A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House

Luke McInerney

The foregoing register was compiled in 1640 for the use of Barnaby O’Brien, the sixth earl of Thomond. It presents, in considerable detail, papers and legal documents relating to the Thomond estates in counties Tipperary, Limerick and Clare. As is apparent from the front page of the register, the constituent papers that formed the Thomond estate records were deemed ‘evidences and writings’. These papers were, at least for a period, held in the study of Bunratty castle. Abstracts of these ‘evidences’ were made and entered into the register transcribed here, and which is now kept at Petworth House in West Sussex, England. The register, along with the other Thomond papers, are publicly accessible, upon request, from the West Sussex Records Office in Chichester. The reason that this extraordinary archive of Irish material was deposited in England can be traced to the O’Brien earls of Thomond who relocated to England during the turbulent 1640s.

Luke McInerney1 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House [with index] Introduction The foregoing register was compiled in 1640 for the use of Barnaby O’Brien, the sixth earl of Thomond. It presents, in considerable detail, papers and legal documents relating to the Thomond estates in counties Tipperary, Limerick and Clare. As is apparent from the front page of the register, the constituent papers that formed the Thomond estate records were deemed ‘evidences and writings’. These papers were, at least for a period, held in the study of Bunratty castle. Abstracts of these ‘evidences’ were made and entered into the register transcribed here, and which is now kept at Petworth House in West Sussex, England. The register, along with the other Thomond papers, are publicly accessible, upon request, from the West Sussex Records Office in Chichester. The reason that this extraordinary archive of Irish material was deposited in England can be traced to the O’Brien earls of Thomond who relocated to England during the turbulent 1640s. The origins of the Thomond papers at Petworth House principally derive from Barnabas O’Brien, sixth Earl of Thomond, who left Bunratty Castle in county Clare in 1646 for the final time to join with his English wife Mary, daughter of Sir George Fermor, at Great Billing in Northamptonshire, on an estate which he had acquired in 1628.2 After the Restoration of Charles II in 1660, Barnaby retained interests in Ireland, becoming an absentee landlord. On his death in 1657, his son Henry succeeded to the earldom, inheriting some 85,000 acres in county Clare.3 Successive generations of the O’Briens resided in England until Henry O’Brien, the eighth earl, died without issue in 1741. The Thomond estate papers were transferred from Ireland to England and eventually passed to George Wyndham, third Earl of Egremont, who inherited the estate in 1774. Judging from the registers and schedules of the Thomond papers compiled over the years 1635, 1640, 1658, 1714 and 1 2 3 The author wishes to thank Prof. Jane Ohlmeyer (Trinity College Dublin), Brian Ó Dálaigh and Benjamin Jones (Downside Abbey School, Somerset) for their helpful comments on the paper. Donough O’Brien, History of the O’Briens: From Brian Boroimhe AD. 1000 to AD.1945 (London, 1949), 70–1. Brian Ó Dálaigh, ‘From Gaelic Warlords to English Country Gentlemen: The O’Briens of Thomond 1543–1741’, The Other Clare, 25 (2001), 40–42, at 42. 27 Archivium Hibernicum 1736, the bulk of the estate papers remained in Ireland, and those that were subsequently deposited at Petworth House were transferred to England after the first quarter of the eighteenth century, where they remain to this day. The remainder that was not transferred to Petworth House either found their way into disparate Irish collections or were lost. In its entirety, the Thomond papers at Petworth provide a detailed glimpse into the workings of an Irish estate during the seventeenth century. Aside from an interesting array of legal muniments relating to the Thomond O’Briens, the collection contains material important for the study of Gaelic Ireland and the process of anglicisation in a former Gaelic lordship during the seventeenth century. A substantial volume of petitions, letters and official documentation survive and which detail land acquisitions, warrants, inquisitions and forfeitures. Their value lies in the fact that they touch on the strata of Gaelic freeholders who are often absent in the official records of the period. The detail that may be gleaned from the collection is impressive; a wide range of material ranging from the operation of partible inheritance practices to violence and theft, to Shannon ferries and marriage settlements to land expropriation, can be counted among the Thomond papers. Moreover, the collection enables historians to reconstruct some of the kinbased networks that were so prevalent in Gaelic society and develop a better understanding of the types of landholding and economy that characterised the Thomond earldom in the early modern period. Within this collection the 1640 register sits as one of several registers cataloguing the estate papers of the earls of Thomond. Its value lies in the extensive recording of individuals, families and lands that were part of the vast Thomond estates that stretched across the counties of Clare, Tipperary, Limerick. These estates once formed the ancient kingdom of Thomond and came under the lordship of the earl of Thomond’s medieval forebears. The value to the modern historian is that the 1640 register can be examined in conjunction with the array of other documents that comprise the Thomond papers at Petworth House. Detailed investigation of this kind can reveal not only local information about landholding and social hierarchies. It can also tell us about the extent to which anglicisation in administration and land tenure penetrated this part of the west of Ireland which remained under the control of a Gaelic loyalist family. Historical context of the Petworth Papers The collection of Thomond papers at Petworth House is an important window on a Gaelic lordship that underwent radical change in the decades leading up to and following the Nine Years War. A significant portion of the Thomond papers were produced when the earldom was held by Donough O’Brien, fourth earl (1581–1624). Donough was a Gaelic loyalist and scion of the ruling O’Brien (Uí Bhriain) dynasty which had renounced its claim 28 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House to kingship under Henry VIII’s so-called ‘Surrender and Regrant’ scheme in 1543.4 The earls of Thomond had been an early success of the crown’s policy which exchanged Gaelic titles for English ones and induced ruling Gaelic families to adopt primogeniture as the accepted form of title succession.5 Of all of the earls of Thomond from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it was the fourth earl who was the most impactful and whose personal and political strategies transformed society and landholding in north Munster irrevocably. From an academic and historiographical perspective, the anglicisation process in Thomond has been explained primarily by endogenous factors. This included the incorporation of market towns and the settlement of English and Dutch planters at the behest of Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond.6 In this respect, the Thomond Papers document the anglicisation process which was largely directed by earl Donough. Unlike in other parts of Ireland, Thomond did not suffer forfeiture or official plantation. Therefore, the settlement of New English colonists and the establishment of market towns and fairs under patent was the initiative of the fourth earl and formed part of his ‘anglicising’ efforts. Consequently, the landholding patterns of the earldom changed as many Gaelic freeholders and followers of the earl were effectively dispossessed of their hereditary estates, or were forced to mortgage or sell lands under their proprietorship. None of this was without controversary and the earl’s anglicising efforts met with resistance from freeholders and bewilderment by some of the learned class whose customary privileges were threatened.7 The survival of leases, petitions, missives and other legal 4 5 6 7 James Morrin (ed.), Calendar of the patent and close rolls of chancery in Ireland: of the reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1861), 86–7; also see G.A. Hayes-McCoy, ‘The royal supremacy and ecclesiastical revolution, 1534–47’, in T.W. Moody, F.X. Martin & F.J. Byrne (eds.), A New History of Ireland: Early Modern Ireland III: 1534–1691 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), 39–68, at 48. For a background to the O’Briens (Uí Bhriain) and their various family branches see Sean Spellissy (ed.), The Royal O’Briens – A Tribute (Cratloe: O’Brien Clan Association, 1992). On the anglicisation of Thomond see Bernadette Cunningham, Clanricard and Thomond, 1540–1640: provincial politics and society transformed (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2012); Bernadette Cunningham, ‘Continuity and change: Donnchadh O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond (d. 1624), and the anglicisation of the Thomond lordship’, in Matthew Lynch & Patrick Nugent, (eds.), Clare: History and Society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County (Dublin: Geography Publications, 2008), 61–78; Patrick Nugent, ‘The interface between the Gaelic clan system of Co. Clare and the emerging centralising English nation-state in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century’, Irish Geography, 40:1 (2007), 79–98; and Andrew J. Regan, Thomond and the Tudor Crown: Enforced Change in a Gaelic Lordship, PhD thesis (UCD: Department of History, 1987). The poetry of the professional chronicler-poet, Maoilín Óg Mac Bruaideadha (d.1602), shows that his relationship with the third earl of Thomond was fraught and he complained about a lack of patronage. In his poem Bráthair don bhás an doidhbhreas, (‘Poverty is death’s brother’), Maoilín Óg expressed frustration about diminishing patronage. See Joep Leerssen, The Contention of the Bards’ and its place in Irish political and literary history (London: Irish Texts Society, 1994), 38. 29 Archivium Hibernicum documents issued from, and to, dispossessed Gaelic freeholders,8 and the clique of Gaelic magnates who adjusted to the new political realities, as well as lawyers and agents connected to the titled branches of the O’Briens, has left a corpus of material documenting the effects of dispossession on Gaelic society. A study of this material also shows that exogenous factors were at work in promoting anglicisation, often in tandem with country-wide developments. These included the Elizabethan reconquest and plantation that saw the expropriation of large tracts of lands occupied by Gaelic proprietors in parts of Munster, Leinster and Ulster. Concomitant with military intervention was the expansion of the writ of the crown and the promulgation of centralised administration under James I across the whole of Ireland. The growing pervasiveness of English law and lawyers executing transactions between landholders great and small, and the operation of manor courts on the estates of the earls of Thomond, became more apparent as the century progressed. The Thomond papers fit into the wider study of late medieval Gaelic lordships and are complemented by other manuscript sources for the study of late-sixteenth and early-seventeenth century county Clare. These include the Inchiquin Manuscripts9 and the 1826 publication of James Hardiman’s Ancient Irish Deeds,10 with some of the latter source material ultimately deriving from the Thomond papers. The Hardiman deeds provide an array of information for Gaelic nomenclature and toponymy. Other sources include over two-hundred inquisition post mortem cases published by James Frost in 189311 prior to the destruction of the originals in 1922, the Irish Fiant Rolls12 and the pleadings of the Chancery Court which adjudicated on matters of equity, especially as regards inheritance disputes.13 Appeals to the office of Lord Deputy and the Court of Chancery 8 9 10 11 12 13 On the process of issuing missives and conducting litigation during the first half of the seventeenth century see the description of the issuing of summons to Flann Mac Bruaideadha of east Clare by Dr Thomas Arthur in 1636–7. This example serves as an exemplar for understanding how the machinery of legal and administrative processes operated at a local level and worked in conjunction with the panoply of debtor’ prisons, footmen who delivered summons, and petty officials who recorded debts. See Dr. E. MacLysaght, ‘The Arthur Manuscripts’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 6:2 (1950), 29– 49, at 35–6. John Ainsworth, (ed.), The Inchiquin Manuscripts (Dublin: IMC, 1961). James Hardiman, (ed.), ‘Ancient Irish Deeds and Writings Chiefly Relating to Landed Property from the Twelfth to Seventeenth Century: With Translation, Notes and a Preliminary Essay,’ Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 15 (1826), 1–95. James Frost, The History and Topography of the County of Clare, from the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the 18th century, (Dublin: Sealy, Bryers & Walker, 1893), 267–337. Kenneth Nicholls & Tomás G. Ó Cannan (eds.), The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns During the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I (Dublin: Eamonn de Burca, 1994). Chancery Bills: Survivals from pre-1922 Collection (County Clare Pleadings: 1584–1637), National Archives of Ireland. For a brief context on the remit of the Chancery Court in 30 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House by Gaelic freeholders seeking redress over inheritance matters were noted by contemporaries who expressed surprise at the tenaciousness with which freeholders pursued legal cases in the courts.14 Also included in this list of manuscript sources for the study of late-sixteenth and early-seventeenth century county Clare are the official records of the English crown’s administration such as the Calendar of State Papers of Ireland,15 Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts16 and the 1585 Compossicion Booke of Conought.17 Taken together, these sources reveal much detail on the landholding, political and social institutions of the chief landholding Gaelic families.18 Later source material includes the King James’ Patent Rolls19 and the early Stuart warrants,20 which feature among a number of sources for local government.21 Another contemporary source which merits attention are the bardic poems, an under-utilised but profitable source, especially regarding the views of the Gaelic literary elite and their perception of events.22 The Gaelic genealogical tracts serve as a veritable almanac of politically important Gaelic landholding dynasties. For north Munster, the genealogies are plentiful and provide a Gaelic view on many of the important, property-holding lineages, and contain much information besides.23 Other source material which throws light on Gaelic society Ireland see K. W. Nicholls, ‘A Calendar of Salved Chancery Pleadings concerning County Louth’, Journal of the County Louth Archaeological and Historical Society, 17:4 (1972), 250–60, at 250. 14 Mary O’Dowd, ‘Gaelic Economy and Society’ in Ciaran Brady & Raymond Gillespie (eds.), Natives and Newcomers: Essays on the Making of Irish Colonial Society 1534:1641, (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1986), 120–147, at 142. 15 Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, of the reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, vols. 1–11, (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1860–1912). 16 Calendar of the Carew manuscripts, preserved in the archiepiscopal library at Lambeth, vols. 1–6 (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, & Dyer, 1867–73). 17 A. Martin Freeman, (ed.), The Compossicion Booke of Conought (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1936). 18 See Luke McInerney, ‘The Composition of Connacht: an ancillary document from Lambeth Palace’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 51 (2011), 71–80. 19 M.C. Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls of James I, 1603–1625: facsimile of the Irish Record Commission’s calendar prepared prior to 1830 (Dublin: IMC, 1966). 20 Mark Empey, Early Stuart Irish Warrants 1623–1639: The Falkland and Wentworth Administrations (Dublin: IMC, 2015). 21 Margaret Curtis Clayton (ed.), The Council Book for the Province of Munster c.1599–1649 (Dublin: IMC, 2008); and Brian Ó Dálaigh (ed.) Corporation Book of Ennis (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1990). 22 On bardic poetry as a source see Katharine Simms, Medieval Gaelic Sources (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2009), 57–72; Katharine Simms, ‘Native sources for Gaelic Settlement: The House Poems’, in Patrick J. Duffy, David Edwards & Elizabeth FitzPatrick (eds), Gaelic Ireland c.1250–c.1650: Land, Lordship & Settlement (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), 246– 67; and Marc Caball, Poets and Politics: Reaction and Continuity in Irish Poetry, 1558–1625 (Cork: Cork University Press). 23 For example, see Tadhg Ó Donnchadha, An Leabhar Muimhneach: Maraon le Suim Aguisíní (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1940); Séamus Pender (ed.) ‘The O Clery Book of Genealogies’, Analecta Hibernica, 18 (1951), 1–198; NLI Gen. Office Ms 155, Linea Antiqua; and Dubhaltach 31 Archivium Hibernicum and hierarchies are the brehon deeds which, inter alia, contain detail on family relationships, landholding and placenames. A related, but obscure source, are the glosses found in the Irish law tracts, some of which contain pithy remarks on domestic and professional life in the sixteenth century brehon law schools.24 The material culture of late medieval and early modern county Clare can be gleaned from the 1570 and 1574 castle lists25 which are of particular value in understanding the castellated nature of the Gaelic lordships of the county, and also the so-called ‘castle builder’s list’ whose genealogical information is considered authentic.26 Travellers’ accounts and descriptive tracts from sources as varied as manuscripts detailing the location of silver, copper and lead mines, to English soldier’s reports of the castellated nature of county Clare, feature among the miscellaneous writings that throw light on the county’s topography in the first half the seventeenth century.27 A descriptive law tract dating from the later seventeenth century, but whose contents provide much historical material about the McNamaras and their landholding survives, although its authorship and provenance is uncertain.28 In addition, a number of documents deposited among the Thomond papers at Petworth House help reveal the composition of land proprietorship in county Clare. These include the 1615 survey of the Barony of Ibrickan29 which lists all sixty-three quarters of Tuath Uí Bhracáin and Mac Fhirbhisigh, Nollaig Ó Muraíle, Leabhar mór na nGenealach: The great book of Irish genealogies. Compiled (1645–66) by Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh, vol. 2 (Dublin: De Búrca, 2003–04). 24 For an overview of these sources see Simms, Medieval Gaelic Sources. On brehon deeds relating to Thomond see Hardiman, (ed.) ‘Deeds’, 1–95; and Luke McInerney, ‘Medieval Irish Deeds of Thomond (1379–1600), from the Twigge Collection in the British Library’, Archivium Hibernicum (2018), 175–243. Also see Standish Hayes O’Grady, Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. 1 (London: British Museum, 1926), 85–141. 25 Martin Breen, ‘A 1570 List of Castles in County Clare,’ North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 36 (1995), 130–8; and R. W. Twigge, ‘Edward White’s Description of Thomond in 1574,’ North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 1:2 (1910), 75–85. 26 See RIA 24/D/10 p. 70. Also see Kenneth Nicholls, ‘Gaelic society and economy in the high middle ages’, in Art Cosgrove (ed.), A New History of Ireland: Medieval Ireland II: 1169–1534 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 397–438, at 406. The surviving half of a seventeenth century Irish language version of the castle builder’s list is printed in Aubrey Gwynn & Dermot F. Gleeson, A History of the Diocese of Killaloe (Dublin: M.H. Gill & Son, 1962,), 523–4. 27 On visitors’ descriptions see Brian Ó Dálaigh, The Strangers Gaze: Travels in County Clare: 1534–1950 (Ennis: CLASP Press, 1998); Brian Ó Dálaigh & Chris O’Mahony, ‘A seventeenth century description of Co. Clare’, Dal gCais, 9 (1988), 27–38. On mines in Thomond see Rev. Charles O’Conor, Bibliotheca Ms. Stowensis a Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Stowe Library, 1 (Buckingham, 1818), 133. Also see Luke McInerney, ‘A description of Ireland: A.D. 1618’, The Other Clare, 36 (2012), 33–37, at 36. 28 See NLI Ms 1500, and what appears to be a copy at RIA 24/D/10. 29 PHA Ms C/27/A/60 printed in Luke McInerney, ‘The Earl of Thomond’s 1615 Survey of Ibrickan, Co Clare’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 53 (2013), 173–191. 32 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House their chief tenants, and the 1626 rental of Henry O’Brien, fifth earl of Thomond.30 The 1626 list is of value due to its recording of castles, lands and chief tenants on the Thomond estates. These surveys stand as useful comparators in which to trace proprietorial changes. Also found at Petworth House is a rental containing ‘Sir Barnab[y] O Bryen rente for this present gale of Michaelmas 1629’, which lists a number of head tenants, mainly for St. Patricks and Killaloe parishes. A number of tenants appear as New-English and Dutch, but some Gaelic-Irish are recorded. Among the latter group were several of the Uí Mhaoildhomhnaigh lineage at ‘Glanemalane’ (recte, Glanminteramalone)31 ‘Carrowbane’ and ‘Lacamore’, lands for which they transferred ownership to Sir Barnaby’s father, Donough O’Brien, in 1606, but which by the 1630s had become a bone of contention. This is because the chief representative of the family, Sir Dermot O’Mallune (later baron of Glenomallun), who had become ennobled in Belgium and was well-connected in continental circles, unsuccessfully attempted to purchase his ancestral lands from Sir Barnaby O’Brien.32 The Thomond papers also preserve a number of inquisitions investigating land titles to ascertain whether revenues or debts escheated to the crown on the death of a proprietor. Inquisitions served a broader purpose of recasting customary relationships to reflect feudal practice under English common law and helped undermine the power of local Gaelic rulers and their customary levies over freeholders and dependents. The inquisitions post-mortem of Connor O’Brien, third earl of Thomond, dated 8 August 1581,33 and Donough (Donat) O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond, dated 4 January 1624,34 stand alongside the unpublished baronial Great Offices taken for Inchiquin, Corcomroe, Clonderalaw and Moyarta in 1618 and for Tulla in 1621.35 The inquisition taken at Castlebank near Limerick on 1 April 161936 on lands held by the earl of Thomond, provides a detailed account of the lands claimed as belonging to the earl’s estate. This inquisition contains the old rents that the earl’s ancestors had 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 PHA Ms C27/A/39 printed in Martin Breen, ‘The 1626 Rental of Thomond Property’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 54, (2014), 1–25. This was the hereditary estate of the Uí Mhaoildhomhnaigh (O’Molloneys) in Killaloe parish, known in Irish as Gleann Muintir Uí Mhaoildhomhnaigh. See Luke McInerney, ‘Documents from the Thomond Papers at Petworth House Archive’, Archivium Hibernicum, 64 (2011), 7–55, at 39–44. Also see Brian Mac Cuarta, ‘Sir Barnaby O’Brien’s Irish Revenues for 1629–31, Thomond Rent, 1629, and Carlow Tenants 1639’, Analecta Hibernica, 48 (2017), 33–72 at 70–71. PHA Ms 1140. PHA Ms 1141. PHA Ms 16/B/E [Great Office of Inchiquin, 1 September 1618]; PHA Ms 16/B/D/2 [Great Office of Corcomroe, 5 September 1618]; PHA Ms 16/D/1 [Great Office of Clonderalaw and Moyarta, 5 September 1618]. Also see PHA Ms B/16/B [Great Office of Tulla, 20 March 1621]. I thank Kenneth Nicholls for pointing out these inquisitions to me. PHA Ms B/26/T/16. 33 Archivium Hibernicum levied prior to the 1585 Composition Agreement and which have been partly preserved in the fifteenth-century tract entitled Suim Cíosa Uí Briain (‘rental of O’Brien’), printed and translated by James Hardiman in 1826.37 These inquisitions stand as a rich source for the Thomond estates and are yet to be treated to full publication and commentary. The will of the fourth earl of Thomond dated 28 November 1617, is also an important source for identifying the followers of the earl and stands as evidence of how anglicised the administration and key offices in Thomond had become by the second decade of the seventeenth century.38 A view of Thomond and its social hierarchies can also be glimpsed from evidence contained in the Protestant Depositions dating from 1641 and which narrate events contemporaneous to the compilation of the register here. In particular, the deposition of Andrew Chaplin is especially revealing in its list of Gaelic freeholders supposedly involved in the siege of Ballyallia castle in December 1641.39 Other depositions contain names of accused assailants on Protestant settlers while also throwing light on the earl of Thomond’s estates. This includes names of Dutch and English tenants who took up leases under the earl as well as forms of commercial and agricultural activities undertaken on the Thomond estates in the vicinity of Bunratty.40 Such records may be contrasted with the list of landowners in 1641 as recorded in the Books of Survey and Distribution,41 and the 1659 ‘census’, in order to identify changes in the landholding matrix that had occurred from the opening decades of the seventeenth century to the Restoration of Charles II in 1660.42 Collectively these sources, including the petitions and papers in the Petworth collection which are the subject of this paper, shed light on land title, disputes and claims in the Thomond earldom for the century between c.1550 to c.1650.43 37 See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 36–43. I thank Kenneth Nicholls for this point regarding the 1619 inquisition. 38 Brian Ó Dálaigh, ‘A comparative study of the wills of the First and Fourth Earls of Thomond’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 34 (1992), 48–63. 39 Deposition of Andrew Chaplin, 12/5/1643, 1641 Depositions, Trinity College Dublin (Ms 829, fols 095r-100v). 40 For example, see the deposition to two Gaelic witnesses, Morrice Hicky of Rossmanagher and John Hinchy, which mentions that the former was in a ‘feild of wheate which was a reapeing for Mr George Colpace’, before being attacked by Confederate insurgents. This is an interesting reference to cultivation of wheat on the Thomond estates. The fact that Morrice Hicky was literate and signed the deposition with a good hand suggests that he was of the learned Uí Iceadha medical lineage whose original patrimony was Ballyhickey near Quin. See Deposition of Morrice Hicky & John Hinchy, 5/9/1653, 1641 Depositions, Trinity College Dublin (Ms 829, fols 108r-109v). 41 R.C. Simington (ed.), Books of Survey and Distribution [vol. 4, Clare], (Dublin: IMC, 1967). 42 Séamus Pender (ed.), A Census of Ireland, Circa 1659, with supplementary material from the Poll Ordinances (1660–1661), (Dublin: IMC, 1939). 43 Examples of petitions and papers include: PHA Ms 3081, [‘Abstract of Patents granted to ye Earl of Thomond, reciting from 1 July 1543 to 7 March 1621/2’]; PHA Ms 3181, 3182, 34 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House Surviving ecclesiastical records are neither as prevalent nor as useful as the aforementioned administrative records. While the Established Protestant Church was supported by the main branch of the Thomond O’Briens, as well as by some of the titled O’Brien branches such as the Ennistymon and Inchiquin O’Briens, its general failure to put down roots among the wider population renders its records of limited use for the historian. Nonetheless, some records generated by the Church have survived and can be employed to trace proprietorship of church lands and the appointment to benefices of local clerics. The 1622 list of church lands and their ‘detainers’ is particularly helpful in identifying the impropriate lands of the church and their secular beneficiaries.44 The 1601 survey of the ‘freeholders’ of Kilfenora diocese is revealing as regards the occupancy of church lands and has recently been treated to full publication.45 The royal visitations of Killaloe diocese for 1615, 1622 and 1633, and of Kilfenora diocese for 1615 and 1633,46 contain information on the temporalities of the church and preserve a record of the incumbent Protestant clergy. The 1661 Account Book of Bishop Edward Worth (sed. 1660–9), which contains the Acta of his predecessor, Bishop John Rider (sed. 1612–32) records names of ecclesiastical tenants and offers up many obscure details on surrendered church lands and leases granted to ecclesiastical tenants, some of whom belonged to hereditary clerical families of the medieval Gaelic church.47 Certain details may be noticed in these early seventeenth century lists of Protestant clergy. This includes the number who were affiliated with the hereditary professional families such as the Mac Bruaideadha (McBrody) chronicler-poets and the Ó Duibhdábhoireann (O’Davoren) brehons lawyers who were active in providing the first generation of Protestant ministers and readers, among other native clergy such as the Clann Chonsaidín (Consadines).48 [‘Answers of the Earl of Thomond or Lord Inchiquin’s claim to advowsons in Co. Clare’]; PHA Ms 3195–3197 [‘Bill of complaint, answer and replication in suit, William Turvin v. Donnogh McMorrogh concerning right to operate ferries across the River Shannon between Limerick and Clare’]; PHA Ms 3917 [‘Papers concerning alleged unlawful seizure by Sir Daniel O’Brien, High Sheriff of Co. Clare, and Donnell O’Mulconery, sub-Sheriff, of the property of the murderers of James Morris which was claimed by Henry, Earl of Thomond’]. 44 Rev. Philip Dwyer, The Diocese of Killaloe from the Reformation to the Eighteenth Century (Dublin: Hodges, Foster, and Figgis, 1878), 133–38. 45 See Luke McInerney, ‘A List of Freeholders of Kilfenora Diocese in 1601’, Eolas: The Journal of the American Society of Irish Medieval Studies, 11 (2018), 60–103. 46 Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 89–128, 160–9. 47 NLI Ms 1777, ‘Typescript copy of a survey of lands in the diocese of Killaloe made for Bishop Worth, 1661’, transcribed by (Rev) James B. Leslie (National Library of Ireland, 1936). Also see Luke McInerney, ‘A note on the Uí Chiaróg clerical lineage of Rathbláthmaic’, The Other Clare 36 (2012), 55–59. 48 Judging from the visitation lists for the diocese of Killaloe, the number of Gaelic clerics in the Protestant church dwindled from the 1630s, after which time few managed to secure affluent benefices or hold church livings at the important centres of Ennis, Bunratty and Killaloe. Affluent benefices were monopolised by New-English clergy, and any meaningful 35 Archivium Hibernicum Some detail exists for the operation and personnel of the Catholic church during this period. Apart from reports of the activities of clergy among the English administrative records there exist lists of priests and their dwelling places in the second decade of the seventeenth century.49 Among the voluminous correspondence of Fr Luke Wadding are a number of petitions containing the names of nobility and clergy from county Clare, including petitions from the diocese of Killaloe in 1624 and 1626, and a petition from the clergy of Kilfenora dated 1 March 1629 to Pope Urban VIII.50 The register rolls of foreign seminaries and clergy lists also record the names of Clare clerics who sought education and service on the continent. Among these registers can be found clerics who families had centuries-old claim to church lands and offices in the medieval Gaelic church, such as the Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin (anglicé Gilsenan), priors of Inis Cathaigh (Scattery Island).51 Stories about the activities of the Clare clergy and their endurance of persecution have also come down to us, thanks to the prolific pen of the Clare-born Franciscan, Antonius Bruodin (c.1618– 80), among whose writings are found the life of Dermot Bruodin the ‘mad friar’ of Ennis (d. 1617), which contains valuable insight into the activities and religious outlook of the fourth earl of Thomond that otherwise are little known.52 The 1640 register of the Thomond papers presented here forms another collectanea of historical material that helps contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the changing forms of economic, cultural and legal activity in the seventeenth century Thomond earldom. While many documents recorded in the register have not survived, the excerpted descriptions are often sufficient to identify the type and range of documentation that once existed. In some cases, ubiquitous Gaelic practices that underpinned landholding and social relations, such as partible inheritance and the so-called ‘coign and livery’ (coinmheadh is buannacht) system can be identified. The majority of material in the register, however, reflects the humdrum of legal business which displays the range of activities that contributed to the operation of one of Ireland’s most prominent Gaelic earldoms. attempt to promote native clergy was in practice abandoned. During the same period in the diocese of Kilfenora, owing to the relative poverty of its parish livings, its benefices were held chiefly by native clergy. See Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 160–9, 177–8. 49 Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 143–4. 50 Brendan Jennings, Wadding Papers 1614–38 (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1953), 80–2, 236–7, 347. 51 Denis J. O’Doherty, ‘Students of the Irish College Salamanca (1595–1619)’, Archivium Hibernicum, 2 (1913), 1–36, at 18. On the Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin priors see Luke McInerney, Clerical and Learned Lineages of Medieval Co. Clare: A Survey of the Fifteenth-Century Papal Registers (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2014), 28–34, 103–7. 52 Antonius Bruodinus, Propugnaculum Catholicae Veritatis Libris X Constructum, in Duasque Partes Divisum. Pars Prima Historica in Quinque Libros (Prague, 1669), 500–4. 36 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House The register The register, which is transcribed and treated to a commentary below, is valuable from the point of view that it records the legal and administrative muniments which were in the possession of Barnaby O’Brien, sixth earl of Thomond, in 1640. A significant number of these date from the time of Barnaby’s father—the so-called ‘Great Earl’— Donough O’Brien. The register holds much value as a retrospective ledger of estate management. Its fulsome recording of different types of legal documents that comprised the Thomond papers augments the register’s value and utility for historians. Named persons may be crossed-referenced with other sources to develop a picture of kinship bonds, client networks and landholding. This is especially the case for the Gaelic landholding families whose proprietorial position can be traced over generations. Nor is the register without idiosyncratic interest. For example, the register records even the manner in which the papers were originally stored. This is evidence that its anonymous compiler physically examined the documents he listed. Some papers were kept together in a ‘linnen baigg’, while others were stored in bundles. Records were kept in scrolls, rolls or boxes and, according to several entries, held in ‘leather purses’ or in a ‘leather baig’. It is apparent that similar items were stored together. This suggests a systematic method of storing and cataloguing the papers, all of which were kept in the study of Bunratty until at least the mid-1640s. The reason for the compilation of the register may be deduced from circumstantial evidence. We know from the inventory of Bunratty castle which was drawn up in 1639 following the death of Henry O’Brien, the fifth earl, that internal fixtures of the castle were subject to an assessment of their value for the purposes of estimating the earl’s moveable wealth to settle debts.53 It is likely that Barnaby O’Brien, upon attaining the earldom on the death of his elder brother in 1639, sought to re-order his affairs and have the register compiled so that a proper account of the estate records could be made. An earlier schedule of papers was compiled in December 1635 by the fifth earl of Thomond’s agent, William Brickdall, concerning estate papers kept in the Dublin house of George Webb, Bishop of Limerick (sed. 1634– 42).54 This schedule is brief, containing only a few pages of parchment, and to this end was not intended to be a full register. By contrast, references in the 1640 register to books recording the earl’s ‘cheife rent’ shows that it intended to be a full register. It shows the type of developed administration 53 54 Brian Ó Dálaigh, ‘An inventory of the contents of Bunratty Castle and Will of Henry, fifth earl of Thomond, 1639’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 36 (1995), 139–65. PHA Ms C/13/27 [‘Noate of papers and evidences put into my Lo. Trunke at Dublin by Wm Brickdall 12 Dec 1635’]; and see PHA Ms C/13/27 [‘A particular noate of the writings, evidence and patents left in Mr Webbs house in Dublin taken by Mr Brickdall]. 37 Archivium Hibernicum that governed the Thomond estates, involving estate ledgers and legal materials, but which have not survived. One entry in the 1640 register records the activity of a bailiff, Daniel O’Brien, who was responsible for compiling a book of rents in 1644. Examples such as this show that despite the convulsions that gripped county Clare following the outbreak of war in 1642, the machinery of estate administration continued, and the register was occasionally updated, despite ostensibly being a list of deeds and writings up to 1640. The relationship of the 1640 register with other registers help reveal details about the earl of Thomond’s record keeping. The majority of items listed in the 1640 register were originally kept together in leather bags or bundles. In the 1658 register it is evident that the numbers assigned to each item refer to a box or chest in which the items were stored.55 Some items were securely stored in a ‘great chest with two locks’.56 It could be that by 1658 the Thomond papers were transferred into new storage and the items re-arranged. However, there is no indication that the collection had moved from Bunratty castle. What is clear is that by 1658 there was a mass of new items that are absent from the 1640 register, presumably because they had been produced in the intervening years. Also, the fact that a number of pre-1640 items recorded in the 1658 register were absent from the 1640 register indicates that the latter cannot be regarded as an exhaustive list of writings and deeds. The differences between the two registers stem from the fact that the 1658 register is a more detailed account of the Thomond papers and that some reordering must have taken place in the intervening years between the two registers. This was probably necessitated by Barnaby O’Brien’s relocation to England. The fact that the 1640 register recorded a mass of Irish language documents not subsequently noted in the 1658 register, along with a preponderant record of papers dating from the fourth earldom (1581–1624), suggests that the main purpose of the 1640 register was to gather together an inventory of papers relating to the acquisition of lands during the lifetime of Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond. This possibility is hinted at in the 1658 register wherein it mentions a previous register ‘made by Barnaby Earle of Thomond’, as if to emphasise the role Barnaby had in creating the 1640 register.57 The available evidence suggests that the register was ordered on the occasion of Barnaby’s accession to the earldom in 1639. Several other registers exist at Petworth and they tell a story of absentee estate administration. The 1714 register is titled ‘A list of writing in Ireland taken by Burdett Joddrell’, implying that it was compiled expressly for the purpose of managing the Irish estates 55 56 57 PHA Ms C/13/27 [‘A Briefe Abstract of such writings & leases found as belonge to the Right Honble Henry Earle of Thomond the Second of that Name. 1658’]. Ibid. Ibid. 38 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House from England, but the title itself shows that the writings referred to were still kept in Ireland.58 Burdett Joddrell was an English solicitor who was involved in Irish matters, some of which took him to Dublin.59 A register compiled in 1736 refers to both a schedule of deeds and also a list of leases stored ‘in the closest in Dublin’.60 Clearly, a substantial body of the Thomond papers had not been transferred from Ireland to England by that stage. Those documents that now survive at Petworth House presumably were transferred in the intervening years between 1736 and the 1741, when the main O’Brien line of the earldom became extinct upon the death of the eighth earl. Those documents that remained in Ireland must have subsequently been lost as they do not appear in other estate archives with a Thomond provenance. The largest of these collections, the Inchiquin Manuscripts, has little, if any, surviving material recorded in the 1640 register. This is perhaps not surprising considering that the Inchiquin Manuscripts comprise the papers and legal muniments of the Inchiquin O’Briens, a separate and junior branch to the line of the earls of Thomond and who remained in Ireland during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The importance of the register as a historical source may be classified into two parts. Firstly, it stands as evidence of the type of legal and administrative documents that were kept by the earls of Thomond. As such, it provides detail on the depth and breadth of legal dealings across kinship, ethnic and social boundaries. Legal documents referred to in the register relate to the leasing of land to Old-English merchant families such as the Stritches and Fannings of Limerick, as well as to New-English settlers such as Thorowgood of Ennis, who numbered among the growing cohort of Protestants who secured leases on the Thomond estates. The register also reveal the relationships between the earls of Thomond and their local followers such as Boetius and Donough Clanchy of the Meic Fhlannchadha brehon-lawyer family,61 and Teige McBrody of the Clann Bhruaideadha chronicler-poet family.62 Others mentioned in the register, 58 59 PHA Ms C/13/27 [‘A list of writing in Ireland taken by Burdett Joddrell’] David Hayton, Ruling Ireland, 1685–1742: Politics, Politicians and Parties, (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell & Brewer, 2004), 78. 60 See PHA Ms C/13/27 [‘A Schedule of Deeds & Writings, Recd this Book from Mr Hamilton in May 1736’]. 61 On this learned family see Luke McInerney, ‘The Síol Fhlannchadha of Tradraighe, Co. Clare: Brehon Lawyers of the Gaelic Tradition’, Eolas: The Journal of the American Society of Irish Medieval Studies, 9 (2016), 19–54. 62 On this learned family see Luke McInerney, ‘Lettermoylan of Clann Bhruaideadha: a resumé of their landholding, topography & history’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 52 (2012), 81–113. 39 Archivium Hibernicum including James McInnerhiny63 and Mathew Gripha,64 appear elsewhere as officials and servitors of the fourth earl of Thomond in the opening decades of the seventeenth century.65 The Ruddane family, who appear in the register, are on record as a hereditary service family as early as the fourteenth century.66 Some of the earl’s traditional Gaelic followers – especially those who were literate and English-speaking – were used by the earl in the administration of his estate, although their status was reduced compared to former times. Any favourable land tenure which they had enjoyed in exchange for professional services was extinguished upon the death of the fourth earl, if such privileges had not already been rescinded. The establishment of manor courts on the lands of Gaelic lords was an important policy by the crown authorities of creating a system of local government that co-opted Gaelic landholders into the machinations of English administration. The creation of manor courts was a cost-effective means for the crown authorities to set up a system of local government which incentivised local magnates to dispense justice within a manorial jurisdiction by allowing them to profit through the collection of manorial dues.67 Some of the earl’s local followers served as minor officials in his manor courts, alongside his Old-English followers such as Sir Rowland Delahoyde. Some brehon families made the switch from Gaelic jurisprudence to common law, attaining roles as officials in the manorial courts. The involvement of the Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann in the earl of Thomond’s manor court of Finavarra suggests that this was a strategy used by that See Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, 312–13, 504–5. According to a 1619 inquisition, James McInnerhiny claimed several lands as his inheritance, including quatro acr measure hibernor in Rathfoylane (‘four acres of Irish measure at Rathfolan’) and Shanaghcloyne in vill de Beallancraggy (‘Shanaghcloyne in the settlement of Ballynacragga’), linking him to a c.1603 grant of lands at Dromoland and being the son of John McEnerhyny, a priest. He appears to be the same James who translated into English deeds from Irish at Limerick 1611 along with New-English settler, Hugh Brickdall. In 1619 James signed his name in English on a deed concerning David and Donell O’Ruddan. See PHA Ms B/26/T/16 [‘Inquisition into lands held by Donough O’Brien, fourth Earl of Thomond’]; also see PHA Ms C/13/35 and Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 50–51; and Ainsworth (ed.), Inchiquin, 504. On James’ life see Luke McInerney, ‘Land and Lineage: The McEnerhinys of Ballysallagh in the Sixteenth Century’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 49 (2009), 7–32. 64 He was noted in a deed from 1589 as Mathew O’Griffy, the late abbot of the ‘dissolved monastery of Clare’. See Luke McInerney, ‘A 1589 deed between McGilleragh and the earl of Thomond for Cragbrien’, The Other Clare, 40 (2016), 73–82, at 77. 65 McInerney, ‘Documents’, 39. 66 The O’Roddans (Uí Rodáin) were referred to in the fourteenth century Suim Tigernais Meic Na Mara (‘rental of McNamara’) as Maoir mintire Rodain. They were operating as stewards to the Meic Conmara at this stage. See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 43. The O’Roddans continued as a hereditary steward family when, in 1573, they were recorded in a deed regarding land at Aylebeg near Bunratty. At that time, they were described as ‘the Rodan family the stewards of the Earl of Thomond’. See Frost, History, 184. 67 On the erection of the earl of Thomond’s manor courts which followed the 1585 Composition Agreement see Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls, 493–4. 63 40 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House family up to the 1670s.68 Admittedly, this occurred long after their function as brehon-jurists had ceased in any meaningful way, but the fact that they still held an official position in the manor court says something about the retention of local followers over generations. That brehon-lawyers served in the earl’s manor courts is not surprising when we consider other sources which claim that the fourth earl was fostered in his youth by the other brehon-jurist family of Thomond, the Meic Fhlannchadha.69 In a similar vein there exists a claim made by the Franciscan, Antonius Bruodin, that his great-uncle and renowned poet, Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha (d. 1625/1626), tutored the young earl and was later appointed sheriff of Clare and made seneschal of Ibrickan.70 Personal ties were factors behind the earl retaining links to some of the Gaelic professional families, especially those useful to his pursuit of estate consolidation. It also helps explain the earl’s ambivalence to, and sometimes dispossession of, learned families such as the Clann Chraith poets of Islandmacgrath and the Uí Mhaoilchonaire chroniclers of Ardkyle.71 His treatment of these Gaelic learned families was markedly different to the small clique of professional Gaelic families with whom he shared personal links. The second reason regarding the importance of the register as an historical source is that it reveals the hegemony of English as the language of estate administration in seventeenth century Ireland. This was the case among other titled Gaelic peers whose followers were for the most part Gaelic-Irish and who employed members of the Gaelic learned class to witness and execute legal documents. Signatory endorsement of legal and estate documents by members of learned families stand as evidence of their continuing relevance as witnesses and scribes for a period following the introduction of English common law.72 Their literacy and social status often translated into holding local administrative office in the early years 68 Raymond Gillespie, ‘Finavarra and its manor court in the 1670s’, The Other Clare, 25 (2001), 45–49; and S. C. O’Mahony, ‘The Manor Courts of the Earl of Thomond, 1666–1686,’ Analecta Hibernica 38 (2004), 135–220, 164–170. In the latter source, note the preponderance of the surname ‘O’Davourin’ among the Nomina Juratorum of the empanelled sessions of the manor court. It is argued that the fact that manorial courts operated by bills or statements of the case, which were then arbitrated on by a local jury according to the custom of the manor, was akin to legal procedure under brehon law. See Gillespie, ‘Finavarra’, 48. 69 Cornelius O’Mollony, Anatomicum examen, Enchiridii Apologetici, seu Famosi cujusdam libelli, a Thoma Carve (verius Carrano) sacerdote Hiberni furtive publicati, quo Carrani imposturae,& calumniae religiose refutantur (Prague, 1671), 112–3. 70 Ibid, 113. 71 See Brian Ó Dálaigh, ‘The Uí Mhaoilchonaire of Thomond’, Studia Hibernica, 35 (2008– 2009), 45–68. 72 On signatory endorsements in English and Irish by learned families in Thomond see Luke McInerney, ‘Six Deeds from Early Seventeenth Century Thomond’, Eolas: The Journal of the American Society of Irish Medieval Studies, 10 (2017), 33–76. 41 Archivium Hibernicum of the seventeenth century, and their signature affixed to a document was equivalent to that of a notarius publicus.73 The endorsements themselves tell a story of language shift as endorsement signatories in Irish virtually disappear after 1610, with only Mac Bruaideadha and Mac Cruitín scribes continuing to endorse and write deeds in Irish after this date.74 It is clear from the endorsements on legal deeds that the act of testifying and certifying included translation into Irish by the writer of the deed or by the one required to certify it.75 This allowed professional scribes and literate men who were proficient in English and Irish to continue as writers of deeds in a bilingual context. In translating the terms of business for the contracting parties, the endorser would read out the terms, and in the case of deeds drawn up in English, these would be explained verbally in Irish.76 A closer look reveals that this picture is more complicated than simply the fact that English was uncontested as a language of administration and record. The existence of a large number of Irish language deeds, rent rolls, conveyances and agreements listed in the 1640 register attest to the fact that prior to the seventeenth century the administration of the Thomond estates was bilingual, and that a significant number of deeds were written in Irish by a cadre of hereditary professional families whose duty was to write, store and promulgate such agreements. Bilingual estate management, especially at the local level where bailiffs, land agents and other minor officials interacted with landowners, continued throughout the seventeenth century. The use of Irish legal instruments had largely fallen out of use by the opening decades of the seventeenth century, although copies of these documents were still valuable for documenting former land transactions and were referred to in deeds written in English. Deeds in Irish, along with charters (mainly ecclesiastical) in Latin, testify to the bilingual nature of estate administration. The hegemony of English as the language of administration by the mid-seventeenth century is best demonstrated by a curious letter written in 1640 by John Brody (Seán Mac Bruaideadha) to his cousin, Therlaugh O’Teig, who served as an attendant to Barnaby, sixth earl of Thomond.77 O’Teig had indicated to his 73 74 75 76 77 See ‘Conor Cleanchy, notarius publicus’ who appears in a deed from 1440 in Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 50. See Gearóid Mac Niocaill (ed.), ‘Seven Irish Documents from the Inchiquin Archives’, Analecta Hibernica 26 (1970), 47–69. See Ainsworth (ed.), Inchiquin, 282, where it states that, ‘this deed was read and interpreted to the above Shane O’Dea … [by] Aodh og Mac cruitin, testis’. Ibid. The deed was written in English by Aodh Óg Mac Cruitín but recited verbally to Shane O’Dea in Irish. John Brody [1640] ‘An introduction to the knowledge of reading and writing the Irish tongue’, in Brian Ó Cuiv, Catalogue of Irish language manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford and Oxford College Libraries (2 vols), Dublin, 2001), i, 280–1. O’Teig must have been an important servant to Henry, fifth earl, as he was a witness and a beneficiary in Henry’s will which was made in 1639. See Ó Dálaigh, ‘Inventory’, 163, 165. 42 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House cousin that he wished to be lettered in Irish. Brody’s Irish language primer was divided into six chapters which deals with letters in Irish, vowels and consonants in Irish, as well as pronunciations of vowels and diphthongs. The author of the small primer included ‘five poems and epigrams hoping the reader would exercise himself in the rules afore written.’78 It would appear that the work drew from bardic grammatical manuals, as seen by its ordering of consonants which reflect bardic tradition.79 This is no coincidence considering that John Brody belonged to an important literary family, the Clann Bhruaideadha, and would have been exposed to their pedagogical and literary activities. Brody’s primer is an extraordinary document in that it was produced for a native Irish audience who must have spoken the language on a daily basis but were for the most part illiterate in it, despite having literacy in English. However, we find other contemporary examples of this occurring. John Lynch, the Galway scholar-author, writing in 1662, asserted that ‘we all speak Irish, and many of us read and write English,’80 indicating that the situation faced by Brody and his cousin was not atypical. Lynch’s comment does not imply the demise of the vernacular, only that the relatively small number of people who achieved literacy tended to do so in English. The massive growth of legal, bureaucratic and popular culture conducted in English during this period accounted for this state of affairs, serving as a powerful inducement for Irish speakers to become literate in English in order to advance their commercial and legal interests. From this it is clear that literacy in Irish, even among some of the earl’s local officials, was lacking, and that English had become the written language of estate administration. A significant point is that there is little evidence to show that the fourth earl of Thomond encouraged the use of Irish to communicate among his own family. It is evident that the earl of Thomond preferred to read Irish history in English. In 1609, Florence McCarthy, who was imprisoned in the Tower of London, wrote a short history of Ireland for the earl and despite its delivery instructions written in Irish, the substance of the history was in English with the occasional phonetic rendering of Irish forenames to assist with reading.81 From this we might gather that the earl of Thomond lacked literacy in Irish or, at the very least, was not a competent reader of the language and preferred to read in English. The embrace of English among the Thomond O’Briens was complete by the time of the fifth and sixth earldoms of Henry (1624–1639) and 78 79 80 81 Ó Cuiv, Catalogue of Irish language manuscripts, 281 (spelling modernised). Ibid., 280. John Lynch, Cambrensis eversus, Matthew Kelly (ed.) 3 vols, (Dublin, 1848–52), i, 193. John O’Donovan (ed.), ‘Letter of Florence MacCarthy to the Earl of Thomond on the Ancient History of Ireland’, The Journal of the Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Archaeological Society, 1:1 (1856), 203–29. 43 Archivium Hibernicum Barnaby (1639–57). Both of the earls were Oxford educated and had little, if any, spoken Irish, and almost certainly no literacy in the language. This is a remarkable fact and can be contrasted against Richard Boyle, (1566– 1643), the New-English land speculator and first earl of Cork, who not only employed a secretary skilled in Irish to handle his business affairs, he also engaged a teacher of Irish to tutor his sons while they attended Eton.82 The shift in language by noble families was not unusual at the time and it had been observed by contemporaries.83 It was the Clare poet and lexicographer, Aodh Buidhe Mac Cruitín, writing in the early eighteenth century, who drew attention to the precipitous decline of Irish among the noble class over the previous centuries.84 Even a generation or two before Aodh Buidhe, Irish scholars warned that the status of the language among the learned class was changing, with a contributing factor being that ‘since the hereditary revenues of its professional masters have been taken away’, its learned practitioners were becoming fewer.85 Despite the dominance of English as a written language, day-to-day communication with tenants and legal agreements continued in Irish. Only the literary families and their cultivated circle who had a longstanding tradition of literacy in Irish continued to produce writings and agreements in that language. Legal writings in Irish still had a measure of value as proof of past treaties. As late as 1635, an agreement concerning Ballymacloone near Quin cited an earlier Irish indenture that can be identified as one of two deeds in Irish (dated 1542 and 1545), that survived and was published by Hardiman in 1826.86 These deeds related to the inheritance of the McCloones of Quin and show the continuing curation of Irish language deeds by the Thomond O’Briens. It also shows that the utility of Irish language deeds, though swiftly declining by the time of the Ballymacloone deed, continued in some attenuated form on the Thomond estates even after they had fallen out of direct use. In contrast to the earls of Thomond, other Gaelic magnates saw value in retaining competence in the native language not only to communicate with their tenants, but also as a symbol of authority. One of the best examples of this can be found in a similar cultural setting to Thomond, such as in Argyll in the southwest Scottish Highlands. The ninth earl of Argyll, Archibald Campbell, whose family displayed similar anglicising strategies to the O’Briens, received tutoring in Gaelic so that he could communicate Michael MacCarthy-Morrogh, The Munster Plantation: English migration to southern Ireland, 1583–1641 (Oxford, 1986), p. 275; and Caball, Poets and Politics, 127. 83 On changes in the Irish language during this period see Marc Caball, ‘Language, Print and Literature in Irish, 1550–1630’, in T. Bartlett & J. Ohlmeyer (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ireland: Volume II 1550–1730 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 411–33. 84 Conchobhar O Beaglaoich & Aodh Buidhe Mac Cuirtin, The English Irish Dictionary: An Focloir Bearla Gaoidheilge (Paris: Seamus Guerin, 1732), preface. 85 Lynch, Cambrensis eversus, 191. 86 Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 55–8. Also see McInerney, ‘Documents’, 38–9. 82 44 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House with his tenants.87 An important aspect of this deliberate enculturation was to be recognised as a Highland laird among his Gaelic followers. The language at his father’s household in Inverary was English on account of the marriage of his father to Margaret Douglas from a Lowland family which brought Scots-speaking officials to Inverary. Notwithstanding the prevalence of Scots in the household, the young earl’s parents saw value in him learning Gaelic and in correspondence with his Highland tutor in 1637 they urged the earl’s tutor to ‘holde hime to the speaking of itt’.88 Among the anglicising initiatives undertaken by the fourth earl of Thomond, such as the local plantation of English and Dutch settlers and the creation of manor courts, changes were made in administration and record keeping.89 The introduction of new English and Dutch settlers into the region supported the emerging mercantile economy on the Thomond estates. These changes were indicative of a wider social transformation that had occurred following the conclusion of the Nine Years War in 1603 and which touched almost every aspect of political and social life in Ireland. The most profound and far reaching of these transformations was the demise of the lordship system that had prevailed in many of the Gaelic or Gaelicised regions.90 Among such changes was the replacement of the Irish language with English in the households of the aristocratic IrishGaelic families. Elements of this process are evident from the 1640 register. The register, then, reveals both change and continuity in Thomond’s estate management. Less than a decade after the register was compiled the sixth earl had relocated from Bunratty to Great Billing in Northamptonshire, from which point he, and his descendants, became absentee landlords. Rather fortuitously, the transfer of a significant portion of the Thomond estate papers in the eighteenth century to England resulted in their final lodgement at Petworth House in the possession of the Lords Egremont. Those papers that stayed in Ireland – which appear to have included all of the Irish language deeds – were for the most part lost or destroyed. The papers that survived at Petworth show the complexity of seventeenth century estate management and the challenges encountered by anglicising Gaelic magnates, such as the Thomond O’Briens. 87 These strategies included an embrace of the Protestant reformation and loyalism to central government. 88 James A. Stewart Jr., ‘Political and Cultural Change in the Seventeenth-Century House of Argyll and Clan Campbell’, Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium, 12 (1992), 166–183, at 168. 89 On some of the anglicising initiatives of the O’Briens, both in terms of the management of their estates and in their marriage links and activities, see Ó Dálaigh, ‘Gaelic warlords’, 40–42. 90 On these political and social changes see David Edwards, ‘Political Change and Social Transformation, 1603–1641’, in T. Bartlett & J. Ohlmeyer (eds.,), The Cambridge History of Ireland: Volume II 1550–1730 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 48–71. 45 Archivium Hibernicum Gaelic legal documents The register includes twenty-one items that may be described as Gaelic legal documents. These documents were written in Irish, the earliest of which dates from 1520 and the latest 1610. Although of varying purposes, they mainly consist of orders, agreements, contracts, feoffments and leases. In these cases, the compiler of the register unambiguously attests to their existence, calling them variously as an ‘Irish writing’, an ‘Old Irish writing’ or an ‘old order in Irish’. Reference is also made to ‘Old Irish scroles’ and ‘bundles of writings in Irish’, indicating that a number of other documents in Irish existed. It is uncertain what was the fate of many of these Gaelic legal documents. A number survived into the midnineteenth century and were subsequently transcribed and translated in James Hardiman’s 1826 publication of ancient deeds in Irish.91 That the bulk of his Irish language deeds derived from the earl of Thomond’s collection may be ascertained from examining their contents and noting their almost complete focus on people and places in Thomond. Others ended up scattered in foreign repositories, including in Paris and the United Kingdom.92 The majority, however, appear to have been lost. Many of these deeds were originally the property of the fourth earl of Thomond. Although probably unlettered in Irish himself,93 the presence of deeds written in Irish testifies to their significance in recording historical land transactions. From comparison with the 1640 register it is apparent that the majority of the Irish language documents have not survived in the Petworth House collection.94 It has been suggested that a number of deeds in Irish were handed to Dean Smyth, later Bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh in 1693, at a period when he probably was the landlord of the antiquary Tadhg Ó Rodaighe of Crossfield, county Leitrim.95 The provenance of the 91 See Hardiman, (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 1–95. 92 See, for example, a mid-sixteenth century deed written by a member of the Meic Fhlannchadha brehon-lawyers: Irish Ms 21 f. 23v and 24r. [John Rylands Library, University of Manchester]. On a deed of Thomond provenance that ended up in Paris see Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms Celtique I. Also see McInerney, ‘Medieval Irish Deeds’, 218. The deed appears post-1520 and was a covenant entered into by Domhnall Mac Conmara for the half-quarter of Kilfintanan, witnessed by ‘Maelleachlainn son of Tomas Mac an Oirchinneadh’. 93 Ó Dálaigh, ‘Mhaoilchonaire’, 55–56. 94 Take, for example, the reference in the 1640 register to the deed of mortgage of Covarra mcShane to Mahon mcShane McInnirhiny of the lands of Cahirduffe (no.113) which were located in the vicinity of Ballynacragga in Kilnasoolagh parish. The original document of this mortgage cannot now be found in the Petworth House archive. On the location of Cahirduffe see Frost, History, 294. 95 William O’Sullivan, ‘The Book of Domhnall Ó Duibhdábhoireann, Provenance and Codicology’, Celtica, 23, (1999), 276–292, at 279–80. One explanation for the provenance of the deeds published by Hardiman is that Ó Rodaighe obtained them upon his marriage to Fionnghuala Nic Chonmara. Her family were from ‘Derada’ (Doire Fhada, ‘long oak forest’), now Derryfadda in the parish Feakle in east Clare. In the aftermath of the Williamite victory at the Boyne in 1690, Ó Rodaighe fled Leitrim and took refuge with his wife’s family in Feakle. It is possible that those deeds, which had a strong Meic Conmara focus, were 46 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House deeds before this date is not known, but as Ó Rodaighe married into the McNamara family of county Clare, it is possible that they were the ultimate source of the deeds relating to east Clare. The deeds appear to have eventually been transferred to Arthur Mahon (d.1788) of Strokestown, county Roscommon, before ending up in the collection of James Hardiman. Hardiman’s collection was augmented by other deeds he had gathered from solicitor, William Dix, and from statistician, William Shaw Mason.96 These comprised the thirty-nine deeds published by Hardiman in 1826. Some of the documents that Hardiman published, such as Suim Tigernais Meic na Mara (‘rental of McNamara’) are found transcribed elsewhere.97 This could suggest that the Irish legal documents that were published by Hardiman may have had a different provenance rather than simply all being traceable to the McNamara collection. A translated version of Suim Tigernais Meic na Mara, leaving only placenames in their original Irish form, was copied in the late eighteenth century into a manuscript-book prepared for the Clare-born French wine merchant, Chevalier O’Gorman,98 and is now found at British Library Add Ms 20717. Hardiman used this translation and an earlier version in Irish made by Micháel, son of Peadar Ó Longáin.99 Suim Tigernais Meic na Mara was translated again by Rev. Patrick Dineen for the antiquary, R.W. Twigge, and Twigge noted that these earlier copies contained corruptions owing to ‘carelessness of the scribes’.100 What is less clear is whether any of these Irish deeds were transferred across to England and, consequently, to Petworth House. It seems doubtful, given that the Petworth catalogues do not mention Irish language documents and that, from a practical standpoint, such documents would have been of little value to the management of the Thomond estates by English agents. By contrast, a number of Latin documents are found at Petworth, suggesting that they retained some use as legal charters and the basis upon which later patents were granted.101 This includes a copy of the first charter of Clare Abbey (c.1189) issued by Domhnall Mór Ó Briain, which was likely to be a version of the allegedly forged charter compiled 96 97 98 99 100 101 preserved by the Feakle McNamaras and were subsequently obtained by Ó Rodaighe, finding their way into the Hardiman collection a century or so later. Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 4. Ibid., 43–48. On his life and activities see Robert Herbert (ed.), Worthies of Thomond: compendium of short lives of the most famous men and women of Limerick and Clare to the present day (third series, Limerick: Published by the author, 1946), 34–5. See R.W. Twigge, F.S.A ‘Materials for a History of Clann-Cuilein (the eastern division of county Clare)’, 21 (BL, Add Ms 39262). Ibid. Printed in McInerney, ‘Medieval Irish Deeds’, 175–243. Twigge’s version identifies many placenames. See the patents issued to the earl of Thomond such as the 1606 and 1621 patents in Morrin (ed.), Patent and close roll, 220–24. Also see Calendar of the Patent Rolls of the Chancery of Ireland, (Dublin: A. Thom., 1800), 157–8; and Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls, 493–4. 47 Archivium Hibernicum in the mid-fifteenth century to assert the abbey’s claims over its original land grants.102 The Irish documents probably remained in Ireland and were recorded in the 1640 register. In later registers, which were compiled when the O’Brien earls were living in England, there are very few references to Irish deeds. One reference exists in the 1658 register wherein it records the existence of ‘several old Irish writings’. In a schedule of deeds from May 1736 reference is made to Irish writings relating to ‘Crattelaghbeg’ (recte Cratloe) which cannot be identified in the 1640 register.103 This suggests that the 1640 register is not an exhaustive list of the ‘evidences & writings’ from Bunratty, and that other Irish language documents were in the possession of the earls of Thomond into the eighteenth century but were not transferred to Petworth. The fate of these Irish documents is not clear as they do not appear to be accounted for in either the collection of Irish deeds printed by James Hardiman in 1826,104 or among the Irish deeds held at Trinity and translated by Eugene O’Curry in the nineteenth century.105 None of them appear among the Irish deeds in the Inchiquin Manuscripts published by Gearóid Mac Niocaill in 1970.106 A number of the Gaelic legal documents from the 1640 register warrant further consideration. The agreement between ‘Connor O Bryen and one Tibott Boork’ from 1520 stands as proof that during the first half of the sixteenth century Gaelic-Irish (and Gaelicised Anglo-Irish) magnates transacted land agreements in Irish. This is a well understood fact and many examples attest to it on account of the employment of professional brehon-jurists by these families.107 This document corroborates the fact that Conchubhar mac Thoirdhealbhaigh Uí Bhriain, King of Thomond (1528–1539), and a member of the powerful Anglo-Irish Burkes (de Burgo) dynasty transacted land in this way. This is not surprising, of course, when we read in a report by Sir Henry Sidney in 1566 that the brothers of the earl of Clanricard and his uncle who was a bishop, could neither speak nor read 102 The foundation charter of Domhnall Mór Ó Briain for Clare Abbey is preserved in a version compiled in 1461. On this allegedly forged charter see Marie Therese Flanagan, Irish Royal Charters: Texts and Contexts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 163–74, 326–331. Also see Michael MacMahon, ‘The Charter of Clare Abbey and the Augustinian ‘Province’ in Co. Clare’, The Other Clare, 17 (1993), 21–8. 103 It is possible, although far from certain, that the reference to Irish language deeds relating to Cratloe referred to a case adjudicated by two Mac Fhlannchadha brehon-jurists regarding an attack on Cratloe castle by a branch of the Meic Conmara in c.1550. See RIA Ms 24/G19. 104 See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 1–95. 105 See T.K. Abbott & E.J. Gwynn (eds.), Catalogue of the Irish Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis & Co., 1921), 305–6. 106 See Mac Niocaill (ed.), ‘Seven Irish Documents’, 47–69. 107 See, for example, the enchartering of a member of the Meic Fhlannchadha brehon-jurists to a freehold estate in c.1430, in return for his professional services to the earl of Ormond. See Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, 1413–1509, 3, (Dublin: IMC, 1935), 48–50. 48 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House English.108 In this milieu the leading Gaelic and Anglo-Irish families in the west of Ireland operated, and they regularly employed, brehon-jurists to transact land and conclude agreements in Irish. Less than a century later the descendants of these great families would only use English in legal documents, having abandoned the jurisprudence of the professional brehon families. The 1520 agreement is the earliest Irish language deed listed in the register. The last Irish deed recorded was a feoffment made in 1610 between a collateral member of the O’Brien family and his hereditary overlord, the fourth earl of Thomond. By this time, deeds and endorsements in Irish were coming to an end and legal documents – even those written by members of the Gaelic professional and literary families – revert exclusively to English.109 One of the last examples of a signatory endorsement in Irish on a legal deed by a member of the Clann Bhruaideadha literary family was in c.1609. After this date, endorsements by this professional literary family appear in English.110 This switch to using English by a leading literary family is interesting, not least because at the same time they were responsible for instigating the most extensive poetic contention in early modern Ireland, one which employed the rigid standards of literary classical Irish.111 One explanation for this apparent anomaly is that the Clann Bhruaideadha were pragmatic in their attempt to stay relevant and are notable for developing literacy in both Irish and English, using the latter when it was clear that property and legal title depended on English common law. Occasional endorsements in Irish continued on legal deeds written in English into the 1660s and beyond, with possibly the last surviving legal document compiled in Irish in county Clare appearing as late as 1675 at Cahermacnaughten in the Burren, authored by a descendant of the Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann brehon-jurists.112 In this deed, the lands of the chief branch of the Ó Duibhdábhoireann family were divided between heirs in a modified form of partible inheritance that reflected elements of brehon law principles cloaked in an English common law agreement. Several Irish deeds recorded in the 1640 register focused on the 108 Bernadette Cunningham, ‘Loss and gain: attitudes towards the English language in early modern Ireland’, in Brian Mac Cuarta (ed)., Reshaping Ireland, 1500–1700: Colonization and its Consequence. Essays Presented to Nicholas Canny (Dublin, 2011), 163–86, at 165. 109 See Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, 307. One of the last legal documents drawn up exclusively in Irish was in 1621. See Mac Niocaill (ed.), ‘Seven Irish Documents’, 68–9. 110 See Ainsworth, (ed.), Inchiquin, 307. On signature endorsements in English, appended to the marriage articles between Boetius McBrody and Finola Fitzpatrick in 1630, see NLI, MS 45,666/3 and see printed in McInerney, ‘Six Deeds’, 61–7. 111 Lambert McKenna (ed.), Iomarbhágh na bhfileadh: The Contention of the Bards, 2 vols. (London: Irish Texts Society, 1918–20). 112 Brian Ó Cuív, ‘A seventeenth century legal document,’ Celtica, 5 (1960), 177–85. This constituted the last legal document compiled in the classical Gaelic legal tradition in county Clare. 49 Archivium Hibernicum Ennistymon area and relate to Sir Turlough O’Brien, High Sherriff (1578– 80), and chief landholder of the O’Briens of Corcomroe. These deal with land matters around ‘Innishtyman’ (Inis Tí Méan, ‘island of the middle house’), and one specifically refers to a deed between the earl of Thomond and ‘O Cnoghir’ (Ó Conchubhar). The latter deed may reflect the provisions of a 1582 agreement in Latin which transferred proprietorship of lands, including all hereditaments and seignorial rights, from the Uí Chonchubhair to this titled branch of the O’Briens.113 By 1585 the O’Briens of Corcomroe had acquired the Uí Chonchubhair towerhouse at Dough, near Liscannor, from which point the Uí Chonchubhair lordship ceased.114 The Latin deed is evidence that the Uí Chonchubhair lordship was subsumed under the O’Briens, who had become ‘lords of the soil.’115 By the time of the Composition Agreement in 1585, none of the Uí Chonchubhair were signatories to the indenture despite historically being the leading dynasts in Corcomroe. The main beneficiary of the Composition Agreement in Corcomroe, Sir Turlough O’Brien, was granted 14 quarters in free demesne with rights to levy an annual rent of five shillings on 100 quarters of land in Corcomroe under the 1585 agreement.116 The agreement signalled the seignorial dominance of the O’Briens over a once important dynastic family whose origins date from the early medieval period. Most of the other deeds in Irish referred to lands in which the earls of Thomond had apparently obtained an interest. The fact that a number of these lands historically situated in the Meic Conmara lordship of Clann Chuiléin of east Clare suggests that the earls acquired interests in that part of the county, often to the detriment of the original Meic Conmara proprietors. In particular, these lands included ‘Inishmcneaghten’ in Kilconry parish, ‘Clenaghmore’ in Kilmaleery parish and ‘Ballyvarkaghan’ in Quin parish. It is not surprising that lands which were traditionally under the lordship of the Meic Conmara should come within the proprietorship of the earls, given the efforts of the fourth earl in consolidating estates around his Bunratty manor, following his move to Bunratty castle from Clonroad in the late-sixteenth century. The best evidence of this consolidation process is found in a complaint written by Seán Mac Conmara (d.1602), lord of Clann Chuiléin, to William Cecil, Lord Burghley, in 1588/9. It relates that the earl was using legal wrangling and dubious means to accumulate lands and claim freehold rights to them, to the detriment of Mac Conmara: Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 555. Frost, History, 281. Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 555. The deed specified that the Uí Chonchubhair surrender to the O’Briens all their rights, titles and claims which they had over certain lands, estates and inherited possessions in Corcomroe. It gave legal form to the claims of the O’Briens which date from decades earlier. Also see AFM, sub anno 1564. 116 Freeman, (ed.), Compossicion Booke, 24. 113 114 115 50 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House I thought it necessary on my part hereby to acquaint your good Lordship with the unkind dealing of the right honourable the Earl of Thomond … who rather practice how to encroach upon my suitable living … [and] for that most and famous number of the lawyers of this land are allied to the Earl of Thomond through his marriage with the house of Kildare and his kindred with the house of Ormond, whereby I am forced to take refuge in the conscience of her Majesty’s ministers of the Council in Ireland [spelling modernised].117 The letter was contemporaneous with other changes taking place in Thomond, such as the implementation of the 1585 Composition Agreement. The 1585 agreement sought to undermine ‘clientalism’ and the Gaelic system of independent lordship that characterised the quasi-feudal bonds between Gaelic lords and their adherents.118 It also showed that powerful magnates such as the earl of Thomond and other titled peers could marshal lawyers and officials from the English administration and judiciary to support their claims against lesser freeholders. This view was endorsed in the remarks of an anonymous legal writer as regards a lawsuit over church lands around Tulla in the last quarter of the seventeenth century.119 Recounting the situation that prevailed earlier in the century during the fourth earldom, the legal writer noted the manipulation of legal channels by the earl and his chief followers, such as Sir Rowland Delahoyde, to acquire title over the lands, to the disadvantage of church and secular landowners alike.120 According to the writer, the dispossession of the Mac Conmara (McNamara) family is attributed to the earl’s nefarious lawsuits: … and thus was projected the ruin of a considerable family in themselves [i.e. the McNamaras]. They were played on by reason of their unskillfulness in the law, disability to contest, and fatigued by troubles, fears and perplexed suits in law, and so not able to 117 R.W. Twigge, ‘Materials for a History of Clann Cuilein,’ 192 (BL, Add Ms 39260) [S.P.I Eliz., vol. cx 411.A]. Also see Hans Claude Hamilton, (ed.), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, of the reign of Elizabeth 1586–1588, July (London: Her Majesty’s Public Record Office, 1877), 576–7. 118 This system is characterised by Katharine Simms as ‘fighting and feasting’ and displayed similarities with Gaelic society of the highlands and western regions of Scotland. See Katharine Simms, From Kings to Warlords: The Changing Political Structure of Gaelic Ireland in the Later Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 2000); and Katharine Simms, ‘Guesting and feasting in Gaelic Ireland’, Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 108 (1978), 67–100. 119 NLI Ms 1500. 120 The important position of Rowland Delahoyde is clearly revealed in the will of the fourth earl which was written in 1617. See Ó Dálaigh, ‘A comparative study of the wills of the First and Fourth Earls of Thomond’, 59–63. 51 Archivium Hibernicum bear their misfortunes, sunk under the weight of the oppression cum aequali aequale ius tibi erit in fine.121 The said Donat, Earl of Thomond, had all the said lands under his umbrage. [He] kept the lands of Lissofin and other lands to himself and his heirs, who now enjoy them. He left or gave to Sir Rowland in fee farm the castle and lands of Fomerly and other lands, part of the said territory at a small yearly rent. Thus was the spoil divided. The ancient and lawful proprietors turned out of possession and their posterity remained so. As well as the earl, as it is reported for truth, turned out many others, proprietors in both the said baronies,122 which I shall not now particularise, but that he had a great share is evident, for those deriving from him do now enjoy the same [spelling modernised].123 The retention of old deeds written in Irish in the register may have formed part of this strategy to assert title rights over lands that historically were not in the possession of the earls of Thomond and their O’Brien forebears.124 The register lists the existence of ‘Old Irish scroles concerning chiefe rents’. While by no means certain, this may refer to the fifteenth century Suim Cíosa Uí Briain (‘rental of O’Brien’), which detailed the lordship levies of tributes and fees collected out of certain parishes in west Clare and parts of Corcomroe subject to O’Brien (Uí Bhriain) overlordship.125 Whatever the provenance of this reference, it alludes to estate management carried out in Irish and thus, we may suppose, the involvement of the Irish professional learned class who specialised in recording-keeping for their patrons. We know from late-sixteenth records that brehons and other member of the learned class were involved in estate administration and were responsible for keeping rentals and legal muniments. This is best illustrated in the case of the O’Breslin brehons of Ulster who were recorded by the English 121 Equal to equal is your right in the end. 122 i.e. Baronies of Bunratty and Tulla. 123 I thank Brian Ó Dálaigh for pointing me to this reference and kindly supplying me with his transcription. See NLI Ms 1500 and what appears to be a copy at RIA 24/D/10. 124 Evidence of dispossession and the manipulation of legal and administrative process by the earl of Thomond to acquire freehold estates at the expense of the hereditary owners, has been shown elsewhere as regards both secular and ecclesiastical land. For example, see McInerney, ‘Six deeds’, 44–52; Luke McInerney, ‘A note on the Uí Mhaoir of Drumcliff, Co. Clare’, The Other Clare 35 (2011) 26–9; and McInerney, ‘Documents’, 35–37. A number of petitions lodged at the PHA relate to the alleged dispossession of freeholders, such as the following: PHA, Mss 3193, 3194, (‘Petition of Owen O’Mallouny concerning alleged unlawful dispossession by the earl of Thomond of land in Ballybrukan; with copy answer,’ [1622]); and PHA Ms 3910, (‘The humble petition of Brian McTorlogh mcBrien a poor man’, [19 June 1635]). A number of these petitions are listed in the appendix of McInerney, ‘Documents’, 44–51. 125 See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 36–43. 52 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House lawyer, Sir John Davies, as keepers of O’Donnell’s rents and which, upon inspection in 1607, were found to be written in a ‘fair Irish character’.126 In Munster it can be seen in the example of the Uí Mhaoilchonaire chroniclers of Ardkyle near Bunratty, who recorded in their ‘book of chronicles’ the rental of Theobald fitz Theobald Burke, baron of Castleconnell.127 The responsibility of the learned class in judiciously maintaining records of lordship was a longstanding duty, having been set down in an eleventh century legal text.128 The register also contains examples of members from the professional learned families authoring legal documents in English, attesting to their acquisition of English and familiarity with common law by the early seventeenth century. The covenant made by ‘Gillerniffe O Davoren’ (Giolla na Naomh Ó Duibhdábhoireann) with the earl of Thomond for Cahermacnaughten (‘Cahirvicknaghty’), might be categorised as such. Giolla na Naomh was a member of a brehon-lawyer lineage whose chief residence was at Cahermacnaughten in the Burren. The lineage served as brehons to the Uí Lochlainn and Uí Chonchubhair dynasties from the mid-fourteenth century when they first appear in the annals.129 Their profession as brehons (s. breitheamh, pl. breitheamhain) or ‘jurisconsults’, meant that by the later medieval period, if not earlier, they had established scholarly links with other learned families and they operated a law school at Cahermacnaughten in the sixteenth century. Members of the Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann were involved in transcribing religious texts in Irish for another legal family, the Meic Fhlannchadha of Tuath Glae (Killilagh parish near Doolin), in the 1550s.130 We also find the head of the Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann school traveling around Connacht and Leinster visiting other law schools in search of manuscripts in the mid-1560s.131 Therefore, the fact that an Ó Duibhdábhoireann was involved in drawing-up a covenant for Cahermacnaughten is not altogether surprising but rather marked a shift in their working language from Irish to English. What is surprising is that as late as 1675 members of the family were writing legal deeds in Irish in respect to Cahermacnaughten and its enclosed dwellings, but which would be recognisable under English 126 Henry Morley (ed.), Ireland under Elizabeth and James the First: described by Edmund Spenser, by Sir John Davies and by Fynes Moryson (London: Routledge, 1890), 368–9. 127 Seán mac Ruaidhrí Mac Craith, Caithréim Thoirdhealbhaigh: The Triumphs of Turlough, S.H. O’Grady (trans.), 2 (London: Irish Texts Society, 1929), 169–71. 128 Myles Dillon (ed), Lebor na Cert, The Book of Rights (Dublin: Irish Texts Society, 1962), 121–3. 129 AFM, sub anno 1364. The Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann held the title ollamh Corco M’Druadh le bhrethemhnas (‘professor of brehon-law in Corcomroe’). 130 Kathleen Mulchrone & Elizabeth FitzPatrick (eds.), Catalogue of the Irish manuscripts in the Royal Irish Academy, fasc. 27, (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1943), [no 1236], 3421–4. 131 O’Grady, Catalogue, 111, 119, 131–3; and see O’Sullivan, ‘Book of Ó Duibhdábhoireann’, 276– 99. 53 Archivium Hibernicum common law.132 The ‘Gillerniffe O Davoren’ recorded in the 1640 register was probably Giolla na Naomh who wrote a deed in Irish in 1604 and, who according to the genealogies, was the head of the family.133 What can be gleaned from Gaelic legal documents are certain forms of land tenure that were abolished by the early seventeenth century. Scholarly understanding of Gaelic land ownership has moved on significantly since P.W. Joyce’s views on Gaelic Ireland were first published in 1893.134 The writings of Gearóid Mac Niocaill, Kenneth Nicholls and others have shown that land could be held in several ways under Irish law.135 The view that collective family estates were held under immutable customs and static laws ignores the evidence of late medieval Ireland. Proprietorial changes were frequent, and that powerful dynasties often displaced weaker ones in what can only be regarded as a constant process of social replacement right across the ranks of Gaelic society. It is now recognised that landholding in the late medieval period tended to take the form of fee-simple ownership (dílse),136 contractual tenancy (gabháltas),137 and mortgage or pledge (geall).138 Rather significantly for the operation of Irish land law was that pledges in land were often redeemed under limited conditions or, if held for an extended period, could revert to alienable ownership by virtue of incumbent possession.139 Changes in social structure and new pressures in the sixteenth century resulted in further changes to landholding as Gaelic lords sought to control demesne property and assert ownership over common lands. Because of these changes, the land market in Thomond was in a degree of flux as new forms of commercialism impacted the landholding of Gaelic families, 132 Ó Cuív, ‘Legal document’, 177–85. 133 John O’Donovan & Eugene Curry, Ordnance Survey Letters: The Antiquities of County Clare (Ennis: CLASP, 2003), 106. On genealogies of the family see G.U. Macnamara, ‘The O’Davorens of Cahermacnaughten, Burren, Co. Clare’, Journal of the North Munster Archaeological Society, 2 (1912–13), 63–212; 4:2 (1913), 194–211. Also see RIA Ms 23/M/17 printed in Seán Ó hÓgáin, Conntae an Chláir, a triocha agus a tuatha (Baile Átha Cliath: Oifig an tSoláthair, 1938), 145. 134 P. W. Joyce, A Social History of Ancient Ireland, 2 vols (London: Longmans, Green, 1893). 135 See, for example, Gearóid Mac Niocaill, ‘A propos du vocabulaire social Irlandais du bas moyen age’, Études Celtiques, 12 (1970–1), 512–45; Kenneth Nicholls, ‘Some Documents on Irish Law and Custom in the Sixteenth Century’, Analecta Hibernica, 26 (1970), 105–29; J.R Green & Alice Stopford Green, ‘Irish Land in the Sixteenth Century’, Ériu, 3 (1907), 174–185. On the early Irish legal background to the four patrilineal kin-groups who were subject to inheritance see Neil McLeod, ‘Kinship’, Ériu, 51 (2000), 1–22. 136 Donnchadh Ó Corráin, ‘Nationality and Kingship in Pre-Norman Ireland’, Historical Studies 11 (1978), 1–35, at 24. The term dílse appears in eleventh century church grants and implied absolute land ownership. 137 Kenneth Nicholls, ‘Land, Law and Society in Sixteenth Century Ireland’, National University of Ireland, O’Donnell Lecture (1976), 1–26, at 13. 138 This was a common form of transferring interest in property (although in theory it could still be redeemed) and was similar to the Welsh prid. On the Welsh prid see Peter Ellis, Welsh Tribal Law and Custom in the Middle Ages, 1 (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1926), 253–4. 139 Mac Niocaill, ‘Land’, 45. 54 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House including new forms of land tenure and governance as a consequence of the growing impact of anglicisation. Merchants from Limerick and elsewhere who were in the business of lending money and issuing debt obligations on land became active in the land market in the early decades of the seventeenth century. The amount of transactions recorded by Dr Arthur of Limerick in his account book serves as a reminder of the involvement of merchants in county Clare and their interactions with Gaelic freeholders, to whom they were linked via business, proprietorship and debt.140 Such changes culminated in new pressures exerted on landholders, but most especially for those middle and lower ranking Gaelic freeholders who did not have the wherewithal to navigate the complex political and legal changes that were introduced from the late sixteenth century under the sponsorship of the Thomond O’Briens. Anglicisation of Thomond The anglicisation process in county Clare may be traced to the establishment of centralised English administration after Sir Henry Sidney, the Lord Deputy, progressed through Thomond in February 1576. On his circuit, he abolished the customs of ‘coigny, kernetty and bonaght’141 and forced Connor O’Brien, the third earl of Thomond, to acquiesce authority of the earldom to the New-English administration. As centralised English authority was established in Thomond new forms of governance were introduced, supplanting much of the control hitherto exercised by the Thomond O’Briens in their traditional capacity as the tighearnaí, or lords, of Thomond. In the late sixteenth century, leading administrative posts were entrusted to crown officials. By 1578 English officials were appointed sheriffs in Thomond as a new governing body, the Presidency of Munster, extended its remit over former Gaelic lordships following its creation in 1570.142 The system of local government that crystalized was modelled on similar governance structures in northern England and Wales, combining military leadership with the civil and juridical duties of administration. By the late 1570s, the third earl of Thomond was cooperating with the NewEnglish administration, a policy that his son Donough, the fourth earl of 140 See MacLysaght, ‘Arthur Manuscripts’, 29–49. 141 In Irish, known as coinnmheadh, ceithearn tighe and buannacht. These customs refer to arrangements typically used by Gaelic and Gaelicised lords to provide for their military forces in their lordships. The general meanings are, respectively, ‘guesting’, ‘household troop’ and ‘military billeting’. See Simms, Kings to Warlords, 171–3. On the abolition of these arrangements in Thomond see J. S. Brewer & William Bullen Esq. (eds.), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts Preserved in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth, 1575–1588 (London: Longman, 1868), 116–17. 142 H.C. Hamilton (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland: Elizabeth I, 1574–85 (London; Longman, 1867), 130. 55 Archivium Hibernicum Thomond, continued upon his accession to the earldom in 1581. Many of these new anglicising reforms are articulated in the Council Book for the Province of Munster,143 which records those changes in law and tenurial conditions that were to have such a lasting effect on economic, religious and cultural practices. Another trend favouring anglicisation was the introduction of the Established Protestant Church. Donough O’Brien, the fourth earl of Thomond, converted to Protestantism during his extended stay at the English court in the 1570s, a move that was credited primarily to political motivations.144 According to the Franciscan writer, Antonius Bruodin, the earl was accompanied on his visit to the English royal court by his tutor, poet Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha, but his conversion to Protestantism was attributed to the political influence of the earl of Ormond.145 Although its roots were to remain shallow by the 1620s, thanks largely to the efforts of John Rider, Bishop of Killaloe, Protestant parishes were operating and outward signs of a functioning church began to take shape in county Clare. The rebuilding of the Bunratty parish church by the fourth earl of Thomond helped promote the cause of Protestantism in the county and gave it powerful lay backing, despite Protestantism’s long-term failure to gain sufficient adherents among the wider GaelicIrish population.146 The earl’s support for Protestantism was coupled with his aspiration to develop Ennis as an urban borough. While the main body of his Protestant supporters were New-English tenants whose settlement geography tended to be the larger towns, it was at Ennis where the earl’s ancestors had been buried for centuries in the town’s Franciscan friary. It is therefore unremarkable that Ennis saw some of the first efforts to establish a permanent Protestant parish. According to the royal visitation of the diocese of Killaloe in 1615, many of the parish churches around Ennis were in an ill state of repair, with the exception of Ennis Friary which had been converted into a Protestant church. Protestant parishioners from the adjoining parishes of Drumcliff, Doora and Kilmaley resorted to the friary to attend Protestant services. According to John Rider, the Protestant Bishop of Killaloe: There is another fair and large church in my diocese, called the church of Ennis, which is not properly a parish church: yet 143 144 145 146 See Clayton, Council Book (2008). Hamilton (ed.), State Papers, 1574–85, 113. He appears to have left England in 1577. O’Mollony, Anatomicum, 112–3. Jane Ohlmeyer, Making Ireland English: The Irish Aristocracy in the Seventeenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), 151. In his will, Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond, made provision that the remaining glass and lead from his Bunratty residence which had not been ‘set up in windows’ was to be used in St Mary’s Cathedral in Limerick and also for the ‘church of Bonrattie newly edified by me’. See Ó Dálaigh, ‘A comparative study’, 60. 56 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House because the said Ennis is the shire town for that county (being in the county of Clare) therefore it was thought fit by the Regal Visitors in Ano. 1615 to build that church, and to cause the parishioners of the next adjoining parishes, viz., of Doora, Drumcliffe, and Kilmaley to resort tither to divine service, as to their parish church [spelling modernised].147 None of this would have been possible without the cooperation of the fourth earl of Thomond. While the confessional convictions of the earl were the subject of some doubt in the 1590s, and it is evident that he maintained a personal chaplain at Bunratty who belonged to the Clann Bhruaideadha and who was likely not to have been sympathetic to Protestantism, the actions of the earl in his later years show (at least outward) conformity to the Established Church.148 According to the will of the earl, he exhorted his male heirs to follow the Protestant bishops of Kilfenora and Limerick and ‘harken to their goodly and ghostly counsel’, so that they might be ‘confirmed in that religious profession of a lively and unfeigned faith without any admission or mixture of idolatry’.149 While this might have been a stock phrase designed to emphasise the earl’s conformity to the strictures of the Established Church it demonstrates, at least ostensibly, his rejection of any lingering Catholicism at the end of his life. The earl also allowed the preaching of a reformed sermon by the Dean of Limerick during the holding of assizes at Ennis in the year of his death, in which he was present.150 The preaching of such a sermon at the assizes would only have been possible with the earl’s permission and his support for the activities of the Established Church. On his death, the earl broke with the tradition of his ancestors and was buried in the cathedral of Limerick rather than at Ennis Friary. The changes in the administration of law and church governance enabled Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond, to buttress his authority by securing English title to lands that he and his ancestors had little claim over. The earl’s hand was greatly strengthened in Thomond as a result of the introduction of English common law and the expanding writ of crown authority. By placing himself as the chief agent of change he 147 Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 130. 148 Bernadette Cunningham, ‘A View of Religious Affiliation and Practice in Thomond, 1591’, Archivium Hibernicum, 48 (1994), 13–24. The earl held the advowson of Bunratty and maintained a cleric there by the name of Teig McBroody (Tadhg Mac Bruaideadha) in the first decade of the seventeenth century. See Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 148. 149 Ó Dálaigh, ‘A comparative study’, 61. 150 George Andrewe, The Third Sermon, viz. The Shepheard and the Sheepe, Preached at Ennis in Thomond, and In the Diocese of Killaloe. In the time of the generall Assizes, holden there, for the Countie of Clare. Iuly the xx, 1624. Before the Right Honourable the Earle of Thomond, And before the Lords Iustices of [A]ssize for that Countie, and before the Reverend Father in God, Iohn, Lord Bishop of that Diocese (Dublin, 1625), 51. 57 Archivium Hibernicum manage to direct much of the process while also benefiting from it. Such changes gave him freedom to consolidate his estates and his privileged position without wholly abandoning his Gaelic role as head (ceann fine) of the Uí Bhriain lineage. In a significant step towards anglicisation and the increased commercialisation of his estates, the earl introduced Protestant New-English and Dutch settlers on his estates. This was in contrast to schemes that were sponsored by the crown and were underway in other former Gaelic lordships that had suffered forfeiture, such as in Ulster. The local ‘plantation’ in county Clare that was sponsored by the earl was intended to spur mercantile growth in the newly founded market towns of Sixmilebridge, Ennis and Kilrush, and to ensure a loyal tenantry dependent on the earl.151 Efforts by Gaelic ruling families to promote mercantile activities on their estates was not new, but what sets the Thomond O’Briens apart from other Gaelic families was the success and size of their venture, as well as their reliance on colonising their estates with foreign settlers. In the sixteenth century the Uí Raghallaigh dynasty of East Breifne attempted to establish Cavan as a market town and encourage merchant families to settle there. Most notably, the Meic Bhradaigh operated as a Gaelic merchant family under the protection of the Uí Raghallaigh and maintained a trading network that stretched from Ulster to the Pale. Their limited success and the eventual collapse of the Uí Raghallaigh lordship, and its subsequent plantation by crown authorities in 1610, contrasted sharply with the experience of the Thomond O’Briens.152 The O’Briens settled New-English and Dutch colonists who had capital to invest as leaseholders upon the Thomond estates, and the fourth earl had the advantage of being an agent who could shape the crown’s policy as regards anglicisation, given his appointment as Lord President of Munster in 1615. Such clout, and the connections the earl had formed within the Dublin administration and beyond 151 The development of markets and urban centres is a feature of the anglicisation process such as the newly incorporated market towns of Clarecastle (1606), Ennis (1609), and Sixmilebridge (1618). On the change of settlement activity in Munster wrought by NewEnglish colonisation such as communications, bridges, prevalence of domestic architecture and planting of orchards, see Michael McCarthy Morrogh, ‘The English Presence in Early Seventeenth Century Munster’, in Ciaran Brady & Raymond Gillespie (eds.), Natives and Newcomers: Essays on the Making of Irish Colonial Society 1534–1641 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1986), 171–190; Report of Commissioners appointed to inquire into the State of the Fairs and Markets in Ireland, [1674], HC 1852–3, xli, 66. On Sixmilebridge and its colonisation by Protestant settlers see Brian Ó Dálaigh, ‘A history of Sixmilebridge, county Clare, 1603–1911’, in Karina Holton, Liam Clare & Brian Ó Dálaigh (eds.), Irish Villages: Studies in Local History (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), 243–280. 152 Bernadette Cunningham, ‘The Anglicisation of East Breifne: The O’Reilly’s and the Emergence of County Cavan’, in Raymond Gillespie (ed.), Cavan Essays on the History of an Irish County, (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1995), 51–72. Also see Ciaran Brady, ‘The end of the O’Reilly lordship, 1584–1610’, in David Edwards (ed.), Regions and Rulers in Ireland, 1100–1650: Essays for Kenneth Nicholls (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), 174–200. 58 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House at the royal court in London, benefitted moves to secure his own estates and attract significant numbers of skilled settlers to exploit new commercial opportunities and fulfil administrative and government functions. The earl’s actions of encouraging plantation on his estates of foreign settlers amounted to a type of local colonisation not previously experienced in Thomond. The arrangements supporting these efforts, from leasehold agreements with head tenants to establishing urban corporations and the creation of a network of manor courts, had the twin effects of improving the commercial prospects of the earl’s estates while allowing him to maintain control by promoting a tenantry dependent on his granting of leasehold tenure and protecting them from a disenfranchised native population. In what was probably the clearest evidence of the earl’s anglicising policies is that no Gaelic-Irish were made burgesses of Ennis in 1613 when the town was granted a charter of incorporation. Only New-English Protestants were appointed burgesses of Ennis’ newly founded corporation.153 The earl was active in procuring patents to hold markets, and it is very likely that one of his principal followers who was granted a market patent for Tulla – an area traditionally not under the control of the O’Briens – was surreptitiously directed by the earl to do so.154 The earl’s actions in commercialising his estates dispossessed many of his traditional Gaelic followers. In 1613, he was described as: As good an undertaker and planter as any (nay above any of his degree or means) in this kingdom: having always in readiness above 500 armed men of his own tenants. Besides his strong castles built by himself and at his sole charge for the security of those parts of Munster. He hath also settled many artificers of all sort, to the great comfort and civilising of the country [spelling modernised].155 The most striking point here is that the Earl’s schemes were backed by military force, drawn from his tenantry, many of whom constituted his dependents and traditional followers. In ‘planting’ his estates with 153 On the 1613 charter with the names of the provost and twelve burgesses see Ó Dálaigh (ed.), Corporation, 383. 154 See the grant of license to Rowland Delahoyde to hold a market and fair at Tulla (“Tullaghneraspecke”) on July 22, 1619. Quin, however, remained under the control of the McNamaras and a patent was granted to Daniel McNamara to hold a market and a fair at Quin on November 16, 1619. See Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls, 373–4, 403. The Protestant Bishop of Kilfenora obtained a grant to hold a market at Kilfenora on July 29, 1619. See Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls, 423. 155 Rolf Loeber, The Geography and Practice of English Colonisation in Ireland from 1534 to 1609 (Athlone: Group for the Study of Irish Historic Settlement, 1991), 65–66. I thank Brian Ó Dálaigh for bringing this to my attention. 59 Archivium Hibernicum New-English settlers he granted only leasehold rights to the lands,156 and stipulated in leases to principal tenants that herediments such as castles and lands were held subject to knight’s service and obliged to furnish horsemen and footman during ‘all general hostings and outrisings’.157 The consolidation of the estates of the fourth earl has received attention by scholars who have drawn attention to his readiness to settle NewEnglish tenants and dispossess his former Gaelic followers.158 Typically, this involved mortgage, debt claims or redemption provisions which the earl used to leverage interest in land and undermine the position of Gaelic proprietors under financial stress. The leasing rather than selling of land to new settlers ensured that the earl had a dependent tenantry who were obliged to do suit at his manor courts and render military service when required. Acquisition of the estates of lesser Gaelic freeholders by politically powerful families such as the O’Brien earls of Thomond was not new. In fact, much of the expansionary activity of the dominant Gaelic families had roots in the hierarchical social structure which privileged larger and more prolific lineages at the expense of smaller ones. This trend reached its fullest expression in the late medieval period when, combined with pressures from the Anglo-Norman colony, Gaelic dynasts expanded their mensal lands and lordship extractions (cíos, a cess or tribute) to the detriment of their subordinate followers. In circumstances when lordship exactions imposed on freeholders proved too onerous, they were sometimes forced to surrender their lands to an overlord, often with little prospect of regaining them. From the viewpoint of the sixteenth century when this practice more fully comes into focus, examples exist of lineages giving up their rights over land in the face of crushing fiscal impositions by their overlords. Kenneth Nicholls has 156 On a discussion of various leases granted to both New-English and Protestant settlers by the earl of Thomond as part of the consolidation of his estates, see Cunningham, Clanricard, 46–49. In the town of Sixmilebridge the earl of Thomond’s leases were prescriptive in terms of the type and size of buildings to be erected. Some of these leases stipulated that tenants were required to build lime and stone houses of two and a half stories, to contain chimneys and be roofed with stone tile or slate, have a paved street to the front, and contain an enclosed garden. See Bernadette Cunningham, ‘Newcomers in the lordship of Thomond, c.1580–c.1625,’ Dal gCais 11 (1993), 103–11, 105. 157 A lease issued in 1614 for the castles and lands of Dromoland and Ballyconneely provided conditions for the temporary cessation of rent for when the lessee, ‘cannot enjoy the premises by reason of warrs or rebellions’. Also, see the lease issued for the castle of Ballynacraggie dated 1629 which stipulated that the leasee was to pay rent in money (£13 4s), as well as in kind, which was payable ‘in the hall of the mansion house of Bunratty’. As well as being required to do suit in the earl’s courts-leet and baron, the leasee was to furnish ‘carriage, victuals, and la[bour]’ at times of general hostings. See Ainsworth (ed.), Inchiquin, 317, 339. 158 See, for example, Cunningham, ‘Newcomers’, 103–11; Nugent, ‘Interface’, 79–98. For a detailed study that reviews the evidence for medieval and post-medieval landholding changes among Gaelic lineages see Patrick Nugent, The Gaelic clans of Co. Clare and their territories 1100–1700 A.D. (Dublin: Geography Publications, 2007). 60 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House drawn attention to the sept of the McBriens in Thomond whose original estate of 4,700 statute acres was surrendered to the earl of Thomond due to the earl raising the customary rent and charges, forcing the McBriens to surrender their lands to their overlord.159 In this way, lesser freeholders were reduced to tenants-at-will, along with an attendant reduction in status. Such processes appear to have intensified in the late medieval period and were symptomatic of what may be termed ‘dynastic ramification’. The trend was described by the seventeenth century antiquary, Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh, who poignantly noted the fortunes of the weaker lineages in Gaelic society: Ar as gnath do na hardfhlaithibh (an uair iomdhaighid a cclanna agus a ccinéula) foirdhinge, feódhughadh, agus fásughadh a ccéleadh agus a lucht leanamhna. Feuch Éire agus an doman uile, dia ttugrae fén, ang ni fhoil foircheann are a ffuighe do esiomlairibh ann do sinn … [For the great princes, when their families and their kindreds multiply, tend to oppress, wither and despoil their clients and followers. Look at Ireland, and the whole world if you wish, and there is no end of the examples you will find of that …]160 In county Clare, numerous instances of this process exist from the sixteenth century when such records come into focus. As a phenomenon, it did not escape the notice of the professional poets and we find in the poem Tugadh an t-ár-so ar Éirinn (‘Ireland has suffered this slaughter’) composed by Eoghan Mac Craith in c.1620 a pithy image that echoes Mac Fhirbhisigh’s observation: ‘three generations from the king to the spade’.161 This phrase, used to describe the social upheaval associated with the end of the Gaelic order which the poet was lamenting, described the outcome of a long process that started with the series of grants that the earls of Thomond received which made them landowners with English title to their estates. The process described here regarding the withering and displacement of lesser lineages did not abate, and an important consequence of the ‘Surrender and Regrant’ policy under Henry VIII was that native lordship was fundamentally re-ordered, creating inroads for the introduction of new feudalised structures and widespread anglicisation.162 159 Nicholls, ‘Land, Law and Society’, 15–16. 160 Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh, Ó Muraíle, Nollaig Ó Muraíle, Leabhar mór na nGenealach: The great book of Irish genealogies. Compiled (1645–66) by Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh, vol. 1 (Dublin: De Búrca, 2003–04) 180–81. 161 RIA 24/L/13, p. 52. The original reads: tri gluine ó righ go rámhuinn. 162 Christopher Maginn, “‘Surrender and Regrant’ in the Historiography of Sixteenth-Century Ireland,” The Sixteenth Century Journal, 38:4 (2007), 955–74. 61 Archivium Hibernicum Changes to Gaelic land law By the early-seventeenth century, anglicising policies that followed the Elizabethan conquest took a more radical twist than elsewhere in the British Isles. Aside from plantation and colonisation, the official aim to replicate in Ireland the hierarchy of English law courts made Ireland different from Scotland, which had its own body of laws and trained advocates versed in Scots law.163 This was an important development in Ireland, and it disenfranchised the native class of brehon lawyers and other professional groups from participating more fully in the new legal and administrative processes.164 Another radical change was the imposition of the wardship system for heirs through the operation of the Court of Wards and Liveries established in 1622. This court was as much an instrument for religious conformity as a way to raise revenue. However, the fact that its levies disproportionally fell on Gaelic-Irish proprietors as they tended to hold their land not by common socage like most New-English planters, but by other land tenures, meant that they were liable to pay fees to sue out their livery and, in so doing, were usually required to take the oath of supremacy. In Thomond, a number of landholders were affected by the operation of the court, ranging from middling freeholders such as the O’Ruddanes and McGillisaghts, to larger landholders such as ‘John McEnerriny’ recorded in 1632 and ‘Donogh Reogh McNamara’ of Rosroe and Sir Denise O’Grady who came to the attention of the court in the years 1621 and 1630 respectively.165 The changes in law and its administration through new courts and juridical processes meant that in Ireland landholding was radically recast and consequently the standing of the Gaelic aristocracy changed vis-à-vis their tenants and the population at large. This came about as many of the great landowning families, upon securing hereditary peerages, became tenants-in-chief of the crown.166 In response to these changes Gaelic land law – where it survived into late sixteenth and early seventeenth century – began to incorporate English common law designations of ‘freeholder’ 163 T. C. Barnard, ‘Lawyers and the Law in Later Seventeenth Century Ireland,’ Irish Historical Studies, 28:111 (1993), 258–9. 164 It has been noted in one study documenting the operation and reception of common law in Ireland that by the mid-1620s Ireland was served by the ‘full establishment of justices of the peace, constables, sub-sheriffs, bailiffs, gaolers, portreeves, recorders, sovereigns and other local functionaries essential to the task of carrying out litigation’. See Jon G. Crawford (ed.), A Star Chamber Court in Ireland: The Court of Castle Chamber, 1571–1641 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2005), 51. 165 H. F. Kearney, ‘The Court of Wards and Liveries in Ireland, 1622–1641’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature, 57 (1955/1956), 29–68, at 53, 59, 60, 62–3, 67. 166 On the anglicisation of Gaelic Ireland and the strategies and responses of its elite see Jane Ohlmeyer, ‘Conquest, civilization, colonization: Ireland, 1540–1660’, in Richard Bourke & Ian McBride (eds.), The Princeton History of Modern Ireland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), 21–47. I thank Prof. Jane Ohlmeyer for bringing this reference to my attention. 62 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House and ‘fee-simple title.’167 Contrary to the view that Gaelic land law and the brehon-lawyers who administered it were conservative if not backward in their outlook, they in fact adopted some of the vocabulary of the common law. Irish land deeds from this period employed thinly disguised and phonetically rendered legal terms into Irish, in an attempt to reshape a relevant system of law that took account of common and civil law concepts.168 Traditional patron-client relationships between the Gaelic noble class and their dependents began to be recast as ‘landowner’ and ‘tenant,’ regulated under a system of manor courts rather customary arrangements that took account of traditional obligations.169 In Corcomroe, the downgrading of landownership and status of the formerly powerful Uí Chonchubhair was related to the adoption of English titles by the O’Brien earls of Thomond. The granting of English titles to O’Brien family branches, such as the Thomond and Inchiquin branches, enabled legal mechanisms under English law to facilitate the expansion of O’Brien landholding, much to the detriment of ancient proprietors like the Uí Chonchubhair.170 A Latin deed from 1582 between the Uí Chonchubhair and Sir Turlough O’Brien of Ennistymon, shows that the Uí Chonchubhair lordship was subsumed under the O’Briens.171 From this, it is clear that titled O’Briens were recognised as ‘lords of the soil’ (i.e. holding allodial title) while the former Uí Chonchubhair proprietors were reduced to mere tenants. The deed specified that the Uí Chonchubhair surrender to the O’Briens their rights, titles and claims which they held over certain lands and inherited possessions in Corcomroe. It gave legal form to the claims of the O’Briens 167 For example, see use of the term bithdilse an fearáin co brath (‘fee-simple of the land for ever’) in an Irish deed from 1570 concerning the purchase of land by the third earl of Thomond from Cumara Mac Conmara. Interestingly, there were no disabling constraints or the ability to redeem the land, a feature often found in brehon deeds. The 1570 deed was a simple purchase of land, the freehold title of which transferred to the earl upon settlement of the terms. See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 32. 168 Such terms include turnae (attorney), seicedúir (executor) and réléas (release). See Gearóid Mac Niocaill, ‘The interaction of laws’, in James Lydon (ed.), The English in medieval Ireland: Proceedings of the first joint meeting of the Royal Irish Academy and the British Academy, Dublin, 1982 (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1984), 105–17, at 115. On brehon law in the sixteenth century see Katharine Simms, ‘The brehons of later medieval Ireland’, in Daire Hogan & W.N. Osborough (eds.), Brehons, serjeants and attorneys: studies in the history of the Irish legal profession (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1990), 51–76; and also see Katharine Simms, ‘The poetic brehon lawyers of early sixteenth-century Ireland’, Ériu 57 (2007), 121–132. 169 On the manor courts of the earl of Thomond, albeit at a later date than the focus of this paper, see O’Mahony, ‘Manor Courts,’ 135–220. 170 For an indication of the standing of the Uí Chonchubhair prior to Henry VIII’s ‘Surrender and Regrant’ policies of the 1540s and the conferment of the earldom on the Uí Bhriain, see the survey of Irish lordships in the State Papers which placed ‘Ochonochour de Corkenruo chyef Captaine of his nation’ ahead of ‘Ologhlyn de Boryn, chyef Captaine of his nation’. The survey was taken in c. 1515 and purports to show the relative strength of the chief lineages of Thomond. See State Papers Published under the Authority of His Majesty’s Commission: King Henry the Eighth, vol. 2, part III (1834), p. 3. 171 Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 555. 63 Archivium Hibernicum which dated from decades earlier.172 This process was not new but formed part of a longer term decline of the Uí Chonchubhair lineage and if we take the 1574 castle list as any indication, it shows just how far it had gone; in Corcomroe only one castle was in the hands of the Uí Chonchubhair, compared to twenty castles possessed by the Uí Lochlainn of the Burren.173 Clearly, the fortunes of the Uí Chonchubhair had significantly waned in the sixteenth century due, in no small part, to the assertion of O’Brien lordship rights over Corcomroe. Similar examples of O’Brien aggrandizement can be identified elsewhere in Thomond. A number of examples exist in relation to the fourth earl of Thomond’s legal suits concerning the control of productive lands around his manors and which displaced a number of Gaelic families.174 This process principally took two forms. Firstly, the NewEnglish and Dutch Protestant tenants settled by the earl were allocated tracts of leasehold lands formerly in possession by Gaelic lineages. The original proprietors were either removed or, more commonly, relegated to sub-tenants. For instance, the Uí Mhaoir clerical lineage at Drumcliff were displaced in favour of the settlement of Protestant tenant, William Torogood, who attempted to alienate the church lands of Drumcliff. According to a Chancery Pleading from c.1635, William Torogood was acting ‘by the commandment of Donogh, late earl of Thomond, whose lands adjoined the said 7 quarters, [and he] entered therein and thrust out the said Donogh O Meere and his family’.175 The earl’s alienation of church lands constituted one of the chief grievances of Bishop John Rider. The earl’s claims over much of ‘Termon Senan’, the ancient ecclesiastical lands of Inis Cathaigh, swelled his possessions in southwest Clare and placed its traditional patrons, the Clann Mhathghamhna of Corkavaskin, under pressure. Many church lands in Corkavaskin were incorporated in the patent issued to the earl in 1621, including ‘Termonaprior’ (otherwise Kilteelan in Killimar parish), where the earl allegedly ‘turned out by force’ the local ecclesiastical family, the Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin, who had been associated with the priorship of Inis Cathaigh’s collegiate church since the early-fifteenth century.176 The second way of asserting proprietorial control was dispossession of land close to the earl’s manor estates. Notable examples of this process that are documented in the Petworth papers include the Also see AFM, sub anno 1564. Twigge, ‘Edward White’s Description of Thomond in 1574’, 81. See, for example, McInerney, ‘Documents’, 7–55. On this see McInerney, ‘Uí Mhaoir’, 26–9; and Chancery Bills: Survivals from pre-1922 Collection, [G1] [undated] (National Archives, Dublin). Also see the missive preserved at PHA Ms 3915 (dated 1635/6) [‘the letter missive of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland to the Earl of Thomond concerning the complaint of Patrick O’Meere’]. 176 NLI Ms 1777, p. 60. On the Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin and their priorship of Inis Cathaigh see Luke McInerney, ‘The clerical lineages of Inis Cathaigh’, The Other Clare, 37 (2013), 57–64. 172 173 174 175 64 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House Uí Mhaoilchonaire (O’Mulconry) chronicler-historian family of Ardkyle,177 the Meic Giolla Riabhaigh (McGilleragh or Gallery) of Cragbrien,178 and various Meic Conmara family branches.179 A similar situation obtained for the Uí Mhaoildomhnaigh of Ballybroghan whose land was subject to an ‘exchange’ by the earl.180 The earl also had dealings with the leading branch of the Uí Mhaoildomhnaigh who appear to have been the dearbhfhine of the family in 1606 when they transferred title to their hereditary lands in Killaloe and Clonlea parishes to the earl and his heirs.181 It is unclear if such transfers of proprietorship were regarded as simply another form of exerting traditional lordship rights in the manner of an overlord involving obligations and payments, as distinct from relinquishing beneficial title to the land altogether. The fate of these and other families are documented among the petitions and missives found among the Thomond papers at Petworth House. The fourth earl’s accumulation of lands to the detriment of the chief followers was congruent with efforts to reduce many Gaelic lineages to the status of tenants-at-will, devoid of hereditary rights to land. Both elements appear to have been advanced as matters of policy by the fourth earl of Thomond. Surviving deeds at Petworth House, and the published and unpublished Inchiquin Manuscripts at the National Library of Ireland, demonstrate the earl’s unrequited attempts to enlarge his estate. The expansion of the earl’s estate with forfeited and acquired land, along with the assertion of proprietorial title over land in an English feudal sense, characterised the earl’s moves to anglicise his estate. It was an approach that his Oxford-educated heirs, Henry and Barnabas, continued. An example of the Thomond O’Briens enlarging their landownership is demonstrated in the case of the Meic Giolla Riabhaigh (McGilleraghs) of Cragbrien.182 The Meic Giolla Riabhaigh played an important role in the social hierarchy of Thomond and are recorded in the mid-sixteenth century as ‘servants of trust’ (aoín-fher gradha) to the earls of Thomond.183 In a deed from 1589 that is now among the Petworth papers, they were pressured to 177 See PHA Ms 5402 (‘The humble petition of Daninel oge O Mulconnery, [1638]). On the Uí Mhaoilchonaire chroniclers see: Ó Dálaigh, ‘Uí Mhaoilchonaire’, 45–68. 178 McInerney, ‘A 1589 deed’, 73–82. 179 For example, see the petition by John McNamara of Rathfolan, in McInerney, ‘Six deeds’, 44–52. 180 The reference to them in the 1640 register might be related to a petition from 1622 ‘concerning alleged unlawful dispossession by the earl of Thomond of land in Ballybrukan’, in the Petworth collection. See PHA Mss 3193, 3194. 181 In the 1630s a representative of the Uí Mhaoildomhnaigh, Sir Dermot O’Mallune, Lord of Hagerue in Belgium, disputed the lawfulness of the transfer, alleging that as chief of the family his absence from the agreement made it void. His funerary monument, erected in 1639, can still be seen in the Cathedral of St. Michael and St. Gudula in Brussels. See the PHA Mss C/6/4, C13/34a. Also see McInerney, ‘Documents’, 39–44. 182 See: McInerney, ‘A 1589 deed’, 73–82. 183 AFM, sub anno 1562. 65 Archivium Hibernicum convey their lands and castle to the fourth earl.184 The conveyance of their hereditable property relegated their status to that of tenants on the earl’s estate, relinquishing their position as freeholders in any meaningful sense. In what may be deemed a clear case of the earl not regarding hereditary proprietors as outright owners of their lands, he sought to recast his family’s role as that of landlord, rather than an overlord; that is to say the O’Brien earls owned the land in the manner of feudal lords and imposed rents on its occupants as mere tenants-at-will. An excerpt from the 1589 deed shows that a jury found in favour of the earl’s claims on the basis that Cragbrien was his demesne lands and not the inheritable estate of its occupiers, the Meic Giolla Riabhaigh: McGillyrewgh alleging that the same was his proper inheritance being also descended unto him from his ancestors, and that it was not of the demesnes belonging to Clonroad the said Earl’s chief manor and the said Earl denying that the said McGillyrewgh or any of his ancestors had any estate of inheritance in the said town, castell, and lands of Craigbrien but were tenants at will to him and his ancestors...the said McGillyrewgh and his ancestors paying to the said Earle and his predecessors malt, wheat, beef, money, labourers suit of court and other shall and accustomed such which Earl’s after time was found to have by the verdict of jury of the barony of the Islands [spelling modernised].185 The earl’s action confirms his embrace of common law and standing as a titled landholder under English law. This is explained in a letter from Sir John Davies to Salisbury in 1607: My Lord of Thomond has granted unto him all the lands, tenements and hereditaments which his ancestors had on the west side of the river Shannon: yet McNamara, O’Clancy, O’Mahon, O’Dea and other freeholders in Thomond hold their ancient freeholds without contradiction of the Earl, whereas if he might make them tenants at will … his revenue would be increased sevenfold— a thing which this earl (who is the best husband of his estate that ever was of the mere Irish) would not let pass, if it stood with the law and his duty to bring it to pass [spelling modernised].186 The earl’s policy was to consolidate his lands around his manor at Clonroad 184 McInerney, ‘A 1589 deed’, 73–82. 185 McInerney, ‘A 1589 deed’, 77. Also see PHA Ms C/13/36 [no.5 of bundle]. 186 C.W. Russell & John P. Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of the state papers, relating to Ireland, of the reign of James I. 1606–1608 (London: Longman, 1874), 211. For O’Clancy and O’Mahon read McClancy and McMahon respectively. 66 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House and Bunratty and acquire English title to them, taking advantage of the fact that under English common law he would be regarded as the absolute landowner, while the previous occupants would be regarded as tenants. This was contrary to the fact that under the Gaelic system the earl’s ancestors only ever enjoyed an overlordship rather than an inalienable ownership of the land of the hereditary proprietors. These proprietors had collective possession of their lands which was held free and of their own inheritance. This group usually existed in a state of dependence on their O’Brien overlords who, by virtue of being the dominant lineage, levied certain dues on them. The earl’s move to consolidate his estates and deny Gaelic freeholders fee-simple possession of their lands was made possible by the abolition of brehon law. Brehon law originated as a judicial system in the early medieval period. It governed the Gaelic landholding system and was regulated by a class of hereditary judges whose main representatives in county Clare were the two lawyer-jurist families of the Meic Fhlannchadha and Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann. The demise of brehon law and the system that underpinned it had its origin in the grant made to Murchadh Ó Briain of the earldom of Thomond in 1543 by Henry VIII. This grant established Ó Briain as a tenant-in-chief to the king (held in capite) and, as a consequence, O’Brien’s traditional followers were recast as his feudal underlings. It was alleged that the fourth earl of Thomond obtained royal patents to lands that were not in his possession, his claims having no historical antecedence. From this point, the earl’s dealings with central government increasingly took account of feudal landholding principles which, especially as regards inheritance and title, had different principles than Irish law. Probably the most egregious example of the fourth earl obtaining royal patents to lands was the 1621 grant to the earl of the manors of Bunratty, Moy-Ibrickan, Crovreaghan, Dunass, Ennistymon, Clonroad, Kilrush and Finavarra. These grants involved privileges such as courts-leet and frank-pledge, various emoluments, and ‘free warren and chase and to impark to the extent of 2,000 acres’.187 The lands granted under patent include those that had formed the lordship lands of the Meic Conmara at Cratloemoyle and Cratloekeel, Danganbrack, Quin and Clooney, among many others.188 Other lands can be identified as the hereditary lands and castles of a number of leading Gaelic literati families, such as the Clann Chraith at Islandmacgrath, the Uí Dhálaigh at Finavarra, the Uí Iceadha at Ballyhickey, the Clann Bhruaideadha at Knockanalban and the lands of the Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann at ‘Kiltybreak’.189 Smaller patrimonies or 187 Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls, 493–4. 188 Ibid. 189 Kiltybreak, which appears in the 1621 grant, is likely to be Cabhail Tighe Breac, the law-school of the Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann, near their principal residence at Cahermacnaughten. See 67 Archivium Hibernicum sept-estates such as ‘Sessymoremacgillynester’ (Seiseadh Mór Mhic Ghiolla an Adhastair, ‘the great ploughland of the McNestors’),190 were included in the 1621 grant to the earl, as well as extensive church lands at Canon’s Island, Clare Abbey and Inis Cathaigh, and those in east Clare around Tulla.191 Many of these places had only a tenuous historical link to O’Brien overlordship, if at all. This grant was contested and challenged. In 1622 the Bishop of Killaloe argued that many church lands were unlawfully claimed by the earl.192 A patent issued to John McNamara in 1621 shows the much-reduced claims of the Meic Conmara Fionn lineage whose lordship lands in east Clare had been encroached upon by the earl.193 The patents show in sharp relief the political disparity between the O’Brien earls and the senior branches of the McNamaras. These changes in landholding, and the use of lawsuits to amass new landholdings that undermined freeholders’ title to lands, was not lost on contemporaries. In a suit between McNamara and the earl it was alleged that McNamara was unlawfully charged an annual quit rent by the earl, despite claiming to be a tenant-in-chief. The suit alleged that the third earl of Thomond had benefited from a royal grant which – most tellingly – had ‘passed castles and lands that were other men’s now troubled for their own’.194 An anonymous legal writer from the second half of the seventeenth century casts light on the dispossession of the Meic Conmara in earlier times, including the O’Brien acquisition of Bunratty castle: The said John Fionn Macnemara195 being obstructed by the said Donat, Earl of Thomond, whose ancestors no later than his father or grandfather acquired the castle and lands of Bunratty some way or other.196 Some say by purchase from one Macnemara that was inheritor thereof. Donat, Earl of Thomond succeeding,197 being 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 Elizabeth FitzPatrick & R. Clutterbuck, 'Excavations at Cabhail Tighe Breac, Cahermacnaghten, Co. Clare', in I. Bennett (ed.), Excavations Bulletin: Excavations 2010 (Bray: Wordwell, 2013), 26–7. This is Sheshymore in Noughaval parish. The Nestor family held it in 1615. See Ainsworth (ed.), Inchiquin, 318. Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls, 493–4. Frost, History, 294–99. Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls, 498. See the ‘case between the Earl of Thomond and [Shane] McNamara touching things meet [sic] to be stayed’ in S.P.I 63/135 f.253 [dated 26 July 1588]; and ‘details of suit between Earl of Thomond and [Fyn] McNamara’, in S.P.I 46/130 f.36. Abstracts of these cases are printed in Hamilton (ed.), Calendar, 1586–1588, 576–7. This was Seán Mac Conmara Fionn, lord of Clann Chuiléin, who died in 1602. See AFM, sub anno 1602. The grandfather of Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond, was Donough O’Brien (‘the fat’), second earl of Thomond (d. 1553). Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond, succeeded to the earldom in 1581 upon the death of his father. 68 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House Lord President of Munster and marshal and one of the privy counsellors of Ireland, whom everyone within his jurisdiction must love or fear, soon found a way to enlarge his estate in the said county and particularly about Bunratty and in the Barony of Tulla. He exchanged lands with some other lands, as ‘tis related he acquired under pretence of forfeiture, as the lands of Doonass, eight ploughlands in the Barony of Tulla, which was seized under pretence of a forfeiture by high treason and hanging some of the Macnemara proprietors of the said lands, executed by the earl’s directions, as ‘tis commonly reported by tradition. ‘Tis remarkable that in those days by the course of proceedings then, a man might be outlawed of treason or felony on an information or affidavit sworn against the party that he had committed felony, or that he was in rebellion, without any indictment found by a jury, but the information or affidavit filed in the then Queen’s Bench [spelling modernised].198 This commentary confirms that the fourth earl, Donough O’Brien, aggressively enlarged his estates around Bunratty through legal wrangling and confiscating lands that were forfeited under dubious means. While it is known that brehon-lawyers were conversant with civil law principles by the sixteenth century, their cooperation in local administration such as being empanelled jurors on inquisitions, shows that they were also conversant in common law.199 Pressure to obtain English title to landholding by Gaelic families in the face of expropriation or forfeiture made it necessary to have lawyers trained in common law and with connections to the Inns of Court. According to a letter regarding a Munster Commission of 1587 investigating Irish titles: We had very many bills and fair evidences showed us, whereby it appeared the Irishry (especially by their daily feofments to uses) have practiced as many fraudulent shifts for preserving their lands from forfeiture as in England; and albeit their evidences be fair and very law-like without exception …they plead their cases by lawyers, who almost all of them in those parts have purchased titles against Her Majesty, so as we have had much trouble to pacify and content them in some reasonable sort by persuasion of further hearing hereafter, and full allowance of their good titles [spelling modernised].200 198 See NLI Ms 1500. I thank Brian Ó Dálaigh for this reference. 199 See Simms, ‘The poetic brehon lawyers’, 121–132. 200 Hamilton (ed.), Calendar, 1586–1588, 406. For a summary of this and other evidence see J.R Green & Alice Stopford Green, ‘Irish Land in the Sixteenth Century’, Ériu, 3 (1907), 174–185, 174. 69 Archivium Hibernicum Despite recourse to the common law courts and petitions to the lord deputy and provincial officials by Gaelic freeholders, the strategies employed by the earl to enlarge his estates were largely successful. By the time of his death in 1624 he had amassed over 100,000 acres.201 This acquisition of land went well beyond the traditional dúthchas of his Uí Bhriain forefathers. What distinguished the O’Brien earls of Thomond from other titled Gaelic magnates was their readiness to cooperate with the English authorities. This was achieved without necessarily side-lining their Gaelic background, especially when the opportunity of leveraging it for status and position arose. The fourth earl was active in promoting both his English aristocratic title and his illustrious Gaelic royal lineage. In 1610 he commissioned two lavishly detailed pedigrees which amounted to a substantial and purposeful undertaking that boldly advertised his aristocratic connections and his family’s royal inheritance stemming from Brian Bóramha mac Cennétig, high king of Ireland.202 The commissioning of this vast display of genealogical material helped assert the earl’s entitlement to the upper echelons of nobility on both sides of the Irish sea, while also refuting rival claimants to the O’Brien title.203 From a Gaelic standpoint, kinship was of utmost importance and genealogy had important ramifications for status and legitimacy. The production of such an elaborate pedigree is testament to the seriousness of the earl’s claims and his willingness to invest in this type of display. Securing status through genealogical claims helped advance the statusclaims of the earl in both Gaelic and English eyes. For the Gaelic-Irish, it augmented his position in a dynasty with royal roots and a hereditary claim to rule – he was literally ‘kingly material’. To his English title peers, it demonstrated his bone fide nobility; his legitimate entry into the ranks of an emerging Britain-wide aristocracy.204 It is feasible that, given the complexity of the genealogical claims being advanced by the earl, they were compiled by a member of the Clann Bhruaideadha. Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha’s own links to the earl places him as the probable author of this genealogical pedigree due to the nature of the antiquarian material, the complexity of its arrangement, and his personal links to the earl. The pedigree embraced the earl’s Gaelic past but within a context of harnessing claims to an ancient lineage in order to advance the contemporary 201 By 1641 the estates attached to the earldom amounted to 120,000 acres, with 112,000 in Munster and 2,500 in county. Dublin. The acreage given here is plantation acres. See Ohlmeyer, Making Ireland, 97. 202 Brendan Kane, The politics and culture of honour in Britain and Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University. Press, 2010), 158–9. 203 Denis Casey, ‘Irish Pseudohistory in Conall Mag Eochagáin’s ‘‘Annals of Clonmacnoise’’’, Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium, 32 (2012), 74–94, 85. 204 On the reconstitution of the Irish peerage see Ohlmeyer, Making Ireland, 27–83. 70 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House prerogatives of his earldom. While the earl was quick to recognise the opportunities presented by the broader process of anglicisation by his support of the crown and his conversion to the Established Church, he also remained a patron of the professional Gaelic poets. He benefited, as either subject or recipient, from at least eleven poems in professional bardic verse.205 His strategy of bridging the traditional – although rapidly changing – Gaelic understanding and claims to authority with English legal title-claims, mirrored the strategies of other Gaelic magnates.206 This process can be identified, albeit in different ways, in the activity of the first earl of Antrim, Randal MacDonnell, who accepted an English peerage and colonised his Ulster estates with Protestant ‘planters’. In many respects the activities of the Clann Campbell of Argyll who were deeply involved in Scottish royal politics reflected similar strategies to the O’Briens, but within Scottish Gaeldom.207 The fourth earl of Thomond’s standing was analogous to that of Archibald Campbell, fifth earl of Argyll (1532–1573), who straddled the role of Gaelic magnate (the ‘Mac Cailein Mór’), but who also cooperated with the crown, held estates by royal charter, and emerged as an enthusiastic supporter of the Protestant reformation in his territories.208 On the death of the earl of Thomond in 1624 it was the professional Gaelic office-bearers such as the poets, historians and brehon-lawyers, who signed as official witnesses to the inquisition post-mortem taken into the lands of the earl.209 His will even urged his sons to nurture his Gaelic followers and the ‘gentlemen and inhabitants of Thomond,’ evidence that the earl continued to extend patronage to some of this group up to his death.210 This contrasts to the will of Donough’s grandson, Henry O’Brien, seventh earl of Thomond (1618–91), which encouraged his agents to ‘cherish the 205 Casey, ‘Irish Pseudohistory’, 88. 206 Consider, for example, the activities of the Burkes of Clanricarde, especially Richard Burke, fourth earl of Clanricarde (1572–1635), whose own life and outlook shared many similarities to that of Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond. 207 See Jane Ohlmeyer, Civil War and Restoration in the Three Stuart Kingdoms: The Career of Randal MacDonnell, Marquis of Antrim, 1609–1683 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001). Also see Brian Ó Cuiv, ‘Some Irish Items relating to the MacDonnells of Antrim’, Celtica 16 (1984), 139–56; and Allan I. Macinnes, Clanship, Commerce and the House of Stuart, 1603– 1788 (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2000), 62. 208 Jane Dawson, ‘The Fifth Earl of Argyle, Gaelic Lordship and Political Power in Sixteenthcentury Scotland,’ The Scottish Historical Review 67, no.183 (1988), 1–27, at 8. On his support for the reformation see the prefatory remarks in R. L. Thomson & Angus Matheson (eds), Foirm na n-urrnuidheadh: John Carswell’s Gaelic translation of the Book of common order (Edinburgh, 1970). 209 See PHA, Ms 1141 (‘Inquisition Post Mortem of Donough O’Brien, fourth Earl of Thomond’, [1624]). Those who signed include: ‘Boetius Clanchy of Knoctfine’, ‘Donat Clanchy de Urlin’ and ‘Mauris O Milcounry de Shandangan’. These men of learning were from the Corcomroe and Bunratty branches of the Meic Fhlannchadha, and from the Uí Mhaoilchonaire family of Ardkyle. 210 Ó Dálaigh, ‘A comparative study’, 61. 71 Archivium Hibernicum English uppon his estate and drive out the Irish, and [e]specially those of them whoe are under the name of gentlemen’.211 The witnesses to the 1624 inquisition included some of the earl’s closest Gaelic followers such as brehon-lawyer, Baothghalach Óg Mac Fhlannchadha, who had cultivated a personal link to the earl. It was this personal link that the earl valued, and his closest Gaelic followers tended to share the twin characteristics of being useful in the new anglicised order and having a personal link or claim on the earl. It is for these reasons that other learned families which had for many centuries provided literati to the kings of Thomond, such as the Clann Chraith poets and Clann Chruitín historians, had become marginalised by the early-seventeenth century. Such links, where they were cultivated, ended on the death of the fourth earl in 1624, and the will of his son Henry does not feature any signatory endorsements from professional Gaelic office-bearers.212 The conclusion to be drawn from this is that while the fourth earl’s patronage of the Gaelic professional class was circumscribed and limited to a small clique of individuals who he shared personal links with, it had all but ceased by the time of the earldoms of his sons Henry and Barnaby. What can be gathered from the 1640 register is that the O’Briens, prior to being granted the earldom under Henry VIII, used brehon law to administer their lordship. The type of legal instruments issued by their brehons included contracts, land conveyances and deeds which conferred landholding and lordship rights. The manner of landholding of the Uí Bhriain dynasty, until the mid-sixteenth century, followed Gaelic inheritance practices whereby estates were divided by gavelkind (gabháltas cinne, tenancy of kindred)213 among eligible male heirs.214 By the early seventeenth century a form of English county government was in operation in county Clare. This included assize courts and the creation of incorporated market boroughs, as well as the machinery of English common law operating at the local level (courts, petty officials, bailiffs, etc). Both the earls of Thomond and their collateral relatives, the Inchiquin and Ennistymon O’Briens, became integral parts of the new order. In becoming titled-peers and entering the ranks of the aristocracy, leading O’Brien family branches enjoyed an expansion of landholding on a scale that outdid their late medieval forebears. The legal muniments transcribed in the 1640 register comprise only 211 Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, 511–12. 212 Ó Dálaigh, ‘Inventory’, 160–65. 213 Gavelkind was a system of inheritance whereby a deceased person’s land was divided among male heirs. The custom was observed in different parts of Europe, including Kent in England, and in parts of Ireland and Wales. 214 There are a number of instances of ‘gavelkind inheritance’ in Thomond. Examples exist in a Chancery Pleading concerning the earls of Thomond and the O’Briens of Pubblebrien, where it stated that gavelkind operated ‘time out of mind’. See National Archives of Ireland, Chancery Pleadings for County Clare, 1584 – 1637 (Series AA, No. 197, p. 72), Ibid. (Series T, no. 48, p. 11); also see Charles Vallancey, Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicus, no 3, part 1 (Dublin, 1786), preface. 72 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House a portion, inter alia, of the legal documents that relate to the activities of the earls of Thomond. Most of the contents of the register relate to the fourth earldom (1581–1624) and contain calendared excerpts from the deeds themselves. When allied with other contemporary records the register speaks volumes about the social context of those freeholders of the lower social echelon and how the landholding matrix was reshaped from the top. What makes the 1640 register valuable is that while its contents illustrate the extent of the anglicisation of landholding and law, it also shows that brehon law agreements continued to have utility into the seventeenth century. Probably of most value for the modern historian is that the range of documents listed tells something of the dual role of the earl as both a Gaelic magnate and the crown’s leading provincial official as Lord President of Munster.215 Miscellanea from the register The deeds and missives listed in the register provide valuable insight into the management of the Thomond estates in the late-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. One such insight includes the listing of sept (i.e. hereditary lineage) estates. The register records a deed concerning the Uí Dhálaigh lands of Finavarra in north Clare.216 The Uí Dhálaigh were professional poets whose origins can be traced to Corcu Roíde in Westmeath where they became associated with the scriptorium of Clonard monastery from the twelfth century.217 By the late medieval period they had established branches in Connacht, north Clare and the Beara peninsular in Cork, where they presided over bardic schools.218 The settlement of a branch of the Uí Dhálaigh poets in Finavarra is traditionally credited to the medieval ollamh-poet, Donnchadh Mór Ó Dálaigh (d. 1244, interred in Boyle Abbey).219 An alternative view posits that their settlement at Finavarra occurred a century after the lifetime of Donnchadh Mór, in around the middle of the fourteenth century, when a dispute with a patron forced one family branch to leave Connacht.220 215 He was appointed to the presidency in 1615 and held it until his death in 1624. 216 See the item in the register entitled: ‘A counterparte of ye Dalyes lease of ffinivary’. 217 See AFM, sub anno 1139 where the annal entry reads that Cú Chonnacht Ua Dálaigh, chief ollamh in poetry, died at Clonard (Cluain-Iraird), but he was of Leacain in Meath. The Annals of Tigernach records that he died ‘as an old man’. He was also called Cú Chonnacht na Sgoile (‘of the school’) indicating his learning and suggesting that he may have been a lector, or fer leighinn, at Clonard. He is regarded as the progeniture of the scholastic branches of the Uí Dhálaigh. See John O’Donovan, The Tribes of Ireland: A Satire by Aenghus O’Daly, (Dublin: John O’Daly publisher, 1852), 4. 218 See Elizabeth Fitzpatrick, ‘The landscape and settlements of the Uí Dhálaigh poets of Muinter Bháire’, in Seán Duffy (ed.), Princes, Prelates and Poets in Medieval Ireland: Essays in honour of Katherine Simms (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2013), 460–80. 219 AFM, sub anno 1244. 220 See Lambert McKenna (ed.), ‘Poet seeks reconciliation with his patron’, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, 37:147(1948), 317–25. 73 Archivium Hibernicum The Finavarra Uí Dhálaigh first appear in the annals in connection with Thomond 1404 and they subsequently appear to have been affiliated with Corcomroe Abbey.221 A number of early fifteenth century papal dispensations for marriages on the basis of close consanguinity in the diocese of Kilfenora were issued to members of the Uí Dhálaigh and that references to family members in a set of annals, possibly from Kilshanny’s Augustinian monastery, suggests that they were settled in north Thomond from the mid-fourteenth century.222 What is certain is that the Uí Dhálaigh were well-established in Finavarra by 1415, for in that year their lands were plundered by the Lord Justice of Ireland in what appears as an orchestrated attack on the Gaelic learned class.223 Later manuscript references suggest the Uí Dhálaigh operated a bardic school at Finavarra. According to the early-seventeenth century tract, Tochmarc Fhearbhlaide, the school was known for its ceithre randaidh fesa na filidhachta (‘four divisions of poetic knowledge’).224 The school still produced poets of distinction, trained in the classical ‘strict meter’ (dán díreach). A poem by Lochlainn Óg Ó Dálaigh entitled Cáit tar ghabhader Gaoidhil (‘Where have the Gaels gone?’) and which laments the decline of Gaelic culture and makes critical remarks about Protestantism, dates from around this time.225 The bardic school at Finavarra was well-known and appears to have operated down to the mid-seventeenth century when it was visited by the Scottish poet, Maol Domhnaigh Ó Muirgheasáin, on his circuit to centres of Gaelic scholarship in Ireland.226 A charter issued by the fourth earl of Thomond in 1590 confirmed the Uí Dhálaigh in their landholding at Finavarra under a lease of 101 years.227 The significance of the lease that is recorded in the 1640 register is that it could be the lease signed by seven Ó Dálaigh kinsmen in 1624 at the annual rent of 26s 8d, which is now lost.228 Evidence from the 1626 rental of the Thomond estates shows that the Uí Dhálaigh held two quarters at Finavarra, for which they paid a rent of four marks, i.e. £1–6s-8d, the same amount agreed to in the 1624 lease 221 AFM, sub annis 1404, 1415 and 1514. 222 On dispensations issued in Kilfenora diocese see: ‘Lateran Regesta 122: 1404–5, Calendar of Papal Registers, 6: 1404–15 (1904), 45; ‘Lateran Regesta 278: 1428, Calendar of Papal Registers, 8: 1427–47 (1909), 11. Also see E. J. Gwynn, (ed.), ‘Fragmentary annals from the west of Ireland’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 37C (1926), 149–57. These annals, which were probably compiled in a local scriptorium either at Kilshanny or, perhaps, Kilfenora, record the obits of four members of the Uí Dhálaigh for the years 1326, 1337, 1340, 1342, 1350 and 1354. While not all of the obits refer to the Finavarra branch, the latter two are distinct possibilities. 223 AFM, sub anno 1415. 224 Eoghan O Neachtain, ‘Tochmarc Fhearbhlaide’, Ériu, 4 (1908), 47–67, at 51. 225 William Gillies, ‘Poem on the Downfall of the Gaoídhil’, Éigse, 13 (1969–70), 203–10. 226 T. F. O’Rahilly, ‘A Poem by Piaras Feiritéar’, Ériu, 13 (1942), 113–18 227 Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 91–2. 228 PHA Ms 1141 (Inquisition post mortem of Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond, 4 January, 1624). 74 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House from the fourth earl.229 The rent levied in 1626 by the fifth earl was lower than that paid by other tenants. This suggests that the Uí Dhálaigh benefitted from privileged tenurial conditions by virtue of their learned status. The 1640 register also identifies another branch of the Uí Dhálaigh who were settled on land at Ballaghboy in Doora parish which they subsequently conveyed to the earl. That the earl kept them there as tenants is shown by the fact that they still occupied Ballaghboy in 1656.230 Ballaghboy must have formed part of the earl’s demesne and this explains why the Uí Dhálaigh remained in situ as tenants on his estate. In terms of Finavarra where the Uí Dhálaigh had a centuries-old claim to the land, it must have been regarded as hereditary tenure. Despite the reference in the 1590 charter that they were obliged to pay the ‘chief lords of the soil’ (Ardthighearnadhaibh an Fheroin) certain dues, the Uí Dhálaigh enjoyed privileged tenurial conditions.231 This reference in the charter is surely a direct reference to the earl of Thomond whose position as overlord meant that he levied a charge and other customary duties on the land, but which was increasingly being viewed by this time as his alienable property. By the late-seventeenth century the hereditary tenure of the Uí Dhálaigh had been extinguished and they were reduced to tenants. In 1700, they petitioned Sir Donat O’Brien to lease land at Finavarra for £20 per annum.232 By that stage the Uí Dhálaigh were reduced to simple tenants, any vestiges of their privileged tenure having long since ceased. Another interesting reference found in the 1640 register is the listing of ‘Teig mc Brodyes titles to Killinefarboy’ (Kilfarboy in Ibrickan). This was the celebrated bardic poet, Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha, who had close links to his patron, the fourth earl of Thomond. His spirited defence of his patron and the southern half of Ireland against the northern poets in the poetic contention known as the Iomarbhágh na bhFileadh (Contention of the Poets), assured him literary fame.233 As his death can be dated to 1624/1625234 the reference to his titles in the 1640 register date 229 230 231 232 Breen, ‘1626 Rental’, 23. Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, 536. Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 91–2. Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, 236–7. The reference is to a lease of Ballyvealaghan in which townland Parkmore, a large multi-vallette ringfort associated with the Uí Dhálaigh, situates. 233 See McKenna (ed.), Iomarbhágh na bhfileadh 2 vols (London, 1918–20); and Leerssen, Contention (1994). His best-known poem is the advice poem addressed to Donough O’Brien, fourth earl, entitled Mór a-tá ar theagasg flatha (‘A major task to instruct a prince’). See Theophilus O’Flanagan, ‘Advice to a Prince’, Transactions of the Gaelic Society, 1 (1808), 31–54. 234 His widow was recorded in 1626 as holding his property at Knockanalban (Mount Scott), and was rent-free. This estate must have been granted to Tadhg mac Dáire as rent-free in exchange for his professional services sometime earlier, and conceivably dates from as early as 1586 when he is first recorded at Knockanalban. As Tadhg mac Dáire composed an elegy on the death of Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond in 1624, he must have died between 1624 and 1626. See Nicholls & O Cannan (eds.) Fiants, no. 4860; and Brian Ó Cuív, ‘An elegy on Donnchadh Ó Briain, fourth earl of Thomond’, Celtica, 16 (1984), 87–105. 75 Archivium Hibernicum to before this period. Records show that Tadhg mac Dáire was one of the largest landowners in Ibrickan. In 1615 he held seven quarters of land in the barony, including Doonogan (undoubtedly Doonogan towerhouse as well), which altogether amounted to over 6,000 acres.235 Tadhg mac Dáire had other connections with Kilfarboy. According to one source, he had two sons, James and Daniel, and it was James who inherited the Clann Bhruaideadha estate at Knockanalban. This estate was exempt from rent and both Tadhg mac Dáire, and his son James, were called Domini Montis Scoti.236 Tadhg mac Dáire’s second son, Daniel,237 who ministered in the Established Church, was described by church authorities as a ‘schoolmaster’.238 This is suggestive of a link with the world of professional Gaelic learning in which his family, the Clann Bhruaideadha, were heavily involved. In 1633, Daniel was serving as the Protestant minister of the westerly parishes of Kilfarboy and Killard.239 It is possible that he entered the Established Church on the death of his father as he was ordained in 1624, at a stage when future patronage from the earls of Thomond looked unlikely following the death of the fourth earl of Thomond in the same year. Indeed, Tadhg mac Dáire may have encouraged his son’s ministry in the Established Church as a way of demonstrating loyalty to his Protestant patron, the fourth earl, at a time of significant political and cultural change which was impacting the Clann Bhruaideadha and their ability to retain landholding and status. Daniel’s ordination secured him a church benefice in view of the fact that his father’s property at Knockanalban was inherited by his elder brother, James. His conformity appears to have been more about securing a benefice than a confessional adherence to the reformed religion and in that regard may have been encouraged by the German settler and influential landholder, Matthew de Renzy. De Renzy was well-known to Tadhg mac Dáire as the poet tutored him in classical Irish in the early years of the seventeenth century soon after de Renzy arrived in Ireland from London.240 By 1615, de Renzy was living in the midlands and he appears to have been attempting, unsuccessfully it seems, to bring bring Daniel Brody to his estate in the midlands, and it is not unreasonable to think that de Renzy was a factor in Brody’s conformity.241 235 Luke McInerney, ‘A ‘‘most vainglorious man’’: the writings of Antonius Bruodin’, Archivium Hibernicum, 70 (2017), 202–83, at 220–21. 236 O’Mollony, Anatomicum, 43, 109. 237 Ibid., 125. 238 See Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 164–5, 171. 239 Ibid., 164–5. He was ordained in 1624 and his name was recorded as Daniel McBrodin. 240 Brian Mac Cuarta, ‘Conchubhar Mac Bruaideadha and Sir Matthew de Renzy (1577–1634)’, Éigse, 27 (1993), pp 122–6. Also see Brian Mac Cuarta, ‘A planter’s interaction with Gaelic culture: Sir Matthew De Renzy (1577–1634), Irish Economic and Social History, 20 (1993), pp 1–17, at 5. It seems that de Renzy was at the bardic school of the Clann Bhruaideadha in c.1606. 241 Brian Mac Cuarta, ‘Matthew De Renzy’s Letters on Irish Affairs, 1613–1620’, Analecta Hibernica, 34 (1987), 107–82, at 115. 76 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House The case of Daniel is one example of the efforts made as their professional learning was less appreciated by the earl and his sons. Two decades earlier, the reduction in patronage was keenly felt by ollamh Maoilín Óg Mac Bruaideadha who, in a poem that lamented the decline in fortunes of the poets, exhorted his son to abandon any desire to train as a poet for it promised little reward and was no longer respected as it was in the days of the kings of Thomond. Maoilín Óg was clearly critical of the reduced patronage under the fourth earl compared to that of his predecessors and went as far as to advise his son to remain as an ‘unwise tender youth’.242 Some learned families developed links with the Established Church as an alternative source of patronage. Many of the first generation of Gaelic Protestant clergy were members of the learned families, their members attaining roles as readers. Of the handful of Meic Bhruaideadha who are known to have conformed to the Established Church, a ‘Teig McBroody’ served as the rector of Tradry at Bunratty in 1612. He was probably the chaplain to the fourth earl of Thomond, yet another example of the type of links that existed between the earl and the Clann Bhruaideadha. Other family members held parish livings at Killeely and Killuran in east Clare.243 However, by the mid-seventeenth century their involvement with the Established Church had ceased, and those family members entering religion did so as Franciscans. By the 1630s, most of the Protestant benefice holders in county Clare were English-born clergy, with the exception of poorer benefices in the parishes in Kilfenora, which were primarily served by Gaelic clergy.244 By this stage, a self-conscious link between Gaelic-Irish identity and Catholicism had taken hold as Franciscan friars from the Irish colleges in Europe returned to Ireland. This situation was exacerbated by the lack of opportunity for Gaelic clergy in the Established Church.245 There existed a strong link between benefice incomes and non-native clergy, with desirable livings mainly in the hands of English rather than Gaelic clergy. The 1640 register contains legal documents relating to some of these New-English clergy such as ministers Jessopp and Buckley, both holding rectories whose advowsons were in the possession of the earl of Thomond. Another reference found in the 1640 register to a member of the learned class was the ‘bond upon Donnogh Clanchy of the Inch’. This was a bond or an agreed payment that was to be transacted between Donnogh Clanchy and Donough O’Brien for £19. Clanchy was a member of the hereditary 242 Pádraig Ó Macháin, ‘Maoilín Óg Mac Bruaideadha and the decline of patronage’, Celtica 32 (2020), pp 217–35. 243 Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 149. 244 Ibid, 177–9. 245 On the rejection of Protestantism and English clergy by the Irish population in county Clare see Brian Ó Dálaigh, ‘A Protestant Church in a Catholic Friary 1615–1969’, The Other Clare 44 (2020), 25–34, at 25–6. 77 Archivium Hibernicum brehon-jurist family, the Meic Fhlannchadha. The two principal branches of the family in county Clare were situated at Tuath Ghlae in Corcomroe (Killilagh parish) and at Urlanmore in Tradraigh (Kilmaleery parish). A third branch was located at Inch, close to Ennis, where they held a towerhouse in 1574.246 This towerhouse was reputed to be the place where the head of the family, Conchubhar Mac Fhlannchadha (Cornelius Clanchy) lived and fostered the young Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond. According to Antonius Bruodin, Cornelius Clanchy and his wife Finola (sister to poet Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha) were responsible for fostering the earl for seven years.247 Cornelius held Inch castle in 1574 where he was recorded as ‘Connoghor Maglanchy of Enenshy’, and we can suppose that it was here where the young earl received his fosterage education.248 The Clanchys of Inch were influential in that a female member of the family married Sir Rowland Delahoyde, an important adherent of the fourth earl who took up land grants in east Clare around Fomerla near Tulla.249 The Inch branch of the Meic Fhlannchadha held lands in Drumcliff parish until the Cromwellian confiscations of the 1650s.250 As followers and office-bearers of the earl, the inclusion of the Clanchys in the 1640 register warrants little explanation, by virtue of their personal links to both the fourth earl and Sir Rowland Delahoyde. These links were factors for them being captured in the burgeoning documentation of the earl’s estates. References in the register help identify other service families such as the Ruddane (Reddan), or Uí Rodáin, family. This family had a long period of attachment to the Meic Conmara lords of Clann Chuiléin. Several generations of them are recorded as maoir mintire Rodain (‘stewards of the Rodan family’) to the Meic Conmara as early as the fourteenth century.251 In the register they appear in a deed concerning Ballyvorgal in Clonlea parish in east Clare.252 The Reddans also appear in the sixteenth and seventeenth century as stewards of the fourth earl of Thomond.253 One member of the family is mentioned in the will of the earl as being his servant and was bequeathed land and payment.254 These facts suggest that the family became attached to the O’Briens before the seventeenth century, possibly in response to the loss of Meic Conmara patronage. 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 Twigge, ‘1574’, 84. O’Mollony, Anatomicum, 112–3. Twigge, ‘1574’, 84. O’Mollony, Anatomicum 129. On his landholding in 1621 see PHA Ms B/16/B [Great Office of Tulla, 20 March, 1621]. See Frost, History, 324. See Simington (ed.), Books, 271–75, 277, 279, 287, 291, 295. Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 43, 45. Also see the inquisition taken in 1628 relating to Mahone O’Ruddane of Ardmaclancy and Cloonmoniagh where it appears that they held an estate in Kilfinaghta parish. See Frost, History, 306. Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 72. Ó Dálaigh, ‘A comparative study’, 60. 78 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House Similar changes in patronage can be detected for professional service families who occupied lands around Bunratty. The Uí Mhaoilchonaire chroniclers settled in Thomond in the early-sixteenth century on lands granted to them at Ardkyle by the Meic Conmara.255 A poem written by Domhnall Ó Maolchonaire for Seán Mac Conmara Fionn in the early 1570s, recalls the connection between his family and the Meic Conmara, on whose lordship lands the Uí Mhaoilchonaire were settled: A-tá m’fherann fós fúthaibh mé aca ní handúth(ch)aigh seanadhba(dh) nách cóir do choill róimh na healadhna an Árdchoill [My land is still held from them I am no stranger among them Ardchoill – that Rome of the arts an old abode that should not be violated]256 Ardkyle was where the Uí Mhaoilchonaire convened a renowned school of history and chronicling from the mid-sixteenth century.257 The poetic passage suggests that it was metaphorically a ‘Rome’ or, put more expressively, a ‘sanctuary’ of learning under Meic Conmara protection. By the early-seventeenth century, Muiris Ó Maolchonaire was serving as a secretary to the earl of Thomond and from that point legal deeds that were either drawn up, or witnessed by, members of the Uí Mhaoilchonaire, were mainly executed for the O’Brien earls rather than their traditional patrons the Meic Conmara.258 For learned families, patronage was ever changing and while the original patrons of Ardkyle, the Meic Conmara, declined, the Uí Mhaoilchonaire turned to the O’Briens whose fortunes dramatically improved in the sixteenth century. This strategy was short-lived, however, as new tenurial changes meant that those settled on Meic Conmara lordship lands were often displaced by the earl in a bid to consolidate his estates around his residence at Bunratty. A similar switch in patronage from the Meic Conmara to the earls of Thomond can be detected in the activities of the legal families. The Meic Fhlannchadha brehons, who were responsible 255 On the family see Ó Dálaigh, ‘Uí Mhaoilchonaire’, 45–68. 256 Luke McInerney, ‘A Sixteenth Century Bardic Poem composed for Seán Mac Conmara, Lord of Clann Chuiléin’, Seanchas Ard Mhacha, 23:1 (2010), 33–56, at 52. 257 Ardkyle is sometimes referred to as morsgol (‘great school’). In c.1560, Seán Ó Cianáin of the Uí Chianáin historians of Fermanagh, copied a version of Dinnsheanchas Éireann for Seán Ó Maolchonaire at Ardkyle. See Robin Flower, Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the British Museum, 2 (London: British Museum,1926), 67; and Abbott & Gwynne, Catalogue, 117. 258 Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 34, 36; and Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, 312. 79 Archivium Hibernicum for building five towerhouses close to Bunratty in the sixteenth century,259 appear to have done so, at least in part, in order to elicit patronage from the earls of Thomond.260 It may be concluded that the sixteenth century saw an increase in the patronage of the professional service families around Bunratty. Commensurate with the earl of Thomond’s land acquisition and the decline of other ruling Gaelic families, learned families shifted their focus to the O’Briens at Bunratty. Following the death of the fourth earl in 1624, the extensive anglicising reforms of his sons Henry and Barnaby meant that the traditional Gaelic followers of the O’Briens lost any remaining influence and their role as hereditary service families became redundant. Those who could adapt to the growing commercialisation of the Thomond estates lost any vestige of their former literary status and found employment as bailiffs and minor officials or ended up as tenants. The register contains interesting miscellanea such as the types of commercial activities that flourished on the Thomond estates. For example, there exist references to ‘boatloads of wood’ that feature as payments in kind for leases on Lisscormack on the Shannon estuary, and to woods that once stood at Lack in Kilchreest parish. Clearly the Shannon estuary was well endowed with timber resources in the first half of the seventeenth century. The register lists an order made for fishing rights on the Shannon in the lifetime of the fourth earl. Fisheries provided Irish lords with an important source of revenue, either through direct exploitation or the granting of fishing rights to merchants. The third earl of Thomond supplicated the crown in 1577 for a grant of Inis Cathaigh (Scattery Island) in order to control its fisheries, and as the register shows, fisheries continued to be exploited by his son the fourth earl.261 Concluding remarks The 1640 register of the ‘evidences & writings’ once kept in the study of Bunratty castle offers much to the historian of early modern Ireland. Many of the themes in the register – land deeds, displacement, estate management and church appointments – are applicable to other Gaelic lordships in Ireland in the seventeenth century. Generally regarded as one of the most tumultuous centuries in Irish history, the seventeenth century saw much change, not least in law, government and landholding. All of these are palpable in the 1640 register. In many respects the real value of the register lies in its retrospective 259 See Ó hÓgáin, Chláir, 53. 260 The castle building of the Meic Fhlannchadha has few parallels elsewhere in Ireland in terms of number, scale or concentration. See Andrew Tierney, ‘Tower Houses and Power: Social and Familial Hierarchies in East County Clare c.1350–c.1600’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 5 (2013), 207–25, at 225. 261 Brewer & Bullen (eds.), Carew Manuscripts, 117. 80 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House listing of deeds and writings, twenty-one of which were in Irish. These deeds are particularly important because they record land transactions that were undertaken between the Thomond O’Briens and other Gaelic freeholders from the sixteenth century onwards. The demise of the Gaelic freeholding class began much earlier than this period and has its roots in the expansion of lordly power from the late medieval period. From a documentary perspective this change begins to enter administrative records in the fifteenth century, as can be deduced in the Irish language deeds printed by James Hardiman.262 What we see in some of the Petworth deeds is both a continuation and acceleration of this process by the fourth earl. By promoting English law and administration, the earl achieved the objective of strengthening his authority locally, while improving his dynasty’s position as Gaelic loyalists. Notwithstanding recent publications, there remains further work to be done to fully appreciate the motivation, life and activities of the fourth earl of Thomond. In many ways his anglicising policies reflect a seasoned magnate who could traverse two worlds: the world of the English court and its demands of religious conformity and loyalism, and the world of his Gaelic followers and tenants. In this respect he shared familiar characteristics with other Gaelic magnates who navigated the Elizabethan and Stuart regimes with a keen sense of pragmatic survival. The vexatious and fraught political context in which they lived helped shape their actions and the necessity for them to inhabit two culturally and linguistically distinct worlds. The records listed in the register hint at growing demands of literacy and legal processes that soon became integral to governing a title-peer’s estate. This signalled a fundamental shift away from traditional Gaelic lordship and its values of clientelism and redistributive exchange, toward a commercialised estate governed by manor courts and recourse to centralised political and legal authority. These administrative processes, grounded in English common law, were well established by the time of the register. However, some of the older trappings of Gaelic lordship were still evident, even at this comparatively late date, and can be detected in the register. The register throws new light on the workings of one of the most important and largest native earldoms in the west of Ireland. Insofar as possible, it can be used to identify families, relationships, placenames and landholding. It is hoped that the publication of this register from Petworth House gives a more complete context of the type of legal arrangements that were used in an Irish earldom undergoing profound change from a traditional lordship system to an English-style estate, by an aristocratic family who maintained their Gaelic-Irish identity into the seventeenth century. 262 See Hardiman, (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 1–95. 81 Archivium Hibernicum Document Petworth House Thomond Papers [PHA Ms C/13/27] The 1640 Register Anno 1640263 A Register made by the Right Hono:ble Barnaby Earle of Thomond of all the Evidences & writings att Bunratty No: 30 No: 31. No. 31 No. 441 [p. 1] A Booke of ye Evidencs and writings In the Studdy att Bunnratty: Com: Tipperary264 1. Statute staple Bond265 upon Phillip o Dwyer of Ballyhyda266 in the said Com. of a 100lr to the use of Henry Earle of Thomond, dated 7br 267 1625.268 2. The conveyance of Henry Earle of Thomond to Phillipp o Dwyer of lands in Keylnemannagh269 much eaten wth mice. 3. Blank defeance for ye said statute staple. 263 Dates have been given as they are found in the register; i.e. in the old style which was adhered to in the Tudor and Jacobean era. 264 County Tipperary. 265 The Irish staple was established to regulate trade in basic or staple goods, which could only be sold to foreign merchants in designated staple towns. It also provided a way for traders to recover debts. See Jane H. Ohlmeyer & Éamonn Ó Ciardha, The Irish Statute Staple Books, 1596–1687 (Dublin: Dublin Corporation, 1998). 266 Not identified. 267 An abbreviation for September that derives from the Latin term Septem, or seven, as September represented the seventh month in the old Roman calendar. 268 This could be: PHA Ms 5413, ‘Draft indenture of defeasance to be made in September 1625 between Rt. Hon. Henry, 4th Earl of Thomond and Phillipp O’Dwyer, esq., of Ballynyda, Co. Tipperary, concerning bond for assuring payment of a rent charge due to Thomond out of O’Dwyer’s lands in the Barony of Kilanmanagh, Co. Tipperary’ [1625]. 269 Kilnamanagh barony. On the O’Dwyer family see Michael O’Dwyer, The O’Dwyers of Kilnamanagh: The History of an Irish Sept (London, 1933). 82 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 4. 5. 6. 7. Dat. 25 Aug 1617 8. Wm. O Ryan of Ballaghode his release to Donnogh Earle of Tho: of all his title and intrest in Ballybronoge270 Ballyhenry271 Cullen272 and all other lands about Cullen: excepting Dtained p[a]rcells in the said deede of release excepted: dat. 17 7br 273 1610. A deede of ffeofmt from ye said William o Ryan to Donat Earle of Thomond of all his title & intrest in the lands aforsaid, excepting the lands before excepted: bearing date et supra. A 300l Bond from ye said William o Ryan to the said Earle, to make good the lands aforesaid agst him: ex: dated et supra. Articles of Agreemt betweene Henry Earle of Tho. and Phillipp o Dwyer: touching Ballyhynode274 and other lands to be conveyed by the said Earle to the said Phillipp. A deede of Mortgage from Teig mcShane O Mulryan and his sonne Daniell of the lands of Byalla Bryen275 to Dermott o Dwyer als o Dwyer and Dermott mc Owen o Mullryan of ye field of Byalla Bryen & other lands in Ballyhynode.276 [p. 2] Q. how this stands 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 Articles of Agreemt betweene Donat Earle of Tho. & John o Cuirk & Mohon o Cuirk for ye lands of Thollagh277 in the Conntie of Tipperary dat. 18th 7br, 1620. 10. A Bonde uppon Mellaghlen o Dwyer to Donat Earle of Tho. use to stand to the Arbitremt of Wm mc Bryen and Mortagh mcBryen and William mcKennedy for the lands of Gortloghane278 & Gortyhally279 in Keylenemannagh280 dat. 3 June 1620. 11. A Bundle of writings touching the lands of Ballynecloghy281 and other lands in the Com. of 9. Ballybrunoge in Cullen parish. Ballyhenry in Bourney parish. Cullen in Cullen parish. i.e. September. Not identified. Ballybrien in Solloghod-more parish. Not identified. Possibly Tulla in Emly parish. Possibly Gortalough in Glenkeen parish. Gortahoola in Moyaliff parish. Kilnamanagh barony. Possibly Ballynacloghy in Isertkieran parish. 83 Archivium Hibernicum Tipperary sold to Sr Phill Percivall282 and Phillipp o Dwyer. 12. A Bundle of writings had from Geffry Saule283 tutching Ballyneclogh284 & other lands in the Com. of Tipperary. 13. A Bundle of old writings touching gardens & tennents in Cashell.285 14. A lease from Donnogh mc Wm Ryan to Dermott owne o Dwyer of his lands in Ballyhynode.286 15. A Counterpart of the conveyance made by Henry Earle of Thomond to Sr Phillipp Percivall of the lands of Ballynecloghy.287 16. Donell o Bryens deede of ffeofment to Donat Earle of Thomond of lands in Killmastolla.288 17. A Box of writings touching Thomastowne289 and Barrowstowne.290 [p. 3] Countie of Limerick291 1. Torlagh and Calloogh mcBryen their deede of release to Henry Earle of Thomond of their title and intrest in the towne and lands of Ballivonin292 dated 10 Feb. 1635. 2. A Bonde for confirming the said release from ye said parties: dat et supra. 3. Torlagh and Callooghs acquittance for receipt of full satisfacion from the said Earle for their intrest in Ballyvoneen293 aforesaid. 4. Morris Hurlyes deede of ffeofmt to Donat Earle of Thomond of his intrest in Carryhynodie294 dat. 26th July 1623. 5. Dermott mc Wm mcBryen his deede of feofment to 282 Sir Philip Perceval (1605–47) was an English politician and knight who obtained land interests in Munster, especially in Tipperary and Cork. He took a prominent share in the discovery of technical defects in Irish titles and as a result acquired enormous estates that included Liscarroll castle in north Cork. His descendants were the earls of Egmont. 283 The Saul or Sall family of Cashel was one of Tipperary’s leading mercantile families and produced several notable Franciscan clerics in the seventeenth century. See Paul MacCotter, ‘A history of the Sall(e) family of Cashel’, Irish Genealogist, 10 (1999), 215–33. 284 Possibly Ballynacloghy in Isertkieran parish. 285 Cashel in Tipperary. 286 Not identified. 287 Ballynacloghy in Isertkieran parish. 288 Kilmastulla in Kilmastulla parish. 289 Thomastown in Relickmurry and Athassel parish. 290 Possibly Barrettstown in Barrettsgrange parish. 291 Limerick county. 292 Ballyvoneen in Grean parish. 293 Ibid. 294 Not identified. 84 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 6. 7. 8. Donate Earle of Thomond of all his right & intrest in Ballyhosty295 and all other his lands in Cnonagh. dat. 25 Aug 1609. The Agreement made with Daniell Clanchy for ye Mortgadge of Ballyvorneene296 dated 8 May 1628. A deede of ffeofment from Thomas oge Browne to Humphry Hobbs and his wife Julia of ye qter=meere of Killinveira.297 Dat. 20 Dec. 40: Eliz. A counterparte of a deede of feofmt made by Donate Earle of Thomond to Morrogh oge mc Bryen of Pallisgreny298 to the heirs [illegible] of his body: at the rent of 5s p. Anno. suite & service of courte to the Manor of Cullen299 dated 18th June 1629. [p. 4] 9. A noate of monneyes paid to Thomas oge Browne Anno 1624 for Coorlish and Killinveira.300 10. Thomas oge Browne’s acquittance for 57d. Aug. 1622.301 11. Robt. Anslowe’s conveyance to Tho. oge Browne of his intrest in Coorlish302 dat. 10 Dec 40: R. Eliz.303 12. An Irish writing of agreement betwixt Connor O Bryen and one Tibott Boork of lands about Cullen dated anno 1520.304 13. Terlagh mc Connor mc Bryen his bond to warrant Killinegoneeny305 and Ballyfirrin306 to my lord & his heirs dat. 19 Ja: 1622. 14. Articles of agreement betweene Mohon mcBryen boy and Daniell Clanchy for a marriage to be solemnized between the said Daniells daughter and the said Mohons sonn. Da. 3 July 1620. 15. A deede of feofment made by Mohowne mcTeig Inchoggi to the use of himselfe and his wife & the 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 Possibly Ballyhurst in Ballynaclogh parish. Ballyvoneen in Grean parish. Killeenavera in Grean parish. Pallas Grean in Grean parish. Cullen in county Tipperary, near to the Limerick parish of Oola. Corelish and Killeenavera in Grean parish in Co. Limerick. According to the Civil Survey, Barnaby O’Brien, earl of Thomond, held these lands in c.1640. See Robert C. Simington, The Civil Survey, County of Limerick, vol. IV, A.D. 1654–1656 (Dublin, 1938), 70. This presumably relates to the foregoing entry. Corelish in Grean parish. i.e. 10 December, 1598. Cullen in county Tipperary near to the Limerick parish of Oola. Kylenagoneeny in Oola parish. Ballyfirreen in Oola parish. 85 Archivium Hibernicum [illegible crossed out] … heirs of his body of the lande of Moilraigh307 neere Cullen dat. 26 May 1616. 16. Mohowne mcTeig Inchoggy and Daniell Doolagh their feofmt to Donate Earle of Tho. use of the lande of Moilragh308 dated 28 May 1624. 17. Mohon mcTeig and Daniell Doolagh their Bond to warrt the said land to my Lo: dat. 29 May 1624. 18. A bond uppon Morrogh ny Kelly o Mullrian and others of that sept to stand to the arbitremt of Morris Hurly and Row. Delahoyde for the lande at Lissnekelly309 and other lande in Conagh dat ult. 1611. 19. Gibbon Englysh his acquittance for the receipt of 40l to the use of Tho oge Browne for Coorlish310 dat 3 March 1620. [p. 5] [illegible crossed out …] 20. A convenant uppon Terlagh mcBryen of Cnonagh uppon his owne casse and charges to recovr ye freeholders lande in Cnonagh to his owne use. dat 6 Feb 1623. 21. Sily ny Hogane widdow, her deede of gift to Donat Earle of Thomond of all her intrest in Flartnine Lackanfriory311 and Cloghkelyvarry312 in Cnonagh dat 15 7ber 313 1621. 22. Donnell mcKennedy mcBryen his Bond to passe his intrest in Lackanfriory314 to Donat Earle of Thom. dat 4 Nov 1621. 23. Mac Bryen of Cnonagh and the freeholders of Cnonagh315 their bond to stand to the order of Sr Geffry 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 Maelra in Oola parish. Ibid. Lisnacullia in Oola parish. Corelish in Grean parish. An obsolete placename in modern times, it was recorded in the 1650s as Leackinafreara in Oola parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 21. Possibly Cloghilawarreela in Templebredon parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 27. i.e. September. An obsolete placename in modern times, it was recorded in the 1650s as Leackinafreara in Oola parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 21. Coonagh in Killeely parish. 86 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 24. 25. 26. 27. Gallway,316 Morris Hurly317 and Rowland Delahoyde318 concerning sevall lands in Cnonagh dat. 2 March 1610. Terlagh mcBryens Bond to my Lord to stand to ye order of Mr Purcell, Row. Delahoyde, and Mr Boetius Clanchy for ye said sevall lands in Cnonagh319 dat. 2 March 1620. A Bond uppon Dermott mcWm mcBryen to convey his intrest in Ballyhosty320 to Donat Ea. of Tho. dat 25 Aug 1609. A deed of ffeofment made Donnogh Shekine & Shane Shekine of a cartron of land in Garryshekine321 dat. 13 Sept 1609. The testimony of Donogh Clanchy touching the lande of AherIbregye322 dat. 10 Ap. 1619. [p. 6] Com: Limerick323 28. Bryen mc Wm conveyance or grant of all his intrest in the lande of Longford,324 and all other lande in Cnonagh dat. 10 Ja. 1610. 29. A deede of ffeofmt from Connor mc William mc Bryen and Terlagh mc Connor of the plowland of Killnegoniny325 to Donnogh Clanchy to the use of the Lord Barron of Dunboyne326 dat 17 July 1609. 30. Terlagh oge mcKennedy mc Bryen his Bond to passe all his intrest in the lande of Coolebane327 & other lands in the said Bond mentioned to Donat Earle of Thom. dat 24 Sept 1609. 31. Tho. Morris bond to Donat Earle of Tho. to passes all 316 Sir Geoffrey Galway who served as Mayor of Limerick in 1600. See Maurice Lenihan, Limerick, its history and antiquities; ecclesiastical, civil, and military, from the earliest ages (Dublin: Duffy & Sons 1884), 700. 317 He appears to be Sir Morris Hurley, a landowner in Coonagh barony and recorded in 1655 as a juror on an inquisition in Coonagh. His principal residence was Kilduff in the parish of Grean where, in the 1655, he held the castle and the mill. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, xxxviii, 22, 24, 29, 36, 39, 40, 43–46. 318 Sir Rowland Delahoyde (d. 1640), who came from an Old-English Catholic family in county Meath, was a favourite of the fourth earl of Thomond. On his background, wherein it states that he was from ‘Moyclare’ in Meath, see Gerard Slevin, ‘Funeral Entries from County Clare in the Seventeenth Century’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 17 (1975), 63–7, at 65–6. 319 Either Coonagh in Killeely parish or Coonagh barony. 320 Possibly Ballyhurst in Ballynaclogh parish. 321 Garryheakin in Oola parish. 322 Arrybreaga in Oola parish. 323 County Limerick. 324 Longford in Oola parish. 325 Kylenagoneeny in Oola parish. 326 James Butler, 2nd Baron Dunboyne (1547–1624). 327 Coolbaun in Castletown parish. 87 Archivium Hibernicum 32. 33. 34. 35. their intrest in Cluonvicknegh328 to his Lapp dat. 25, 7br329 1609. Covenante betweene Wm Ryan of Sallaghed330 & Connor, William, & Teig o Dwyer for all their intrest in Ownaght, and Voghry331 / 21 Feb. 159[?]. Dermod mc Wm mcBryens deed of feofmt to Donate Earle of Thomond of all their intrest in the lands of Tomolin332 Lissowen,333 & other lands in Cnonagh dat. 27 Feb. 1610. Coppie of the Covenante betweene Donate Earle of Thomond and William Ryan for and concerning Ballybronoge334 and BallyHenry335 dat Oct. 1609. Mac Bryens Bond to Donate Earle of Thomond for performance of the Arbitrement of o Dwyer, Donnell o Bryen, Rowland Delahoude, and Dermott oge o Connor. Dat velt. Ja: 1623. [p. 7] Com: Limerick 36. A deede of Submission from Donate Earle of Tho. Henry Lord Bryen and Terlagh mcBryen to stand to the order of the said Arbitratrs / dat. Ja: 1623. 37. A deede of feoffment in Irish from Dermott mcBryen oge to Donat Earle of Thomond of 9 Carrowmeers of land neare Cullin.336 Dat 6 October 1610. 38. & Acquittance acknowledging the receipt of Moineyoe337 in parte payment for lands about Ballyvorneene, Ballyvoneene,338 and Monin=nehillan.339 39. The order of made by o Dwyer, Rowland Delahoude, Donnell o Bryen and Dermott oge O Connor. 40. A Box of writings concerning Tuocloggin,340 Monehellin 328 Possibly Cluonmuckiemehy in Doon parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 31. 329 i.e. September. 330 Possibly Solloghodbeg parish in Co. Tipperary. 331 Not identified. 332 Toomaline in Doon parish. 333 Lissowen in Doon parish. 334 Ballybronoge in Killonahan parish. 335 Ballyhenry in Bourney parish. 336 Cullen in county Tipperary near to the Limerick parish of Oola. 337 Possibly Moymore in Grean parish. 338 Ballyvoneen in Grean parish. It is unclear why this name is repeated. 339 Not identified. 340 Cluggin in Tuoghcluggin parish. 88 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 41. 42. 43. 44. Rahard,341 Killnegoniny342 and Cluonlosky343 cont. 12 writings. Joane ny Donnogh & her sonnes release to Hen. Earle of Thomond of Ballyfirrin344 dat. 23 7ber 1635. A small bundle cont. 5 writings concerning Rahard345 had of Gillerneffe o Birreghir. A Box of writings concerning Killinveyra346 cont 9 parcells. A Box of writings cont. 7 parcells 6 whereof being paper and the 7th parchmt concerning the lande of Grallagh.347 [p. 7] Com: Limerick 45. Mohowne mc Morrogh mcBryen his deed of feofment Q. who to Daniell Clanchy to the use of Henry Earle of holds this Thomond of the qrter meere of land of Cnockshirine348 of young and an acre of land in Monyred349 & Gortyglanny.350 dat Gibbon 20 May 1625. 46. A canvass bagg of writings touching ffanningstowne.351 47. A small bundle of writings concerning Tonerye.352 know of 48. Assumpsitt353 of Connor mc Kennedy mc Bryden to young Donate Earle of Thomond use, to passe & convey his Gibbon intrest in Ballymonine354 and Glassmore355 to his Lapps. who holds 49. An Assumpsitt uppon Edmond & Moylery Bourke to this passe their intrest to Donate Earle of Thomond in all their lande belonging to them in the […] 50. Twoe Bonds uppon Thomas oge Browne touching Corlish.356 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 Rahard in Tuoghcluggin parish. Kylenagoneeny in Oola parish. Possibly Cloonlusk in Doon parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 31. Ballyfirreen in Oola parish. Rahard in Tuoghcluggin parish. Killeenavera in Grean parish. Not identified. An obsolete placename in modern times, it was recorded in the 1650s as Cnockesyrine in Oola parish. Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 21. Possibly Maelra in Oola parish. Recorded as ‘Munyrea’ in the 1650s. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 22. Not identified. Fanningstown in Fedamore parish. These writings could be: PHA Ms 342, ‘Quiet uses for crown rents: Fedamore and Faningstowne, Co. Limerick 1604–8, 1608–12’. Possibly Tonaree in Templebredon parish. An action in assumpsit was a form of action to enforce obligations arising in a contract. Possibly Ballyvoneen in Grean parish. See number 54 below. Not identified. Corelish in Grean parish. 89 Archivium Hibernicum Q. who holds this 51 A Release from Morrogh oge mc Bryen of his intrest in the lande of Gortichnockane p[a]rcell of Cnocker.357 52. Sr Richard Boyles358 deed of release to Donate Earle of Thomond the lands of Galbally359 and Arlogh.360 53. A Bundle of writings concerning John McCanny for the lande of Ballinvoale.361 54. A release from Bryen mc Owhny & Mohan mcBryen for a qrter meere in Ballinvoneen.362 [p. 8] Com: Limerick 55. A Bundle of writings contayning 4 parcells past by Sr Edward fitton363 to Donate Earle of Thomond of Cullen.364 56. A deede of exchange of lande from Donate Earle of Thomond to Donnogh mcBryen of Ballynoe,365 and Donnogh mcBryens release to my Lord of lands in Cnonogh.366 57. A small packett of papers touching lands about Cullen.367 58. Writings touching lande in Cnockeare368 conveyed to Q. who Henry Earle of Tho. by Terlagh mc Murrogh mc Bryen. holds this 59. Danell mc Kennedy his deede of release of his intrest in land Lackan friory369 to Henry Earle of Thomond. 60. The old and new ffeofmte made by Donate Earle of Thomond to James Boork and his mother of Dunekipp.370 357 Not identified. 358 Sir Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of Cork (1566–1643), was an English-born land speculator who served as Lord Treasurer of Ireland and acquired extensive estates in Cork in the earlyseventeenth century. 359 Galbally in Galbally parish in Limerick. 360 Not identified. 361 Possibly Ballinveala in Crecora parish. 362 Ballyvoneen in Grean parish. 363 Sir Edward Fitton the younger (d.1606), was an Englishman who took part in the Elizabethan plantation of Ireland and acquired estates in Limerick and Cork. His son and namesake was Sir Edward (1572–1619), who might be the individual recorded in this register entry. 364 Cullen in Co. Tipperary near to the Limerick parish of Oola. 365 Possibly Ballynoe in Oola parish, recorded as ‘Ballinoe’ as a parcel of ‘BallinItie’ (Ballyneety) in the 1650s. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 25. 366 Coonagh barony 367 Cullen in county Tipperary near to the Limerick parish of Oola. 368 Knockea in Cahernarry parish. 369 An obsolete placename in modern times, it was recorded in the 1650s as Leackinafreara in Oola parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 21. 370 Dunkip in Croom parish. This could be: PHA Ms 5412, ‘Memorandum of affidavit by James Bourke of Limerick, esquire, concerning his right as heir to his mother’s property of lands called DunKipp (alias DowneKipp) etc. in Co. Limerick’. [June 1638] 90 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 61. A leather purse of writings concerning Killpekan.371 62. A box of writings (3 in number) concerning Tuocloggin.372 63. a Box uppon Morrogh mc Teig mc Bryen and Teig mc Bryen to warrant and defend their intrest in Lissnekelly373 and Keylenorra374 in Conagh. 64. Murrogh mc Teige mc Bryen of Tuoghcluggin375 and Teig mc Bryen, their release to my Lord of Lissnekelly376 & Keillenorra.377 65. Bryen mc Terlagh conveyance of his intrest in all his lande in Cnonagh. 66. A Bond upon Knochorw378 Loagh o Malwane touching Lisnekelly etc.379 67. A note of the writtings delivered to Connor Clanchy. 68. Edmund Manawings made to Sr Henry Billingsley380 of the Mannor & Lands of Ffeadamow.381 [p. 9] Com: Civit Lim. 1. A box of writings concerning Carran: Gortnesallagh and Coonagh.382 2. A Bundle conteyning Articles of agreement betweene Donate Earle of Thomond, and the Mayor & Corporation of Limerick touching the Mill at Castlebank.383 3. A box of conteyning the writings that concerns the fishing of Callagh Beolland384 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 Kilpeacon in Kilpeacon parish. Cluggin in Tuoghcluggin parish. Possibly Lisnacullia in Oola parish. Recorded as ‘Killanurra’ in the 1650s and situated in Oola parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 20. Tuoghcluggin parish. Possibly Lisnacullia in Oola parish. Recorded as ‘Killanurra’ in the 1650s and situated in Oola parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 20. This is an anglicised rendering of the Irish forename Conchubhar. Possibly Lisnacullia in Oola parish. Sir Henry Billingsley, who was granted the seignory of Killmacough alias Knock Billingsley, in 1641. See Victor Treadwell (ed), The Irish Commission of 1622: an investigation of the Irish Administration, 1615–22, and its consequences, 1623–24 (Dublin: IMC, 2006), 488. Captain Edward Mainwaring, who was granted the seignory of Feadamore, in the Munster Plantation. See Treadwell (ed), The Irish Commission, 482. Possibly the placename recorded as ‘Gorttnashellagh’ in the 1650s and situated in Grean parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 47. Castlebank in St Patrick’s parish. Recorded as ‘Callaghbeolane’ in the 1650s and situated in St Patrick’s parish in county Clare. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 482. 91 Archivium Hibernicum 4. A box of the Hartigans writings touching Garrilane and their p[a]rcells of land in Coonagh.385 5. A leather baig wth a box in it of Shane mc Roryes writings of his land in Coonagh.386 6. A box of Richard Whites writings of his pte of Coonagh.387 7. A small linnen baigg of writings touching Garril in Coonagh388 delivered by Nich Stritch389 his wife. 8. John o Keatoes writings of Sallemore390 in Coonagh. 9. Robt. Bonfield acquitt for 10l for his intrest in BallyInaghtin391 sould to Mr Boorke. 10. Patrick Shirkimins deede and Bond of Ballyea, Rathbane392 and other lands. 11. An order made betweene Symon ffanning and my Lo. Boorke for ye fishing of Callaghclony. 12/13. Symon ffanings order betwixt Donat Ea. of Tho. and Shane and Richard mcAdam for CallaghInellane393 and their release thereof to his Lapp. [p. 10] Com: Civit Lim. 14. Edmond o Hartegane and Connor o Koalla their acquitt for their intrest in Coonagh. 15. Tho. Deane and Chapter grant to my Lo. of his Tomb in Limerick.394 16. The release of Joane ny Keatoe of her claime of Dower in Coonagh. 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 Possibly Garrane Beg in Grean parish. Coonagh barony. Ibid. Ibid. Nicholas Strich (recte Stritch), from an Old English merchant family of Limerick, died on 23 September 1623 and was the mortgagee of numerous lands including Shandangan, the townland that Muiris Ó Maolchonaire received as part of his ‘forced exchange’ of Ardkyle with the fourth earl of Thomond in 1618. Clearly, the financial interests of Nicholas Stritch were intertwined in the land market of Co. Clare. Much of these interests were centred on Bunratty Barony and near the Thomond manor at which Stritch was obliged to render military service. See Frost, History, 299–300. Not identified. Possibly the placename recorded as ‘Ballynightenmore’ in the 1650s and situated in Killeely parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 450. Rathbane in St. Nicholas parish. Not identified. On the earl’s tomb see Brian Ó Dálaigh, ‘The Earls of Thomond and their burial monuments, 1543–1741’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 56 (2016), 93–108. 92 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 17. A Bundle of writing concerning Knockane,395 Sannagh396 & Garrilane397 in Coonagh. 18. Two parcells of writings concerning Donat Ea. of Tho. […] and the stonehouse att Limerick. 19. A Bundle of writings, concerning ffarrenegallagh.398 20. A Bundle of writings of ye Stritches concerning the mill at Lim. sould to James Boork. 21. The release of Emanuell Downing, and Robt. Dixon of their intrest in Coonagh & Cluondrinagh.399 22. A copie of Loghlen mc Mellaghlens mill, touching Harrold & lands in Coonagh. 23. Patrick Everards grant to Phill Roch of the shopp at his house in St. Mary p[a]ish in Limk.400 24. John Stritch and Symon ffannings order betwixt Donat Earle of Tho. and ye Kellys touching their intrest in Coonagh.401 25. A Bundle of writings concerning CallaghIbollane.402 26. The Mayors lease to my Lord of the stable at Lymk.403 27:28. Writings betwixt Daniel Comine and Everard touching Everards house at Lymk.404 29. George ffannings writings touching ye Back in Lymk.405 30. Daniell mcTeige deede as to my Lord of BallyInaghtin.406 [p. 11] Com: Civit Lim. 31. Abstract of writings (of ye mills & house at Limerick) delivered to James Boork. 32. A Bundle of Tho. Hackett & Tho. Buttlers Ans of woole sould by them in eight parcels concerning Symon ffanning. 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 Not identified. Possibly Shanaclogh in Oola parish. Not identified. Recorded as ‘Ferrannegalliagh’ in the 1650s and situated in St. Nicholas parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 485. Clondrinagh in Killeely parish. i.e. St. Mary parish in Limerick. He was Patrick Everard who was the mayor of Limerick in 1542. See Edmund Curtis, Calendar of Ormond Deeds vol. iv 1509–47 (Dublin: The Stationery Office, Dublin 1937), 269. Coonagh barony. Recorded as ‘Callaghbeolane’ in the 1650s and situated in St Patrick’s parish in county Clare. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 482. Limerick. Ibid. This might relate to number 23. Ibid. Possibly the placename recorded as ‘Ballynightenmore’ in the 1650s and situated in Killeely parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 450. 93 Archivium Hibernicum 33. Loghlen Morgagh mc Conmarra his deed to Walter Rice of his intrest in Athyvickon407 p[a]rcell of Coonagh. 34. An old writing touching the Northffranchise408 of Limerick. 35. The Gradyes writings touching BallyMorris.409 36. Old Irish writings of ye fforallies touching lande in Coonagh.410 37. My lorde discharge from Mr Evans out of ye store till Michas 1617. 38. Commisiones for ye leavying of finde and recovery for ye house att Limk.411 39. Articles of Agreement betweene my Lord and Richard and John to perfect a liase unto them of CallaghInellane.412 40. Shane o Keatoes bond to warrant his part of Coonagh to my Lord. 41. The said Keatoes deede of conveyance to my Lo. of Gortneselly413 in Coonagh. 42. The said Keatoes release to my Lord of his intrest in Coonagh. 43. Teig o Keatoes release deed to my Lord of Lisnegen414 in Coonagh. [p. 12] Com: Civit Lym. 44. A Bundle of old writings concerning the fishings of Callaghbolane.415 45. A Bundle of writings from Thom. mc Hibert Boork of his intrest in Callaghbolan.416 46. A bundle of writings from Donnogh mc Mohany & John o Keally of their intrest in Coonagh. 47. A Bundle of writings concerning Courtbrack.417 407 408 409 410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417 Not identified. Not identified. Possibly Ballymorris in Kilfintinan parish in Co. Clare. The reference to ‘fforallies’ is obscure. Limerick. Not identified. Possibly the placename recorded as ‘Gorttnashellagh’ in the 1650s and situated in Grean parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 47. Not identified Recorded as ‘Callaghbeolane’ in the 1650s and situated in St Patrick’s parish in Co. Clare. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 482. An eel weir was located here in the mid-seventeenth century. Ibid. Courtbrack in St. Michael’s parish. 94 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 48. Ann Creagh and James Stackpoll their release to my Lord of the house & backside at Lymerick. 49. A noate of ye sevall[?] fishings & lands purchased by my lord in Coonagh. 50. Accquitt concerning ffarrengallagh418 out of ye exchang. 51. A Booke of ye Monniyes disbursed for ye purchas of Coonagh. 52. A Booke of ye disbursemte made about building ye house att Limk.419 53. Edmond Harrolde reliase wth Sr Maurice Eustace420 his order concernign the lande of Carrilane421 in Coonagh. [p. 13] Com. Clare422 Bunratty Barrony No. 1. A box of writings concerning Bellachullin.423 2. A box of writings concerning Crattellaghmore.424 3. A box of the pleadings and judgement concerning ye parsonage of Tradry.425 4. A box of old writings concerning ye said parsonag. 5. A box of writings concerning Rosmonagher.426 6. A box of writings concerning Dromlyne.427 7. A box of ye administracon out of the Courte of faculties uppon ye goods of Connor o Bryen428 of Dromolan.429 8. A box of writings from John mc Connor mc Syda touching Smithstowne430 and other lands. 9. Mr Sipthorps431 liase to my Lord of the Tieth of all his 418 Recorded as ‘Ferrannegalliagh’ in the 1650s and situated in St. Nicholas parish. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 485. 419 Limerick. 420 Possibly Sir Maurice Eustace (c.1595–1665), an Irish politician who served as Lord Chancellor of Ireland towards the end of this career. 421 Not identified. 422 County Clare. 423 Ballycullen in Kilfinaghta parish. 424 Cratloe in Killeely parish. 425 The deanery of Tradaree (Irish: Tradraighe), included the parishes of Kilnasoolagh, Kilmaleery, Clonloghan, Bunratty, Feenagh, Kilconry, Drumline, Tomfinlough. 426 Rossmanagher in Feenagh parish. 427 Drumline parish in the Barony of Bunratty Lower. 428 This was Conor McDonough O’Brien (d. 1603) whose will is preserved among the Inchiquin manuscripts, dated 22 December 1603. See Ainsworth (ed.), Inchiquin, 504–5; and AFM, sub anno 1603. 429 Dromoland in Kilnasoolagh parish. 430 Smithstown in Drumline parish. 431 Robert Sibthorp, Treasurer of Killaloe, was appointed Bishop of Kilfenora in 1638. He was translated to Limerick in 1642 where he held the episcopacy until his death in 1649. See Sir James Ware, The Antiquities and History of Ireland (Dublin, 1705), 55; and Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 160, 163. 95 Archivium Hibernicum Rememb. to question Sr Geffry Gallway for this Lapps lands in Tradry whereon his Lapps stock did run: and also ye presentacon of Nath. Lodge to Tradery.432 10. A box of writings from Daniell mcShane of lands of Crattelagh Keale.433 11. A Canvas baig of writinge of Crattlaghmore.434 12. A Bundle of writinge touching Eng435 from Connor mcSyda to his sonne James mc Connor and his estate to my Lords. 13. A Bundle of writings touching Ballynecraggy436 delivered by Richard Keating.437 [p. 14] Com. Clare Bun. Barrony 14. The Dalyes conveyance to my Lord of Bellaghboy.438 15. The order betweene my Lord and Loghlen mcCloone for ye lande of Cullinagh.439 16. Writings of Connor mcSydas and ye Striches concerning Glan Ihecagh.440 17. A Bundle of writings and papers touching Bunihow.441 18. An order betweene mcNemarra and Connor o Bryen for the lands of Castle Towne Mocrossy.442 432 Possibly PHA Ms 3908, ‘Papers in suit, Robert Sibthorpe v. Sir Richard Southwell, Sir Rowland Delahoyde and Nathaniel Lodge concerning the advowson of Tradery, co. Clare.’ [1631]. Nathaniel Lodge cannot be traced but a kinsman, Thomas Lodge, a student from Oxford, was ordained a minister in 1620 and installed to the Archdeaconry of Killaloe in 1624. See Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 160, 174. 433 Cratloekeel in Killeely parish. 434 Cratloe in Killeely parish. 435 Ing in both Kilnasoolagh and Kilmaleery parishes. 436 Ballynacragga in Kilnasoolagh parish. Richard Keating was recorded as a tenant of the earl of Thomond at Ballynacragga. See Ainsworth (ed.), Inchiquin, 338–9. 437 Richard Keating was a principal tenant of the earl of Thomond. His lease dated 20 January 1629 survives where it refers to the ‘fortalice or castle of Ballynecraggie’ with its lands in Kilnasoolagh parish. The lease reserves to the earl ‘the hunteinge and killinge of deere and all mynes, bloudsheads, fynes amercyaments waiffes estraynes fellons goods and all other royaltyes’. Keating was required to pay his rent ‘in the hall of the mansion house of Bunra[tty] and to do suit of court at the earl’s Courts Leet and Baron and to furnish, during times of ‘general hosting’, ‘carraige, victuals, and la[bour]’. See Ainsworth (ed.), Inchiquin, 338–9. 438 Ballaghboy in Doora parish. 439 Cullenagh in Quin parish. 440 Not identified. 441 Bunnow in Doora parish. 442 This is Castletown in Doora parish, also known as Knockballymoycra in 1641. According to an inquisition taken in 1604, Conor, son of Daniel O’Brien, held the upper room of the castle of Castletown Mocrossy along with its bawn and orchard and various denominations in Doora parish, including Kilfeilim and Noughaval. See Frost, History, 278–9; Simington (ed.), Books, 132. 96 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 19. Order betweene my Lord and the Gradyes and other writings about lands in Kinnadunily.443 20. A Bundle of writinge touching Carrickeile and other lands. 21. A Bundle of writings touching Ballymaly and Ballycory.444 22. Old Irish writings touching Ballyvarkaghan.445 23. Donnell Dorrogh mcClanchy his release conveyance to my Lo. of his intrest in Dromgeily.446 24. Writings concerning Ballynecraggy.447 25. Donnogh o Gradyes deede of mortgage to Monagh o Grady of Kiltooly.448 26. Writings concerning Moihill.449 27. Connor Clanchy his conveynace to my Lord of his intrest in [… text struck out] Dromgeily.450 28. Shane o Caffoes writings to my Lord of his intrest in Ballymaly.451 [p. 15] Com. Clare Bun. Barrony 29. Mohon mc Loghlens deede to Donnogh mcOwen ny byrny[?] of his intrest in Tuorouroe.452 30. Judgemt past in ye Kings bench agt ye Keogh for Annaghbigg.453 31. A Bundle of writings touching Dromolane.454 32. A Bundle of writings of ye Koshelloes intrest in Reynanna.455 33. A Bundle of writings touching CahirInagh.456 34. A Bundle of writings concerning Loghovala.457 443 The ancient division of Cinéal Donghaile that incorporated the parishes of Tuamgraney, Moynoe, Inishcaltra and Clonrush. 444 Ballymaley and Ballycorey in Templemaley parish. 445 Ballymarkahan in Quin parish. 446 Drumgeely in Clonloghan parish. 447 Ballynacragga in Kilnasoolagh parish. 448 Kiltoulagh in Inchicronan parish in 1641. See Simington (ed.), Books, 103. 449 Moyhill in Kilfintinan parish. 450 Drumgeely in Clonloghan parish. Presumably relates to number 23 above. 451 Ballymaley in Templemaley parish. 452 Not identified. 453 Either Annagh in Tulla parish or Annagh in Feakle parish. 454 Dromoland in Kilnasoolagh parish. 455 Rineanna in Kilconry parish. 456 Caherinagh in Kilraghtis parish appears to be a now defunct denomination in Kilraghtis parish. See Frost, History, 430. 457 Loughvella in Drumcliff parish. 97 Archivium Hibernicum 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. Old writings touching BallymcConnoe.458 Writings concerning Lisnegariagh in Reynanna.459 Writings concerning Dangenbrack460 & Cluoncanand.461 Writings concerning Cluon Monagh.462 Counterparte of ye estate made by my Lord to Rory Quyn of ye lands of Ballygassane begg.463 Rory mcQuyns estate to my Lord of Bunihow.464 Writings concerning Dromgeily465 from Daniell and Boetius Clanchy. Writings touching Ballyconine.466 The Mac Nemarras release of their intrest in Annaghbegg.467 Terlagh Mantagh his release to ye Kisselores of his intrest in Reynanna.468 Writings for my Lords libtie to make use of ye woods of Ballyvroghrane469 and Honora ny Danells release of her intrest in that land. An old deede concerning Moingissane in Kinadunilly.470 Writings concerning Ballygossane begg and Ballygossane more.471 An old deede made by the Mac Nemarraes of Enagh472 to Donat Ea. of Tho. of their intrest in Bellaghboy.473 458 Ballymaconna in Kilraghtis parish. This writing could relate to PHA MS 3942 [‘Petition of Loghlen McCnona for his son’], printed in: McInerney, ‘Six Deeds’, 41–44. 459 Rineanna in Kilconry parish. 460 Danganbrack in Quin parish 461 Possibly recorded as ‘Cluonekanane’ in the 1650s in St Munchins parish in Co. Limerick. See Simington, Civil Survey, County of Limerick, 452. 462 Either Cloonmoney in Inchicronan parish or Clonmoney in Bunratty parish 463 Ballygassan in Inchicronan. 464 Bunnahow in Inchicronan. The McQuinns still had an interest in ‘Bunnahow alis Monahow’ where they occupied the ploughland of Drumcoon in 1641. See Simington (ed.), Books, 96. 465 Drumgeely in Clonloghan parish. 466 Possibly Ballycorey in Templemaley parish. 467 Annagh in Feakle parish. 468 Rineanna in Kilconry parish. The surname here appears to be Costelloe, on which see number 117. 469 Ballyvroghaun in Clooney parish. 470 The ancient division of Cinéal Donghaile that incorporated the parishes of Tuamgraney, Moynoe, Inishcaltra and Clonrush. 471 Ballygassan in Inchicronan. 472 Enagh in Clonlea parish. 473 Ballaghboy in Doora parish. 98 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House [p. 16] Com. Clare Bunratty Barrony 49. Loghlen oge mc Connones release to my Lord of his intrest in BallymcConnon.474 50. Bond of 200l uppon ye Clan Muilers475 to stand to ye award of Sr Daniell O Bryen476 and Mr Boetius Clanchy for Cule Shamroge477 and other lands.478 51. A deede of Mortgage from Connor O Bryen of Castle Towne to Rory McNemarra for the qrter=meere of Dromdulaghta.479 52. An agreement betweene my Lord and Kennedy mc Bryen and Bryen mc Mortagh for ye exchange of lands in Reinanna.480 53. A copie of Connor o Mieghans will of Milick481 54. Loghlen mc Conoghor Donogh his deed of feofment to my Lord of Garrinchorry.482 55. The submission of James and Mannagh o Grady to stand to the saying of Sr Roger o Saghinssy483 & others for lands in Kinadunily.484 55. Deede of Cnocknacrossy.485 474 Ballymaconna in Kilraghtis parish. This deed could be: PHA Ms 3942, ‘Petition of Loghlen McCnona to the Earl of Thomond offering his interest in lands in Mortgage in return for the “baylle” of his son and another youth committed “for a triffle”’ [17th century]. This deed is printed in: McInerney, ‘Six Deeds’, 41–44. 475 Terence O’Dempsey, 1st Viscount Clanmalier (d. 1638). In 1631, he was made a viscount in the Irish peerage. By 1641, Clanmalier held over 22,000 acres, making the holder of the title ranked among the largest resident nobles in Ireland. See Walter Fitzgerald, ‘The O’Dempseys of Clanmaliere’, Journal of the County Kildare Archaeological Society, 4 (1903–5), 396–454; and Ohlmeyer, Making Ireland English, 572. 476 Daniel O’Brien, 1st Viscount Clare (c.1577–1663), politician and soldier, and son of Conor O’Brien, third earl of Thomond (d.1581). 477 Coolshamroge in Quin parish. 478 This deed could be: PHA Ms 5411 [‘Order in arbitration by Sir Daniel O’Brien, Kt. and Boetius Clanchy, esq., between Donat, 3rd [recte 4th] earl of Thomond and Moyler McShean, David McRedmond and Moyler McRedmond concerning title to lands at Poulmore, Kynahow, alias Beallagymanbegg, and Cule Theamrogg in Barony of Bunratty, Co. Clare’ (June 1622)]. 479 Drumdoolaghty in Doora parish. 480 Rineanna in Kilconry parish. 481 Meelick in Killeely parish. 482 Garryncurra in Kilfintinan parish. 483 Sir Roger [Giolla Dubh] O’Shaughnessy (1583–1650), who held estates around Gort in Co. Galway. 484 The ancient division of Cinéal Donghaile that incorporated the parishes of Tuamgraney, Moynoe, Inishcaltra and Clonrush. Could be: PHA Ms 3922, ‘Submission of Sir Roger O’Shaughnessy to arbitration in a dispute with Henry, earl of Thomond concerning the boundary between their lands’ [10 Oct 1637]. 485 This number is erroneously repeated. 99 Archivium Hibernicum 56. An Award made by John mcDonnogh mcNemarra and James McInnerhiny betweene Donate Ea. of Thomond, & Teig mc Mlaghlen and Loghlen mc Teig concerning the lands of Coole Shamroge.486 57. Loghlen o Hicky his grant to my Lord of the half quarter of Cluoniskehigh in Reynanna.487 58. Covenants betweene my Lord and Connor Clanchy for Dromgeily.488 59. The Counterpartie of the writings betweene my Lord and Doctor Arthur489 for ye mortgadg of Crattellagh.490 [p. 17] Com. Clare Bunratty Barr. 60. A Bundle of writings concerning Crattellaghmor.491 61. A Coppie of ye presentacon granted by Sr George Rattcliffe to the Arch Bipp of Tuam of ye Rectory of O Gashin492 by vertue of Hon. Earle of Thomonds authority in ye behalfe. 62. Edmond o Hogane release of his intrest in Castle Towne.493 486 487 488 489 490 491 492 493 Coolshamroge in Quin parish. Rineanna in Kilconry parish. Drumgeely in Clonloghan parish. Dr Arthur was a well-known physician in early seventeenth-century Limerick. According to his fee-book he personally treated Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond in 1619. See Maurice Lenihan ‘Ancient liaghs and ollamhs: the fee-book of a physician of the seventeenth century’, Journal of the Kilkenny and South-East of Ireland Archaeological Society 6 (1867, 1871), 10–33, at 25–6. Cratloe in Killeely parish. Ibid. The rectory of Ogashin (Irish, Uí Chaisín) located in Quin. Castletown in Doora parish. 100 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 63. The deede of Exchange betweene Donate Earle of Thomond and Rory o Mullowny for ye lands of Ballybroghran494 and Moigh.495 64. Bundle of pleadings betweene my Lord & Bryen mc Terlagh for lands about Reynanna.496 65. An old lease made by Donnell mc Bryen to George Cusack of ffinis.497 66. A Bundle of writings concerning Bollahenan.498 67. Certains writings concerning Ballycasy.499 68. An old order in Irish touching Moighry.500 69. Teig mc Daniell of Bollachullin his release to my Lord of [… text struck out] Rosmanagher.501 70. An old lease in Irish made unto Mellaghlen o Kery of ye lands of RaghMergin502 71. A counterpartie of ye deede of mortgage of Tomonlogh.503 72. A noate betweene my Lord & Donnogh Clanchy touching the lands of Rooe.504 494 Ballybroughan in Kilfintinan parish. The outcome of this deed of exchange seems to be related to a petition of Owen O’Mallouny dated 1622 ‘concerning alleged unlawful dispossession by the earl of Thomond of land in Ballybrukan’. Ballybroughan was one of the chief places of the O’Molloneys (the other being ‘Glanminteramalone’ in Killaloe), and they held onto it until at least 1641. In 1634, Owen O’Molloney of Ballybroughan had dealings with Dr Arthur of Limerick and, we are told, was related by marriage to the Fannings. O’Molloney was treated by Dr Arthur on at least one occasion, being recorded ‘Molouna de Ballibruochaine’. In 1636 a petition by Owen Mollowny to King Charles mentions that he had sent petitions which were forwarded to the Lord Deputy in c.1632 for him to hold one ploughland, noting that ‘many children and orphans’, depended on him. In a petition dated 1649, Mollowny sought a pardon for the accidental killing of James Morish. The killing appears to be related to PHA Ms 3917 [‘Papers concerning alleged unlawful seizure by Sir Daniel O’Brien, High Sheriff of Co. Clare, and Donnell O’Mulconery, sub-Sheriff, of the property of the murderers of James Morris which was claimed by Henry, Earl of Thomond’]. On Mollowny see PHA Mss 3193, 319; McInerney, ‘Documents’, 39–44; Simington (ed.), Books, 179; MacLysaght, ‘Arthur Manuscripts’, 41; Lenihan ‘Ancient liaghs’, 24; and Robert P. Mahaff (ed.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1647–1660 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1903), pp 221, 283. 495 Moyhill in Kilfintinan parish. 496 Rineanna in Kilconry parish. 497 Feenish in Kilconry parish. 498 Possibly Ballyhannan in Quin parish. 499 Ballycasey in Drumline parish. 500 Possibly Maghera Townland in Clooney Parish or Maghera in Feakle parish. 501 Rossmanagher in Feenagh parish. 502 Rathvergin in Ruan (formerly Dysert) parish. The O’Kerins still had a presence in the parish in the 1640s. See Simington (ed.), Books, 548, 553, 557. An ‘Edmond O’Kerin and Fenola his wife’ held the now obsolete denomination called Ruanmore in 1618. See PHA Ms 16/B/E [Great Office of Inchiquin, 1 September 1618]. 503 Tomfinlough in Tomfinlough parish. 504 Possibly Roo in O’Briensbridge parish. 101 Archivium Hibernicum 73. [p. 18] Bunratty Barr. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 505 506 507 508 509 510 511 512 513 514 515 516 517 518 519 James Boork his release of Calooragh.505 A Bundle of writings concerning Muckinagh.506 A small bundle concerning Tworoure507 and Ballycasy.508 Loghlen mcSyda his conveyance of Ballyvarkaghane.509 Donnogh mc Conmeas bond not to challenge or claime any title to the lands of BallymcConna.510 Bond uppon Hugh mcQuyn touching the lands of Bunehow and Ballygossane.511 A Bundle of writings concerning the Considines right in Ballycalla & Reynanna.512 Teig mcCnoghor mc Ea: his deed to George Fanning of his intrest in Ballycarihy513 & other lands. Donnell mc Teig his release to my Lord of his intrest in the lands of Gorrane514 and Loghane.515 Teig mc Ea: his deede to Goerge ffanning of his intrest in Ballycarr.516 Another Bundle of papers touching Ballycarr.517 Donnogh mcShane his release to my Lord of his intrest in Cnochroe518 and Reynanna.519 Possibly Calluragh in Kilfintinan parish. Muckanagh in Tomfinlough parish. Not identified. Ballycasey in Drumline parish. Ballyvroghaun in Clooney parish. Possibly Ballymaconna in Kilraghtis parish. Bunnahow and Ballygassan in Inchicronan parish. Ballycally and Rineanna in Kilconry parish. The Considine’s right to Rineanna appears in the petition of John McNamara of Rathfolan (dated c.1633) and in the earl of Thomond’s reply to that petition, wherein it states that three cartrons of land in Rineanna was the ‘antient inheritance of one Teige mc Nemarra Considen’. See McInerney, ‘Six deeds’, 44–52, at 51. There appears to have been a longstanding Meic Conmara interest in Rineanna, which is evidenced in other documents. A document from Petworth dated c.1635 shows that the sister of James McEnerhiny, Oona Ny Inheriheny (Úna Ní an Oirchinnigh), was married to John McNamara of Rineanna who died during the lifetime of his own father, Cuvarra, and his two sons Daniel and Shane, leaving Oona widowed and with limited means. See PHA Ms C/13/35. Possibly an anglicisation of Baile Uí Charthaigh which corresponds to the modern anglicised placename form, Ballycar, in Tomfinlough parish. On the Irish version of this placename see AFM, sub anno 1563. I thank Dr Kevin Murray (UCC) and Prof. Pádraig Ó Riain (UCC) for this suggestion. Possibly Garraun in St. Patrick’s parish. Possibly Lurgan (now Quinspool) in St. Patrick’s parish. Ballycar in Tomfinlough parish. This relates to number 80 above. Ibid. Either Knockroe recorded in 1641 in Kilnasoolagh parish or the modern Knockroe in Kilfintinan parish. See Simington (ed.), Books, 155. Rineanna in Kilconry parish. 102 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 85. An order of award betweene my Lord & Donnell o Grady & Daniell o Gradyes release of lands in Kinaduinla.520 86. Connor Clanchy his release of Ilanvicknavine.521 87. A Bundle of papers concerning Ing.522 88. Mohon mc Teige bond to my Lord concerning ye lands of Killballycaslane.523 [p. 19] Bunratty Barr. 89. Wm Miniter and his wifes release to my Lord of the intrest in Ballycorry.524 90. An order made by John mcNemara and James mcInnerhiny touching the lande of Cullinagh.525 91. A Bundle of writings concerning Noyhavale526 92. A Bundle of writings touching Ilan Monagh.527 93. A Bundle of writings touching Corrabally.528 94. Mohon mcTeige release of his intrest in Kilebally caslane.529 95. A noate of Agreemt betweene my Lord & Redmond Neland for Dromgraneigh.530 96. Articles of Agreemt betweene my Lo. and Daniell mcBryen: for ye exchange of ffinis531 and Ballyka[?].532 97. Articles of agreement betweene Mr Teig o Bryen & John mcNemarra and Wm Brickdall touching wardshipp of Bunihow.533 520 The ancient division of Cinéal Donghaile that incorporated the parishes of Tuamgraney, Moynoe, Inishcaltra and Clonrush. The O’Grady’s (Uí Ghráda) were the chief family of Cinéal Donghaile, first being recorded in the annals in relation to Tuamgraney when its coarb, Ceannfaladh Ó Gráda, died in 1184. See AFM, sub anno 1184. On land grants and ecclesiastical offices obtained by the family see McInerney, Clerical and Learned Lineages, 36–39. 521 Islandmacnevin in Kilmaleery Parish. 522 Ing East or Ing West in Kilnasoolagh parish. 523 Not identified. 524 Ballycorey in Templemaley parish. 525 Cullenagh in Quin parish. 526 Noughaval in Doora parish. I thank Dr Kevin Murray (UCC) and Prof. Pádraig Ó Riain (UCC) for this suggestion. 527 Not identified. 528 Corbally in Clooney parish. 529 Not identified. This placename also occurs above at 88. 530 Drumgranagh in Kilraghtis parish. Redmond Neylan held half of the townland, along with the earl of Thomond, in 1641. See Simington (ed.), Books, 123. 531 Feenish in Kilconry parish. 532 The last letters are illegible, but it is possibly Ballycally in Kilconry parish. 533 Bunnahow in Inchicronan parish. 103 Archivium Hibernicum 98. Articles of Agreement betweene my Lord and John o Hanraghan for ye lands of Iskidagh534 99. Auly mc Lurkans deede to my Lord of his intrest in Kilkissyne.535 100. Jessopp his titles of the parsonage of Tradery.536 101. The Girons release of their intrest in Cnocknaguoge.537 102. Order betweene my Lord and the Lord of CastleConnell538 touching Cratlagh.539 103. Murrogh [p. 20] 103. A Bundle of accquittance for Monneyes p[ai]d towards the purchase of the lands of Tullyvarga, Killolla begg, Monehon & Dromgeily.540 104. An assumpsitt541 betweene the Clan Kennedyes & Donnogh mcTerlagh oge for all demandes betweene them. 105. Connor mcVickan and Daniell Grana mcVickan their deede of Mortgadge to Morrogh mcDonnogh of their parte of Cahirteig.542 106. Will[ia]m Stritch his lease of Ilane Iherragh in Tullyvarga543 to John mcConnor mc Syda. 107. Loghlen Brinagh mc Connor his release to my Lord of Cnockgillibregy.544 534 Iskedogh, a ploughland located in the now obsolete townland of Moymolane in Inchicronan parish. In 1641 it was held by John Oge O Henraghan, presumably the son of John O Hannraghan recorded here. See Simington (ed.), Books, 101. 535 Possibly Kilkishen in Kilmurry parish. 536 The rectory of Tradary or Tradaree (Irish, Tradraighe) comprised the following parishes: Bunratty, Clonloghan, Drumline, Feenagh, Kilconry, Kilmaleery, Kilnasoolagh and Tomfinlough. Tradraighe was an ancient, pre-Norman land division, based on the triocha cét territorial system. Rev. John Jesop was described in the 1622 Royal Visitation of Killaloe as ‘a minister of honest conversation’, who was inducted on 10 January 1621 to the rectories and vicarages of Quin and Clooney. He also held the rectory of Bunratty where he served the cure and preached sermons in his role as the earl of Thomond’s chaplain. See Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 108, 111. 537 Knocknagoug in Quin parish. The Girons, or O’Guerins, continued to occupy lands in Quin parish into the 1640s. See Simington (ed.), Books, 142, 144. 538 Castleconnell was a title in the peerage of Ireland and was created in 1580 for Sir William Bourke, 1st Baron Bourke of Connell, until the title was made forfeit in 1691. 539 Cratloe in Killeely parish. 540 Tullyvarraga, Killulla and Drumgeely in Clonloghan parish. 541 An action in assumpsit was a form of action to enforce obligations arising in a contract. 542 Caherteige in Clonloghan parish. This surname appears unattested in early seventeenth century Co. Clare. In the 1640s Caherteige was held by the McEnerhinys and McNamaras, members of local landholding lineages. See Simington (ed.), Books, 171. 543 Tullyvarraga in Clonloghan parish. 544 Possibly a corruption of Cnoc Cille Breacáin which corresponds to the modern Kilbreckan in Doora parish. I thank Dr Kevin Murray and Prof. Pádraig Ó Riain, of UCC for this suggestion. 104 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 108. A Bundle of writings concerning Ballycasey.545 109. Connor mcVickon and Donnogh grana mcVickon their grant of their intrest in Cahirteig.546 110. A Bundle of writings touching Ballycarr.547 111. An Irish writing touching Clenaghmore.548 112. A deede past to my Lord by Hugh mcThomas of his intrest in Tullyvarga.549 113. Covarra mcShane his deede of Mortgadge to Mohon mcShane McInnirhiny of the lands of Cahirduffe.550 114. An order made by John mcNemarra and James McInnerhiny betweene Donate Earle of Thomond and John mcCloone, touching lands in Cullnagh.551 [p. 21] Bunratty Barr. 115. A writing concerning Corbally.552 116. A deede of ffeofment made in Irish by Donnogh mcSyda mcNemarra to Rory o Connor of the halfe prl of Culeshamrog.553 117. Torlagh Mantaghs release to the Cushelloes554 of certaine parcells of land in Reynanna.555 118. A deede of mortgage from Hugh Clanchy to Murrogh Clanchy of ye lands of Drombane.556 119. Boetius Clanchy his deede of mortgadge to Connor mc Teig of the lands of Drombane.557 120. The last will & testament of Donnell mcMorrogh q. who in Tarmon558 whereby here bequeatyes halfe a qtr in holds this land 545 546 547 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558 Ballycasey in Drumline parish. Caherteige in Clonloghan parish. This relates to number 105 above. Ballycar in Tomfinlough. Clenagh in Kilmaleery parish. Tullyvarraga in Clonloghan parish. Likely to be Lisduff in Kilnasoolagh parish. See Frost, History, 294. Covarra McShane was a member of the local McInerhiny (Mac an Oirchinnigh) family whose presence in the parish dates at least to c.1400. Cullenagh in Quin parish. This deed could be: PHA Ms 3911, [‘John McCloone his relac’on touching Ballimacloone’, and ‘James McEnnerhiny his relac’on touching the above land’]. This document is printed in: McInerney, ‘Document’, 38–39. Corbally in Clooney parish. Coolshamroge in Quin parish. A misspelling of Costelloes. Rineanna in Kilconry parish. Possibly a sub-denomination associated with Carrowbane in Kilmaleery parish where the McClancy (Mac Fhlannchadha) family had a strong presence in the 1640s. See Simington (ed.), Books, 161–164. Ibid. Possibly Termon in Carran parish. 105 Archivium Hibernicum 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. Castlebank559 & the half qter of Ballycassine560 to Donate Ea. of Tho. Connor of Bryen his feofmt of Castle Towne Mocros561 to the use of himselfe and his wife. A Bond uppon Cahill O Ronghane to stand to the [illegible] of Sr Danell o Bryen & others for ye lands of Cloggagh.562 An old Irish writing concerning Cnockilliroe563 & Glanbegg.564 An order for Kilbreckan begg & Ballivanvane565 made by Sr Row. Delahoid & John mcTeig mc Comarra. A copy of the order betweene my Lo. & Adam Cusack for Dromolane.566 A bond upon Donogh mcDanell Ivery[?] to release his interest[?]567 in Coolebane568 to my Lo. A deed of Mortgadge in Irish of Dromigranagh.569 The Award betweene my Lo. and Conr o Brien for Dromline570 and his bond for pformance at the end of the book look for more writtings of this Barrony. [p. 22] Bunratty Barrony 129. A Copy of the office upon the death of Conr O Brien of Dromolane.571 130. An Instrument subscribed by the freeholders[?] of the Barrony of Bunratty to hold of my lord by his new pattent to be taken out upon the later enquiry of the Earle of Strafford.572 559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570 571 Castlebank in St. Patrick’s parish. Ballycasheen in Killinaboy parish. This appears to have been in Doora parish. See number 18 above. Possibly Clogga in Kilfinaghta parish. Possibly Knockroe in Kilfintinan parish. Not identified. Kilbreckan and Ballyvonnavaun in Doora parish. Dromoland in Kilnasoolagh parish. The reading here is uncertain due to the partial illegibility of the text. Possibly Coolbaun in Kilkeedy parish. Drumgranagh in Kilraghtis parish. Drumline in Drumline parish. Dromoland in Kilnasoolagh parish. This was Conor McDonough O’Brien (d. 1603) whose will is preserved among the Inchiquin manuscripts, dated 22 December 1603. He possessed Dromoland castle and its nine quarters that he bequeathed to his son and heir, Donough O’Brien, along with the castles of Ballygriffy (Dysert parish), Leamaneh (Killinaboy parish), Carrownagoul (Kilkeedy parish) and Carrownamaddra (Killinaboy parish). He also bequeathed Shallee castle (Kilnamona parish) to his daughter Margaret. The lands of Dromoland were mortgaged to McEnerhynys, McGillyduffs and McNamaras, members of local families. See Ainsworth (ed.), Inchiquin, 504–5; and AFM, sub anno 1603. 572 Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of Strafford (d. 1641). 106 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 131. Acquittances of my Lo. Homages in Thomond pd till 1633. 132. An Irish writing touching Inishmcneaghten.573 133. Mr Adam Cusack release of 200l pd him in fall satisfacon of his intrest in Dromolane574 wth his bond of 100l to make further assurance. 134. Notes of severall lands in my Lords possession and [?...] have now had by exchange of Donnogh late earle of Thomond.575 135. A Bundle of writings recd from Oliver Delahoyd touching BallymcConnow576 and Dangan-Brack.577 136. Coppies of writings touching Rathmaelane578 & Ing.579 [p. 23] Tullagh Barrony 1. A box conteyning severall writings touching ye lands examen their of Quillane, Killmoire,580 [… text struck out] Cloghrine, writings & Cluonmore and Carrowmeere581 & Raghlubagh.582 e who holds y 2. A box of writings concerning Annaghmore.583 landes 3. A box of writing concerning AherInagh.584 4. A wodden box of writings concerning Annaghmore.585 5. A box cont. ye pattent of Annaghmore.586 6. John mcTeig and Owen mcTeig their release of Ballyvorgan587 cont. in a little box. 7. Donnell Roe mcNemarra his deede of Tirovannen588 to Will[ia]m Nelane. 8. Order made betweene Donate Earle of Thomond and the Lord Barrons of Castle Connell589 for ye fishing of ye 573 574 575 576 577 578 579 580 581 582 583 584 585 586 587 588 589 Inishmacnaghtan in Kilconry parish. Dromoland in Kilnasoolagh parish. Donough O’Brien, fourth earl, (d. 1624). Ballymaconna in Kilraghtis parish. Danganbrack in Quin parish. Rathfolan in Kilnasoolagh parish. These writings may have related to the petition of John McNamara of Rathfolan at PHA, Mss 3186, 3187 and printed in: McInerney, ‘Six deeds’, 44–52. Ing in both Kilnasoolagh and Kilmaleery parishes. Possibly Kilmore in Tulla parish. Carrowmeer in Quin parish. Rathluby in Quin parish. Possibly Annagh in Feakle parish or Annagh in Tulla parish. Aharinaghmore in O’Briensbridge parish. Possibly Annagh in Feakle parish or Annagh in Tulla parish. Ibid. Possibly Ballyvorgal in Clonlea parish. Teerovannan in Killuran parish. Castleconnell in Stradbally parish in Co. Limerick. The Lord Barrons of Castle Connell was a title in the peerage of Ireland and was created in 1580 for Sir William Bourke, 1st Baron Bourke of Connell. 107 Archivium Hibernicum q. who holds this land river of Shannon from Bridgetowne590 to the weares of Limerick. 9. The Coryes of Cooleogory591 their acknowledgmt of their holding the said lands in & under the right of the Ea. of Thomond 10. Mohon mcTeig oge his release to my Lord of Cluonteene.592 11. An Irish writing touching Cluon Moyhir.593 12. Writings concerning Lissofoinne594 delivered in by Mohowne mc Teige oge. 13. An old Irish writing concerning Daniell Moell of Carrownemore595 of ye lande of Cluoncouse.596 14. Loghlen oge o Slattery his deede of gift to my Lord of his right in Ballyslattery.597 [p. 24] Tullagh Barrony [… text struck out and illegible first line] 15. Donnogh mcShyda mcNemarra his release to my lord of his intrest in a third parte of a qrter meere of land in Drugleagh.598 16. A deede of Mortgage of halfe a qrter in Ballynevane redeemed from Mohon mc Donnogh of Ballynevane.599 17. A Bundle of writings concerning Mugalla.600 18. The Kennedyes writings to my Lord of their intrest in Ragh.601 19. Writings from ye Ruddanes and Mohon o Neehill concerning Ballyvorgan.602 20. A writing concerning Ardcluona603 & 2 fishing weares[?] q. who conveyed to my Lord by Teig mc Loghlen. holds this 21. A bundle of writings conteyning the Clan Kennedyes conveyance of Ragh.604 590 591 592 593 594 595 596 597 598 599 600 601 602 603 604 Bridgetown in O’Briensbridge parish. Coologory in Tuamgraney parish. Cloonteen in Tulla parish. Clonmoher in Kilnoe parish. Lissofin in Tulla parish. Carrowmore in Moynoe parish. Coolecoosan in Moynoe parish or Clooncoose in Carran Parish in the Barony of Burren. Ballyslattery (New Grove) in Tulla parish. This may relate to two deeds in Irish concerning Ballyslattery. See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 51–54. Not identified. Ballynevan in Kilfinaghta parish. Moygalla in Kilfinaghta parish. Possibly Rath in Feenagh parish. Possibly Ballyvorgal in Clonlea parish. Ardcloony in Killaloe parish. Possibly Rath in Feenagh parish. 108 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House q. who holds this 22. A bundle of writings for ye Exchange of Capp[agh]605 and Dangen Brack.606 23. The order and Bond of the Hallurans for Killenenagh.607 24. A Bundle of writings btwixt my Lord and the Clan Shydies touching Kilkridan608 held by them in ffeofarme. 25. Old Irish scroles concerning Chiefe Rents and other […?] 26. Writings concerning Ballyslattery609 made to my Lord by Loghlen roe o Slattery. 27. A contract in Irish betweene my Lord and the Hallurans touching Raghcluona.610 [p. 25] Barro. Tullagh 28. The Counnterpart of ye deede of ffeofment made to Donate Earle of Thomonds use by Sr John mcNemarra611 of his estate. 29. Boetius Clanchy’s of ….his deede for Mortgag [illegible ...]. 29. George ffannings deed of ffeofment to my Lord of Carrowrod AherInagh612 and other lands. 605 Cappagh in Kilfinaghta parish. 606 Danganbrack in Quin parish. 607 Killanena in Feakle parish. In 1641 the O’Hallorans still retained an interest in the townland. See Simington (ed.), Books, 13. Situated close to Killanena was Fahy, which was recorded in the 1615 visitation of Kilmacduagh diocese under the designation of lands and rents that were detained from the see of Kilmacduagh. The O’Hallorans (Uí Allmharáin) were recorded as ‘the sept or nation’ holding ‘Fahie of the halluranes’, which was valued at £20 yearly, illustrating their role as a probable erenagh family settled on church lands. See P.K. Egan, ‘The Royal Visitation of Clonfert and Kilmacduagh, 1615’, Journal of the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society, 35 (1976), 67–76, at 75. 608 Kilcredaun in O’Briensbridge parish. 609 Ballyslattery (New Grove) in Tulla parish. This probably relates to number 14 above. 610 Possibly Rathclooney in Clooney parish (Bunratty Upper). 611 Sir John MacNamara (d.1632) was granted Mountallon and Ardskeagh (Broadford) in 1620 and obtained a licence to hold fairs at Broadford in 1627. He was a large landholder in east Clare and a descendant of one of the principal Meic Conmara family branches. In a controversy that involved Sir John and the fourth earl of Thomond, an English official named Lieutenant John Downing was tried for hanging two fools belonging to the earl and Sir John in May 1606 in a legal dispute that threatened the authority of the earl of Thomond. See David Edwards, ‘Two fools and a martial law commissioner: cultural conflict at the Limerick assize of 1606’, in David Edwards (ed.), Regions and Rulers in Ireland, 1100–1650: Essays for Kenneth Nicholls (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), 237–65. Also see Thomas J Westropp, ‘Notes on the Sheriffs of County Clare, 1570–1700’ Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, vol. I, part 1 (1890), 68–80. 612 Possibly Aharinaghbeg in Killokennedy parish or Aharinaghmore in O’Briensbridge parish. 109 Archivium Hibernicum 30. A Bundle of writings concerning Shandangen,613 Ballachullin614 and Ballyishin.615 31. A Bundle of writings concerning GlanIMullowne.616 32. A Bundle of writings concerning Annaghmore.617 33. A Bundle of writings concerning Biallachullin.618 34. An order betweene my Lo. of Thom. & the Lo. ffenton touching Cooleogory619 and Tarmongrady620 woods. 35. The testimony of Dermott o duhartane621 touching Tarmongrady.622 A bond of [illegible ...] [illegible item, text struck out] 36. The Liddies writinge of Killcornane.623 613 Shandangan in Kilmurry parish. 614 Ballycullen in Kilfinaghta parish. 615 Ballysheen in Kilfinaghta. Could be: PHA Ms 3927, ‘Papers in suit, Henry, earl of Thomond v. Donnogh McNemarra, concerning lands of Ballyishine and Shandagen’ [1638–1639]. 616 This is Glanminteramalone and comprised lands in Killaloe parish that were conveyed to Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond, in 1606 by the Uí Mhaoildhomhnaigh family. In the 1630s, a representative of the Uí Mhaoildhomhnaigh, Sir Dermot O’Mallune, lord of Hagerue in Belgium (later baron of Glenomallun in Thomond), attempted to purchase the lands from Sir Barnaby O’Brien but was unsuccessful. See McInerney, ‘Documents’, 39–44. Also see Gerry Moloney, ‘Resurrecting an ancient chief’, in Joseph Mannion & Katharine Simms (eds.), Politics, kinship and culture in Gaelic Ireland, c.1100–c.1690: Essays for the Irish Chiefs’ and Clan’s Prize in History (Dublin: Wordwell, 2018), 58–65. 617 Possibly Annagh in Feakle parish or Annagh in Tulla parish. 618 Ballycullen in Kilfinaghta parish. 619 Coologory in Tuamgraney parish. 620 This denomination is now obsolete, but it situated in Tuamgraney and constituted 21 quarters of ecclesiastical lands (known as Tearmonn Uí Ghráda), and held by the powerful east Clare church family, the Uí Ghráda. According to a Chancery Pleading dated 1617: ‘Sir Donnys O Grady, knt. was seised of the manor and lands of Temgreny and advowson of the church thereof, as well by letters patent as by descent, and that the said manor contains 21 plds. viz: 1 qq. in Tomgreny, and Killyvollaghtowe, besides woods and mountains. 40 shillings is paid to the Lord Bishop of Killaloe yearly out of the said 21 qrs. After the death of Sir Dennys the said mannor descended to John his son and heir, who enfeoffed Hugh Brady, Bishop of Meath, deceased. At the death of Hugh Brady the same descended to his son and heir Luke, deceased.’ See National Archives of Ireland, Chancery Pleadings for County Clare, 1584 – 1637 (Series B 61, No. 412). 621 He possibly was a kinsman of ‘Donogh O Duhurtaine’ who appears in the above-mentioned Chancery Pleading of 1617 as giving evidence regarding the manor and lands of Tarmongrady in Tuamgraney and was recorded as 75 years of age. The surname also appears in a late sixteenth century deed for Coolreagh in Kilnoe written by Donnchadh Ó Duibhfeartain who might be the same individual recorded in 1617. A possible variant of the surname appears in connection with east Clare when, in 1636, Diarmaid Ó Duibhcheartaigh, along with members of Clann Bhruaideadha, gave friar Micháel Ó Cléirigh the Leabar Chaimín (Psalter of Caimín of Inis Cealtra) at Tearmonn Chaimín which situated in Moynoe parish. See National Archives of Ireland, Chancery Pleadings for County Clare, 1584 – 1637 (Series B 61, No. 412); Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 32–33; and Nollaig Ó Muraíle (ed), Mícheál Ó Cléirigh, His Associates and St Anthony’s College, Louvain (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 110. 622 See footnote 620 above. 623 Kilcornan in Kilmurry parish. 110 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 37. Orders & warrants touching Annaghmore624 agt George Blunt and others.625 38. Phillipp Comynes release of Lagh Currorobegg.626 39. The order made by Sr Rowland Delahoide & Wm Brickdall betweene Henry Earle of Tho. & Jonack o Hallurane for lands in Killenena627 40. An Irish writing declaring my lords intrest in BallyIshen.628 41. A Bundle of writings in Irish touching Durra,629 Carowenchalla,630 Cappagh631 & Anaghmeare.632 [p. 26] Barrony of Iland633 No. 1. A bundle cont. a lease made to Hen. Earle of Thomond by the Bipp of Killalowe634 of the lands of Killfinaghta635 and other writings touching the said Bipp. 2. A box of writings concerning Thorowgoods surrender of his lease of Innish636 and Dromcliffe.637 3. A box Bundle of pleadings and other writings betweene my Lor and the Hehirs concerning Icormick.638 4. A bundle of Rentales of the Towne of Innish639 made at the time of my Lords entree thereunto uppon the surrendering of Thorowgoods Lease. 5. A lease made by Queene Eliz to Donate Earle of Thomond of the moity of Clare Abby. 624 Either Annagh in Tulla parish or Annagh in Feakle parish 625 Could be: PHA Ms 1193 [‘Papers in suit, William McShane v. George Blunt, re lands at Annaghmore, co. Clare, and Mahon v. 3rd Earl of Thomond’]. 626 Possibly Lecarrow in Feakle parish. 627 Killanena in Feakle parish. 628 Ballysheen in Kilfinaghta. 629 Possibly Durra in Inchicronan parish. 630 Possibly Carrownakilly in Killaloe parish. 631 Cappagh in Kilfinaghta parish. 632 Possibly either Annagh in Feakle or Annagh in Tulla parishes. 633 Islands Barony. 634 This could be either Bishop John Rider (sed. 1612–32) or Bishop Lewis Jones (sed. 1633–1646). 635 Kilfinaghta in the Barony of Bunratty Lower. 636 Possibly Inch in Drumcliff parish. William Thorowgood was a New-English settler who was involved in the dispossession of the Uí Mhaoir lineage at Drumcliff and who attempted to alienate the seven quarters of the church lands associated with the termon of Drumcliff, ostensibly under the direction of the fourth earl of Thomond. See McInerney, ‘Uí Mhaoir’, 26–9. 637 Drumcliff in Drumcliff parish. 638 The ancient Triocha cét of Uí Chormaic whose boundaries were almost synonymous with the Barony of the Islands, extending from Slieve Callan to the mouth of the Fergus. 639 Ennis. 111 Archivium Hibernicum 6. q. of Mr Boork how this stands An order in the behalf of Mathew Gripha for ye freedome of the Abby and lands of Clare Abby.640 7. A rough draught of an order made betweene my Lo: and the Lord Barron of Inchiquine for lands about Killone.641 8. A ffeofment made by Donate Earle of Thomond to Piers Holland of the Towne and lands of Cluonmuly.642 9. Connor mc Owen o Hehirs deede to my Lorde of Mogownagh.643 10. Teig mc Loghlen Reagh o Hehir & their deede of ffeofmt to my lord James Boork of the lands of Dromcarhin644 and their bond to warrant the same / Sr Danell o Bryen645 has purchased their land since. 11. A bundle of writings and papers touching Thorowgoods lease; surrendered by Thorowgood. [p. 27] Islands Barr. No. 12. Boetius Clanchy of Ballydonnoghow646 his bond to my question Lord of 120l uppon Condicon that hee should convey Boetius certaine lands to my Lord in mortgadge for the paymt of heire & l ? monney. 60 widdow 13. The conveyance of Bellachorick647 by George Ishainne? presently for this 60l to my Lords use. 14. A Pattent of King James granting faires & Markitts of that Clare. [… text struck out]. 640 Mathew Gripha first appears in a 1555 a papal bulla issued to Clare Abbey in the reign of Queen Mary when Catholicism was restored. The bulla was issued to Matheo Ogriffa Canonico Laonen[sis] (‘Matthew O’Griffa, canon of Killaloe’). In a 1589 land deed between Connor McGillyrewgh and the fourth earl of Thomond for the lands of Cragbrien, one of the arbitrators was referred to as ‘Mathew O Griffy lat[e] Abbot of the dissolved monastery of Clare’. Therefore, the document in this register dates from the second half of the sixteenth century. 641 Killone in Killone parish. 642 Not identified. Peirs Holland, who was a servant of the fourth earl of Thomond in 1617, was recorded in the earl’s will wherein it stated that Holland was to enjoy the profits from Inchicronan if he rendered his services to the earl’s son, Henry, following the decease of the fourth earl. In 1626 he was a principal tenant of Henry, the fifth earl, at Clonloghan near Bunratty. See Ó Dálaigh, ‘Comparative Study’, 63; and Breen, ‘1626’, 17 643 Magowna in Kilmaley parish. A branch of the O’Hehirs was settled in Kilmaley parish in the Islands Barony in 1641. See Simington (ed.), Books, 279. 644 Drumcaran in Drumcliff parish. The townland was held by an O’Hehir in 1641. See Simington (ed.), Books, 270. 645 O’Hehirs Daniel O’Brien, 1st Viscount Clare (d. 1663). 646 Ballydonohoe in Kilmaley parish. Clanchy held this townland in 1641. See Simington (ed.), Books, 287. 647 Ballycorick in Clondagad parish. 112 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House lift out to be putt with the other patt. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. The Hehirs to be called uppon for pformance of this order 20. 21. 22. A Pattent granted by Queene Eliz. to Connor Earle of Thomond of Bunratty [word struck out] & other manners Castles & Lands in Thomond.648 Daniell o Hehir of Kelquane649 his deede to my Lord of [word struck out] his right and intrest in & to the lands of Balledonnoghow650; Inchy651 & other lands in Icormick.652 The Considines writings of Cnockane653 and Killone.654 A Bundle of writings concerning Bellachorick.655 Daniell O Hehire writings of Ballyeine656 & other lands in Icormick.657 The order and other writings Betweene my Lo. and the Hehirs. Calloogh mc Bryens release of his intrest in Lishine.658 Mr Dungans conveyance to my Lord of the ffeefarme of the Abby of Innish.659 648 Possibly PHA Ms 3081, [‘Abstract of Pattents granted to ‘ye Earle of Thomond’, reciting from 1 July 1543 to 7 March 1621/2]. 649 Kilquane in Drumcliff parish. The O’Hehirs held this townland in different shares in 1641. See Simington, (ed.) Books, 272. 650 Ballydonohoe in Kilmaley parish 651 Inch in Drumcliff parish. 652 The Triocha cét of Uí Chormaic consisted of Kilmaley, Drumcliff, Clare Abbey and Killone parishes. The boundaries of Uí Chormaic were almost synonymous with the Barony of the Islands, extending from Slieve Callan to the mouth of the Fergus. 653 A now obsolete denomination in Drumanamuchlan. It was still held by the Considines in 1641. See Simington (ed.), Books, 300. 654 Killone in Killone parish. The Considines held church lands around Killone Augustinian nunnery into the sixteenth century, possibly serving as erenaghs. In 1585, the four quarters of ‘Clanconsodine’ (Clann Chonsaidín) formed part of the monastic estate of Killone Abbey and consisted their hereditary lands. See Freeman (ed.), Compossicion Booke, 8, 13. 655 Ballycorick in Clondagad parish. 656 Possibly Balleen in Kilmaley parish. 657 The Triocha cét of Uí Chormaic consisted of Kilmaley, Drumcliff, Clare Abbey and Killone parishes. The boundaries of Uí Chormaic were almost synonymous with the Barony of the Islands, extending from Slieve Callan to the mouth of the Fergus. 658 Lisheen in Clondagad parish. This could relate to: PHA Ms 3945, ‘Petition of Mourtough O’Bryan to Henry, earl of Thomond, claiming lands at Lishine also claimed by Dirmound McBryan,’ [c.1635]. 659 Ennis Friary. William Dongan of Dublin, described as a recorder or magistrate, was married to a daughter of the fourth baron of Inchiquin. He was given a lease of Ennis Friary in June 1621 which was recorded as: ‘the site of the late house of the Junior Brothers of Innishe, commonly called the Grey Friars of Innishe Clonrawde alias Clonrawadda, one church, one belfry, one grave-yard, one mill upon the Fergus within said site, one salmon and one eel weir on the River Fergus, two messuages with stone walls and twelve cottages with gardens in the town of Innishe’. See Griffith, Irish Patent Rolls of James I, 502; and Ó Dálaigh (ed.) Corporation book, 16–17. 113 Archivium Hibernicum [p. 28] Islands Barrony 23. Order made by the Lord Deputy & Councell [… text struck out, illegible] in Henry the 8ths raigne about ye division made betweene the o Bryens for ye religious houses in Thomond.660 23. The Hehirs conveyance to my Lord of the Lands of Ballymackold.661 662 24. A copy of the first charter of the Abby of Clare founded The by Donnell more o Brien King of Limrk.663 originall 25. A Bond upon Donnogh Clanchy of the Inch664 for was with Sr Rowland payment of 19l to my Lo: Donnogh. Delahoyd 26. Two Irish writing[s] touching Garrhnegry665 and Tobbermaly.666 [p. 29] Inchiguyn Barrony667 1. A Box of writings touching Tullyda.668 2. A Bundle of writings touching Moighry.669 3. A Bundle of writings touching ffoldrom670 & Cappaghkia.671 4. A Covenant betweene Donate Earle of Thomond for divers lands in the Barrony of Inchiquyne. 5. The order and Bond with other writings betweene my Lord of Thomond & the Barron of Inchiquyne. 6. A Bundle of writings touching Ballygreeffa.672 660 Possibly the Latin document to which the O’Briens were signatories regarding the dissolution of monastic property in 1542 that situated west of the Shannon in Thomond (…occidentali parte fluminis de Shenan in Thomonia). See Kenneth Nicholls, ‘A list of the monasteries in Connacht, 1577’, Galway Archaeological Society Journal, 33 (1972–3), pp 28–43. Also see Public Record Office, S.P. 63/157, no. 33. 661 Possibly Ballymacaula in Kilmaley parish. 662 This number is incorrectly repeated in the original. 663 This entry could be the copy made of Domhnall Mór Ó Briain’s c.1189 foundation charter of Clare Abbey in 1461. See Flanagan, Irish Royal Charters, 163–74 & 326–331. 664 Inch in Drumcliff parish. It was the Meic Fhlannchadha brehon-lawyers of Inch who were credited with fostering the Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond. See O’Mollony, Anatomicum, 112–3. 665 Garrynagry in Kilmaley parish. 666 Tobbermaly is an anglicisation of Tobar Mháille and refers to a holy well that, according to the Ordnance Survey (1839), is situated one hundred and fifty yards south of the church of Kilmaley. 667 Inchiquin Barony. 668 Tullyodea in Ruan. 669 Maghera in Rath parish. 670 Foilrim in Ruan parish. 671 Possibly Cappanakilla in Dysert parish or Cappakea in O’Briensbridge parish in Tulla Lower barony. 672 Ballygriffy in Dysert parish. 114 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 7. 8. 9. A bundle of writing touching Ballyportrea.673 Another Bundle of writings touching Ballyportrea.674 A Bundle of writings concerning my Lord and the Lord of Inchiquyn. 10. Mlaghlen o Coryes release to my Lord of Raghvergin.675 11. A Bond upon Donnogh O Brien of Limenagh676 for 110l of wch pt is pd. [p. 30] Ibrickan Barrony677 1. A box of writings touching the Connt. Sir Donagh first jointure. 2. Teig mc Brodyes678 titles to Killinefarboy679 [… text struck out]. 3. An old lease made to Connor Earle of Thomond by Daniell o Bryen of the Castle, & Lands of Dunogane.680 4. A Bundle of writings touching Trumroe.681 5. Mr Buckleys admission to ye parrish of Killfarboy.682 6. A box of writings concerning Killfarboy.683 673 Ballyportry in Killinaboy parish. This could be: PHA Ms 3949, ‘Letter from the earl of Thomond to Terlagh O’Bryen and Mr. Boetin about the exchange of Ballymoroghow for Ballyportrea’ [19 Sept 1617]. 674 Ibid. 675 Rathvergin in Ruan parish. 676 Leamaneh in Killinaboy parish. 677 Ibrickan Barony. 678 Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha, bardic poet and initiator of the notable poetic disputation, Iomarbhágh na bhFileadh (‘Contention of the Poets’) in c.1616. He is recorded in 1615 holding Knockanalban in Ibrickan rent free, a privilege that continued to 1626 when his widow was recorded holding the same. See McInerney, ‘1615’, 188; and Breen, ‘1626 Rental’, 24–5. 679 This is Kilfarboy in Kilfarboy parish. In 1633, Daniel McBrodin (ordained in 1624) was vicar of Kilfarboy and Killard, but elsewhere described as a former ‘schoolmaster’. He was the second son of poet Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha who lived nearby at Knockanalban and was first recorded there in 1586. See Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 164–5, 171; Nicholls & Ó Cannan, Fiants, no. 4860 [year 1586]. Also see O’Mollony, Anatomicum 125. 680 Doonogan in Kilmurry Ibrickan parish. This lease must have pre-dated 1581, the year when the third earl died. 681 Tromra in Kilmurry Ibrickan 682 Kilfarboy in Barony of Ibrickan. This was Nathanial Buckley was a New-English clergyman, ordained in England in 1617. He was installed to the vicarage of Kilfearagh in 1627 and by 1633 he held Kilfearagh, Killadysert and Kilrush vicarages. He must have been installed to Kilfarboy after this date as that parish was held by native minister, Daniel McBrodin, scion of the Ibrickan branch of the Clann Bhruaideadha. See Dwyer, Diocese of Killaloe, 164–5, 171, 173. 683 Ibid. 115 Archivium Hibernicum [p. 31] Burren Barrony684 1. Edmond o Hogans Bond and submission for ye lands of Bainroe.685 2. [… text struck out] bundle of writings concerning Glancollumkilly from ye o Loghlens.686 3. Counterparte of my Lords ffeofment to Edmond Hogane of Bainroe.687 4. A counterparte of ye Dalyes lease of ffinivary.688 5. The Dalyes Covenants with my Lord for Ballinee689 & ye Dayles Connor o fflanagans submission for Ballileyne.690 6. A booke of cheife Rent for this Barrony given in by Daniell o Brien Bayliffe691 in Anno 1644.692 [p. 32] Moyfarta Barrony 1. A box of writings concerning Tullagh Roe693 & their lands. 2. A Bundle of writings concerning Killcashin,694 Gower695 and other lands. 684 Burren Barony. 685 Not identified. On Edmond O’Hogan’s main landholding in the parish of Rath in Inchiquin Barony see PHA Ms 16/B/E [Great Office of Inchiquin, 1 September 1618]. Moyhill was the residence of the Uí Ógáin, who appear to have been church tenants in Rath parish. According to the now lost rent-roll of the bishop of Killaloe in 1630, Edmund O’Hogan of Moyhill was recorded as ‘holdeth ye termon of Rath being 4 qrts the lease made by Mauricius O’Brien Bp of Killaloe at 20s. per annú [annum]’. At Moyhill stood a ruin called Cúirt Mhaothail in 1839, supposedly the residence of the Uí Ógáin. See NLI, Ms 1777, p. 25; and O’Donovan & Curry, Letters, 57. 686 Glencolumbkille was the estate of the O’Loghlin tanist (tánaiste). See Freeman, (ed.), Compossicion Booke, 11. In 1641 it was held by ‘the heirs of Owney O’Loghlin’. See Simington (ed.), Books, 456. On O’Loghlin landholding in the Burren during the seventeenth century see Luke McInerney, ‘Note on the petition of Turlogh O’Loghlen of Gragans, Burren, County Clare (c.1663)’, The Other Clare, 41 (2017), 15–25. 687 Not identified. 688 Finavarra in Oughtmama parish. This is a reference to the Uí Dhálaigh learned family of poets, who were settled at Finavarra in north Clare from the early 1400s. See AFM, sub anno 1404. 689 Balliny in Killonaghan parish. 690 Ballyline in Carran parish. 691 i.e. a bailiff. 692 This entry is given in a different hand. 693 Tullaroe in Moyarta parish. 694 Kilcasheen in Moyarta parish. 695 Gower in Kilmacduane parish. This is Gabhair, which features in an Irish language award made in 1593 involving the earl of Thomond, the bishop of Killaloe and the local lord, Tadhg Mac Mathghamhna. It was agreed that three quarters of Gower paid rent to O’Brien with the remaining quarter liable for rent to the bishop. See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 81–2. 116 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 3. 4. The fflanegans writings to my Lo. of Dangennelly.696 A box Bundle conteyning an old lease of the Bupps rents to my Lord. 5. The Counterparte of my Lords deede to Connor Clanchy of lands in Corkavaskin.697 6. A Bundle of writings concerning Tarmon Shinan.698 7. A Bundle of writings concerning Dunibigg.699 8. A Bundle of papers touching Ballynoade700 & Cappagh701 and ye exchange made betweene Henry Earle of Tho. & Sr Daniell for the said lands. 9. A Lattin box conteyning the fflanagans writings of Dangenelly.702 10. Mohon mcGormans deede to my Lord of his wifes third in Dune=more703 & the order betwtixt his Lapp and the said Mohan. 11. A Bundle of writings touching Dunmor704 of Terlagh mc Cahan705 and Conr oge mcInacogrs interest there in past to my Lord. [p. 33] Corcomroe Barrony706 1. A Box of writings Betweene Sr Henry Clare the Lord of Baltinglas707 and my Lord of Thomond concerning Sr Terlagh o Bryens708 lands. 696 Dangananella in Kilmacduane. 697 Barony of Corkavaskin. 698 On Tearmann Seanáin see Freeman, (ed.), Compossicion Booke, 9. Also, see the termon lands set out in the 1604 inquisition in Frost, History, 279–80. The full text in Latin is printed in: John Begley, The diocese of Limerick, ancient and medieval (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1906), 397–400. 699 Doonbeg in Killard parish. 700 Ballynote in Moyarta parish. 701 Cappagh appears in Moyarta parish in 1641 and lay next to Ballynote. See Simington (ed.), Books, 382–3. 702 Dangananella in Kilmacduane. 703 Doonmore in Killard parish. This deed has been preserved in the Hardiman collection of deeds and is dated 25 September 1594. It is evident from the deed that the McGorman (Mac Gormáin) hereditary estate included Cahermurphy in Kilmihil parish and Drumellihy in Kilmacduane parish. See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 83–4; and see the inquisitions taken in April and June 1626 relating to the McGormans in Frost, History, 301–2. 704 Doonmore in Killard parish. 705 The McCahans, or Meic Catháin, had a connection with Inis Cathaigh and its termon land that dated from the early fifteenth century. The head of the family was regarded as the ‘coarb of Seanán’ and the family oversaw the four quarters of termon land around Kilrush. See McInerney, ‘Inis Cathaigh’, 57–64. 706 Corcomroe Barony. 707 Sir Henry Harington of Bagworth and Baltinglass (d. 1613), an English and Irish landowner. 708 Sir Turlough O’Brien (c.1545–1623). He was appointed seneschal of Corcomroe and Burren and under the 1585 Composition of Connacht he was granted extensive lands in Corcomroe. His father Donnell had unsuccessfully challenged for the title earl of Thomond in 1553 on the 117 Archivium Hibernicum illegible 2. 3. Taken out to be delivered to Mr Dauff & Donnogh O Brien. 4. 5. 6. 7. illegible 8. 9. A Box conteyning [… illegible] from the Lord of the Councell in the behalfe of Sr Henry Clare & Sr Daniell O Bryen with other writings touching the said Clare & Sr Terlagh o Bryens sonns. The Indenture made betweene Sr Henry Clare and Sr Daniell O Bryen for the lands of Innishtymane709 and Ballynelackyn710 and a Letter of attorney for ye taking of possession. A Box of writings from Sr Henry Clare to Sr Daniell O Bryen of his intrest in all the Lands belonging unto him within the County of Clare to ye Earle of Thomonds use. Sr Terlagh o Bryens deede to Sr Henry Clare of Innishtyman711 & Ballynelackyn.712 A leter of attorney from Sr Henry Clare to one Willson to take posesion to his use of the Lands of Innishtyman713 etc. A deede of ffeofment from Sr Terlagh o Bryen to Sr Henry Clare of Cluonkowle714 and other Lands. Another box of writings betweene Sr Henry Clare and Sr Terlagh o Bryen. A Bundle of writings concerning Sr Daniell o Bryens sonnes & the agreemt made wth them by my Lord. [p. 34] Corcomroe Barr. 10. The order made betweene my Lord and Sr Terlagh O Bryens sonns by Sr Henry Linch, Sr Geffrey Gallway and Mr Darcy. 11. A Bundle of pleadings and writings betweene my Lord and Sr Terlagh o Bryen. 12. An Irish writing of a contract betweene Donate Earle of Thomond and Connor o Bryen of Inchoveh.715 13. Old rentals of the rents in Corcomroe and Burren. 709 710 711 712 713 714 715 death of Donnchadh, the second earl of Thomond, who was brother to Donnell. Sir Turlough was a member of Parliament for Clare in 1585, and also served on the provincial council of Connacht and Thomond in the late 1580s. Ennistymon in Kilmanaheen parish. Ballynalackan in Kilmacrehy parish. Ennistymon in Kilmanaheen parish. Ballynalackan in Kilmacrehy parish. Ennistymon in Kilmanaheen parish. Clooncoul in Kilmanaheen parish. This placename located in the townland of Toormore in Kiltoraght parish. The towerhouse was held by the O’Briens in 1570. See Breen, ‘1570’, 134, 138. In 1601 it was held by ‘Connor Mc Donnele O’Brien’ who may have been the subject of the aforementioned contract in Irish. See McInerney, ‘1601 freeholders’, 88. 118 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House q. & gett an accompt for ye rent & arward 14. An old Irish writing under Sr Terlagh o Bryens hand of the lands of Innishtymane.716 15. A Covenant made by Gillerniffe o Davoren wth Donate Earle of Thomond for the carton of Cahirvicknaghty.717 16. Deposicons taken by Deane Sone and Capn Norton718 touching a differrence of mearding[?] betweene the lands of Innishtyman719 & Camagh.720 17. An old Irish writing betweene my Lo. and Cahill o Cnoghir concerning Innishtyman.721 18. Daniell & Donnogh o Brien their bond to my Lo. Donnogh and Sr Daniell to stand to [?] for lands in Carcomroe.722 [p. 35] Clondirrala Barrony 1. Donnogh mc Teig Ichladdy his acquitte for ye recept of 7l in full satisfacion of his intrest in Erbull.723 2. Mac Mahons deede of mortgadge to Downe mc Gormane uppon Garranereagh Cahircanavane.724 3. Morrogh mc Bryen roe his deede to my Lord of the question lands of Coolemyne725 being a third pte of a qrter. this 4. Writings touching Ballymckeire given to Terlagh Roe mc Mahony in Exchange of Carrowbegg726 and Carrowdaty.727 5. My Lo. Maris’ jointure and other writings concerning it from Terlogh Roe mc Mahony.728 716 Ennistymon in Kilmanaheen parish. 717 Cahermacnaghten in Rathbourney parish. This was the seat of the Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann brehons who are first recorded in the annals in 1364. See AFM, sub anno, 1364. 718 Captain Norton was a tenant of the earl of Thomond, and he features prominently in the earl’s 1626 estate rental. A number of Nortons served as High Sheriffs for county Clare. See Breen, ‘1626’, 1–25; and Frost, History, 625. 719 Ennistymon in Kilmanaheen parish. 720 Not identified. 721 Ennistymon in Kilmanaheen parish. 722 i.e. Barony of Corcomroe. This could be: PHA Ms 3919, ‘Papers in suit, Henry, earl of Thomond v. Daniel and Donnogh O’Brien concerning an agreement made by the defendants with Donat, late earl of Thomond’ [1637]. 723 Erribul in Kilfiddane parish. 724 Cahercannavan in Kilmihil parish. 725 Coolmeen in Kilfiddane parish. 726 ‘Carrinbegg’ which appears together with ‘Carrindalta’ (Carrowdotia) in 1641 in Killimer parish. See Simington (ed.), Books, 367. 727 Carrowdotia in Killimer parish. 728 Toirdhealbhach Ruadh Mac Mathghamhna (d. 1629) of Clonderalaw. Several bardic poems were dedicated to him and date from the early seventeenth century, most notably a poem that praised his castle residence and his patronage of the learned classes. The poem is attributed to the enigmatic female poetess known as Caitilín Dubh. See Marie Louise Coolahan, Women, Writing, and Language in Early Modern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 119 Archivium Hibernicum to question this 6. 7. 8. quere quere Terlagh mcBryen oge his deede of mortgage to ffarbissy o Huony of the lands of Cluonkarkir729 & the mortgages accquitt for receipt of the mortgadge. A Bundle of papers concerning Kildisert.730 The ffeoffment and Bonde of Dermod mcBryen mcShane of halfe a qrter & halfe a cartron in Sleive=Dooly731 & Ballyarhiny.732 9. 733 10. Teig o Quolyes deede to my Lord of Keilemor and Barrane.734 [p. 36] Clondirrala Barrony 11. Terlagh mc Bryen his deede of warranty to Thomas oge mc Germane of the mortgage of Dromdigas.735 12. Connor mc Gillireagh his release to my Lo: of his intrest in Ballycloghessy.736 13. The ordere betweene my Lord and Donnogh mc Murrogh for the lands of Aylroe737 & other writings. 14. Writings concerning Cluonola.738 15. Mohon mcMortagh his Bond touching Innishkarkir.739 729 730 731 732 733 734 735 736 737 738 739 2010), 21–22. Another female poetess was Fionnghuala Ní Bhriain, daughter of Domhnall Ó Briain, who was appointed Sheriff of Clare in 1576. Fionnghuala composed a poetic lament for her husband, Uaithne Mór Ó Lochlainn, who died in 1617, in which she also lamented the death of her cousin Conor O’Brien, third earl of Thomond, as her ‘protector’ in times of personal hardship. See Jane Stevenson & Peter Davidson (eds.), Early Modern Women Poets: An Anthology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp 174–8. Possibly Inishcorker in Killadysert parish. The name ‘ffarbissy’ is a rendering of the Irish forename, Fearbiseach. The O’Huony (Ó hUaithne and sometimes the diminutive Ó hUaithnín) were a lineage settled around Killadysert since medieval times. In modern times, the name has assumed the form Greene by virtue of translation. Killadysert in Killadysert parish. Slievedooley in Killofin parish. Ballyartney in Killofin parish. This number is blank in the original text. These placenames could be ‘Barrane’ and ‘Kelmore’ recorded in 1618 as the lands of ‘Thirlagh McMahowne of Clonderala, gent.’, in PHA Ms 16/D/1 [Great Office of Clonderalaw and Moyarta, 5 September 1618]. They appear to have situated somewhere in or near Kilchreest parish. Drumdigus in Kilmurry Clonderalaw parish. In 1641, a Thomas McGormon was recorded holding Drumdigus and nearby Tullycreen. See Simington (ed.), Books, 358. Ballycloghessy in Clondagad parish. On the Meic Giolla Riabhaigh (anglicé Gallery) family, see McInerney, ‘1589’, 73–82. Conor McGillireagh appears in an inquisition from 1627 relating to lands in Kilchreest parish. See Frost, History, 304. Aillroe in Kilfiddane parish. Cloonulla in Killadysert parish. Inishcorker in Killadysert parish. 120 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House question how this land is held Quere the arreare of wood & the land to be intred uppon 3 May 1640 16. A Bundle of papers concerning Thomas Luthers accounts.740 17. A Bond of 6l uppon Mortagh mc Morrogh mc Kennedy to passe an estate to my Lord of the lands of Rusyne,741 Monineyqire & Shannychulie742 being in all but a qrter meere. 18. A counterparte of a demise made 3rd Marty 1619 for 21 yeeres of halfe a cessiffe[?] in Liskormick743 to Donnogh o Carmody and Mohon mc Gillipatrick for 4 large Boateloads of wood to be delivered evry yeere at Rath Cullane.744 19. A coppie of Morrogh Roe mc Bryen mc Mohin his deede to Terlagh Roe mc Mohon745 of the lands of Efirnane746 & another Coppie of a deede made by Mohon oge mc Gillireagh & his wife to the said Terlagh Roe of their intrest in the sd lands. 20. Dermod mcShane ny Killy747 his deede to my Lo. of the lands of Ailroe.748 21. Mortagh mc Teig mc Terlagh his grant of his intrest in Gortnigould.749 22. A Bundle of writings concerning Cahirracon.750 23. A bundle of writings touching Dericrosand.751 24. Dermott mc Teig ny Tuoghy his deede to my Lord of Lackanakillinagh752 and other lands. 25. Daniell mc Mortagh and Teig mc Kennedy thier intrest to my Lord of Lackanasinagh.753 26. The last will and Testament of Morrogh mc Bryen in Mohony of DerryCrosane.754 740 This could be: PHA Ms 1207, ‘Papers in suit, Henry, earl of Thomond v. Henry White, William Oxford and James Tanner concerning sheep and monies in the custody of Thomas Luther, dec’d’, [c.1630–1635]. 741 Possibly Rusheen in Killadysert parish. 742 Shannacool in Killadysert parish 743 Liscormick in Killadysert parish. 744 Not identified. 745 Toirdhealbhach Ruadh Mac Mathghamhna (d. 1629) of Clonderalaw. 746 Effernan in Kilfiddane parish. 747 This appears to be an attempted anglicisation of the Irish appellation, na cille, ‘of the church’. 748 Aillroe in Kilfiddane parish. 749 Not identified. 750 Cahiracon in Killadysert parish. 751 Possibly Crossderry in Killadysert parish. 752 A now obsolete placename recorded 1641 in Killadysert parish. See Simington (ed), Books, 332. 753 Lackannashinnagh in Killadysert parish. 754 Possibly Crossderry in Killadysert parish. This possibly relates to number 23 above. 121 Archivium Hibernicum question this Mr Brickdall to inquire of this Q. of ye arbitrate for this order & chiefly of Sr Danell 27. Connor mc Gillireaghs submission for ye lands of Liskilloge755 and Lahfally.756 28. A Bundle of writings concerning the mc Mohons of Derycrossane.757 29. Terlagh Roe mc Mohons assumpsitt758 to stand to the Arbitrament of Sr Daniell o Bryen, Sr John mc Nemarra & Row. Delahoide for the Lands of the Clan Moriertagh.759 [p. 36] Clondirrala Barrony 30. A Counterparte of the Exchange past betweene my Lord and Teig na Buolly760 for Lands in Corkavaskine.761 31. A Bundle of papers and Noates touching the division made betweene the 3 Septs of the Clan Mahons762 in the Barrony of Cluondirrala763 & shewing my Lords title to some of the sd lands. 32. A leather baig conteyning writings concerning Cluonaha,764 etc. 33. A box bundle conteyning the conveyance of Dermod mc Teig ny Tuoghy to my Lord of Coogagh,765 etc. 34. Terlagh mc Bryen oges deede of gift to my Lo. of his intrest in severall Lands w[i]thin the territry of Corkavaskin in a black bage. 755 Called Lis Cealla O Cadhla in the fifteenth century rental of Ó Briain. Now called Fortfergus in Kilchreest parish. See Hardiman (ed.), ‘Deeds’, 37. 756 Lavally in Kilchreest parish. 757 Possibly Crossderry in Killadysert parish. 758 An action in assumpsit was a form of action to enforce obligations arising in a contract. 759 Clan Moriertagh may represent the descendants of Murtagh Cam MacMahon of Knockalough in east Corcavaskin who died in 1599. AFM, sub anno 1599. 760 A Tadhg na buaile (‘Tadhg of the grazing’), is recorded in an Irish deed that was endorsed in 1612 by Muiris Ó Maolchonaire for the earl of Thomond. It is not certain whether the Tadhg na buaile in the deed is the same individual recorded in the register here. See McInerney, ‘Medieval Deeds’, 217–8. 761 Barony of Corkavaskin. 762 On the various septs of the McMahons (Clann Mhathghamhna), including the branch of Tuath-na-Fearna (Killadysert) called Sliocht an Bhallaigh see Ó hÓgáin, Chláir, 128–9. 763 Barony of Clonderalaw. 764 Possibly Cloonanaha in Inagh parish. 765 Cooga in Killadysert parish. 122 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 35. Morrogh mc Bryen mc Mohons deede of mortgage to Morrogh o Bryen of the Lands of Innishdia766 for 21l. 36. Brien mc Mahowne and Stephen Creaghes bargaine and sale to my Lord of the woods of Lacke in the p[a] rish of Kilchrist,767 for the consideracon of 130 ster, the deed bearing date 5 Sept 1642,768 wth their bond enclosed in the deede to make good the sale. 766 Inishdea in Kilchreest parish. 767 Lack in Kilchreest parish. In 1641, it was described as ‘rough pasture, rockie wood, mountain’. See Simington (ed.), Books, 329. 768 This entry was recorded after the rest of the register was compiled in 1640. 123 Archivium Hibernicum Selected images from the 1640 Register 124 A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House 125 Archivium Hibernicum 126 Index Aharinaghbeg 109 Aharinaghmore [Annaghmore] 107, 109, 110, 111 Aillroe [Ailroe; Aylroe] 120, 121 Anaghmeare 111 Annagh [Annaghbegg] 98 Annaghbigg 97 Annagh (Feakle parish) 97, 107, 110, 111 Annagh (Tulla parish) 97, 107, 110, 111 Anslowe, Robt. 85 Ardcloony [Ardcluona] 108 Ardkyle 41, 53, 65, 71n209, 79, 79n257, 92n389 Ardskeagh 109 Argyll 71 Argyll, 5th earl of (‘Mac Cailein Mór’) 71 Argyll, 9th earl of (Archibald Campbell) 44 Arlogh 90 Arrybreaga [AherIbregye] 87 Arthur, Dr Thomas 30n8, 55, 100, 101n494 Athassel 84 Athyvickon 94 Augustinians 74, 113n654 Aylebeg 40n66 Baile Uí Charthaigh 102 Bainroe 116 Ballaghboy [Bellaghboy] 75, 96 Ballaghode 83 Balleen 113 Ballinveala 90 Ballinvoale 90 Balliny [Ballinee] 116 Ballyallia 34 Ballyartney [Ballyarhiny] 120 Ballybrien [Byalla Bryen] 83 Ballybronoge [Ballybronoge; Ballybrunoge] 83, 88 Ballybroughan [Ballybroghan; Ballybroghran; Ballybrukan] 52n124, 65, 65n180, 101, 101n494 Ballycally [Ballycalla] 102, 103 Ballycar [Ballycarr] 102, 105 Ballycarihy 102 Ballycasey [Ballycasy] 101, 102, 105 Ballycasheen [Ballycassine] 106 Ballycloghessy 120 Ballyconine 98 Ballyconneely 60n157 Ballycorey [Ballycory; Ballycorry] 97, 98, 103 Ballycorick [Bellachorick] 112, 113 Ballycullen [Ballachullin; Bellachullin; Biallachullin] 95, 110 Ballydonohoe [Balledonnoghow; Ballydonnoghow] 112, 113 Ballyea 92 Ballyeine 113 Ballyfirreen [Ballyfirrin] 85, 89 Ballygassan [Ballygassane begg; Ballygossane] 98, 102 Ballygriffy [Ballygreeffa] 106, 114 Ballyhannan 101 Ballyhenry [BallyHenry] 83, 88 Ballyhickey 67 Ballyhosty 85, 87 Ballyhurst 85, 87 Ballyhyda 82 Ballyhynode 83, 84 BallyInaghtin 92, 93 Ballyka[?] 103 Ballyline [Ballileyne] 116 Ballymacaula 114 Ballymackold 114 Ballymacloone 44 Ballymaconna [BallymcConna; BallymcConnoe; BallymcConnon; BallymcConnow] 98, 99, 102, 107 Ballymaley [Ballymaly] 97 Ballymarkahan [Ballyvarkaghan] 97 Ballymckeire 119 Ballymonine 89 Ballymoroghow 115n673 Ballymorris [BallyMorris] 94 Ballynaclogh 85, 87 Ballynacloghy [Ballynecloghy] 83, 84 Ballynacragga [Ballynacraggie; Ballynecraggy] 40n63, 46n94, 60n157, 96, 97 Ballynalackan [Ballynelackyn] 118 Ballyneclogh 84 Ballynecloghy 83 Ballyneety [BallinItie] 90 Ballynevan [Ballynevane] 108 Ballynightenmore 92, 93 Ballynoe 90 Ballynote [Ballynoade] 117 Ballyportry [Ballyportrea] 115, 115n673 Ballysheen [BallyIshen; Ballyishin] 110, 111 Ballyslattery [New Grove] 108, 109 127 Ballyvarkaghan 50 Ballyvealaghan 75n232 Ballyvoneen [Ballinvoale; Ballivonin; Ballyvoneen; Ballyvorneene] 84, 85, 88, 89, 90 Ballyvonnavaun [Ballivanvane] 106 Ballyvorgal 78, 107, 108 Ballyvorgan 107, 108 Ballyvroghaun [Ballyvarkaghane; Ballyvroghrane] 98, 102 Baltinglass 117 Barrane 120 Barrettsgrange 84 Barrettstown 84 Barrowstowne 84 Beallagymanbegg 99 Beara (Co. Cork) 73 Bellaghboy 98 Bhruaideadha (clann, Co. Clare) 39, 43, 49, 57, 67, 70, 76, 76n240, 77, 110n621, 115 Billingsley, Sir Henry 91n380 Blunt, George 111 Boetin, Mr 115n673 Bollachullin 101 Bollahenan 101 Bonfield, Robert 92 Boork, Tibott 48, 85 Bourke [Boork; Boorke], James 90, 92, 93, 102, 112 Bourke, Edmond 89 Bourke, Moylery 89 Bourke, Sir William (1st Baron Bourke of Connell) 104, 107n589 Bourney 83, 88 Boyle Abbey (Co. Roscommon) 73 Boyle, Richard (earl of Cork; Viscount Dungarvan) 44, 90 Brady, Hugh 110n620 Brady, Luke 110n620 Brickdall, Hugh 40n63 Brickdall, Mr 122 Brickdall, William 37, 103, 111 Bridgetown [Bridgetowne] 108 Broadford 109 Brody [Mac Bruaideadha], John [Seán] 42–3 Browne, Thomas oge 85, 86, 89 Bruodin, Antonius 36, 41, 56, 78 Bruodin, Dermot 36 Bryen, Byalla 83 Buckley, Rev. Nathanial 77, 115 Bunnahow [Bunehow; Bunihow; Bunnow] 96, 98, 102, 103 Bunratty 27, 34, 35n48, 37–8, Archivium Hibernicum 40n66, 45, 48, 50, 52n122, 53, 56, 56n146, 57, 57n148, 60n157, 67–9, 71n209, 77, 79–80, 82, 92n389, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 104n536, 105, 106, 112 Bunratty Lower 95n427, 111n635 Buolly, Teig na 122 Burke, Richard (4th earl of Clanricarde) 71n206 Burkes [de Burgo] (family) 48 Burkes (family, Clanricarde) 71n206 Burke, Theobald fitz Theobald 53 Burren 49, 53, 64, 108, 116, 116n686, 117n708, 118 Butler, James (2nd Baron Dunboyne) 87 Buttler, Thomas 93 byrny, Donnogh mcOwen ny 97 Cabhail Tighe Breac 67n189 Cahercannavan [Garranereagh; Cahircanavane] 119 Caherinagh [CahirInagh] 97 Cahermacnaghten [Cahermacnaughten; Cahirvicknaghty] 49, 53, 67n189, 119 Cahermurphy 117n703 Cahernarry 90 Caherteige [Cahirteig] 104, 105 Cahiracon [Cahirracon] 121 Cahirduffe 46n94, 105 Callaghbeolane [Callagh Beolland; Callaghbolan; Callaghbolane; CallaghIbollane] 91, 93, 94 Callaghclony 92 CallaghInellane 92, 94 Calluragh 102 Calooragh 102 Camagh 119 Campbell (family, Argyll) 71 Canon’s Island 68 Cappagh 109, 111, 117 Cappaghkia 114 Cappakea 114 Cappanakilla 114 Carcomroe 119 Carowenchalla 111 Carran 91, 105, 108, 116 Carrickeile 97 Carrilane 95 Carrinbegg [Carrowbegg] 119 Carrindalta [Carrowdaty; Carrowdotia] 119 Carrowbane 33, 105 Carrowmeer [Carrowmeere] 88, 107 Carrowmore [Carrownemore] 108 Carrownagoul 106 Carrownakilly 111 Carrownamaddra 106 Carrowrod AherInagh 109 Carryhynodie 84 Cashel (Co. Tipperary) 84 Castlebank 33, 91, 106 Castleconnell [CastleConnell; Castle Connell] 53, 104, 107 Castletown [Castle Towne Mocrossy; Knockballymoycra] 87, 96, 99, 100, 106 Cavan, Co. 58 Cecil, William (Lord Burghley) 50 Chaplin, Andrew 34 Charles I, King 101 Charles II, King 27, 34 Chraith (family, Co. Clare) 41, 67, 72 Chruitín (family, historians) 72 Chuiléin (Meic Conmara lordship, Co. Clare) 50, 78 Cinéal Donghaile [Kinaduinla; Kinadunily; Kinnadunily] 97, 98, 99, 103 Clanchy, Boetius 39, 71n209, 87, 98, 99, 105, 109, 112 Clanchy, Connor 91, 97, 100, 103, 117 Clanchy, Daniel[l] 85, 89, 98 Clanchy, Donnogh [Donat} 39, 71n209, 77, 87, 101, 114 Clanchy, Finola 78 Clanchy, Hugh 105 Clanchy, Murrogh 105 Clanricarde 71n206 Clanricard, earl of 48 Clare Abbey 47, 48n102, 68, 111, 112, 113, 114, 114n663 Clarecastle 58n151 Clare, Co. 27–8 Clare, Sir Henry 117, 118 Clenagh [Clenaghmore] 50, 105 Clogga 106 Cloggagh 106 Cloghilawarreela 86 Cloghkelyvarry 86 Cloghrine 107 Clonard (Co. Meath) 73, 73n217 Clondagad 112, 113, 120 Clonderalaw [Cluondirrala] 33, 119, 121, 122 Clondirrala 119, 120, 122 Clondrinagh [Cluondrinagh] 93 Clonlea 65, 107, 108 Clonloghan 95, 97, 98, 100, 104, 105, 112 Clonmoher [Cluon Moyhir] 108 Clonmoney 98 Clonroad 50, 66–7 Clonrush 97, 98, 99, 103 Cloonanaha 122 Clooncoose 108 Clooncoul [Cluonkowle] 118 Clooney 67, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 109 128 Cloonlusk 89 Cloonmoney 98 Cloonteen [Cluonteene] 108 Cloonulla [Cluonola] 120 Cluggin [Tuocloggin] 88, 91 Cluonaha 122 Cluoncanand 98 Cluoncouse 108 Cluonekanane 98 Cluoniskehigh 100 Cluonkarkir 120 Cluonlosky 89 Cluon Monagh 98 Cluonmore 107 Cluonmuckiemehy 88 Cluonmuly 112 Cluonvicknegh 88 Cnochroe 102 Cnockane 113 Cnockesyrine [Cnockshirine] 89 Cnockgillibregy 104 Cnockilliroe 106 Cnocknacrossy 99 Colpace, George 34n40 Comine, Daniel 93 Comyn, Phillipp 111 Conagh 86, 91 Considine [Consaidín] (family, Co. Clare) 35, 102, 113 Cooga [Coogagh] 122 Coolbaun [Coolebane] 87, 106 Coolebane 106 Coolecoosan 108 Coolmeen [Coolemyne] 119 Coologory [Cooleogory] 108, 110 Coolreagh 110 Coolshamroge [Coole Shamroge; Culeshamrog; Cule Shamroge] 99, 100, 105 Coonagh [Cnonagh; Conagh] (parish or barony, Co. Limerick) 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95 Corbally [Corrabally] 103, 105 Corcavaskin 122 Corcomroe 33, 50, 50n115, 52, 63–4, 71n209, 74, 78, 117, 118 Corcu Roíde (Co. Westmeath) 73 Corelish [Corlish; Coorlish] 85, 86, 89 Corkavaskin 64, 117 Corkavaskin [Corkavaskine] 122 Cory[e] (family) 108 Costelloe [Cushelloe; Kisselores] (family, Co. Clare) 98, 105 Courtbrack 94 Cragbrien 65–6 Cratloe [Cratlagh; Crattelaghbeg; Crattellaghmore; Crattlaghmore] 48, 95, 96, 100, 104 Cratloekeel [Crattelagh Keale] 67, 96 Cratloemoyle 67 Index Creagh, Ann 95 Creagh, Stephen 123 Croom 90 Crossderry 121, 122 Crossfield (Co. Leitrim) 46 Crovreaghan 67 Cule Theamrogg 99 Cullenagh [Cullinagh; Cullnagh] 96, 103, 105 Cullen [Cullin] (Co. Tipperary) 83, 85, 88, 90 Cusack, Adam 106, 107 Cusack, George 101 Drumellihy 117 Drumgeely [Dromgeily] 97, 98, 100, 104 Drumgranagh [Dromigranagh; Dromgraneigh] 103, 106 Drumline [Dromline; Dromlyne] 95, 101, 104, 105, 106 Dubh, Caitilín 119n728 Dublin 37, 39, 113 Dunass 67 Dunkip [Dunekipp] 90 Durra 111 Dysert 101, 106, 114 Danell, Honora ny 98 Danganbrack [Dangenbrack; Dangen Brack; Dangan-Brack] 67, 98, 107, 109, 117 Dauff, Mr 118 Davies, Sir John 53, 66 Deane, Thomas 92 Delahoyde, Sir Rowland 40, 51, 51n120, 52, 59n154, 78, 86, 87, 88, 96n432, 106, 111, 114, 122 Delahoyd, Oliver 107 Derryfadda 46n95 Derycrossane; DerryCrosane 121, 122 Dineen, Rev. Patrick 47 Dixon, Robt. 93 Dix, William 47 Dongan, William 113 Donghaile, Cinéal 103n520 Donnell Roe mcNemarra 107 Donnogh, Joane ny 89 Donogh, Loghlen mc Conoghor 99 Doolagh, Daniel 86 Doolin 53 Doon 88, 89 Doonass 69 Doonbeg [Dunibigg] 117 Doonmore [Dune=more; Dunmor] 117 Doonogan [Dunogane] 76, 115 Doora 56–7, 96, 98, 99, 100, 103, 106 Dough 50 Douglas, Margaret 45 Downing, Emanuell 93 Downing, Lt. John 109n611 Drombane 105 Dromoland [Dromolan; Dromolane] 60n157, 95, 97, 106, 107 Drugleagh 108 Drumanamuchlan 113 Drumcaran [Dromcarhin] 112 Drumcliff [Dromcliffe; Drumcliffe] 56–7, 64, 78, 97, 111, 112, 113, 114 Drumcoon 98 Drumdigus [Dromdigas] 120 Drumdoolaghty [Dromdulaghta] 99 East Breifne (kingdom) 58 Effernan [Efirnane] 121 Egremont, Lords 45 Elizabeth I, Queen 111, 113 Emly 83 Enagh 98 Enenshy 78 Englysh, Gibbon 86, 89 Ennis [Innish] 35n48, 36, 39, 56–8, 58n151, 59, 78, 111, 113, 113n162 Ennistymon [Inis Tí Méan; Innishtymane; Innishtyman] 35, 50, 63, 67, 72, 118, 119 Erribul [Erbull] 119 Eustace, Sir Maurice 95 Evans, Mr 94 Everard, Patrick 93 Fahy 109n607 Fanning [ ffanning], George 93, 102, 109 Fannings (family, Co. Limerick) 39, 101n494 Fanningstown [ ffanningstowne] 89 Feadamore [Ffeadamow] 91 Feakle 46n95, 98, 101, 109, 111 Fedamore 89 Feenagh 95, 101, 104, 108 Feenish [ ffinis] 101, 103 Fermor, Sir George 27 Ferrannegalliagh [ ffarrengallagh; ffarrenegallagh] 93, 95 ffanning, Symon 92, 93 ffenton, Lord 110 fflanegan (family, Co. Clare) 117 Finavarra [ ffinivary] 40, 67, 73–5, 116 Fitton, Sir Edward (1572–1619) 90n363 Fitton, Sir Edward (the younger) 90n363 Flartnine Lackanfriory 86 Foilrim [ ffoldrom] 114 Fomerla 78 Fortfergus [Lis Cealla O Cadhla; Liskilloge] 122 Franciscans 36, 41, 56, 77, 113n162 129 Frost, James 30 Galbally 90 Galway, Co, 43 Galway, Sir Geoffrey Geffry; Geffrey] 86, 87, 96, 118 Garrane Beg 92 Garraun 102 Garrilane 92, 93 Garryheakin [Garryshekine] 87 Garrynagry [Garrhnegry] 114 Garryncurra [Garrinchorry] 99 Gilsenan (family, Co. Clare). See Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin [Gilsenan] (family, Co. Clare) Giron [O’Guerin] (family, Co. Clare) 104 Glanbegg 106 Glan Ihecagh 96 Glanminteramalone [Glanemalane; GlanIMullowne] 33, 101n494, 110 Glassmore 89 Glencolumbkille [Glancollumkilly] 116 Glenkeen 83 Gorrane 102 Gortahoola [Gortyhally] 83 Gortalough 83 Gort (Co. Galway) 99 Gortichnockane 90 Gortloghane 83 Gortnesallagh 91 Gortneselly 94 Gortnigould 121 Gorttnashellagh 91, 94 Gortyglanny 89 Gower [Gabhair] 116 Grallagh 89 Grean (Co. Limerick) 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94 Great Billing (Northamptonshire) 27, 45 Gripha, Mathew 40, 112 Hackett, Thomas 93 Hardiman, James 30, 34, 44, 46–8, 81 Harington, Sir Henry 117 Harrolde, Edmond 95 Henry VIII, King 29–31, 61, 67, 72, 114 Hicky, Morrice 34n40 Hinchy, John 34n40 Hobbs, Humphry 85 Hobbs, Julia 85 Hogane, Sily ny 86 Holland, Piers 112 Hurley [Hurlye], Sir Morris 84, 87 Hurly, Morris 86 Ibrickan 41, 75–6, 115 Ichladdy, Donnogh mc Teig 119 Archivium Hibernicum Icormick 111 Ilane Iherragh 104 Ilan Monagh 103 Inagh 122 Inchicronan 97, 98, 103, 111, 112 Inch [Inchy] 78, 111, 113, 114 Inchiquin, 4th baron of 113n658 Inchiquin [Inchiguyn; Inchiquyn] 33, 35, 63, 72, 112, 114, 116 Inchiquin Manuscripts 39, 48, 65 Inchoggi, Mohowne mcTeig 85, 86 Inchoveh 118 Ing East 103 Ing [Eng] 96, 103, 107 Ing West 103 Inis Cathaigh (Scattery Island) 36, 64, 68, 80, 117 Inis Cealtra 110 Inishcaltra 97, 98, 99, 103 Inishcorke [Innishkarkir] 120 Inishdea [Innishdia] 123 Inishmacnaghtan [Inishmcneaghten] 50, 107 Innish 111 Innishe Clonrawde [Clonrawadda] 113n659 Inverary (Scotland) 45 Isertkieran 83, 84 Ishainne, George 112 Iskedogh [Iskidagh] 104 Islandmacgrath 41 Islandmacnevi [Ilanvicknavine] 103 Islands (barony) 111, 111n638, 112, 113n652, 114 Ivery[?], Donogh mcDanell 106 James I, King 30 Jesop; Jessopp, Rev. John 77, 104 Joddrell, Burdett 38–9 Jones, Bishop Lewis 111n634 Joyce, P.W. 54 Keating, Richard 96 Keatoe, Joane ny 92 Keilemor 120 Kennedy (family) 104, 108 Kilanmanagh (Co. Tipperary) 82 Kilbreckan [Cnoc Cille Breacáin?] 104 Kilbreckan [Kilbreckan begg] 106 Kilcasheen [Killcashin] 116 Kilchreest [Kilchrist] 80, 120, 122, 123 Kilconry 50, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107 Kilcornan [Killcornane] 110 Kilcredaun [Kilkridan] 109 Kilduff 87 Kilebally 103 Kilfarboy [Killfarboy; Killinefarboy] 75–6, 115 Kilfearagh 115 Kilfeilim 96 Kilfenora 35–6, 36n48, 57, 59n154, 74, 77, 95 Kilfiddane 119, 120, 121 Kilfinaghta [Killfinaghta] 95, 106, 108, 109, 110, 111 Kilfintinan 94, 97, 99, 101, 102, 106 Kilkeedy 106 Kilkishen 104 Kilkissyne 104 Killadysert [Kildisert] 115, 120, 121, 122 Killaloe 33, 35, 35n48, 36, 56, 65, 95, 96, 101n494, 104, 108, 110, 111 Killaloe, Bishop of 68, 116n695 Killanena [Killenena; Killenenagh] 109, 111 Killanurra [Keillenorra; Keylenorra] 91 Killard 76, 115, 117 Killballycaslane 103 Killeely 77, 86, 92, 93, 95, 96, 99, 104 Killeenavera [Killinveira; Killinveyra] 85, 89 Killilagh 53, 78 Killimar 64 Killimer 119 Killinaboy 106, 115 Killmacough [Knock Billingsley] 91 Killmoire 107 Killofin 120 Killokennedy 109 Killonaghan 116 Killonahan 88 Killone 112, 113 Killulla [Killolla begg] 104 Killuran 77 Killyvollaghtowe 110 Kilmacduagh 109n607 Kilmacduane 116, 117 Kilmacrehy 118 Kilmaleery 50, 78, 95, 96, 103, 104, 105, 107 Kilmaley 56–7, 112, 113, 114 Kilmanaheen 118, 119 Kilmastulla [Killmastolla] 84 Kilmihil 117, 119 Kilmore 107 Kilmore and Ardagh (diocese) 46 Kilmurry 104, 110 Kilmurry Clonderalaw 120 Kilmurry Ibrickan 115 Kilnamanagh [Keylenemannagh; Keylnemannagh] 82, 83 Kilnamona 106 Kilnasoolagh 46n94, 95, 96, 97, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107 Kilnoe 108, 110 Kilpeacon [Killpekan] 91 130 Kilquane [Kelquane] 113 Kilraghtis 97, 98, 99, 102, 103, 106, 107 Kilrush 58, 67, 115, 117 Kilshanny 74 Kilteelan 64 Kiltoraght 118 Kiltoulagh [Kiltooly] 97 Kiltybreak (poss. Cabhail Tighe Breac) 67 Kinadunilly 98 Knockalough 122 Knockanalban 67, 75n234, 76, 115 Knockane 93 Knockballymoycra [Castletown; Castle Towne Mocrossy] 96 Knockea [Cnockeare] 90 Knocknagoug [Cnocknaguoge] 104 Knockroe (Kilnasoolagh parish or Kilfintinan parish) 102, 106 Kylenagoneeny [Killinegoneeny; Killnegoniny] 85, 87, 89 Kynahow 99 Lacamore 33 Lack [Lacke] 80, 123 Lackanakillinagh 121 Lackanfriory 86 Lackannashinnagh [Lackanasinagh] 121 Lagh Currorobegg 111 Lavally [Lahfally] 122 Leacain (Co. Meath) 73n217 Leackinafreara [Flartnine Lackanfriory; Lackan] 86, 90 Leamaneh [Limenagh] 106, 115 Lecarrow 111 Leitrim, Co. 46 Limerick, Co. 27–8, 33, 37, 39, 55, 56n146, 57, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 100, 108 Linch, Sir Henry 118 Liscannor 50 Lis Cealla O Cadhla [Fortfergus; Liskilloge] 122 Liscormick [Liskormick] 121 Lisduff 105 Lisheen [Lishine] 113 Liskilloge [Fortfergus; Lis Cealla O Cadhla] 122 Lisnacullia [Lisnekelly; Lissnekelly] 86, 91 Lisnegariagh 98 Lisnegen 94 Lisscormack 80 Lissofin [Lissofoinne] 52, 108 Lissowen [Lissowen] 88 Lodge, Nathaniel 96 Lodge, Thomas 96n432 Loghane 102 Longford (Co. Limerick) 87 Loughvella [Loghovala] 97 Index Lurgan 102 Luther, Thomas 121 Lynch, John 43 Mac Bruaideadha (family, Co. Clare) 42 Mac Bruaideadha, Flann 30n8 Mac Bruaideadha, Maoilín Óg 29n7, 77 Mac Bruaideadha [McBrody] (family, Co. Clare) 35 Mac Bruaideadha [McBrody; McBroody], Tadhg [Teig] 39 Mac Bruaideadha [McBroody], Tadhg [Teig] 57n148, 77 mac Cennétig, Brian Bóramha 70 Mac Conmara, Cumara 63n167 Mac Conmara [Macnemara], Seán Fionn [John Fionn] 68, 68n195, 79 Mac Conmara, Seán 50 Mac Craith, Eoghan 61 Mac Cruitín, Aodh Buidhe 44 Mac Cruitín (family, Co. Clare) 42 MacDonnell, Randal (1st earl of Antrim) 71 Mac Fhirbhisigh, Dubhaltach 61 Mac Fhlannchadha, Baothghalach Óg 72 Mac Fhlannchadha [Clanchy], Conchubhar [Cornelius] 78 MacMahon, Murtagh Cam 122n759 Mac Mathghamhna [mc Mahony], Toirdhealbhach [Terlagh; Terlogh] Ruadh [Roe] 116n695, 119, 119n728, 121 MacNamara, Sir John 109 Mac Niocaill, Gearóid 48, 54 Maelra [Moilraigh] 86, 89 Maghera [Moighry] 101, 114 Maglanchy, Connoghor 78 Magowna [Mogownagh] 112 Mahon, Arthur 47 Manawings, Edmund 91 Mantagh, Terlagh 98 Mantagh, Torlagh 105 Mary I, Queen 112 Mason, William Shaw 47 mcAdam, Richard 92 mcAdam, Shane 92 McBriens (sept, Thomond) 61 McBrodin, Rev. Daniel 115, 115n679 McBryan, Dirmound 113n658 mc Bryden, Connor mc Kennedy 89 mc Bryen, Calloogh 84, 113 mc Bryen, Connor mc William 87 mcBryen, Daniell 103 mcBryen, Dermott [Dermod] mcWilliam 84, 87, 88 mc Bryen, Donnell 101 mcBryen, Donnell mcKennedy 86 mcBryen, Donnogh 90 mc Bryen, Kennedy 99 mcBryen, Mohon 85 mcBryen, Mohowne mc Morrogh 89 mc Bryen, Morrogh [Murrogh] mc Teig 91 mc Bryen, Morrogh oge 85, 90 mcBryen, Mortagh 83 mcBryen oge, Dermott 88 mcBryen og[e], Terlagh 120, 122 mc Bryen roe, Morrogh 119 mc Bryen, Teig 91 mc Bryen, Terlagh mc Connor 85 mc Bryen, Terlagh mc Murrogh 90 mc Bryen, Terlagh oge mcKennedy 87 mc Bryen, Terlagh [Torlagh] 84, 86, 87, 88, 120 mc Bryen, William 83 McCahan [Meic Catháin] (family, Co. Clare) 117 mc Cahan, Terlagh 117 McCanny, John 90 McCarthy, Florence 43 mcClanchy, Donnell Dorrogh 97 McClancy [Mac Fhlannchadh] (family, Co. Clare) 105n556 McClancy [O’Clancy] (freeholder, Co. Clare) 66 McCloone (family, Co. Clare) 44 mcCloone, John 105 mcCloone, Loghlen 96 mc Comarra, John mcTeig 106 mc Conmarra, Loghlen Morgagh 94 mc Conmea, Donnogh 102 mc Connone, Loghlen oge 99 mc Connor, James 96 mc Connor, Loghlen Brinagh 104 mc Connor, Terlagh 87 mc Daniell, Teig 101 mc Donnogh, Mohon 108 mcDonnogh, Morrogh 104 mc Ea, Teig mcCnoghor 102 McEnerhiny, James 102n512 McEnerhyny, Rev. John 40n63 McEnerriny, John 62 mc Germane, Thomas oge 120 mc Gillipatrick, Mohon 121 mc Gillireagh [McGillireagh], Connor 120, 120n736, 122 mc Gillireagh, Mohon oge 121 McGillisaght (family, Thomond) 62 McGillyduff (family, Co. Clare) 106 McGillyrewgh, Connor 66, 112n640 mc Gormane, Downe 119 131 McGorman [Mac Gormáin] (family, Co. Clare) 117 mcGorman, Mohon 117 McGormon, Thomas 120n735 mc Hibert, Thomas 94 mcInacogr, Conr oge 117 McInerhiny [McEnerhiny; Mac an Oirchinnigh] (family, Co. Clare) 104n542, 105n550, 106n571 McInnerhiny [mcInnerhiny], James 40n63, 100, 103, 105 McInnirhiny, Mahon [Mohon] mcShane 46n94, 105 mc Kennedy, Dan[i]ell 90 mc Kennedy, Mortagh mc Morrogh 121 mc Kennedy, Teig 121 mcKennedy, William 83 mc Loghlen, Mohon 97 mc Loghlen, Teig 108 mc Lurkan, Auly 104 McMahon [O’Mahon] (freeholder, Co. Clare) 66 mc Mahowne, Brien 123 McMahowne, Thirlagh 120n734 mc Mellaghlen, Loghlen 93 mc Mlaghlen, Teig 100 mc Mohany, Donnogh 94 mc Mohin, Morrogh Roe mc Bryen 121 mc Mohon, Morrogh mc Bryen 123 mc Mohon, Terlagh Roe 122 mcMorrogh, Donnell 105 mc Mortagh, Bryen 99 mc Mortagh, Daniell 121 mcMortagh, Mohon 120 mc Murrogh, Donnogh 120 McNamara, Cuvarra 102n512 McNamara, Daniel 59n154, 102n512 McNamara, Donogh Reogh 62 McNamara (family, Co. Clare). See Meic Conmara [McNamara] (family, Co. Clare) McNamara (freeholder, Co. Clare) 66 McNamara [mcNemarra], John 68, 102n512, 103, 105, 107n578 McNamara, Shane 102n512 mcNemarra, Donnogh mcSyda [mcShyda] 105, 108 mcNemarra, John mcDonnogh 100 McNemarra, Rory 99 mc Nemarra, Sir John 122 mc Owhny, Bryen 90 McQuinn (family) 98 mcQuyn, Hugh 102 mc Quyn, Rory 98 McRedmond, David 99 McRedmond, Moyler 99 mc Rory, Shane 92 Archivium Hibernicum mcShane, Covarra 46n94 McShane, Covarra 105 mcShane, Daniell 96 mcShane, Dermod mcBryen 120 mcShane, Donnogh 102 mcShane ny Killy [na cille; ‘of the church’], Dermod 121 McShean, Moyler 99 mcSyda, Connor 96 mc Syda, John mc Connor 95, 104 mcSyda, Loghlen 102 mc Teig, Connor 105 mc Teig, Donnell 102 mcTeige, Daniell 93 mc Teige, Mohon 103 mc Teige oge, Mohon [Mohowne] 108 mcTeig, John 107 mc Teig, Loghlen 100 mcTeig, Owen 107 mc Terlagh, Bryen 91, 101 mc Terlagh, Mortagh mc Teig 121 mcTerlagh oge, Donnogh 104 mcThomas, Hugh 105 mcVickan, Connor 104 mcVickan, Daniell Grana 104 mcVickon, Connor 105 mcVickon, Donnogh grana 105 mc William, Bryen 87 Meelick [Milick] 99 Meic Bhradaigh (family) 58 Meic Conmara [McNamara] (family, Co. Clare) 32, 40n63, 46n95, 47, 48n103, 50–1, 65, 67–9, 78–9, 96, 98, 102n512, 104n542, 106n571, 109n610 Meic Fhlannchadha (family, brehon jurists) 39, 41, 53, 67, 71n209, 78–9, 80n260 Meic Giolla Riabhaigh (Gallery; McGilleragh] (family, Co. Clare) 65–6, 120 Mhathghamhna (family, Co. Clare) 64, 122 Mhic Bhruaideadha, Daniel mac Dáire 76, 76n239, 77 Mhic Bhruaideadha, James mac Dáire 76 Mhic Bhruaideadha [mc Brody], Tadhg mac Dáire 41, 56, 70, 75, 75n234, 76–8, 115, 115n679 Miniter, William 103 Mocros 106 Moell, Daniell 108 Mohony, Morrogh mc Bryen in 121 Moighry 101 Moineyoe 88 Moingissane 98 Monehon 104 Monineyqire 121 Monin=nehillan 88 Monyred 89 Moriertagh (family, Co. Clare) 122 Morish, James 101n494 Morris, Thomas 87 Mountallon 109 Moyaliff 83 Moyarta [Moyfarta] 33, 116, 117 Moygalla [Mugalla] 108 Moyhill [Moigh; Moihill] 97, 101, 116 Moy-Ibrickan 67 Moymore 88 Moynoe 97, 98, 99, 103, 108, 110 Muckanagh [Muckinagh] 102 Naomh, Giolla na 54 Nelane, William 107 Nemarra Considen, Teig 102n512 Nestor [McNestor] (family, Co. Clare) 68, 68n190 Neylan [Neland], Redmond 103 Ní an Oirchinnigh [Ny Inheriheny], Úna [Oona] 102n512 Ní Bhriain, Fionnghuala 120n728 Nic Chonmara, Fionnghuala 46n95 Nicholls, Kenneth 54, 60 Nine Years War 45 Northamptonshire 27, 45 Northffranchise 94 Norton, Capt. 119 Noughaval [Noyhavale] 68n190, 96, 103 o Birreghir, Gillerneffe 89 O’Breslin (brehons, Ulster) 52 Ó Briain, Domhnall 120n728 Ó Briain, Domhnall Mór 47, 48n102, 114n663 Ó Briain, Murchadh 67 O’Brien, Barnaby (6th earl of Thomond) 27, 33, 37–8, 42–5, 50–1, 65, 72, 80, 85n300, 110 O’Brien, Connor (3rd earl of Thomond) 29n4, 55, 63n167, 68, 80, 99, 113, 120n728 O’Brien, Connor Mc Donnele 118n715 O’Brien, Conor McDonough 106 O’Brien [o Brien], Daniel[l] 38, 96, 116, 119 O’Brien, Donnell 117n708 o Brien, Donnell more 114 O’Brien, Donough (4th earl of Thomond) 28, 36–8, 43, 45–6, 49–53, 55–6, 56n146, 57–61, 64– 8, 68n197, 69–75, 75n232, 76–8, 80–1, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106n571, 109, 110, 118, 119 O’Brien, Donough ‘the fat’ (2nd earl of Thomond) 68n196 132 O’Brien (family, Inchiquin) 35, 39 O’Brien, Henry (5th earl of Thomond) 33, 37, 42n77, 43–4, 48, 65, 72, 75, 80, 82, 84, 88, 89, 90, 98, 100, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 115, 116n695, 119 O’Brien, Henry (7th earl of Thomond) 27 O’Brien, Henry (8th earl of Thomond) 27 O’Brien (née Fermor), Mary 27 O’Brien [o Bryen], Conor 96 O’Brien [o Bryen], Conor [Connor] McDonough 95 O’Brien [O Bryen], Daniel (1st Viscount Clare) 99 O’Brien [o Bryen], Sir Turlough [Terlagh] 50, 63, 117 O’Briensbridge 101, 107, 108, 109, 114 O’Brien (Uí Bhriain) (family, Co. Clare). See Uí Bhriain [O’Brien] (family) O’Bryan, Mourtough 113n658 O’Bryen, Connor 48, 85, 96, 106 o Bryen, Morrogh 123 o Bryen, Sir Daniell 117, 118, 119, 122 o Bryen, Sir Daniell [Danell] 84, 88, 106, 115 o Bryen, Sir Terlagh 115n673, 118, 119 o Bryen, Teig 103 o Caffoe, Shane 97 o Carmody, Donnogh 121 Ó Cléirigh, Micháel 110n621 o Cnoghir, Cahill 119 o Connor, Dermott oge 88 o Connor, Rory 105 o Cory, Mlaghlen 115 o Cuirk, John 83 o Cuirk, Mohon 83 O’Curry, Eugene 48 Ó Dálaigh, Donnchadh Mór 73 Ó Dálaigh, Lochlainn Óg 74 O’Davoren (family, Co. Clare). See Ó Duibhdábhoireann (O’Davoren; family, Co. Clare) O Davoren [o Davoren] 54, 119 O’Dea (freeholder, Co. Clare) 66 O’Dempsey, Terence (1st Viscount Clanmalier) 99 O’Donnell (family) 53 o duhartane, Dermott 110 O Duhurtaine, Donogh 110n621 Ó Duibhcheartaigh, Diarmaid 110n621 Ó Duibhdábhoireann, Giolla na Naomh 53 Ó Duibhdábhoireann (O’Davoren; family, Co. Clare) 35, 49 Index Ó Duibhfeartain, Donnchadh 110n621 o Dwyer, Connor 88 o Dwyer, Dermott 83 o Dwyer, Dermott owne 84 o Dwyer, Mellaghlen 83 o Dwyer, Phillip[p] 82, 83, 84 o Dwyer, Teig 88 o Dwyer, William 88 o fflanagan, Connor 116 Ogashin [O Gashin; Uí Chaisín] 100 O’Gorman, Chevalier 47 Ó Gráda, Ceannfaladh 103n520 o Grady, Daniell 103 o Grady, Donnell 103 o Grady, Donnogh 97 O’Grady (family, Co. Clare). See Uí Ghráda [O’Grady] (family) o Grady, James 99 O’Grady, John 110n620 o Grady, Mannagh 99 o Grady, Monagh 97 O’Grady, Sir Denise 62 O Grady, Sir Donnys 110n620 O’Griffy, Mathew 40n64 O’Halloran (family, Co. Clare). See Uí Allmharáin [Halluran; O’Halloran] (family, Co. Clare) o Hallurane, Jonack 111 o Hanraghan, John 104 o Hartegane, Edmond 92 Ó Hehir (family) 111, 112n643, 113, 114 o Hehir, Connor mc Owen 112 o Hehir, Daniell 113 O’Hehir, Daniel O’Brien (1st Viscount Clare) 112 O Hehire, Daniell 113 o Hehir, Teig mc Loghlen Reagh 112 O Henraghan, John Oge 104n534 o Hicky, Loghlen 100 o Hogane, Edmond 100 O’Hogan [o Hogan], Edmund 116 o Huony, Fearbiseach [ ffarbissy] 120 O’Huony [Ó hUaithne; Ó hUaithnín] (family, Co. Clare) 120 o Keally, John 94 o Keatoe, John 92 o Keatoe, Shane 94 o Keatoe, Teig 94 O’Kerin, Edmond 101n502 O’Kerin (family, Co. Clare) 101 O’Kerin, Fenola 101n502 o Kery, Mellaghlen 101 o Koalla, Connor 92 Ó Lochlainn, Uaithne Mór 120n728 O’Loghlin [o Loghlen] (family) 116 Ó Longáin, Micháel 47 Ó Longáin, Peadar 47 O’Mallouny [Mollowny], Owen 101n494 O’Mallune, Sir Dermot (lord of Hagerue; baron of Glenomallun) 33, 65n181, 110n616 o Malwane, Knochorw Loagh 91 Ó Maolchonaire, Domhnall 79 Ó Maolchonaire, Muiris 79, 92n389, 122n760 O Meere, Donogh 64 o Mieghan, Connor 99 O’Molloney (family) 101n494 O’Molloney, Owen 101n494 Ó Muirgheasáin, Maol Domhnaigh 74 O’Mulconry. See Uí Mhaoilchonaire (O’Mulconry; family, Co. Clare) o Mullowny, Rory 101 o Mullrian, Morrogh ny Kelly 86 o Mullryan, Dermott mc Owen 83 O Mulryan, Daniel [Daniell] 83 O Mulryan, Teig mcShane 83 o Neehill, Mohon 108 Oola (Co. Limerick) 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93 o Quoly, Teig 120 Ó Rodaighe, Tadhg 46, 46n95, 47 O’Roddan (family, Co. Clare). See Uí Rodáin [O’Roddan; O’Ruddane; Reddan; Roddan; Ruddane] (family) O Ronghane, Cahill 106 O’Ruddan, David 40n63 O’Ruddan, Donnell 40n63 O Ryan, William 83 O’Shaughnessy, Sir Roger [Giolla Dubh] 99 o Slattery, Loghlen oge 108 o Slattery, Loghlen roe 109 O’Teig, Therlaugh 42, 42n77 Oughtmama 116 Ownaght 88 Oxford 44, 96 Pallas Grean [Pallisgreny] 85 Parkmore 75n232 Perceval, Sir Philip 84 Petworth House 27, 39, 45–7 Poulmore 99 Quillane 107 Quin 44, 50, 59n154, 67, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 107, 109 Quinspool 102 Ragh 108 Raghcluona 109 133 Rahard [Monehellin Rahard] 88, 89 Rath 108, 114, 116 Rathbane 92 Rathbourney 119 Rathclooney 109 Rath Cullane 121 Rathfolan [Rathmaelane] 102n512, 107 Rathfoylane 40n63 Rathluby [Raghlubagh] 107 Rathvergin [RaghMergin] 101 Rathvergin [Raghvergin] 115 Rattcliffe, Sir George 100 Reddan (family). See Uí Rodáin [O’Roddan; O’Ruddane; Reddan; Roddan; Ruddane] (family) Relickmurry 84 Renzy, Matthew de 76, 76n240 Rice, Walter 94 Rider, Bishop John 35, 56, 64, 111n634 Rineanna [Reinanna; Reynanna] 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 105 Roch, Phill 93 Roddan (family). See Uí Rodáin [O’Roddan; O’Ruddane; Reddan; Roddan; Ruddane] (family) Roo 101 Rooe 101 Rosroe 62 Rossmanagher [Rosmanagher; Rosmonagher] 95, 101 Ruan 101, 114, 115 Ruanmore 101n502 Ruddane (family). See Uí Rodáin [O’Roddan; O’Ruddane; Reddan; Roddan; Ruddane] (family) Rusheen 121 Rusyne 121 Ryan, Donnogh mc William 84 Ryan, William 88 Salisbury 66 Sallaghed 88 Sallemore 92 Sannagh 93 Saule, Geffry 84 Saul [Sall] (family, Cashel, Co. Tipperary) 84 Scattery Island [Inis Cathaigh] 36, 64, 68, 80, 117 Shallee 106 Shanaclogh 93 Shanaghcloyne 40n63 Shandangan [Shandangen] 110 Shannacool [Shannychulie] 121 Shekine, Donnogh 87 Shekine, Shane 87 Sheshymore [‘Seiseadh Mór Mhic Ghiolla an Adhastair’] 68, 68n190 Archivium Hibernicum Shirkimin, Patrick 92 Sibthorp, Bishop Robert 95 Sidney, Sir Henry 48, 55 Sixmilebridge 58, 58n151, 60n156 Slievedooley [Sleive=Dooly] 120 Smithstown [Smithstowne] 95 Smyth, Bishop Dean 46 Solloghodbeg 88 Solloghod-more 83 Sone, Deane 119 Southwell, Sir Richard 96n432 Stackpoll, James 95 St Mary’s (parish, Limerick) 93 St Michael’s (parish) 94 St Nicholas’s (parish, Limerick) 92, 93, 95 St Patrick’s (parish, Co. Clare) 33, 91, 93, 94, 102, 106 Stradbally 107 Stritch (family, Co. Limerick) 39, 93, 96 Stritch, John 93 Stritch [Strich], Nicholas [Nich] 92 Stritch, William 104 Strokestown (Co. Roscommon) 47 Tarmon 105 Tarmongrady [Tearmonn Uí Ghráda] 110 Tearmonn Chaimín 110 Teerovannan [Tirovannen] 107 Templebredon (Co. Limerick) 86, 89 Templemaley 97, 98, 103 Termon 105 Termonaprior [Kilteelan] 64 Termon Senan 64 Thomastown [Thomastowne] 84 Thomond, earls of 33, 35–6, 38–40, 43–7, 50n115, 52, 55, 63, 65–6, 70–4, 76, 78–81, 114, 115, 118. See also O’Brien, Barnaby (6th earl of Thomond); O’Brien, Connor (3rd earl of Thomond); O’Brien, Donough (4th earl of Thomond); O’Brien, Donough ‘the fat’ (2nd earl of Thomond); O’Brien, Henry (5th earl of Thomond); O’Brien, Henry (7th earl of Thomond); O’Brien, Henry (8th earl of Thomond) Thorowgood (family, Co. Clare) 39, 112 Thorowgood, William 111 Tipperary, Co. 27–8, 82, 83, 84 Tobar Mháille [Tobbermaly] 114 Tomfinlough [Tomonlogh] 95, 101, 102, 104, 105 Tonaree 89 Tonerye 89 Toomaline [Tomolin] 88 Toormore 118 Torogood, William 64 Tradary [Tradaree; Tradery; Tradraigh; Tradry] 77–8, 95, 96, 104 Trinity College, Dublin 48 Tromra [Trumroe] 115 Tuam, Archbishop of 100 Tuamgraney [Tarmongrady] 97, 98, 99, 103, 108, 110 Tuath Glae [Ghlae] (Killilagh parish) 53, 78 Tulla Lower 114 Tullaroe [Tullagh Roe] 116 Tulla [Tullagh] 33, 51, 52n122, 59, 59n154, 68–9, 78, 83, 107, 108, 109 Tullycreen 120 Tullyodea [Tullyda] 114 Tullyvarraga [Tullyvarga] 104, 105 Tuoghcluggin [Tuoghcluggin] 88, 89, 91 Tuoghy, Dermod [Dermott] mc Teig ny 121, 122 Tuorouroe 97 Twigge, R.W. 47 Tworoure 102 Ua Dálaigh, Cú Chonnacht 73n217 Uí Allmharáin [Halluran; O’Halloran] (family, Co. Clare) 109, 109n607 Uí Bhriain, Conchubhar mac Thoirdhealbhaigh 48 134 Uí Bhriain [O’Brien] (family) 28, 49–50, 50n115, 52, 58–60 Uí Chonchubhair (family, Co. Clare) 50, 50n115, 53, 63–4 Uí Chormaic [Icormick] (family) 111n638, 113, 113n657 Uí Dhálaigh [Daly] (family, Co. Clare) 67, 73, 73n217, 74–5, 75n232, 116 Uí Dhuibhdhábhoireann (family, brehon jurists) 40, 49, 53, 67, 67n189, 119 Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin [Gilsenan] (family, Co. Clare) 36, 64 Uí Ghráda [O’Grady] (family) 97, 103, 103n520, 110 Uí Iceadha (family, Co. Clare) 34n40, 67 Uí Lochlainn (family, Co. Clare) 53, 64 Uí Mhaoilchonaire (O’Mulconry; family, Co. Clare) 41, 53, 65, 71n209, 79 Uí Mhaoildhomhnaigh (family, Co. Clare) 33, 65, 65n181, 110n616 Uí Mhaoir (clerical lineage, Drumcliff) 64, 111n636 Uí Ógáin (family, Co. Clare) 116 Uí Raghallaigh (family, Co. Cavan) 58 Uí Rodáin [O’Roddan; O’Ruddane; Reddan; Roddan; Ruddane] (family) 40, 40n63, 62, 78, 108 Urban VIII, Pope 36 Urlanmore 78 Voghry 88 Wadding, Rev. Luke 36 Webb, Bishop George 37 Wentworth, Thomas (1st earl of Strafford) 106n572 White, Richard 92 Worth, Bishop Edward 35 Wyndham, George (3rd earl of Egremont) 27

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A 1640 register of the Thomond Papers at Petworth House

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