RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN
EU FOREIGN POLICY MAKING:
COULD QUALIFIED MAJORITY
VOTING BE THE WAY
FORWARD?
Marta Guzmán , Diana
Montan é, Hakan Yapar.
REVIS TA UC3M
Nº1 January 2021
Enero 2021/1
SUMMARY
The EU's voting system has been questioned in recent years.
Two voting regimes have been contraposed: unanimity and
qualified majority voting. While the first one is declining its
importance since several member states refuse to remove it,
the second one is gaining popularity as European powers
grow thanks to this system. This article aims to prove the
effectiveness of the Qualified Majority Voting faced to the
pros of the unanimity system and the possible solutions as
the progressive implementation in concrete fields as
sanctions, human rights and civil missions.
KEYWORDS:
European Union, European Council, Unanimity, QMV, Voting system, Debate
MARTA GUZMÁN
martaguz.g97@gmail.com
DIANA MONTANÉ
HAKAN YAPAR
dianamonmarin@gmail.com hakancihanyapar@gmail.com
Ronda de Toledo, 1
28005, Madrid
Tel: 638 55 71 75
www.uc3m.es
University's magazine is focused on discussing
geopolitical strategic points.
All manuscripts are reviewed by professors. The
responsibility for the views expressed ultimately
rests with the authors.
4
INTRODUCTION
UNANIMITY SYSTEM IN
THE COUNCIL OF THE
EUROPEAN UNION: WHAT
UNANIMITY HAS TO
OFFER?
8
TRANSITION TO
QUALIFIED MAJORITY
VOTING IN EU FOREIGN
POLICY MAKING:
MAKING THE MOST OF
ITS POSSIBILITIES
14
16
CONCLUSION &
RECOMMENDATIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
TABLE OF
CONTENTS
3
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
INTRODUCTION
The world is in constant evolution; however, the current times are the testimony of
history's most significant transformation. Politics rule the countries that constitute the
global order. The main political currents are basculating between right and left, and new
tendencies have burst recently, as transnationalism. Once Donald Trump was elected as
the USA President, some points of this concept have been included on the international
scale and used in foreign matters. 1
Multipolarism has also been raised, and it permits the existence of international structures
that can be regulated by a combination of collective hegemony and cooperative
multilateralism. 2
European Union has integrated into the liberal order, and this integration has served
economic intentions, security policies, power, global governance, and national
obligations. The EU is meant to assume the role of a “normative power” in academic
circles. However, the concept of “normative power” is a specification of the EU’s selfimage, which is expected to take over a particular responsibility for the spreading of
human rights, democracy, the rule of law, and the principles of multilateralism and rulesbased global order. 3
Yet the votation system does not respond to these noble aspirations for some of the
members. The European Council, depending on the subject of voting, takes the decisions
by three different systems: the simple majority (vote in favor by 14 member states), the
qualified majority (it requires the vote in favor of the 55% of the member states that
represents at least 65% of EU's population) and the Unanimous vote (all votes in favor).4
This report´s primary purpose is to reconsider the unanimity system in EU foreign
policymaking and to analyse if it is the best system to keep the EU integrated into the
1
Bashirov, G. Yilmaz.I, (2019) The rise of transactionalism in international relations: evidence from
Turkey’s relations with the European Union, Australian journal of international affairs, pp.1- 19.
2
Añorve, D.; Cid, I.; Gutiérrez, A.T. (2012) Los BRICS entre la multipolaridad y la unipolaridad en el
siglo XXI, México: Universidad de Guanajuato, págs.17-53.
3
Bakardjieva,A, Michalski, A, Oxelheim,L (2018) The European union in a changing world order,
Executive summary of Europaperspektiv, Sweden: Santerus Förlag, pp 4-16.
4
European
Council
(2020)
How
does
the
Council
Vote?
available
in
https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/council-eu/voting-system/
3
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
international system. The debate has been opened. The majority system
already serves to vote the most significant part of social policies. However, a limited
number of matters still request unanimity, especially for the Commission set’s legislative
procedures. 5
To answer the problematic question raised, the subject is going to be divided into two
different parts. To understand the debate, it is essential to face both sides and deepen into
the possibilities. Two systems of voting are going to be analysed by qualitative and
quantitative methods: unanimity and qualified majority.
The final answer relies on the member states since they decide the European Union´s
power dynamics. It is complicated to theorize about a topic that divides the opinion of the
political spheres. Even the states members have not arrived yet at a conclusion, and the
ball is on their court.
UNANIMITY SYSTEM IN THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION:
WHAT UNANIMITY HAS TO OFFER?
The voting system of the Council of the European Union was set by article 16 of the TEU
and amended by the Treaty of Lisbon, shifting from unanimity to qualified majority
voting in many cases. There are only few processes in which the Council of the European
Union (EU) must act by unanimity, being this system reserved for matters are in fact the
most sensitive in nature, in which several times it is included the Common Foreign and
Security Policy (CFSP).6 Even if qualified majority voting (QMV) is possible in most
cases, the Council of the EU is often willing to adopt policies by unanimous consensus.
However, there has been an increasing debate in the last decade, within the Community
institutions and mostly within intergovernmental conferences concerned with the
amendment of the EU's treaties, about the extension of QMV. The trend (Figure 1) shows
a pattern where several states, mostly driven by Hungary and Poland, insist on retaining
the unanimity rule while others, such as France, Germany and Belgium, promote a further
5
European Commision (2019) Commision launches debate on more efficient decision-makign in EU
social policy, Strasbourg: European Commission.
6
Voting System of the Council of EU, from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/council-eu/votingsystem/unanimity/
4
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
extension of qualified majority voting, forming two blocks which are
well differentiated by ideological terms.7
Figure 1: Position of the member states on the use of QMV in EU Foreign Policy
(Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of data supplied by Hertie School)
In general, there are several scholars that address the inherent spirit of consensus,
cooperation and dialogue that has shaped the European Union since its creation. In this
line, unanimity is seen as the path that has enabled member states to find a middle ground
for developing a balanced, secure, integrated, and strong union.8 Unanimity based on
consensus has several fundamental advantages for enhancing interstate relations and
maximizing the benefits of multilateral cooperation. Historically, there are multiple
evidence on how the most successful reforms and plans have come through consensus,
from the protection of European citizens to the sanctions and restrictive measures
imposed on certain countries. Contrary to the popular belief, unanimity does not mean
single thought or ideological conformism. While single thought can create the illusion of
a non-existing unanimity based on coercion and/or group pressure, consensus is the
essential process of having an open mind and enforce dialogue to look for collective
7
Häge, F. (2012). Coalition-Building and Consensus in the Council of the European Union. Cambridge
University Press. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340351099
8
Mattia, M. and Lane, J. (2001). Why Unanimity in the Council? A Roll Call Analysis of Council
Voting. SAGE Publications. European Union Politics, Vol 2 (1), 31-52. DOI:
10.14650/11652000102015394
5
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
decisions9, which is the basic rule of diplomatic relations and therefore
a consistent way to approach any matter concerning CFSP.
A worth mentioning trend is the formation of coalition voting patterns and blocks, which
are a current reality within the European Union. Whether acting from geographical (northsouth or west-east), ideological (conservatives-progressives) or economic approaches, the
fact is that states are often divided according to their positions on certain matters. Even if
this pattern is allegedly turning decision-making into a nightmare for European leaders,
it is to be said that the inefficiency of achieving agreements is not so much due to the
unanimity rule that governs several processes of the Council. It could be relying on the
inability of political leaders to negotiate and present plausible proposals. Paraphrasing
Martin Luther King Jr., a genuine leader is not a consensus searcher but a molder of
consensus, and this task needs a stronger compromise from European Union institutions.
In addition, there is to be said that several studies have stated that decisions made by
consensus have greater efficiency regarding the application of measures related to those
decisions.10Following this opinion, a decision taken by consensus in the Council would
imply that all members of the group agree with that decision and therefore will support
its application. This differs from decisions made according to the majority system, which
usually is accused of creating a minority in disagreement and therefore discrimination of
that minority who is opposing to the measures derived from the decision.11Moreover, a
decision cannot be qualified as better or more just only because it is taken by majority.
Therefore, applying unanimity to matters of CFSP is seen by many as the triumph of the
consensual option once all the scenarios have been considered. After all, the strategic
autonomy of the EU is still under debate, and the position of the member states on the
importance of it for its own national defense and security is diverse (Figure 2), for which
most of the states that contest the strategic autonomy of the EU are the ones that are
pushing against QMV.
9
Miller, C. (1985). Group Decision Making Under Majority and Unanimity Decision Rules. Social
Psychology Quarterly, 48(1), 51-61. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3033781
10
Kevin L. Sager & John Gastil (2006) The Origins and Consequences of Consensus Decision Making: A
Test of the Social Consensus Model, Southern Communication Journal, 71:1, 1-24, DOI:
10.1080/10417940500503464
11
Häge, F. (2012). Coalition-Building and Consensus in the Council of the European Union. Cambridge
University Press. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340351099
6
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
Figure 2: Opinion of the EU members states on the importance of
CFSP autonomy
(Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of data supplied by ECFR)
Through the unanimity system, the Council plays a crucial role in facilitating the
negotiation process by sounding out positions and offering compromise proposals and the
positions of member states tend to become more moderate during the course of
negotiations. The coalition formation process would be one of the most relevant factors
for explaining consensus decision making, with member states adapting their positions
over time to form larger and larger groups and therefore ensure negotiation and through
compromise ensure unanimous support of decisions that would affect all. 12
In any case, if the Council was to transition to a system based on qualitative majority
voting on matters such as CFSP, there would be further intrusion on matters of
sovereignty 13 and therefore less support for implementing reforms from certain member
states.
12
Mattia, M. and Lane, J. (2001). Why Unanimity in the Council? A Roll Call Analysis of Council
Voting. SAGE Publications. European Union Politics, Vol 2 (1), 31-52. DOI:
10.14650/11652000102015394
13
Häge, F. (2012). Coalition-Building and Consensus in the Council of the European Union. Cambridge
University Press. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340351099
7
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
TRANSITION TO QUALIFIED MAJORITY VOTING IN EU
FOREIGN POLICY MAKING: MAKING THE MOST OF ITS POSSIBILITIES
Before starting to discuss advantages of transition towards qualified majority voting in
more policy areas under the auspices of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), it
is important to note that this transition requires certain preconditions as follows: Legally,
all member states in advance need to unanimously agree on which further policy areas
will be allowed for qualified majority voting (QMV)14. Practically and most importantly,
there must be to a certain extent common strategic culture15 emerged out of convergent
economic, security and strategic interests which is far from being the case now and in the
foreseeable future. Bearing them in mind will help better frame the debate and explore
advantages of such a transition.
Firstly, it would act as a driver for member states that most tend to block the proposals to
actively engage in shaping the policies instead of simply exploiting veto power with
comfort and complete disregard to EU's strategic posturing as a whole. Hence, it would
put an end to paralysis and standstill that often emerge from one country leveraging veto
power for the sake of a matter of disagreement in another unrelated issue or as a result of
3rd party pressure. Eliminating unanimity will enable unlinking unrelated issues on the
one hand and serve as a "shield"16against rivals' attempts to paralyze EU unity through
abusing mostly economic vulnerabilities of some member states on the other. For
instance, many EU actions were diluted since unanimity principle is instrumentalized
against the EU by Russian and Chinese influence on some member states.17
Furthermore, as more than %90 percent of EU's current decision-making rests on
qualified majority voting18, its effectiveness has already been proven in such areas as
14
LEGISLATIVE TRAIN SCHEDULE: EUROPE AS A STRONGER GLOBAL ACTOR. (2020, December
18). Retrieved from European Parliament: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/legislative-train/theme-europeas-a-stronger-global-actor/file-more-efficient-decision-making-in-cfsp
15
Borrel, J. (2020, October 2). When member states are divided, how do we ensure Europe is able to act?
Retrieved from European Union External Action Service:
https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/86276/when-member-states-are-dividedhow-do-we-ensure-europe-able-act_en
16
Schuette, L. (2019). Should the EU make foreign policy decisions by majority voting? Center For
European Reform. Retrieved from https://www.cer.eu/sites/default/files/pbrief_qmv_15.5.19_1.pdf
17
Schuette, L. (2019). Should the EU make foreign policy decisions by majority voting? Center For
European Reform. Retrieved from https://www.cer.eu/sites/default/files/pbrief_qmv_15.5.19_1.pdf
18
Schuette, L. (2019). Should the EU make foreign policy decisions by majority voting? Center For
European Reform. Retrieved from https://www.cer.eu/sites/default/files/pbrief_qmv_15.5.19_1.pdf
8
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
single market, climate and migration where stakes for individual
member states are as important as in foreign policy.
19
Having replaced unanimity with
QMV doesn't necessarily mean that every decision will be taken by QMV. Instead, the
EU's spirit of consensus making will be de facto out there as has been so far 20and there
will be more incentives added to compromise.
In relation to the first point, an EU foreign policy capable of acting swiftly will have more
credibility vis-à-vis partners and rivals alike in the global stage. Today and in the near
future, ability to quickly respond in an ever increasingly ailing international environment
is a crucial asset to stand up as a global actor. Nevertheless, who respects an actor acting
and reacting only belatedly? The EU's faltering foreign policy because of unanimity
obsession has obviously ended up with muddling vis-à-vis Russia, Turkey and China.
[See Figures 3,4 and 5]. Would Russian annexation of Crimea and interference to eastern
Ukraine be possible if the EU had been able to stand up against the earlier signals of
Russian aggression on time? Would Turkey dare ridiculing the EU in the Eastern
Mediterranean by bringing her drilling ships back each time before EU Council meetings
and forth just after the Council meetings had the EU been able to take decisions by QMV?
Would China treat the EU with self-aggrandizement had human rights violations of China
not gone with impunity but with credibly agile EU response?
19
Borrel, J. (2020, October 2). When member states are divided, how do we ensure Europe is able to act?
Retrieved
from
European
Union
External
Action
Service:
https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/86276/when-member-states-are-divided-h
ow-do-we-ensure-europe-able-act_en
20
COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL, THE
EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE COUNCIL. (2018, September 12). Retrieved from European
Commission: https://ec.europa.eu/commission/sites/beta-political/files/soteu2018-efficient-decisionmaking-cfsp-communication-647_en.pdf
9
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
Figure 3: EU´s impact in Chinese Media (Source Google Big Query)
Figure 4: EU’s impact in Russia’s Media (Source Google Big Query)
Figure5: EU’s impact in Turkish Media (Source Google Big Query)
10
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
Secondly, it would contribute to the Transatlantic Alliance with the EU
capable of shouldering more responsibility on its own. Considering Trump's unkindly
urge for Europe to be more active is now shared by many in the US regardless of their
parties 21and the centre of gravity in world politics is increasingly pivoting to Asia, neither
EU can keep on offshoring its security to US, nor US can afford going with its traditional
approach of keeping Europe in check as a passive actor instead of a "genuine
partner".22As this will be in the interest of the US, it might be expected that the US would
be better off from a fairer burden-sharing in the Transatlantic Alliance. As such, the US
could actively engage in convincing those member states, particularly Baltic, Central and
Eastern European countries that may have concerns of their special security concerns
downplayed in this new setting, that Transatlantic security could be better served with a
bolder and effective EU foreign policy.23
In fact, contrary to the common belief that QMV could only serve the interests of larger
countries, it might well be the case that those smaller countries opposing the idea can
benefit from it. It simply does not come up with one-wins-all terms if it is decided to be
binding for all member states and to all cases. As such, it will unblock the inaction status
of the EU foreign policy that might in some cases favor positions of those smaller member
states like Cyprus. For instance, had there been QMV in CFSP, Cyprus would never have
had to express her frustration over a la carte24 practice in EU foreign policy. Recently,
Cyprus blocked the EU sanctions proposal against Belarus unless the EU imposes bold
sanctions against Turkey over Turkey's illegal drilling activities in Eastern Mediterranean
in breach of Cyprus sovereignty. For more than three months, the EU could not act in
unity. However, sanctions against Turkey have, not only in this recent example but for
quite a long time, been resisted by several countries led by Germany. In case QMV is
21
Bergmann, M., & Brattberg, E. (2020, October 15). WASHINGTON SHOULD PUSH FOR A
STRONGER E.U. FOREIGN POLICY. Retrieved from War on the Rocks:
https://warontherocks.com/2020/10/washington-should-push-for-a-stronger-e-u-foreign-policy/
22
Bergmann, M., & Brattberg, E. (2020, October 15). WASHINGTON SHOULD PUSH FOR A
STRONGER E.U. FOREIGN POLICY. Retrieved from War on the Rocks:
https://warontherocks.com/2020/10/washington-should-push-for-a-stronger-e-u-foreign-policy/
23
Bergmann, M., & Brattberg, E. (2020, October 15). WASHINGTON SHOULD PUSH FOR A STRONGER
E.U.
FOREIGN
POLICY.
Retrieved
from
War
on
the
Rocks:
https://warontherocks.com/2020/10/washington-should-push-for-a-stronger-e-u-foreign-policy/
24
Erlanger, S. (2020, September 24). E.U. Failure to Impose Sanctions on Belarus Lays Bare Its
Weakness. Retrieved from New York Times: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/24/world/europe/europesanctions-belarus-cyprus.html
11
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
applied uniformly, Cyprus supported by Greece and France could
mobilize the EU to impose sanctions on Turkey that Germany barely afford to oppose.
On the other hand, it is also important to note that switching from unanimity voting to
QMV does not necessarily mean that there might be cases where a member state's core
national security interests be damaged, since they are protected under the Treaty on
European Union (TEU) with certain clauses acting as "emergency brakes"25 whenever
needed. Beyond that, it is important to remember that European integration emerged out
of the fact that, as Alan Milward stressed, European states had to transfer some of national
sovereignty to pre-empt future threats to their sovereignty and territorial integrity.26 Now
time has come again that they should recognize the severity of the global situation (See
Figure 6) to reconsider the importance of more effective common foreign policy making.
Figure
6:
Worldwide
Deteriorating
Tone
and
Increasing
Coverage
of
Verbal and Material Conflicts in the Last Decade (Source: Google Big Query)
Thirdly, QMV in CFSP will strengthen EU's united actorness since it will foster EU
framework in member states' foreign affairs and de-accelerate emerging trends of
resorting to non-EU frameworks as can be seen in cases of the coalitions of willing and
State of the Union 2018: Making the EU a stronger global actor – European
Commission proposes more efficient decision-making in CFSP. (2018, September 12).
Retrieved
from
European
Commission:
https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_18_5683
25
Matthijs, M. (2020, May/June). The Right Way to Fix the EU. Foreign Affairs.
Retrieved from Foreign Affairs: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2020-0413/right-way-fix-eu
26
12
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
differentiated integration. Unanimity principle cannot be said to be
well-functioning. It increasingly paves the way for the use of non-EU frameworks and
hence, diminishes the role of the EU27. Although the use of such coalitions of willing like
E3 and Normandy Format would appear to be useful at the first glance, they cannot be a
real substitute for a united EU front forged effectively and promptly in the EU framework
thanks to QMV.28
Furthermore, it will also enable more ambitious decisions to be taken since the lowest
common denominator will no longer be imposed by unanimity obsession. For instance,
contrary to arguments in favor of unanimity that EU managed to slap sanctions on Russia
under unanimity voting, there would have been stronger sanctions and stance under
QMV.29 This can also apply to many cases including Turkey where positions established
upon lowest common denominator has fallen far from being deterrent.
With respect to critiques over sovereignty and legitimacy of such a transition, it has
already been mentioned that there are emergency brakes to ensure core national interests
of member states and QMV in CFSP would be no more consequential than in other areas
where QMV has successfully been applied for long time.30As it proactively opens up new
opportunities for smaller countries through fostering the role of Brussels instead of
Berlin-Paris axis in foreign policy geometry31, it can be said that QMV in CFSP would
be more legitimate and inclusive. In addition, some proposed that a role for European
Parliament might be established to exert an oversight not before but after the decisions
taken to foster democratic legitimacy.32
27
Nadibaidze, A. (2020, October 23). Will the EU move to Qualified Majority Voting in Foreign Policy?
Retrieved from Vocal Europe: https://usercontent.one/wp/www.vocaleurope.eu/wp-content/uploads/Willthe-EU-move-to-Qualified-Majority-Voting-in-Foreign-Policy.pdf
28
Bergmann, M., & Brattberg, E. (2020, October 15). WASHINGTON SHOULD PUSH FOR A
STRONGER E.U. FOREIGN POLICY. Retrieved from War on the Rocks:
https://warontherocks.com/2020/10/washington-should-push-for-a-stronger-e-u-foreign-policy/
29
Schuette, L. (2019). Should the EU make foreign policy decisions by majority voting? Center For
European Reform. Retrieved from https://www.cer.eu/sites/default/files/pbrief_qmv_15.5.19_1.pdf
30
Schuette, L. (2019). Should the EU make foreign policy decisions by majority voting? Center For
European Reform. Retrieved from https://www.cer.eu/sites/default/files/pbrief_qmv_15.5.19_1.pdf
31
Bergmann, M., & Brattberg, E. (2020, October 15). WASHINGTON SHOULD PUSH FOR A
STRONGER E.U. FOREIGN POLICY. Retrieved from War on the Rocks:
https://warontherocks.com/2020/10/washington-should-push-for-a-stronger-e-u-foreign-policy/
32
Schuette, L. (2019). Should the EU make foreign policy decisions by majority voting? Center For
European Reform. Retrieved from https://www.cer.eu/sites/default/files/pbrief_qmv_15.5.19_1.pdf
13
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
From a point of view, unanimity principle itself contradicts with the
rights of member states to exert collective sovereignty at the EU level. For instance, EU
Foreign Policy Chief Joseph Borrel slammed the obstruction of Operation Irini aiming to
monitor arms embargo on Libya by a member state that is even not to be involved in the
conduct of operation.33How legitimate is it then? Besides, how legitimate is it that some
member states define their national interests in contradiction to EU values like refugee
rights as seen in the case of refugee relocation mechanism debates? Lastly, there is a
public consensus for bolder EU CFSP across member states including in those countries
staunchly opposing QMV in CFSP.34
Overall, it will be a valuable step forward for the EU to be able to pursue more ambitious
and credible foreign policy through overcoming some structural defaults of common
foreign policy making in the interests of the whole Union and Transatlantic partnership.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
It is urgent to adopt QMV in larger segments of decisions, even if it is used in the biggest
majority of European matters (90%). The extension of this system will benefit the EU
faced by other world powers such as Russia, Turkey, and China. As a matter of fact, it
would contribute to enhance EU projections and the union could assume more
responsibilities.
The QMV system would not only serve the interest of the larger countries as it is believed.
It would not threaten any of the members' core security interests, but instead, will
strengthen EU actorness in the international order. Furthermore, unanimity is not wellfunctioning and has decreased the EU's role.
Yet, the unanimity system is used in a limited number of processes; however, there is a
debate still going. Member states such as France, Germany, and Belgium are pressing for
this transition since unanimity and veto bring chaos in most cases.
33
Borrel, J. (2020, October 2). When member states are divided, how do we ensure Europe is able to act?
Retrieved from European Union External Action Service:
https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/86276/when-member-states-are-dividedhow-do-we-ensure-europe-able-act_en
34
Schuette, L. (2019). Should the EU make foreign policy decisions by majority voting? Center For
European Reform. Retrieved from https://www.cer.eu/sites/default/files/pbrief_qmv_15.5.19_1.pdf
14
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
Even if unanimity smashes the principles of cooperation, dialogue, and
concession, it still has advantages as enhancing interstate relations and maximizes the
benefits of multilateral cooperation. There is a trend going on that sets the patterns of the
formation of a coalition. Different criteria are followed as geographical, ideological, and
economical. Decisions taken by consensus are known as more effective since all
members agree, and therefore, they support the application of the decision.
Following Martin Luther King's words, it would be necessary to create an ambiance of
consensus that would allow the transition to the Qualified Majority Voting. The QMV
extension could be progressive, implementing different fields as sanctions, human rights,
and civilian missions. It would be useful and would not affect the EU treaties.
It would be interesting to demonstrate that QMV system does not benefit only the most
powerful countries, but it is a method which can improve the whole Union and then
enhance the possibilities of every country member. To inform about all the decisions that
have already been taken with the Qualifies Majority system and show the benefits could
be an option to convince the most sceptical members.
Thus, implementing this system would be milestone of European cooperation that has
been an example worldwide since the end of Second War World. The future is
progressively closer and the QMV is the key for it.
15
RECONSIDERING UNANIMITY IN EU POLICY MAKING
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Añorve, D.; Cid, I.; Gutiérrez, A.T. (2012) Los BRICS entre la multipolaridad y la
unipolaridad en el siglo XXI, México: Universidad de Guanajuato, págs.17-53.
Bakardjieva,A, Michalski, A, Oxelheim,L (2018) The European union in a changing
world order, Executive summary of Europaperspektiv, Sweden: Santerus Förlag, pp 416.
Bashirov, G. Yilmaz.I, (2019) The rise of transactionalism in international relations:
eidence from Turkey’s relations with the European Union, Australian journal of
international affairs, pp.1- 19
Bergmann, M., & Brattberg, E. (2020, October 15). WASHINGTON SHOULD PUSH
FOR A STRONGER E.U. FOREIGN POLICY. Retrieved from War on the Rocks:
https://warontherocks.com/2020/10/washington-should-push-for-a-stronger-e-u-foreignpolicy/
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