Digital Media and Indonesian Young People: Building Sustainable Democratic Institutions and Practices

Fiona Suwana

The falls of Suharto’s regime sparked significant growth of online media industries and users, occurring alongside the development of democracy and press freedom in Indonesia. The role of freedom of speech in the media is a vitally important element in the development of democracy. The internet as a new form of the digital media has the possibility to promote greater public participation in political life. Indonesia has one of the largest internet users in the world. According to detikinet, the number of internet users in Indonesia reached 63 million recorded by APJII until the end of 2012 (Noor II, 2012). Nowadays, amount of information on the internet is increasing and prone to become overload. Society who lives in information ages need to concern of the quality and high-value information from online media that have relevance to their lives. Another research of Yahoo and TNS, Net Index – Indonesia showed the percentage of internet usage increased steadily from 2009 to 2012, while the newspaper gradually declined in that period of time. Furthermore, in 2012, the internet has the second-highest media penetration in indonesia, with 57%, after television at 100%, and has been left the newspaper at 55%, also radio at 40%(eMarketer, 2012). Therefore, popularity of the Internet has grown in Indonesia and made the Internet accessibility are easier and improve in society. Yet, the impact of democracy is full participation in culture requires not just consuming, but also creating and sharing useful information through online, so therefore new media literacy as a life skills that are necessary. The preliminary research will explore measurement of new media literacy by Indonesia’s young people (17-22 years old) and a survey method will be suitable for this purpose, moreover, the research will focus on the question of what are the capacities of Indonesia’s young people to assess online information in Internet. To what extent, and to what degree do Indonesia’s young people access, analyze, evaluate, and use the content of online media effectively? So that, initially, the research will conduct to young people at Jakarta as the highest city of internet penetration. These young people are expected in regard to find out the users’ capacity to assess online information. The questions will include the measurement of competencies in digital and media literacy (Hobbs, 2009), such as to access (making responsible choices: search, use), to analyze (identifying: author, source, motive, perspective), to evaluate (comprehending: credibility, quality, veracity of the content), to create (express ideas: making online media content, comment). Furthermore, the measurement of ability to reflection (conducting: social responsibility and ethical principles), and to take action (participating: contribute with online community network, online activism, political process).

Civil society organizations (CSOs) adopt and use digital media in various ways, which brings substantial changes in civic participation and social movement, particularly in terms of how these CSOs engage young people to involve in activism. This article explores some of the opportunities and challenges of digital media utilization for youth activism in Indonesia. The author argues that there are still a few CSOs which consistently produce and spread digital content on youth-based empowerment and activism. Also, although the number of Internet users in Indonesia continues to increase every year, the potential use of digital media for activism is still constrained by digital divide. Furthermore, it can be said that many young people in Indonesia become apolitical or easily lured by identity politics, intolerance and radicalism which spread through digital media. Therefore, a counter-narrative that promotes progressive ideas for young people in a more creative way is necessary. Studies on digitally-enabled social movement and activism in Indonesia have brought many scholarly attention, yet, there are still a few studies which specifically focused on youth activism. Hence, this study tries to fill the gap on the ongoing research related to digital activism in Indonesia.

The platform of digital media has particularly reshaped the political structure of Indonesia. The public is using social media applications for political participation and an expression of their political opinions. This survey was conducted in Indonesia to examine the impact of digital media among youngsters and their political engagement through digital platforms. The study was influenced by the phenomenon of massive student participation, which occurred in August 2019, in Indonesia as a reaction to a new corruption (KPK) law. The study opted for the public sphere theory of Jürgen Habermas; 'The Public Sphere'. This correlates to the study objective whereby youth participate in political matters to learn and to discuss their common beliefs in the public spheres. The study design is quantitative and more than four hundred respondents were selected during the protests through random sampling techniques. The study's conclusion demonstrates that youth participate in multiple activities, such as protests for new laws, which strengthen democracy and contribute to the political structure of Indonesia. Therefore, youth participation through social media platforms shows their political participation in Indonesia. The study also suggests a few recommendations for youth to show their participation through online spheres.

Digital Media and Indonesian Young People: Building Sustainable Democratic Institutions and Practices Fiona Suwana Master of Science in Communication Science (University of Indonesia) Bachelor of Arts in Mass Communication (STIKOM LSPR - Jakarta) School of Communication Digital Media Research Centre Creative Industries Faculty Queensland University of Technology Thesis submitted in requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Principal Supervisor: Professor Terry Flew Associate Supervisor: Associate Professor Angela Roma 2018 Keywords Civic engagement, digital media, digital media activism, digital media literacy, democracy, Indonesia, Internet, Internet engagement, Save KPK movement, social movement, politics, political movement, political participation, young people i Abstract In Indonesia, digital media practices have enabled more young people than ever before to engage in civic and political activism, but there is little knowledge about the processes, motivations, and literacies that these young people need to explore or extend for their civic engagement and political participation. This thesis aims to investigate how Indonesian young people have been able to utilize digital media for civic engagement and political participation to support democracy in Indonesia, as the world's third-largest democracy. This research focuses on Indonesian young people and includes interviews with activists, politicians, and government staff that were involved in the Save KPK Movement in 2015, as well as interviews and focus group discussions with university or college students in five universities and one college in or near Jakarta. This research revealed factors that affect young people’s digital media literacy and digital media activism, as well as motivations and deterrents for being politically active in ways that support democratic practices and institutions in Indonesia. ii Table of Contents Digital Media and Indonesian Young People: Building Sustainable Democratic Institutions and Practices............................................................................................................................................ i Keywords .......................................................................................................................................... i Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... ii Table of Contents ............................................................................................................................ iii List of Figures .................................................................................................................................. vi List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................... vii Statement of original authorship ................................................................................................... viii Acknowledgment ............................................................................................................................ ix Publication ...................................................................................................................................... xi Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Research background and question ................................................................................. 1 1.2 The development of democracy in Indonesia .................................................................. 3 1.3 The development of the Internet in Indonesia................................................................. 9 1.4 Chapter breakdown ....................................................................................................... 15 Chapter 2: Literature Review .......................................................................................................... 17 2.1 Introduction: Digital media, young people and political participation in Indonesia ....... 17 2.2 Participatory democracy ................................................................................................ 19 2.3 Communicative abundance ........................................................................................... 24 2.4 Digital media, democracy and the Save KPK movement ................................................ 25 2.5 Motivation and capacities to engage in online civic engagement and political participation............................................................................................................................... 29 2.5.1 2.6 2.6.1 Young people with online civic and political engagement .......................................... 33 The development of digital media literacy..................................................................... 41 Online privacy and safety .......................................................................................... 45 2.7 Digital media for social movements and activism .......................................................... 46 2.8 Connection of the literature to the research problem.................................................... 49 Chapter 3: Program and design of the research investigation ......................................................... 52 3.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 52 3.2 Methodology and research design ................................................................................. 52 3.2.1 Interviewing method ................................................................................................. 54 3.2.2 Focus group methods ................................................................................................ 57 3.2.3 Case study approach ................................................................................................. 58 3.3 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 62 Chapter 4: Digital media activities in political participation: A study of the Save KPK movement... 64 4.1 4.1.1 The motivation for the Save KPK movement.................................................................. 64 Delivering good information to society...................................................................... 65 iii 4.1.2 The existence of KPK as an institution ....................................................................... 68 4.1.3 The relationships with the participant’s work or background .................................... 69 4.1.4 Belief in the need to make social change and be effective politically ........................ 72 4.1.5 Eradicating the corruption and injustice in Indonesia ............................................... 73 4.2 Digital media literacy as capacities to participate in the Save KPK movement ............... 74 4.2.1 Digital media use and platforms..................................................................................... 74 4.2.2 Critical understanding and analytical skills of digital media content .......................... 80 4.2.3 Using digital media in ethical ways ............................................................................ 89 4.2.4 Collaborative acts for mobilization with the coalition group of Save KPK .................. 91 4.2.5 Online security and privacy issues in Indonesian digital media platforms .................. 94 4.3 Digital media activism for the Save KPK movement ....................................................... 97 4.4 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 101 Chapter 5: Digital media activities in political participation and civic engagement: A study of Indonesian students ..................................................................................................................... 103 5.1 Digital media, Indonesian students and political participation .................................... 103 5.1.1 Maintaining the existence of the KPK institution ..................................................... 104 5.2.2 Pursuing a better political system without corruption ............................................. 105 5.2 The motivation for participating in politics and civic issues in Indonesia ..................... 106 5.2.1 Belief in making change for a better Indonesia ........................................................ 106 5.2.2 Interest in certain topics that trigger participation .................................................. 110 5.3 Digital media literacy by student leaders and students of non-member organisations 111 5.3.1 Digital media use and platforms .............................................................................. 112 5.3.2 Critical understanding and analytical skills of digital media content ........................ 117 5.3.3 Creating digital media content with creativity and innovation ................................ 119 5.3.4 Using digital media in ethical ways .......................................................................... 125 5.3.5 Collaborative acts of mobilization ........................................................................... 130 5.3.6 Online security and privacy issues in Indonesian digital media platforms ................ 133 5.4 The collaborative learning of digital media literacy...................................................... 135 5.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 139 Chapter 6: The deterrents for Indonesian young people to participate in the political movement 141 6.1 The deterrents for participating in the political movement.......................................... 141 6.1.1 The Indonesian cyber law or ITE Law ....................................................................... 142 6.1.2 Disappointment with political surrounding ............................................................. 145 6.1.3 Refusing to be on any side of the political movement ............................................. 146 6.2 The deterrents for participating in political and civic issues in Indonesia ..................... 147 6.2.1 Disappointment with political surroundings ............................................................ 147 6.2.2 Online conflicts with other digital media users ........................................................ 150 6.2.3 Indonesian universities and students should become neutral ................................. 153 6.2.4 Limitations of digital media for active political participation ................................... 156 6.3 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 159 Chapter 7: Analysis of motivations, capacities and processes that bring Indonesians to participate iv in social and political concerns by digital media ........................................................................... 161 7.1 Motivations and deterrents for participating in Indonesian social and political concerns in a democratic society ............................................................................................................. 161 7.2 Digital media literacy is needed for full participation in social and political concerns in democratic society ................................................................................................................... 165 7.2.1 The different preferences of digital media use platforms ........................................ 166 7.2.2 Critical understanding and analytical skills in Indonesian digital media content ...... 168 7.2.3 Creating digital media content for participating in social and political concerns in Indonesia .............................................................................................................................. 170 7.2.4 Online privacy and safety issues for supporting the digital movement .................... 172 7.2.5 Learning and implementing digital media literacy in Indonesia ............................... 172 7.3 The challenges of activism in the digital environment ............................................... 175 7.3.1 Connective action in the coalition group of the Save KPK movement ...................... 176 7.3.2 Indonesian society can pressure the Indonesian government to take action ........... 177 7.3.3 The drawbacks of volunteerism style in the Save KPK movement............................ 179 7.3.4 Loose networks in the digital network for coordination .......................................... 181 7.3.5 The loose leadership model of social networks in the Save KPK movement ............ 183 7.4 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 186 Chapter 8: Conclusion of motivations, capacities and processes that bring Indonesians to participate in social and political concerns by digital media ......................................................... 189 8.1 Indonesian social and political context for the development of digital media ............. 189 8.2 Digital media use by Indonesian young people to engage in democratic practice ....... 190 8.2.1 Indonesian young people’s motivations in the use of digital media for civic engagement and political participation ................................................................................ 190 8.2.2 Indonesian young people’s capacities for digital media literacy can support full participation in civic engagement and political participation ................................................ 194 8.3 The process of digital media activism in Indonesia ...................................................... 199 8.4 Theoretical and practical implications ......................................................................... 203 Appendices .................................................................................................................................. 207 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................. 216 v List of Figures Figure 1: Images courtesy of the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH Jakarta)…………….85 Figure 2: Images courtesy of Youth Proactive Program initiated by Youth Department Transparency International Indonesia………………………………………………86 Figure 3: Images courtesy of Youth Proactive Program initiated by Youth Department Transparency International Indonesia……………………………………………….86 Figure 4: Images courtesy of anonymous volunteer (Volunteer in the Coalition Group of Save KPK in 2015)……………………………………………………………………………………87 vi List of Abbreviations KPK: Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, or Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission. KPK is an independent institution to fight corruption that established by government. In 2011 until 2015, the chairman is Abraham Samad and the deputy chairman is Bambang Widjojanto. Law No.30/2002 on the Corruption Eradication Commission is the legal bases which establishes KPK and the mandate to eradicate corruption. PDIP: Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, or The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, is a political party in Indonesia. PDIP was formed in 1999 after the President Suharto’s resignation and the decline of restrictions on political parties. The founder and current leader of PDIP is Megawati Sukarnoputri and she is a daughter of Sukarno, the first president of Indonesia. Megawati was a former president between 2001 and 2004. PDIP is the political party of the current president of Indonesia, Joko Widodo who win in the Indonesian presidential election in 2014. Gerindra: Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya, or the Great Indonesia Movement Party, is a political party in Indonesia. Gerindra is founded in 2008 and is currently led by Prabowo Subianto until now. Prabowo was former Indonesian lieutenant general in armed forces and also the former son in law of President Suharto. Prabowo is the presidential candidate who against Joko Widodo in the Indonesian presidential election in 2014. BEM: Badan Eksekutif Mahasiswa, or University Student Executive Bodies, is an internal student organisation and executive institution at the level of the university. This organisation has core members and is made up of several sections in the organisation. The membership period is one year and the leader or president of BEM is elected by direct election. vii Statement of original authorship The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher degree education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, this thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made. Signature: QUT Verified Signature Date: 20/03/2018 viii Acknowledgment I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Professor Terry Flew and Associate Professor Angela Romano for continuous guidance of my PhD study as well as your support, knowledge, and motivation are really beneficial in this journey. All of your guidance helped me in all the time of research and writing of this thesis. Terry, you always encourage and inspire me with your expertise, experience and knowledge, also you guided me to shaping my research topic and building my critical arguments. Without your support, I would not be where I am now. Angela, thank you for your encouragement, time and effort in reviewing and commenting on every draft of my thesis which have been very pivotal to improve my critical arguments and to finish all chapters. I would also like to extend my gratitude to Professor Jean Burgess for your insightful comments on my stage two document, Professor Clive Bean and Dr Jaz Choi for your insightful suggestions on my confirmation seminar. Also, my gratitude to Dr Emma Baulch, Professor Susan Forde and Associate Professor Peta Mitchell for your insightful ideas, constructive comments, and recommendations on my final seminar. I am also grateful to have opportunities to work as a sessional academic for Dr Elija Cassidy, Dr Andrew King, and Dr Emma Baulch, thank you for your trust and guidance. I am thankful to the CI HDR team (Kate, Aislinn, Helena and Hamish) for your support and the International Student Services team (Maria, Dr Martin, and Dr Christian) for your support and guidance. Thanks to Dr Michelle Dicinoski for proofreading and correcting the grammar and other mistakes. I am also thankful to QUT financial support, including a QUT Postgraduate Research Award, Higher Degree Research Tuition Sponsorship, and a Grant-in-Aid Travel Support Grant. I have been very grateful to learn, share, discuss and collaborate with amazing researchers, staffs, and fellow students at QUT, QUT Creative Industries Faculty, and QUT Digital Media Research Centre. As I have received tremendous support and wonderful friendship like a big family, such as Andrew, Alila, Angela, Annelore, Ari, Ariadna, Avi (Liwan+Aaron), Bondi, Brenda, Callum, Daniel, Deanna, Eddy, Ehsan, Ella, Emma, Felix, Firman, Gede, Grant, Guy, Hannah, Jarrod, Jiajie, Jing, Katherine, Kelly, Meizi, Rido, Ruari, Sara, Sam, Silvia, Stefanie, Taufik, Tim, Titi, Wilfred, Xu, Yi, and Zin. Thank you to my extended academic family, with whom I have connected at conferences, summer school, workshops in Australia, Indonesia, Germany, and Hong Kong. I have learned so much from you all, Aim, Ambar, Earvin, Cecilia, ix Jane, Lisa, Liz, Luca, Prio, Raudy, and Tom. Although I cannot name everyone, I want to acknowledge all of my great friends and supportive colleagues in Indonesia and Indonesian community in Australia, from STIKOM the London School of Public Relations (esp. Mba Hera, Sherly, Mba Olivia, Agnes, Pak Rudi, Pak Ari, Mba Janet, Mba Lala and Bu Yovie), Universitas Indonesia (Pasca Ilkom’09), FDD (Mas Donny, Mas Damar, Mas MT, Mas Nanang), and Mas Anton. Also, Indonesian communities in Australia like ISAQ & PPIA Queensland for your endless support, help and belief in this journey. I would like to thank to my Indonesian best friends, Ai Shi Te and KaTeBe for your endless care and prayers. Also, my gratitude to all amazing and brave respondents (academic, activists, government staffs, professionals, and students), who took the time to share with me in person in Indonesia. Your experiences, opinions, and stories have been very crucial for the core of this thesis. Finally, I acknowledge the people who mean a lot to me, my parents, Papi (Nugraha Suwana) and Mami (Gan Lee Khing), for showing faith and love in me and giving me freedom to choose what I desired to achieve in this life. I thank you all for your love, care, pain and sacrifice you give to shape my life. I would never be able to pay back love, care, and affection showered upon by my parents. I also express my thanks to my brother Sonny Suwana, and sister in law Viecca for your care, love, support and valuable prayers. My thank you also goes to my father in law, mother in law, sisters & brothers in law, and my big family in Indonesia, Hong Kong, and USA for their love, support, and valuable prayers. I owe special thanks to a very special person, my best friend dearest husband, Jay (Sanjaya Tjhia) for your continued and unconditional love, support and understanding during my pursuit of PhD degree that made the completion of thesis possible. You were always around at times I celebrated my milestone and also when I thought that it is impossible to continue. You helped me to keep walking and finishing my PhD by faith. I greatly value your sacrifice, contribution, and struggle in Australia with me. I deeply appreciate your belief and acceptance in me. Without your endless love, faith, prayers, and support, I would not be able to finish this thesis. Words would never say how grateful I am to have you in my life and this journey. You are the best thing that has ever happened to me. Last but not least, I would like express my utmost gratitude and appreciation to Jesus Christ for the strength and many miracles that You have showered and for Your eternal saving grace, love, mercy and compassion upon my life. This journey is only by Your grace. x Publication 1. Suwana, F and Lily.2017. ‘Empowering Indonesian Women through Building Digital Media Literacy’, Kasetsart Journal of Social Science, Elsevier. Vol. 38, Issue 3, September–December 2017, pp. 212-217 https://authors.elsevier.com/sd/article/S2452315117303818 2. Suwana, F. 2016. “Digital Media and Indonesian Young People to Support Democracy”, paper presented to Crossroads in Cultural Studies conference, University of Sydney, Sydney, December 14-17, 2016 3. Suwana, F. 2016. “Digital Media Literacy and Indonesian Young People to Undertake Civic Engagement and Political Participation”, paper presented to Australian Asian Studies Association Biennial Conference, Australian National University, Canberra, July 5-7, 2016 xi Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Research background and question Indonesia as the world's third-largest democracy has experienced fundamental changes since the country progressed from an authoritarian state to a democratic regime after the Reformation period (reformasi) of the mid-1990s (Antlov and Wetterberg 2011; Mietzner 2012; Aspinall 2014c; Gazali 2014; Tapsell 2015b; Lussier and Fish 2012). Freedom of speech and assembly are legally protected; direct election of the President commenced in 2004, and direct election of provincial leaders in 2005; and authority has been decentralised (Cochrane 2014). The reformation period has brought the democratic system to Indonesia. Furthermore, the reform movement of 1997-1998 showed the emergence of information society around the new media in Indonesia as the Internet was a useful element for reformation (Romano 2005; Hill and Sen 2005; Nugroho et al. 2011; Lim 2011; Holik 2011). However, the Internet did not have a strong role in the democratic development in Indonesia, the President Suharto’s resignation, or during the reformation period (Groshek 2010; Hill and Sen 2005). Moreover, in Indonesia, civil society has brought a major impact to the vibrant of socio-political engagement over these past few years through the Internet (Nugroho et al. 2011; Mietzner 2012; Freedom House 2015a). The new type of connective action of social movements has been rising worldwide, for example: Arab Spring, los indignados in Spain, and Occupy Wall Street (Bennett and Segerberg 2012, 2013). Several characteristics of this action are the communication and coordination through online or digital media, which is voluntarily based without organizational infrastructure and leadership (Bennett and Segerberg 2012, 2013; Earl and Kimport 2011). However, leadership in participation is one role that drives the social mobilization behind a protest movement (Lee and Chan 2015a) and the success of offline political mobilization is often recognized by the existence of effective leaders (Margetts et al. 2015). For example, the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong had a positive relationship between leadership participation and two digital media activities (online debates and mobile communication) to mobilize others (Lee and Chan 2015a). Similarly, leaders and initiators were vital in organizing the social movement of the 1 Sunflower Movement in Taiwan (Chen and Liao 2014). As different cultures could have different digital media use for the political movement, the analysis of political movements by digital media in developing democratic countries like Indonesia is essential, as this research could help to give different insights and dynamics to improve the effectiveness of digital movements. Indonesian citizens have used Internet (digital media) to establish support for social and political change (Freedom House 2016). As Internet use has seen massive growth in Indonesia over the past decade, with the greatest growth among young people. Indonesian Internet users increased to 88.1 million or 34% of the total population, which is 259.1 million people, in 2014 (WeAreSocial 2016). The data also showed that the most common Internet users, 49% in 2014, were young people aged 18-25 (APJII and Puskakom 2015). Moreover, Indonesian young people are internet savvy (Taylor 2015) or social-media savvy (Tapsell 2015a). Young people are more connected to technology and grow up with more information in the digital era. Participation is a fundamental democratic right, especially for young people, because this generation will become the workers, entrepreneurs, creators, and policymakers of the future. While youth participation in national political reforms has emerged in several countries including Indonesia, for instance in Tunisia in 2010 (Castells 2015), the Egyptian Revolution in 2011 (Castells 2015), the Arab Spring (Castells 2015; Ramli 2012), the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong (Lee and Ting 2015; Phillips 2014; Tsui 2015), the Save KPK 2012 in Indonesia (Mahditama 2012). And also, in the Save KPK in 2015 with Indonesian young people from university/college and non-government organisation participated in this political movement (Gabrillin 2015). While the future of democracy is in young people’s hands, it is crucial for them to learn how to use digital media for civic and political actions (Bennett 2008), because most digital media were created for social and entertainment purposes (Bennett 2008; Morozov 2011). Democracy and participation in public culture require not just a willingness to consume information, but also to create, share and use information. The rapid growth of digital media in Indonesia has not occurred automatically in parallel with the improvement of citizens’ digital media literacy. Therefore, this research aims to investigate whether young Indonesian people have been able to understand and 2 meaningfully use digital media specifically to support democratic institutions and practices. The thesis’s research question is: How do Indonesian young people use digital media for civic engagement and political participation? Sub-Question 1: What motivates Indonesian young people to use digital media to take part in civic engagement and participation? Sub-Question 2: What resources are required to enable Indonesian young people to have the capacity to use digital media for civic engagement and participation? Based on Norris’s framework, motivation refers to the knowledge and confidence of people to bring them to political participation. Also, resources refer to attributes and capacities of individuals and include economic status, education levels and occupation (Norris 2001). In this research, the motivation and capacities of Indonesian young people had been focused to examine their motivation and digital media literacy to use digital media for civic engagement and political participation. The key areas here are internet civic engagement and the political participation of Indonesian young people. Some key terms that will be explained in more detail in other sections of this research include civic engagement, connective action, digital media literacy, digital media activism, Internet civic engagement, monitory democracy, political participation, participatory democracy, participatory citizens and young people. 1.2 The development of democracy in Indonesia In the beginning 1960s, students and intellectuals grew into a significant political force in Indonesia. Sukarno developed the Communist Party-affiliated People's Cultural Institute (Lekra) which to suppress and harass intellectuals. The dissatisfaction with Lekra became widespread student protests again Sukarno’s undemocratic and corrupt regulation as this also became climaxes of anti-Sukarno sentiments from many areas of Indonesian society (Gordon 1998). After Suharto taking power, this era is called as a ‘New Order’ period (1966–1998). In the beginning, Suharto was cooperative with student activists as he gave several parliamentary seats to student leaders until early 3 1970 (Gordon 1998). Soon after that, Suharto progressively began depoliticizing Indonesia's campuses as part of an overall effort to restrict political pluralism (Gordon 1998; Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Moreover, Suharto imposed the Campus Normalization Act of 1978 which effectively ended the opportunity of student activism (Gordon 1998; Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005), as the government eradicated the university student councils that had provided the framework for student political activities before (Gordon 1998). Undeniably, the dominant of New Order power witnessed "the steady weakening of political parties and other society-based forces, such as pressure groups, social classes, and voluntary organizations such as NGOs." (Gordon 1998, 6). Simultaneously, however, Jakarta has rigorously monitored and restricted any activities by NGOs that might organize political actions against the authority of Suharto's regime (Gordon 1998). However, NGO organized several activities supposedly intended for community development or simply development to influence government policy with grassroots organizing and limited media campaigns in both the national and international press (Gordon 1998). In 1996, there was a new occurrence came to New Order politics as PRD (the People’s Democratic Party), established under a different name in 1994 but declared a party in April 1996. This party was a fear for Suharto’s regime because it successfully organized its activities at the grassroots level. Continually, Indonesian students, workers, NGO activists and other ‘pro-democracy’ powers entered to recognize with each protest and reasons and to build anti-government alliances (Porter 2002). The 1996’s mass protest showed a transformation in public attitude. There were a growing number of Indonesians who tired of the reality that the elections and parties mainly functioned of endorsing President Suharto’s unchallenged dominance of the Indonesian political system (Porter 2002). This was the first time in the New Order period; Indonesians were started to against restricting political regulations and powerful measures that limited them from political participation. Also, this was new phenomena than before as Indonesians rejected the ideological rationales and structures of New Oder’s authoritarianism (Porter 2002). 4 Indonesia experienced a significant transformation of its political situation after the end of the regime of President Suharto in 1998 (Lussier and Fish 2012; Lindsey 2014; Tornquist 2014a). After 1998, Indonesia introduced a liberal democratic system that has direct election, power distribution, legal and judicial systems, checks and balances (Lindsey 2014), and electoral integrity (Gromping 2015). But unlike the model of a liberal democratic government (Lindsey 2014; Tornquist 2014a), there has been lack of success in providing access to power at the national level, which has persisted strongly held by long-standing elites. Even so, Indonesia, which has been through capitalist growth, corruption, and 32 years of dictatorship, is now one of the most free countries (Tornquist 2014) and the only stable trajectory towards electoral integrity in South East Asia (Gromping 2015), with direct elections, political stability and economic development (Cochrane 2014; Lussier and Fish 2012; Tornquist 2014). Moreover, Hadiz (2003) argued that the fall of Suharto’s authoritarian (New Order) role in 1998 raised optimism about a democratic transition in Indonesia towards becoming a liberal democratic system (Hadiz 2003). However, the institutions of Indonesia’s new democracy have been captured by predatory interests, precisely because these were not swept away by the tide of reform. In fact, old forces have been able to reinvent themselves through new alliances and vehicles (Hadiz 2003, 593). This is because of the tradition of Suharto’s New Order, which was successful in promoting an ineffective civil society and repressing NGOs. For example, the liberal intellectual groups, professional groups, and marginalized working-class groups have not been able to work against this tradition and to organize consistently (Hadiz 2003). In addition, Hadiz stated that “the result is the ascendance of many of the elements of the ancient regime – who were always more organized, coherent and endowed with material resources in the first place – and a non-liberal form of democracy, run by the logic of money politics and political thuggery”(Hadiz 2003, 594). Furthermore, Hadiz (2003) also argued that the problem is not completely about the absence of a civil society as this group exists in Indonesia. However, the interests of civil society are often implicitly understood in the neoliberal tradition (free markets), law and democracy regulations, and are consequently associated with idealized concepts of a vibrant and independent middle class. So, there are conflicts of interest 5 and competition inside civil society, itself (Hadiz 2003). In addition, in relation to the democratic transition in Indonesia, Hadiz (2003) also stressed the importance of rebuilding democracy: “The contest over state power – and for control over its institutions and resources – is not confined to those engaged in the national political arena. This process has instead extended to the local level because of the erosion of central state authority. In spite of such changes, the major theme of Indonesian political economy remains the appropriation of state institutions and resources by coalitions of politico-bureaucratic and business interests. The unravelling of the New Order only means that these coalitions are now more diverse, diffuse and decentralized, as are the new networks of patronage being built” (Hadiz 2003, 595-596). Meanwhile, the global media, foreign governments, and Indonesia’s own leaders usually consider Indonesia to be a successful democratic country, while Indonesian academics, Indonesian scholars, and activists qualify that perspective, arguing that several elites in Indonesia, by trying to restore the reformation of democracy, have also undermined the quality of democracy (Mietzner 2012). In previous research, Hadiz and Robison (2013) stated that democratic transitions in Indonesia after 1998 had offered the sustenance of oligarchy that developed from a former centralized system of authority and patronage. This democracy was encouraged by money politics and the competition of self-interest between state, institutions and resources that could take more anarchic like in new order era or before 1998 (Hadiz and Robison 2013). Also, Mietzner (2014) stated that the overstated praise of Indonesian democracy’s progress from foreign leaders could become destructive as Indonesia should be perceived as “a young, volatile, democracy struggling with a host of political and social problem, and not as a consolidated democracy that needs no further assistance” (Mietzner 2015, 61). Moreover, Indonesia has a poor quality of democracy, with corruption still evident (Lindsey 2014) and repressive elites running the country (Lindsey 2014; Martinez-Bravo, Mukherjee and Stegmann 2016). The introduction of liberal democracy, popular elections and a separation between the legislature and judiciary (decentralization) after the end of Suharto era has not included providing access to power at the national level because the country still faces corruptions, money politics, and elite controls. 6 Democratic practice based on the existence of certain institutions and a guarantee to see basic human rights. In the modern representative democratic practice, there are democratic rights that are fundamental to developing of a civil society, such as rights of freedom from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, freedom of speech, freedom of press, freedom to petition, the right to form parties and other civil liberties (Bessant 2004). Despite this uneven democratic development, there has been some progress in Indonesian democracy. Aspinall (2014a) stated that Indonesia has avoided aggression during the transition period (1998 – until now) and implement the practice of democracy, as he also mentioned that Indonesia has made advancements in many areas and its political system has become more open and plural (Aspinall 2014a). At the level of democratic practices, Antlov and Weeterberg (2011) found evidence of citizen engagement with the government at the local level in Indonesia (Antlov and Wetterberg 2011, 3). Also, Freedom House (2015) mentioned that Indonesia had positive achievements, with citizens participating in the open and fair election process in 2014 (Freedom House 2015b). Much progress towards democracy was achieved by Indonesia between 1998 and the present, with Indonesian citizens freely participating and engaging in political concerns. On the other hand, Indonesia still has undemocratic institutions and practices that should be essentially reformed (Antlov and Wetterberg 2011). There are three important areas in which several elites have driven to reverse the reformation of institutions, resulting in the stagnation of democracy in Indonesia. The areas or issues that should be reformed include the fight against corruption, electoral management, and minority rights (Mietzner 2012; Human Rights Watch 2014; Postill and Saputro 2017), along with religious freedom and free expression (Human Rights Watch 2014), and the pattern of corruption, money politics and patronage that is still prevalent in Indonesia (Cochrane 2014; Aspinall 2014b). There is ongoing frustration about the corruption that is established in political parties and institutions (Mietzner 2015), while Indonesian civil society has been continuing the struggle against corruption and electoral fraud (Postill and Saputro 2017). Therefore, the transformation is necessary for Indonesia to support civic engagement and political participation to eradicate corruption, support law enforcement and expand democratic practices. 7 As the democratic transitions problematic started to drop, a new literature that underlines in civil society and social movement has started to develop. For example, Indonesian labour’s protests have occurred in some areas and they used opportunities from democratization and attracted Indonesian media (Hadiz and Robinson, 2013). The development of Indonesian civil society can be seen in the social and political participation to force the government to make a positive change as an attempt to maintain democratic practices. The success of Indonesian civic participation results from an active (Lussier and Fish 2012), vocal and mobilized civil society (Gumbs 2014). Participation and strong sociability support effective political actions, which can enable Indonesians to defend their rights and to limit the power of the elites (Lussier and Fish 2012). High levels of social and political engagement in organisations have become visible in Indonesia, and this shows how such engagement develops democratization (Lussier and Fish 2012). For example, in 2001, some Indonesian parliament members and the public successfully pressured the Indonesian president, Megawati Soekarnoputri to allow direct presidential elections, and South Sulawesi citizens had street demonstrations and successfully forced the then Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY or Yudhoyono) to recount the voting of a gubernatorial election in 2008 (Lussier and Fish 2012). A flourishing civil society, coupled with digital media use, is upholding political democracy in Indonesia. In 2014, civil society organizations protested on the streets and in media to criticize SBY regarding the direct election and Indonesian netizens made the hashtag #ShameOnYouSBY, which became a worldwide trending topic (Miichi 2015). These online political engagements impacted the government to take action, and “Yudhoyono after suffering much abuse on social media for his stance, subsequently issued an emergency regulation that re-instated direct election” (Mietzner 2015, 49). This example shows that an active civil society is growing in Indonesia, but civic engagement and participation still depends on non-government organisations and activists to develop coalitions and collaborations. 8 Democracy in Indonesia is still developing through non-governmental organisations and civil society activists that form coalitions outside the parliament and cooperate with progressive politicians to fight for “public services, social rights, decent employment relations, inclusive growth and democratic participation in public governance” (Tornquist 2014, 5-6). Moreover, Indonesian civil society organisations have functions to control high-level government officials including the President (Lussier and Fish 2012). Through digital media technologies, Indonesian civil society has significantly impacted the dynamics of socio-political engagement over these past few years, primarily through the Internet (Nugroho et al. 2011; Mietzner 2012; Freedom House 2015a). Participation in digital activism or online political activity has been increasing and developing in Indonesia. Use of the Internet and mobile phones has been increasing in Indonesia (Baulch 2017; Simandjutak 2014), and Indonesians usually connect to the Internet mainly through their mobile phone, especially to access social media and daily communication (Pangestu and Dewi 2017). Therefore, the use of information and communication technology should be fully maximised as well to support participative democracy with e-voting (electronic voting) for Indonesian elections in the future (Simandjutak 2014). Digital media technologies can become a tool to support the development of democracy and also the usage of digital media can be further analysed to look at the growth of democracy in Indonesia. 1.3 The development of the Internet in Indonesia Internet use provides new potential for civic engagement and political participation. However, Norris (2001) argues there are concerns of unequal access, and that new media benefits elite people who have resources and motivation and excludes poor people (Norris 2001). In the beginning of the 21st century, when few people had access to the Internet in countries such as Nigeria, Indonesia or Ecuador, the potential for democratization was limited (Norris 2001). The Indonesian government granted the first Indonesian ISP commercial license in 1996, enabling the Internet to be accessed by all as long as they had the literacy skills, computer skills and the budget to access 9 the technology. The reform movement of 1997-1998 saw the first substantial formation of an information society around new media in Indonesia, and the Internet was an important element (Romano 2005; Hill and Sen 2005; Nugroho et al. 2011; Lim 2011; Holik 2011). However, the Internet was still limited for Indonesian people in the early days of Internet development in Indonesia, with the numbers of Internet users in 2005 less than 5 percent of the Indonesian population, only 8.1 million people (Pangestu and Dewi 2017) Indonesian society now turns to digital media for information, as they distrust mainstream media (Nugroho and Syarief 2012), which faces some challenges in providing a public sphere. First, due to the high demands on journalists in the media industries, and media competition that prioritizes speed over accuracy of news, there is a lack of high quality Indonesian journalists and news. Second, there are high numbers of journalist ethical code violations that are handled without significant penalties (Nugroho and Syarief 2012). All of these problems, generate more opportunities in digital media, as the public may also produce and distribute, as well as consume information (Bruns 2008a; Jenkins 2006a). In many new democracies, civil society groups and Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) have found the Internet an effective tool to disseminate information and opinion and also for mobilizing for protest actions (Coronel 2003; Norris 2001). This is true in Indonesia as Indonesian civil society organisations and communities play an important role in Indonesian political development. As Nugroho et al. (2011) explained civil society includes groups or communities that are independent of the government and business structure. Civil society organisations aim to transform the current social order to create a better social order in Indonesia (Nugroho et al. 2011). Indonesian civil society has significantly encouraged the dynamics of civic and political engagement as well as democracy and human rights in Indonesia (Davies and Harris‐ Rimmer 2016; Nugroho et al. 2011). Several examples of Indonesian civil societies that promote civic and political engagement include: The Aceh Blogger Community, AIMIASI (Indonesian Association of Breastfeeding Mothers), Combine Research Institution (Nugroho et al. 2011), ID-Blokir, Internet Sehat/ICTWatch, and Jalin Merapi, all of 10 which are established and locally successful organizations that use the Internet for civic activism (Nugroho, Putri and Laksmi 2012). Moreover, the Internet and social media have assisted these civil society organisations to manage their internal operations and external aspects of their political activity, such as civic activism and social-political engagement (Nugroho et al. 2011). Digital media offer a variety of tools, formats and content that can be used for civic engagement and political participation for supporting democracy. It has been demonstrated that the Internet can be a powerful tool for activism, and Internet-based social network services are widely used by Indonesia’s civil society activists (Mietzner 2012). One example of digital activism was the Save KPK movement in 2012. This movement was an online movement to confront the trial of former Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) / Corruption Eradication Commission, Bibit Samad Rianto (chairman) and Chandra Hamzah (deputy chairman), who were suspected of bribery (Mahditama 2012). This campaign took place on social media and websites, including Facebook pages (Save KPK and Save Indonesia), Twitter (#SaveKPK) and the website Change.org (online petition). PoliticaWave, a social media monitoring company discovered about the hashtag #SaveKPK that potentially reached more than 9.4 million Internet users in Indonesia (Mahditama 2012). Moreover, the human rights activist, Usman Hamid shared about Indonesian people and the Save KPK 2012 campaign in The Jakarta Post that “these people staunchly believe in the spirit of change. They are convinced that change can still come, no matter how big a problem they are facing, even if it is political corruption. They believe in people power” (Mahditama 2012). In Indonesia, digital media activism has been used for mobilizing people and winning the opinion of the public regarding political actions, especially in the case of corruption. Most Indonesian social media users belong to the urban business elite and the majority of content expresses middle-class, urban culture, lifestyle and problems (Lim 2011). The Ministry of Communication and Informatics found that the majority of Internet users are Indonesian young people aged 15-19 years old (Kementerian Komunikasi Informasi dan Teknologi Republik Indonesia 2014b). These young people 11 are dubbed the ‘new bloggers’ (Nugroho and Syarief 2012). Also, Lim (2013) argues that while political Internet activity exists in Indonesia, it is on the edge of social activities. Most Indonesian people under the age of 25 occupy different networks from their seniors and these Indonesian young people utilize the Internet and social media, but their blogs focus on local and global popular culture, such as music, fashion, film and television (Lim 2013). Also, Indonesian young people have limited access to formal political institutions and little opportunity to develop the political process. They are not interested in participating in political parties, which makes the system disconnected from young people’s problems (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). Previous research that mapped the Indonesian digital landscape showed that social media’s potential for reaching wider audiences are recognized and utilized by media and communication managers and also political parties, politicians, ministers, and government websites have used social media (Ambardi et al. 2014). Indonesian political institutions’ media managers have used social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter (Ambardi et al. 2014; Johansson 2016) to deliver political news and information to Indonesian society (Ambardi et al. 2014). Furthermore, the creative content production on Indonesian Facebook demonstrates freedom of expression and individual empowerment to openly accommodate different perspectives on political issues such as presidential candidates (Murti 2013), and other scholars have argued that social media is popular because this new media could bring a much higher degree of freedom of general dissemination of information (Johansson 2016). Social media has rapidly developed in importance as a new way of exploring political concerns in different digital media platforms. Social media has a vital role and impact in Indonesian democracy as it can be used for Indonesian modern political communication. For instance, the politician Fadjroel Rachman created the online campaign #supportFEBRY, which refers to the case of Nur Febriani, an Indonesian local flight attendant who tried to apply the flight’s procedure of turning off the mobile phone, but the head of the local investment agent in Indonesia offended Nur Febriani (Gazali 2014). In another example, Ratna Sarumpaet, a human rights activist, conducted an online petition on the Change.org petition for 12 the dissolution of the FPI (‘Islamic Defender Forum’) organisation in Indonesia. The FPI’s attacks on several parties are a contravention of Islamic teachings like Indonesian businesses have improper activities during the Ramadhan fast (Gazali 2014). These examples are prominent in Indonesia as they can provide several dynamic examples of civic activism and socio-political engagement that have assisted by digital media, for example from citizen to citizen (#supportFEBRY, #saveahok, Jalin Merapi), citizen to organisation (bubarkan FPI/dissolution of FPI), citizen to corporation (coin for Prita), and citizen to government (the Save KPK). Furthermore, digital media have been used politically to organise protests, support electoral watchdog, and accommodate a sphere of better freedom of expressions that contribute to Indonesian democracy (Jurriens and Tapsell 2017). This shows digital media can be utilised by Indonesian society to maintain and improve democratic practices in Indonesia. Indonesian people are avid users of social media, especially In Jakarta and other major cities. Indonesians are usually connected each other to the Internet by their smartphones (N.O. 2014). Shinto Nugroho from Google Indonesia stated that the Internet, mobile technology and social media played an important role in the Indonesian election in 2014 (N.O. 2014; Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). For example, Google is a partner of Perludem (an Indonesian NGO) and the Asia Foundation (an American NGO), and they also conducted collaborative workshops for political parties to share information about how to use social media for connecting younger voters in electoral campaigns (N.O. 2014). Noting that mobile smartphone and Internet use have been increasing in Indonesia, the utilization of digital media should be maximized to generate better participation for supporting democracy in Indonesia (Simandjutak 2014). In Indonesia, social media have played a role in political processes and will remain important in the future (Johansson 2016). Digital activism has become a popular form for the Indonesian urban middle-class to organise supports for social and political change, for examples of this mobilization include the hashtag #ShameOnYouSBY, and 13 the movement of #SaveKPK or #AkuKPK in January 2015 (Freedom House 2015a), Twitter had used to support the Save KPK movement 2015 (Tapsell 2015a) and this media was effective for supporting offline mobilization on the #SaveKPK movement (Freedom House 2012). Therefore, digital media activism, both independently and complementarily, supports offline and online activism. This thesis will focus on a more recent online movement, which is the Save KPK movement in 2015 (the Save KPK movement in this thesis refers to the Save KPK movement in 2015). Moreover, the Save KPK movement is one example of a creative grassroots campaign to support democracy in Indonesia (Clough 2015; Freedom House 2015a). The KPK was established in 2003 to eradicate corruption cases in Indonesia, especially corruption among high-profile people or elites (Tapsell 2015a). The hazards of democracy appeared after the weaken of the KPK institution and the conflict between the Indonesian national police (POLRI) and the KPK (Clough 2015; Tapsell 2015a) in 2015. The Internet provides capabilities for participatory actions such as accessing information, disseminating information, coordinating and decision making, and building a common identity (Kavada 2010). In Indonesia, there is grassroots activism to support democracy, as in the Save KPK movement and this movement used social media, like Facebook (Clough 2015) and Twitter (Clough 2015; Tapsell 2015a) to improve, inform, mobilize, and encourage the public to demonstrate against corruption. Also, Indonesian university/college students and non-government organisation activists participated in the Save KPK 2015 campaign to support anticorruption in Indonesia (Gabrillin 2015). There is enormous potential for Indonesian digital media users to amplify the capacities of activists and social movements to support democratic practices. On the one hand, this action occurred in the Save KPK movement and it was beneficial because the group could develop into a large scale network drawn from different backgrounds, experiences and digital media literacy skills to support the movement and pressure the Indonesian government and elites to make decisions about conflict between Bambang Widjojanto, a Deputy Chief of the Corruption Eradication Commission or KPK and Budi Gunawan, a top candidate for Chief of the Indonesian 14 National Police or POLRI. On the other hand, there were some weaknesses in this movement, due to their reliance on volunteers, and their lack of clear leadership. Therefore, this research aims to examine how Indonesian young people have been able to utilize digital media for political participation to support democratic practices and institutions in Indonesia. 1.4 Chapter breakdown There will be eight chapters in this thesis. Chapter 1 provides a general description of the research background and introduces the research questions. In this section, the significance and expected contribution to knowledge are clarified, and the preliminary frame, purpose and scope of this study are discussed. Chapter 2 is the literature review section. Theories and concepts about participatory democracy and civic engagement have been critical to review. This research uses theories and concepts of participatory democracy, civic engagement and connective action to investigate the potential for digital media to play a significant role in the wave of democratic subversion in Indonesia. Moreover, this study will discuss digital media literacy as a tool to analyse the engagement of Indonesian youth in developing democratic institutions and practices. Finally, theories and concepts of this study will be proposed based on the literature review. Chapter 3 describes the research methods. This research involved three stages to collect data. Firstly, semi-structured interviews were conducted with student leaders at universities and with digital media initiators to gather data about their digital usage, digital media literacy and motivation to engage in political participation in order to support democracy. Second, focus groups were conducted with university students as non-politically active member of campus organizations to understand their digital usage and digital media literacy. Finally, a case study was conducted with activists, non-government organisation members, 15 government officials, and political organisation members to give insights into their motivations, capacities and processes of digital media use for political participation. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 describe how the data was gathered and how analysis of this research was carried out. These sections describe the details of the three research methods (interviews, focus group discussions and a single case study) and how to interpret the findings. The findings in this research reveal the respondents’ motivations, capacities and processes of digital media use for political participation, in particular for the Save KPK movement’s group and the Indonesian universities and colleges. In Chapter 6, the focus shifts to obstacles of digital media use for political movement and also civic and political concerns in Indonesia. Chapter 7 discusses the analysis in this research, which are the motivations and obstacles, digital media literacy and digital media activism in Indonesian young people. The discussions show the differences in motivation and digital media literacy between two groups of respondents and also the advantages and disadvantages of digital media activism in Indonesia that could give insights into different cultures may use digital media in different ways for political movement Chapter 8 describes the conclusions of this research. The research questions raised in Chapter 1 will be answered in this chapter and the results are expected to form a reference point such as Indonesian multi-stakeholders could collaborate to develop digital media literacy learning (formal and non-formal) and type of those learning that improve the capacities of their citizens, and also could create a good regulation and community system to maintain the healthy and safe online environment for digital media users. 16 Chapter 2: Literature Review 2.1 Introduction: Digital media, young people and political participation in Indonesia In debates on digital media and social movements, some scholars, on the one hand, argue that digital technologies are significant for connecting, coordinating, sharing and mobilizing, and organizing social movements (Bennett and Segerberg 2012; Cammaerts 2015; Castells 2015; Denning 2001; Joyce 2010; Norris 2001; Ricketts 2012; Shirky 2011; Gerbaudo 2012). The principle of social movements has improved by digital media (Bennett and Segerberg 2012; Chadwick 2006; Gerbaudo 2012). Contrary to the more positive arguments, other scholars argue that the Internet can erode social movements (Gladwell 2010; Keen 2015; Morozov 2011). As I have mentioned in the previous chapter (Chapter 1), there is a rise of a new type of “connective action’ in digital activism or movements worldwide, such as the Arab Spring, los indignados in Spain, and Occupy Wall Street and the characteristics of these connective actions include the communication and coordination by digital media, which is voluntarily based, without organizational infrastructure, and no leadership. Digital media offers a variety of tools, formats and content that can be used for civic engagement and political participation to support democracy. Internet-based social network services are widely used by Indonesia’s civil society activists (Mietzner 2012; Nugroho and Syarief 2012) and it has been demonstrated that digital media has become an effective tool for activism in Indonesia. In the field of digital media research, most of the current academic attention focuses on the digital media for civic and political participation (Bennett 2014b; Lee and Ting 2015; Norris 2001; Vromen, Xenos and Loader 2015) or digital media literacy for civic and political participation (Burroughs et al. 2009; Kim and Yang 2015; Martens and Hobbs 2015). Also, there are relatively small numbers of existing studies about digital media processes that combine digital media activism and political participation, especially in the Indonesian context, as several researchers explore more into the benefits of civic and political participation (Lussier and Fish 2012; Nugroho et al. 2011; Ramli 2012; Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005) and digital media for activism or 17 participation (Gazali 2014; Lim 2011; Nugroho and Syarief 2012; Postill and Saputro 2017; Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). Furthermore, the development of digital media platforms has been rapid and there has also been increasing online participation globally. Therefore, the linking between digital media activism and political participation in a developing democratic country like Indonesia is beneficial to study. Moreover, this thesis will focus on a more recent online movement, the Save KPK movement, a grassroots campaign to support democracy in Indonesia (Clough 2015; Freedom House 2015a). The KPK was established in 2003 in order to eradicate corruption cases in Indonesia, especially those of high-profile people or elites (Tapsell 2015a). The hazards of democracy appeared after the emasculation of the KPK institution and the conflict between the Indonesian national police (POLRI) and the KPK (Clough 2015; Tapsell 2015a) in 2015. BW was arrested by the police, and after several days the KPK announced that Budi Gunawan was a suspect in a bribery scandal. Indonesian civil society gathered online and offline to support the KPK, which became one example of a political movement to support democracy in Indonesia. The Internet and other digital media provide capabilities for the kind of participatory actions required by a variety of social movements, such as accessing and disseminating information, coordinating and decision making, and building a common identity (Kavada 2010; Porta and Mosca 2009). Also, there is a significant association between individual participation and digital media (Vromen 2007; Bakker and De Vreese 2011) that includes to find and distribute information of community and political concerns (Vromen 2007). Activists in the Save KPK 2015 movement use the social media such as Facebook (Clough 2015) and Twitter (Clough 2015; Tapsell 2015a) to improve, inform, mobilize, and encourage the public to demonstrate against corruption. Also, Indonesian university/college students and non-government organisation activists participated in the Save KPK 2015 to support anti-corruption protests in Indonesia (Gabrillin 2015). Digital media has enormous potential to amplify the capacities of activists and social movements to support democratic practices in Indonesia. 18 Digital media have been successful in mobilizing participation and a powerful tool for protest movements, because they make activism easier and cheaper due the capacity to communicate, coordinate (Bennett and Segerberg 2012; Denning 2001; Mitu and Vega 2014), and post information on new media, such as online forums or websites rather than using traditional media like radio or television (Bennett and Segerberg 2012; Mitu and Vega 2014). The Save KPK movement showed something of the “networked space between the digital space and the urban space” (Castells 2012, 14) when the movement mobilized people through digital media to gather together in the KPK’s headquarters in Jakarta. Chapter 4 will show how the Indonesian activists preferred to use digital tools when they organised the Save KPK movement. The digital media use for social movement confirms Lim’s observation that social media offers a space for Indonesian young people, in particular, to participate as part of the consumption, creation, and sharing of their ideas, knowledge and culture (Lim 2013). The Save KPK movement furthermore used digital media to create an autonomous space that combined online and offline movements or activism. 2.2 Participatory democracy The four key characteristics of a democratic system are voting, constitutionality, participation and rational choice (McNair 2011). Constitutionality is the agreement to rules governing the conduct of elections and the behaviour of supporters and insurgents. Participation is civil rights that are equal for all groups of people. Rational choice explains the accessibility of political choices (McNair 2011). The model of participatory democracy is based on the principle of justification. This principle explains the equality of freedom and self-improvement that can be obtained by a participatory society (Held 2006). Participatory society can foster a sense of political efficacy, an understanding of public concerns and the development of knowledgeable citizens who are interested in the process of government that can be fostered by a participative society (Held 2006). Participatory democracy has several main characteristics, including direct participation in regulation, political party officials directly responsible to the membership, a 19 parliamentary structure, and the protection of open institutional systems to assure the chance of experimentation with political forms (Held 2006). Furthermore, several general conditions from this participatory democracy model include “direct amelioration of the poor resource base of many social groups through redistribution of material resources, minimization of unaccountable bureaucratic power in public and private life, an open information system to ensure informed decisions, re-examination of children provision so that women as well as men can take up the opportunity to participate in public life” (Held 2006, 215). Direct participation, openness and transparency are crucial that define participatory democracy. Participation in the political process by citizens has been considered a vital element for an effective and healthy democracy (Bakker and De Vreese 2011; Carpentier 2011). The notion of political participation refers to the participation of citizens in formal politics (Carpentier 2011). Proponents of agency and participatory democracy take note of the amount of an ordinary citizen’s apathy and political inactivity therefore, participatory democrats believe that apathy should be diminished and active civic engagement should be optimised (Cunningham 2002). The target of participation based in the USA context in “keeping with the Port Huron Statement, a prime target of attention for early participationists was the university students and the radical ideas supported and protected partial democratization by involving students as policymakers of curriculum and grading at the level of classrooms or committees” (Cunningham 2002, 127). Developing these ideas further, Ramli (2012), in his research on youth political participation in Malaysia and Indonesia, mentioned that youth were an asset for political participation, and the way to increase youth political participation is to engage these young people with digital media (Ramli 2012). Young people as active citizens are an important target for political participation and digital media represents a useful tactic to improve young people’s political participation 2.1. Participatory citizens The key source of sovereignty in all democratic political systems is the citizen. Citizens can apply pressure in the policy-making process in several ways, for instance by becoming voters, political party members, activists, rights advocates, protesters, 20 campaign workers, opinion leaders, professional organization members, and an audience for the mass media (Considine 1994). Based on the classical definition, citizenship is an ordinary citizen who is protected from elite power and this citizen requires “accountability, frequent elections, separation of legislative and judicial power and protection of the living standards of citizens so as to enable effective participation” in the system (Considine 1994, 147). As a consequence, democratic citizens could able to participate in their countries. The primary concept to define democratic citizens for their role in the political process is participation (Carpentier 2011; Dalton 2008) while citizen participation is defined as citizen power (Arnstein 1969). Arnstein (1969) explained “there is an unequal distribution of power, of course, and the have-nots do not have power. The power is redistributed to enable have-nots citizens, presently excluded from the political and economic process, to be deliberately included in the future” (Arnstein 1969, 216). Participation is a process, even though it is not always an easy one, as the participation process includes power contests among different individuals with their own projects that form and reform the limitations of their actions (Cornwall 2008). In a democracy, participation in decision-making process is a concern for citizens (Carpentier 2011), including the ‘have-nots’ citizens (Arnstein 1969). In a democracy, public participation should be equal for every citizen even there are still haves or have-nots citizens. Carpini (2000) argued that citizens have the opportunities to become participated in a public, but citizens must capable to take opportunities that are available to them (Carpini 2000). The specific abilities that needed to participate vary depending on the type of participation itself but could include time, money, information, and specific abilities of organizational, communications, and leadership (Carpini 2000). Therefore, some abilities like resources and skills should be developed by the government for citizens in order to support every citizen to participate equally in the public. In research about participation models, Westheimer and Kahne (2004) discussed how citizens actively participate in the civic activities at both the local and national levels (Westheimer and Kahne 2004). This type of active citizen has several characteristics: 21 for instance, they engage in community organizations, organise attempts to build community, become familiar with the work of government organizations and are familiar with the strategies of task accomplishment (Westheimer and Kahne 2004). Citizenship models of participation allow for the possibility that many individuals will often be unfamiliar with one another when they engage in democratic action, so special combination between tolerance and activism is required to work with other people, and the barriers between two different people is established by institutions and decision making processes that encourage a dynamic form of political knowledge (Considine 1994). Participatory citizens can be volunteers or active agents in political and social processes by voting, creating committees, protesting and running campaigns. As these citizens also need to have the ability of tolerance in activism as they would not know each other participants from their civic and political participation. Arnstein (1969) developed the typology of participation and non-participation, “a ladder of participation with eight levels. The first two are ‘manipulation and therapy’, which describe non-participation levels and the purpose is not to enable people to participate in planning or conducting programmes. The third level is ‘informing’, which entails one-way flow of control without meaningful channels for feedback or response” (Arnstein 1969, 217). “The fourth is ‘consultation’, which progresses to the level of tokenism. The ‘have nots’ can hear and talk, but they don’t have power to assure that their views are noticed by the ‘haves’. The fifth is ‘placation’, a higher level of tokenism. The ‘have-nots’ can advise but the powerholders still make the decisions” (Arnstein 1969, 217). “The next three levels show an increasing level of decision-making. The level sixth is ‘partnership’; this level includes citizen power that allows them to negotiate with the decision makers. The seventh and eighth levels are ‘delegated power and citizen control’. At these levels the ‘have nots’ achieve the full power of decision-making” (Arnstein 1969, 217). Moreover, “delegated power results with citizens having delegated powers to make decisions and to assure the accountability of their programmes. Citizen control occurs when ‘have-nots’ handle the entire job to plan, decide and manage a programme” (Arnstein 1969, 222-223). 22 Jules Pretty (1995) developed a typology of participation adapted from several scholars. She explained seven types of participation, including: “manipulative participation, passive participation, participation by consultation, participation for material incentives, functional participation, interactive participation, and selfmobilization” (Pretty 1995, 1252). Moreover, Cornwall (2008) explored other meanings of participation, evaluating Arnstein’s and Pretty’s typologies of participation, such as: for Arnstein, in the end, participation is only about distribution of power. In contrast, Pretty noted that self-mobilisation may oppose the unequal distribution of power, or perhaps not, and therefore Pretty clarified the motivation of the participant as an essential factor determining whether to participate or not (Cornwall 2008). The strengths of Arnstein (1969), who focused on the citizen power, and of Pretty (1995), who focused on the citizen motivation, can be combined to support the analysis of power resources (capacities) and motivation that influencing Indonesian young people to participate in online civic engagement and political participation. Moreover, Cornwall suggested to examine the purposes that lead people to participate, who participates, and who is absent from participation that can help to construct distinctions between forms of participation (Cornwall 2008). There are different actions of participation in the context of community health, such as developing health centres, joining in health committees, creating self-improvement groups, mapping trainings or mobilising protest actions against such matters as the privatisation of health care (Cornwall 2008). Going back to the ladder of participation between Arnstein’s citizen power (1969) and Pretty’s citizen motivation (1995) earlier, these frameworks can be combined in an approach that examines the different levels of young people’s participation from the bottom of ladder to the top of the ladder in online environments. These typologies can be used to identify at what level of political participation in online environments. So, this research will investigate what type of political participation had been conducted in Indonesia and what factors (motivation and capacities) encouraged higher levels of political participation in Indonesia. This PhD research focused only on participation in political contexts, in particular on Indonesian young people who participate in online political movements or mobilising online protests. This research investigated what factors, such as motivation and 23 capacities, encouraged young Indonesian citizens to engage in political participation through digital media. Public participation requires citizens to have capabilities that enable them to take action, so what are the capacities and motivation for citizen to progress political participation through offline and online channels is important to be analysed. Research and analysis about what transforms citizens motivation and capacity so that they engage in deeper or more frequent political activism can provide knowledge that can be used to increase participation in political movements, thus helping to maintain and develop democratic practices not just in Indonesia but in other countries with developing or developed democracies. 2.3 Communicative abundance The emergence of digital communication networks as a new type of communication is also termed “Communication Abundance” by Keane (2013), who stated the usage of multimedia facilitates people to have “messages to be sent and received through multiple user points, in chosen time, either real or delayed, within modularised and ultimately global networks.” (Keane 2013, 2). Moreover, Keane argued that the untrammelled growth of communicative abundance does not automatically feed democracy. In fact, the techniques and tools of media-saturated societies are being used by powerful forces in ways that are having harmful effects on democracy. This is because communicative abundance does not automatically ensure the triumph of the spirit or institutions of democracy. The diffusion of digitally networked media tools and techniques is a contradictory process. Within many settings around the world, its democratic potential is threatened by the troubling growth of media decadence (Keane 2013). However, communicative abundance has been flourishing for digital democracy for web 2.0, cybercitizens and e-government in political fields. The emergence of communicative abundance has created democratic trends such as the democratization of information, the new publicity, and the new muckraking (Keane 2013). Firstly, democratization of information is marked by the rapid rise of access for the public to 24 access published materials that were previously available only to restricted circles of users or elites. Secondly, the development of digital media has created the distinction of private and public when the division of private and public communication has become blurry. Lastly, muckraking referred to citizens, institutions, journalists and NGOs to do the work of publicly scrutinising power, such as attacking elites with public disclosure (Keane 2013). 2.4 Digital media, democracy and the Save KPK movement Habermas’s theory of the public sphere can become a starting point to understand the mass media's role in public communication. As he mentioned, the public sphere gives the ideas of the public space versus the private while the public sphere basically appears as the arena for public comment and debate and sometimes for opposing the authorities in power (Habermas 1991, 2). Also, Habermas suggested that the public sphere is open for public comments and critique, as it requires the elimination of government censorship, which may impede the circulation of thoughts: The elimination of the institution of censorship marked a new stage in the development of the public sphere. It made the influx of rational-critical arguments into the press possible and allowed the latter to evolve into an instrument with whose aid political decisions could be brought before the new forum of the public (Habermas 1991, 59). Digital media supports the creation of a public sphere that eventually impacts upon democracy. The public sphere is important to support democracy since a vibrant public sphere is needed for a healthy democracy, where “citizens (and elites) can exchange ideas, acquire knowledge and information, confront public problems, exercise public accountability, discuss policy options, challenge the powerful without fear of reprisal, and defend principles” (McNair 2006, 135). Furthermore, he explains that digital spaces are the electronic type of Habermas’s coffee houses in the early modern Europe as an early form of public sphere, except that the digital spaces have advantages in term of greater scale and more accessibility (McNair 2006, 154). 25 Moreover, digital media is more individualised but it is also a more participatory media than traditional media. This is because digital media offer opportunities for users to express their own opinion, expression, or ideas and to link individual self-expression with civic and political participation to support democracy. Digital media technologies provide democratic supports that allows people to create and circulate media, to respond positively and negatively to media content, and for grassroots creativity (Jenkins 2006b). They also provide reinforcement and enhancement of the relations between citizens and organisations, such as “political parties, social movements, interest groups, and news corporations” (Norris 2001, 97). Several scholars have discussed that digital media remove barriers to political participation and civic engagement for marginal groups (Dahlberg 2007; Norris 2001) who use this new media for facilitating information of campaign issues, mobilizing community groups, arranging coalitions around policy issues, approaching government representatives, other public engagement functions (Norris 2001), for creating counter-publics, expressing identities and oppositional discourses, and contesting the boundaries of the dominant voices (Dahlberg 2007). In contrast, another scholars offer opposing views of digital media for political participation and civic engagement, such as: the perspective that greater access to Internet does not directly lead to increased civic engagement, political engagement, or political trust because access to the Internet is possibly inspired more by entertainment rather than political activity (Papacharissi 2009). This is similar to the research on the Internet and democratic engagement in the Australian context by Bean (2011), who that argued “the Internet will become an additional avenue for participation rather than a directly competing alternative” (Bean 2011, 29). On one hand, the online media generate numerous opportunities for civic engagement and political participation. However, these new media do not necessarily lead to democratisation. Papacharissi noted that “given what we know about the political impact of online technologies, emphasis is thus placed on the texture of civic expression that online media afford” (Papacharissi 2015, 26). As some scholars argue, the Internet has not been used in ways that promise to restore and expand the democracy, not only because authoritarian regimes always have a system for 26 controlling the Internet (Morozov 2011; Curran, Fenton and Freedman 2012) but also because the separation of political processes have restricted the potential of democratizing the Internet (Curran, Fenton and Freedman 2012). Moreover, the Internet has not automatically been a magical solution for democracy and as an alternative, the democratic potential is dependent on how citizens choose to use this new media (Stoycheff and Nisbet 2016). However, the opportunity to develop democracy can occur with the production of new voices online and the enhancement of participation in digital media, and this media creates information to be received by many people (Moeller 2008). Digital media use could help to develop democracy when it provides open and accurate information. On the other hand, several characteristics of digital media that differ from traditional media include access, participation, reciprocity, many-to-many communication (Jenkins and Thorburn 2004; Carpentier 2011), mass self-communication (Castells 2009), and two way mass communication (McChesney 2015). Also, the Internet should be recognised politically as having the greatest potential for education, discussion, and public participation (McChesney 2015). Public participation is an essential element to support democracy, specifically when people can communicate their views and participate freely. In the democratic sphere, media convergence concurrently combines boundaries between traditional media or online media, audiences and publics, citizens and consumers, also consumers and producers (Papacharissi 2010). People can simultaneously become content consumers and producers in the new media (Bruns 2008b; Hill and Sen 2005; Papacharissi 2010; boyd and Marwick 2011). Young activists are prosumers (Lee and Ting 2015), and the opportunities to engage in content creation by digital media can position them not only as consumers but also citizens (Livingstone 2004). Moreover, there are other opportunities for citizen to use digital media in democratic system, such as digital media that provides voter feedback mechanisms and citizen communication that expands opportunities of political participation in the current form of representative democracy (Held 2006), thus the relationships between citizens and government can improve with the strategic use of digital media (Beetham 2012; Held 2006). The might be a formal relationship that is top-down or government to 27 citizen, in which governments distribute documents and information online, thus enhancing access to the elites (Beetham 2012). Alternatively, it might be a bottom-up relationship or citizen to government (Beetham 2012; Chadwick 2006; Held 2006), involving on-line discussions, or activism sites to mobilize community members and encourage them to participate in demonstrations, campaigns and other activities (Beetham 2012). In a similar vein, Flew indicates that the Internet can make existing democratic institutions more effective via online voting, online society panels, the ability to email elected representatives, and improved equality of access to information, facilities and democratic processes (Flew 2014). In the Indonesian context, the presence of digital media that resulted from democracy like public participation, for example, public participation in Indonesian digital media can give opportunities for society in economics, political and human rights issues. This research involved one case study that of the Save KPK movement which focuses on such political participation and the bottom-up relationship between citizens and government through digital media. The Save KPK movement is one example of a creative grassroots campaign to support democracy in Indonesia (Clough 2015; Freedom House 2015a). The KPK was established in 2003 to eradicate corruption cases in Indonesia especially high-profile people or elites (Tapsell 2015a). The hazards of democracy appeared after the emasculation of the KPK institution and the conflict with the Indonesian national police (POLRI) and the KPK (Clough 2015; Tapsell 2015a) in 2015. The Save KPK movement started when Bambang Widjojanto was arrested by police a few days after the KPK announced that a candidate to become the chief of the National Police, Budi Gunawan was a suspect in a bribery scandal. As a result, the hashtag #saveKPK2015 on Twitter and Facebook become a tool to mobilize civil society including activists, religious leaders, academicians and politicians, to support the KPK organisation (Clough 2015). This movement showed that the Indonesian public were capable of civic engagement and participation in a bottom-up relationship (citizen-to-government). This movement also showed that the Indonesian public were already aware and active in supporting a better system of anti-corruption as it could support to maintain democratic practices in Indonesia. 28 2.5 Motivation and capacities to engage in online civic engagement and political participation The natural shift of the new media or Internet has changed from one-to-many to become many-to-many communication which affords support for several directions in forms of participation and the heterogeneity of communicational content and practices (Carpentier 2011). In Indonesia, the development of new media has expanded political engagement, presenting not only practical new media, but greater interactivity and creativity than traditional media channels, plus low-risk tactics for social mobilisation (Weiss 2014). The Internet has become essential for political and civic engagement. As Norris (2001) developed a model of Internet engagement that includes three levels of analysis. First, there is national contexts, which include “the macrolevel technological, socioeconomic, and political environment, determines the diffusion of the Internet within each country. Second, there is the institutional context of the online political system, that offers the structure of opportunities mediating between citizens and governments, including the use of digital media technologies by governments and civil society. Lastly, there is the individual level of motivation and resources that determines who participates within the virtual political system” (Norris 2001, 14). This thesis focused only on the level three which is the individual factors of motivation and resources. Individual citizens have opportunities to participate in public life by the Internet or digital media, and Norris explains that these opportunities are determined by two factors, “motivation and resources” (Norris 2001, 15). 1. “Motivation shows the importance of determining the Internet access and usage, includes the confidence, interest and knowledge of people that brings them to the political participation process and also open-minded attitudes in trusting and satisfying the democratic process. 2. Resources explain the attributes and capacities of individuals in public life, including economic (house-hold income), educational (capacity of digital technology usage), and occupational (type of job or position). These three predictors can influence access to digital technologies. In multiple studies of traditional forms of participation, education has become a powerful tool to 29 boost participation among people who become members of parties or election voters” (Norris 2001, 15). Some scholars have analysed the motivation of young people to participate in political and civic actions (Banaji and Buckingham 2013; Carpini 2000). The motivation of young people to participate in civic activity could be discussed from internal feelings of efficacy, which can arise from taking part, senses of group solidarity, or trying their best to organise activities or operations (Banaji and Buckingham 2013). Banaji and Buckingham (2010) found in their research of European young people’s Internet and civic participation that young people’s civic interest connected with individual and group identities based on language, music, political beliefs, race, religion and sexuality. Also, the participation involvement around those areas was often connected to a sense of injustice (Banaji and Buckingham 2013). The motivation of the young people to participate was based on inequality, discrimination, or hypocrisy that appeared primarily in local, national, or international issues (Banaji and Buckingham 2013). This reinforces and extends Carpini’s (2000) research that the young people’s motivation for participation arises from several factors, such as the responsibility to act, the satisfaction from engaging in public participation for common purposes, the identification of public problems that affect communities, and the belief that they are making a difference. A point of difference lies in Banaji and Buckingham’s findings that the important motivation for civic engagement for young people is related to real personal experiences (Banaji and Buckingham 2013). Carpentier (2011) raises educational functions when he explained two matters that are related between democracy and participation. First, intrinsic values like performing democracy which is deemed an important component of citizen’s knowledge and praxis are utilised and expressed through a participatory process. The multitude of citizen voices then represent a greater diversity as it became better assurance for good decision making (Carpini 2000). Second, educational components like the performance of democracy over participation generates learning processes that could reinforce civic identities, similar to an educational instrument to create better citizens (Carpentier 2011). Therefore, this PhD research focuses on the literacy that young people need in order to develop the capacities to use digital media—in addition to their motivation for 30 using such media—in order to give insights into how to improve citizens’ skills and to generate better citizens in democratic practices. Thus in studying Indonesian young people in the urban cities of Jakarta, Depok and Tangerang who use digital media for civic engagement and political participation (see Chapter 3 for a further discussion of the method), this PhD research asked what they experienced (their capacities), why they engaged (their motivations), and/or why they did not engage in such activity (their deterrents). One powerful tool for mobilizing, educating, and motivating young people to engage in political participation is political education (Edwards et al. 2003). Civic education will encourage greater political engagement and allow for the link between informal and formal politics, as politics is now absent in civic education (Arvanitakis and Marren 2009). Three divergent dimensions to understanding civic and political engagement, such as “political knowledge (what people learn about public affairs), political trust (the public’s orientation of support for the political system and its actors), and political participation (conventional and unconventional activities designed to influence government and decision making processes)” (Norris 2001, 217). Political participation is always an important factor in classical democracy, republican democracy, liberal democracy and participatory democracy because it encourages political efficacy, public concerns and the establishment of educated citizens (Held 2006); it also involves decision-making processes (Polletta 2014). The Internet or digital media has provided participation opportunities for Australian citizens at a variety of levels in the policy process. Digital media provides a substitute to the political party organisations’ roles that include the connection and infrastructure of policy development; such media also provide a variety of channels and modes of access for Australian communities to be recognised as the more transformed, educated and engaged people that they have become (Marsh and Mclean 2012). In the Indonesian context, digital media have provided many opportunities for citizen participation that contribute to Indonesian democracy, such as for political purposes like organising mass rallies, monitoring election, and accommodating sphere for better freedom expressions (Jurriens and Tapsell 2017). Examples are campaigns that target political leaders and large governmental organisations such as Save KPK 2012 (Gazali 31 2014), Save Ahok (Franciska 2015), #ShameOnYouSBY (Freedom House 2015b), #SaveKPK in 2015 (Freedom House 2016; Tapsell 2015a) and Kawal Pemilu (Election Guardians) (Postill and Saputro 2017). Also digital media have been used for civic purposes, such as ID-Blokir, Internet Sehat/ICTWatch, and Jalin Merapi (Nugroho, Putri and Laksmi 2012), #supportFEBRY and online petition on the Change.org petition for the dissolution of the FPI (‘Islamic Defenders Front’) organisation (Gazali 2014), and also Coin for Prita (Lim 2011; Postill and Saputro 2017). The era of digital media increases the opportunities for political actions (Polletta 2014; Ramli 2012), for example, participatory culture, political consumption and civic engagement (Ramli 2012). In a study of Indonesian youth, Ramli (2012) explained that participatory culture in politics supports four concerns. First, the improvement of democratic values such as openness, consensus and accountability are allowable. Second, it supports the development of citizenship skills by offering political information rather than problem-solving for youths. Third, citizens can use the Internet to direct and manage political mobilization. And, lastly, the Internet can foster more progressive politics (Ramli 2012). In Indonesia, these four concerns are relevant to the Save KPK movement, in which Facebook, Twitter and other social media were used by the public—particularly Indonesian students and non-government organisation activists—to improve, inform, mobilize, and encourage the public to fight corruption and support anti-corruption agencies (Clough 2015; Gabrillin 2015). The key area in this research is how Indonesian young people participate in political and civic activity with digital media in Indonesia. Therefore, a deeper understanding of the youth civic engagement process could allow greater engagement for the younger generation. However, there are indications that traditional political participation by young people has decreased in many developed democratic countries and the majority perspective was that young people are uninterested in democracy and politics, specifically in political institutions and elections (Collin 2015). There is a growing apathy of young people in voting (Dalton 2008), younger citizens are shifting away from political parties (Bennett and Segerberg 2012), and young people are becoming less likely to vote or show interested in politics (Turcotte 2015). These problems are compounded for Indonesian young people due to limited access to formal political institutions and 32 little opportunity to develop the political process, thus they are not interested in participating in political parties, which makes the system disconnected from young people’s problems (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). In contrast, the creative and interactive uses of social media by young people has positive impacts on civic engagement and political participation (Ekström and Östman 2015), and the Internet use for increasing political knowledge as greater levels of political knowledge can affect greater levels of voting participation in young people (McAllister 2016). Young people still need guidance in their digital media use and motivation to effectively and efficiently use this media. Even though “point-and-click exploration” may come naturally, the understanding to apply these skills in the process of democracy has not followed naturally (Rheingold 2008, 99). Moreover, Rheingold (2008) argued that digital media is not recommended as the single solution for disengagement from the political process; however, it is still a significant tool to be applied to support students to engage in the democratic process (Rheingold 2008). Young people are interesting subjects of analysis, especially in Indonesia. The Indonesian urban youths are usually connected with digital media, so their level of capacities or digital media literacy (how they use digital media) and their motivation to engage in civic and political participation in democratic practices have been analysed and discussed in this research. 2.5.1 Young people with online civic and political engagement Now, young people grow up with more information, connected to technology, and the belief that they can have an impact on what surrounds them. In the digital era, young people are more connected to technology and grow up with more information. Civic and political participation is a fundamental democratic right, for young people, because this generation will become the workers, entrepreneurs, creators, and policy makers of the future. Youth participation in national political reforms has emerged, for instance in the Arab Spring (Castells 2015; Ramli 2012), (the Save KPK 2012 in Indonesia (Mahditama 2012), and the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong (Lee and Ting 2015; Phillips 2014; Tsui 2015). Also, Indonesian young people from university/college 33 and non-government organisation participated in the Save KPK 2015 to support anticorruption in Indonesia (Gabrillin 2015). In the US context, Bennett developed two different paradigms that contrasting youths between 15 and 25 years old as either engaged or disengaged in civic issues and democracy. Engaged youths are those who tend to have peer-to peer networks and online communities. They also freely express themselves online but can easily ignore their duty of participation in government-centred activities, such as voting in elections and joining political parties (Bennett 2008). Disengaged youth are young people who are less concerned about connecting with the government or civic engagement. Disengaged youth are not usually concerned with forms of public expression about the government, such as those which may occur on online protests as they demonstrate the decrease of engagement to government (e.g. electoral patterns) and broad civic participation (e.g. following news about public concerns) and these are dangers to the healthy democracy (Bennett 2008, 8-9). Moreover, Poletta (2014) found that young people would like to virtually participate in temporary projects that provide them with opportunites for self-expression, sovereignty and acknowledgement, but that are not included in political parties and civic organisations as these projects are characteristically intended for the public good (Polletta 2014). Moreover, there are several differences between civic and political engagement and participation. Firstly, participation has different forms, including both conventional forms that include election processes like voting and election campaign and nonconventional forms which arise outside election processes like signing petitions and protests (Barrett and Brunton-Smith 2014). Civic participation also entails diverse types of activities, including community collaborative working, community organizations’ members, meetings, volunteering, donations, and charities (Barrett and Brunton-Smith 2014). Moreover, some scholars added some forms of political participation, for example political discourse with other citizens, like talking, discussion, debates, and/or deliberation about politics can be claimed to the form of participation (Carpini, Cook and Jacobs 2004). 34 Regarding online and offline participation, people would practice same activities like in the offline world as they usually consume based on online political values, sign online petitions, and participate in online campaigns. For example, participation should simply similar with political acts in the offline world (Vissers and Stolle 2014). Therefore, online activism is similar actions with offline activities (Best and Krueger 2005; Vissers and Stolle 2014). Findings of recent studies about the Internet and political participation have suggested that Internet use does increase social and political online participation. Greater usage of the Internet is associated with more online organisational and political participation, which can also be extended into offline political activity (Norris 2001; Wellman et al. 2001; Vromen 2007). Vromen (2007) found that “individual participatory acts have a significant relationship with Internet usage including finding or sharing information on community and political affairs. The associations here are relatively weak, but it is clear that activist acts, such as attending a rally and boycotting are facilitated by political exchange through the Internet“ (Vromen 2007, 107). Therefore, there is a significant relationship between young people and the Internet with political participation. Moreover, Vromen (2007) found in her study on Australian youths that attitudes towards the Internet and participation are related with education levels; for instance, more educated people are likely to be more participatory in community or politically causes, to use the Internet, and to be more involved with university or school organisations (Vromen 2007). Similar trends have been observed in Indonesia relating to traditional political participation. At first, Indonesian students usually join campus organizations without political motives. However, after being asked to contribute to letters, petitions and demonstations by fellow organisation members, these students often participate in politics. Moreover, many new members joined Islamic political parties through student campus organisations or religious organisations (Lussier and Fish 2012). Therefore, higher education and campus organisations are important place to accommodate Indonesian students to actively participate. Higher degree education can provide the cognition and critical-thinking skills for students (Aspinall 2005; Norris 2001), especially to Indonesian students (Aspinall 2005) as students could understand the political process and higher degree education that 35 support participants to be more confident, efficient, and aware of political processes (Norris 2001), in which young people are the agents of change for society (Flanagan and Levine 2010; Ramli 2012). Therefore, young people, especially university/college students participate in civic engagement and politics because higher degree educations and campus organisations provide them with the motivation and skills to engage in political processes. In Indonesia’s political history, student activists and young people have consistently played important roles in political actions. This commenced with the case of Indonesia’s independence by Sukarno who fought for national sovereignty from Dutch colonisers in 1944-1945 (Aspinall 1995; Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Also, in the new order’s first era, Indonesian students had been a central source of government’s opposition. They organized a protest against Suharto government, concentrating on corruption, election, construction issues. After the successive military suppression, the following round of large-scale student protests in 1977-1978 was even more explicitly antigovernment, antimilitary, and anti-Suharto. These concluded in the calling by Student councils and senates for a session in MPR to remove Suharto from the presidency. At this time, the student critique of the government was also influenced by the trend for structural analysis in broader intellectual circles; some students started to have an alliance with ethnic Chinese tycoons, government officials and foreign capital (Aspinall 2005). The student activists more recently when student activists conducted massive street demonstrations and enforced the President Suharto’s resignation in 1998 (Aspinall 1995; Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). In the Reformation period of 1998, Indonesian student senates at tertiary education institutions have been criticized by more radical students for bureaucratic, passivity and lack of initiatives (Aspinall 2005). Indonesia is an interesting laboratory for analysing democratic developments (Aspinall and Mietzner 2010; Gazali 2014) specifically for Indonesian students with prominent roles in the Reformation period (Gazali 2014). Therefore, in this research, Indonesian student leaders are part of respondents and their digital media use and experiences for Indonesian political participation are available in Chapter 5. 36 However, with the commencement of the 21st century, Indonesian young people have become more apathetic about politics and lack of nationalism (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Also, there have been some critics of the Indonesian student movement that students’ analysis or thoughts were radical but many of them outdated, and students criticised many government policies without understanding the issues (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). There are two types of Indonesian student groups in democratic action after the Suharto era based on distinction and connection: First, student-based groups like student board of universities, faculties. Second are student group with different interests, political direction or religious affiliations (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Most of Indonesian students are members of both interest groups in some situations, like in demonstrations or protests, they gather together and their division is indistinct (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Also, Lussier and Fish (2012) found high rate of the organisational participation and “interpersonal sociability” (Lussier and Fish 2012, 74). Lussier and Fish (2015) also stated that results from the World Values Survey (the 2005-2008 data survey) showed that 84% of Indonesians join at least one organisation, while only 61% of Malaysians and 51% Thais do (Lussier and Fish 2012). Organisations that attract the most Indonesians to engage or participate include political parties, residential organisations, community organisations and religious groups (Lussier and Fish 2012). Indonesians have a unique advantage in that they enjoy astonishing levels of civic engagement. As was discussed above, Indonesian students have developed a reputation for playing a prominent role in high-stakes and controversial political issues. For example, the student protest movement had a key function in Indonesian people’s power movements that enforced the President Suharto’s resignation in 1998 (Aspinall 2005; Budiman et al. 2012; Gazali 2014; Hill and Sen 2005; Lee 2011; Lussier and Fish 2012; Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Also, communication technologies played an important role in the political movement around the reform period of 1998 (Hill and Sen 2005; Holik 2011; Lim 2011; Marcus 1998; Romano 2005; Nugroho et al. 2011), as Indonesian activists started to utilise mobile phones, pagers, handheld transceiver and 37 initial emails to organise massive demonstrations in Indonesian major cities (Nugroho and Syarief 2012). Young people are greatly connected with digital media, and therefore the engagement with new media makes it possible to increase their civic and political participation (Kahne, Lee and Feezell 2012; Ramli 2012). In a comparison between Indonesia and Malaysia, Ramli (2012) found that youths of neither nation actively participate in politics through traditional behaviors, even though young people believe in democratic values like openness, accountability and participation (Ramli 2012). Internal and external factors can influence these youths, especially a variety of agents of socialization (family, peers and media) into politics. Television provides them with news, but the Internet is their tool for social and political connection because “the digital media has provided space for freedom of expression, the development of citizenship skills, and political mobilization” (Ramli 2012, 17). Digital media is potential to become new space for Indonesian young people to engage in civic and political concerns. The potential relationship for young people to utilize the Internet for political participation is a vital area, as Vromen’s research in Australia found that Internet political participation among young people is only “the fortification of existing participation for community and political concerns, not necessarily the mobilisation of new political actors” (Vromen 2007, 113). Vromen (2007) stated there is a need for indepth qualitative or case study research to study the way young people use the Internet, and the potential relationships this implies for political and community engagement (Vromen 2007). Also, researchers need to focus on discovering the motivation of Internet users’ motivation who are highly engaged in the political concerns and the relationship between political and community engagement, for instance the action for environmental and human rights, protests, and boycotts that are interesting for young people (Vromen 2007, 113). In recent research, she stated that the focus of individuals’ skills is important as it is the measurement of participation’s success that includes participants in activism (Vromen 2016). 38 Moreover, social media provides a sphere for Indonesian young people to participate not only as consumers but also as producers of ideas, knowledge and culture (Lim 2013), to have freedom of expression, citizenship skills, and political mobilization (Ramli 2012). Indonesian young people prefer to find information from the Internet rather than newspapers and television as they believe online more than conventional media (Suwana 2013), and online sources are more reliable for them (Gazali 2014). Also in Indonesia, even Twitter allows for real discussion and more freedom compared to traditional media, while online campaigns (blogs, Facebook, and YouTube) have gained a much broader range, in particular fundraising capacity and amount of student attention (Weiss 2014). From the previous research on Indonesian civic engagement, Lussier and Fish (2012) identified three important keys that can enable Indonesians to maintain selfgovernment: “first, by cultivating a sense of efficacy; second, by developing and transferring civic skills that enable citizens to participate in politics effectively; and third, by creating opportunities for individuals to be recruited for political participation” (Lussier and Fish 2012, 77). Taking the first point, efficacy helps as a internal resource to motivate political actions (Lussier and Fish 2012), while a participative society could foster a sense of political efficacy (Held 2006). People who believe that can influence changes at the community level are more likely to feel capable at the higher levels like national and international levels, therefore, if people believe that they are able to make changes then are more possible to participate in political actions to protect the rights, for example campaigns, protest, or opposition political parties (Lussier and Fish 2012). In the historical background in Indonesia, young people have played important roles (Goodwin and Martam 2014; Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005) to bring changes in political, social and economic issues and to move the country forward (Goodwin and Martam 2014). The second system that relates relationship to democracy is the skills enhancement and transmission that can generate effective political participation, as many Indonesian community organisations ensure the improvement of civic skills, for instance prayer group of women which are often implanted into the bigger religious organizations (Lussier and Fish 2012). Also, in Indonesia, social and civic engagement 39 has increased the transmission of meaningful civic skills to the society (Lussier 2016). For example: the two largest Moslem organisations in Indonesia (Nadlatul Ulama/NU and Muhammadiyah) are hierarchically organized to sponsor many social, educational, and religious activities (Lussier and Fish 2012). Both NU and Muhammadiyah have links between villlage levels and national bodies and systems of leadership development (Lussier and Fish 2012; Foundation and Foundation 2007). Islamic organizations are a natural partner in Indonesia's development, especially as NU and Muhammadiyah have long formed the vital core of Indonesia's civil society and played a leading role in democratic reform and improving social conditions in Indonesia (Foundation and Foundation 2007). The third mechanism is creating recruitment channels for collective action (Lussier and Fish 2012). Many Indonesian youth organizations are based on religions, however, Indonesian religious institutions are not participated directly into the politics (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005), however, many Indonesians prefer not to disclose or discuss their identity markers like ethnicity and religion as these markers are sensitive topics in Indonesia (Piesse 2015). The recruitment process is usually from non-political networks such as the first joining student organisations or student prayer groups, then later becoming involved in political practices (Lussier and Fish 2012). Student organisations can provide the basic skills of participation and provoke an attraction to participate. After these students joined the student organisations, they can implement those skills in political actions or joining political parties. Therefore, in this research, I analysed Indonesian student organisations’ leaders to study their experiences in civic and political actions. A previous study about Indonesian and Malaysian young people also found that “rural Indonesian young people show a more direct engagement than urban Indonesian young people in the political process” (Ramli 2012, 14). However, Ramli (2012) did not explain more detail that these young people use direct engagement or online engagement for political process. Moreover, digital media use has been increasing in Indonesian urban young people (Kementerian Komunikasi Informasi dan Teknologi Republik Indonesia 2014c). It is interesting to discuss and understand how digital media has supported Indonesian young people in civic engagement and participation 40 in Indonesian democratic practices. Young people engage in self-expression and communicate across varied communities via digital media (blogs, videos, and digital storytelling), so they create the potential for civic engagement (Levine 2008; Rheingold 2008). The probability that they will actually become involved and engaged depends on their media literacy skills, which include searching for information, creating content, or engaging in discussions on civic and political topics (Kahne, Lee and Feezell 2012). Indonesian young people have used social media to criticise public policies, humiliate corrupt bureaucrats, focus social problems, sign online petitions for a change, and organise street protests (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). There is still a contradiction between digital media literacy and Indonesian youth. For example, in the Indonesian elections 2014, there was a great potential for digital media in promoting political education and engagement, but they made their own political choices from the massive and free online information without analysing the credibility of that online information (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014) .Creating digital information as an important area of digital literacy and it is essential to the democratic process (Livingstone 2004). Media literacy is not only the simple development of interpretive skills or contextual awareness, but it is also a series of digital production skills that include the capability for creating, thinking critically and participating, as well as consuming the digital content (Flew 2014, 86). 2.6 The development of digital media literacy Digital media users must develop some certain skills in order to become digitally literate. Many scholars argue the basic media literacy skills and most important digital media literacy skills for civic life in the 21st century are the ability to understand, analyse, and evaluate online information and online news (Burroughs et al. 2009; Kim and Yang 2016; Martens and Hobbs 2015; Rivoltella 2008), communication skills (the capacity to find, store, share, create and evaluate information), critical thinking, awareness of online risks and opportunities, creative activities and the ability to produce content, express opinions, and able to use digital media tools in innovative 41 ways (Rivoltella 2008), and also creating content or engaging in discussion on civic and political issues (Kahne, Lee and Feezell 2012). In relation to these factors above, Curran and Seaton (2009) noted large gaps of Internet access between rich and poor, young and old, graduates and early school leavers in most countries, so “cyber-democracy does not include everyone” (Curran and Seaton 2009, 283). The digital divide is the gap between the “haves” and “have– nots” to Information Communication Technology (ICT) access – is created not only by unequal access to technology but also the real engagement and the use of the technology, and concerns about that use (Selwyn 2014, 356). In the Indonesian context, Hill & Sen (2005) also found unequal participation resulted to a degree from unequal access to information, but that education and literacy levels even more strongly influenced the capacity to engage with Internet usage (Hill and Sen 2005). Young people have the highest access and experience of digital media out of all Indonesians, with the biggest growth in Internet users in the past decade being among young people (Kementerian Komunikasi Informasi dan Teknologi Republik Indonesia 2014b). This makes Indonesian young people a particularly interesting group for study, particularly to map more than just their technical ability and access to digital media, but also their critical thinking and ability to produce online information. In new media, people can simultaneously become both consumers and producers of contents (Bruns 2008b; Hill and Sen 2005; Papacharissi 2010), young activist are prosumers (Lee and Ting 2015), and digital media interaction supports young people to become information sources and receivers concurrently (Flanagin and Metzger 2008), also the content creation can be position them not only as consumers but also citizens (Livingstone 2004). Digital media tools are changing the balance of spectatorship and participation (Gee 2010). More people are able to produce their own games, music, news, and videos while these abilities are hold only by media professionals (Bennett 2008; Flew 2014). Given the increasing availability of low-cost digital production tools, this means that ordinary people can produce and distribute from the germinal stages of content development (Flew 2014). The focus of becoming both sources and receivers is complex and determined by a number of different factors. Such a shift requires media and digital literacy. Flew (2014) also describes media literacy as not 42 only the simple development of interpretive skills or contextual awareness (Flew 2014) but also a series of digital production skills that include “the ability to create, to be critical and to contribute as well as to consume” (Flew 2014, 86). Furthermore, Jenkins et al (2009) explained that the new media literacies are social and cultural skills that are developed in networking, and these are established on basic literacy (read and write), research skills, and also critical-analysis skills of media that are studied in schools in Western nations (Jenkins, Clinton, et al. 2009). Moreover, Martens and Hobbs (2015) added that critical reading and writing skills in digital media are essential to increase young people’s critical skill of analysis in a digital age (Martens and Hobbs 2015). Also, digital literacy programs should accommodate fruitfully and continued learning prospects for civic participation (Martens and Hobbs 2015). Those are digital media literacy skills that are needed for full participation in social and political concerns as active citizens in democratic society. This digital literacy provides individuals’ capabilities that appropriate to live, learn, work, and participate as a digital citizen. However, the Australian Communication Media Authority (ACMA) notes that digital media literacy is a term that opens to different interpretations as some definitions included: “The ability to understand and use information in multiple formats from a wide range of sources when it is presented via computers (Gilster,1997); the skills, knowledge and understanding that allow consumers to use media effectively and safely (European Commission, 2009); and the ability to use, understand and create communications in a variety of contexts” (Australian Communication Media Authority 2009b, 5). The skills of digital media literacy include, access and retrieval, analysis and evaluation, communication and creation, reflection and action (Hobbs 2010; Kahne, Lee and Feezell 2012; Lin et al. 2013; UNESCO 2013) and these skills are important and urgent for citizens in the digital era. For the purpose of this thesis, digital media literacy is used to mean the capacity to use, analyse and evaluate, and create online information via digital media as Hobbs (2010) suggested that for all aspects of daily life, people 43 today need a configuration of well-developed communication and problem-solving skills that include these five digital media competencies (Hobbs 2010, 19): “(1) Access: finding and using media and technology tools skilfully and sharing relevant information with others, (2) Analyze & Evaluate: Comprehending messages and using critical thinking to analyze message quality, veracity, credibility, and point of view, while considering potential effects or consequences of messages, (3) Create: Composing or generating content using creativity and confidence in self-expression, with awareness of purpose, audience, and techniques, (4) Reflect: Applying social responsibility and ethical principles to one’s own identity and lived experience, communication behavior and conduct. And, (5) Act: Working individually and collaboratively to share knowledge and solve problems in the family, the workplace and the community, and participating as a member of a community at local, regional, national and international levels” (Hobbs 2010, 19). There is a change in how people define new media literacies (digital media literacies) that has moved from individual expression to community participation (Jenkins, Clinton, et al. 2009) and public participation (Rheingold 2008). As new media literacies prepare citizens with the knowledge of media backgrounds, like their audiences, effects, institutions and messages (Burroughs et al. 2009; Martens and Hobbs 2015), and also allow citizens to use all types of digital media to voice and share their perspectives (Simsek and Simsek 2012). Moreover, the most important part of digital media literacy in relation to civic and political processes is an approach to participate. This is because, nowadays, digital media technologies have become the fundamental element of civic and political life, in particular for young people (Bennett 2008; Kahne, Lee and Feezell 2012; Simsek and Simsek 2012). The findings are in line with previous digital citizenship research 2014 by Indonesian Ministry of Communication and Information) and UNICEF Indonesia that found digital media is important media for Indonesian young people with “at least 30 million of young people in Indonesia are Internet users, and digital media is currently the first choice of their communication channels” (Kementerian Komunikasi Informasi dan Teknologi Republik Indonesia 2014a). Media literacy could cultivate public participation as young people have direct experiences through online discourses, discussions, publications, and collective actions (Rheingold 2008). Therefore, this research investigated how Indonesian young people can understand and meaningfully use digital media for democracy. As digital media literacy became a tool to analyse capacities of these young people to participate 44 in civic engagement and political participation to support democratic institutions and practices in Indonesia. 2.6.1 Online privacy and safety The skills of online security and privacy issues are important because it could support society to safely participate in the digital age with several access, context, issues, risks and platforms. Digital media users must develop some certain skills in order to become digitally literate and digitally creative as one of the skills is the awareness of online risks (Rivoltella 2008). Therefore, the online privacy and safety is important skills to improve the online risks. Moreover, The Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) managed a variety of activities that accommodate and promote digital media literacy, “digital media literacy helps Australians to make informed judgements about their digital communications practices and manage their online security and privacy” (Australian Communication Media Authority 2009b, 1). As boyd and Marwick (2011) noted privacy is a feeling that people own when they sense and also significants things to navigate, such as control over their social condition and sufficient agency to affect situations (boyd and Marwick 2011). Also, danah boyd in the Personal Democracy Forum (2011), New York defined more about control and agency that “control over a social mention is having a deep understanding of the social situation like who’s looking and why, and also what the norms and boundaries are?“ (boyd 2011). Meanwhile, boyd (2011) in that forum continued to explain the complex definition of agency, such as: “Agency is more freedom that people have to make their own choices without being constrained by structural factors” (boyd 2011). In Indonesia, privacy concerns simply do not cross Indonesians’ attention as they tend to not concerned in online privacy (Raharjo 2017). In Indonesia, Indonesians happy to display birthday on Facebook so could get birthday greeting, to put the their schools so could get invited to reunions, and to post information about their families, photos of family and friends (Raharjo 2017). Therefore, Indonesian people usually do not control their personal information that post or circulate online. 45 The privacy discourse is usually produced by the discussion mostly on the personal risks and reassures personalized, insufficient-approaches to a complex social and moral problems also there is a need for a new discourse of online privacy like to balance personal risk with sensitivity to the social, moral, ethical dimensions of privacy in a digital age (James 2014). While more people became targets of identity fraud or even social media profile replication in Indonesia (Raharjo 2017). As Indonesians easily give away private information about themselves and they got identity fraud and replication problems, so discourse about online privacy and security should garner more interest especially to balance personal risk with the social, moral and ethics in Indonesia. Privacy is not about simply restricting access to a piece of information but it is about having enough agency to feel a sense of control over that information, its spread, and its interpretation (boyd and Marwick 2011). Also the privacy is not just simple to control, like pursuing privacy requires more than simply having the level to control information, access, or visibility but also requires the ability to control the social situation by directing complex contextual indications, technical ability, and social dynamics (boyd 2014). Therefore, digital media literacy is a key factor to strengthening the Indonesians to have the ability to control and balance their online privacy and security in the digital media platforms and activities. 2.7 Digital media for social movements and activism Activism in public life is important, as it can create the potential for democracy (Han 2014). There is a new type of activism, digital activism, which is defined as using digital media to take part in activism for agendas (Denning 2001), pushing for economic, social and political change organising public campaigns and promoting collective claims initiated and supported by citizens (Edwards, Howard and Joyce 2013). Citizens connect to each other through digital networks, and once large numbers of citizens are easily connecting with each other, sharing and receiving information and coordinating actions (Curran, Fenton and Freedman 2012; Denning 2001), these citizens can develop political activism (Joyce 2010). Digital media platforms also enable citizens to coordinate actions because they allow users to go beyond limits created by time and 46 geography. Therefore, digital activism is a suitable term to cover all cases of activism or movements that use digital media networks in their activities. However, Gladwell (2010) argued about the social division between the physical protest, such as the Greensboro action of 1960 in the United States, and online users who usually engage in online protest (Gladwell 2010). Similarly, Morozov (2009) argues that social media protest can be used by participants for slacktivism, which is feeling great with digital activism but absent of social and political effects and this gives an delusion of having a significant effect to the world without challenging anything, except than join into Facebook groups (Morozov 2011). However, there are many examples of social movement by digital media that have met with success (Friedland and Rogerson 2009). Therefore, we need to further conceptualize digital media activism in order to know how the digital media can be used for achieving citizens’ goal and advancing democracy. Digital media is a very effective type of communication for activism because it can be used for connection, interaction, and mobilisation (Curran, Fenton and Freedman 2012). However, using digital media for political activism not only depends on connecting citizens through digital tools, but also on the organised strategy of activists (Mitu and Vega 2014). Social media play a significant role in organizing social movements and mobilizing actions at a global level (Cammaerts 2015). Popular and influential social media tools for such digital activism include Facebook, Twitter and YouTube (Bennett and Segerberg 2013; Gerbaudo 2012; Joyce 2010; Lee and Ting 2015; Ricketts 2012), mobile phones, dedicated websites for activism (Curran, Fenton and Freedman 2012; Ricketts 2012; Lee and Ting 2015) such as Avaaz, GetUp, and MoveOn (Ricketts 2012; Vromen 2016), and instant messaging such as WhatsApp and Telegram (Lee and Ting 2015). A range of research has argued that digital media have taken on important roles for communicating, coordinating, mobilizing and organising social movements, digital media were not the principle factor of it, for instance in the Arab Spring (Castells 2015; Gerbaudo 2012, Ramli 2012), the Indignados Movement in Spain (Bennett and Segerberg 2012, Gerbaudo 2012), the Occupy Movement in North America (Bennett 47 and Segerberg 2012), the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong (Phillips 2014; Lee and Chan 2015; Lee and Ting 2015; Tsui 2015), the Tunisian Revolution (Castells 2015), and the Save KPK 2012 in Indonesia (Mahditama 2012). However, few studies have analysed how activists have been motivated and equipped to undertake political participation when adapting to new media logics and the effect of these engagements on their activism. The analysis of motivation and capacities in this research could contribute to understandings about how participants can continue and develop their participation in large-scale activist networks with digital technologies in contemporary democratic society. A useful concept is Lance Bennett’s (2014a) differentiation between traditional collective actions and new connective actions. Traditional action depends on centralised coordination, community organisation and broadcast media campaigning, while newer forms of connective action operate on volunteer self-expression and shared digital media campaigning in the process of creating large social networks (Bennett 2014a). There has been a rise of a new type of connective action in digital activism or movements, and several characteristics of actors are that they communicate and coordinate by digital media, are voluntarily based, have no organizational infrastructure, distrust hierarchy or authority, and centralised leaders (Bennett and Segerberg 2012, 2013). Similar, online movements can work successfully without the hierarchy and central leadership, and also a leader in the online movement have freedom of actions (Friedland and Rogerson 2009). Also, Friedland and Rogerson stated that “online movements can now operate successfully without the hierarchical, centralized command structures of the past, and leaders can even act with more freedom within the movement” (Friedland and Rogerson 2009, 4). It is beyond the scope of this research to substantively compare the logic of connective action with that of collective action, but this concept of connective logic is beneficial to analyse the process of the Save KPK movement in future chapters of this thesis. Even though the connective action may have limited formal or centralised leadership, the roles of leading figures are still evident in the early phases of movements that are characterised by connective logic. At the beginning of several major movements, it is 48 clear that as few as one or two people, or a small group of key players, perform an important role in starting the process of mobilisation. Examples include Wael Ghonim, the admin of the Kullena Khaled Said Facebook page in Egypt (Bennett 2014b; Gerbaudo 2012), Pablo Gallego and Fabio Gandara, the initiators of Democracia Real Ya in Spain, and Kalle Lasn and Micah White, who are both editors of Adbusters in New York (Gerbaudo 2012). Similarly, there was no formal leader in the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong, however two student groups performed vital roles in founding the movement: Scholarism with Joshua Wong and the Hong Kong Federation of Students (Lee and Ting 2015) with Alex Chow, Nathan Law, and Eason Chung (ABC/Wire 2015). These key players did not initiate the movement by themselves but acted as coordinators and collaborators with key players and activists, while interacting with Internet users who joined and supported the movement. Digital activism, both independently and complementarily, supports traditional and offline activism and it has enormous potential to amplify the capacities of activists and social movements (Ricketts 2012). Several examples of digital media being used to support civil society mobilization are the hashtag #ShameOnYouSBY to critique then President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, when his Democratic Party did not support direct regional government elections, the anti-corruption movement of #SaveKPK and #AkuKPK in January 2015 (Freedom House 2015a), (Tapsell 2015a), and the use of Twitter and social media to support offline mobilization on the #savekpk movement (Freedom House 2016). This is showed that digital activism has successfully supported social and political change in Indonesia. 2.8 Connection of the literature to the research problem Through reviewing the related literature in the areas of democracy, online political participation, digital media literacy (capacities) and digital media activism, this chapter has outlined the theoretical framework of this research. In the context of democracy and digital media, the high penetration of the Internet is significantly influencing citizen’s media use and participation. Digital media have been increasingly connected citizens to participate as these media technologies enable the instant and ubiquitous 49 communications among citizens. In regard to political participation, these new social and communication network are especially meaningful because they are fast and affordable tools to coordinate and mobilize information and citizens. In democracy, participation in public culture requires not just a willingness to consume information, but also a willingness to create, share and use information. The Internet and other digital media enhance capabilities that are needed by citizens for participatory actions when engaging in social movements, such as accessing and disseminating information, coordinating and decision making, and building a common identity. While there are relatively small numbers of existing studies about digital media processes that combine digital media activism and political participation, especially in the Indonesian context, as several researchers explore more into the benefits of civic and political participation. Internet use has increased rapidly in Indonesia, particularly among Indonesian youth (Kementerian Komunikasi Informasi dan Teknologi Republik Indonesia 2014b), providing an opportunity to use the Internet and social media to enhance democracy in Indonesia. Nugroho et al (2012) found that the Internet has encouraged citizens to communicate without restriction and Indonesian citizens can create their own public sphere and engage freely with others by blogs, social media, and micro-blogging (Nugroho, Putri and Laksmi 2012). So digital media offers a variety of tools, formats and content that can be potentially used for civic engagement and political participation in Indonesia. Internet-based social network services are widely used by Indonesia’s civil society activists and students. More Indonesian young people than ever before have access to the tools to engage in political and civic activism, however, there is little knowledge about the capacities (digital media literacy), motivation and processes that will help them to develop and extend their use of digital media for civic engagement and political participation. The ability to create digital information is an important type of digital literacy that is essential to the democratic process (Livingstone 2004). In Indonesia, the rapid growth of digital media has not been accompanied by a parallel improvement of citizen’s digital media literacy. On this basis, this research further 50 explores whether Indonesian young people have been able to understand and meaningfully use digital media in recent years to participate in civic or political concerns in order to support democratic practices in Indonesia. 51 Chapter 3: Program and design of the research investigation 3.1 Introduction Qualitative research makes the world visible to researchers by a set of interpretive and material practices that can transform their understandings of the world. The qualitative researcher uses a sequence of representations, such as interviews, field notes, dialogues, photographs, recordings and personal memos (Denzin and Lincoln 2003). I used qualitative research for my PhD research to investigate how Indonesian young people use digital media for political participation and civic engagement to support democratic practices and institutions in Indonesia. I conducted interviews with 6 Indonesian digital media initiators and 5 Indonesian student leaders, focus groups with 35 Indonesian students who are non-active members in campus organizations to collect the data of Indonesian youth’s activities with digital media to support democracy in Indonesia and then to build a concept of it. Also, I had one case study, the Save KPK movement in this research. I did interviews with 12 participants in the Save KPK movement in order to collect data about digital media processes to coordinate and to mobilize their support for the Save KPK movement. 3.2 Methodology and research design Qualitative research includes an interpretive and naturalistic approach. Researchers conduct studies in naturals contexts, and they usually go to the location of the participants in order to try to understand the participants’ experiences and meanings (Creswell 2003; Denzin and Lincoln 2003). Qualitative research often uses narrative, phenomenology, ethnography, grounded theory or case studies (Creswell 2003) to guide the data collection and analysis. Qualitative researchers usually use the purposive sample. This research used purposive sampling because it allows the researcher to undertake case or topic selection that illustrates some processes in which the researcher is interested in (Silverman 2010). Purposive sampling involves the selection of informants based on an important characteristics, such as where they live (rural or urban), position in universities or organizations (leaders or ordinary students), 52 or Internet use habits that Australian Communication Media Authority or ACMA (2009) stated “heavy internet users” with more than once a day (Australian Communication Media Authority 2009a, 9). The purposive sampling can offer a wide range of information and perspectives related to the research topic. Therefore, purposive sampling is an appropriate sampling method for this research to find the suitable respondents that could share information and perspectives regarding digital media and political participation in Indonesia. Moreover, to contextualise the analysis of the motivation and capacities of digital media use for democratic participation, I compared and contrasted between two groups of respondents between student leaders who were actively engaged in democratic activities (who were interviewed) versus non-active members in campus organizations students (who were studied through focus groups). All respondents in these two groups used digital media in their daily life therefore in order to find rich and detailed data of their experiences and process of using digital media for participation then qualitative data is suitable to answer what motivation and resources (capacities) are required Indonesian young people to have the capacity to use digital media for civic engagement and political participation. As a commonly used method of qualitative approach, interview and focus groups are an effective approach to gather rich-detailed data that describes participants’ experiences and thoughts in their own words, and has been successfully used in prior studies on young people and political participation (see, for example, (Lee and Ting 2015; Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005; Vromen, Xenos and Loader 2015). Indonesian student leaders have a reputation for playing a prominent role in politics. I, therefore, used different of group respondents of students between Indonesian student organisations leaders and students of non-active members in campus organizations, in order to analyse the difference and similarity of motivation, capacities and process of digital media use for political participation and civic engagement Lastly, the case study method was used for this research. A case study is an appropriate approach for this investigation due to its ability to answer such explorative questions as this project’s research question with a focus on particular contemporary events by not involving the researcher to control or interfere the events 53 (Yin 2009). The qualitative case study also becomes an approach to analyse a phenomenon using a variety of data sources related to the context (Baxter and Jack 2008, 544). The case study of this PhD research is the campaign of the anti-corruption movement, Save KPK movement that has been used by the Indonesian public to try to save the KPK. The movement was formed in 2009 by members of the Indonesian public concerned about the country’s criminal justice system and attacks on the KPK. This case study focuses specifically on the anti-corruption campaign by the Save KPK Movement, when the movement was reactivated following the arrest of the organisation’s deputy chair (see Section 3.2.3 in this chapter for more information). Previous studies indicated the traditional media serve as “an influential agency in the formation of public opinion, particularly in context of eradicating corruption” happening in Indonesia especially in the context of the Save KPK movement (Jamil and Doktoralina 2016), nevertheless, the digital media use and strategies used by the Save KPK movement surrounding volunteers and supporters are not analysed and discussed yet. Therefore, this study aims to analyse the motivation and capacities of digital media use to support the Save KPK movement in Jakarta. Even there is limitation sampling in this research that only used a limited group of Indonesian digital media users representing Jakarta, but political movement in Jakarta is a leading example of a major, citizen-driven prodemocracy campaign in Indonesia. 3.2.1 Interviewing method Interviews are intended to incite perspectives and opinions from the participants (Creswell 2003). In-depth interviews with a semi-structured format are often used in media and communication research. They include face to face, telephone, video/audio conferencing, email or Internet communications (Weerakkody 2009). Brennen (2013) stated that the semi-structured interview is based on a set of questions that have been previously determined, but the interviewers may also use follow-up questions in order to investigate the topics or issues further or to clarify answers from interviewees (Brennen 2013). For this PhD research, questions have asked to investigate how digital media skills or capacities have been implemented by Indonesian young people to support democracy in Indonesia. 54 I wanted to study digital media literacy development in Indonesia via interviews with core stakeholders involved with digital media literacy programmes or projects that aim to increase digital media literacy in Indonesian society. Such programmes have been developed by various stakeholders, including activists, non-government organisations ’members, academics, practitioners, and government. Semi-structured interviews are beneficial to access relevant and important information that could help the researcher to extend knowledge and to understand alternative insights (Brennen 2013). In the first stage, I conducted semi-structured interviews with 7 people, including the Internet or digital media activist, educators, experts, professionals, policy-makers and young activists regarding their experience in digital media programmes or projects, and in particular, those programmes addressed to Indonesian youth. Semi-structured interviews are based on a set of questions that have been previously determined but Interviewers may also use follow-up questions in order to investigate the topics or issues further or clarify answers from respondents (Brennen 2013). Questions were asked to investigate how the development of digital media literacy and digital media development has been implemented in Indonesia through the interviewees’ programmes or projects. In selecting the sample of these stakeholders, I used purposive sampling and browse their names and activities based on the characteristics that have been defined by the researcher, for instance: communications director, digital media educators, experts, Internet activists, media policy makers, and young activists (see Appendix A for more information about these respondents). In the next chapter, I used code DM1 – DM7 to identify this group of respondents. Second, I conducted semi-structured interviews with university and college students in the Indonesian capital, Jakarta and the surrounding areas of Depok and Tangerang because they are a target group of my research participants. The semi-structured interviews conducted with five leaders or committee members of student guilds. They conducted for 45 – 60 minute and take place in a natural setting chosen to maximise the equal interaction between interviewer and interviewee, for example in the participants’ university departments. If these young people have already had internal organizational and digital media experience from their organizations on campus, for instance using email, social media, website and blog to obtain information and 55 produce or share online information for their members and other students. I asked them if they have also applied their digital media skills for civic engagement and political participation. Questions that had been asked to respondents, such as: how they engage and participate with digital media to support democracy and what motivates them to speak and share? The researcher conducted interviews in five universities one college in or near Jakarta, which has been selected based on their different characteristics, including: 1. Universitas Indonesia (University of Indonesia) with campuses in Depok, West Java province and Salemba, Jakarta city, as the oldest and a highly prestigious public (government) tertiary education institution in Indonesia. 2. Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta (Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta) in Tangerang, Banten province, as a branch of the oldest Moslem university in Indonesia and based on the Nahdlatul 'Ulama, the biggest Moslem organisation in Indonesia. 3. Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya (Atma Jaya Catholic University of Indonesia) with campuses in Semanggi and Pluit in Jakarta and a new campus under development in Tangerang, as the first Catholic University in Indonesia. 4. Universitas Trisakti (Trisakti University) in West Jakarta, Indonesia’s largest private university and also the only private University to be established by the Indonesian Government; it is well known for attracting substantial numbers of students from military families. 5. The London School of Public Relations, Jakarta or STIKOM LSPR in central Jakarta, as one of the most highly regarded best communication school/colleges of higher education in Indonesia. The Student Council’s section in the official website of these universities used to obtain the organization’s contact details that used to contact and recruit participants. Five student leaders from Indonesian universities above were recruited by using purposive sampling strategy. Also, the basis recruitment of Indonesian student leaders belong to the category of Indonesian students aged 18 and 25, who represent an elite sector of the young generation in Indonesia, and who also familiar with digital media (email, 56 social media, blogs, websites) practices in order to obtain, create, and share online information for their members and other students (see Appendix B for more information about these respondents). A recruitment requirement is that they will be Internet “heavy users”, which is defined for the purposes of this thesis as someone ”who uses the Internet a minimum once a day” (Australian Communication Media Authority 2009a, 9). They were urban young men and women, middle-class, active members in campus organizations (leaders of the student guild at university/college organisations), living in the central, densely populated and politically influential Javanese provinces of Jakarta, Depok and Tangerang. I aimed to have detailed information and experiences from these Indonesian student leaders, therefore I used interview methods to gain data from them as Indonesian student leaders usually active in civic and politics inside and outside universities or colleges in Indonesia, so these could become rich and detail information to give knowledge about digital media use by Indonesian young people to support democracy in Indonesia. I used codes of SL1 to SL5 to identify Indonesian student leader in the previous chapters. 3.2.2 Focus group methods Focus groups are commonly used to identify preferences, attitudes, motivations and beliefs of the participants, who are chosen on the basis of their backgrounds, demographics and behaviours (Brennen 2013). The researcher can engage in focus groups with six or eight participants in each group (Creswell 2003). Therefore, the focus group with six to eight students in one group had been conducted for researching Indonesian young students’ digital media use and their capacity to use digital media to support democracy in Indonesia. The researcher conducted five focus group interviews in the several universities and colleges in Jakarta, Depok and Tangerang that are same locations with the Interview’s participants. However, the following process will be different with the recruitment of the participants at the first stage (interview with student leaders). After the researcher interviewed student leaders, then asked names of student leaders’ friends as students 57 from political or social science (communication) or law faculties in order to reach students with a specific political and media literacy background. The researcher used snowball sampling. This sampling is implemented by the process of data gathering as one traced participant suggests other participants (Baxter and Babbie 2004). These participants covered the categories of Indonesian students as the young generation in Indonesia, who are non-active members in campus organizations, active users of digital media (email, social media, online news), Internet heavy users, urban men and women, middle-class, aged 18 to 25 (as universities/colleges students), living in Jakarta, Depok and Tangerang (see Appendix C for more information about these respondents). Due in part to the differences of students’ experiences in politics, therefore I chose to use focus group discussions for Indonesian students who were non-active members in campus organizations as I wanted to gain rich and broad knowledge of digital media use and political participation from these Indonesian young people. The focus group topics included how these students make responsible choices and access online information e.g. locating, sharing, and comprehending political information. I attempted to gauge their experiences and capacities to analyse and create information in a variety of digital media forms to support democracy. I used codes of FGD1 until FGD5 to identify focus group discussions with Indonesian students who are non-active members in campus organizations in previous chapters. 3.2.3 Case study approach A case study is not a selection of methodology but it is a selection of case to be analyzed, so the researcher can choose to study the case by of a variety of methods (Stake 2003). The case study can be applied by the researcher to identify comprehensively a real-life phenomenon in the contextual conditions (Yin 2009). The contextual phenomena and condition of my research is the Save KPK movement in 2015. A case study involves a unit analysis by assessment of an individual, a group, an organisation, an event, a process and an issue or several campaigns from advertising, political, public relations or marketing (Weerakkody 2009). 58 The data collection methods that used in this research included interviews of Indonesian activists, government officials and politicians that participated in one political movement and document analysis (Tweets) of the political movement in Indonesia, which is the Save KPK movement. The exploration of processes, activities and events can be studied by grounded theory or case study (Creswell 2003, 183). In this research, I used the Save KPK movement as my single case study, so I could explore the digital media practice and activities from this political movement. There are three types of a case study that serve a different purpose, such as exploratory, descriptive and explanatory (Yin 2009; Weerakkody 2009). This research will use descriptive case studies as a descriptive case study explains what was observed in detail, in depth, in the context (Weerakkody 2009). A descriptive case study can be conducted for collecting contextual information that could demonstrate relations between digital media and democracy in Indonesia. This PhD research used one case study to be further analysed which is the Save KPK movement and it will explain in the next paragraph. 3.2.3.1 The Save KPK movement as the political movement in Indonesia The significant topic or a case that is of national importance or that serves the public interest can be picked up for the case study. It may be useful in theory development or have the beneficial practical application to the broader society. The case must be comprehensive in the sense that terms of reference between determining the analysis of phenomenon and the context are clearly defined. The boundaries of the case can be both social (who is included) and physical (what is included) (Weerakkody 2009). In this research, the case is The Save KPK movement as the anti-corruption movement to support and protect KPK from criminalized by Indonesian National Police. The Save KPK movement arose at the beginning of 2015 in Indonesia as a national public issue. This movement was attributed to issues concerning the KPK undermining efforts conducted by other parties, particularly the Police and gained supporters from Indonesian public through digital media coverage. Using a case study analysis, this study aims to seek the answer of the following matters; the digital activism of the Save KPK movement, the digital media used by the supporters or participants, and the 59 digital media strategy and platforms to support the movement. The findings of this case study could provide a more understanding of the Save KPK movement objectively; provide insight into the process, motivation and capacities of digital media users to support the Save KPK movement. This movement was one example of a grassroots campaign to support democracy in Indonesia. Bambang Widjojanto arrested by police several days after the KPK announced that Budi Gunawan as top candidate of the chief of the National Police was a suspect in a bribery scandal. Therefore, Indonesian civil society including activists, religious leaders, academicians and politicians gathered on the steps of parliament to support the KPK. This is because a hazard to democracy in Indonesia appeared after the conflict between the Indonesian national police (POLRI) and the KPK (Clough 2015) in 2015. The save KPK movement as the case study to be used for investigation of the practices of digital media by the Indonesian public to support democracy in Indonesia. Indonesia still has undemocratic institutions especially with corruption practices (Mietzner 2012; Human Rights Watch 2014; Postill and Saputro 2017), and also the pattern of corruption is still prevalent in Indonesia (Cochrane 2014; Aspinall 2014b). The corruption is still established in political parties and institutions (Mietzner 2015), while Indonesian civil society has been continuing the struggle against corruption and electoral fraud (Postill and Saputro 2017). Therefore, the social movement to support the KPK institution as an independent anticorruption institution that has the vision to free Indonesia from corruption (Febri and Lie 2010) was viewed as an important case study to be analysed. I conducted interviews with activists from individual or organizations who supported and participated in the Save KPK Movement. I found their names from media stories regarding this movement. If I only get one name from the media, then I used snowballing techniques to get other names of young activists from my first interviewee. Mascheroni (2012) mentioned the requirement of participatory uses of the Internet is digital literacy, online civic and political engagement (Mascheroni 2012). The activities included a mailing list and online chatting group for movement coordination, updating news to website or blog, engage and mobilise Internet users and also their practices. I asked questions that are related to investigating the activities 60 of using digital media literacy to coordinate the Save KPK movement. Also, I enquired into their motivation and the application of using digital media to run and support this movement. The other significant case to be analysed is the Save KPK movement as the KPK was formed with the aim of transforming corruption eradication efforts on a national scale. In Indonesia, before the KPK was established only the Chief Legal Representative and Police Institution obligated the power to eradicate corruption and apply anticorruption efforts in Indonesia (ICAC 2005) KPK has already netted many high profile political and judicial cases in the past years, this institution has powers to investigate and charge suspects of corruption (Blakkarly, 2015). The save KPK movement emerged after Bambang Widjojanto was arrested by police in January 2015. BW was charged for allegedly instructing a witness to give false testimony to his witness on the Constitutional Court hearing in 2010. Bambang Widjojanto’s arrest is believed to be the revenge for the KPK’s investigation of Budi Gunawan, while he was a top candidate of the President to become the new Indonesian National Police (POLRI) Chief in 2015 (Blakkarly 2015). I will conduct interviews with two staffs or commissioners in KPK, so I can investigate the usage of digital media by KPK to engage and mobilise Indonesian internet users in order to support KPK, while there was a conflict between the KPK and the POLRI in 2015. The other significant sources to be investigated for the Save KPK movement are political organisations or parties. Political parties are selected from their preferences to work against or support the Save KPK movement, including PDIP and Gerindra party. An example is the political machinations around Indonesian President Joko Widowo’s (Jokowi) nomination of Budi Gunawan as chief of the National Police, as the sole candidate for that position. Budi Gunawan had previously been an aide to Megawati Sukarnoputri, the former President and current chairwoman of the PDIP, which is also Jokowi’s party. After Budi Gunawan’s nomination, the KPK identified Budi Gunawan as a suspect in a corruption case for allegedly receiving bribes through suspicious transactions (Soebagjo 2015). In addition to the divisions within the PDIP about Budi Gunawan’s nomination, the rival Gerindra Party is countering any attempts by the PDIP 61 Party to cancel Budi Gunawan’s nomination, even threatening Jokowi if he revokes the recommendation (Globe 2015; Soebagjo 2015). Both of these parties could be selected as information sources for conducting an analysis of the political engagement strategies employed by the save KPK movement. However, I did not get an interview with a politician from PDIP but I got an interview with a politician from National Democratic Party (Nasdem) Party as Nasdem party is the good alliance of PDIP party to nominate and to support Jokowi for the Indonesian Presidency in 2014 (Lane 2015). I conducted interviews with two young politicians from Nasdem and the Gerindra party and asked questions that are related to their political activities of using digital media to coordinate or disseminate their support for the Save KPK movement. Also, I seek their motivation to apply digital media in order to argue against or support this movement. The selection of case study can be considered with developing topics that are not too broad and without too many objectives, therefore, binding the case will help to make sure that the researcher focuses only on the scope of study (Baxter and Jack 2008). The boundaries of case studies can be simplified by the period of time; the related social group or organization or geographical area; variety of evidence and main concerns for data collection and analysis (Yin 2009). Binding the case will help the researcher to focus only on the scope of the study. The boundaries for the present case of this study include 12 Indonesian young people (25 - 39 years old) that participated in the Save KPK movement, for example: activists, Internet activists, NGO (non-governmental organisations) members, KPK official staff, politician and professional (see Appendix D for more information about these respondents). In the next chapters, I used code P1 – P12 to identify this group of respondents. 3.3 Conclusion This chapter articulates why this research has adopted a qualitative approach to analyse how digital media use for political participation and civic engagement to support democratic practices and institutions in Indonesia. A qualitative approach to the methods of semi-structured interview and focus group discussions is an ideal one 62 to investigate their political experiences and digital media use in which research objects perform their democratic practices. The motivation, resources, capacities and processes of digital media are not standardised variables which can be measured in a direct way unless we discard the rich information and knowledge of these attributes and fit them into thematically formats. Therefore, this research adopts a qualitative approach which is more appropriate. After then, this chapter defines the research objects and explains the purposive and snowball sampling methods of this research project. These methods provide diverse and typical participants related to research questions. Finally, this chapter also explains how data was collected by semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions as well as the data analysis procedures. This chapter includes the first three procedures of data analysis: compile, disassemble and reassemble. The last two procedures, to interpret and conclude, will be reflected in the following chapters of thematic analysis, which are responses to the research questions of this project respectively. 63 Chapter 4: Digital media activities in political participation: A study of the Save KPK movement 4.1 The motivation for the Save KPK movement The KPK was established in 2003 to eradicate corruption cases in Indonesia, especially among high-profile people and elites (Tapsell 2015a). The Save KPK in 2015 started when Bambang Widjojanto was arrested by police, and after a few days, the KPK announced that Budi Gunawan was a suspect in a bribery scandal. Furthermore, when the hashtag #saveKPK and #AkuKPK (#IamKPK) appeared on the Internet (Freedom House 2015a), activists became vocal about “Save KPK”, expressing their opinions through Facebook and Twitter and rallying at the KPK’s headquarters (Savirani 2015). The hazards of democracy appeared after the weakening of the KPK institution and the conflict between KPK and the Indonesian national police (POLRI) (Clough 2015; Tapsell 2015a). The Save KPK movement is one creative grassroots campaign to support democracy in Indonesia (Clough 2015; Freedom House 2015a). It showed that the Indonesian public was already aware and capable of supporting a better system of justice, anti-corruption, and civic engagement and participation in a bottom-up relationship (citizens to the government). A total of 12 respondents took part in this case study. These respondents were from different organizations, but they shared similarities as participants in The Save KPK movement, and as active digital media users. All respondents were first asked how and why they had become actors in the Save KPK movement, and also about their motivations to participate in the movement. This chapter explores their digital media activities, including their motivation, digital media literacy (capacities), and digital media activism (process) for the Save KPK movement. The interview findings about the motivation to participate in the Save KPK movement are similar to the findings of Carpini, who looked at American young people who were engaged in political participation (Carpini 2000), and Norris, who looked at political participation in the European context (Norris 2011). Motivation is an important part in the digital movement because it can be the stimulus of the movement, determining access to and use of digital media. Norris stated “motivation can also be expected to prove 64 important in determining Internet access and use, including the interest, knowledge, and confidence that bring people back to the process of political participation, as well as broader cultural attitudes such as trust in government and satisfaction with the democratic process” (Norris 2001, 220). All 12 research participants in this group of respondent already had the experience, interest, knowledge and confidence to use digital media to support the Save KPK movement and also further to invite society or mobilise them to join into the movement. However, these respondents had varied motivations to utilize digital media for this movement, including delivering good information to society, the existence of the KPK as an institution, the relationships with the participant’s work or background, and belief in the need to make social change and to effectively eradicate corruption and injustice in Indonesia. 4.1.1 Delivering good information to society The most important reason to participate in the Save KPK movement related to the belief that ‘good’ information about KPK should be delivered to society; six participants shared their beliefs about delivering good information about KPK. Meanwhile, four of the six participants worked in media departments of NGOs that focused on transparency and corruption issues in Indonesia, and six of the twelve participants used digital media actively for their daily work, as well as for the Save KPK movement. Norris (2001) argued that occupational resources include access to job types in management and the professions where computer facilities are easily available (Norris 2001). Six respondents had occupational resources relevant to using digital media and activism that could support and facilitate them for participating in the Save KPK movement. Several activists explained that digital media was the easiest and most important tool to use for communication and coordination with Indonesian (P1, P2 & P3, January and February 2016), for example, “to disseminate information” (P2, January 2016), “to approach society and to deliver the good information of KPK to society” (P1, February 2016), and “to express their support for KPK movement as 65 digital media use for movement was emerged in the society” (P3, February 2016). These activists had capabilities and experience in digital media, and therefore they were already familiar with accessing and creating information, and also they were concerned to provide good information by digital media. The effectiveness of all digital tools and techniques will still depend upon the strategic focus and planning of the campaigners using them (Ricketts 2012). The activists in this research were confident and skilful with digital media as part of their daily life or familiar tools, so they had the capacity to use digital media as strategic tools and realised the advantage of digital media to disseminate good information for approaching society. One activist who worked for TII youth department pointed out the concern of delivering information: “There is a lot of information but not all of that is equal, some of it is good and some is only noise, so there is a necessity to frame the KPK issues to open awareness then continue to participate, so the first concern was framing and delivering information about KPK” (P7, February 2016). An activist in Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) claimed digital media invited society to join the action because they are “the rapid and effective media to deliver information about KPK and to gather and organise people and it should be more than delivering the good information but also how the society could join the movement” (P8, December 2015). These activists agreed that digital media can be used to deliver information and invite people to participate and join the movement. The dissemination of online information in the Save KPK movement could be effectively assisted by digital media as these media rapidly and actively produce and consume online information. The issue of connection in digital media includes how to deliver good information, because even though it is fast and effective, there are still problems with the free flow of information in digital media: “In the digital era, there is massive and free information around, so the information environment becomes overloaded and messy” (P8, December 2015). The activists could understand the digital environment, including the positives and negatives of it. Also, another social media activist showed his interest in participating in the movement: “This digital media is cheap and simple, writing information using social media was our tool to Save KPK. The opponent or haters’ 66 group could influence and be powerful with their information. If we do not counterbalance, then we can lose because the public will keep getting wrong information from opponents as it could make them believe in it” (P12, January 2016). The circulation of truthful information is vital to tackle wrong information. Several respondents in this research had a hope for this digital movement, which was that the digital media could help them to spread true information to wider society, so they need to produce (write) and distribute (deliver) good or right information about the Save KPK movement. There are some concerns about online information, like online information that spreads in social media is not always true (Mackey and Jacobson 2016). Also, many people cannot distinguish between facts and lies in news shared on Facebook, WhatsApp and Twitter, as anyone can upload anything on the Internet (Young 2017). So, spreading good information was a good motivation for activists to counter-balance information, as the fast and broad coverage of digital media could provide both accurate and false information. The free-flow and massive amounts of information in the digital media can be used for both sides to deliver true or false information about the movement. However, activists in the Save KPK movement believed that it was important about good and credible information of the KPK to be produced and disseminated to every citizen in Indonesia because citizens have the right to receive ‘factual’ information. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 19) states that “everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers” (The United Nations 1948). Digital media technology supports greater capabilities to access and receive information than ever before. Therefore, the right to seek and receive information on the Internet includes the right to accurate, clear, and relevant information necessary to support other human rights (Mathiesen 2014). The motivation of providing good information by digital media to Indonesian citizens is in line with the citizen’s right to seek and receive information that is accurate, clear and relevant. 67 4.1.2 The existence of KPK as an institution The continued existence of KPK as an institution was the second most-commonly nominated reason for being active in the Save KPK movement. For example, five of the twelve respondents in this research expressed that a motivating factor for their activity was their belief that the KPK institution must exist as the anti-corruption commission and institution continue to operate effectively in Indonesia. Another individual activist in the Save KPK movement argued that “the period of #akuKPK or #SaveKPK in 2015 was clearly differentiated from the previous Save KPK movements in 2009 and 2012” (P4, January 2016). Certainly, it must be acknowledged that the Save KPK movement overall is not new, as Indonesian citizens have previously mobilized to support the KPK when the Indonesian police arrested KPK commissioners on undecided charges after the latter investigation of police corruption in 2009 and 2012 (Soebagjo 2015). Also, the belief that KPK should exist was expressed by one activist, who stated that “the Save KPK movement was not bonded only by the moment, but it was bonded by increased faith that the KPK as an institution should exist in Indonesia” (P4, January 2016). Indonesian citizens still have the faith that KPK as an institution must exist and be maintained in order to eradicate corruption cases in Indonesia. Several respondents (P3, P6, and P10) had the same opinion that the KPK continue to be ‘clean’ (free from corruption), and brave to eradicate corruption, so this institution must be protected by a citizen so it would not be diminished. One activist stated the “KPK institution was developed by civil society so when there was a movement that could threaten the existence of the institution, then it became a call for us to protect the institutions” (P3, February 2016). The responsibility to protect or to maintain the sustainability of the KPK was their motivation to participate in the Save KPK movement and this is similar to the motivation to participate in public life that is seen among young Americans (Carpini 2000). The feelings of protectiveness and fear of losing KPK could occur because these activists cared of the KPK as a good institution to eradicate corruption in Indonesia. Also, three activists (P1, P2, and P7) realised that the arrest of Bambang Widjojanto as the vice leader of KPK during the Save KPK movement indicated the targeting of the 68 KPK, as it weakened the institution itself. One activist emphasized the importance of protecting KPK: “I encouraged my friends from networking to do an action together to fight against criminalisation of KPK’s leader and the KPK institution” (P2, January 2016). The weakening of the KPK was also mentioned by members of the President's Advisory Council, including Hashim Muzadi who highlighted “the conflict between the KPK and Police has weakened the KPK institution and this was leading to its destruction” (Fauzi 2015). There is awareness about systematic efforts to paralyse the KPK as an institution as not only the leaders or officials from KPK and the activists were highly conscious of that, so they tried to gather support for KPK. The sense of KPK being a good institution that belongs is important, as it motivated Indonesians to protect the KPK as the existing institution to eradicate corruption in Indonesia. 4.1.3 The relationships with the participant’s work or background The third most-commonly nominated reason for participating in the Save KPK movement was the belief that relationships with their work or background areas in corruption, transparency and human rights issues, as these are important factors for supporting respondents to participate. This might be connected with the background situation from the first motivation when most activists in this research worked in media department and were familiar with digital media. Similarly, six respondents shared the same passion for corruption issues, such as the four out of six who had worked in anti-corruption issues connected to the Save KPK movement; the other two respondents had connections in their background areas in anti-corruption issues and one was official staff from KPK. Therefore, all respondents can have the same passion and call to support the movement. Norris developed the model of ‘the contextual model of political activism’ and argued that the meso-level informal institutions have affected individuals for political activism (Norris 2011). She also argued that “It is increasingly recognized that ‘context matters’ with individual citizens embedded within specific meso-level informal institutions of organizations, communities, neighbourhoods and social networks” (Norris 2011, 106). These respondents had the same passion and social networks to participate in the Save KPK movement as they 69 worked on the corruption issues (meso-level) and those became motivations to participate in this political movement. One woman activist at TII admitted: “I work in TII, my paradigm and perspective are in the same dimension which is corruption and I have felt the political tension of this issue since I was in college” (P6, February 2016). Also, another activist, who worked at the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, mentioned: “the motivation is just clear because of my work as media campaigner of LBH Jakarta” (P1, February 2016). Also, the KPK personnel admitted, “In fact, if I said one of my motivations is the work maybe there is a correlation because I work in the same field of corruption” (P5, December 2015). The context matter is still imperative to motivate them to support the Save KPK movement as in this case they were experienced with the institution, the issue of corruption and the activism of the Save KPK movement. One politician from the Nasdem political party, one activist from the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute had different working areas, but similar backgrounds, as their backgrounds relate to corruption. This politician explained that “From the beginning, I have been involved in the public participation including Save KPK and this started when I worked in The Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, which raised some issues like anti-corruption and anti-mafia of the judiciary” (P11, January 2016). Also, the law activist, who worked in the Legal Aid Institute indicated that “Participating in the Save KPK movement just similar into my daily activities that close to the anti-corruption, therefore ,I joined in this movement” (P3, February 2016). Two activists who worked in NGOs related to anti-corruption (P2 & P10) shared the same idea of having responsibilities to the anticorruption movement. Also, the KPK personnel stated: “I always want to make the corruption issues becomes general issues for everyone, so it is not particular issues only for people in the corruption area” (P5, December 2015). Thus, in this research, there are similarities and dissimilarities in the participants’ employer types, but the politician and activists revealed the same passion for the anti-corruption issues and background area to support the Save KPK movement. Also, these activists had work responsibilities that related to corruption issues and digital media, but they hoped that everyone could 70 take responsibility to support the save KPK movement because corruption is a public problem that should be tackled together in Indonesia. Six respondents concluded that occupational resources were their motivation to engage in the Save KPK movement. Norris argues that the occupational resources that contain “the work environment may also provide social networks of colleagues, professional associations, and trade union organizations that may engage in political discussion and mobilization” (Norris 2001, 221-222). Most respondents in the Save KPK movement had known each other previously as they were in the same work environment. In contrast, two respondents saw some opportunities to use digital media in the Save KPK movement to expand the social networks, professional and other organizations to support and engage in, like “the previous Save KPK movement showed the same people who come in front of the KPK building - like the first Save KPK movement- but in the Save KPK 2015, we combined this movement with digital media then we could bring more people from outside of our networks to participate” (P4, January 2016). Also, another official from KPK institution admitted a parallel motivation to expand the networking: Adding the networks and making participants entered into the circle of supporting KPK because, in this coalition group of Save KPK, they could crossorganization, professions, or institutions, so it will be useful in the future, for example, when KPK take a particular issue of law then our group can help to monitor that law without being asked because they have already felt that we are friends of KPK (P5, December 2015). The Internet will strengthen the activism by activists and facilitate participation for everyone who interested in politics by reducing expenditures of communicating, mobilizing and organizing (Norris 2001). Digital media had been used by Indonesians in the Save KPK movement to communicate with networks, mobilize public, organise the actions as well as to expand the social networks of the movement into the communities, professions and other organizations, as these networks are beneficial in the movement and also in the future. Digital media have been able to generate large social networks in Indonesian political movement. 71 4.1.4 Belief in the need to make social change and be effective politically Belief in the need to make a change and be effective politically was further motivation for participating in the Save KPK movement for four out of twelve respondents in this research. The ICW activist who became an activist during university shared: “I always want to create something for Indonesia, and that is why I am working in ICW (corruption issues) and continuing to be involved in the Save KPK movement, because I believe that I can do something or make a change for Indonesia as a nation” (P10, December 2015). Similarly, the Nasdem politician, who noted his motivation: “to make a change in Indonesia with the Save KPK movement as this is effective movement” (P11, January 2016). The digital media can improve the movement of Save KPK, as participants can use digital activism to gather citizen support for the movement. Digital activism both independently and complementarily supports traditional or offline activism and it has enormous potential to amplify the capacities of activists and social movements. In addition, digital activism has become a popular form by which the Indonesian urban middle-class organizes support for social and political change. These respondents had understanding and experiences from the previous movement, so they could use digital media to improve the Save KPK movement and this is related to the popularity of digital media use in Indonesians, which provided opportunities to improve the Save KPK movement. While the Nasdem politician wanted to make improvements in the Save KPK movement, he also continued to explain his experience in the Save KPK movement: “we always find the effective and efficient tool to bring up these public issues and for the Save KPK movement, the support from Twitter and online petitions is very big and it is relevant in our digital era” (P11, January 2016). This politician tried to find effective and efficient tools for the Save KPK movement, as many forms of digital media that are employed by digital activists include the Internet, email, and social media. Several respondents in the group of the Save KPK were motivated to find suitable tools in order to support the movement and their decisions were based on the latest trends in 72 Indonesian digital media platforms for activism, as many digital tools had been used to support digital activism before. Moreover, the use of digital media is a part of changes in social or political change, for example one professional shared their motivation to participate in the Save KPK movement: “Since 2009, the utilization of the digital media has been limited to the economic empowerment only, and there is nothing wrong with this, but it should be used to push to social and political change in Indonesia” (P4, January 2016). The power of democratization is organized by the citizens who wanted to do acts or uprising as they could use digital media to support better changes in the government. Similarly, in Indonesia, the activists want to have better social and political systems as they also believe that digital media could be used to push the social and political change to improve the Indonesian system. 4.1.5 Eradicating the corruption and injustice in Indonesia The last motivation for getting involved in the Save KPK movement is the belief that corruption and injustice should be stopped. The issue of corruption is related to other motivations, as respondents also believed that KPK is an institution that can eradicate Indonesian corruption and several respondents in this research work on corruption issues. However, the combination of opinions about injustice and corruption is interesting, as corruption still happens in Indonesia. As one scholar stated, Indonesia has a poor quality of democracy, with repressive elites running the country and corruption still evident (Lindsey 2014). In this research, several activists emphasized that the corruption and injustice still happened in their environment. For example, a social media activist stated his motivation: “I think the case of Bambang Widjojanto is unfair. There was a public awareness that moved to defend justice and also many people have been treated unfairly in Indonesia” (P12, January 2016). This showed there was injustice when Bambang Widjojanto’s arrest was believed to be the revenge for the KPK’s investigation of Budi Gunawan. 73 Democracy could become stagnant because of the persistence of corruption and injustice. Törnquist, the researcher of Indonesian democracy, argued that the fight against injustice, corruption and inequality by Indonesian politicians and civil society can change the stagnation of Indonesian democratization (Törnquist 2014b). The motivation to eradicate corruption and injustice has become essential in this research as these two issues have been prevalent and cause problems for developing the Indonesian democratic system. Moreover, a young activist at the youth department in TII explained the support of the Save KPK movement because "the movement is directly into the injustice and corruption issues” (P8, February 2016). The motivation to participate is because of the recognition of a public problem that affects people that they care about (Carpini 2000). Activists in this research were fully aware that there are still public problems like corruption and injustices that needed to be transformed, and that the KPK needs to be maintained. There is a remarkable response to experiences of corruption and injustice issues among Indonesian young people and this is in line with previous findings that found supporters were from different backgrounds or experiences. Activists used digital media to bring other people from outside their group to participate, and research found that digital media helped to play activism role through the expanding networks of participation. 4.2 Digital media literacy as capacities to participate in the Save KPK movement 4.2.1 Digital media use and platforms The capacity to use digital media platforms requires that an individual has skills with technology tools in finding and using online media, as well as creating and sharing appropriate and relevant information with others. In the case of the Save KPK movement, all of the respondents agreed that digital media is a useful channel to access, discover, and create information as well as to mobilize society. This is relevant to the claims of Norris (2001), who argued that educational resources make available the capacity of digital media use (Norris 2001). All respondents for the Save KPK movement had similar educational backgrounds; they were graduates of Indonesian 74 universities or colleges. However, these twelve participants interviewed were very active users of digital media and have different capacities in digital media literacy in the Save KPK movement. People require digital media literacy to adjust to the rapid development of the Internet in Indonesia. Digital media skills include access and retrieval, analysis and evaluation, communication and creation, reflection and action (Hobbs 2010; Kahne, Lee and Feezell 2012; Lin et al. 2013; UNESCO 2013), and these digital skills are necessary for every Indonesian citizen to fully participate in social and political concerns. Three key purposes of applying media literacy identified by Livingstone et al are for democracy, participation and active citizenship; to contribute to the economy knowledge, competitiveness and choices; and for lifelong learning, cultural expressions and individual accomplishments (Livingstone, Van Couvering and Thumim 2004). Digital media literacy is necessary so that Indonesian citizens can become active participants in democracy practices with this new media. A politician mentioned the growing use of digital media in Indonesia and observed that “digital media as the communication channel is not only for certain groups, especially in the big cities or in certain age groups, because this media is becoming the daily medium of communication in Indonesia” (P8, January 2016). Even though these activists also admitted their media activities included reading newspapers and watching television, they also stated that digital media (instant messaging, social media, and online media) have become their daily media too. Furthermore, all respondents already have expert skills, especially access skills of finding and getting the digital media information they need and consume (P1 until P12, December 2015 – February 2016). Similarly, Lin et al (2013) stated that access is about consuming skills – a sequence of technical skills that are required when an individual consumes media content (Lin et al. 2013). Twelve participants in this research have high-level access skills and consume digital media content very often every day, and also follow Indonesian online content about politics, the economy and national issues. 75 Digital media use facilitated more connection with many people. Two activists said that “digital tools also facilitated connections between activists, academics, public figures, and trusted government officials around their volunteer-based coalition group” (P4 & P12, January 2016). At first, they used instant messaging (WhatsApp), email, websites and social networking (Twitter and Facebook) for the Save KPK movement to organize and create online and offline actions. Later, they used Telegram (instant messaging) for their internal group communication, specifically to communicate and coordinate among their coalition group. However, volunteer members of the coalition group continued to use WhatsApp to improve, inform, mobilize, and encourage people outside the coalition to support this movement both online and offline. Therefore, the Save KPK movement includes the characteristics of connective action identified by Bennet and Segerberg, in which digital media enable individual actions to spread quickly and for groups using communication tools to coordinate among them, and voluntary self-expression can be part of a wider process of forming large social networks Moreover, WhatsApp and Telegram are usually used for interpersonal communication, but in this case, both were utilized for group communication among volunteers in the coalition group of the Save KPK movement as they used the features of groups in these platforms. This is in line with the findings of research about the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong, where WhatsApp became an essential tool for networking (Lee and Ting 2015) and likewise with the Gezi Protest in Istanbul that used WhatsApp for networking regarding actions (Haciyakupoglu and Zhang 2015). In this research, the instant messaging could be used not only to communicate with the group’s members, but also to disseminate information and coordinate their actions in their group and networking (public). Social media has been used actively by Indonesian people. For example, Indonesia itself has been defined as the Twitter Nation (Sidner 2010) and Jakarta (the capital city) as the capital city of Twitter (Lipman 2012). The coalition group agreed to create a website and a Twitter account, so they created the twitter account profile @Aku_KPK. Two activists shared that the Twitter of @Aku_KPK amplified the content of the website, so the basic platform was on the website akukpk.com. In the global context, 76 there have been other successful movements that communicated political information to the public by Twitter and Facebook, such as Put People First (PPF), Arab Spring, the Indignados and Occupy (Bennett and Segerberg 2012). In this research, two activists shared that they created a content plan for their Twitter strategy (P4 & P12, January 2016). The content plan was raised to counter the issues that had been circulated by opposing groups and it consisted of issues, types, targets, the person in charge and timeline. This is related to the first motivation to deliver good information of KPK that to counter issue and to mobilize people to support the movement. Kultwit or Kuliah Twitter (Twitter Lecture) was also used in the Save KPK movement. Kultwit is a term for a series of tweets (Mariani 2014) or a short Twitter lecture (Freedom House 2015a). Activists preferred to use Kultwit because they had a lot of content of the Save KPK movement to be shared but Twitter has only 140 characters. To overcome this limitation, activists used Kultwit and the timing windows of 7 a.m.– 10 a.m. and 4 p.m.–8 p.m. to distribute their tweets strategically (P4 & P12, January 2016). Indonesian social media has rush hours between these times that coincide with Jakarta's notorious traffic jams, during which digital media users scan their mobile phones (Paramaditha 2013). Tweets with hashtags #saveKPK between 23 and 24 January 2015 became the world’s trending topic on Twitter (Uqiyanus 2015; AMR/DOE/SF 2015; Editorial of Jakarta Post 2015). Also, digital activism has proven effective to support offline mobilization, for example, the hashtag of #savekpk movement in 2015 has mobilized Indonesian people gathered in front of the KPK building and also become a trending topic. Therefore, the online content and timing strategies through Twitter have proven useful for supporting this movement. One activist also shared that the social media campaign of the Save KPK movement was also used to amplify the contents of the website, www.akukpk.com (P12, January 2016). However, the activists said that Twitter was utilised more than Facebook or YouTube by their group to share and distribute information, and to mobilize people in the Save KPK movement. This is because Twitter was used in the activists’ daily lives and was more popular among activists than other digital media platforms. Actually, there was the Save KPK Facebook group (https://www.facebook.com/pg/Aku-KPK532956633511423/posts/?ref=page_internal) but this Facebook group had only 31 77 likes until now, so the engagement between the activists and the public did not occur on Facebook in the case of the Save KPK movement. Despite this, Facebook can play important roles to connect participants and mobilize collective actions. For example, in the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong, Facebook pages promoted extensive awareness of the movement, receiving more than 100,000 likes (Lee and Ting 2015) and also in the 15-M Movement in Spain, activists of ‘acampada’ shared that their Facebook page received 2 million visits in 15 days (Gerbaudo 2012). These findings around Facebook show that different countries and generations can have their own digital platform preferences to be used in their political movements. The activists shared that they tried to create public awareness with YouTube, so they invited the public to make one-minute testimonial videos on YouTube that had to include the hashtag #oneminuteforKPK (P4 & P12, January 2016). The activists also gave two options for the Indonesian public during that time, such as the Indonesian public could upload and mention @Aku_KPK on YouTube or send it to the activist groups’ email. Unfortunately, the testimonial video was not useful for awareness because it only attracted 11 people to participate on YouTube. These findings show that there is a need to develop the creative idea of using video to engage the Indonesian public. Visual online contents support as resources for collective identity and political purpose in digital activism (Gerbaudo 2015), moreover the power of visual content and YouTube video is vital, and both are potential tools for mobilizing people to come and act together (Castells 2012; Gerbaudo 2012). For example, in Indonesia, a viral Twitter video in June 2016 led to fund-raising for Ibu Eni, a woman whose food stall was attacked by civil service police in Serang, Banten (Ria 2016; Topsfield 2016). Therefore, visual campaigns or videos have great potential as tools in social or political movements for connecting more participants and mobilizing them to real action, as long as they can be distributed well to the public. These activists used websites as the base platform for the Save KPK movement. The coalition group actively used websites to collaborate and create information about the chronologies, updates and situation of Save KPK to inform the public, and then created Twitter and Facebook accounts as the link to amplify this information to the public (P4 & P12, January 2016). This is similar to the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong, in which 78 activists established websites and Facebook pages to express their views and deliver their messages, so they did not depend on the mainstream media to interact with the public (Lee and Ting 2015). The activists wanted to have their own media to share information or counter issues of the movement for the public. Thus, there was linking of digital media use by these coalition groups to support each other’s media when they ran that movement. This is also in line with the Corsari Movement in Milan that showed the role of the website and digital media platforms in creating a sense of shared unity by linking different networks together and respecting groups’ individual autonomy (Barassi 2015). Also, in the Umbrella Movement (Hong Kong), students used websites to express views, to distribute messages and to interact with the public (Lee and Ting 2015), while in the Sunflower movement (Taiwan), students used websites to organize and provide information (Chen et al. 2014). The website was still a popular digital medium for activists in the Save KPK movement to disseminate information about KPK, despite the many other options available. Indonesian activists (P4, P5, P9, & P12) shared Change.org support for the Save KPK movement by creating and distributing online petitions to release BW. In Indonesia, change.org is the most popular website for online petitions that have targeted the government, corporations, and individuals. The emergence of the Change.org Indonesia online petition site has provided space for people to voice their opinions on different issues. Petitions are a common action for emerging social movements, also online petitions are easier than offline in terms of time as there are several online petition website such as MoveOn.org in USA (Friedland and Rogerson 2009) and GetUp in Australia (Vromen 2007). However, change.org is the popular website for online petitions in Indonesia, with 2 million users in December 2015. Indonesians use change.org to make a change and to push government and policy-makers to respond; also, users of Change.org have varied interests like animal welfare, the environment, anti-corruption, and human rights (Ngazis and Haryanto 2016). The petition of Save KPK was targeting the Indonesian president to release the KPK Deputy Chief from detention and this petition invited Indonesian netizens to support the dropping of charges against him. Desmarita Murni (Change.org) stated that the petition of #SaveKPK had become a record-breaking 79 petition with the fastest response in Indonesia, with 36,413 signatures in less than 48 hours (Hamdani 2015). The coalition group in the Save KPK movement created the online petition with Change.org to release Bambang Widjojanto, to support the Save KPK movement and to accelerate the government’s response and action at that moment. 4.2.2 Critical understanding and analytical skills of digital media content All respondents agreed that the most important digital media literacy skill for Internet users or potential supporters is to critically analyse online information because they first need to verify the online information and they must be able to differentiate between real or good information and fake or hoax information. Also, in the words of one activist, “Indonesian people should be able to distinguish which is a hoax or not, so the society would not confuse and mislead by online information as information must enlighten community to understand problems and find solutions” (P1, February 2016). Many Indonesians today receive information through digital media, so they need to have skills that will enable them to think critically about media. The competencies of using critical thinking to analyse and evaluate digital media include being able to question and criticize, and challenge the quality, veracity, credibility, and point of view of contents, while considering the potential effects (Hobbs 2010; Lin et al. 2013) The majority of respondents in this research also pointed out that everyone needs to be critical in their analysis and evaluation and to check the profile backgrounds from online information sources, and specifically when the public receives online information they should have a mind-set that not all information is true and not all sources are credible and reliable. Online information is shared widely on social media, but that does not mean it is true. A KPK official explained that to analyse and evaluate online information, first “Indonesians need to be capable of sorting information, especially which information can be trusted and which cannot, or which is only from provocateurs, so, the checking and re-checking of information are very important in digital media” (P5, December 80 2015). All respondents (P1 to P12, December 2015 – February 2016) had the ability and understanding to analyse and evaluate online information and even they were concerned about the truth and credibility of online information in Indonesian digital media platforms. The circulation of fake news and misinformation is much easier by social media, as online information can remove traditional media’s gatekeepers and can circulate directly from individual to individual (Buckingham 2017). The skill of getting accurate information is a real concern as the circulation of fake news and hoaxes in digital media have been massive. Activists and advocates in this research also felt they had a greater onus to have digital media literacy than the average Internet user or potential supporter. Several respondents stated that activists and advocates must create online information based on facts, good values, and ethics because they must be responsible for their online content and not creating false information. Respondents indicated that without such high levels of behaviour and skills, the Indonesian digital democratic movement would not develop but rather be destroyed. Also, one politician in an Indonesian political party member indicated: The public can trust more in the information sources than the information itself. This is dangerous because the sources (person) could lead to the positive as well as negative information, and these also can become incitement. Moreover, Indonesian public figures are still important, like the Clergy, Priest and Professor as many people easily trust them. The weakness is when readers are not critical of online information then provocation by online can become quickly spread and grow (P9, December 2015). Interviewees in this research expressed concerns that when Internet users are not critical with the information and information sources then this situation can become dangerous for Indonesian digital media users. Also, the influence from public figures is still important in Indonesia as research findings show that celebrity endorsement of politics has utilized social media to become an important part of the electoral campaign in Indonesia (Holmes and Sulistyanto 2016). Indonesian leaders and prominent or public figures tend to have big followers, so these people can influence their masses in their activities, and this situation has happened in Indonesian digital media environment. For example in Indonesia, there is not only a celebrity 81 endorsement trend but also ‘buzzers’, who get paid for their tweets and have more than 2,000 followers who are paid to tweet (Paramaditha 2013). Also, buzzers hired by certain parties or sides to control and win the competition or war in social media (ABK et al. 2017). Indonesian buzzers have used the same patterns in digital media as public figures; if they have a lot of followers, then they can get paid by vested interests to tweet or to update in their digital media platforms. Further, several activists also mentioned that they can use social media to analyse issues or do issues mapping, but they did this by manually analysing and observing hashtags and tweets on their Twitter timeline. Key mediators in issue publics can be understood by the role of social media objects, including hashtags, pictures, and videos by digital methods (Burgess and Matamoros-Fernández 2016). So, the respondents in this research did not use the digital methods for issues mapping in the Save KPK movement, but they used traditional methods of issues mapping by writing and collecting the online profile (P4 & P5, December 2015 and January 2016). In this movement, these respondents can improve their digital media literacy with digital methods, so they can efficiently map issues by software and data mining to expand their analysis from varied objects, visuals, and hashtags in online. The list of strategies helped the group to formulate what they would do and what proposal issues could be highlighted to the public. One activist stated, “The function of the Save KPK movement was to put their issues on the agenda in the public spotlight, while counteracting issues or agendas circulated by other sources that weakened the KPK” (P4, January 2016). Also, another activist admitted: “We create new weapons or tools from Twitter and Facebook, and we should analyse the attacks that had been used by the opponents, so that we can create counter-attacks, such as when the opponent tried to terrorise the KPK’s friends or supporters, then we created posters with the message “do not be afraid; we should fight” and distributed it via digital media for counter-attack” (P1, February 2016). Moreover, the use of digital media for political activism not only depends on the connection between citizens through digital tools but also on the organized strategy of activists (Gerbaudo 2012; Mitu and Vega 2014; Ricketts 2012). The ability to analyse and evaluate the information, situation and 82 sources on digital media became these activists’ strategies to execute actions in the Save KPK movement. 4.3.3. Creating digital media content with creativity and innovation The impact of democracy in promoting greater participation in public culture requires not just a willingness to consume information, but also to create and share information through digital media. The skill of creating and sharing that discussed in the literature is to produce content and information using creativity and confidence with the knowledge of objectives, audiences, and structures. The mainstream media, such as newspapers and television, usually dominate public opinion; therefore, three activists wanted to have their own media or alternative media to share information or counterissues of the Save KPK movement for the public and they used digital media to create information as alternative opinion. Some roles that networked technologies fulfil for activists and social movements include external functions: to mobilise, recruit, attack strategies and create alternative media communication that contributes to an active public sphere (Cammaerts 2015). The digital media can function as alternative media to counter issues and to open the public sphere for citizens in the Save KPK movement. One respondent, an activist mentioned that “we can make counterpoint issues to fight the public opinion” (P4, January 2016). Another activist also talked about creating public opinion in digital media and he explained: “In social media, we should win the public opinion in order to win the battle of issues and this also happened in the Save KPK movement” (P1, February 2016). The ability to create and share online content or information is important, but in the Save KPK movement, they also need further ability to create online content or information that could win the public opinion during the movement. The Gerindra politician also mentioned public opinion in digital media: “the first comment in social media can create the public opinion, so digital media is effective for public debates but also for leading the public issues” (P9, December 2015). Also, two activists (P1 & P4) and one professional (P3) realised that digital media could become alternative media to equal the traditional media and to give alternative information that could affect to the public opinion; therefore, the reason 83 behind creation of information about the KPK is not only to share it with the society, but also to win public opinion in the society. Digital media is becoming essential to create alternative media for advanced social and political changes (Kenix 2009; Mora 2013). Those activists in this research believed that they should produce online information or content to win public opinion in digital media; similarly, people can simultaneously become content consumers and producers in new media (Hill and Sen 2005; Papacharissi 2010; boyd and Marwick 2011) and also the content creators can position them not only as consumers but also citizens (Livingstone 2004). Those activists had the digital media literacy that helped them to be active citizens during the movement, which was how and why they created alternative information in digital media that aimed to win public opinion. Creating content or information in digital media is varied on each platform. One activist concluded that “the typical writing of each person is different. For example, maybe there are some people who are good with tweets (140 characters), but when we see their blogs, maybe we could not understand the topic that they are writing or vice versa, because some people can write blogs but when they try to formulate words for become short expressions, then it can become difficult for them” (P10, December 2015). One activist explained his experiences when using digital media to create content: “If you want to circulate a short concept, just use microblogging (Twitter), then use Facebook for content that is a bit longer, and also use Instagram for cool visuals. But, if you want more privacy, then use Path for limited friends only. But for me, Twitter is for the complicated matters and issues, and also for Save KPK” (P12, January 2016). These two activists had the ability to create information or content based on the digital platforms because every digital platform has different features and advantages. However, several activists in this movement had previous experience with digital activism, so they were skilled in digital media platforms and privacy. They could choose the best approach to digital media content and platforms to achieve their objectives. These digital media skills, experiences and background were important for activists to support political movements in Indonesia. Moreover, a degree of specialisation has 84 arisen among some respondents in how they create content in Twitter. The Nasdem politician explained how to use Twitter with the limitation of 140 characters to cover the important issues, “Although it is possible to create Kultwit, it still cannot be used for long messages because people can be lazy to follow those tweets” (P11, January 2016). Other activists also shared that they prepared the content plan in the Save KPK movement to include Kultwit to disseminate the information of KPK and the perfect time to distribute their tweets (P10 & P11, December 2015). The goal for the politician and activists was not only to create online content but also to overcome the limitations of digital media features and perfect timing to get public attention. The activities’ creativities and strategies to create online information are helping to pursue the effecient distribution of online information. Internet users are becoming the producers, not only the consumers, of online information and this type of public participation can expand in the digital world as Internet users engage in ‘produsage’ (production and usage) in digital environments (Bruns 2008b). Young activists are prosumers (Lee and Ting 2015) and the content creation can position them not only as consumers but also as citizens (Livingstone 2004). The Nasdem politician described the new trends of political participation by digital media: “Smart oration, holding megaphone/banners, and standing in front of police or soldiers to fight is not working anymore for young people. The era is different now, young people with their spontaneity can engage because they like to write tweets, make trending topics, post hits songs, and create memes” (P11, January 2016). The new social movements show that citizens can create and distribute online content as part of their actions or participation. Creating visual contents is another strategy or creative opportunity for several respondents in this research. One respondent from the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute mentioned: “creating visual information infographics, and memes, which have become popular online in Indonesia, because they are creative, colourful and visually attractive” (P1, February 2016). Another activist shared that “to create and share visual information online that can have an emotional touch is also important for the movement” (P7, February 2016). In Indonesia, the use of a combination of text and 85 visual information in digital media movements has been developing and includes animations, digital posters, memes, photos, and videos (Lim 2013; Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). Therefore, the capacities to create information by combining visual information with text are vital, especially the capacities to create and combine images, sounds, designs, videos and texts that can mobilize information and citizens. So, the activists can expand digital activism for a larger market, simply because digital media continues to expand and change constantly and the visual information has become popular for Indonesian young people, especially those affluent enough to use screen-based technologies in their daily lives. Other research has demonstrated how Indonesian young people tried to use social media to find information, and create and distribute chats, memes, photos, and videos in order to support their candidates, or attack their opponents, during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election campaign (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). Such actions were also used in Britain, where Brexit supporters effectively used Instagram to dominate the debate and to mobilise people across the country (Polonski 2016), for example through visuals of the campaign processes, edited artworks, comedy drawings, memes, political wall paintings, selfies with campaign products, and pictures of Europeans hugging Brits in support of the campaign (Polonski 2016). Unfortunately, there were still few initiatives from these activists in Indonesia to make types of online information based on visuals or images. Two organizations and one individual had been concerned with creating substantive amounts of visual information in the Save KPK movement. The Jakarta Legal Aid Institute has created digital posters to publish and distribute on their digital media platforms (organisation and personal) in order to support the Save KPK movement. Several examples of them are presented below: 86 Figure 1: Images courtesy of the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH Jakarta) In addition, Youth Proactive, a youth project from the youth department in TII, provided infographics of the Save KPK movement on Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp to young people. Activists of the youth department in TII also said “we had a team to create online information such as text, visuals, infographics and they used social media to distribute it, because those digital media platforms were the most suitable to provide information for young people involved in our projects” (P6, February 2016). Digital media also helped these activists to build coordination between central and rural areas, so they could share their own perspectives, become active, supportive, and understand the situation and actions of Save KPK not only in Jakarta but also other areas. These activists had digital media literacy of creation and they were highly conscious about creating online information as they had teams to create variant online information. During the Save KPK movement, they created several infographics, posters and images, and then published them all on their digital media platforms so they could be distributed through their networks in digital media. Indonesian people are more interested in digital and audio-visual media rather than traditional media in the convergence era (Tapsell 2015b). Thus, activists need to consider creating attractive online information by audiovisual content for activism. Figure 2: Images courtesy of Youth Proactive Program initiated by Youth Department Transparency International Indonesia. 87 Figure 3: Images courtesy of Youth Proactive Program initiated by Youth Department Transparency International Indonesia. There are several memes of the Save KPK movement that were created and distributed by individuals in the coalition group of Save KPK. These memes were personal expressions that were circulated on Twitter in order to get ‘virality’ and awareness from the public. Memes are symbolic packages that distributed easily across huge and different populations because these are easy to duplicate, to adapt personally, and to distribute broadly with other people, and memes become a powerful example of ‘viral’ communication in the environmental movement and PPF campaign through online (Bennett and Segerberg 2012), also memes can become important aspects of motivation to share originality in online campaigning (Jenzen 2015). Memes could distribute through personal adoption then by imitation or personalized expression via social sharing. In the Save KPK movement, some activists individually shared memes through Twitter. 88 Figure 4: Images courtesy of anonymous volunteer (Volunteer in the Coalition Group of Save KPK in 2015) In this research, three respondents created artwork online such as posters, infographics, and memes. Also, they participated and posted all of them in their digital media platforms in order to invite, encourage and mobilize society in participating in the Save KPK movement. As Jenkins et al (2009) mentioned, online creation is individuals' ability to critically create a blog and website, to upload original artwork or to remix online content into their own creations (Jenkins, Purushotma, et al. 2009). From these visuals, the respondents’ creation and participation in Save KPK movement involved collaboration, critical thoughts, and creativity. While there is a difference between creation and participation, creation usually requires an individual's own initiative rather than bilateral interaction among individuals. For example, the first initiation of a posting information with critically would be creation; while the subsequent reflections would be seen as participation (Lin et al. 2013). However, in the Save KPK, these activists participated first and they had interaction among their networks to create artwork online about Save KPK then they published it. They also got help from the members of coalition groups to distribute it widely during the Save KPK movement. 4.2.3 Using digital media in ethical ways Another digital media literacy skill is the ability to engage in reflection and ethical thinking, such as the skill to produce content, express opinions, and to be able to use digital media tools in innovative ways, which can make digital literacy are relevant to young people’s interests, daily life, and important current events. One of the advantages of digital media is that the participants can become consumers and also producers. Some respondents in this research have the ability to reflect on their contents or postings on digital platforms. Three activists shared the view that online ethics are needed and important in social media. One Internet activist explained more about the concern of online ethics in social media, 89 There are ethics and prudence in social media. If you criticize something, then you should have facts or evidence that can be enough as your arguments. If you only spread hatred or insult or cursing, then you just find enemies, but if we talk politely to people in social media, then people will respond nicely too (P12, January 2016). This thought was continued by another activist, who mentioned that “there must be ethics in social media in Indonesia” (P10, December 2015). Another Internet activist stated about online ethics that “there is still a lack of the basic rights to online information and online ethics in Indonesia” (P4, January 2016). Also, one Internet practitioner and activist stated that “many politicians talked and shared on digital media only for pursuing their political purposes, so they did not care about ethics, and Indonesian citizens became victims” (DM3, January 2016). Internet ethics are essential for digital media users in terms for interaction, information sharing, updates and commenting on digital activism. One activist even highlighted that “a lack of Internet ethics could spread hate speech or hatred in the digital media environment” (P12, January 2016). Therefore the capacities to engage with ethical thinking could help to avoid conflict with people in digital media and also there is a requirement to frame and develop online ethics together for Indonesian society. Internet ethics were not only concerns for these activists, but also for the Indonesian government, which pointed out this ability to overcome negative online content or information. For example, Indonesian President Jokowi, in the commemoration of Indonesian Teacher’s Day, stated ‘Indonesian teachers need to teach students about Internet ethics especially in social media’, as he was very concerned: ‘If I opened social media then what was there: mutual actions of blasphemy, cursing, slander, defamation, and scapegoating, all of these were in our social media’ (Ihsanuddin 2016). However, Indonesian curricula for primary schools do not provide computer or media literacy subjects, making it difficult for Indonesian teachers to comply with this demand to teach social media ethics. Even educators could become core to impart digital media literacy for Indonesian young people; however, the government, civil society, and practitioners must collaborate and support educators in terms of providing education curriculum, policy, training and funds that can improve Indonesian citizens’ digital literacy. Moreover, Internet ethics should commence as soon as 90 possible because the ethic is just the same in online and offline. The Secretary of General Directorate of Information Application in the Indonesian Ministry of Communication and Information, Mariam F. Barata, stated that “exploring the cyber world need ethics as like to life in the real world“ (ELN 2017). The concerns of Internet ethics are very important to develop and embed in digital media literacy. 4.2.4 Collaborative acts for mobilization with the coalition group of Save KPK Collaborative acts for mobilization are another level of digital media literacy, as this could become the goal or purpose for digital activism. This skill is the last level skill of digital competencies that were developed by Renee Hobbs (Hobbs 2010). The activists explained how they formed a virtual networking (coalition) group of KPK supporters in WhatsApp and Telegram. One activist explained: “some people created an AkuKPK group which included the website and social media, others created SaveKPK, but at that point, we were in one big coalition group because we discussed it together, so everyone could use every strategy, as long as those strategies could support KPK and reach the public” (P1, February 2016). The skill of digital collaboration is considerably varied among the Indonesian people, including activists, academics, politicians and professionals who support the Save KPK movement. Some activists had different expertise but they joined and collaborated together to mobilize the actions: “We do not have the same level of digital technology as they are smart with social media strategy technology, blogs, or designs, therefore, in this Save KPK, we shared our jobs to support this movement based on our expertise or levels” (P4, January 2016). The digital media provide political opportunities which create connective awareness between activists and participants with various digital skills to contribute or act. The unaffiliated citizens initiated and discussed actions together with the formal organization in a large collaborative network of the Save KPK movement because the affiliated citizens had cert 91 ain skills that were perfect to collaborate with the organizations. This contrasts with the Lung Mei Beach movement in Hong Kong, where the self-mobilized citizens forged a largely collaborative affiliation with the formal organizations (Lee 2015). In sum, the findings above show how the Save KPK movement began with the collective mobilization by unaffiliated citizens and formal organizations with different capacities and experience of digital media and also activism that gathered in the coalition group of Save KPK. One activist concluded that digital media opened opportunities to participate in politics: “Digital media can remove the limitations of time and distance for participation; therefore, everyone who wants to participate, regardless of wherever they are, can still participate, like sign a petition online or like/dislike a campaign through social media. These all showed there was participation” (P3, February 2016). This activist had optimistic views about the participation in digital media, like signing petitions and liking/disliking social media campaigns. However, the view of that activist contrasted with Lin et al (2013), who noted individuals' abilities to disseminate information and stated that the example of distribution involves the process of sharing, including individuals' abilities to use built-in functions on digital media platforms to share feelings (e.g., like or dislike), to share media content, and to rate or vote online (Lin et al. 2013). There is a different perception between practice and concept of online participation when activist stated about liking or disliking social media information or status then these are part of participation. But, academics stated those activities are only sharing information through digital media, not participation. Gladwell criticizes ‘slacktivism’ (slacker and activism), and he argues that the kind of activism associated with the platforms of social media, like online petitions, Twitter or Facebook, are developed around weak ties relationships that rarely to lead into the high-risk activism, so this new activism would never have the same impact as traditional activism (Gladwell 2010). In contrast, SMaPP’s researchers concluded participants at the outside were as important as the inside, so digital media activism or slacktivism can make difference, such as tweets from recent political movements, like the Indignados in Spain and the demonstrators in Turkey (The Economist 2016). The communication director of Change.org in Indonesia shared that “online participation 92 helped Indonesian citizens to collaborate for approaching the Indonesian President” (DM1, January 2016). Online petitions have been beneficial for participation as they provide social collaboration, political participation and collective voice on the problem by creating public awareness and connecting citizens with policymakers. Similarly, the online campaign organisation GetUp in Australia has been successful in channelling citizens into political participation and giving them collective voices on their issues (Vromen 2016). However, what is more apparent for this new participation was some citizens do not have digital access and skills to participate and voice their problems, so if there were no skills then they would not be able to participate, collaborate, and become active citizens. Digital media have been able to connect between citizens and government with lower cost and time for participation, but there are still problems, such as unequal digital access and the need for digital literacy. Therefore, it is necessary for the Indonesian government to develop equal digital access and literacy across many areas in Indonesia. In the Save KPK movement, three activists (P1, P3, and P10) disseminated information through their personal social media and their organization’s social media, and one activist used his personal social media accounts to disseminate information for mobilization, so other participants in the coalition group or network could collaborate and help to read, ‘like’, forward and share the information with digital media in order to enlarge their coverage for mobilizing people. The sustainable collective action entails varying stages of organizational resource mobilization in leadership, organizing, developing public action frames, and bridging organizational dissimilarities (Bennett and Segerberg 2012). Among the participants, two activists and one politician have arranged actions in organizing and developing common action frames which disseminate information to mobilize Indonesian society in the Save KPK movement. There were collaborative actions with different level of resources to support dissemination of their online information about the KPK, even though they had different action frames. At the end, all of those actions could mobilize Indonesian society to come and gather in front of the KPK building. The collaboration action is similar to the Sunflower movement in Taiwan, where there was Gøv, a crowdsourcing community which contributes to the movement as citizens could share and contribute 93 their ideas, work together, and organise processes of collaboration (Chen and Liao 2014). Digital media could help to bridge citizens across different backgrounds or organisations to collaborate more and work together to support the social and political movement. 4.2.5 Online security and privacy issues in Indonesian digital media platforms Last but not least, an important skill of digital media literacy is the awareness of online security and privacy issues. This skill is vitally important because it can support society to safely participate in the digital age with different access, issues, context and digital platforms. WhatsApp is an instant messaging app for private and group communication, but the online private communication in WhatsApp has been disrupted in the case of the Save KPK movement. Three activists explained that online information could be leaked in WhatsApp, and they believed that Telegram is safer from government tapping because Telegram has optional end-to-end encryption and encrypted local storage for secret chats. The Save KPK movement switched to Telegram to use the secret chat option to create an internal chat group for a core coalition of activists in the Save KPK movement. This is reminiscent of the cautions of the Australian Mobile Telecommunication Association, which mentioned online security and privacy issues, such as users’ need to understand how “to manage security and privacy risks online and be able to make informed decisions between various distribution platforms and competing service providers” (AMTA 2009). Therefore, the ability to manage security and privacy risks online on various digital media platforms must be understood by every user, not only by activists or professionals, while in this research, the experience of activism, good networking and digital media skills were helping these Indonesian activists to be highly conscious of security and privacy online. 94 The awareness of safety issues on social media have been understand by several activists in this research, including one who notes that “we must be careful of our online security because, with social media, information could be extracted easily and also there is still problem with content surveillance, so we must know the consequences that we can get easily profiling by others” (P10, December 2015). The situation of private online communication had been disrupted, so Indonesian activists had to find safe digital media platforms for confidential interactions. The control from the state and the market for networked infrastructures remains strong (Cammaerts 2015) and this is still happening in Indonesia as a democratic country. Moreover, two activists made decisions to use different digital platforms when their strategies were noticed before the actions, and they believed their conversation in WhatsApp had been leaked. They tried to find a different platform and switched to Telegram because it was secure, safe and hard to break down (P3 & P12, January and February 2016). These activists understood digital security and privacy, so they tried to manage these problems during the Save KPK movement in 2015. From this research, it can be shown that the issues of digital security and privacy are still problematic in Indonesia, even though Indonesia is a democratic country, but Indonesian activists and social media activists realised that surveillance from the government could enter their personal daily communication on their digital media platforms. Growing censorship has been targeted at social media, like Facebook and Twitter, in the past several years. The facilities of messaging apps like WhatsApp, Viber, and Telegram offer anonymity and end-to-end encryption features that brought their users into conflict with governments in both democratic and authoritarian countries; for example, Brazilian regional courts decided to block WhatsApp three times after this platform unsuccessful to replace encrypted communications with local authorities during criminal investigations (Kelly et al. 2016). Moreover, activists and human rights defenders in repressive countries use WhatsApp, Viber, and Telegram to protect their communication, as they use it for distributing sensitive information, conducting advocacy campaigns, or organizing protests, and also WhatsApp group has been used by Turkey’s journalists for their reportage to avoid censorship (Kelly et al. 95 2016). The surveillance from government into the activist’s daily online communication is not only happening in authoritarian countries, but also in democratic countries. From the experiences of the Save KPK movement, these activists had the knowledge and skills to understand the situation about their personal group information, so they could choose to move to different digital tools in order to protect their safety and privacy when they continued their conversation, communication and also coordination for the Save KPK movement. To achieve privacy in a controlling social situation is neither easy nor clear because it requires power, knowledge, and skills (boyd 2014). Activists in this research noticed the insecure information and conversations that also happened in the instant messaging platforms. Actually, the conversations in these platforms are more personal because they only involve one to one or group chatting and those are not public communication. However, these respondents had several digital skills to understand and fully aware of the security in different digital media platforms in Indonesia. One activist even tried to avoid surveillance by avoiding sharing documents online, as he mentioned “We should not share important documents online but with print and give it directly in the offline meeting because our documents could be leaked by the opponent and they have ability and power to track the digital media technology in Indonesia (P3, February 2016). This is showed that face-to-face communication and offline meetings remain important ways for activists to develop actions and to keep information and strategy secure from government tapping. Importantly, two activists in this research noted that most of the members of Save KPK were highly aware of privacy and safety issues and, therefore, they developed ways to protect their information and conversations. Several activists had expertise and knowledge as they worked in NGOs and had good networks with other formal or informal organisations, so they had sensible knowledge of the political situation in Indonesia, and they realised that the Indonesian government could breach their privacy by taping the activists’ online conversations in WhatsApp. This is showed that digital media literacy of online security and privacy is important to be developed and implemented in Indonesia as this can improve online users’ awareness and safety of online privacy, especially for 96 Indonesian citizens who actively use digital media but they do not have activism experiences or networks. 4.3 Digital media activism for the Save KPK movement Digital activism, both independently and complementarily, supports traditional way or offline activism and it has enormous potential to amplify the capacities of activists and social movements (Ricketts 2012), and digital activism has also become a popular form in the Indonesian urban middle-class to organize support for social and political change. This is very contextual, with the director of Change.org in Indonesia explaining that digital media is more to facilitate Indonesian in digital movement, like to “facilitate in the sense of offline and online, so it can start to give suggestion, continue to create strategies, create the meanings of movement, create the concepts and lastly, can go demonstration in the streets and so on, like in Save KPK” (DM1, January 2016). Another activist stated, “Whoever and wherever they are, they can still sign a petition online and like or dislike a campaign by digital media in the Save KPK movement as there was high mobility of offline actions to the KPK at the time, although people offline were not involved as much as in online” (P3, February 2016). The use of digital media for activism not only depends on the connection between citizens through digital media, but also on the organized strategies of activists, as Internet expert explained regarding strategies to be used for activism: “Activists used war tactics in social media. If we do not have power or money, then we must have masses. So, Indonesian activists usually play with masses in social media and create noise on it. Such the Save KPK could mobilize the masses, and then the government would take action” (DM5, January 2016). Digital media activism solves the problems of time and physical presence that occur in the offline environment, and also support offline actions too. This sharing from the Internet expert is similar to the statement of the two activists who stated digital media was helpful to make a call for action as the formulation of actions could not only come from KPK but should come from all citizens who gathered 97 and were concerned, so it became the AkuKPK or Save KPK movement as a result of public participation (P4 & P12, January 2016). The strategies in using digital media for activism are important to mobilise people and win the battle of activism as the success of digital activism will still depend upon activists’ organisational skills and strategies (Gerbaudo 2012; Ricketts 2012). But digital media have the capacity to become tools for emotional narratives that motivate individuals to the streets (Gerbaudo 2012) and in the Indonesian context, successful digital activism to mobilise people includes narratives that are simple, associated with low-risk actions and compatible with dominant meta-narratives like nationalism and religiosity (Lim 2013). The strategies of digital activism are important to mobilise people and win the battle of activism; therefore, for the campaigner or organiser of the citizen social movement, it is still vital to develop a digital strategy and plan for effective digital activism and also to create applicable narratives with online texts and visuals to evoke citizen participation. Another strategy for digital activism in the Save KPK movement was a big coalition. A social media activist mentioned that “coalition or networks group included activists, artists, bloggers, celebrities, journalists, labours, lecturers, officials, public relation practitioners, students and writers” (P12, January 2016) and another participant mentioned that “the coalition group includes professional people in communication strategies, creative workers, and a group of journalists” (P4, January 2016). The coalition or network group happened when several activists initiated a digital group in WhatsApp, and then moved to Telegram to communicate and coordinate their actions for the movement, so they invited their networks to join the group and engaged in discussion and coordination in the coalition group. The interactive process of personalization and sharing in communication networks may become increased and stabilized by digital technologies as people share ideas and relationships with others (Bennett and Segerberg 2012). These people were invited by several activists to join in their online chatting group to support the Save KPK movement, and they could also utilize their roles and expertise to share ideas, online information, create good political messages, and develop actions to support the movement. Instant messaging became efficient and effective to coordinate the digital movement as it could provide online group chat for a maximum of 500 people; however, the 98 communication activities in digital media were loosely connected because these volunteers did not meet up and were not obliged to share every initiative in that movement. One politician shared: “many initiatives were positive but also were not optimally connected, so there were drawbacks in the coordination” (P11, January 2016). The coordination used digital media, which could become a boomerang for the movement because the actors could act independently without solidarity and connection with others. The interviews with the coalition group showed that these activists were from different communities or organizations, but were joining in one group and network by using digital media to connect and coordinate. The network in the Save KPK movement has similarity with the social weak-tie networks discussed by Bennett and Segerberg (2012), who argued that “networks are various categories of digital technologies which means no value-neutral in supporting and this different types of communities form diverse actions to be organized in different cultural and social setting” (Bennett and Segerberg 2012). The flexibility of the Save KPK network showed weak-tie networks in connective action because the participation in this movement had diverse actions as the participants were volunteers without leadership. The coalition group could give advantages because of the many active “new” actors (volunteers) involved in the Save KPK movement (P4, P11 & P12, January 2016). The process of coordination is simple, and “the characteristic is volunteerism, when we had content of Save KPK movement then we distributed it… when we wanted to take an action then we asked that everyone could contribute, and within 24 hours, there were many ideas, long proposals or designs by professionals, but they did not get paid because only volunteered” (P4, January 2016). But P12 debated, “this movement had many actors but did not have a leader to gather everyone” (P12, January 2017). The Nasdem politician, who participated in the previous Save KPK movements, stated that one disadvantage of digital activism in the Save KPK movement in 2015was that while it had many actors, it had less coordination: “The Save KPK in 2015 was bigger than the previous Save KPK movements. The positive is many people involved, but the negative is the preparation of strategies was not centralized so everyone walked independently. Like, many 99 initiatives had not been coordinated properly or connected with other initiatives and actors of the movement” (P11, January 2016). As Lance Bennett (2014) describes about the collective and connective actions such as, the traditional collective action depends on centralised coordination, community organisation and broadcast media campaigning, while connective action operates differently on volunteer self-expression and digital media campaigning, as this is recognised in the process of creating large social networks (Bennett 2014a). However, from the connective action in the Save KPK movement emerged drawbacks, such as many volunteers and individual initiatives but lack of coordination of those actions. The activist claimed that one of the consequences of volunteering style was that “the Save KPK movement did not stay longer as the issue dropped quickly because they lacked commitment, leadership, priorities, and resources to support the movement as they were volunteers in this movement” (P12, January 2016). The maintenance of issues, continuity of actions, and mobilization of people for Save KPK in 2015 might require not just responses and initiatives, but also priorities, commitments, and resources. This coalition group used voluntary based participation like in the connective logic actions (Bennett and Segerberg 2012). Through digital media use, uncommitted individuals might have an opportunity to connect with each other and join the action (Shirky 2011). However, volunteers that gathered in the Save KPK movement had not commitment and obligation to maintain the movement’s sustainability through digital media. The Save KPK movement could not lead to meaningful collective action because some actions were just responsive initiatives or actions without the coordination, planning, or long-term execution that would be seen in movements by organizations. Those findings resemblance to the argument that the social movement organization is more significant rather than citizen social movement to maintain sustaining collective action (Lee 2015), like the commitment is usually more available in social movement organizations rather than citizen social movements (Mercea 2012). Social movement organizations are usually run by organisations, not citizens or individuals that gather in the group. In this case, the coalition group of the Save KPK movement is the citizen social movement that was run by citizens as volunteers in this group. Therefore, these 100 volunteers still need the experience, knowledge, and commitment like in the social movement organizations in order to maintain the issue and movement sustainability in order to successfully achieve the purpose of the movement. 4.4 Conclusion This chapter has analysed the activists’ varied motivations to utilize digital media for the political movement. However, the motivation of delivering good information in digital media is becoming more important than the recognition of public problems (corruption in this case). Digital media are effective types of communication for activism as these media can be used for dissemination of information, and connection and interaction, and mobilisation of the public. Therefore, Indonesian citizens must be able to access, analyze, and share reliable and valid information, as the flow of reliable and valid information among the citizens is important to support the democratic political processes. Findings showed that Indonesian activists were able to develop online strategies and also to use digital media to organise, promote and mobilize this movement. Also, these activists were sophisticated in creating and evaluating information, connecting participants, promoting movement discourse, improving participation, and implementing the digital activism strategy of the Save KPK movement. This chapter also discussed how the capacity to analyse and evaluate online content and information is the most important skill of digital media literacy for Indonesians to participate in Indonesian democratic practices. The skill of getting accurate information is a real concern for Indonesian activists, as this is related to the biggest motivation to deliver good information in the digital movement. These two findings between motivation and capabilities (digital media literacy) have related to the circulation of fake news and hoaxes in digital media that have been massive not only in global politics but also in Indonesia. Digital media have been changing how citizens access and receive information, as respondents in the Save KPK movement were really concerned to have accurate information and to avoid fake or hoax information. Also, the capacity to create the online contents in digital media activism has been extended 101 because it requires more than simple text as this is the era of text and visual information for digital activism. Also, recognizing the difference in cultural values in digital activism or movements is essential, as different movements have different cultures, so it could help to give insights in creating effective styles that match with the cultural context of the activism. The digital activism that occurred in the Save KPK movement was beneficial because the group could develop into a large-scale network in digital media as the members had different backgrounds, experiences and digital media literacy skills to support the movement and pressure the Indonesian government. Also, the flexible and freestyle of the Save KPK network showed the participants as volunteers without a leader, so they did not have an obligation to coordinate their initiatives or actions, to maintain the issues, or to stay longer to support the movement, and therefore the issues of the Save KPK movement were dropped quickly. Therefore, the action could not pressure the Indonesian government to change public policy as the issue was dropped quickly because this movement lacked the priorities, commitments, and resources to support the movement. This indicates that formal leadership is still required in Indonesian digital media activism. In the case of the Save KPK movement, this would mean that leaders could motivate, direct and coordinate the volunteers of coalition groups to act and support the Save KPK movement in order to achieve the purpose of the political movement itself. 102 Chapter 5: Digital media activities in political participation and civic engagement: A study of Indonesian students 5.1 Digital media, Indonesian students and political participation The Save KPK movement was supported by Indonesian citizens, including prodemocracy activists and NGO players (Savirani 2015), labour organisations, and university students (Gabrillin 2015). Although not all groups of students supported the Save KPK movement, Indonesian students were interesting respondents as they have developed a reputation for playing a prominent role in high-stakes and controversial political issues in Indonesia. On one hand, several young people in this research expressed interest in participating in politics. On the other hand, some young people’s apathy about politics could become dangerous for the country, as they expressed that they would not participate or support improvements in political life (Chapter 6 will explore in depth some of the deterrents that limited these Indonesian young people’s participation in the Save KPK movement and political concerns). This chapter explores the motivations and capacities of Indonesian students who did support the Save KPK movement and other types of democratic or civic activities. Motivation can determine participation in or abstention from political activism (Cornwall 2008). In particular, the students had and used digital media to participate in the movement, so motivation is important in the digital movement. All respondents were first asked why they had or had not participated, and also what digital skills they used to support political participation, including the Save KPK movement and other political participation, civic engagement, and actions in Indonesia. The total number of student respondents was 40, which included five student leaders in different Student Executive Boards and five focus group discussions with 35 students of non-members of campus organisations/Student Executive Boards in different universities and colleges in Jakarta, Tangerang and Depok. The student leaders’ interviews had four young men and one young woman student leader. The focus group discussions had 35 students with different compositions of each group, such as FGD1 (four young women and three men), FGD2 (six young women and one 103 man), FGD3 (six women and one man), FGD4 (six young women and two men), and FGD5 (four young women and four men). Results from these groups revealed that four of five student leaders in this research had participated in the Save KPK movement by using digital media, but only two student leaders (SL1 and SL4) had participated both online and offline, such as taking action in front of the KPK building. While two groups of five focus group discussions (FGD1 and FGD4) included young people who had participated in the movement, most students in these two groups of Indonesian university students only participated by digital media. 5.1.1 Maintaining the existence of the KPK institution The first reason for student leaders to participate in the Save KPK movement was a faith that KPK as an institution should exist and be maintained in Indonesia. Four student leaders shared that the KPK is a good and independent institution to eradicate corruption in Indonesia; therefore Indonesian citizens must support the KPK online or offline in order to keep it in existence (SL1, 2, 3 & 4, December 2015). Four of five Indonesian student leaders believed that the KPK as an institution should be protected or maintained. That belief was shared by the Deputy Head of the Department of Strategic Studies and Actions of the Student Executive Board at the University of Indonesia, Duha Ramadhani, who stated in Kompas newspaper that: “Students who participated in the action of Save KPK in 2015 agreed that corruption eradication should continue to be carried out and strengthened, KPK is an institution that has a major role to eradicate corruption” (Gabrillin 2015). These students have perceived the KPK as a good institution that could eradicate corruption cases in Indonesia and even the existence of the KPK must be protected and supported. Since 2003, hundreds of Indonesian government officials, politicians and executives have been jailed by KPK for corruption (Giacomo 2015). This institution opened up several corruption cases investigating elites, legislators and public officials and these cases were published in the national media, contributing to KPK’s good image in Indonesian society. The answers from student leaders had a similarity to the answers from focus group discussions. Two groups in which the majority of students had participated in the Save KPK movement were FGD1 and FGD4. First, in FGD1, every student who participated in 104 the Save KPK did so because of coursework assignments from their lecturers. However, even without being set an assignment about the Save KPK movement, students in FGD 1 shared that they would still have been interested. These students had an understanding about the political situation and KPK as an institution to eradicate corruption and wanted “to participate in the Save KPK because the corrupt government officials and ministers are afraid of the KPK, so they always try to destroy the KPK as the institution” (FGD1, December 2015). Another student noted that “KPK is a really important institution in Indonesia and there is always an open secret in a society that legislators or elites always want to eliminate KPK in a shifty manner but smoothly, so they could pretend that it was not their faults” (FGD4, January 2016). These students had some sense that Indonesian legislators and elites always want to abolish the KPK institution and this echoes Indonesian people’s perception that government institutions were corrupted. This correlates with Transparency International Indonesia’s 2017 Global Corruption Barometer that found the House of Representatives, government officials, and regional councils as the top three most corrupt institutions from Indonesian people’s perceptions (MRC 2017). Several students in this research also stated that the corrupt government institutions or officials impacted on KPK as the institution to eradicate corruption in Indonesia, and they wanted to eliminate the KPK. In addition, these students mentioned the importance of having this institution in Indonesia, so it gave them the ability to process information and advance understanding about the Indonesian political situation and the KPK that could motivate them to participate and support the Save KPK movement. 5.2.2 Pursuing a better political system without corruption The belief in having a better system in Indonesia was the second most-commonly nominated reason, for instance, being active in the Save KPK movement. For example, students in this research expressed that a motivating factor for their activity was the belief that the KPK could help to eradicate corruption in Indonesia, to continue supporting a better system in Indonesia (SL3, SL4 and FGD 1, December 2015). One student leader believed the KPK could create a better young generation. SL3 explained: “KPK has a programme of anti-corruption enforcement and the target is young people 105 [college/university students], which I really support. I believe there are still corrupt public officials now, but they would be replaced by my generation [young people] in the future, so it will change to a better situation and political system” (SL3, December 2015). Those young people believed that the KPK could support better systems with its programmes and actions to change the culture, structure and values of corruption. This is related to the statement of the Director of the Center for Forensic Accounting Studies at the Islamic University of Indonesia, Hendi Yogi Prabowo, who argued that “corruption is contagious, Indonesian corruption will be stamped out and public trust regained by creating changes in organizations including leadership, culture, structure, norms and values” (Prabowo 2017). Indonesian students in this research realised the importance of changing cultures and values to eradicate corruption and to create a better political system in Indonesia. 5.2 The motivation for participating in politics and civic issues in Indonesia 5.2.1 Belief in making change for a better Indonesia Indonesian students had varied political and social concerns that led to their participation in the movement. The first motivation for participating in politics and civic issues was to make a change for Indonesia. S2 and SL3 believed that their participation could influence the Indonesian government, for example, one of them stating, “Political acts are important and can affect our lives as a society. Our democracy respects the citizen’s voice, so if we actively voice our suggestions and influences of the policies, developments and decision-making to the government, it will direct them, and the positive and significant effects could be felt by society” (SL3, December 2015). This is similar to previous research that stated if people believe that they can make changes then they are more likely to participate in political actions to defend their rights, such as campaigns, protest participation or development of opposition parties (Lussier and Fish 2012). Both SL3 and SL2 had the same motivation and passion for political issues and participation, as both of them believed that they 106 could influence or contribute to making changes in Indonesia with political participation. Furthermore, SL1 also had the same motivation, but with more interest in the environment and civic engagement: “I want to take part in the changing, I mean this changing is for better systems, transparency and honesty in Indonesia, and I am more interested in environmental issues than politics, as I am still worried to participate in political actions, such as signing online petitions, because of concerns about whether these are effective or not” (SL1, December 2015). These three student leaders (SL1, SL2, and SL3) still have a fundamental belief that political participation and civic engagement in the digital media could make a change for a better Indonesia, and also one of them added specifically about changes to make the system in Indonesia transparent and honest (SL4, December 2015). These student leaders usually use digital media every day and they can easily use digital media when participating in some political and social concerns in Indonesia. Young people are greatly connected with digital media, and therefore the engagement makes it possible to increase their civic and political participation (Kahne, Lee and Feezell 2012; Ramli 2012; Kim and Yang 2016). Also, all students in this research admitted that digital media is the most used media for their daily lives, and thus digital media is part of their routines. In the two focus groups where members were motivated to participate in an online political activity, they also wanted to contribute and change something in Indonesia (FGD1 & FGD4, December 2015 and January 2016). Most students from FGD4 explained their optimism about political participation in digital media, such as, “The online participation is a form of progress or change because the trend is towards technology now within the social media, I do not have any limitation to comment or not to comment on any one issue as all of us are free to express ourselves, to share our thoughts or views on social or political issues and to participate in those” (FGD4, January 2016). Online participation has become a form of progress and change for these young people, as they do not have any limitations to use or participation in digital media. Young people engage in self-expression and communicate across varied communities via social network services or digital media (blogs, videos, and digital storytelling), so they create the potential for civic engagement (Levine 2008; Rheingold 107 2008; Kim and Yang 2016). Digital media thus provides opportunities for young people to engage in civic and political participation that can help to make changes for better social and political systems. Several students from FGD1 also talked about making changes with digital media or online participation and they stated: “suffered too long from dictatorship, move forward, have peace, and the government should listen to citizens’ voices” (FGD1, December 2015). In contrast, Indonesian young people lacked participation in government as they had limited opportunities to traditional political institutions and to shape political processes (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014) and uninterested to join the political parties or societies (Ramli 2012; Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). The lack of opportunity in and access to traditional political institutions could become obstacles for Indonesian young people to participate and support democratic practices as some of them in this research had a belief about the better changes in Indonesian government systems. Indonesian young people’s political participation decreased after the reformation era because of “the lack of regeneration in the political arena and re-generation of politics is not only about politicians or political activist, but also about the peoples’ conceptual and political development” (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). In contrast, after the Reformation there were several Indonesian student movements, like the protests against corruption, the results of local elections, and the expansion of palm-oil plantations (Lussier and Fish 2012). However, in this research, several young people were still concerned with the government and wanted to participate, as they wanted the government to listen to them as citizens. Research in European young people found that “young people are not apathetic or unwilling to participate, but rather feel that the political system is neither sufficiently listening nor sufficiently adapting to their hopes and needs” (LSE Enterprise 2013). Also, Najib Azca (a researcher from the Youth Studies Centre at the University of Gajah Mada) mentioned that the government rarely hears Indonesian youth’s aspirations (Nugroho 2016). Therefore, the Indonesian government should accommodate and listen more to Indonesian youths’ aspirations in order to accommodate and support 108 young people to participate more in decisions making and to have dialogues with policymakers. Thus, public access and government responses are important to improve and allow Indonesian young people’s increased participation in political and social concerns. Two student leaders explained Indonesian young people’s response to the government. SL1 mentioned, “I want to take part in the changes; even though I am not being seen or heard by the government, at least I can take part in the changing” (SL1, December 2015). In contrast, SL4 explained the situation of government and citizen’s voice: “Many young people usually participate in civic life, not in politics, like volunteers or participants in crowdfunding. Actually, this is not because the government does not listen, but young people believe that the changes from government usually take ages, whereas young people usually want to have direct results and changes” (SL4, December 2015). There were different perceptions about making changes in Indonesia, and some students wanted a change in government to be more honest, transparent and listening to its citizens, while other students would keep participating, even though the government did not listen to them. However, there is still a necessity to improve the Indonesian government become representative and accountable for Indonesian young people, so they can engage more in politics and political participation. Moreover, a generational shift of young people is occurring in which young people show a developed awareness of social concerns. For example, previous research found young people in USA prefer civic actions than political actions, like membership, volunteering, and contributing in fund-raising or donations and these are young people’s choices rather than responsibilities (Martens and Hobbs 2015). Young people in this research shared that they are more interested in and more likely to join in direct participation, such as choosing to volunteer, to participate, or to give donations in online civic engagements (Kitabisa.com, Indonesiamengajar.org, and TemanAHOK.com). Also in Indonesia, there are growing collective actions to organise civic participation by using digital media, which can be seen from several websites that use crowdfunding activities, such as wujudkan.com, kitabisa.com, gandengtangan.org and indonesiamengajar.org (Gea 2016). Indonesian students said they were motivated 109 to participate in these types of civic concerns by online as they could have direct results and changes in their issues or topics of interest. Meanwhile, several students in this research felt that it is hard to achieve direct results and changes in the political concerns. young people are more likely to consider civic activities, including group membership, volunteering, and participation in fund-raising or charity events as a choice rather than as a responsibility, with significantly more Asian American youth engaging in such activities as compared with Whites, African Americans, or Latinos (Marcelo, Lopez, & Kirby, 2007). 5.2.2 Interest in certain topics that trigger participation An interest in topics could trigger young people in this research to participate in social and political concerns by digital media. This is similar to Norris (2001) who argued that Internet will facilitate participation for everyone who interested in politics by reducing expenditures of communicating, mobilizing and organizing actions. Also, one aspect motivating participation by young people in consultation and decision-making process is that the topic or issue is real and relevant to them. Moreover, most students in this research wanted to participate because they were interested in some topics or issues (FGD2, FGD 4 & FGD 5, December 2015 and January 2016). For example, interesting topics for these Indonesian students are animals, sports, human rights, and the environment. Similarly with previous research in Australian young people and political participation, the actions for environmental and human rights, protests, and boycotts are motivating young people to engage in political and community concerns (Vromen 2007, 113). When interesting topics trigger young people to participate, then the distribution of online information is important in a digital movement, as this will help these young people to easily find the right information for that movement. Further, the awareness of young people themselves as agents of change derived from objectives in the students’ own lives. Such as, SL4 and FGD 4 have created digital activism to protest about the raising of campus tuition fees, and some students in 110 campus supported that digital movement (SL4 & FGD4, December 2015 and January 2016). These students motivated to participate in campus problems because they knew and were familiar with that problem due to the promotional messages and networking that arose from the student leader’s digital movement. Also, other students in their campus participated in the movement that was created without any obligation to participate, so this is showed that young people can create movement if the case is relevant to them. This finding resonates with previous research of Indonesian youth participation that stated youth participation in politics is being channelled through on- and off-campus organization, as well as through formal and informal groups. Through these channels, young people have equipped themselves with organizational and networking skills in building their own movement (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Furthermore, several scholars argued that higher degree education can provide the cognition and criticalthinking skills for young people (Aspinall 2005; Norris 2001) to understand the political process and also support participants to be more confident, efficient, and aware of political processes (Norris 2001), young people are the agents of change for society (Flanagan and Levine 2010; Ramli 2012). Indonesian young university/college students have greater potential to initiate or motivate civic and political participation because higher degree educations and campus organisations provide them motivation, skills, and channels to create and engage in political processes. However, political knowledge must be promoted consistently and creatively in Indonesian higher education system, so this could strengthen Indonesian young people to become understand and interested in politics. 5.3 Digital media literacy by student leaders and students of nonmember organisations In this research, all of the students admitted that digital media is a great channel to get updates and gather information. In addition, they shared that they usually accessed online information every day and they followed topics like politics, the economy and 111 national issues. Moreover, all respondents from Indonesian universities and college in this research (40 students) admitted that they excessively use digital media and usually access online information through their smartphones. Smartphone usage has been growing every year in Indonesia, especially among Indonesian young people. For example, Samsung Electronics Company expected to gain a greater share of Indonesia’s smartphone market by moving into the youth segment (Tang 2017). A Nielsen Indonesia survey in 2016 showed the growth in smartphone penetration in the first half of 2016 to be 35 percent. Nielsen recorded that the penetration of smartphone in Indonesia inclined from 12 percent in 2013 to 26 percent in 2015 (Hermansyah 2016). The communication technology had advanced and more Indonesian young people had smartphones for their digital media activities. 5.3.1 Digital media use and platforms All five student leader in this research shared that they used different digital media platforms for different content and purposes in their daily lives. For example, only two out of five student leaders still actively use Twitter and Facebook, which they preferred these platforms to get information quickly. Meanwhile, all of the student leaders usually used Line, WhatsApp, Path, Instagram, and YouTube for their daily lives and for different purposes. This is similar to the focus group discussions’ results, in which only 11 out of 35 students were still using Twitter and Facebook to get information, with the majority rarely opening Twitter and Facebook anymore because they have been moving to different digital media platforms, such as Line and Path. These students have experienced different digital media platforms in their digital media activities like they have different interests, confidence and knowledge to use those platforms for different purposes and needs. These students’ familiarity and confidence with the digital media platforms could support and develop their capacities of online access as they could maximise every feature to participate in political and social concerns. For example, one student from FGD4 explained the experience of engaging with an Indonesian government-owned corporation by Twitter: “I usually use Twitter only for complaining to the customer 112 services of the public electricity company (PLN) in Indonesia” (FGD4, January 2016). In another example, one student from the focus group discussion FGD1 indicated that “Twitter is faster and only limited to 140 characters. With Twitter, we can know the trending topics today and just like today, the trending topics are about the problems of MKD [The Leader of the Indonesian House of Representatives] that we can know from the live reports” (FGD1, December 2017). These students had skill and knowledge to use Twitter in order to fulfil their information needs and to interact with public officials and institutions. Two out of five student leaders were still interested in using Twitter as their information source because it is still easy and fast to get information (SL2 & SL3, December 2015). However, the other three student leaders had left Twitter (SL1, SL4 & SL5, December 2015). One of them, SL4, shared: “Twitter has many anonymous accounts and only 140 characters. I like to write long opinions, if I have opinions in Twitter, then the full tweets must be around 10 or 15 tweets, so I like to post my opinions on Facebook or Line, which can directly upload them without limitation. In addition, many people have started to leave Twitter because they feel lazy to play around with hashtags on Twitter” (SL4, December 2015). SL4’s disfavour with Twitter is similar to that of SL5, who added, “I used to see friends’ postings and satire on Twitter status, but now, all of that information appears in the status of their BBM and Line, so I do not use Twitter anymore” (SL5, December 2015). These two student leaders who use Twitter have the ability to participate in more than one form of digital media use, but also can analyse their situation and preferences for digital media tools. Moreover, 11 of the 40 students in this research still use Facebook in their daily life. One preferred it because there was the capacity for comments and the possibility of writing longer messages than in Twitter (FGD1, December 2017). One of them explained the experience with Facebook, noting: “I can observe the topic that has been talked about on Facebook; I do not need to watch television anymore because we can know everything from Facebook. For example, I did not know about The Thamrin Bombing in 2015, but because of Facebook, I could know about it without watching television (FGD1, December 2015). Therefore, for these young people, the new media have replaced the mainstream media. 113 All the participants in this group respondent said they usually access online information all day. In their everyday lives, they were accustomed to looking for information in online news portals instead of the conventional media. For example, they have online apps for the major commercial news outlets Detik.com; Kompas.com and Tempo.com. This is because these young people trust online media more than conventional media (Suwana 2013; Gazali 2014). This research found that nowadays, students preferred to find information from new media rather than traditional media (newspapers and television), which means digital media literacy is needed and urgent to implement equally and continually for young people. Similar to the use of Twitter, only two of five student leaders still use Facebook, while three others were no longer interested in Facebook (SL1 & SL 4, December 2015). SL5 stated, “I never use Facebook anymore. There are different needs on Facebook and it is more trendy for the younger generation of junior or high school students because it is only for their social existences” (SL5, December 2015). The Digital iStrategy Lab also stated that in global terms, 11 million teens and university students left Facebook between 2011 and 2014, instead switching to Twitter, WhatsApp and Path (Fyk 2014), in contrast to Bohang (2016), who explains Indonesia as the basis of abundant users of Twitter also had been affected. In the past two years, the Twitter users in Indonesia decreased 10 percent until only on- third of the total of Internet users (Bohang 2016). Many Indonesian students have removed Facebook and Twitter from their digital media use as these platforms are not popular anymore in their peer group at universities or colleges. Moreover, Instant messaging applications are very popular in Indonesia. What started with the popularity of Blackberry Messenger has continued with WhatsApp and the instant messaging application Line. However, five student leaders had a similar preference for using digital media, especially Line because all of their friends are in Line now. Also, SL3 shared “Now, students do not need to discuss or meet face-to-face but just use Line, for example, we had the initiative to raise funds for smoke disasters in Kalimantan, and then we conducted an online meeting to discuss it in Line” (SL3, December 2015). All student leaders had the same preference to use Line in their daily lives for communication, networking and sharing information. However, those findings 114 contrasted with SL4’s view that “WhatsApp is very simple without any stickers, so I feel more comfortable to have a conversation in it rather than Line” (SL4, December 2015). In this case, the student leaders can analyse the trends and situations that relate to their online networking, and they have their own comfortable features to communicate and network with their friends in their instant messaging applications. Indonesian university and college students prefer to create and share information by chatting, or in a conversational style of communication in Line, WhatsApp and BBM, rather than on Facebook and Twitter. Line use was also popular platform for FGD’s students. Some students from FGD3 concluded that Line is “my main priority in digital media”, “the most often used digital media” and “important to cover everything in my daily lives” (FGD3, 4 & 5, December 2015 and January 3016). Students in FGD 3, FGD 4 and FGD 5 also shared that they use Line because they can communicate (by telephone or video call or voice note), chat, share photographs and videos, get information, and organize events, and could also organize promotions and business. Also, when they like one official account then it could be seen by many people, which facilitates their getting information. Most students in this research claimed that many of their friends use and communicate through Line and it is not only for friendship but for multiple purposes, like for committees or organisations. So, Line has become a platform to cover everything in their daily lives. Line took first place based on the ranking for the free app of social networking in the Apple Store, thus confirming Line is the most popular instant messengers among social network services (Park, Cho and Lee 2014). Line is becoming a popular instant messaging application to be accessed and used by Indonesian students and this is different from Indonesian activists, who use WhatsApp as their main instant messaging application. So, there is a difference in digital platform use between older and younger generations in Indonesia. Line’s timeline feature is very attractive for students from FGD2, FGD3 and FGD4. They added that Line can be used for reading news: “we can get news now with Line because it has many official accounts, so for example, if there is news or updates then 115 Line can continue to the communication network. It is easy now if using Line, like adding the official news accounts will mean they appear in our timeline. So, it is fun and a lot of news has appeared on my Line’s timeline” (FGD3, December 2015). Another added: “Line’s timeline was previously for writing a status, but now we can see many official accounts are developing and sharing information. There are not only serious topics but also entertainment” (FGD4, January 2016). Also, students from FGD2 emphasized “Line’s timeline is similar to Facebook, with like and comments, but these features are not available in WhatsApp. For storing someone’s contact, WhatsApp stores mobile numbers first, which is not necessary for Line, which uses ID data or Facebook profile, so WhatsApp seems more personal than Line” (FGD2, December 2015). In this research, some students think that using Line makes it easier to connect with others, but WhatsApp is more personal, as this platform needs phone numbers before you become a friend or connected. Line is seen as protecting security more than WhatsApp because a person only uses a user ID or Facebook account to add friends (the phone number is only optional), but there is a higher risk of privacy breaches on WhatsApp because it needs phone numbers to add friends (Surya 2015). The easiest and most convenient features of digital media platforms become vital to use and choose for Indonesian students. Line is also becoming popular in Indonesian young people because this instant messaging application has interesting features and an appealing display. Line is becoming important for Indonesian students to get information, to connect with friends, and to feel up-to-date. While it is generally used for interpersonal communication, it also provides tools for group communication. These Indonesian students trust their friends/peer-groups and always want to know what is happening in Line with their friends from their updates or postings. The majority of users of Line in Japan are also university students (Kato and Kato 2016). Most Indonesian students in this research admitted too that Line is more attractive and efficient than other digital media platforms. Also, they have similar levels of interest in digital platforms such as Line, Path and Instagram. Like Bohang (2016) mentioned that “Indonesian young people around 18 to 29 years have Instagram as their new home to share visuals without extra texts. So, there is not much space to 116 discuss political turmoil, campaigns, or complicated serious thought” (Bohang 2016). These three digital platforms (Line, Path and Instagram) have similar strengths, such as visual content, and this strength could attract Indonesian young people especially students to utilize those platforms. 5.3.2 Critical understanding and analytical skills of digital media content All students interviewed agree that critical thinking is important in digital media activities and literacy. They said that critical thinking could help them to analyse and evaluate information from online sources, like social media, online portals, and instant messaging. Every student leader interviewed agreed that the analysis and evaluation of online information are very important because it can help them with variance in news and news sources. For example, SL2 mentioned, “I usually read Kompas, Tempo, and detik.com by online, so I can get proportionate news and it is not only from one media, everyone should not take only one but try to look information from different perspectives, so I try to check from communities sources and also government” (SL2, December 2015). SL2’s statement is similar to SL1’s experiences of online news consumption: “I usually read the online information that I want to read from one website or news portal, also compare it with another online source” (SL1, December 2015). These student leaders have digital media literacy as they have the awareness and skills to compare information from various online sources because they believe that it could help them to have different perspectives of an issue and to crosscheck the truth of the news. Most students in focus group discussions (FGD2, FGD3, and FGD4) also agreed that critical thinking is important in digital media activities and literacy. They said that critical thinking can help them to analyse and evaluate the truth, validity and credibility of information from the massive online information, and in evaluating the idealism of online media and the writing style (FGD2, FGD3 & FGD4, December 2015 and January 2016). Students with digital literacy have the knowledge and skill to find reliable and accurate information online through mixed results (Wineburg et al. 2016). Moreover, Puspitasari, a lecturer at the University of Indonesia, stated that digital media literacy is very important and should be implemented into the basic education curriculum 117 because the majority of Internet users in Indonesia are young people whose critical thinking is not well developed (AGE 2016). The ability to look for and find information from many sources, to compare and evaluate that information, and also to change perspectives is a vital process in digital media use for young people Students from FGD3 and FGD5 also talked about the importance of online information sources. First, a student in FGD5 explained the information sources such as: “Online information sources are not clear, like who is spreading this information? But for me, the information from the official government websites is a good source and, for example, online petitions. But some URL links that we did not know the source of were widely spread” (FGD5, December 2015). Students in FGD3 also pointed out the online source that “In terms of the existence of online media sources, in the past it could be detik.com as the information source, but now, we always need to find varied media, because as far as the news from a single source, then it is not really valid”( FGD3, December 2015). Indonesian students were aware that finding variant online information sources is essential. Moreover, students in FGD3 and FGD4 also continued to discuss hoax information, noting that “nowadays, there has been a lot of hoax information in online media, so we should be more careful and when we can get information or issues maybe before we share it to everyone then we should evaluate it first, and be afraid that we could share hoax information” (FGD3 & FDG4, December 2015 and January 2016). The dangers of fake news for democracy are obvious like several scholars stated: “the democratic political process depends upon the circulation of reliable information. If information can no longer be trusted, citizens have little basis on which to make political decisions” (Buckingham 2017). Also, democracy is endangered with the easiness of spreading false information of civic issues in digital media (Kusman 2017; Wineburg et al. 2016). So, for every citizen to have reliable and credible information is a prerequisite to maintaining democratic political process; the digital media literacy of analysing and evaluating online information with critical thinking should be applied effectively by Indonesian citizens. 118 However, some scholars debate whether media literacy can become the solution for digital media users to solve the problem of circulation of fake news or hoax information. Like boyd (2016) claimed that media literacy is far for being a solution as it is necessary to fit into very complex information landscapes and to build the social infrastructure for people to meaningfully and substantively engage (boyd 2016). Also, Buckingham (2017) argued that media literacy is not the only answer for fake news because it is not enough, but there is a requirement to link to wider campaigns for media reform that relate to journalism practices (Buckingham 2017). Indonesian media expert Ashadi Siregar similarly argued that professional journalism could help to prevent hoax information and society needs referred to credible information and mainstream media could answer that by verifying information (HRS/ABK/IVV/NAR 2017). Meanwhile, the Indonesian Minister of Communication and Informatics, Rudiantara, has stated that the improvement of digital literacy is important for Indonesian society to counter the fake news or hoax information, there is still the issue of ethics in online mainstream media (HRS/ABK/IVV/NAR 2017). Digital media literacy alone could not become the panacea to analyse and evaluate information in order to have credible information, but it becomes an important element to help and equip digital media users to critically analyse and evaluate digital media. So, digital media literacy, as well as media professionalism (ethics and journalists) must be developed in Indonesia to support the reporting of credible and reliable information. 5.3.3 Creating digital media content with creativity and innovation All student leaders made use of their resources and experiences to create online information in their digital media activities. They had the ability to create online information, but two of five student leaders shared that they did not want to be active in creating digital media content about politics. One of them did not want to affiliate with anything political, while the other did not feel secure if there was an onus to reveal one’s identity when participating in any online activism or movements. Creating digital information as an important area of digital literacy is essential to the democratic process (Livingstone 2004). Creativity is important to create digital media content that can attract awareness and persuade online audiences. One student noted: “creativity for creating online information is important. I usually write a blog post as my daily 119 record or activity since I was elected to become a student leader until now. I write about BEM’s (Student Executive Board) activities at the University of Indonesia every day and I upload it once or twice a week, especially in the weekend” (SL4, December 2015). Student leader 4 used a free blog like WordPress to document and share his daily activities as part of his role as a student leader at the University of Indonesia because he believed that if he wrote it online, then the experience and information about student leader would not vanish. This student leader had great awareness and literacy to create and share information with digital media for others. Two of five student leaders in this research believed that young people do not always feel apathetic about political contents and issues because it depends on the way of packaging of those. This relates to SL3, who shared his experience on the Save KPK movement as political participation: “We uploaded writings about Save KPK on our student organisation’s websites and social media, and also we shared it in our group in WhatsApp and Line. Also, I came and visited the KPK building and met some students from other universities such as the University of Indonesia” (SL3, December 2015). Furthermore, SL4 has used different strategies for supporting that movement, “If we use rallies to support KPK as our packaging then many people will feel lazy to participate. So, I used Barak Cicak” (Barisan rakyat cinta Indonesia anti korupsi/the line of citizens who love Indonesian anti-corruption) and put a tent in front of the KPK’s office. I invited students to come and stay over for one week; also, we had many activities, such as concerts and art performances, and meanwhile, we also guarded KPK and this worked” (SL1, December 2015). This sharing shows that Indonesian students can act together both online and offline to support political issues and movement. SL3 and SL4 understand the importance of creative and innovative ideas to mobilize people to participate in political participation so they can attract or persuade more young people to participate. Creative and innovative ideas should be correlated between offline and online. For example, SL4 also shared, “Our online participation was not only to click an online petition, but we also used Twitter to mobilize people. We changed our Twitter profile to a picture of our tent in front of the KPK and used the hashtag #SaveKPK, so, we used social media to invite people to participate in tweeting about KPK” (SL4, December 2015). Moreover, the issue and topic became an 120 important element when SL4 wanted to create and share information online about the Save KPK movement. Political information is one of SL4’s favourite topics to share because it relates to his passion and student organisation’s issues concern like political issues, corruption, and the economy (SL4, December 2015). Thus, SL3 and SL4 in this research used digital media literacy to create and to apply their digital strategies to political actions. A political stand and economic issues were essential for SL4 as he joined the campus organisation and participated in political and social issues. Indonesian students have developed a reputation for playing a prominent role in high-stakes and controversial political issues. For example, the student protest movement had a key function in the Indonesian people’s power movements that forced Suharto’s resignation from the presidency in 1998 (Aspinall 2005; Budiman et al. 2012; Gazali 2014; Hill and Sen 2005; Lee 2011; Lussier and Fish 2012). After the Reformation, Indonesian students led movements against the government, such as the protests against corruption, the results of an election competition, and the dismissal of palm-oil plantations (Lussier and Fish 2012). Therefore, there is one student leader (SL5) in this research who did not want to participate or be active in politics on digital media as this student does not want to affiliate with any political sides in Indonesia. In addition, SL1 did not want to participate in online political participation but this student leader made a different argument from SL5. SL1 explained the concerns related to safety and privacy as this student does not feel secure if their personal identity is shared online. SL1 shared, “I was more into the commentary and also consuming information online rather than participating in online petitions because I still think carefully about my identity information that should be put online” (SL1, December 2015). Even though SL1 participated in the Save KPK movement, this student leader joined it because of the lecturer’s assignment and group project together with friends: “I tried it with friends as we created information with the hashtag #SaveKPK in every platform of social media that we used” (SL1, December 2015). 121 Several students in FGD1 and FGD4 participated in online movements such as online petitions; however, they had discussed this new type of movement as they did not believe in this new type of movement, for example: We joined petitions and hashtags for Save KPK in 2015. However, for me, an online petition lacks synergy between online and offline. Every online petition should maintain issue then should get following news of it, so it is not the only response. An online petition is just like partial movement so after people sign the petition then what is next?! Because the initiator or public usually do not know what should they do after that (FGD4, January 2016) Some scholars found in their research about young people and everyday political talk that young people are “more sceptical about the usefulness of social media as space for political talk tended to be the groups that adhered to a more dutiful norm of citizenship, suggesting that for them, politics is best kept in rarefied offline political, but not every day, social spaces” (Vromen, Xenos and Loader 2015, 92). These young people have similar beliefs as they believe that offline space is more effective and concrete for political participation than online. These several students had their own perspectives regarding the digital activism as they did not believe in this new type of participation. However, there were some students who did not believe, but they still participated. They had varied arguments or reasons for not believing in the online movement. This is in line with the net-dystopia’s argument, that the Internet can erode social movements rather than make them more effective or concrete social movements (Gladwell 2010; Keen 2015; Morozov 2011). Therefore, there were some Indonesian young people who did not believe or were pessimistic that the Internet or digital media could support participation or activism in political concerns, and these young people still have more belief in offline or traditional ways of supporting political participation. While some students had the same interest in online participation by digital media, they had different preferences and strategies in digital media that they could use to share something political. SL2 preferred Instagram and Path for daily life where there is strategic language use, like “simple language because the language should be unheavy in social media” (SL2, December 2015). Also, students admitted that online media was very relevant for young people as this is the era of digital media (SL2 and 122 FGD4). These students also similarly talked about Ahok’s creative gubernatorial campaign in the provincial Jakarta elections for 2017 by digital media as the new, unique and creative way that would appeal to the young people (SL2 & FGD4, December 2015 and January 2016). Indonesian students usually access, share or talk about visual and interesting content with their friends and networks. Regarding the creative content in digital media, SL1, SL4 and FGD4 noted that video is an important and creative strategy to attract and approach Indonesian young people (SL1, SL4 & FGD4 December 2015 and January 2016). SL4 usually uses YouTube for posting videos of activities that related to BEM (Student Executive Board), “YouTube is often used to communicate political and social actions and the workload from the university. Like, when we stayed in the KPK office, in front of the legislative office and many other activities were posted on YouTube” (SL4, December 2015). The visual content has become popular for young people; however, these young people used different platforms for different purposes in their political participation by digital media. In Indonesia, the Prita and the KPK 2012 cases represented participatory culture with the adoption of passionate Indonesian amateurs who created visuals (animations, digital posters), songs or video compilations. The creation of art in both cases supported the movements to some extent across various groups (Lim 2013); There was also a viral video on Twitter with a real fund-raising action for Indonesia, the case of Ibu Eni in June 2016 (Ria 2016), as mentioned previously. Therefore, visual campaigns and audiovisuals (videos) have a great potential in digital activism to connect more and to mobilize young people into real actions, as long it can develop and distribute well to them. Indonesian students made use of their resources and experiences to create online information in their digital media activities. They usually created online information that related to their hobbies, interests, or trending topics. Furthermore, one student from FGD2 shared, “If we want to create online news, then we should adjust the news to who will adopt it” (FGD2, December 2015). Another student added that using the right language is an important factor like “avoid being provocative” (FGD3, December 2015). The proper language use in digital media became vital for Indonesian students to create information by digital media. 123 However, some students from FGD3 and FGD5 also stated the important point of writing as part of creating online information. A student in FGD3 mentioned that “Expression in online writing should not be ambiguous that can bring up fights. This is because talking with digital media has no tone, so in fact, we do not know if they are being angry or not” (FGD3, December 2015). This is related to the FGD5 student who explained that writing requires more consideration than talking: “Writing is more difficult than talking because if we write then there is no tone or intonation, so the words should be organised carefully. But, if we talk then it has tone and intonation so it is easier than writing” (FGD5, December 2015). These students had the ability to create or produce online content as part of their digital media literacy. This digital media literacy is illustrated by Hobbs’s (2010) create, that is to compose content using creativity and confidence in self-expression, with consciousness of purpose, audience, and techniques (Hobbs 2010) and Lin et all’s (2013) production, which involves several actions that include producing a video clip by mixing images and audio materials, and also writing online through blogs and Facebook (Lin et al. 2013). The creation or production of online content can be varied and creative using written text or producing images or videos. However, most students in focus group discussions (FGD1, FGD2, FGD3, FGD4 and FGD5) also added that they worried about – and even stepped back from expressing, creating or sharing – information because it can ‘boomerang’ back on themselves. They felt a lack of skills in writing and arguing in a good way, even though they wanted to share and express themselves through digital media. Digital media enables users to become content sources and receivers at the same time. More people are able to produce the information or content in digital media and such a shift requires digital media literacy. Therefore, this literacy is necessary to accompany the rapid development of Internet usage and the growth of online political and civic engagement in Indonesia. The skills of digital media literacy, including access and retrieval, analysis and evaluation, communication and creation, reflection and action are important for Indonesian citizens, especially young people, to overcome their fear to post, share and participate equally in politics and social concerns. 124 5.3.4 Using digital media in ethical ways The ability to engage in reflection and ethical thinking is essential in digital life experiences, and the capacity to produce content, express opinions, and use digital media tools in innovative ways can make literacy experiences more relevant to student’ interests, everyday life, and important current events. Three out of five student leaders in this research mentioned the ethical manner of digital usage. SL1 shared that ethics in social media are essential, especially to produce online content. Two student leaders were concerned that digital media users need to filter their online information based on online ethics. For example, one said that: “Ethics are important online because they help in the process of creating information, so the creation can be observed first and then it is not only careless or offensive talk” (SL1, December 2015). In addition, SL3 added, “we cannot carelessly share our opinions as ethics online should be applied similarly to how they are applied in offline spaces, like always being polite when talking and not providing hoax or fake information (SL3, December 2015). Both SL1 and SL3 shared that online ethics are important when sharing or expressing opinions in digital media. A previous study about the democratic potential of online political discussion groups found that the differences between respect and politeness in online discussions is significant especially to distinguish between harmful discussion for democratic values and discussion without basics of ethics (Papacharissi 2004). Also, youth consider ethical concerns in some ways as many of them talked about pausing and reflecting on the hurt feelings that could arise from posting or sharing on social media (James 2014). In this research, two student leaders (SL1 and SL3) had the same perception about online ethics that digital media users should not carelessly talk or share online. Moreover, student leaders SL1, SL3 and SL4 had thought that online ethics could help to prevent offensive and hoax information. For example, SL4 shared a belief that online ethics as: “Both the sharing and the receiving of information need attitudes to always crosscheck. I have seen many social media users did not prioritize the prudence ethics, meanwhile many people deliberately shared hoax news or bad information” (SL4, December 2015). Several Indonesian students in this research have been mindful of their ethical sharing or expressing in social media; 125 The Indonesian government has taken further steps about this as they prepared the ethical guidelines about the use of social media as an effort to prevent hoax information and these guidelines will be distributed to Indonesian students (NTA et al. 2017). Also, as reported by a story in Kompas, the Indonesian Education Minister, Muhadjir Effendy, stated that the Indonesian government will keep applying the awareness of the ethical principles of social media use for all elements of society and collaborate with the Indonesian Communication and Informatics minister to develop the principles or ethics of social media use especially for the educational sector” (NTA et al. 2017). The massive circulation of hoax information has not only disconcerted society but also provoked the Indonesian government to take action for combatting the fake news and hoaxes in the digital media environment. Also, several students in focus group discussions had similar discussions with three student leaders (SL1, SL3, and SL4) about online ethics that could prevent nonsense and hoax talking. Several students from FGD2 stated the importance of ethics in using and participating in digital media, noting that users “should go back to the ways of ethics in communication, to help us to avoid the effect of social pressure online, so we should go back to the ethical skills” (FGD2, December 2015). Another student in FGD2 added that one approach was to “not just talk without thinking, be more mature and more critical. This is because digital media has wide coverage, so it must be distinguished and critical to use it, also there is a law about that, so users should not share nonsense or hoaxes” (FGD2, December 2015). Prudence ethics are important guides to how to behave in the online world and they are beneficial for digital media users, who are not only consumers but also can become producers of information in their digital lives. Indonesian young people have concerns about online ethics and the government has developed online ethical guidelines for social media usage and preventing hoax information’s circulation in digital media activities. The government’s guidelines also have resonances with the statement of SL3, who talked further about online ethical rules as he stated that: “Online and offline worlds cannot be separated and the same rules or regulations should apply when communicating with others by online or offline media” (SL3, December 2015). On the other hand, there was an expectation that the 126 new revision of Indonesian cyber law (ITE Law) in 2016 could help to prevent hoax information, and “this law is expected to be able to curb the hoax information and slander on the Internet, but not to be excessive” (Pratama 2016). This ITE Law is still debatable as it misused to create public silence in digital media (Freedom House 2015a), extend the fear of freedom of expression of civil society from exercising freedom of expression in digital media (Suwana 2016b). Therefore, Indonesian civil society should govern the development of guidelines of online ethics and cyber law by government, so digital media can still function as one of the cornerstones of healthy democracy in Indonesia. The ability to engage in reflection and ethical thinking in digital media were also vital for students in FGD1 and FGD3, such as for students in FGD 3 “writing and organising the words is important, especially when we must reflect what we are thinking for our online comments online so it will avoid rudely or hate words (FGD3, December 2015). Similarly, several students in FGD3 continued to emphasize the importance of ethical online behaviour, such as how users “must be able to control their emotional behaviour; if they cannot restrain it then it can bring up fights in social media”, “need technical or technology skills but also need social skills too”, and “must be able to position ourselves when we talk in social media, so all of that is not becoming a conflict or fight” (FGD3, December 2015). The control of emotional behaviour, language, and digital and social skills use in digital media are vital for ethical online behaviour. Misinformation and hate speech can easily amplify differences among people in a diverse nation, as was seen in the Ahok case, Rizieq case, and the burning of monasteries and temples in Tanjung Balai in response to a false report that a local mosque's call to prayer was to be banned (Kawal Pemilu 2017). The students in FGD1 and FGD3 noticed the importance of focusing on proper language and controlling emotion in their digital media usage, as disagreements, anger, and disappointment could trigger conflicts and fights in their social networks. Novie Ima, a lecturer at Gajah Mada University, stated “social media has made us use more emotion than logic. Social media has made us comfortable, rather than providing intellectual challenges. The results are that our society has become more fragmented, triggered by emotion and easily radicalized” (Iman 2017). 127 Also, Ade Armando (a lecturer at the University of Indonesia), in Abrori Charliene’s article in the Jakarta Post (2017) was very concerned about the Indonesian freedom of expression situation: “Following the emergence of social media, which sometimes emotionally incited sensitive issues to an excessive degree, stimulating the government to ban several websites. Many social media outlets in Indonesia portray intolerance. That can be dangerous in some ways, and intolerances usually come from religious groups” (Charliene 2017). Conflict and fragmentation can be triggered by improper language in digital media usage. Moreover, it is not the only language that should be of concern in online ethics, but also sensitive issues (such as religion) and emotional behaviour as some people do not use logical arguments on social media, but instead use emotional language that can cause further conflict in online. One student from FGD4 also pointed out the experience of ethical behaviours to discuss specific or sensitive issues in Indonesia, such as the criticism of religion. This is because this topic could bring arguments and conflict with close networks (family and friends) if there are different views or opinions about it, and also they could not share or discuss it on Facebook as many relatives connect with them on this platform (FGD4, January 2016). Indonesian students could not freely talk or create information about religion as it is still a sensitive issue for their networks. However, this student is not the only young Indonesian who has thoughts like this. Moreover, FGD4’s student added that the social pressure in the online environment silenced this student from sharing several sensitive issues: “I always interested in human rights, ethnic conflict, sexuality and gender besides religious tolerance but never discuss or share those on Facebook because I always avoid conflict in my networks, so I usually selective to choose my digital content and platforms” (FGD4, January 2016). On the one hand, the freedom of expression in social media could become excessive, especially if used to express intolerance or polarized religion views. On the other hand, the freedom of expression in social media could become impeded, especially for some young people who tried to avoid this topic in their social media networks. 128 As one Internet activist mentioned, “Many Indonesian people forget that in the euphoria of the freedom of the Internet, there are still ethics if they interact in the virtual world, although they do not need to meet face to face, but there are ethics in online interactions, like in offline” (DM3, January 2017). So, there is still a complex situation between the freedom of expression and sensitive issues on Indonesian social media. In the US context, online ethical sensitivity among the American youth could provoke a situation involving hate speech towards an unspecified race or religion (James 2014). Other students in FGD 4 had similar thoughts and they continued their sharing of sensitive issues in digital media with the open -mindedness online is vital for online participation. The open-mindedness in online usage or participation could become a cause for self-reflection for every digital media user in order to respect differences with others. In digital media literacy, the ‘reflection’ skill identified by Hobbs (2010) underlines the importance of applying social responsibility and ethical principles to one’s own identity and lived experience, as well as communication behaviour and conduct (Hobbs 2010). This skill is necessary to be adapted to Indonesian society as part of their learning and culture. Indonesians could have the ability to engage in reflection and ethical thinking in their digital life, to produce meaningful content, express supportive opinions, accept differences, and also to use digital media tools in innovative ways, which can make literacy experiences more relevant to Indonesians’ interests, everyday life, and important current issues. The characteristics of radical democracy created a truly democratic society that reflects “the ideal of full tolerance or full acceptance” (Margolis and Moreno-Riaño 2013, 73). So, a democratic regime would not continue without a commitment to political tolerance norms because the commitment to tolerance avoids certain conflicts which occasionally worsen into violence (Margolis and Moreno-Riaño 2013). Therefore, the full acceptance of other perspectives and opinions that is demonstrated by a tolerant society must be developed and promoted in offline and online democratic societies. Several initiatives in the USA and Canada have purposively used the Internet to develop more tolerance and eradicate intolerance among its young people. For example, the Canadian Human Rights Commission (CHRC) promoted an online 129 interactive video game for primary students to learn about hatred and racism, and other online initiatives empower individuals and teachers to learn about online intolerance (Margolis and Moreno-Riaño 2013). Also, USA organizations that promote online tolerance, like “the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Simon Wiesenthal Center, and the Anti-Defamation League have used the Internet to inform, educate, and protect against hate and intolerance online and offline. The Global Action Project located in New York engages youth with digital media to encourage positive change and more tolerance in society” (Margolis and Moreno-Riaño 2013, 92-93). 5.3.5 Collaborative acts of mobilization The ability to act using digital media platforms means the ability to share knowledge and information, to resolve problems in the families; works; and communities, and to participate from local to international levels. Some students in this research have participated at every level; meanwhile, other students have not participated yet even in the local context. Three of five student leaders actively share knowledge and information in the community as members of their university community. They were very active to mobilize students on their campus to participate. SL4 shared about the advantage of digital media for collaboration: “Previously, it was very hard to invite or persuade university students to participate as the committee created and put posters and banners on the campuses in the evening. Now, we just need to create official accounts on social media every time we want, and then we can ask and invite people, do crowdfunding, and share updates. Digital media is helpful to invite and mobilize students or young people to become active.” (SL4, December 2015). SL2 mentioned different online strategies to persuade young people to participate in politics like in the case of a local campus election; this student leader learned the strategies from volunteering in one of Indonesian politician programme. This student leader used online videos and photographs in the campus election campaign, as the combination of text and visual information in Indonesian digital movements has been growing to include animations, digital posters, memes, photos, and videos (Lim 2013; Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). For example, SL2 continued to use these methods for his campus presidential campaign, which included “The creation of a 30-second testimonial video, so I asked actresses and actors who studied with me to create a 130 video testimonial of why we chose this candidate. I spread this video on Path, Line, and Instagram and it was a success, I was the winner of the student leader election” (SL2, December 2015). The collaborative acts of campaign video from the student leader candidate and celebrities could mobilize people to choose that candidate. Three student leaders (SL2, SL3, and SL4) used collaboration with their campus organisations’ members and other students outside of the organization to mobilize students by digital media. First, SL3 tried to attract greater awareness and interest to become part of campus student organisations, like “We have used digital media to open recruitments for committees related to the fields of sports, society and politics, and human rights. Many activities used open recruitment and got responses from the digital media, so this new way was helpful to persuade students to be active in the campus organizations” (SL3, December 2015). Second, SL4 stated his creative approach to persuading and mobilizing other students, such as: “Many students joined our political or civic actions because we created voice notes and shared in our social media to invite students to join our acts. The idea was listening to voice like in the radio and this strategy was different from the traditional ways like banners or posters” (SL4, December 2015). There are many creative features in digital media that these students could use to mobilize other students in their campuses. Also, the creative collaborations and maximising of social networks were important elements to persuade young people to participate. The combination of audio and visual has been used successfully for supporting online political campaigns and civic engagement in Indonesia and several students in this research have used and distributed audio in their social media to mobilize other students to participate in their campuses. Therefore, there is great potential to maximize audio and audiovisuals in collaboration actions and online contents for digital media activism and students on inside and outside the campus. Regarding the Save KPK movement, there were two of five student leaders (SL3 &S SL4) that have participated and collaborated online and offline to mobilize people to support the movement. SL4 explained that they did not want to use rallies in front of legislative bodies or KPK because it was boring for young people, so SL3 and other 131 students developed creative actions that used both offline and online spaces to raise support: “We used a tent in front of the KPK’s office building and shared the pics of it in our social media to invite other students to come and stay over in the tent, we also provided creative performances like concerts and art performances” (SL4 December 2015). These Indonesian young people created and organized collaborative online and offline actions by digital media platforms. Some current research on youth participation in social movements highlights their digital media use; for example, a research report on the Kinder & Braver World Project stated that many young people today are active and creative in movement strategies and in production and media use (Costanza-Chock 2012) and in the Umbrella Movement, Hong Kong (Lee and Ting 2015). Moreover, SL3 explained that “We created articles about Save KPK and shared them on social media” (SL3, December 2015). SL4 and his student organisation members pitched a tent in front of the KPK building for one week and this was a creative symbol of political participation for the Save KPK movement. He continued: “There are 100 up to 150 people who were in the KPK building on that week of the Save KPK movement because, at that time, we also joined and collaborated with other activists and NGOs. Interestingly, after we came to our tent then it was followed by another team from an NGO that also came with a tent” (SL4, December 2015). Therefore, both these student leaders have the ability to create online information that could support political participation in Indonesia and in this research, it related to the Save KPK. SL3 and his campus friends also participated in the street action (in front of KPK’s office building) during that Save KPK movement. This student leader explained his experience: “I got information of gathering schedules and issues types of the Save KPK movement as I had been coordinating with the internal online group (every student faculties’ chair and the assemblage of every major in my university) and external online chat group (The Anti-Corruption Movement Cross Campus) to support KPK actions and movement” (SL3, December 2015). Here is a clear example to show collaborative acts by digital media in Indonesian students. Both SL4 and SL3 with their teams and other groups used digital media platforms to coordinate and share information of the Save KPK movement at that time in order to mobilize people to 132 come and support KPK with them. There is a rising coordination of actions by organizations and individuals using digital media to create networks. Similarly, in the Umbrella Movement young people developed their own digital networks to get updates and trustworthy information and also created online chat groups in WhatsApp and Telegram (Lee and Ting 2015). These student leaders (SL3 and SL4) had similar experiences and abilities in having collaborative digital networks to coordinate actions of movements using instant messaging applications, like WhatsApp and Line. However, Indonesian students were not familiar with Telegram, so they did not use this application, but they used Line. This digital media use was also different from Indonesian activists in the Save KPK movement, who used WhatsApp and Telegram for their communication and coordination. The ability to collaborate using digital media platforms means the ability to knowledge distribution and problem solver in the social practices, and participants at the local, national and international levels of communities. In this research, all five student leaders in interviews and some students in focus group discussions have participated at the national level movements such as the Save KPK movement and other civic engagement through offline and online methods. However, most students in the focus group discussions had not collaborated with others to participate in the political and local contexts. So, it can be seen that collaborative actions are more developed in students that are involved in campus organizations. 5.3.6 Online security and privacy issues in Indonesian digital media platforms Another important skill for young people and digital media is the awareness of how to ensure safe practices online in their daily digital media activities. From this research, SL1 was concerned about online and privacy issues, as this student shared that: “I was more interested in consuming or commenting on information online than creating online information or participating in online petitions. I was very careful about sharing my identity information by participating in online petitions, et cetera. This is because people could misuse our identity information in Indonesia” (SL1, December 2015). In particular, SL1 was aware that identity information appears online if people participate 133 online: “In change.org (online petition website), when they agreed to participate in one particular issue on their websites then the system directly asked us to provide our identity, such as full name, email, and age” (SL1, December 2015). This student did not want to participate online because the revealing personal information could be unsafe as it might be misused in Indonesia. The sharing by SL1 is relevant to thoughts of online privacy and the risk of overexposure that extends beyond the concern for reputations. These thoughts must address concerns about the genuinely social nature of the Internet, and also moral and ethical responsibilities in the roles of searching, sharing and consuming online information (James 2014). The fear that online information could be misused is real and happens in Indonesia. Similarly, Sinta Dewi Rosadi, a lecturer from the Faculty of Law, University of Padjadjaran stated, there have been many breaches of digital personal data in Indonesia: “In the last five years there have been many personal data breaches, which increase many public complaints and the emerging cases have shown the leakage of personal data ranging from names and mobile phone numbers to e-mail addresses until all the personal data of citizens are possessed by irresponsible parties” (ES 2015). This is not surprising, given that capacity is still rare in Indonesia as many Indonesian people are not concerned about their privacy or personal information that could be misused by irresponsible people. Internet users are still careless with protecting their private information and personal details from being misused by irresponsible people in Indonesia (Tampubolon 2017) and the misuse of personal data in Indonesia is often not realized by Internet users, especially Indonesian young people (Herman/PCN and Herman/PCN 2017). However, there is a small indication that Indonesian young people could be aware of their personal or private information because two out of 40 students were aware. One student in FGD3 preferred to use WhatsApp rather than Line in terms of privacy issues and explained the online privacy differences between WhatsApp and Line, “I use WhatsApp because it relates to my own privacy. In WhatsApp, we have accounts or phone numbers that we have known before. This relates to my online privacy like we can protect our photos and profile” (FGD3, December 2015). Only these two students were fully aware of and noticed privacy and security issues when choosing the digital 134 platforms for their daily use. Both these students (SL1 and FGD3) were the rare exception in referring to the importance of privacy and safety in the sharing of personal information or details by digital media. Most often, Indonesian young people associated privacy to such acts with narrower concerns. Online privacy must be implemented in learning and developing digital media literacy in Indonesian young people. One of the three purposes that ACMA aims to achieve through managing a variety of activities to support or promote digital media literacy is that it “helps Australians to make informed judgements about their digital communications practices and manage their online security and privacy” (Australian Communication Media Authority 2009b). Also, the privacy discourse is produced by there is a need for online privacy that can balance personal risk with sensitivity to the social, moral, ethical dimensions of privacy in a digital (James 2014). The skill of online privacy and safety is essential because it will support and balance society to safely access and participate in the digital age with several issues, contexts and platforms. The Indonesian government must protect their citizens’ rights including their personal or private data as the government could create and implement regulation to govern and protect citizens’ personal data in the Indonesian digital landscape. Therefore, this digital literacy should be developed and implemented in Indonesia as Indonesian digital media users must understand the importance of protecting their personal data in social media, like online applications, online forums, network payment systems and public service access. 5.4 The collaborative learning of digital media literacy Young people need to understand how digital media literacy could help them to participate and engage in democratic practices. Efforts to encourage civic and political participation in digital media also need to overcome the challenges of digital media literacy, such as access to learning, opportunities, experiences, skills and knowledge. Digital participation also raises fundamental issues of where and how young people can be prepared for their digital media literacy as they could be encouraged and equipped to be active citizens to maintain democratic practices. For example, SL4 learnt digital media literacy from external seminars (SL4, December 2015) and most 135 students in FGD5 got experiences of creating content from friends’ gathering in the group (FGD5, December 2015). In this research, Indonesian students shared that they participated in gatherings, forums, seminars and workshops that could help them to learn and understand about digital media literacy. So, these young people learnt digital media literacy from internal and external communities or organisations in Indonesia. Several students (FGD 4 and FGD 5) in this research also mentioned that they learned digital media literacy by gathering and learning with their friends as they could improve their ability to create and discuss about opinions of headlines in online news, to teach good writing, to share statuses, and to upload pictures in social media. Also, students (FGD2, FGD3 and FGD4) shared whatever the community or organization experiences. For example, a student in FGD4 shared the voluntarily experiences: “The learning of activism showed me how to criticize certain issues in government or society and to package the heavy issues to be easily accepted by people, so I learnt it with digital media even this became a challenge for me to create good online content that could change others” (FGD4, January 2016). Peer-group learning has helped Indonesian students to learn and adopt digital media literacy in their daily lives. The learning of digital media literacy takes place by offering experiences to engage and enjoy direct participation in community or organisation events, and also to improve digital skills. Thus, communities, networks and organizations are essential to share digital media literacy for Indonesian young people, as this informal learning is effective in young people’s lives. However, there are concerns for young people who do not know the relevant communities or organizations or do not have friends who have good skills of digital media literacy, so they could end up without digital media literacy. Therefore, the learning from community-based education (informal) should develop and expand more in Indonesia. But this is not enough if the purpose is to reach every Indonesian young person to have good skills in digital media literacy, so the collaboration of both informal and formal education is necessary to implement in all Indonesia provinces or areas. Indonesian students also admitted that they learned digital media literacy from their closest learning environment, such as family (FGD2 and FGD5), and teachers or 136 lecturers (SL1, SL2, FGD1, FGD2, and FGD5). Some of the students in this research studied subjects like communication or media and communication (SL1, SL2, FGD1, and FGD2) and admitted learning digital media literacy in their studies. One example is SL1, who studied communication and explained: “when I gathered with some friends (non-communications studies) and discussed digital media literacy, then they did not have the depth of understanding like communication students” (SL1, December 2015). This connects with both SL4 and SL5, who mentioned that they could not learn digital media literacy from their lecturers, as they were not from communication studies (SL4 & SL5, December 2015). In Indonesia, universities are recorded as the most common initiators of digital literacy activities, with 56.14%, followed by government (14.34%), community (13.52%), NGOs (5.32%), and schools and corporations (3.68%) (Abdulsalam 2017). Indonesian students in this research were already understood that they need learn digital media literacy from formal education (school or university); unfortunately, the learning of digital media literacy is not equally distributed for every major in Indonesian universities or colleges. Both the Indonesian academic and the Internet expert interviewed argued that the ability to use the Internet appropriately and safely is essential for young Indonesian Internet users (DM1 & DM2, January 2016), and the learning of Internet skills could be integrated into the school curriculum (Purbo 2017). Moreover, the academic explained the strategy to implement digital media literacy in teaching subjects in Communication College, noting that the final assessment was creating digital activism on Indonesian issues (DM2, January 2016). Most digital media products are created for social and entertainment purposes (Bennett 2008; Morozov 2011) and access to the internet is possibly inspired more by entertainment rather than political activity (Papacharissi 2009). Some scholars argued about Indonesian young people who use digital media for entertainment purposes, like “Indonesian people under 25 years old used the Internet and social media, but their blogs focus on local and global popular culture, such as music, fashion, film and television” (Lim 2013). An academic also stated “most of my students use social media but they use it for their personal needs, information searching, and entertainment” (DM2, January 2016) and also emphasised the importance of learning digital media for 137 social concerns: “There is a trend of how the movement could go forward through social media, so I think students must be guided to have literacy in creating and distributing online content, and then they can learn and be more sensitive of public issues and social change” (DM2, January 2016). Therefore, there is an opportunity in education to teach and guide Indonesian young people to learn more about digital media use and literacy for civic and political participation. However, the implementation of digital media literacy in Indonesian universities must be developed and expanded in universities or colleges as well as in primary schools in order to accommodate all young people in Indonesia. The learning of digital media literacy in Indonesian campuses is still limited mainly to the fields of communication or media communication studies, as several students admitted that they did not learn it when they took law or business studies (SL2 and FGD5, December 2015). This could become a concern if the learning of digital media literacy must develop in Indonesian universities or colleges, and a solution could be embedded topics in computer subjects in high school, as the Indonesian voting age is 17 years old (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Therefore, the learning of digital media literacy in order to participate in civic or political concerns could fit into different subjects in Indonesian education, such as civic education to promote critical, active citizens or active participation. Most Indonesians have not demonstrated a robust understanding of digital media as there are still significant numbers of Indonesian internet users that lack digital literacy (Tampubolon 2017). Unfortunately, the Indonesian government’s small role in improving Indonesia digital media literacy resulted from the fact that “ICT learning had been removed from the formal school curriculum, so communities have had some initiatives from Indonesian NGOs to provide training and motivation of digital media skills for Indonesian internet users in Indonesia” (Purbo 2017) and the recent data from Japelidi (2017) showed Indonesian communities have already initiated digital literacy for young people with the third rank (13.52%) (Abdulsalam 2017). Some initiatives to teach digital literacy in Indonesia include ICT watch, Relawan TIK Indonesia, and The Raihan Technology Foundation, MikroTik Indonesia and Ubiquiti Networks as commercial wireless equipment distributors (Purbo 2017) and Digital Democracy Youth Class (Kemudi) (Tampubolon 2017). Therefore, there is still a gap in 138 formalized and equalized media literacy education in school or university programs. Even Indonesian President Jokowi has stated that teachers must be internet literate to be able to teach students how to navigate the Internet wisely, including when using social media and how to recognize fake news (Halim 2017c). However, Indonesians cannot learn digital media literacy from their formal education because there are no curriculum of digital media literacy in Indonesian education system. 5.5 Conclusion This chapter has analysed the students’ varied motivations to utilize digital media for social and political movements. Digital media have become part of their daily lives for all these Indonesian students in this research. However, there were some Indonesian university and college students who did not want to participate politically but still participated in supporting Indonesian social causes (while the deterrents will be explained more in Chapter 6). The main motivation was related to recognition of public problems such as corruption in Indonesia and to maintain the existence of the KPK to eradicate corrupt institutions. Also, students’ second motivation was related to the belief that they wanted to have direct changes in Indonesia by their online political participation and civic engagement. These students expressed a belief that improvements and better changes in Indonesian political systems could also help to develop better democratic systems of Indonesia. Findings showed that several Indonesian students were able to develop online strategies and also to use digital media to organise, promote and mobilize internal and external political movements. Also, these student activists were sophisticated in creating and evaluating information, connecting participants, promoting movement discourse, improving participation, and implementing online and offline strategies for the Save KPK movement. This chapter also discussed the necessity for digital media literacy for Indonesian students to participate in democratic practices. However, creating online content is the most important for these Indonesians students. This is related to students’ revelations that they worried about, and even stepped back from expressing, creating or sharing political information because they felt that it has become a ‘boomerang’ for them like 139 online social pressures and conflicts. Therefore, they felt lacking in skills in writing and arguing in proper ways with a good political knowledge, even though they wanted to share and express their opinions by digital media. Also, Indonesian students should have digital media literacy related to visuals or videos and they could develop networks of movement with students (inside and outside of campus) and activists to mobilize information or society in Indonesia. Therefore, digital media literacy skills are essential, then, for Indonesian students to overcome their fear and anxiety and to freely create, share, and participate in politics by digital media The implementation of digital media literacy skills training is vital for active citizens in democratic society, especially Indonesian young people as they will become the future generation that can fully participate in social and political concerns to support democratic practices. Indonesian students have learned digital media literacy from different sources, such as peers, friends, community groups, organizations, and lecturers. So, multiple Indonesian stakeholders must collaborate to develop digital media literacy learning (formal and informal) that improves the capacities of every Indonesian citizen. Furthermore, formal and informal political education is also a necessity to increase citizens’ political knowledge and confidence so that they can continue to make political decisions and participate in politics as is their right as active citizens in the democratic practices. 140 Chapter 6: The deterrents for Indonesian young people to participate in the political movement 6.1 The deterrents for participating in the political movement There are indications that traditional political participation by young people has decreased in many developed democratic countries and most perspectives showed that these young people are uninterested in democracy and politics (Collin 2015). There is a growing apathy in young people about voting (Dalton 2008), younger citizens are shifting away from political parties (Bennett and Segerberg 2012), and young people are becoming less likely to vote or show interest in politics (Turcotte 2015). Moreover, these problems are compounded for Indonesian young people due to limited opportunities to engage with formal political institutions and to develop the political process, and thus these young people are not interested in participating in political parties, which makes the system disconnected from young people’s problems (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). In contrast, the creative and interactive uses of social media by young people can have positive impacts on civic engagement and political participation (Ekström and Östman 2015), and the use of the Internet for increasing political knowledge can result in greater levels of young people’s election participation (McAllister 2016). The combination of audio and visual has been used successfully to support online political actions, especially in Indonesia with the music parody video of Jokowi’s gubernatorial election campaign in 2012 (Tapsell 2015a) and in the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong, when young activists used creative and interesting messages (visuals) to attract young people to participate in political concerns (Lee and Ting 2015). Research findings from a comparison of Indonesia and Malaysia showed youths are valuable for political participation, and the way to increase youth political participation is to engage these young people with digital media (Ramli 2012). Young people as active citizens are an important target for political participation and digital media represents a useful tactic to improve young people’s political participation. Moreover, the background of the disengagement of young Americans can be influenced by several factors, such as motivation, opportunities and abilities, because 141 these young people can participate in public life when they have those factors (Carpini 2000). The motivation can become an important factor to assess Indonesian young people’s interest to participate or not participate. On one hand, some Indonesian young people have already had an interest (motivation) to participate in political and social contexts (Chapter 4 and 5). On the other hand, some Indonesian young people were deterred from political participation as young people’s apathy about politics becomes dangerous for the democratic country. This chapter will further discuss the deterrents against participation for some Indonesian students who did not want to participate in the Save KPK movement or other political activities. 6.1.1 The Indonesian cyber law or ITE Law Digital media has continued to proliferate rapidly in Indonesia. The popularity of social networking has also increased, with Indonesia becoming home to some of the largest users of Twitter and Facebook around the world (Freedom House 2012). Indonesians have used to express their voices or expressions by digital media since the Reformation era commenced in 1998 (Tapsell 2015b). However, the respondents in the Save KPK movement who were in university or college expressed similar barriers to their civic engagement and political participation by digital media, such as the 2008 Electronic, Information and Transactions Law/ITE Law (cyber law) that regulates online information. For example, some respondents stated that Indonesian cyber law has become a threat for Indonesian society to participate in political or social concerns by digital media. As three of them stated, this ITE Law can result in defamation charges if people share or talk in digital media (P5, P6, and P10). Also, P6 added that “ITE Law became a warning for society because many cases showed that civil society got accused by this law. As well, there were statements like we could get caught by police if we talk or express in digital media, so this regulation is not protecting but creating fear within society” (P6, February 2016). This is similar to the often-heard statement in Jakarta’s discussion circles that it is frightening to give opinions online, especially about politics, because the ITE Law can put us in jail (Suwana 2016b). 142 Moreover, P5 and P10 had opinions about this ITE Law as a danger to democracy. P5 mentioned that “This ITE Law impeded democracy because, for example, if someone sang a song that criticizes the government, and then it is considered as defamation, if the government does not want to get critics, then they should not become a democratic country” (P5, December 2016). The respondents’ fears were supported by data from SAFEnet’s press release that showed 35 Indonesian activists have been charged under the ITE Law since 2008, while 28 complaints occurred since 2014. Also, three groups that are vulnerable to be criminalized by this cyber law are anticorruption activists, environmental activists and journalists (Juniarto 2017). Indonesian cyber law in practice protects the powerful rather than citizens, and the revision of the 2008 law in 2016 confirms this. The law, regardless of the revision, serves as a deterrent, dissuading members of civil society from exercising freedom of expression in digital media (Suwana 2016b). Also, another respondent stated that “this cyber law must be taken seriously and carefully by the government because this ITE Law is just for blocking public as this law is government’s misunderstanding to face information technology” (P11, January 2016). Regulation in a democratic country is not to control or block but to govern the society and the system, and therefore Indonesian cyber law must work to protect Indonesian citizens and especially to govern Indonesian digital media environments. Indonesian cyber law is a similar deterrent for other respondent groups in this research, Indonesian students who have participated in civic engagement and political actions by digital media. Some of them realised the ITE Law regulates online information, but some students did not. Overall, most students (FGD1, FGD2, FGD3, FGD4 and FGD5) in this research stated cyber law could put them in police custody or jail if they share something related to politics or government on digital media. Another student shared a similar experience: “I am scared about the ITE Law because if we talk wrongly then we could lose our money or go to the jail. Also, if we take part, like posting or sharing information from our networking in our social media, then we also can get in trouble, therefore I did not want to talk about or participate in politics online” (FGD1, December 2015). A student in FGD4 talked about bad process of Indonesian cyber law, stating that “There was no institution to accept complaints when 143 ITE Law has been misused by powerful people to target those who engage in politics online. Also, police could be bribed so they accepted these complaints to become cases without crosschecking first” (FGD3, December 2015). These Indonesian students felt troubled by sharing or participating in politics and they tried to avoid it after they saw several cases and bad processes with ITE Law. Also, this is similar to the Indonesian activists, some students pointed out that this ITE Law was unfair and decreased freedom of expression (FGD1, FGD3 and FGD5). One mentioned “In fact, the law in Indonesia is pointed down and blunt upward, democracy is just a title in Indonesia because there are still fears for us to talk about everything. Those people who have high authority could talk, so lower people could not talk or express themselves in digital media” (FGD1, December 2015) and “social media is the place that we can freely talk or express our opinion, and actually, it is not” (FGD1 & FGD4, December 2015). The Indonesian cyber law has impeded citizen participation in political expressions or movements by digital media more generally. This cyber law has become a problem for Indonesian democracy, as international organisations have also highlighted that this Indonesian law has been used to supervise and censor the flow of online content, and has decreased international democratic standards (Freedom House 2012; Hamid 2017). Indonesian students in Australia have similarly assessed that “The ITE Law can potentially be used to practice power abuse, and individuals can choose to self-censor over socio-political conditions that exist in Indonesian communities” (Galih 2016). Indonesian students had realised that the ITE Law had been used to practice power abuse in Indonesia and even this cyber law has created self-censorship or silenced these young people to participate in politics by digital media. Other students recognised “the necessity to equip ourselves with a legal or specific knowledge in order to prevent having problems from this cyber law” (SL3, December 2015). The ITE Law is often misused to silence public comment that threatens certain interests (Freedom House 2015a). The students in this research also noticed that people who have power had used this cyber law to oppress less powerful people (citizens). In authoritarian regimes, the Internet is not free from restriction because these countries feel insecure over the level of freedom of speech on the Internet (Denning 2001; 144 Morozov 2011). This situation in Indonesia becomes harmful to freedom of expression in the democratic system in Indonesia as there are attempts to use this cyber law to purposefully silence the citizen voices in digital media. 6.1.2 Disappointment with political surrounding Indonesian students in FGD2, FGD3, and FGD5 were not motivated to support and participate in the Save KPK movement. These young people mentioned that they were aware of this movement from their family, friends, social media and mainstream media and that it is enough just to know about that case and the political situation (FGD2, December 2015). While some students (FGD1 and FGD4) received information about Save KPK from online networking, most students (FGD2, FGD3 and FGD5) received most of their information about the movement from their families and television. Additionally, the other two groups (FGD3 and FGD5) had the same opinion about why they did not want to participate in the Save KPK movement. This is because they were apathetic towards the political situation in Indonesia, which they considered to be bad or not well developed. These students shared that, “the Indonesian legislators were still not a well-established system and were corrupt (FGD3, December 2015), while another did not want to participate due to “corruption, political praxis, black campaigns, and bad images” (FGD5, December 2015). These answers show that it is no surprise that the current political system is unappealing to Indonesian young people. Indonesia is still struggling with a continuing pattern of political patronage and corruption (Cochrane 2014) and money politics is still prevalent (Cochrane 2014; Editorial of Youth Proactive 2014). Also, Indonesia is a new and unstable democracy with political and social problems (Mietzner 2015). Similarly, two students from the discussion groups (FGD1 and FGD4) have participated in the Save KPK movement but they also mentioned that Indonesian politics is still bad and unsatisfying; therefore, all of these students in the focus group discussion still agreed that they did not like or were dissatisfied with Indonesian 145 politics, as they were still bad, unpleasant, and corrupt. Previous research studies found that Indonesian young people had distrust and bad perceptions of politicians and a lack of interest in politics (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). The present focus group research indicates this problem persists, although Indonesian young people are the majority of users of the Internet in Indonesia, so they could take advantage of the political opportunities available online. 6.1.3 Refusing to be on any side of the political movement Four of the five student leaders interviewed were motivated to participate in digital media in the Save KPK movement, while one of them was not motivated to participate in that movement by digital media. The focus group discussions revealed three groups that had no one who participated in the Save KPK movement (FGD2, FGD 3 & FGD5, December 2015). SL5 explained why he and his committee from the student executive board did not participate in the Save KPK movement: “Every political action must have internal discussion and consolidation first with members in BEM (Student Executive Board) and the result of our discussion was our campus would not support the KPK or anyone at that time” (SL5, December 2015). This showed that the student leader and the Student Executive Board’s members have the influence to decide that the university would or would not support the political movement. This resemblances Aspinall’s (2012) argument about moral force politics in Indonesian student activism that “the moral force idea also implies student separatism: the notion that students should not build alliances with other social or political groups who might pollute the students’ agenda with their own interests” (Aspinall 2012, 154). With this moral force thinking, these students could not have a standpoint on their political actions or aspiration. This raises questions about young people’s interest in or readiness for direct participation in national politics. This is becoming concerns if these young people do not have a political direction to be used for supporting democratic practices in Indonesia. 146 Moreover, SL5 argued that “If I support the KPK then it will become an advantage for KPK, but indirectly it will become a disadvantage for the national police, and because we do not know exactly the problems inside the KPK and the national police, so it is better that I did not support either of them” (SL5, December 2015). This is unusual, because Indonesian student leaders usually engaged and take a political stand on political issues, and have developed a reputation for playing a prominent role in highstakes and controversial political issues. For example, the student protest movement had a key function in the Indonesian people’s power movements that forced Suharto’s resignation from the presidency in. That argument retreat from political and civic action appears contradicted with the findings from SL5 and members of student executive boards that they did not want to engage either to have an affiliation with somebody or certain political parties nor participate in political actions, including the Save KPK movement. These young people are part of disengaged youth who are less concerned about connecting with the government or civic engagement. As they are not concerned with public expression forms to the government, such as online protests or following news about public concerns and these disengagements are dangerous for healthy democracy (Bennett 2008, 8-9). 6.2 The deterrents for participating in political and civic issues in Indonesia 6.2.1 Disappointment with political surroundings The greatest deterrent for Indonesian students from participating politically and socially by digital media is apathy towards the political situation in Indonesia, which corresponds with earlier findings (in Section 6.1.2). The first deterrent is disappointment with political surroundings, including campus politics and national political situations. For example, students from FGD3 felt lazy and disliked politics, “My campus politics are nasty, like political practices in Indonesia, and I do not understand that friendships can be looked at from their political backgrounds, so I did not want to participate in every political action” (FGD3, December 2015). Moreover, a student from FGD5 shared that politics create conflict: 147 Political discussion is more sensitive in university, so we could not talk carelessly and bring it up to social media. If we are critical in campus politics, we usually just make personal chat rooms with some friends and discuss it only in that personal chatting. We raise different topics away from politics in social media because everything that relates to politics is sensitive and there are the pros and cons. I always worry that cons people are that people can do unpleasant things or conflicts (FGD5, December 2015). Those students in FGD3 and FGD5 did not want to talk about politics in their social media because they think that it created conflicts in their social networks. In addition, they saw and experienced bad elections in their student boards, as one student in FGD5 admitted, “In my first semester, I wanted to join one of the student campus organisations, but after I had seen the bad election of it and how it was the same as in Indonesian politics, then I cancelled to join or register for campus organisations” (FGD5, December 2015). Unconducive political environments and behaviours in campus organisations destroy motivation or interest in young people to participate in politics and this could become derivation because previous research found that Indonesian university students usually join campus organizations without political motives, however, after being asked to contribute to letters, petitions and demonstrations by fellow organisation members, these students often participated more fully in politics (Lussier and Fish 2012). Also, Indonesians enjoy astonishing levels of civic engagement because of the high rate of organisational participation and “interpersonal sociability” (Lussier and Fish 2012, 74). Moreover, SL3 shared that some students in university or college did not want to participate because they experienced some limitations or restrictions from the campus background, even though all of them had learned critical thinking and cognitive skills from their campus. This differs from the argument that Indonesian students are free to express their political views after the success of the student protest movement in 1998 (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Universities must become a place for independent political aspiration and actions, like Tummenggung and Nugroho (2005) argued that “universities flourish as centres of academic excellence not when the government aggressively attempts to depoliticize campuses, but when there is space for autonomous political activity and students’ basic rights as citizens are guaranteed” (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005, 46). The absence of internal participation had been 148 influencing them to take external participation, including about Indonesian political and social concerns in praxis. For example, SL2 explained that many friends did not want to participate in campus politics or political issues because of campus rules that restrain students’ freedom of speech: The campus rules controlled students’ digital media usage, like the prohibition of sharing of opinions about our campus in social media. This situation blocked students’ freedom of speech and online campaigns on campus like ‘think before posting’ has resulted in these students not to posting anything bad or even critics about campus. The digital media use is restricted in my campus (SL2, December 2015). However, the campus online campaigns on the wise Internet could become a deterrent for these students to express or share something about the campus. Higher degree education can provide the cognitive stimulation and critical-thinking skills for Indonesian students (Aspinall 2005; Norris 2001) to understand the political process and also support participants to be more confident, efficient, and aware of political processes (Norris 2001); also, young people are the agents of change for society (Flanagan and Levine 2010; Ramli 2012). In this research, these university students did not get the stimulation or critical thinking to support them to express within the campus environment, which also affected their political and civic expression outside the campus. By contrast, SL2 was concerned with the freedom of speech in his campus environment, but instead of being apathetic, he chose to become active and to solve the problems. My friends are not interested in politics and also the internal political campus is restricted to them, so they became lazy to participate in politics. I think if we do not enter politics then it always like that, so I want to enter student organisations to find solutions. As I became a part of the student league group, then I created an official account of the student league group in Line. Now if students have problems (campus facilities, payment, and lecturers) then they can engage in a personal chat from that account and share views. So, this can help to bridge students to talk with the campus departments that are related to problems (SL2, December 2015) SL2 was a good example of a student undertaking such an approach, indicating that this student has digital media literacy and political knowledge to help him achieve 149 internal campus politics. Tumenggung and Nugroho (2005) stated that after the student protest movement in 1998, “Indonesian students were free to express their political views and organise student organisations” (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005, 45). Indonesian is not a repressive country, but a democratic one. Therefore, every Indonesian higher education in Indonesia must evaluate and change the regulations to provide and support for Indonesian students and to govern their internal communication process, not control it. The sustainable environment of freedom of speech is very important to support and maintain students’ political and civic actions (including practices of expressions and opinion) in online as well as offline. 6.2.2 Online conflicts with other digital media users The worry is not only about sharing politics online but also fighting with people in digital media, because of their differences in political opinions. Every citizen must have political knowledge. If they only know a little or nothing about their government, it becomes difficult to observe the political praxis, political performances, and politicians. However, in this research, young people found that online environments could become unconducive for their interaction, such as having social pressures from family or friends when they have different perspectives or opinions. These students shared that the comments below the posting or status in digital media have become unpleasant when they had disagreements with others. They shared that other people (including their friends and families) had ‘attack’ them verbally if they posted something about politics online and others had disagreements. This is similar to previous research about Indonesian young people that showed most respondents did not want to participate in online forums as they were wary due to bad experiences, such as slurs from other participants (Adiarsi, Stellarosa and Silaban 2015). A student from FGD2 mentioned, “I am not motivated to talk about or support political participation, because it comes back again to my fears about saying the wrong thing online and the social pressure of that” (FGD2, December 2015). Students in FGD3 shared: “If online then it should be free opinion, but it is not; we are interested in 150 politics but do not want to talk about it, because we saw unpleasant comments of disagreement and conflict below the online postings that made us felt unmotivated to participate, so I prefer to hold our thoughts or opinions” (FGD3, December 2015). These students had similar conditions and actions, as they preferred to remain silent when they found disagreements in online environments. The findings above echoed previous research findings in both the US and Indonesia. First, the researchers found that social media in the US did not provide a place to express thoughts and debate issues; if people found their networks in the social media had different opinions or thoughts (disagreement) with them, so then they were likely to become silent about those issues (Hampton et al. 2014). Second, Lim argues social media not only offer freedom of expression, but also the freedom to hate in Indonesia, because people often implement rights of expressing opinions by vigorously silencing others (Lim 2017). In my research, Indonesian students had the opinion that online media should become a medium for everyone to freely express their opinion, but in practice, they did not freely express opinions because they usually silenced themselves or adjusted their actions to suit other dominant opinions around them. Several students in FGD2 and FGD3 also understood about the different perspectives and background of politics around them, but they did not want to discuss or participate in politics because they tried to avoid debates or difficult situations that would arise when talking about politics. This avoiding led to self-censorship for Indonesian student to participate more in politics and online political actions: I saw online comments below postings about politics that were about anger, fighting, or assault. Our online environment was not conducive and not supportive of us, so we need healthy debate and discussions. If there is a difference in political view, everyone should have their own choices or opinions. In addition, they do not need to use emotional behaviour if it is related to different opinions (FGD3, December 2015). Many students were interested in online political discussions, but they feel unmotivated when they saw unpleasant comments or conflict in social media and instant messaging that make people argue and cause fragmentation and sensitivity with each other, such as their friends and family, as this situation started in in the presidential election campaign in 2014 (FGD3, FGD4 and FGD5). Most students also 151 had the same opinion about the Indonesian presidential election in 2014, especially when the election opened sensitive issues and conversations that consequently created fragmentation in the society. For example, one student also mentioned Pancasila (Indonesia’s founding philosophical theory that is designed to unite the Indonesian people in one country) and the disappointment about the situation in Indonesia, “I feel not motivated with Indonesian politics, we live in the same country, but we like to fight each other. We have Pancasila that to unite our society in Indonesia but the people are still fighting and assault each other especially in online” (FGD3, December 2015). As President Jokowi inaugurated the chief of the newly established presidential working unit, aimed at the implementation of Pancasila as the state ideology in Indonesia (Halim 2017a). Therefore, the collaborative online and offline campaign of Pancasila as Indonesian ideology state must be supported to developed and promote Indonesian unity. In comparative research between Australian, American and British young people regarding their everyday political talk, scholars found "young people tend to see politics as all about conflict and disagreement, so they don’t necessarily want to replicate that conflict and disagreement in their own social networks” (Vromen, Xenos and Loader 2015). Similarly, Lim found in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election that “those who perceive their opinions to be in decline choose to silence themselves in order to avoid the threat of social sanctions, isolation, and conflict ” (Lim 2017, 12). In the Indonesian students’ context, they as social media users have experienced conflicts, bad arguments, and disagreements in their own social networking when they have created or shared information online or via digital media in the 2014 presidential election. This is contrary to what is required in a democratic country, which is that the citizens must be open-minded of various aspects of social and political life as they must recognize diversity and be truly tolerant in their interactions (Margolis and MorenoRiaño 2013). Margolis and Moreno-Riaño (2013) stated that “when the Internet was created it seemed to be exactly what was needed to realize the dreams of a free, democratic and tolerant society, the Internet would emancipate individuals to be co-producers of the democratic good life” (Margolis and Moreno-Riaño 2013, 70). Also, Ramli (2012) stated 152 that digital media has provided space for freedom of expression, the development of citizenship skills, and political mobilization in Indonesian young people (Ramli 2012, 17). Digital media could become potential new space for Indonesian young people to engage in civic and political concerns. Therefore, various Indonesian stakeholders (academics, civil society, corporate, and government) must try to focus and develop digital media literacy and conducive online environment, for example, online ethics that includes online tolerance. As online tolerance can help to support Indonesian young people to respect different opinions and choices and to appreciate diversity in life (social, political, cultural, religious, racial and gender identities) in the digital media environment then robust freedom of expression is still maintained to support democratic and tolerant Indonesian society. 6.2.3 Indonesian universities and students should become neutral Four student leaders in this research acted in ways that they could get supports or participation from more students and the public. Also, they did not care about perceptions of alienation because these four student leaders wanted to stand up and to support their issues, especially in the political and social contexts in Indonesia. However, SL5 stated that he declined to participate in the Indonesian political context because: I did not want to participate because I tried to avoid becoming a part or an enemy of any political party or person because I am a campus leader. If I take political actions then my campus can become involved under my name and I did not want that. Also, UIN campus will become the legacy for juniors and I do not want my campus to be labelled as affiliated to certain Indonesian political parties (SL5, December 2015). Findings showed that student leader (SL5) realised that he as a student leader has the capacity and influence to encourage other students to participate in political actions. But, he did not want to use those advantages for politics and he tried to avoid making enemies or affiliating himself with supporters of any political side. Also, he believed a university is an independent institution, so it must occupy a neutral position without any political stand. Meanwhile, SL5 shared that he and his members agreed to an 153 action protesting the government's policy on increasing fuel prices, and he stated that this action was for policy and society, not politics. In the Reformation period, Indonesian student senates had been criticized by more radical students for the passivity and lack of initiatives by the student movement, but the University of Indonesia’s Senate leader in 1998 shared that student senates were slower and more bureaucratic, but they were more legitimate when they took action as their actions were based on clear representative mechanisms (Aspinall 2005). In this research, SL5 usually had consensus with the members of the Student Executive Board when they decided to take actions or not on political issues. In this case, they did not want to have any political stand but they still acted for Indonesian policy issues which they were moral actions that concerned the public problems, creating attention, and communicating with the government. Therefore, SL5 and the Student Executive Board used moral force thinking for their leadership and legitimation in their campus organisation. Also, SL5 mentioned the fear that other students would become disaffected with his student executive board: “I never want to use my organisation to create a blog, actions or movements of politics because I am scared that people can become apathetic about my campus organisation, also we should be identified for our intellectual power, not our political actions” (SL 5, December 2015). This student leader continued, “But many young people did not understand that universities have been too far into political praxis problems and I wanted my university to be different and not like that, so I kept guard at my university” (SL 5, December 2015). In contrast, previous research findings showed that Indonesian campus organizations provided leadership and political awareness training, which enabled young people to participate actively in their movements (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). Those recent studies tell similar stories to those of the other four Indonesian student leaders who interviewed for this study and they learned leadership and political awareness from their campus organisations that helped them to participate in political movements. The testimony of the student leader (SL5) who did not participate reveals that student activism is influenced by a range of political position. 154 SL5 has become an active digital media user and a leader of university organisations (student executive board), but those connections did not equip this student to participate more in politics. Young people are greatly connected with digital media and are thus able to increase their civic and political participation (Kahne, Lee and Feezell 2012; Ramli 2012), as well as to recover democracy and raise new types of political debates and activism, to encourage information distribution, to support deliberation, to promote mobilization and to engage in political activism (Bessant 2014). Also, as scholars argued, Indonesian youth political participation is always important, but all stakeholders must find innovative ways to motivate young people to become politically active (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005). In this research, SL5 was aware of the political situation and greatly associated with digital media in his daily life, but still did not engage in the Indonesian political contexts in traditional or new ways. The university and student leaders must be politically neutral which means they do not involve and support a specific political party, however, Indonesian student leaders should have a political stand on the political and civic issues in order they can be prepared to participate in political and civic issues. Like Aspinall (2005) argued that Indonesian universities prepare students for “entry to the professions, student activism is an apprenticeship for middle-class political activism of all stripes. Student activists were integrated into wider oppositional circles once leaders of student groups established in the 1980s graduated and moved to NGOs and other organizations while maintaining links with their old campus networks” (Aspinall 2005, p.129) From this finding, the role of Indonesian universities in linking political issues and public policy concerns into teaching discussions and management can be considered to develop and motivate students’ interests in politics. Although, this suggestion must be organized and settled carefully and excellency as previous research argued the reformation (after 1998) era have continued the political domination of education elements developed under the new order at both Indonesian national and local government with limited reformation (Rosser and Fahmi, 2016). While these researchers also found that Indonesian political and bureaucratic elites in new order era had the way to use the education system to gather resources, allocate patronage, mobilize political support, and exercise political powers. Within this system, 155 Indonesian teachers have been merged into patronage and political networks with the logic that position them as clients, voting mobilizers, and political control agents rather than agents of education and impartiality (Rosser and Fahmi, 2016). Also, digital media can be used to support political participation around Indonesia young people (Rahmawati, 2014). Therefore, this research suggests that the digital media use including using multi-platforms in social media and using creative ways with visuals and audiovisuals contents. The combination of good quality of education system and digital media use can offer a vital approach to motivate students into political issues and policy discussions thus they can become active in political and civic participation. 6.2.4 Limitations of digital media for active political participation Another reason for not participating in politics by digital media was that some students in this research believed that digital media is an ineffective tool for political participation (FGD 3 & FGD 4, December 2015 and January 2016). They admitted that new media were changing how youths perceive themselves in politics, but believed digital media are insignificant political tools to support Indonesian political participation. For example, one student from FGD 4 shared: Many people just follow some political movement because it happens online and so they just follow it. They could not understand the real situation of the movement. So, I am not satisfied with online political participation as it is not effective. If the topic is anything outside politics, then online participation is good (FGD4, January 2016). These students realized that some people engaged in online political participation not because they were into the ideas or understood the situation of that political movement but they were just following the trend of their friends or networks. Internet scholars have stated that some people use digital media for reasons such as to impress their friends and online activities do not have a connection with people’s commitment to general ideas and politics (Morozov 2011, 186). Therefore, for these students (FGD3 and FGD4), the online political participation is ineffective, uninteresting and unsatisfying for them. This implies a need for digital media users to improve their skills 156 or abilities such as digital media literacy and political literacy to develop a deep understanding of and commitment to the political and social concerns that underpin the movement or activism. Examples of such deeper level commitments were evident in live reports in their digital media networks about the demonstrations, conflicts and police restrictions of activists’ movements by the Umbrella Movement Hong Kong (Lee and Ting 2015) and in the UK student protest and the Arab Spring (Cammaerts 2015). Moreover, other students in FGD3 explained their interest to use online participation only for civic concerns but not for the politics: “Online civic participation is more effective than traditional participation because it is simple and easy to use. But, if someone uses digital media for politics then I just skip it because I am more interested in digital media for civic engagement rather than for politics” (FGD3, December 2015). These students in FGD3 are different from other students who are engaged with digital media for political participation and civic engagement because these students do not think that digital media is beneficial for politics, but rather they think that digital media is only effective for civic concerns. Indonesian students had different practices of exchanging political information than Australian students, as was discovered by Vromen (2007). These Indonesian students got information about politics from their friends and networks in digital media platforms, but they had no interest in participating in politics by digital media. However, they were very interested in demonstrations or direct participation because they believed digital media is only a new way of participation, but it is ineffective for politics and political concerns, so they became uninterested in the political information exchanged by digital media. In addition, all students in this research confirmed that they usually use digital media every day and have become familiar with digital media. Several students were aware of advantages and also disadvantages in using digital media for political participation, such as students in SL4 and FGD3. Even, SL4 used digital media in combination with traditional political participation, noting: “It makes no sense to ask people to join action as no direct interaction between initiators and participants, so until now, we cannot fully leave traditional methods, like demonstrations in front of the House of Representatives, posters, and orations for our online political participation” (SL4, December 2015). In contrast, SL1 stated that traditional media is inadequate now, 157 stating that “University students demonstrated in the streets, and those acts were useless, less appropriate and improper again. Also, street demonstrations often become conflicts, it is better to use our brain and continue what we can do with the digital technology or strategies” (SL1, December 2015). Student leader 1 saw that traditional actions (demonstrations, rallies, and protests) were related to the conflict and not effective anymore. Thus, this student leader preferred online participation, which supports the findings of previous research (Vromen, Xenos and Loader 2015) that found young people perceive politics as all about conflict and discrepancy. In this research, many Indonesian students have the perspective that politics is conflict in both offline and online environments. The familiarity of conflict in the offline political context encouraged some Indonesian students as young leaders to use digital media for political discussions and movements, but also the experiences of online conflict and slurs discouraged them from participating in the online political movement. Most students in this research usually got their political information from digital media (FGD1 – FGD5, December 2015 until January 2016) and many students added that young people should be critical of digital media. One of them shared “we should know digital media is for learning to criticize and analyse political information. We usually absorb the political information from social media but do not need to participate in politics by digital media” (FGD2, December 2015). These students got political information from their social media networks, but they tried to ignore it (like previous findings above), they also did not want to continue to the online political participation. Due to these bad online experiences, these Indonesian students often become apathetic about involvement in political movements. Those bad online experiences started with the 2014 Indonesian presidential election and traumatised or greatly affected Indonesian young people. Therefore, bad online experiences (online conflicts, fights, slurs, and fragmentation) in Indonesia should be reformed especially in social and political issues as it still happened in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election, so these young people possibly will have interest and passion to participate more. Some actions to tackle this situation must be created, like developing and 158 maintaining a conducive and tolerant environment must be implemented by collaborative actions from Indonesian stakeholders of digital media. 6.3 Conclusion There is an opportunity for young people to become more interested to participate in political concerns by digital media. However, discussions with Indonesian activists and Indonesian university and college students demonstrated that there are several deterrents to young people’s participation in political concerns and political movements (such as the Save KPK movement) through digital media. Most Indonesians in this research were conscious of the power abuses in the implementation of Indonesian cyber law, and it made them scared to talk, express, or share anything related to politics in their digital media. Also, university students did not have political motives at the beginning, but they saw the ‘dirty’ political behaviour from their fellow organisation members, and then they became unmotivated and disinterested in participating in campus organisations and even politics. The unconducive offline political environment made Indonesian students not want to participate, and this also happened in online environments. These students also expressed concerns with digital media and political participation because they had bad online experiences from their networking on digital media platforms. Moreover, Indonesian students perceived that online political participation is ineffective, uninteresting and unsatisfying for activism or a movement; they noted that some young people just followed trends to participate in politics by digital media. Devoted and literate digital media users in Indonesia must promote and develop such understanding by showing effective mobilizations, like live information about movement updates and creative political information through digital media platforms. Indonesia is not an authoritarian country anymore, but its cyber law extends the fear of freedom of expression and free speech to digital media use, especially for politics. These Indonesian students felt apathetic about politics as they did want to talk, share or discuss politics in their digital media because they avoided conflict or combative online environments among their friends and family. They had experienced bad online interactions, such as fighting, arguing and losing friendships when talking and posting 159 about politics in their digital media platforms. Therefore, good cyber laws and safe online environments for Indonesian young people must be developed and implemented by Indonesian multi-stakeholders in order to enhance online civic and political participation in democratic practices. 160 Chapter 7: Analysis of motivations, capacities and processes that bring Indonesians to participate in social and political concerns by digital media 7.1 Motivations and deterrents for participating in Indonesian social and political concerns in a democratic society Different scholarly theories about motivation are useful for analysing the interests, knowledge, and levels of confidence that lead Indonesian young people to support the process of online political participation via activism in the Save KPK movement. The previous chapters demonstrated the dissimilarity of the most commonly expressed motivation for online political participation and movement. The primary motivation for activists in the Save KPK movement was to deliver good information of KPK by digital media. The awareness of delivering good information through digital media could act as useful preventives to the distribution of fake or hoax information and strategy to win the battle of public opinion in the Indonesian digital media landscape. Also, this activists’ motivation of the Save KPK movement fits with broader conceptualisations about the essential conditions for sustainable government and a healthy democracy (Buckingham 2017; Dijk 2012; Wineburg et al. 2016). Moreover, the first motivation for students in Indonesian universities and colleges to participate in the Save KPK movement was to maintain the existence of the KPK institution. The motivation to maintain the existence of the KPK reflects an understanding that hundreds of Indonesian government officials, politicians and executives have been put in jail by the KPK because of their corruption cases since 2003 (Giacomo 2015). The KPK has emerged as the most trusted institution in Indonesia with high popular standing (Butt and Lindsey 2015). Also, the KPK has become a monitoring institution as an anti-corruption body in Indonesia. Monitory institutions use their nonalignment to become watchdogs of corruption and to protect the democratic procedures from enemies (Keane 2013). The previous research about young people’s motivation to participate in civic and political participation, which relates to internal factors like feeling, sympathy, and 161 belief (Banaji and Buckingham 2013; Carpini 2000). In this research, the finding of activists’ motivation is more into external factors, such as delivering good information about the movement via digital media that relate to combatting the distribution of bad information (fake news or hoaxes) and to reinforce political participation in order to maintain the Indonesian democratic process. However, the students’ motivation relates to internal factors, like feelings; sympathy; and belief about the KPK as an independent and credible institution. Therefore, given the KPK’s status as a respected anti-corruption institution, attempts from several institutions to weaken the KPK institution have become a strong reason for Indonesian citizens to participate in this political movement. Indonesian young people have limited access to formal political institutions and little opportunity to develop the political process, and they are not interested in participating in political parties, which makes the system disconnected from young people’s problems (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). In contrast, the creative and interactional uses of social media by young people have positive impacts on civic engagement and political participation (Ekström and Östman 2015), and use of the Internet to create and share content aimed at increasing political knowledge can result in higher levels of electoral participation by young people (McAllister 2016). Findings from this research showed that digital media have thus provided possibilities for Indonesian citizens to participate that were not accessible before. However, both respondents from the Save KPK movement and Indonesian university students had a similar main deterrent that limited their civic engagement and political participation by digital media, which was the Indonesian law, the 2008 Electronic, Information and Transactions Law/ITE Law (cyber law). The Indonesian cyber law has impeded citizen participation in political expressions or movements by digital media more generally. This cyber law has become a problem for Indonesian democracy, as international organisations have also highlighted that this Indonesian law has been used to supervise and censor the flow of online content and this law has decreased international democratic standards (Freedom House 2012; Hamid 2017). Even the Indonesian government has expressed concerns that freedom 162 of speech in digital media platforms would always be maintained in Indonesia. Moreover, the Indonesian Communications and Information Ministry’s expert staff and the government representative in deliberations on the 2016 ITE Law, Henri Subiakto stated “The Jokowi administration wants fair and democratic law enforcement. Therefore the ITE Law should be changed” (Parlina 2016). Digital media could open the opportunities for political participation and civic engagement in Indonesia, but this has been dampened by the fear factor because of this cyber law. All students in this research admitted that they use digital media often in their daily activities. However, they also expressed concerns about digital media and political participation because they saw conflicts, fights, slurs, and fragmentation around their networking on digital media platforms (social media and instant messaging). This differs from previous studies of the Internet and politics that have suggested Internet usage increases social and political participation, such that the greater usage of the Internet is associated with more online organisational and political participation, which can also be extended into offline political activity (Norris 2001; Wellman et al. 2001; Vromen 2007). This Indonesian-based research modifies these findings, to demonstrate how the greater usage of the Internet does not necessarily lead to extension into political actions or movements when participants face bad experiences or an unconducive online environment when they use digital media platforms, particularly for newcomers who are still establishing their expectations about political engagement via digital media. There was, however, a significant difference between individual participatory acts and searches for information compared to sharing or creating information about social and political concerns. This research demonstrates that Indonesian young people participated in politics through digital media, especially in the 2014 Indonesian presidential election campaign. Also, previous research found that the Indonesian presidential election campaign in 2014 used social media strategies as this was related with two factors: the majority of social media users in Indonesia were young people and the big number of young people who were registered for election (Holmes and Sulistyanto 2016). Many Indonesian young people participated in the 2014 Indonesian 163 presidential election in Indonesia, as both candidates used digital media to promote their campaigns and to reach Indonesian society. Thus, in terms of consuming information, participation was high. By contrast, it became traumatic (due to social pressure, online debates, conflict, and hatred) for these Indonesian students to participate online in politics when it came to creating, circulating and sharing information and opinions through digital media. Digital media provides opportunities for Indonesian citizens to participate more in social and political spaces, but there are also drawbacks to participation, as shown in previous research that found that new media has become a place for collective conflicts in Ambon, Indonesia (Bräuchler 2003; Hill and Sen 2002; Van Klinken 2007). for hatred and fake news in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election (Lim 2017) and for anti-social activities (Seto 2017). While democratic citizens must be tolerant of diverse social and political aspects of life, citizens should also be tolerant in their personal interactions (Margolis and Moreno-Riaño 2013). Digital media has become democratised media, providing every user with the opportunity to create and share content and opinion, but Indonesian digital media has also become a place that is closed to discussions from those with different opinions and backgrounds; in fact, Indonesian digital media seems to facilitate more individual and communal conflicts, fights, and hatred. In this situation, Indonesian citizens need to collaborate and build online environments more conducive to digital media users Previous research on technology and tolerance stated that Internet users are more open and tolerant rather than non-users in terms of difference (Robinson, Neustadtl and Kestnbaum 2004), but this research indicates that at least in the Indonesian context, there is a need to inculcate an increased culture of online tolerance to different opinions, choices and beliefs. In her proposals about digital media competencies that should be taught to school children in the USA, Renee Hobbs (2010) identified ‘reflection’ as a core skill that involves “applying social responsibility and ethical principles to one’s own identity and lived experience, communication behavior and conduct” (Hobbs 2010, 18). Drawing from the primary research in Indonesia, and applying Hobbs’ principles, it is concluded that online tolerance should be taught at all educational stages, as this could embed it in digital 164 media literacy learning, so everyone could learn and improve their online tolerance in their daily lives. Moreover, Indonesian students perceived that online political participation is ineffective, uninteresting and unsatisfying for activism or a movement; they noted that some young people just followed trends or the crowd to participate in politics by digital media. This implies a need for digital media users to improve their skills or abilities such as digital media literacy and political literacy to develop a deep understanding of and commitment to the political and social concerns that underpin the movement or activism. Examples of such deeper level commitments were evident in live reports in their digital media networks about the demonstrations, conflicts and police restrictions of movement and protests by the Umbrella Movement Hong Kong (Lee and Ting 2015) and in the UK’s student protests and the Arab Spring (Cammaerts 2015). Devoted and literate digital media users in Indonesia must promote and develop such understanding with effective, creative political mobilizations, such as the relevant and live information about movement updates and situations by digital media. 7.2 Digital media literacy is needed for full participation in social and political concerns in democratic society Many scholars argue that some of the basic, yet most important, media literacy skills for civic life in the 21st century, are the ability to understand, analyse, and evaluate online information and online news (Kim and Yang 2016; Martens and Hobbs 2015; Burroughs et al. 2009). Moreover, Martens and Hobbs add that reading and writing abilities are essential to increase young people’s critical skill of analysis in a digital age (Martens and Hobbs 2015). They recommend that: “In developing programs that support adolescent civic engagement, it will be important to ensure that digital and media literacy programs provide rich and sustained learning opportunities for engagement in reading comprehension, textual analysis, close reading and writing composition activities” (Martens and Hobbs 2015, 134). In addition basic skills (read, write, and numeracy) is also vital for accountable democratic citizenship (Burroughs et al. 2009). As Indonesian young activists also stated, “democracy focuses on how we as 165 active citizens can voice it, because we have rights to criticize if something is wrong, so democracy and Indonesian digital media could walk together, as digital media participation has a lot of channels, like using social media, writing blogs, or posting online articles in online media; therefore, digital media support democracy” (P8, February 2016). The digital media literacy skills of reading, analysing, evaluating and creating online information that are needed for full participation in social and political concerns as active citizens in democratic society. 7.2.1 The different preferences of digital media use platforms There are different types of online information that have been used by two groups of respondents in this research (participants in the Save KPK movement and Indonesian university or college students). First, Indonesian activists were more focused on text, so they tried to create more written chronologies, updates, and information about their movement on digital media and they distributed this information via their digital media tools, for instance, Facebook, Twitter, and websites. While these activists did sometimes create images, memes or visuals, it was only a small percentage of their overall online activity for the movement. However, Indonesian students are very interested in visual information, including memes, infographics, and pictures that are in digital media. They admitted that they do not like to read text, especially long passages on digital media, because it is boring or unattractive for them. So, how can Indonesian activists attract Indonesian students to the activism or movement if they have different digital platforms to use? Indonesian activists noticed that visual information is attractive and useful, but they did not prioritize it as they preferred to create and distribute text information at that time. Meanwhile, visual information was very important to be more created or maintained in order to attract other prospective markets of Indonesian people especially students as their potential supporters. Meanwhile, Indonesian people are more interested in digital and audio-visual media than traditional media in the convergence era (Tapsell 2015b); this is in line with the information provided by the Indonesian students, who really like visual information and usually, access, share or 166 talk about it with their friends. Also, a few of them could create visual information and distribute it to their friends or networks. A recent development in Indonesian digital media movements has been the use of a combination of text and visual information, including animations, digital posters, memes, photos, and videos (Lim 2013; Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). Therefore, the capacities to create information by combining visual information with text are essential, especially the capacities to create and combine images, sounds, designs, videos and texts that can mobilize information and citizens. So, the activists should expand digital activism for a larger market, simply because digital media continues to expand and change constantly and the visual information has become popular for Indonesian students, especially those affluent enough to use screen-based technologies in their daily lives. The sharing culture of media art in online campaigning is not only open to comment, but also open to remix, to edit, and to influence, so it offers more engagement with the digital networks (Lim 2013; Jenzen 2015). The adoption of editing, remixing and influencing visuals and music videos has been used successfully to support online political campaigns and civic engagement in Indonesia, but sadly, this new type of adaptation was not effectively used by Indonesian activists in the Save KPK movement. Digital media platforms that were used by the Indonesian activists were amplifier tools, best used for communicating and connecting with other activists and potential supporters, but less effective for approaching university or college students, who have different preferences of digital media platforms and digital content. The findings from this research showed that university and college students usually use Line, Instagram, YouTube and Path for their daily uses, while Indonesian activists usually use Facebook, Twitter, websites, WhatsApp, Telegram and online petitions. Also, Indonesian activists focused on text, so they tried to create chronologies, updates, and information about their movement by text on digital media. However, Indonesian students are very interested in visuals (memes, infographics, and pictures), so how can these particularly young people or students be approached by young activists in the digital world? 167 As there is an emerging digital visual ethnography practice that holds massive potential for the visual in digital content dissemination (Pink 2012). The digital visual anthropology can show about visuals as approaches to evoke “the feelings, relationships, materiality, activities and configurations of these things that formed part of the research context” (Pink 2016, 13). Given the rapid pace of development of digital media platforms, activists need to be aware of digital trends. Indonesian activists should expand the production of visual and audio-visual aspects of their content in digital media activism. Moreover, Indonesian students need to gain skills in creating online content, including written, visual and audio-visual information, so they can use their digital skills for good purposes in future online participation in political movements. 7.2.2 Critical understanding and analytical skills in Indonesian digital media content This section discusses the first of two inter-related results of this research. As was discussed in Section 6.2.1, respondents in the Save KPK movement agreed that the most important digital media literacy skills for Indonesian digital media or potential movement supporters were to critically understand and analyse online information, to verify the online information and to differentiate between real information and fake or hoax information. The research findings showed these respondents to be highly conscious of the truth, trustworthiness, and credibility of online information created in Indonesian digital media environments. Having the skill of determining accurate information is a real concern, as the circulation of fake news and hoaxes in digital media has been massive. The extraordinary access to information has happened in the digital age and this is included the continuous flows of data, facts, information, news and not all of these are correct (Burroughs et al. 2009). Indonesia is facing an epidemic of hate and hoax messages on digital media platforms, and hoaxes trigger a broken friendship, conflicts, and hostilities (Respati 2017). Therefore, digital media literacy now entails the ability 168 to think critically about online information, not only to question, criticize, and challenge the quality, veracity, credibility, and point of view of online content, but also specifically to differentiate fact from opinion, and real news from hoax news. In Indonesia, Fresly attributes this credulity to low media literacy levels (Kuwado 2017). Many scholars have found that belief in hoax information and fake news is related to digital media literacy (Buckingham 2017; Mackey and Jacobson 2016; Wineburg et al. 2016). Research has shown how such belief arises not only in the ability to use digital media but also to critically think, analyse and evaluate online information. Researchers at Stanford University recently found that even digitally savvy Americans were easily deceived by misinformation when they evaluated online information (Wineburg et al. 2016). The ability to critically think, analyse, and evaluate online information as digital media literacy is therefore essential to develop at every level of education and background of political society. Nugroho, the initiator of the Indonesian Community of the Anti-Hoax Society, considers that at a more basic level societies with a low level of literacy become fertile fields for the circulation of hoaxes; he explains that Indonesia is not a reading nation, but a ‘chatting’ nation, which leads to an increased propensity for people to uncritically believe and share information (ABK et al. 2017). The digital media literacy required to critically think about, analyse, and evaluate online information is therefore vital at every level of education and as the background of every society in order to prevent the dissemination of hoaxes and fake news. Distribution of these types of messages particularly creates problems in the digital media landscape (Raharjo 2017). For example, hoax information has triggered provocations of individuals or groups based on ethnicity, religion, race, and gender that resulting in broken relationships. The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) body issued Internet guidelines for Indonesian Muslims that prohibited Muslims from becoming social media buzzers and spreading hate speech, slanderous statements, hoaxes, pornographic material, and racial slurs, as all of these perceived as haram, or forbidden, under Islamic law (Halim 2017b). Also, the Indonesian Communications and Information Minister, Rudiantara, responded to 169 the guide: “This could support our work in containing the spread of negative content and hate speech on the internet. The fatwa will be used as a reference for our team, which also has a representative at the MUI, to determine whether to block something on the Internet” (Halim 2017b). The Indonesian government and Indonesia's top Muslim clerical body have tried to regulate the Internet environment in Indonesia, and have made positive gains. However, the regulations are more to regulate citizens about right or wrong contexts and contents, rather than about providing the digital skills to equip citizens to be active and to participate in digital media. Therefore, digital media literacy should be developed and implemented as soon as possible, because these skills could support Indonesians to analyse, evaluate, and create credible online content or information. 7.2.3 Creating digital media content for participating in social and political concerns in Indonesia The second of the two inter-related results was that the most important digital media literacy skill identified by Indonesian university and college students is the ability to have creativity and innovation in creating digital media content. These students made use of their resources and experiences to create online content that often related to their hobbies, interests, or trending topics. Indonesian young people are confident to use these media socially, but they need to overcome fears about using them for political and democratic activities. As discussed by Livingstone, et al. (2004), content creation as the main area of digital literacy is crucial to the democratic agenda and positions digital media users not just as consumers, but also as citizens. This research identified different types of online information that have been used by the three groups of respondents. Respondents in the Save KPK movement were more focused on text, so they tried to create chronologies, updates, and information about their movement by text on digital media and they distributed this to all their digital media tools, for instance, Facebook, Twitter, and websites. Even though these activists sometimes created images, memes and visuals, these were only a small percentage of their online information. By contrast, the Indonesian students were very interested in 170 visual information, including memes, infographics, and pictures in digital media. Indonesian students admitted that they did not like to read the text, especially long texts in digital media because they found them boring or unattractive. Indonesians are more interested in digital and audio-visual media rather than traditional media. In addition to their strong preference for visual media and content, Indonesian students usually access, share, and talk about this content with their friends, and some also have the capacity to create visual information and distribute it to their networks. As I discussed with Lim (2013) that the Prita case and the KPK 2012 movement represented a participatory culture with the adoption of passionate amateurs in Indonesia when Indonesians created more visuals such as animations, digital posters, songs or video compilations. Moreover, Indonesian young people usually use social media to find information, chat, and create and distribute memes, photos, and videos in order to support their candidates, or attack their opponents, as was seen for example in the 2014 Indonesian presidential election, which saw campaigns by social media (Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). Therefore, there is still a necessity for those who are interested in attracting the attention of young Indonesians to democratic or civic causes to develop digital media literacy in creating content or visual media, such as the skills of creating blogs, good visuals, infographics, and videos. The adaptation of editing and remixing music videos to influence viewers has been used successfully to support online political campaigns and civic engagement in Indonesia, but this new type of adaption was not effectively used by Indonesian young adult activists in the Save KPK movement, as many Indonesian activists in this research were not aware of the potential of such activities. Most information was disseminated by Twitter and websites, whereas Indonesian students have been using different visual platforms frequently in their daily life, such as Path, Instagram and YouTube. Also, different online experiences can influence different interests or concerns regarding the digital media literacy, as Indonesian students identify creating online content and information as the most important skill of digital media literacy, rather than analysing or evaluating online information or content. 171 7.2.4 Online privacy and safety issues for supporting the digital movement There is an ability to understand online privacy and safety issues, for example, the understanding about data ownership, digital media convergence, online privacy, and the sphere of creative innovation are required to improve digital media use for online movement across different media platforms with security and confidence (McGillivray et al. 2016). Most respondents in the Save KPK movement were highly aware of privacy and safety issues online as they developed ways to protect online information and conversations relating to the Save KPK movement. In contrast, the issues of online privacy and safety represented a limited concern for Indonesian young people. It is not surprising that awareness of online privacy and safety issues in Indonesian students is low, as this reflects an overall lack of awareness or concern among Indonesian people that their private or personal information could be misused by irresponsible people (Tampubolon 2017; Raharjo 2017), despite cases of identity fraud or even social media profile replication (Raharjo 2017). Awareness of issues of online privacy and security is necessary for young people as they become critical digital citizens (McGillivray et al. 2016), and increased learning by Indonesian young people about online privacy and safety could support democratic practices by enabling them to participate safely and confidently in digital media. 7.2.5 Learning and implementing digital media literacy in Indonesia These findings of the most important digital media literacy types for participating in democratic movements and civic activism help to inform what types of digital media literacy most need to be developed. Puspitasari, a communication lecturer at the University of Indonesia, emphasised that digital media literacy should be implemented in the basic education curriculum, as Indonesian children and young people are particular targets for provocation in digital media because the majority of Internet users in Indonesia are young people whose critical thinking is not well developed (AGE 2016). Of the other research participants, an Internet activist, expert and politician (DM3, DM5, and P10) similarly shared that Indonesian politicians exploited digital 172 media for their own political interest, especially by “using intermediary agents (public figures or celebrities) and social media to interact and attract young people to support or choose political parties” (DM5, January 2016). A curriculum that covers digital media literacy would be very beneficial for Indonesian students and children to address every provocation in digital media critically, and they could become active in political participation as democratic citizens. Moreover, an important lesson from previous research about citizens in democratic societies is that media literacy prepares citizens for democratic engagement by providing them with knowledge about media audiences, effects, institutions and messages (Burroughs et al. 2009; Martens and Hobbs 2015). Participation in the public sphere is enabled through media literacy as young people increase their direct experience with the practices of online publication, discourse, discussion, and collective action (Rheingold 2008). Research in European contexts has found that the opportunity to interpret, create, remix, collaborate, and distribute creative contents using variant digital media is part of critical digital citizenship and should be implemented in school programs (Johnson et al. 2014). Therefore, based on the evidence from this research, I argue that to increase digital media literacy among Indonesian young people, such as students and young activists, it is necessary to support, provide and implement digital media literacy learning through both formal and informal education to target as many young people as possible. First, media literacy education (formal education) must be developed in all school education so that every Indonesian young person can get opportunities to learn digital media literacy. Second, community-based media literacy education (informal education) must also be developed in Indonesia, because this research found that most Indonesian students learnt digital media literacy from communities and organisations (inside and outside higher-education institutions). As young people joined and participated in gatherings, forums, seminars and workshops, these experiences helped them to learn and understand digital media literacy. Previous research with Indonesian university students in communication majors found that these students were not critical with their online information, which shows that Internet literacy also must counter the negative effects of information dissemination in 173 online media (Adiarsi, Stellarosa and Silaban 2015). Purbo also states that basic literacy and numeracy skills are important issues because poor ICT skills and a lack of awareness or cultural adaptation of the new technology remain barriers (Purbo 2017). Communication students in Indonesia still lack digital media literacy; even though they should be familiar with the media field and literacy because of previous research, not all of them are able to critically analyse and evaluate online information. However, there is one positive example of digital media literacy programmes by FemaleDev that could increase levels of digital media literacy of Indonesian women university students, but these programmes are still limited and only on a small scale projects because the training or workshop programs are conducted for limited participants and in limited areas (Suwana and Lily 2017). Therefore, Suwana and Lily (2017) suggested that Indonesian communities or organizations of digital media need to do collaborations each other and to expand their programmes broadly in Indonesia (Suwana and Lily 2017). In the Indonesian context, the simplest strategy to improve Indonesian young people’s digital media competence could start from the campus or school. One academic stated that students must learn competency in creating and distributing online content, especially about social concerns, and in being conscious of social needs (DM2, January 2016). Digital media literacy programs also need to be accompanied by civic education to promote critically active citizens or active participation. The formal education of digital media literacy for civic goals should be deployed in high school as students in these two years of schooling are aged around 17 to 18, while Indonesian voting age is 17 (Tumenggung and Nugroho 2005), so this is appropriate timing to equip and encourage students of their rights and opportunities as citizens to participate in democratic practices. Furthermore, Indonesian multi-stakeholders must develop digital media literacy programmes that are suited to Indonesian society (especially students, parents, and teachers). Moreover, Indonesian President Jokowi used several social media, including Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, to engage with Indonesian society, especially inviting younger generations to participate in Indonesia’s development (JP 2017). The Indonesian 174 government has been concerned to adopt digital media in order to encourage engagement among Indonesian young people. It has also been implementing an ongoing programme of the third five year period (2015 - 2019) of Nawacita, a program that is targeted to build technology infrastructures in villages and remote places around Indonesia (DM 1 & DM 7, January and February 2016). So, alongside providing technology infrastructure, the Indonesian government must also improve digital media literacy equally across Indonesia to ensure equitable access to digital skills and knowledge necessary for meaningful civic and political participation. This could also increase mutual engagement between government and society in social and political concerns. 7.3 The challenges of activism in the digital environment Digital media are generally positive in coordinating and mobilizing participation among the experienced activists. New media is a powerful tool for protest movements, because it makes activism easier and cheaper due to the capacity to communicate, coordinate (Bennett and Segerberg 2012; Denning 2001; Mitu and Vega 2014) and post information online rather than using traditional media like radio or television (Bennett and Segerberg 2012; Mitu and Vega 2014). The young adult activists in the Save KPK movement used these digital tools (instant messaging, social media and websites) to communicate with the public, especially to raise their awareness, recruit participants, coordinate information, and mobilize people for online and offline actions. The Save KPK movement showed the “networked space between the digital space and the urban space” (Castells 2012, 14) when the movement mobilized people by digital media to gather together at the KPK’s headquarters in Jakarta. The coalition group preferred to use digital tools when they organised their activism. This confirms Lim’s observation that social media offers a space for Indonesian young people in particular to participate as part of the consumption, creation, and sharing of their ideas, knowledge and culture (Lim 2013). The Save KPK movement used digital media to create autonomous spaces that combined online and offline movements and activism. There is a rise of a new type of digital “connective action” in digital activism 175 or movements, and several characteristics of this action include communication and coordination by online digital media, voluntarily based, with no organizational infrastructure, and no central leadership. On one hand, this action occurred in the Save KPK movement and it was beneficial because the group could develop into a largescale of networks from different backgrounds, experience and digital media literacy skills to support the movement and pressure the Indonesian government or elites to take decisions about conflict between Bambang Widjojanto and Budi Gunawan. On the other hand, this action could become a weakness for the movement, because a reliance on volunteerism makes it hard to maintain focus on issues due to the lack of coordination among the initiatives of the many people gathered in a loose connection, and no clear leadership, which led to the group having a limited lifespan. 7.3.1 Connective action in the coalition group of the Save KPK movement Research with the Indonesian digital media initiators found the majority of Indonesian people involved in civic action do not primarily identify as activists, but as employees, housewives, husbands, students and teachers, as they have obligations to their family and daily needs. Digital media helped to network these types of people who could not go to the streets to protest, but who could use digital media. A similar finding arose from the study of the Save KPK movement, as the group had particular digital media strategies (websites, Twitter, Facebook, and online forums) and types of supporters that it targeted (labourers, university students and employees). The activists also developed and discussed several tasks in their coalition group and they divided those strategies by person in charge to upload information, timing to upload information, and creating content of the movement issues. Then, they created a timeline that could be achieved by this person in charge to conduct their tasks. Moreover, the KPK organisation has its own official web pages as well as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube accounts and the coalition group also had all of these digital media platforms. Thus, there were cross-platforms of digital media in which these coalition groups supported each other when they ran the movement. For example, if 176 the information was posted on the activists’ website, another activist just copied it to a tool or digital media platforms, so that the information could be easily shared and disseminated to Indonesian society. Digital media could even help to coordinate between activists in Jakarta and activists in other areas, such as Aceh and Yogyakarta. This is similar to connective action, as the participants have access as never before to communicate their strategies and use them in digital media. Therefore, digital media offered strategic tools that helped the Save KPK movement spread information to become an Indonesian national issue. The digital media that were used by the participants in the coalition group can be characterised as amplifier tools, best for communicating and connecting with other activists and potential supporters but lacking -capacities to approach Indonesian students. The findings indicate that Indonesian activists should expand their communications to more of the digital media platforms that are popular with their target audiences. Indonesian people use Instagram, LINE, Path, and Telegram (Jurriens and Tapsell 2017), and Indonesian young people make particular use of use Twitter, Path, Instagram, YouTube, Tumblr and Facebook, as well as WhatsApp, Blackberry Messenger, LINE, Kakao and WeChat (Adiarsi, Stellarosa and Silaban 2015). Given the rapid pace of development of digital media platforms, activists need to be aware of digital trends in Indonesian culture. 7.3.2 Indonesian society can pressure the Indonesian government to take action Digital media can be used as alternative media to create, develop, and participate in public issues to empower citizens with democratic values such as openness, transparency, and egalitarianism, so they become active citizens for pushing the Indonesian government. The participants of the Save KPK 2015 coalition group used digital media to become alternative media to counter dominant discourses. This fits with the ideas of Dahlberg (2007), that digital media has been used for counterdiscourses to contest the dominant voices, for example: “counter-discourse is constituted by the circulation, deliberation and articulation of issues, identities, 177 positions, etc., which have been excluded from, and thus stand in opposition to, dominant discourses” (Dahlberg 2007, 837). Several Indonesian activists explained that digital media can become an alternative to the mainstream media because digital media provides a place for everyone who wants to write about their opinions, perspectives and comments, and thus, digital media can publish alternative content to that discussed in the mainstream media (DM4, DM6 & P7, January and February 2016). Moreover, Indonesian activists and students continued that digital media can be used to spread information about controversial issues, for example, religion and religious tolerance (DM4, DM6 & FGD4, January 2016). The issue of minority religions has been discarded from mainstream media discourse in Indonesia, as religion is still considered a sensitive or minority issue in Indonesia. Therefore, digital media could become alternative media to convey controversial or minority issues in Indonesia. Also, Papacharissi (2015) stated that people connect with affective and join online movements without “having to enter into a complex negotiation of how their personal politics aligned with the ideology of collective. Instead, individuals could simply express allegiance with the general idea of resistance mobilization and occupy capitalist structures through tweets” (Papacharissi 2015, 78). This is similar to the Save KPK movement, where the action could only pressure the Indonesian government to take action, but overall that action did not change the public policy in relation to the issues of the KPK. For example, the case of Bambang Widjojanto was continued and there was also a proposal for the revision of KPK laws to weaken the KPK’s role in eradicating corruption. This is also related to the second motivation of Indonesian citizens to participate in the Save KPK movement, which is to maintain the existence of the KPK. This motivation of this movement is only at the level of advice as Indonesian citizens only could give advice to the government. Meanwhile, Indonesians must be equipped to negotiate and engage more with the government, like creating and implementing regulations that could protect the existence of the KPK institution. 178 7.3.3 The drawbacks of volunteerism style in the Save KPK movement There are social and political movements emerging in Indonesia that invite people to participate as volunteers, for example, to become part of the political branding strategy of governor candidates in Jakarta, like Jakarta Ahok Social Media Volunteers (Jasmev2017) and Teman Ahok (Friends of Ahok) (Lim 2017) and to monitor the votes in the 2014 Indonesian presidential election which is Kawal Pemilu (Election Guardians). Meanwhile, “the Kawal Pemilu’s volunteers entered Indonesia’s national stage at a time of acute need when the republic’s hard-earned democratic order seemed under threat“ (Postill and Saputro 2017, 142). Kawal Pemilu was developed by three tech-savvy Indonesians who live abroad and who recruited 700 volunteers to enter the results from every polling post and successfully crosscheck most of the votes in one week (Postill and Saputro 2017). Postill and Saputro found these online volunteers discussed and distributed individual stories about how these volunteers sacrificed their time and enjoyment to participate in data activism without payment (Postill and Saputro 2017). Also, the success of using volunteers during the election suggests that the Indonesian election was perceived as a misuse of ordinary societies by influential political actors, instead of the fair competition in election processes (Postill and Saputro 2017). The power situation is similar to the Save KPK movement after Bambang Widjojanto was arrested as a police suspect, which was perceived as a threat against KPK as a monitoring institution from Indonesian elites. Indonesian people like to have personal messages or talks rather than public messages, and therefore digital media platforms like WhatsApp and Telegram, in addition to Twitter, were used to recruit volunteers in the Save KPK movement with the personal or group chatting applications. These resemblances with digital media activism usually rely on friendship-based recruitment (Gerbaudo 2012; Seto 2017). Indonesian activists tried to recruit volunteers from their friendship groups or networks to invite them to their coalition online group by Telegram. However, in this research, Indonesian students usually use LINE and Instagram as their platforms to communicate and find information, so the activists or protest initiators could enlarge 179 their target market of participants not only based on their friendship networks on WhatsApp and Twitter, but they could also use LINE and Instagram to attract and recruit young people (outside of networks) to participate in their social and political movements. Online civic participation used to involve informal groups without discipline systems to maintain participation sustainability (Seto 2017). In the Save KPK movement, the coalition group was run informally by volunteers with different backgrounds and activities as they participated in the movement for only short time periods. This resembles the Coin for Prita or Kawal Pemilu (Election Guardians) movements in Indonesia that were temporally or spatially time-bound (Postill and Saputro 2017). Also, the Facebook participation in the “Save Darfur Cause” in the US showed a lack of commitment, as it declined faster than the fast support and diffusion of the protest itself (Lewis, Gray and Meierhenrich 2014). The research findings indicate that the Indonesian volunteers were not paid but they were professionals who sacrificed their time to join, participate and support the Save KPK movement, so they do not have obligation or supportive mechanism to support it. The volunteerism style in the Save KPK movement became drawbacks for this political movement. Previous Indonesian digital movements, such as the Election Guardians and the Prita Campaign, experienced engagement of volunteers and campaigns that was not sustained, in common with the overall movement, and both movements were quickly dropped (Postill and Saputro 2017). These Indonesian volunteers who were not being paid than had no commitment, supportive mechanisms or obligations to sustain their support of this movement in the longer term, with many volunteers leaving the coalition group while Bambang Widjojanto was still a police suspect. In this research, the commitment, supportive mechanisms or obligations of participants are very important to maintain the online political movement’s continuity in Indonesia. This is echoed the finding of commitment to participate in online political movements is fundamental in the West and the Arab world (Gerbaudo 2012). 180 7.3.4 Loose networks in the digital network for coordination Digital media is a mix of technology and content, and movements’ use of digital media can be beneficial for the initial coordination and also reach participants to join the movement, because of digital media’s characteristics. Many people in this research (5 digital media initiators, 12 participants in the Save KPK movement and 5 Indonesian student organisation leaders) had the same thought regarding the fact that digital media can facilitate coordination between the sender and the receiver of online content and information. This is relevant in the Save KPK movement, as the people who were invited or mobilized by digital media were active and literate in digital media skills and the Indonesian digital media field. Digital media helped activists to communicate, coordinate and share experiences in the political movement that went beyond what face-to-face can do and beyond distance and physical space to communicate and coordinate. Coordination is important for activists because they can increase understanding and awareness of the movement’s issues. Also, digital media can disseminate digital information very fast and in real-time. This can trigger the speed of information dissemination so that the fast information can create better coordination between the senders and recipients of online information. All respondents from the Save KPK movement said that they used WhatsApp and Telegram for interpersonal communication and better coordination as they used the features of group chatting on these platforms. Digital media has substituted formal organisations as this new media allowed the acts developed on personal actions instead of collective actions and the activism is shared and supported by digital platform (Vicari and Cappai 2016). These digital media platforms like WhatsApp and Telegram supported the participants in the coalition group to engage in digital media activism, both personal and collective actions. The participants in this research could use intrapersonal communication on WhatsApp and Telegram as well as public communication on Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube to mobilize Indonesian society to support and engage in the Save KPK movement and they did not separate their personal or public communication. Most of them used 181 specific digital platforms like Path and Instagram only for their personal purposes. However, in the context of the Election Guardians’ activism, the volunteers divided their digital media use between personal communication (WhatsApp) and public communication (Facebook and Twitter) and these volunteers shared that their online accounts and contents could expose them as Jokowi electorates (Postill and Saputro 2017). Findings in this research found dissimilarity as most participants in the coalition group of the Save KPK movement also supported President Jokowi; however, these respondents did not separate their personal and public use of digital media platforms, as when they agreed to participate, they were aware of being critical towards Jokowi’s government regarding the Save KPK issues. Many participants in digital media activism have loose networks and often do not know others in the group, so this could lead them to lack coordination. While digital media can support the movement without the necessity of coordination at the actual time of the movement, these media could still offer important channels of information for people to act (Lee and Chan 2015a). Digital media platforms can provide essential information about the movement but no obligation to have the real-time coordination of the movement by the participants. In contrast, some respondents raised the issue of lack of coordination by noting that when the number of actors involved in the Save KPK movement was increasing, many of these actors had their own initiatives and actions, which they did not coordinate with their digital or coalition groups. Also, in the connective action era, conventional organisations are either preoccupied or just in charge of a free coordination of actions (Bennett and Segerberg 2012). Therefore, this happens in the case of the Save KPK movement, the organisation members have loose network in their online group. These members also were not recognized for their work or community organisation, so they could not gain ownership of the strong and tight coordination of their actions. However, participants in the coalition group of the Save KPK movement voluntarily participated, shared, communicated and coordinated their ideas, initiatives, and actions so there is no mechanism or obligation to keep maintain that movement. 182 7.3.5 The loose leadership model of social networks in the Save KPK movement The leadership of movements supports participants to engage broadly with people who are not automatically movement supporters, but who could become potential supporters. Participation leadership is a role that drives the social mobilization behind a protest movement (Lee and Chan 2015a), while leaders or initiators are crucial at the beginning to expand the movement (Margetts et al. 2015). Recent research about the Umbrella Movement found a positive relationship between participation leadership and two digital media activities (online debates and mobile communication) to mobilize others (Lee and Chan 2015a). Engagement in the online debate was more strongly related to participation leadership and support provision (Lee and Chan 2015a), which reflects trends in this Indonesian research. Also, social movements that occurred in previous years in the West (Occupy Movement) and the Middle East (Arab Spring) indicated leaders utilized digital media for social movement (Chen and Liao 2014; Gerbaudo 2012). The use of social media for contemporary activism does not automatically eliminate the need for leadership (Chen and Liao 2014; Gerbaudo 2012; Papacharissi 2015), but such movements have seen the rise of choreographic leaders (Gerbaudo 2012) and technologically and politically savvy leaders (Chen and Liao 2014). Movements in the logic of connective action often operate without leaders, because participants have been gathered through calls to action, and self-organizing movements spread easily across networks without central decision-making authority (Papacharissi 2015). However, digital media do not deprive the leader of movements, but rather allow a distribution or crowdsource form of leadership constructed on more involvement in mobilization and reportage (Papacharisi and Oliveira 2012). Moreover, Gerbaudo (2012) continued that social media is for participatory communication, but not everyone has the same level of influence on actions; meanwhile, top Facebook admins and activists obtain unequal degrees of influence on communication, and also on choreographing of their actions (Gerbaudo 2012). These previous findings reflect that leadership is very necessary to initiate and maintain Indonesian social and political movements and this leader must have different levels of influence to coordinate, 183 communicate and mobilise the participants for actions, to maintain issues in the social movement, and also to negotiate with the government. As online debate requires participants to engage discursively with many people, including those for and against the movement and also people who are not movement supporters, when someone tries to mobilize others they may need to convince others about the legitimacy of the movement, and people who often debate with movement opponents should be better prepared for this (Lee and Chan 2015a). Therefore, the leader or central authority of the movement plays a vital role in disseminating information and mobilizing people to participate. Unfortunately, the flexible and freestyle of the Save KPK movement showed no leadership and only weak-tie digital networks. Gladwell (2010) explained in The New Yorker that digital media platforms are built around weak-ties (Gladwell 2010). Social media are not a type of hierarchical system, for example, Facebook is a tool for building networks, but not hierarchies and not organize by central authorities. Also, the consensus is for decision making and the ties that connect people into the group is loose (Gladwell 2010). Therefore, the leader or central authority of the movement plays an important role in connecting, coordinating and mobilizing people to participate longer and to attach more in the group for maintaining the issue and the purpose of the movement. The findings on the Save KPK movement found that the movement did not last long and interest in the issue dropped quickly because the coalition group in that movement lacked the commitment, priorities, and resources to support the movement. This occurred because the group used voluntary participation in its connective actions rather than hierarchical structures and leadership, so people had no obligation or mechanism to stay in the movement and the coalition group lacked the leadership to maintain it. As digital networks do not have a centralized leadership and strong lines of authority, so they have difficulty in reaching consensus, setting goals, and thinking strategically, which often leads to conflict and error (Gladwell 2010). Hierarchical and leadership structures are still important cultural elements in Indonesia political movement, while different movements in different countries would have different cultures to manage. 184 The movement or participation leader could be a formal or informal member of an institution or organisation (Lee and Chan 2015b). Also, as Indonesia is characterized by high power distance and collectivism, a specific leader is required (Irawanto 2011). Therefore, the leader of a digital movement could be a formal member of Indonesian institutions. For example, the leader in the Save KPK movement could be an official staff member from the KPK, as this institution has already been perceived as a good, independent institution in Indonesia and the KPK officials usually engage and coordinate with many people through internal and external groups. So, these advantages could be effective in developing relationships, providing information, and maintaining the coordination and communication in the coalition group. Moreover, this leader should be skilled at networking with non-governmental organisations and be a self-mobilised citizen (Lee and Chan 2010), good networking skills with multistakeholders, activism experiences, and digital media literacy skills, as these three groups could provide could provide their experiences of protest and skills in activism. Indonesia needs a strong and inspirational leader because a leader is essential in traditional politics; previous research showed that strong leadership has become important in the Indonesian policy-making process (Datta et al. 2011), and plays a role in shaping the popular vote in Indonesian elections (Liddle and Mujani 2007). The importance of a leader in political movements is also relevant in this digital and political environment. A leader can offer motivation, knowledge, skills and emphasize collective identity and action to cause members to merge their power and collaborate in the movement. Every digital movement should have interesting strategies to adapt to the culture and surrounding environment, so it can improve the effectiveness of this new type of social and political movement. Therefore, this thesis has argued that leadership should be proposed for Indonesian digital media activism as leaders could direct and coordinate the members of coalition groups to gather and act and also to support their motivation, knowledge, and skills for political participation. 185 7.4 Conclusion This research found that the greatest motivations of activists in the Save KPK movement were different from Indonesian university or college students. The first motivation of activists was delivering ‘good’ information about the KPK to society. Meanwhile, the phenomena of fake news or hoax information are becoming widespread and a problem globally not only in Indonesia. The awareness of delivering good information through digital media could act as useful preventives to the distribution of fake or hoax information and strategy to win the battle of public opinion in the Indonesian digital media landscape. This activists’ motivation of the Save KPK movement is relevant for sustaining government with healthy democracy practices. Moreover, Indonesian university and college students were motivated to maintain the existence of the KPK institution in Indonesia, which led these young people to participate in the Save KPK movement. Related to this was a desire and belief to save the KPK as an independent and credible institution to eradicate corruption in Indonesia. Indonesian cyber law has impeded all respondents in political expressions or movements by digital media, thus this law becomes a problem for democracy development. Indonesian students also expressed apathy with online political participation because they saw conflicts, fights and slurs in digital media platforms. This differs from findings in previous studies of the Internet and politics that stated that Internet usage increases social and political participation, and greater use of the Internet is associated with more online organisational and political participation, which can also be extended into offline political activity (Norris 2001; Wellman et al. 2001; Vromen 2012; Vromen, Xenos and Loader 2015). The findings of this Indonesian-based research present an alternative possibility to these studies, to demonstrate how the greater usage of the Internet does not necessarily lead to extension into political actions or movements when participants face bad experiences or an unconducive online environment, particularly for newcomers who are still establishing their expectations about political participation via digital media. 186 Digital media also provides young people with unique resources to participate in civic engagement and political movements in Indonesia. There were differences in digital media tools/platforms being utilised by Indonesian activists and students in their activism. Indonesian activists usually used Facebook, Twitter, Websites, WhatsApp, Telegram and Change.org, which mainly use textual information. In contrast, Indonesian students usually use Line, Instagram, Path and YouTube for their daily uses, so they are dominated by visual information. Also, there was a preference for Indonesian university or college students to be more visually oriented, rather than text oriented. So, Indonesian activists could isolate a single focus issue of the movement and combine written information about it with visual information, such as pictures, memes, and videos to address this challenge. The capacity to represent political information has been extended because it now requires more than simple text. This era of digital activism requires visual information. I found two different results regarding digital media literacy among Indonesian activists and students. First, the respondents in the Save KPK movement were highly conscious about the truth, credibility and reliability of online information created in Indonesian digital media. The skill of creating and analysing information is vital and having accurate information is essential given the massive circulation of fake news and hoaxes in digital media. Second, the most important digital media literacy skill for Indonesian students is the ability to create digital media content. These students shared that the comments below their postings or status in digital media became unpleasant as they felt that other people attacked them verbally if they posted something about politics and others disagreed. So, they wanted to have the skills to write and argue effectively via digital media. Given the rapid pace of development of digital media platforms, activists need to be aware of digital trends. Indonesian activists should expand the production of visual or audio-visual aspects of their activism in digital media, while Indonesian students must develop the digital media literacy required to create online content, including text, visuals and audio-visuals. These young generations will need to use their digital skills for good purposes in civic engagement and political participation in the future. Digital media participation reduces the distance of power decisions in public affairs, so it 187 generates opportunities for society to create public pressure. In the Save KPK movement, the action pressured the Indonesian government to take action, but overall that action did not change the public policy in relation to the issues of the Save KPK movement. For example, the case of Bambang Widjojanto continued after this research had been conducted and also there was a proposal for the revision of KPK laws that would weaken the role of the KPK again. Volunteers in the movement did not have the commitment and mechanism to maintain the issues and stay in the movement longer-term because there was no established organisation or a leader to guide, coordinate, and maintain these volunteers, as the leadership for political movement is still important in Indonesia. Also, distinguishing the advantages and disadvantages of the connective action used in the Save KPK movement can help in the development and maintenance of future social and political movements. 188 Chapter 8: Conclusion of motivations, capacities and processes that bring Indonesians to participate in social and political concerns by digital media 8.1 Indonesian social and political context for the development of digital media Indonesia is the third largest democratic country in the world, but, paradoxically, Indonesia still has undemocratic institutions and practices that should be substantially reformed. One important area that must be reformed is ongoing corruption. However, the Indonesian political arena has become relatively free and open in the postauthoritarian era and the Reformation period, but elite figures still dominate the political situation and parties. Accordingly, Indonesian citizens need to support and maintain civic engagement and political participation in expanding democratic processes in Indonesia. Indonesian digital media have assisted civil society and organisations to manage the internal operations and external aspects of their political activity, for example, civic activism and socio-political engagement. Furthermore, Indonesians use digital media politically to support democratic practices and institutions. However, while digital media practices in Indonesia have promoted more young people than ever before to engage in civic and political activism, there is little knowledge about the processes, motivations and capacities that lead them to explore or extend their civic engagement and political participation. My research aimed to investigate whether Indonesian young people have been able to understand and meaningfully use digital media specifically for civic engagement and political participation to support democratic processes in Indonesia. Two subquestions covered two dimensions: motivations and capacities. To answer the main research question, this research also analysed the drawbacks and processes of digital media activism in Indonesia, especially with the case of the Save KPK movement. 189 8.2 Digital media use by Indonesian young people to engage in democratic practice 8.2.1 Indonesian young people’s motivations in the use of digital media for civic engagement and political participation Motivation is an important part of the digital movement because it is the stimulus of that movement, including the access to and the use of digital media. In this research, the motivations and capacities of Indonesian young people were explored to examine how these young people utilize digital media for civic engagement and political participation in Indonesia. The findings regarding motivation in this research triggered an investigation to determine the purposes behind digital media use, including the experiences, interests and skills that lead Indonesian citizens to support the process of online political participation, as in the case of the Save KPK movement. The first motivation of the respondents in the Save KPK movement was delivering ‘good’ information about the KPK to society. This thesis argues that passion about and interest in delivering good information and anti-corruption messages in Indonesia could help to motivate Indonesian young people to participate in online political and social movements. As I discussed previously, Norris (2001) states that confidence, knowledge and belief in the democratic process are important for citizens to participate more in politics by digital media, as was the case with the Save KPK movement’s respondents. This is because Indonesian activists have developed their confidence, knowledge, and belief from their involvements with digital media use in previous political actions and movements. Also, this primary finding of motivation differs from previous research about motivation to participate in civic and political participation, in which participation was related by Banaji & Buckingham (2013) and Carpini (2000) to internal factors like feeling, sympathy, and belief. The findings regarding activists’ motivations are more –related to external factors, such as delivering good information about the Save KPK movement via digital media, combatting the distribution of bad information (fake news or hoaxes), and reinforcing political participation in order to maintain the Indonesian democratic process. 190 The phenomenon of fake news or hoax information is becoming widespread and a problem not only in Indonesia but also globally. The awareness of the need to deliver reliable information through digital media could act as a useful preventive to the distribution of fake or hoax information and a strategy to win the battle of public opinion in the Indonesian digital media landscape. As discussed earlier with regard to Buckingham (2017), Van Dijk (2012), and Wineburg et al (2016), the vital condition for sustainable government and a healthy democracy is that every citizen has access to reliable and credible information and can make quality decisions from that information. Therefore, Indonesian activists were motivated to deliver reliable information as they believed every Indonesian citizen must be able to access and deliver reliable and valid information on politics to protect the democratic process and decision-making in Indonesia. The democratic political process depends upon ‘good’ information (reliable and credible) that supports citizens to accurately decide on and participate in civic and political actions, as the quality of democracy means connecting the real and sovereign citizen participation in politics. However, the Indonesian students’ motivations to participate in the Save KPK movement related more to internal than external factors, like feelings of sympathy and belief in the KPK as an independent and credible institution. Therefore, the existence of the KPK as an institution was another important reason for being active and participating in the Save KPK movement. This research found that Indonesian students believed that they must participate to protect the existence of the KPK as Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission. Meanwhile, corruption issues are still public problems in Indonesia and many Indonesians wanted this to change. Some respondents felt a responsibility to help the KPK as they had a sense of belonging to the KPK. Therefore, Indonesian young people who were concerned about corruption in Indonesia used the Internet to access information, to express, and to mobilise people in the Save KPK movement. When Indonesians already had a good perception of and satisfaction with the KPK institution, it became easy for them to continue to participate in the Save KPK movement and to make a better change for Indonesia. This is because the KPK institution was developed by civil society, so when threats to the existence of the institution arose, it became a call for Indonesian civil society to protect the KPK. 191 In addition to the analysis of participants’ motivations to participate in the Save KPK movement or political action by digital media, this research also analysed the deterrents to online participation in Indonesia. The greatest deterrent to participating online in the Save KPK movement and politics is the Indonesian cyber law or ITE Law, as this law creates fear in participants to express and to share opinions online. The ITE Law is often misused to silence public comment that threatens certain interests (Freedom House 2015a; Postill and Saputro 2017). Indonesian students in this research also stated that the ITE Law could put them in police custody or jail if they shared something related to politics or government on digital media. All respondents in this research also noticed that people who have power had used this ITE Law to oppress less powerful people or citizens. In authoritarian regimes, the Internet is not free from restriction because these countries feel insecure over the level of freedom of speech on the Internet (Denning 2001; Morozov 2011). Indonesia is not an authoritarian country anymore, but the cyber law extends the fear of freedom of expression and free speech for Indonesians who use digital media. Importantly, the Indonesian government has to protect its citizens and, in a democratic country, the laws are made to govern the citizens, not to oppress them. Every citizen should be free to create, share and participate in civic engagement and political participation (Suwana 2016a). The revision of the ITE Law in 2016 has been applied for, but the results of the revision do not meet public expectations. Therefore, the accurate instructions of Indonesian law prosecution officers and the courts for digital cases must be enhanced by Indonesian legislators in order to avoid inappropriate prosecutions in the future and to allow digital media to flourish in the social and political sphere in Indonesia. Moreover, another important deterrent for Indonesian students in the Save KPK movement and in other political participation in Indonesia is the bad political situation in Indonesia. This part was also analysed in Section 6. As stated before, Indonesia is still a new and unstable democracy struggling with political and social problems. Most Indonesian students in this research dislike and are even upset with political situations in a range of environments, including general, campus and digital media environments, and they always try to avoid online conflict and social pressure. This situation also 192 echoes Lim’s (2017) research of the 2017 gubernatorial election in Jakarta that showed that “who perceive their opinion group as ascendant, such as members of pro- and anti-Ahok groups, are more likely to express their opinions publicly whereas those who perceive their opinions to be in decline choose to silence themselves in order to avoid the threat of social sanctions, isolation, and conflict” (Lim 2017, 12). In the digital environment, Indonesian young peoples’ previous bad experiences (conflict, confrontation, bullying, or misunderstanding) with their political expression could lead to apathy about political participation or expression. This thesis concludes that bad online experiences in politics affected Indonesian students, resulting in their decision not to participate in online political actions. Findings from the Indonesian students’ group showed that digital media have provided possibilities for Indonesian citizens to participate that were not accessible before. However, students in this research became apathetic with digital media and political participation because they saw conflicts, fights, slurs, and fragmentation around them, especially in their digital media platforms (social media and instant messaging). These bad experiences and an environment unconducive for political participation by digital media decreased online political.. This differs from previous studies of the Internet and politics that have suggested Internet usage does increase social and political participation, and that greater usage of the Internet is associated with more online organisational and political participation, which extended into offline political activity (Norris 2001; Wellman et al. 2001; Vromen 2007; Vromen, Xenos and Loader 2015). However, the extension into political actions or movements because of greater usage of the Internet could not happen with Indonesian university or college students because these students had excessive Internet use (in section 5.3) and also bad experiences of online political participation in their digital media platforms. There is a significant relationship between Internet use and individual participatory actions (Vromen 2007; Bakker and De Vreese 2011) that includes finding or sharing information about the community and political concerns. In this research, Indonesian young people participated in politics, especially the 2014 Indonesian presidential election campaign, through digital media. Many Indonesian young people started to participate in politics during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election, as both 193 candidates used digital media to promote their campaign and reach the Indonesian society during their presidential election campaigns. However, it became a traumatic experience (due to social pressure, online debates, conflict, and hatred) for Indonesian students to participate online in politics. As a result, more usage of the Internet in an unconducive online environment could also create more apathy concerning online and offline political participation. Most Indonesian students did not have any confidence to participate in political practices as they had had a bad experience of politics in general and on campus. The bad political experiences and situations in campuses and nationally have made them withdraw from political practices, and this is a dangerous situation for Indonesian young people as they will become the future generation and the catalyst for maintaining democratic practices. Indonesian young people, especially university students, have developed a reputation for playing a prominent role in high-stakes and controversial political issues (see Section 2.3.1). If the Indonesian political and online environments remain unconducive, it will continue the decline of political participation through digital media by Indonesian university students, which could create danger for the sustainability of democracy in Indonesia 8.2.2 Indonesian young people’s capacities for digital media literacy can support full participation in civic engagement and political participation Findings from interviews with respondents in the Save KPK movement showed twelve respondents agreed that the most important digital media literacy skills for Internet users or potential supporters in Indonesia are to critically understand and analyse online information, because these respondents first need to verify the online information and they must be able to differentiate between real information and fake or hoax information. These Indonesian young people had the ability and understanding to analyse and evaluate information in digital media and they are really concerned about the truth, trustworthiness, and credibility of online information that should be created in the Indonesian digital media environment. The skill of getting accurate 194 information is a real concern as this is connected to the biggest motivation to deliver good information in the digital movement. These two findings are related to the circulation of fake news and hoaxes in digital media that have been a massive problem in Indonesia. The digital age has provided extraordinary access to information as well as a bombardment of facts, data, and news which is not all correct or true (Burroughs et al. 2009). Digital media have been changing how citizens access and receive information, and respondents in the Save KPK movement are concerned with accurate information and prevention of fake or hoax information. Indonesia is facing an epidemic of hate and hoax information on digital media platforms (Raharjo 2017; Respati 2017). The public can easily believe hoaxes or false information in digital media because of their digital media literacy, not only in the ability to use digital media and to access information but also to critically think about, analyse and evaluate online information. Some arguments to support digital media literacy are important to navigating misinformation in online, like Stanford researchers found in their research into American young people that “many young people lack the skills to distinguish reliable from misleading information. If they fall victim to misinformation, the consequences may be dire” (McGrew et al. 2017, 7). Also, these researchers suggested that young people need to understand the information background (sources, evidences, and additional sources) in order to make judgments about information credibility (McGrew et al. 2017) Similarly, in the Indonesian context, hatred and hate speech in social media happen because the media literacy level of Indonesian society is very low (Kuwado 2017). Therefore, it is vital that people at every level of education advance the digital media literacy to critically think about, analyse, and evaluate online information. The respondent group of Indonesian students in this research also admitted that critical understanding and analytical skills in digital media helped them to analyse and evaluate online information from social media, online portals, and instant messaging. The ability to look for and find information from many sources, to compare and evaluate that information, and to understand the idea of media content could become important processes and capacities in digital media literacy for Indonesian young 195 people. Several students were already concerned about analysing and evaluating online information, especially when they were able to compare the online news from different online news portals or sources. However, not all Indonesian students in this research had those abilities and none talked about crosschecking information when they get online information from their social networks. This shows that Indonesian young people easily trust in and become passive about online information, especially when they get it from their networks or peers. The competencies of critical thinking for online media include being able to analyse a message’s credibility, reliability, and perspectives and also including to consider potential consequences (Hobbs 2010). Critical thinking also includes competencies of understanding (the ability to grasp meanings from the media content, including capturing ideas published on different platforms), analysis (the ability to deconstruct messages), synthesis (to remix and reconstruct media content) and evaluation (to question, criticize, and challenge the credibility of media content) (Lin et al. 2013). All these digital media competencies or literacies require that everyone should not simply perceive media content as neutral or real, but rather should be critically aware that online media content is biased and social constructed. This research proposed that every Indonesian young person must have the ability to analyse and evaluate online information (especially to avoid fake news or hoax information) as it could lead to educational transformation, and the combination of digital media literacy and crosscultural education could promote acceptance of differences and the dynamics of opinions, thoughts and beliefs in the offline and online world. There is a need for every citizen, including Indonesian young people, to analyse online information in order to have reliable and credible information so they can make informed political decisions to support and maintain the democratic processes in Indonesia. Moreover, interviews and focus group discussions revealed that most Indonesian students claimed that the most important digital media literacy skills for young people to participate in political or social concerns in Indonesia are the ability to create online information with creativity and innovation. These students made use of their resources and experiences to create online information in their digital media activities related to their hobbies, interests, or trending topics. Digital media literacy skills are important 196 and urgent for Indonesian students to overcome their fear and anxiety to freely create, share and participate in politics and social concerns by digital media. The adaptation of editing, remixing and influencing music videos has been used effectively to support online political campaigns and civic engagement in Indonesia. However, the new type of audiovisual adaption was not effectively developed by Indonesian activists in the Save KPK movement, as the citizen responses were very limited on YouTube (in terms of likes and postings) and many Indonesian students in this research were not aware of this political movement. This was because most information disseminated on Twitter and the Save KPK website focused more on the text. Only three out of twelve activists created visuals (posters, infographics, and memes) that were distributed online, which is a small number of people compared to all of the respondents in the Save KPK movement who created online content or textual information. Moreover, in their daily lives, Indonesian students had been using digital media platforms with strong visual components, such as Path, Instagram and YouTube. Therefore, there was a gap in digital media content between Indonesian activists and students that should be resolved. Indonesian activists should expand the production of visual (infographics and memes) and audio-visual (videos) aspects of their activism information in digital media, while Indonesian students need to gain skills in creating online content, including text, visuals and audio-visuals, so these young people can collaborate and use their digital literacy for good purposes in future participation. Internet ethics are essential for digital media users in terms of interaction, information sharing, updates and commenting on the digital media environment. Internet ethics were not only concerns for these activists and students but also for the Indonesian government to overcome the distribution of negative online content in Indonesia. Findings in this research suggested that open-mindedness and self-reflection are essential for ethical online usage and participation. This would help digital media users accept differences with others, and even make some students aware that online ethics could help them to control emotions and to prevent the offensive behaviour, conflict and hoax information. 197 The findings also show that sensitive issues and emotional aspects in digital media use can become concerns that trigger conflict or fights in their digital social networks, so it was not only language use that should be the concern of online ethics. Only a few Indonesian students were concerned about online ethics in this research; however, the Indonesian government has developed online ethical guidelines for social media usage and for preventing hoax information’s circulation in digital media activities and platforms (NTA et al. 2017). Therefore, guidelines regarding online ethics must be implemented in order to educate and protect Indonesian society. Also, online tolerance, such as the ability to tolerate the existence of different opinions, beliefs and behaviours, must be promoted and applied in the collaboration of multiple stakeholders in Indonesia and online ethics helps to generate a conducive and safe digital environment. Importantly, some activists of the Save KPK movement were highly aware of privacy and safety issues online as they developed ways to protect their online information and conversations. As there was a concern that public officials had been intercepting conversations in WhatsApp (instant messaging application) in Indonesia, the activists became concerned with the privacy and safety of conversations during that movement, especially in choosing the digital media platforms for communication or coordination and distributing their information or content. These activists’ skills and knowledge about privacy and safety issues applied not only to social media platforms, but also to instant messaging platforms in Indonesia, as these respondents had experience in digital media activism and online privacy as some of them worked in the NGO and had good online networks with other formal or informal organisations in Indonesia. As a result, the experiences and background of activists and digital activism in Indonesia could help them to protect themselves and implement strategies for their online privacy and safety. However, only two out of forty students were concerned with the privacy and safety of the use and sharing of personal information in digital media. Most often, Indonesian young people equated maintaining privacy with limited concerns. It is not surprising that the awareness of online privacy and safety issues among Indonesian students is very low, as digital media literacy is limited in Indonesia, and many Indonesian people 198 are not concerned about their privacy or personal information that could be misused by irresponsible people (Tampubolon 2017; Raharjo 2017). Digital media literacy of ensuring online privacy and safety are also vital to promote to Indonesian young people because these skills can support them to safely access and confidently participate digitally across issues, contexts and platforms. The Indonesian government has been concerned to adopt digital media to increase engagement in Indonesian citizens including young people. Therefore, the government must improve digital media literacy equally across Indonesia as it has been implementing the Nawacita program. The government needs to ensure equitable access to the digital skills and knowledge necessary for meaningful civic and political participation, so it is not only providing technology infrastructure but also digital media literacy and political knowledge to increasing mutual engagement between the government and society in social and political concerns. Also, another governmental strategy is required for Indonesian curriculum, like the national Minister of Education must implement digital media literacy in the school curriculum, engage more ICT teachers and provide schools with better internet access, to assist the process of improving internet skills and competence among young Indonesians. It is hence necessary to propose digital media literacy that is developed by collaborative and continuity programmes of multi-stakeholders (academics, civil society, corporate, and government) rather than periodic and disperse digital literacy campaigns from different stakeholders. Therefore, Indonesian education curriculum and national collaborative projects of digital media literacy must be developed, implemented and promoted together by Indonesian multi-stakeholder. 8.3 The process of digital media activism in Indonesia The last discussion point in this research focuses on digital media activism as a process. Digital media activism can support both online and offline activism, and several 199 examples show that digital media has supported civil society mobilization in Indonesia, particularly the Save KPK movement in this research (Coronel 2003; Davies and Harris‐ Rimmer 2016; Mietzner 2012; Nugroho et al. 2011; Nugroho and Syarief 2012). The young adult activists explained their experiences of first forming virtual networking groups with the KPK movement’s initiators in WhatsApp, and then moving to Telegram. This group became a coalition group that collaborated on online and offline acts as part of a larger coalition group in the Save KPK movement. The strategy of digital activism in the Save KPK movement used big coalition groups or networks of groups that contained activists, public figure, officials, and politicians who were invited to join the Save KPK movement. Also, they could utilize their roles and expertise to create online information with political messages to support the movement. The analysis of the coalition group in the Save KPK movement showed that the group collaborated on various strategies and actions to support their movement. Although they were from different communities and organizations, they were joining together in one network to use digital media to connect, coordinate, communicate and mobilize. Likewise, digital media use in the Save KPK movement has brought about what Bennet and Segerberg’s term connective action, which is the ways that digitally networked communication enables individuals to personalise expression of a movement's objective outside of the boundaries of social movement organization. However, this personalised expression style became a drawback for the Save KPK movement as many participants did not coordinate their actions by digital media. The coalition group in the Save KPK movement used social ‘weak-tie,’ voluntary networks without a leadership system, as this was connective action. The connective action logic used by Indonesian activists was very beneficial for their coalition group because it made it easy to coordinate, communicate, and mobilize easily with other members of the group, and also to effectively mobilise information and citizens through digital media during the movement. However, this connective action through digital media did not maintain the issue of the Save KPK movement long enough for the participants to negotiate with the Indonesian government. A scholar argued that people connect with affective and join the movement online “without having to enter into a complex negotiation of how their personal politics aligned with the ideology of 200 collective. Instead, individuals could simply express allegiance with the general idea of resistance mobilization and occupy capitalist structures through tweets” (Papacharissi 2015, 78). This situation happened in Indonesians who only expressed and participated in the save the KPK but they did not continue to further actions like to negotiate about the KPK with the Indonesian government. This research found the Save KPK movement’s participants used digital media to express their ideas and actions about releasing Bambang Widjojanto and protecting the KPK as an institution. Moreover, those expressions and actions only advised the government in the case of the Save KPK movement, but the decisions were still made by the Indonesian government. As a result, in Arnstein’s (1969) level of participation model, the Save KPK movement’s political participation is only level five or tokenism, where the ‘have-nots’ (less powerful citizens) can hear and talk, but they do not have the power to assure that their views are noticed by the ‘haves’ (powerful citizens) (Arnstein 1969). Therefore, this research suggested Indonesian citizens must enter the next level of participation in their political engagement, a level in which they are able to negotiate with the government, for example proposing regulations to support the existence of the KPK institution. Also, findings showed the issues of the Save KPK movement were dropped quickly because participants lacked personal political priorities, general commitment, and resources to support the movement because they were volunteers without obligations to coordinate and maintain the movement; they entered to simply express their ideas and actions. Movements in the logic of connective action are leaderless (Cammaerts 2015; Castells 2015; Papacharissi 2015; Bennett and Segerberg 2013) and this is because participants have been gathered through personalised calls to action, and selforganizing movements spread easily across networks without a central decisionmaking authority (Papacharissi 2015; Bennett and Segerberg 2013). Also, researchers have argued that digital media could not deprive movements of their leaders, although the distributed form of leadership is constructed through more involvement in mobilization and reportage (Papacharissi and Oliveira 2012). The leaders of political movements still need to apply connective logic to recruit, expand and communicate easily with their members; however, these leaders must able to motivate, coordinate 201 and mobilize participants in the movement’s objectives and goals, make decisions, and also negotiate their group’s objectives and goals with the government. Therefore, this research argues that a strong leader is still important in conducting and maintaining social and political movements. In this case, another suggestion is that KPK officials could have become leaders of the political movement (i.e., the Save KPK) and volunteers in the coalition group. The leadership and hierarchy culture are still vital in Indonesia. Thus, the leader could gather volunteers, maintain the issues of the Save KPK movement, and struggle together for the existence of the KPK as anti-corruption commissions or independent institutions in Indonesia. This is because whoever has taken up the role of participatory leadership and undertaken a wider range of actions is considered to be more deeply engaged in the movement. In this case, I propose that a leader from the KPK would be able to convince or debate with other people if necessary, as this person would have good knowledge of the institution itself and would already have experience of the Save KPK movement’s digital media actions. In general, the leader of digital activism also needs political knowledge, digital media literacy, and activism experiences in order to communicate, coordinate, direct and maintain effectively the digital activism in Indonesia. Also, recognizing difference cultural values in every digital movement is essential as different cultures use digital media in different ways to support political movements, so this helps to give insights into creating effective styles that match with the cultural context of the political movements. Moreover, the Indonesian students showed the ability to act collaboratively using digital media platforms. These collaborative actions included sharing knowledge and solving problems in their environments, and participating as community members at the local, national, national and international levels. In Chapter 5, all four student leaders in interviews and some students in focus group discussions had collaborated with internal stakeholders and participated at the national level in issues including the Save KPK movement and other digital activism. But only two of five student leaders had collaborated with external networks, and most students in focus group discussions had not collaborated with external networks, or participated in or mobilized people in politics (national and local contexts) because these students were not interested in 202 Indonesian politics. If these students fall into political apathy, the consequences can be dire for Indonesian democracy. Young people need to recognize digital media platforms and practices that might help them to construct and share information, to mobilize people, and to publicize their activism, but because they have not built their social and political movements, they require strong support from educators and adult mentors (Shresthova and Jenkins 2016). Similar to other Indonesian young people who need to safely access and confidently participate in the digital age with several civic and political issues, context and platforms, therefore, they would not struggle by themselves to create or participate in digital activism. Moreover, Indonesian young people must have collaborative projects and vigorous support from communities, educators, corporates and the government that provide formal learning (digital media, politics and leadership), more opportunities to use digital media to participate, and national programmes that could increase their confidence, interest and participation in civic and political issues. Indonesian students will become the future’s leaders in social and political movements, so it is important that they maintain and improve democratic practices and institutions in Indonesia. 8.4 Theoretical and practical implications This research connects the process of digital media research (motivations, capacities, and activism) with civic and political participation, in order to enhance both fields. In the field of digital media research, most current academic attention focuses on digital media for civic and political participation (Bennett 2014b; Lee and Ting 2015; Norris 2001; Vromen, Xenos and Loader 2015) or digital media literacy for civic and political participation (Burroughs et al. 2009; Kim and Yang 2015; Martens and Hobbs 2015). Also, there are relatively small numbers of existing studies about digital media processes that combine the motivations for and deterrents of digital media use, digital media literacy and digital media activism, especially in the Indonesian context, as existing research explores more into the benefits of civic and political participation (Lussier and Fish 2012; Nugroho et al. 2011; Ramli 2012; Tumenggung and Nugroho 203 2005) and digital media for activism or participation (Gazali 2014; Lim 2011; Nugroho and Syarief 2012; Postill and Saputro 2017; Yasih and Alamsyah 2014). The development of digital media platforms has been rapid and also there has been increasing online participation globally. Therefore, linking digital media literacy and digital media activism with online civic and political participation is beneficial to improve knowledge in both areas of study. This research found different online experiences influence different concerns of digital media literacy. For instance, Indonesian activists are more concerned to analyze and evaluate online information, rather than create online information, which is the main concern for Indonesian students. These Indonesian activists usually become initiators, while students rarely become initiators of digital movements; thus, this research concluded that different online activities influence different levels of digital media literacy for digital activism. Moreover, the previous research discussed the motivations for online civic and political participation (Carpini 2000; Gladwell 2010; Norris 2001). However, this PhD research addressed the motivations for and also the deterrents of online civic and political participation. This could be beneficial to find not only the interests, but also the problems that make some people became active or apathetic with social issues and politics, and then to engage in or disengage from democratic practices. These findings of the interests and problems of online participation are beneficial to develop targeted programmes to enhance the motivation or to solve the problems of civic and political participation in Indonesia. The programmes and solutions must be able to attract young people to participate more in real commitments and good knowledge. Moreover, the connective action has been used to analyse the process of digital media activism in the Save KPK movement as the characteristics of this action showed how the digital media platforms modify the core of the activism process. Therefore, this research gives further insight into the development concept of digital media activism, especially the advantages and disadvantages of digital media use in political movements, because there are different cultures and contexts, especially Eastern perspectives in this research, that have mainly been analysed previously with Western perspectives of theory. On the practical level, identifying the motivations and 204 capacities (digital media literacy) for civic engagement and political participation is essential to develop robust online civic and political participation in Indonesia and other developing democratic countries. A better understanding of these motivations and digital media literacy strengthens the ongoing digital movements and activism to trigger the new digital movements and activism in Indonesia. This research is helpful to give insights into the developing democratic countries in order to maintain democratic practices and institutions in the digital era. Also, this research agreed with the principal of multi-stakeholders to be sustained for governing the Indonesian digital environment as the Indonesian government stated about the principal multi-stakeholders (academics, civil society, government, and industry) to govern Indonesian ICT in the Declaration of Indonesia Internet Governance Forum (Adminigfid 2014), so Indonesian multi-stakeholders must keep collaborate to develop digital media literacy learning (formal and non-formal) that improve citizens’ capacities. The collaboration of multi-stakeholders must create advance regulation and community systems to maintain the healthy and safe online environment for digital media users. Lastly, the knowledge developed from this research is beneficial for similar research in other countries, especially those which have problems with their democratic practices. 8.5 Limitations and implications for further research In terms of research scope, this research only recruited participants who lived in Jakarta and the surrounding areas (Depok and Tangerang), Indonesia. It should be noted that Jakarta is a special case for Indonesian online civic and political participation, as this city is central to the Indonesian government. It is also central to the growth of digital media users, with Jakarta being the city with the fourth most active Facebook users in the world (Nguyen 2017) and the ‘most active city on Twitter’ (Lipman 2012), while other digital media platforms, such as Instagram, LINE, Path, Telegram and WhatsApp, are being used (Jurriens and Tapsell 2017). However, the sample in this research is only a limited group of Indonesian digital media users representing Jakarta; therefore, the research should continue to expand to another city in Indonesia, especially cities that have established connection points for Internet 205 Service Providers, such as in Medan, Pekanbaru, Batam, Palembang, Bandung, Solo, Jakarta, Semarang, Yogyakarta, Surabaya, Denpasar, and Malang (Indonesia Investments 2016). Based on the conclusion and limitations above, this research suggests some viable directions for future research on related topics. Firstly, the theoretical framework of this research could be applied to investigate other digital media users in different countries. Secondly, the findings of this research are a reference point for the research of digital media literacy and digital media activism for civic and political participation in Indonesia and other developing democratic countries, and also for the research of the radical Islamic movement in Indonesia, as this radical movement has been rising in Indonesia offline and online. Secondly, analysing the data related to digital media processes with online civic engagement and political participation from a quantitative approach and using digital methods could become a further strength of this topic. Lastly, analysing visual data of political movement with digital ethnography could become future research pathway. 206 Appendices Appendix A: List of Participants of Indonesian Digital Media Initiators 1. Arief Aziz, communications director and co-founder of Change.org Indonesia, a profit organisation to facilitate online petitions and actions for social and political concerns (January 15, 2016) (DM1). 2. Hersinta (lecturer of STIKOM LSPR), digital media educators the person who lecturer in a university (January 18, 2016) (DM2). 3. Heru Tjatur (Board of Management of ICTwatch and Internet Sehat/Healthy Internet and CTO detik.com), Internet activist and practitioner as the people who actively run the non-profit organisations of Internet and media online board management who actively supervises day-to-day operation, development and performance of detikcom IT & Product Management (January 12, 2016), (DM3). 4. Maulida Raviola (General Coordinator at Pamflet), digital media activist as young activists who have expertise in young people and digital media in Indonesia (January 15, 2016) (DM4). 5. Onno W. Purbo (founder of Onno Centre), digital media expert as the person who uses online means or the Internet to protest and advocate public actions and urge for positive policy change in public concerns (January 20, 2016), (DM5). 6. Resa Temaputra (Co-Executive Director at Public Virtue Institute), digital media activist as young activists who have expertise in young people and digital media in Indonesia (January 15, 2016), (DM6). 7. Septriana Tangkary (The government official as Director of Informatics Empowerment Application Directorate General of Indonesian Ministry of Communication and Information), digital media policymaker as the representative who set the plans pursued by the government (February 1, 2016), (DM7). 207 Appendix B: List of Participants of Student Leaders in Indonesian Universities/Colleges 1. The Vice President of the Student Senate of Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya (December 3, 2015), Graciama Putri Kathleena (SL1). 2. The President of the Student League of STIKOM LSPR Jakarta (December 7, 2015), Rio Yudhoyono (SL2). 3. The President of the Student Senate of Universitas Trisect (December 22, 2015), Muhammad Puri Andamas (SL3). 4. The Leader of the Student Executive Board of Universitas Indonesia (December 16, 2015), Andi Aulia Rahman (SL4). 5. The Leader of the Board of Students of Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah (December 4, 2015), Muhammad Ulum (SL5). 208 Appendix C: List of Participants in Focus Group Discussions in Indonesian Universities/Colleges 1. Focus Group Discussion of Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya (December 3, 2015): Aprilia Fitrianingrum, Aryo, Engeline Widjaja, Galih Prasetyanto, Gisella Graceca Yolanda, Scholastica Kirana Baabanni (FGD1). 2. Focus Group Discussion of STIKOM LSPR Jakarta (December 7, 2015): Aidha Savitri, Anissa Putri Nash, Atika Rahma, Melyana, Olivia Goldie P, Regina MT, Wafi A (FGD2). 3. Focus Group Discussion of Universitas Trisakti (December 8, 2015): Adiva Alaiza, Aprilia Dewi Hamani, Hazrina P. Nabilla, Hirgiani, Muthiah, Novreza Dwi H, Qori Amalia (FGD3). 4. Focus Group Discussion of Universitas Indonesia (January 29, 2015): Dhani Setiawan, Ismah Naqiyyah, Melodya Apriliana, Muhammad Wiryo Susilo, Nabila Reysa Utami, Rizki Murti Ayu (FGD4). 5. Focus Group Discussion of Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah (December 4, 2015): Ahmad Sutisna, Avianti Paramitha, Elsa Carinta Putri, Fakhri Fajar, Muhammad Rifki Purnama, Rakha Khairul A, Rifda Shida Nadia, Tsizy Aqila Primadina (FGD5). 209 Appendix D: List of Participants of the Save KPK movement 1. Aditya Megantara (Head of Strategic Campaigns of the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute), NGO member who is concerned with law issues and uses digital media to protest and advocate for public actions and urge for positive policy change in public concerns (January 26, 2016), (P1). 2. Agus Sarwono (Advocacy & Campaign Program Manager at TII), NGO member who is concerned with corruption and transparency issues and uses media (online and offline) to protest and advocate for public actions and urge for positive policy change in public concerns (January 27, 2016), (P2). 3. Asep Komarudin (Head of Research and Advocacy of the Legal Aid Institute for the Press), NGO member who is concerned with law issues and uses digital media to protest and advocate for public actions and urge for positive policy change in public concerns (February 4, 2016), (P3). 4. Damar Juniarto (Regional Coordinator of SAFEnet and Creative Group Head at Artek 'n Partner Communications), an Internet activist who has expertise in the Internet and digital media in Indonesia and creative workers in advertising agencies (January 4, 2016), (P4). 5. Freddy Reynaldo (Director of Development the Networking Intra Commission and Institution at KPK/Corruption Eradication Commission), KPK official staff who works in the KPK institution (December 16, 2015) (P5). 6. Lia Toriana (Youth & Volunteerism Program Manager at TII), NGO member who is involved in youth, corruption and transparency programmes and uses media (online and offline) to protest and advocate for public actions and urge for positive policy change in public concerns (February 3, 2016), (P6). 7. Pradipa P. Rasidi (Digital Media Assistant at Youth Proactive), a young activist who has expertise in young people and digital media regarding corruption issues (February 3, 2016), (P7). 210 8. Rukita Wustari Widodo (Youth & Volunteerism Program Officer at TII (Transparency International Indonesia), a young activist who has expertise in youth, corruption and transparency programmes (February 3, 2016), (P8). 9. Sabam Rajagukguk (Gerindra Party), politicians and member of the political party who supports KPK (January 4, 2016), (P9). 10. Tama Satrya Langken (Coordinator of Law and Judiciary Monitoring at Indonesian Corruption Watch/ICW), NGO member who is concerned with corruption and transparency issues and uses media (online and offline) to protest and advocate for public actions and urge for positive policy change in public concerns (December 14, 2015), (P10). 11. Taufik Basari (Nasdem Party), politician and member of the party that supports or the Save KPK movement (January 26, 2016), (P11). 12. Ulin Yusron (social media activist, freelance journalist and Editor in Chief of Varia.id), an Internet activist who has expertise in digital media and traditional media (January 2, 2016), (P12). 211 Appendix E: Sample Questions for Semi-Structured Interview (Student Leaders) 1. What types of media do you prefer to use in your everyday life? 2. I’m going to mention different types of new media or digital media. Please let me know if you use these digital media (email, social media, Blackberry messages, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, Skype, Facebook, blog, Pinterest) and other types of websites or social media? How often do you use them? 3. What types of activities are you engaging in with these different types of digital media 4. What information do you access and share with digital media? How about political information? 5. What do you usually do when you’ve got information from digital media? 6. Have you created online information by digital media? What topics of online information have you created? 7. Have you personally engaged in online political participation (online protests, citizen blogging, online petitions and online charities)? If yes, on what issues? If yes, what’s your contribution to that? 8. Why are you interested / not interested in doing online political participation? (For example, participating in the Save KPK movement) 9. What types of activity do you usually do in online political participation (consuming/ commenting/contributing/commentating)? 10. What motivates you to use digital media instead of using other forms of media communication in undertaking online political participation? 11. What skills do you think will be needed to participate in online political participation? Have you learned these skills yourself? 12. What’s the important factor to make young people interested in undertaking online political participation? 212 Appendix F: Sample Questions for Focus Group Discussions (University/College Students) 1. What types of media do you prefer to use in your everyday life? 2. I’m going to mention different types of new media. Please let me know if you use this digital media (email, social media, Blackberry messages, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, Skype, Facebook, blog, Pinterest) and other types of websites or online services, or other social media? How often do you use it? 3. What type of activities are you engaging in with these different types of digital media? 4. What information do you access and share with digital media? How about the political information? 5. What do you usually do after you get online information from digital media (analyse, share or nothing)? 6. What types of messages or communication do you create with digital media, and who do you send these communications to? Are any of these messages or communications political in their nature? 7. Have you personally engaged in online political participation (online protests, citizen blogging, online petitions and online charities)? If yes, what’s your contribution to that? 8. Why are you interested / not interested in doing online political participation? (For example, participating in the Save KPK movement) 9. What types of activity do you usually do in online political participation (consuming/ commenting/contributing/commentating)? 10. What motivates you to use digital media instead of using other forms of media communication in undertaking online political participation? 213 Appendix G: Sample Questions for Semi-Structured Interview (the Save KPK movement) 1. As a person involved in the Save KPK movement in 2015, you are a politically active citizen. How have you become involved in political or social movements? 2. Do you think that your involvement in political or social movements needs political or/and technological literacy? 3. What motivates you to be politically active in Indonesia? 4. Do you think there are differences between digital media and traditional media that help citizens to be politically active in Indonesia? If yes or no, why do you think that? 5. Do you think that there is a separation between using digital media for personal life and political and social action? 6. What is your participation in the Save KPK movement? 7. Do you think that the Save KPK movement is supported by digital media? 8. What types of digital activity (for example: consuming, commenting, contributing, or commentating) have you done in the Save KPK movement? 9. What is your main interest to participate in the Save KPK movement? 10. What motivates you to participate in the Save KPK movement? 11. What is the important factor to make citizens interested in undertaking political and social activism by digital media, for example, the Save KPK movement? 12. Based on your experience, what are the main advantages and disadvantages of using digital media to support political and social activism in Indonesia? 214 13. What do you think about the relationship between digital media and political communication in Indonesia? 14. 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