanitarni del in zatrepno fasado. Kot zanimivost še omenim, da je bila rudarska hiša iz Trbovelj predstavljena na poštni znamki Slovenije (datum izdaje: 03.07.2004, risba: Zagorka Simić, oblikovanje: Julija Zornik). The miners' houses at Trbovlje are an extraordinary example of an architectural solution for multi-unit workers' housing. The rectangular ground plans of the three storeys are surmounted by a pitched roof. In the northern section of the layout, the staircase and sanitary node are accommodated. The staircase and the sanitary node area project from the façade plane on the backyard side of the house. The elevation on the backyard side of the house features two wooden balconies accommodated between the sanitary service block and the gable façade.Let me mention as a curiosity that one of these houses was featured on a Slovene postage stamp (published on July 3, 2004, drawing by Zagorka Simić, design by Julija Zornik). 1896-1899 1896-1899 Sl. 16: Skromno členjeni in oblikovani objekti. Fig. 16: Modestly composed buildings with plain surfaces of façades. Sl. 17: Ulica z delavskimi bloki. Fig. 17: Street view of the colony. Sl. 18: Pogled z notranjega dvorišča, izrazita je plastičnost stavnih mas in leseni balkoni. Fig. 18: Inner courtyard view where building mases are more vividly shaped combined with wooden balconies. 190 Primorska Idrija prhauz Brusovše (EŠD 13812), Rudarska ulica 1-19 Idrijski rudnik I. etapa 1872, II. etapa 1898 Idrijski rudnik je v dobrih 90 letih v 19. stoletju povečal delovno silo za 250% in s tem se je povečalo tudi število prebivalcev v mestu. V tem obdobju so značilne tipske pozidave delavskih stanovanj po vsem mestu. Brusovše predstavljajo celovito tipično oblikovano pozidavo ulice v 19. st. Ulico tvorijo vzdolžni dvoetažni objekti z dvokapnimi strehami na vzhodni strani in samostojne hiše dvostanovanjske hiše na zahodni strani ulice. Hiše so postavljene pravokotno na os ulice. Objekti so skromno oblikovani brez izrazitih členitev fasadnega ovoja. Dvokapne strešine imajo naklon 38°. Primorska Idrija Berghaus Brusovše (EŠD 13812), Rudarska ulica 1-19 Idria’s mine Street was built in two phases: 1872 and 1898. The Idrija Mine increased its workforce in the 19th century by 250% over 90-odd years, which also resulted in an increase in the town's population. This period is characterised by typical workers' housing developments throughout the town. Brusovše is a comprehensive and typically designed street development in the 19th century. To the east, the street is formed by longitudinally placed two-storey structures with pitched roofs, and to the west by two-unit detached houses. The houses are placed perpendicularly to the street axis. The structures are modestly designed, with no pronounced articulations of façade cladding. Roofs are pitched at 38°. Sl. 19: Pogled na sosesko. Fig. 19: View from church hill towards Brusovše. Sl. 20: Rudarska ulica. Fig. 20: Rudarska street. Sl. 21: Obnovljen objekt na rudarski ulici, 2009. Fig. 21: Reconstructed house at Brusovše in 2009. 191 Slovenija / Slovenia Primorska Idrija prhauz (EŠD 13815), Freyerjeva ulica 7, 9, 11, 13 Idrijski rudnik Zadnja četrtina 19. stoletja. Niz dvoetažnih vrstnih hiš z mansardami pod dvokapno streho. Strehe so v naklonu 38°. Tloris objektov je pravokoten. Fasade so preproste. Na osnovi členitve fasadnega ovoja je možna opredelitev notranjih prostorov: vhod na vzdolžni stranici v kotu objekta, nad vhodom so sanitarni prostori, nato sledijo bivalni prostori. Primorska Idrija Berghaus Freyer, Freyerjeva ulica 7, 9, 11, 13 Idria’s mine Last quarter of 19th century. A row of two-storey terrace houses with garrets under pitched roofs. The roofs are inclined at 38°.The structures have rectangular ground plans. Elevations are simple. Their articulation defines the interior spaces: the entrance on the corner of the longitudinal side of the house; above it, sanitation facilities and other residential spaces. Sl. 22: Niz objektov na Freyerjevi ulici. Fig. 22: A row of buildings at Freyer's street. Sl. 23: Detajl. Fig. 23: Detail. Sl. 24: Pogled na notranje dvorišče. Fig. 24: Inner courtyard view with entrances. 192 Štajerska Maribor Železničarska kolonija (EŠD 448), Kurilniška, Koresova, Preradovičeva, Komenskega ulica Štajerska Maribor Railway colony Na večjem območju južno ob železnici sta nastali dve železničarski koloniji. Prva je nastala 1863 s postavitvijo 12 štiri stanovanjskih hiš. Hiše so pravokotnega tlorisa. Hiše so sila preprosti dvoetažni objekti s dvokapno streho v naklonu 38° ali manj. Po petih letih so na bližnjem območju dogradili še 28 objektov. Ti objekti so večji, sicer tudi dvoetažni, vendar zaradi širših tlorisnih gabaritov omogočajo izkoristek mansarde. Fasade teh objektov so smiselno oblikovane in členjene: opečna vez med pritličjem in nadstropjem objekt deli na dva dela. Pritlični del objekta ima fasado iz vidnih opečnih zidakov, zgornji del je ometan. Poleg kvalitetne zasnove tlorisov in pojavnosti objektov so načrtovalci namenili veliko pozornosti okolici. Objekti imajo zelenjavne vrtove in drvarnice. Kot napredek štejem tudi kleti v objektih. Objekti so postavljeni na jasno ortogonalno ulično mrežo. Kolonija dobro funkcionira še danes. In a large area along the railway line, to the south of it, two railway housing colonies were created. The first came into being in 1863, when twelve four-unit houses were constructed. They have rectangular ground plans. The houses are extremely simple two-storeyed structures, with pitched roofs inclined at 38° or less. Five years later, in the nearby area, twenty-eight structures were added. These are larger, and also two-storeyed, but their larger ground plan enables the use of garrets. The elevations of these structures are meaningfully shaped and articulated: bricks divide the structure into two parts. The ground floor. Sl. 25: Oblikovno in funkcionalno kvalitetno oblikovana kolonija s prepoznavnimi elementi in jasno ulično mrežo. Fig. 25: Spatial and functional designed settlement with clear street grid with building types using basic architectural elements. Južne železnice 1863-1873 193 South railway company * Südbanhof 1863-1873 Slovenija / Slovenia Imenski seznam delavskih naselij in kolonij na območju republike Slovenije (niso predstavljena v tem poročilu) List of additional workers housing in Slovenia (not presented in this report) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. Celje – kolonija Westen Idrija - Rudarski bloki na Gradnikovi in Tomšičevi ulici Idrija - Rudarski bloki na Partizanski ulici Idrija - Rudarski bloki v Rudarski ulici Izola - Delavsko naselje Jančarjev potok, Breg - Rudarski zaselek Kidričevo Kočevje - Rudarska kolonija Koper - Delavsko naselje Šalara Kropa Ljubljana - Carinarniška kolonija Ljubljana - Stanovanjska kolonija ob Gerbičevi Ljubljana - Delavsko naselje Zelena jama Ljubljana – Galjevica Ljubljana – Fondovi bloki Maribor - Delavska kolonija Podpeca - Rudarski zaselek Šmele Trbovlje - Kolonija 1.maja Trbovlje - Kolonija Kurja vas Trbovlje - Kolonija Neža 1 Trbovlje - Kolonija ob Vodenski cesti Trbovlje - Kolonija Ribnik Trbovlje - Občinska kolonija Trbovlje - Šuštarjeva kolonija Trbovlje - Švabska kolonija Trbovlje - Rudarski dom Zagorje ob Savi - Okrogarjeva kolonija 194 DI Georg Kanhäuser Mag. Eva Pichler Arbeiterwohnhaus, Kölach, Dillacherstraße 1 Workers’ house, Dillacherstrasse 1, Kölach Eisen, Kohle und Glas verhalfen der Stadt Köflach in der westlichen Steiermark im 19. Jahrhundert zu ihrem raschen industriellen Aufstieg und hinterließen ihre Spuren im Stadtbild. Neben neuen Industrieanlagen entstanden erste Wohnhäuser für die angeworbenen Arbeitskräfte, wobei das mehrgeschossige Laubenganghaus zum Standardwohnhaustypus der weststeirischen Kohlereviere avancierte. Ein interessantes Beispiel dieser Hausform findet sich in der Dillacherstraße 1, erbaut durch Mayr Freiherr von Melnhof: Der zweigeschossige, lang gezogene Baukörper mit je elf Wohneinheiten (30 m2) pro Geschoss und einem ausgebauten Dachgeschoss stammt aus dem Jahr 1870. 30 Arbeiterfamilien fanden in Zimmer-Küche- bzw. Einzimmerwohnungen ihre Unterkunft und teilten sich zwei Klosetts pro Geschoss an den Enden der Lauben und eine Holzlage auf der gegenüberliegenden Straßenseite. Bei der Erschließungsform handelt es sich nicht wie üblich um ein inneres Stiegenhaus, die Treppen laufen mittig im Freien am Laubengang entlang bis ins Dachgeschoss, um unter einem zentralen Quergiebel zusammenzutreffen. Die Laubengänge wurden mit ihrer südlichen Ausrichtung als erweiterter, sonniger Wohnraum gern genutzt – durch das weit nach vorne gezogene, einfache Satteldach waren sie auch bei Witterung geschützt. Die weithin sichtbare, elfachsige Vorderfront präsentiert sich dagegen schmucklos, mit einfachen Fensterbalken und Dachgauben. Nicht zuletzt durch die Verwendung von Holz bei Lauben und Treppen, sowie durch deren Art und Lage, hat dieses Arbeiterwohnhaus einen sehr ländlichen Charakter. Iron, coal and glass helped to propel the town of Köflach in western Styria to rapid industrial ascendancy in the 19th century, leaving their tracks in the townscape. In addition to new industrial facilities there arose the first housing for the recruited labour force, with the multi-storey access-balcony building design progressing to become the standard residential layout in the western Styrian coal-mining area. An interesting example of this form of house is to be found at Dillacherstrasse 1, built for Mayr Freiherr von Melnhof. The twostorey, elongated building, with eleven accommodation units (30 m2) per floor and fitted-out loft, was constructed in 1870. Some 30 working families were accommodated in kitchen-dining or single room apartments, sharing two toilets per floor at the ends of the balconies and a wood store on the opposite side of the street. Access is not by means of a conventional interior staircase; the stairs are outdoors, running centrally in line with the access balcony right up to loft floor level so as to meet under a central side gable. Given their orientation to the south, the access balconies found favour as extended, sunny living space, being also well protected from inclement weather by the substantial overhang of the simple saddle roof. In comparison the eleven bay frontage, visible from afar, is bare, with simple window sills and roof dormers. This workers’ house has a very rural character, not least as a result of the use of wood in the balconies and stairs, along with their type and positioning. Abb. 1: Pläne und Ansichten des Arbeiterhauses in der Dillacherstraße, Kölach. Fig. 1:Plans and views of the workers house in Dillacherstraße, Kölach. 195 Steiermark / Styria Die "Brunner Kolonie" in Pöling Brunn The "Brunner Kolonie" in Pöling Brunn Bereits Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts wird im sog. "Wieser Revier" Glanzkohle abgebaut; zu einem erhöhten Wohnungsbedarf durch Ansiedlung ortsfremder Arbeiter führt aber erst die Bahnverbindung nach Graz und der damit verbundene Ausbau der Gruben in Schönegg. 1871-73 ließ Bergdirektor Wenzel Radimsky zwischen den Dörfern Pölfing und Brunn nahe der Schachtanlagen auf einer Fläche von 27,6 ha eine völlig neue Siedlung errichten – 128 eingeschossige Häuser mit kleinen Gärten nach englischem Vorbild, die in Längsrichtung in 20 Fünferund 4 Siebener- Reihen und in Querrichtung in drei Parallelen gruppiert sind. Wohnwege trennen die Häuser von der jeweils 17 m langen zwischen liegenden Gartenfläche und ermöglichen eine flexible Verteilung der Gartenparzellen. Auch ein und derselbe Anthracite was already being mined in the so-called "Wieser Revier" area by the end of the 18th century, but an elevated demand for accommodation for non-local workers re-settling to the area only arose as a result of the completion of the railway connection to Graz and associated enlargement of the mine workings in Schönegg. Over the period 1871-73, the director of mineworks Wenzel Radimsky had a completely new settlement built between the villages of Pölfing and Brunn, close to the pits and covering an area of 27.6 hectares. There were 128 single storey houses with small gardens in the English style, arranged longitudinally in rows of 20 or 4 and transversely on three parallel axes. Residential paths separate the houses from the 17 m long garden areas in between, enabling flexible distribution of the Abb. 2: Pläne und Ansichten der „Brunner Kolonie" in Pöling Brunn. Die Grundrisspläne zeigen verschiedene Varianten. Fig. 2: Plans and views of the „Brunner Kolonie" in Pöling Brunn. The ground-plans show different variants. 196 Haustypus mit je 71,5 m2 Grundfläche konnte in verschiedenen Varianten genutzt und auf die Bewohner abgestimmt werden: So unterteilte der durchlaufende Mittelflur jedes Haus in zwei große Räume, die ledigen Arbeitern als Schlafraum zugeteilt wurden oder zwei getrennte Einzimmerwohnungen ergaben. Für Familien kombinierte man aus zwei Zimmern eine Zimmer-KücheWohnung. Auch der Mittelflur konnte aufgeteilt werden, sodass jede Partei, bzw. je zwei Parteien auf einer separaten Hausseite über einen eigenen Eingang verfügten. Vier Häuser der Siedlung hatten einen gemeinschaftlichen Zweck: Schule, Bibliothek, Notspital und Magazin. Die Wohnverhältnisse in der "Brunner Kolonie" waren für jene Zeit außerordentlich gut – auch, weil ein eigenes Fassungsmagazin billige Lebensmittel gewährleistete. Der Verkauf der Häuser 1957 löste schließlich eine intensive Modernisierungswelle aus, die das einheitliche Bild der Kolonie stark veränderte. Sanitäreinrichtungen wurden ein-, Dachböden ausgebaut, teilweise wurde sogar aufgestockt und angebaut. Auch Musterbeispiele für ins Siedlungsbild passende Erweiterungen, entworfen in den 80er Jahren von Studenten der TU Graz (Institut für Städtebau, Umweltgestaltung und Denkmalpflege) vermochten die frühere Homogenität der Kolonie nicht mehr zu retten. garden plots. A single house type, having 71.5 m2 floor space, offered a number of usage variants and could be tailored to residents. The middle floor of each house was subdivided into two large rooms, which could be assigned to single workers as bedrooms or employed as two separate single room apartments. For families, the two rooms were combined to yield a kitchendining apartment. The middle floor could also be partitioned in such a way that each party or pair thereof enjoyed access via their own entrance on separate sides of the building. Four houses in the settlement were for communal purposes: school, library, emergency clinic and storeroom. Living conditions in the "Brunner Kolonie" were exceptionally good for the time – in part as a result of the low-price supply storeroom with its guarantee of cheap groceries. The sale of the houses in 1957 ultimately triggered an intense wave of modernisation, which radically altered the formerly consistent appearance of the colony. Bathrooms were installed, lofts converted, in some cases even extra floors or extensions arose. Even the provision of exemplars for extensions that would fit into the appearance of the colony, designed in the 80s by students at Graz University of Technology (Institute of Urbanism, Environmental Planning and Conservation of Monuments ), was unable to save the former homogeneity of the colony. Pulverfabrikskolonie, Trofaiach Pulverfabrikskolonie, Trofaiach Während des Ersten Weltkrieges errichteten 5.000 Kriegsgefangene im kleinen obersteirischen Ort Trofaiach innerhalb kürzester Zeit eine kriegswichtige Pulverfabrik als Ersatz für eine evakuierte Fabrik in Kamnik bei Laibach. 1920-22 entstand zur Wohnversorgung der Arbeiter die sog. Pulverfabrikskolonie, Architekt war vermutlich Walther Schwarz. Die bemerkenswerte Anlage wird von sechs geschwungenen Baublöcken gebildet, die sich einem mandelförmigen Grundstück annähern und dabei einen angerartigen Freiraum bilden – so wird During the First World War, in a very short time 5000 prisoners of war built a gunpowder factory in the small upper Styrian town of Trofaiach, a facility critical to the war effort and replacing an evacuated factory in Kamnik bei Ljubljana. During the period 1920-22 worker accommodation was built in the form of the so-called "Pulverfabrikskolonie" [gunpowder factory colony]. The architect is assumed to have been Walther Schwarz. The remarkable settlement is composed of six curved blocks lying on what approximates to an almond-shaped site, Abb. 3: Pläne und Ansichten der „Pulverfabrikskolonie" in Trofaich. Fig. 3: Plans and views of the „ Pulverfabrikskolonie " in Trofaiach. 197 Steiermark / Styria die Charakteristik des Ortes unterstrichen. Dieser rhythmisch geschwungene Hofbereich erfährt eine gemeinschaftliche Nutzung, während sich die privaten Gärten der Hausbewohner hinter den Gebäuden erstrecken. Vom Hof aus erschließen sich auch die unterschiedlich ausgerichteten Wohnungen in den Zwei- und Dreispännern: Wohnküchen mit Zimmer mit 40 oder 50 m2 und ein größerer Wohnküche-Zimmer-Kabinett-Typus, alle mit einer Loggia ausgestattet. In einer freien und leichten Art und Weise vereint die Pulverfabrikskolonie verschiedenste Stilformen des Heimatschutz – so dehnt die prägnante Rundpfeilerstellung des Kopfbaus die Loggia auf zwei Geschosse aus und vermittelt damit den Eindruck einer offenen, einladenden Architektur. Eine der erstaunlichsten Hervorbringungen des Wohnbaus der unmittelbaren Nachkriegszeit verzichtet damit auf starre Muster und zeigt eine weit elegantere Ausformung des Spännertyps. Bleibt zu hoffen, dass eine Sanierung diese Qualitäten unterstützt und hervorhebt. bounding a meadow-like open space – this is the principal characteristic of the location. This rhythmically curved courtyard area is used communally, whilst the residents’ private gardens extend out from the rear of the buildings. There is access from the courtyard to variously configured apartments in double and triple combinations: kitchen-dining with a room covering 40 or 50 m2 and a larger type combining kitchen-dining, additional room and closet, all featuring a balcony. With a light touch, the Pulverfabrikskolonie unifies diverse styles drawn from cultural heritage. Thus the concise layout of cylindrical columns in the frontage extends the balcony over two floors, thereby conveying the impression of open, inviting architecture. So it is that one of the most astonishing products of immediately post-war residential construction foregoes stricture of form and presents a far more elegant design of low apartment block. One can only hope that any renovation will conserve and indeed emphasise these qualities. Siedlung Nord, ehem. Gefolgschaftssiedlung, Trofaiach Northern settlement, former Gefolgschaftssiedlung, Trofaiach Trofaiach erlangte für den Arbeiterwohnbau besonders aufgrund seiner Nähe zu den Donawitzer Hüttenwerken Bedeutung. Relativ spät passierte der nicht nur quantitativ größte Einschnitt in der Siedlungsgeschichte des Ortes, als 1938-43 die "Reichswerke Trofaiach gained importance in terms of workers’ accommodation particularly as a result of its proximity to the Donawitz smelting works. At a relatively late stage came a development which, in the history of settlement of the town, was significant not only in terms Abb. 4: Plan und Ansichten der Siedlung Nord in Trofaich. Fig. 4: Plan and views of the Northern Settlement in Trofaiach. 198 Hermann Göring" die sog. "Gefolgschaftssiedlung" errichteten. Im optischen Gegensatz zum alten, relativ unregelmäßig besiedelten Markt entstand eine geometrische Siedlungsstruktur – 58 Einfamilienhäuser mit kleinem Stall und 102 zweispännig organisierte Mehrfamilienwohnhäuser ergaben 603 neue Wohnungen mit Größen von 28,9 m2 bis 63,3 m2 . Wohnküchen und ein eigenes Schlafzimmer für die Kinder, sowie Bad und WC im Wohnungsverband versprachen den Unterschichten einen bis dahin nie gekannten "Luxus". Die architektonische Formulierung der Trofaiacher Siedlung, die sich auf den konservativen Heimatschutz ebenso beruft, wie auf Ideen der Siedler- und Gartenstadtbewegung, überzeugt mit Motiven wie Fensterläden, Tordurchfahrten, behauenen Steinportalen, Erkern, Lisenen- und Pilastergliederungen, sowie steilen Walmund Schopfwalmdächern in einer von Gärten und Grünflächen unterbrochenen Anlage. Der Wohnbau im dritten Reich darf aber keinesfalls auf ästhetische und hygienische Gesichtspunkte reduziert werden, denn er war immer integriert in das totalitäre Herrschaftssystem und Ausdruck ideologischer Absichten. Als Architekt vieler NS-Siedlungen forcierte Herbert Rimpl auch hier das billige, standardisierte Reihenhaus, das mit seinem Freiraumangebot ideale Bedingungen für die Verwirklichung des "Blut- und BodenIdeals" bot. Aufgrund des bereits recht hohen Wohnstandards zur Bauzeit ist eine Anpassung an heutige Erfordernisse leicht möglich, wobei noch immer der eigene Garten die eigentliche Enge der Wohnungen kompensiert. Um die äußere Geschlossenheit dieser Siedlung zu erhalten wurde das gesamte Gebiet zur OrtsbildSchutzzone erklärt. Bildnachweise: Fotos: Karte: Pläne: 199 Mag. Eva Pichler GIS Steiermark • Köflach, Dillacherstraße 1, Pläne aus: Achleitner, Österreichische Architektur, Bd. 2, S. 240. • Pölfing Brunn, Pläne aus: Wenzel Radimsky, Das Wieser Bergrevier. (Mit 5 Tafeln) Sonderabdruck aus der Zeitschrift des berg- und hüttenmännischen Vereines für Kärnten. Klagenfurt 1875, S.116 und 117. • Pulverfabrikssiedlung Trofaiach, Pläne aus: Achleitner, Österreichische Architektur, Bd. 2, S.314. • Gefolgschaftssiedlung Trofaiach, Lageplan aus: Achleitner, Österreichische Architektur, Bd. 2, S.314. of its scale, namely construction of the "Reichswerke Hermann Göring" or so-called "Gefolgschaftssiedlung" [alliance settlement] during 1938-43. In stark visual contrast with the historic and relatively irregularly constructed market area came a geometrical settlement layout – 58 family houses with small barns and 102 twin-block buildings for several families yielded 603 new homes with areas ranging from 28.9 m2 to 63.3 m2. Kitchen-dining space and a separate bedroom for the children, along with indoor bathroom and toilet, offered the disadvantaged "luxury" they had never experienced before. The architectural design of the Trofaiach settlement, drawing on ideas of cultural heritage conservation and the garden city movement, has a convincing air featuring shutters, archways, carved stone portals, bays, pilaster decorations accompanied by steep hipped and half-hipped roofs on a plot interspersed with gardens and greenery. Under no circumstances should residential construction at the time of the Third Reich be reduced to assessment from an aesthetic or hygienic point of view, given that it was always integrated into the totalitarian regime and expression of ideological views of the time. As the architect of many Nazi settlements, here too Herbert Rimpl insisted on cheap, standardised terraced housing which, with its provision of open space, offered ideal conditions for realisation of the "Blut- und Boden-Ideal" [embracing rural nationalism]. Given the high standards of accommodation already prevalent at the time, it is easy to modify the buildings to suit today’s requirements, with the availability of a private garden still compensating for the relative lack of living space within. In order to preserve the external integrity of this settlement, the entire area has been declared an urban preservation zone. Steiermark / Styria Karte 1: Karte der Steiermark mit Arbeitersiedlungs-Städten. Map 1: Map of Styria with workers settlement towns. 200 WWW.LANDESMUSEUM.KTN.GV.AT Dr. Johann Schwertner INSTITUT FÜR KÄRNTNER VOLKSKUNDE INSTITUT FÜR KÄRNTNER VOLKSKUNDE Domplatz 3, 9063 Maria Saal, Österreich schwertner.lm@aon.at Mag. Isabel Pirker Mag. Ilse Grascher DI Georg Kanhäuser AMT DER STEIERMÄRKISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG ABTEILUNG 16 – LANDES- UND GEMEINDEENTWICKLUNG 8010 Graz, Stempfergasse 7, Österreich georg.kanhaeuser@stmk.gv.at Mag. Eva Pichler Arch. Paolo Tomasella Ph. D. DIREZIONE CENTRALE CULTURA, SPORT, RELAZIONI INTERNAZIONALI E COMUNITARIE – CENTRO REGIONALE DI CATALOGAZIONE E RESTAURO DEI BENI CULTURALI Villa Manin di Passariano - Esedra di ponente, 33033 Passariano di Codroipo (Ud), Italia paolo.tomasella@regione.fvg.it Arch. Walter Bigatton Željko Trstenjak, dipl. ing. arh. KONZERVATORSKI ODJEL U VARAŽDINU Gundulićeva 2, 42000 Varaždin, Hrvatska zeljko.trstenjak@min-kulture.hr Mr.sc. Biserka Dumbović-Bilušić Arch. Azra Suljić Hofrat Dr. Paulus Wall AMT DER OÖ. LANDESREGIERUNG, DIREKTION KULTUR, INSTITUT FÜR KUNST UND VOLKSKULTUR, DENKMALPFLEGE Promenade 37, 4021 Linz, Österreich paulus.wall@ooe.gv.at Prof. Arch. Winkler Gábor DSc. SZÉCHENyI ISTVÁN UNIVERSITy FACULTy OF ARCHITECTURE Address 9026 Győr Egyetem tér 1, Hungary winklerg@kabelnet.hu Doc. Dr. Domen Zupančič UNIVERZA V LJUBLJANI, FAKULTETA ZA ARHITEKTURO Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija domen.zupancic@fa.uni-lj.si Arch. István Decsi BUNDESMINISTERIUM FÜR UNTERRICHT, KUNST UND KULTUR AUSTRIAN FEDERAL MINISTRy FOR EDUCATION, ARTS AND CULTURE WWW.LANDESMUSEUM.KTN.GV.AT INSTITUT FÜR KÄRNTNER VOLKSKUNDE LANDESMUSEUM KÄRNTEN - INSTITUT FÜR KÄRNTNER VOLKSKUNDE LANDESMUSEUM KÄRNTEN - INSTITUTE OF CARINTHIAN ETHNOLOGy MINISTRSTVO ZA KULTURO, REPUBLIKE SLOVENIJE MINISTRy OF CULTURE, REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA SZÉCHENyI ISTVÁN UNIVERSITy, FACULTy OF ARCHITECTURE UNIVERSITy OF WEST HUNGARy, FACULTy OF WOOD SCIENCES REPUBLIKA HRVATSKA, MINISTARSTVO KULTURE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA, MINISTRy OF CULTURE ISBN 978-3-200-02356-7 9 783200 023567

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Regional directory of workers' neighbourhoods and workers' cities 1750 - 1950

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