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DECOLONISATION THROUGH ‘DEVELOPMENT FILMS’:
CONSTRUCTING AND RE-CONSTRUCTING THE ZAIRIAN SPIRIT
ON FILM
Zoppelletto, C.
This is an electronic version of a PhD thesis awarded by the University of Westminster.
© Ms Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2020.
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DECOLONISATION THROUGH ‘DEVELOPMENT FILMS’:
CONSTRUCTING AND RE-CONSTRUCTING
THE ZAIRIAN SPIRIT ON FILM
CECILIA ADRIANA ZOPPELLETTO
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of
the University of Westminster
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
ABSTRACT
This study critically contributes to the understanding of decolonisation in postcolonial Africa
through documentary films by investigating a decolonial moment, a bold attempt to disentangle
an ex‐colonised part of the world from coloniality by infusing the indigenous Zairian spirit into
national film. This is a study of the cultural politics, on film, of the Second Republic of Zaire
(1965-1997), now the Democratic Republic of Congo, the research explores the portrayal of
the national image on film. This study identifies a particular mode of filmmaking that
contributes to nation-building through the concept of ‘development films’. The term proposed
for Zairian films is drawn from Domatob and Hall’s (1983) analysis of the rise and limitations
of development journalism in Black Africa since independence. Through this study, the author
intends to rediscover a collective understanding of the function of film as a tool to promote and
educate towards progress in the newly born nation of Zaire by looking at filmmakers’
participation in promoting the government’s ideals through the Pan-African practice of
development journalism, and political activism through media. The research project
Decolonisation Through ‘Development Films’: Constructing and Re-Constructing the Zairian
Spirit on Film is based on interviews with Congolese filmmakers who were active during the
Zairian period, together with the author’s research and digital restoration of films, including
Salongo (1975) and Election 1970 (1970), which had been written off as being lost or unusable.
These were found through fieldwork in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Belgium.
Through textual analysis and extra filmic information, this research explores these films as
reflecting and sustaining the ideological changes brought about by Mobutu’s cultural
revolution and the expressions of Zairian culture that are imagined for the population. The
research’s aim to reconstruct the Zairian spirit is not to revive a political momentum that is
associated with a political flag, rather, it is to acknowledge a lost national filmography as part
of the history of the country which has been erased by the political elite that followed, as well
as being erased by natural agents in the archives, which therefore deprived the country of the
possibility to reflect critically on its own history through part of its national iconography.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................3
CHAPTER 1 POLITICAL THOUGHT AND MEDIA ASSIMILATION ..........9
1.0 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 9
1.1 Decolonisation and the Second Republic ...................................................................... 10
1.2 The Second Republic, the Zairian spirit and the Party Manifesto ................................. 14
1.3 Authenticity .................................................................................................................... 21
1.4 Zairianisation ................................................................................................................ 31
1.5 Mobutism ....................................................................................................................... 38
1.6 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 43
CHAPTER 2 AN AUTHENTIC STUDIO FOR ‘DEVELOPMENT FILMS’ ..45
2.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 45
2.1 Development media and Zairian ‘development films’ .................................................. 46
2.2 Thomas Elsaesser’s methods for framing ‘development films’ .................................... 55
2.2.a Film as event ........................................................................................................... 56
2.2.b Media archaeology through the Three As ............................................................... 60
2.3 The independent approaches of African and Zairian Film ............................................ 64
2.3.a Aspirational cinema for development ..................................................................... 70
2.3.b African, national and authentic film ....................................................................... 76
2.4 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 82
CHAPTER 3 THE ZAIRIAN ARCHIVE, CONSTRUCTION AND RECONSTRUCTION .............................................................................................84
3.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 84
3.1 The Zairian archive ........................................................................................................ 86
3.1.a Construction and re-construction ............................................................................ 88
3.2 Research procedures, archival ethnography .................................................................. 93
3.2.a Cinematek - The Royal Belgian Film Archive ....................................................... 94
3.2.b The archives of the Radio Télévision Nationale Congolaise RTNC ...................... 97
3.2.b.i Interviews ....................................................................................................... 100
3.2.b.ii The 16mm library .......................................................................................... 107
3.2.b.ii.1 Identifying, finding and cleaning the films ............................................ 113
3.2.b.ii.2 Screening the films ................................................................................. 116
3.2.b.ii.3 Permission to transfer the films for digitisation ..................................... 117
3.2.b.iii The Umatic library ....................................................................................... 118
3.2.b.iv The photo library .......................................................................................... 120
3.3 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 122
CHAPTER 4 ELECTION 1970 New politics and the traditional Chief ..........124
4.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 124
4.1 Film data and synopsis ................................................................................................ 126
4.2 Citizenship on-screen .................................................................................................. 130
4.3 Equality and inclusivity ............................................................................................... 149
4.4 Coining tradition .......................................................................................................... 155
4.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 159
CHAPTER 5 SALONGO The Zairian as defined by labour ............................161
5.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 161
5.1 Film data and synopsis ................................................................................................ 165
5.2 Dance as embodied Authenticity and performative reverence..................................... 172
5.3 Mobutu awakens the labourer, the apotheosis of the nation........................................ 184
5.4 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 195
CHAPTER 6 LA COMPAGNIE MARITIME ZAÏROISE and GECAMINES LA VOLONTÉ DE REUSSIR Zairian industrial modernity ..............................196
6.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 196
6.1 Film data and synopsis La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise.......................................... 200
6.2 The militant company .................................................................................................. 202
6.3 Film data and synopsis Gecamines - La volonté de reussir ........................................ 209
6.4 Inserting the omitted protagonist of modern history ................................................... 213
6.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 223
CONCLUSION ................................................................................................225
APPENDIX I ....................................................................................................237
Interview with Simon Kintenda Ki Mata, Kinshasa 20th July 2016 ................................. 237
Interview with Pierre Mieko, Kinshasa 4th August 2016 .................................................. 240
APPENDIX II ...................................................................................................245
LA COMPAGNIE MARITIME ZAIROISE ........................................................................ 245
GECAMINES - LA VOLONTÉ DE REUSSIR ................................................................... 251
APPENDIX III .................................................................................................262
REFERENCES .................................................................................................263
FILMOGRAPHY .............................................................................................276
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................278
LIST OF IMAGES
Inauguration of La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre (1976). Recognisable in the picture, Mobutu, and,
to his right, Moktar Ould Daddah, the first President of Mauritania, with his wife MarieThérèse Gadroy. Photo courtesy of RTNC Photothèque......................................................... 62
One of the legible cards, Celebrations of the 1st MPR Anniversary. Copyright Cecilia
Zoppelletto, 2016 ................................................................................................................... 100
Claude Mukendi at the camera. Written on the back “Esprit de Salongo”, stamped
Organization Zairoise des Cinéaste. Photo courtesy of Claude Mukendi, private collection.
............................................................................................................................................... 103
Simon Kitenda Ki-Mata holding the 1982 Internationaler Agrarfilm-Wettbewerb Gold Prize.
Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016 ..................................................................................... 105
The Cinémathèque. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016 ..................................................... 108
Written on the back “After the flood in the building, the filmmakers shelter the films 1973”.
Photo courtesy of Claude Mukendi, private collection. ........................................................ 112
Finding and eliminating films at the Cinémathèque. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016.. 114
Setting up for projection. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016 ............................................ 117
The tape with ‘unsuitable content for broadcast’. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016 ...... 120
Naissances Désirables (N’Gambo), 1984. Photo courtesy of RTNC. ................................... 122
Sakombi Inongo, Election 1970. Copyright RTNC. ............................................................. 127
The Assessors, the President of the polling station and the Witness. Election 1970. Copyright
RTNC. ................................................................................................................................... 129
The woman accompanying the blind man, first listening to instructions, and then looking at
the camera. Election 1970. Copyright RTNC. ...................................................................... 154
Completing the vote, Election 1970 , Copyright RTNC ....................................................... 154
Women and men waiting to vote .Election 1970, Copyright RTNC..................................... 158
Establishing exterior shot of the polling station. Election 1970. Copyright RTNC. ............. 158
Animation at the political rally. Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek. ............................... 166
Traditional dance, Salongo (1974) dir. Kwami. Copyright Cinematek. .............................. 169
Dancers, Salongo (1974). Copyright Cinematek. .................................................................. 170
Bana Kenge (Kenge children) from Bandundu and Bas-Zaire. Salongo (1974) Copyright
Cinematek. ............................................................................................................................. 176
Tutsi dancers performing the Intore. Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek. ....................... 177
People marching towards their weekly Salongo, Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek. .... 186
Labourers at the rubber factory, Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek. .............................. 187
Mobutu waving the carved cane, the fetish. Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek. ........... 194
Members of the workers’ union on the Kananga. La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise (1975)
Copyright RTNC. .................................................................................................................. 201
The Kananga arriving in Antwerp. La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise (1975) Copyright
RTNC. ................................................................................................................................... 207
Miners on strike, pen drawings Gecamines - La volonté de reussir (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
............................................................................................................................................... 210
Mulenda Mbo, Gecamines - La volonté de reussir (c1986) Copyright RTNC. .................... 212
Primary school at the Gecamines mines - La volonté de reussir (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
............................................................................................................................................... 216
Medical centre at the mines Gecamines - La volonté de reussir (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
............................................................................................................................................... 216
Papa Mpoy Gecamines - La volonté de reussir. (c1986) Copyright RTNC. ........................ 218
Mobutu standing on the left, next to his mother, Mama Yemo, and his siblings. Gecamines La volonté de reussir. (c1986) Copyright RTNC. ................................................................. 223
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Learning from an African proverb, I’d like to say that “it takes a village to write a PhD thesis”.
The village and its institutions have been fundamental in getting me through these five years
of worry, excitement, doubt and all the other symptoms associated with carrying on whilst the
path is still uncertain.
I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisory team whose expert knowledge and
advice has been vital in shaping this work: Dr Roshini Kempadoo, Dr Michael Goddard and
Dr Winston Mano. I would also like to thank Professor Joram Ten Brink, who supervised this
thesis for two years and mentored me as a documentary practitioner.
CREAM Centre for Research and Education in Arts and Media, at the University of
Westminster, has provided a very stimulating work environment and the facilities which have
permitted the digitisation of the films arriving from the Democratic Republic of Congo and for
helping in accessing reading and film material, I would like to thank James Thickins for the
collaboration especially.
Thank you to Nicola Mazzanti, head of conservation at the Cinémathèque Royale de Belgique
and the archivists of the Cinémathèque (Cinematek) in Brussels for supporting my research by
digitising the film Salongo, which has been crucial for this work. I am greatly appreciative of
the Radio Télévision Nationale Congolaise - RTNC in Kinshasa, especially of Odia Oscar
Tshifumba, for the assistance and allowing me to dig into their archives for one of the most
memorable adventures of my life.
Thank you to Maria Way for her sensible comments which have improved my work.
I am blessed with great friends whose belief that I could do it, talked me into meeting my goal.
Paolo Camata, the brilliant problem solver, always kind to pick up my SOS messages. Felicia
Appenteng for backing the struggle with food for thought and the best tea for the soul. Dr
Valentina Signorelli and Dr Silvia Angeli, for showing me the way and sharing film passions
which filled the times spent not thinking about this research. Keith Shiri for imparting key
understandings of African Cinema with me. I am forever grateful to Ian Green, who is an
inspiring colleague, a wise advisor and a very patient friend.
My family has been outstanding and understanding throughout this project; it was a slow
process of growth. I hope this is an acceptable reward for their infinite support.
My mother in law Mwakana Mpinga for helping me navigate Kinshasa and its institutions.
My nonna Iole for having to share my visits to Italy with always something to read or write.
My mother, Raffaella, who doesn’t believe in tears. I trust she will make the exception this
time and will allow herself and me a few tears of joy, or relief.
My son Raphael, who motivates me to always be better.
My husband Kalaa, who has taught me that patience and focus go a long way; here we are,
looking at a finished manuscript, together.
1
STATEMENT OF AUTHORSHIP
I hereby confirm that this thesis is the product of my own work. All sources used are
referenced.
Signed:
Date:
2
INTRODUCTION
Decolonisation through ‘Development Films’: Constructing and Re-Constructing the Zairian
Spirit on Film is a study of the cultural politics of the Second Republic of Zaire (1965-1997)
on film. Zaire is now the Democratic Republic of Congo, and this research explores the
portrayal of the national image on film. This study identifies a particular mode of filmmaking:
films as contributions to nation-building, through the concept of ‘development films.’
The research for this study took place mainly at the national film archives, which are known as
the Ciné et Médiathèque - Cinémathèque of the Democratic Republic Congo, which is housed
in the building of the national broadcasting company, Radio Télévision Nationale Congolaise
(RTNC), in Kinshasa. I first received access to the Cinémathèque in 2013 when, whilst making
a feature documentary on the disappearance of cinema theatres in Kinshasa, I met with
filmmakers who worked at RTNC. To edit the film, entitled La Belle At The Movies (2015), I
had hoped to access old footage of the country during both its Congolese and Zairian historical
times and to be able to use it to enhance the narration with panoramic views of the capital,
Kinshasa, which is popularly known as ‘Kin la Belle’, ‘Kinshasa the beautiful’.1 The film’s
shot-list included a series of historical images which I thought I could access from the archives
in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In particular, the shot-list included footage of Mobutu
Sese Seko, the then President of Zaire, which was needed in the edit to cover a segment of the
documentary narrating the sudden nationalisation of cinemas under his regime. This request
was turned down immediately as, apparently, there was no available footage at the RTNC. I
was told that at the Cinémathèque there were no old films, no archive images on film or tape
and that the few images still existing were unusable. I was told the situation was due to a
combination of an advanced state of decay, and that even if some films could be saved, they
were in incompatible formats and the television station did not have the machines able to read
1
The title of my film was to homage the time when ‘Kin la Belle’ was known for its modernity and was the
“Kinshasa, which used to be called Kin-La-belle (Kin the beautiful) is presently called Kin-La-Poubelle (Kin The
Garbage Can)”(Kisangani and Bobb, 2009, p469)
3
them. To create the visual historical narrative that I required for the film, I purchased the rights
to use images of the collection Radio-Télévision Belge Francophone (RTBF) from the Institut
National de l’Audiovisuel (INA) in France. As a filmmaker, it was unanticipated that
Congolese documentary filmmakers in Democratic Republic of Congo would have to contact
international archives to be able to purchase the rights to use historical footage of their own
country for their stories. Although I was advised by the RTNC, and by filmmakers such as
Balufu Bakupa Kanyinda, that this was the norm in many sub-Saharan countries, I wanted to
understand how this alleged absence of footage could happen. By looking at the room that held
the archives, I trusted that some readable images could be found and that their existence would
express the ideas of a national film production. Furthermore, I envisaged that finding and
restoring the films would possibly give an insight and would retrace the ‘spirit’ and cultural
system that animated the building in which I had carried out the interview that was captured
by my film. The intention was not simply to recover the presence of Zairian national
filmmaking by finding the films but, further, to understand the role of a wave of postindependence filmmaking in constructing a Zairian national identity. Additionally, the process
of the recovery of the films serves to elucidate the implications of the disappearance of the
images that captured this cultural change, and illustrates the process required for salvaging the
important film documents that were deteriorating in the archive.
The focus of this research is the analysis of the construction of a Zairian ‘spirit’ and therefore
how post-independence filmmaking by the state was used in order to contribute to the
decolonisation of the country through the establishment of a practice of ‘development films’.
‘Development films’ I identify in the course of this research, embody the nationalism of the
Second Republic. The aims of this study are to establish the following:
-
First, to understand the impact of national media in relation to the Second Republic
(1965-1997).
-
Second, to trace the attempted process of decolonisation through government films
produced by the then Zairian national broadcasting company. This intends to piece
together the transformation of national culture and identity through the creation of a
Zairian imagery on film and ascertain how this was formulated in ‘development films’.
-
Third, to materially re-construct the existence of ‘development filmmaking’ by finding
films that were considered lost, restoring and digitising the footage for research access,
and interviewing the film directors and cameramen who worked on ‘development
films’ as witnesses and contributors.
4
The research was conducted in the Democratic Republic of Congo, at the national film archives
of the RTNC, and at the Cinematek - Cinémathèque Royal de Belgique (Royal Belgian Film
Archive) in Brussels, with the purpose of exploring the films produced by the government of
the Second Republic, used to introduce national policy changes and to promote Zaire; Congo’s
independent and authentic identity.2 To this end this study aimed to address the following
research questions:
-
How did the political reforms of the national party Mouvement Populaire de la
Revolution (MPR) affect the national filmmakers’ scope of themes and style during the
Second Republic?
This question serves to establish the history and context of the media practices imposed
by the Second Republic and to ascertain whether this influenced the overall production
mode.
-
Did the political vision of Mobutu turn government slogans and animation practices
into a distinctive film style aimed at decolonization?
In this thesis I discern the impact of the ideology of Authenticity on the creation of a
distinctive film style which portrayed a cultural shift towards an authentic identity.
-
What are the defining features of ‘development films’ and can we define ‘development
films’ as a Zairian film genre?
The research identifies ‘development films’, or ‘development filmmaking’, as a Zairian
filmmaking mode that engaged in decolonisation.
The thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter 1, ‘Political Thought, Media Assimilation’
explains the historical context of the birth of Zaire as a postcolonial African nation, and the
political system of the Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution (MPR), which introduced the
ideology of Authenticity, as well as its later developments, which were expressed in the policies
of Zairianisation and Mobutism. The chapter presents the media assimilation into the MPR
strategy and political ideology. To further understand the national ideology, I will be referring
to Mussia Kakama’s (1983) analysis of the way that the government’s policies expanded into
a cultural revolution by firstly turning the policy of Authenticity into a lexical system of
communication between the government and the population, a policy which was then
assimilated by the media. Drawing example on some significant documentary film productions
2
The adjective authentic in italics, throughout this work, refers to the Congolese and later Zairian policy of
Authenticity which will be explained in Chapter 1.
5
such as Voyage Royal Au Congo (Royal Voyage to Congo)(1970) and Gbadolite, Un Example,
Comme Toujours (Gbadolite an Example As Always) (1979), the chapter attempts to introduce
the political context and media presence during the period examined by the thesis.
Chapter 2, ‘An Authentic Studio System for ‘Development Films’’ presents the concept of
‘development films’ as born from a timely search for development media and its expansion on
the African continent. Further, it explains how the identification of ‘development films’ is
based on the ideas proposed by Thomas Elsaesser (2014) under the scope of media
archaeology, these being ‘film as event’ and the re-framing of factual film through the rule of
Three As. The chapter further defines the canons of ‘development film’ with an introduction to
the studio behind these productions, La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, currently the Radio Télévision
Nationale Congolaise RTNC, as the main a compound created by the MPR to establish a
national centre for all audio-visual production. At the heart of this studio system, for Zairian
film, it is possible to distinguish the particular mode of documentary filmmaking which,
centred on notions of development media, as discussed by Domatob and Hall (1983),
contributed to nationalist activism in the country. To assess the emergence of ‘development
filmmaking’ in Congo/Zaire the chapter also explores the different ideas surrounding the
establishment of post-independence African filmmaking in terms of African cinematic
representation and national filmic expression. This will be approached by reflecting on the
writings of African film scholars, amongst whom are Manthia Diawara (1992), Rik Otten
(1984) and Pierre Pommier (1974) with the focus principally on sub-Saharan Francophone film
studies as a way to draw from a common historical and language heritage. These perspectives
are further illustrated through the point of view of Congolese/Zairian film director Mweze
Ngangura, whose critical account and understanding of the role of cinema in the country is
important to address notions of authentic and national film, a way to understand further
‘development film’.
Chapter 3, ‘Constructing and Re-Constructing the Zairian Archive’ explains the approach
undertaken to carry out the research, and how this was executed in the fieldwork that took place
in both Belgium and the DRC, which led to the retrieval and digitisation of four films: Election
1970 (1970), Salongo (1974), La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise (1975), Gecamines - La
volonté de reussir (circa 1986). The chapter attempts to illustrate the application of Elsaesser’s
three As in terms of carrying out the research process of re-construction of the archive. It also
engages with Paolo Cherchi Usai’s (2001) notions of film’s materiality to explain the
6
interpretative process that is required in order to understand the fragmented information that is
available about the films analysed. To accomplish the interpretative approach, the methodology
was partly based on archival ethnography that was undertaken at the RTNC, which is explained
with an introduction to the interviewees.
Chapter 4 examines the documentary film Election 1970, which was produced by the
government and which introduces the population to the concepts of universal election and the
voting protocol for citizens. The analysis identifies the notions of citizenship that are evoked
by the film, including equality and inclusivity, whilst introducing concepts of pre-colonial
tradition. Its focus is to capture the cultural cohabitation of political modernity with the figure
of the traditional Chief that was performed by the President of the Second Republic.
Chapter 5 is dedicated to the analysis of the film Salongo. This never-released documentary
film, which is about the practice and cultural policy of Salongo, gives an insight into the visual
and oral rhetoric that was used to sustain the national ideology and the single-party system of
the MPR. It evaluates the use of collective displays, such as animation, the practice of
collective dance, which was utilised as performative reverence, as well as the then accepted
allegory of Mobutu being trusted in his role as the Chief awakening the nation.
Chapter 6 analyses two ‘development films’ which were commissioned by the national
corporations: La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise - The Zairian Shipping Company, and
Gecamines Générale des Carrières et des Mines - The National Mining Company. As
expressions of Zairian industrialisation, these films are a testament to the political activism
performed by state companies, and the determination to achieve the social and economic
empowerment of the country through a visual discourse of modernity, which was significant
to independence and decolonisation. The film produced by Gecamines, which is analysed in
the second part of the chapter, furthers these notions of independence and emancipation by
offering a re-reading of the country’s history in which Congo’s resources were at the centre of
historical world events.
The conclusion summarises the findings of the study and explains the implication of the Zairian
‘spirit’ that is captured in these ‘development films’ in order to establish the contribution of
this body of films to the country’s decolonisation project. The dissertation suggests the use of
the term ‘development film’ to re-evaluate some film productions that have been denied
7
longevity due to their political content. These documentary films that may be in need of urgent
attention across the African continent should be re-addressed and restored as testimonies to
attempts at decolonisation, born of a need for independent development, and may be able to
express the process of its formulation. Additionally, in this thesis, I recommend the
implementation of a national policy for film archives in the Democratic Republic of Congo –
in keeping with the guidelines provided by UNESCO for best practice. The adoption of a clear
legislation could provide useful guidelines for an archival protocol that may assist in salvaging
further national works and therefore allow the preservation of national memory on film which
can serve for further study as well as artistic engagement for national filmmakers.
8
CHAPTER 1
POLITICAL THOUGHT AND MEDIA ASSIMILATION
1.0 Introduction
This chapter introduces the historical context of the advent of the Second Republic (1965-1997)
in the Congo and the birth of Zaire, an African nation deciding on its new national identity.
The chapter explores how ideas of decolonisation were a generator of cultural change, and how
the historical need for progress and freedom was used by the new Congolese government with
the N’Sele Manifesto, which was the source of the implementation of the policies of
Authenticity, Zairianisation and Mobutism. The hypothesis of this research is that the
population was indoctrinated to participate in this transformation with a series of political
reforms and ideologies that were reiterated by a state integrated media system and embedded
in the national documentary films that were produced between 1965 and 1986. To this end, this
chapter will firstly explain the process of decolonisation that was attempted by the country in
“Decolonisation and the Second Republic”. This is then followed by a section entitled “The
Second Republic, the Zairian spirit and the Party Manifesto”, which introduces the ideological
representation acquired by the new nation and the stipulation of its political manifesto, and its
impact on the media. Subsequently the chapter will investigate the pivotal historical moments
of the Second Republic, beginning with an explanation of the first policy: Authenticity, in a
section by the same name, in terms of its use as a lexical system of communication between
the government and the population, which was adopted by the media to express the national
project of decolonisation. The following sections review Authenticity’s later iterations:
Zairianisation and Mobutism, and their significance for the creation of the environment for the
cultural revolution which was called for by the Second Republic.
9
1.1 Decolonisation and the Second Republic
The 1960s were a decisive decade in shaping the world and in disrupting the behavioural and
economic patterns imposed by a European supremacy; from politics to economics, social
behaviour and technology, these years were marked by change. In the midst of the world’s
reshaping, the African continent was going through the long-awaited further turn of
independence. In 1960, seventeen sub-Saharan countries became independent, these countries,
just like previous nations facing independence, started asking themselves philosophical
questions about how they were going to shape their nation, not only politically and
economically but also ideologically. These African countries were looking at their sovereignty
in a period that has been defined as post-colonial, a term that implies the end of the colony and
addresses what happens afterwards. This term, which I will use to indicate the time after the
colonisation ends, differs to the term coloniality, a period which starts at independence and
denotes that a country is still affected by colonial history and relations. The issue of the
presence of a post-colonial coloniality has been addressed by Maldonado-Torres through the
exposure of the perpetual presence of this relationship:
… coloniality survives colonialism. It is maintained alive in books, in the criteria for
academic performance, in cultural patterns, in common sense, in the self-image of the
peoples, in aspirations of self, and so many other aspects of our modern experience
(Maldonado-Torres cited in Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2015, p.487).
This explanation looks at two aspects in particular, knowledge acquired from the coloniser and
that of the self. These distinctions were observed by intellectuals who, by understanding that
colonialism was not going to end at independence, were driven to the conceptualisation of a
freedom which sought to decolonise the African continent. Movements such as African
Renaissance, African Socialism and Negritude recognised the African predicament in that
world order and in the
equilibrium that continue to produce alienated Africans who are socialized into hating
the Africa that produced them and liking Europe and America that reject them (NdlovuGatsheni, 2015, p.489).
These movements, which have been often criticised for creating false philosophies and Afroradicalism3, responded to this existential problem with decolonisation. The core idea centred
on the need for the African to go through a process of decolonisation, based on an Afrocentric
3
See also: Achille Mbembe; On the Power of the False. Public Culture 1 (Mbembe and Inggs, September 2002;
14 (3): p629–641)
10
knowledge of the world and an acknowledgement of the African being. It is at this particular
moment in history that Mobutu attempted a decolonisation of Congo by creating the new nation
of Zaire, through a series of policies that were prescribed to put an end to the perception of the
country as an ex-colony and to instead develop the new free nation according to Afrocentric
notions of the nation and its people. It was an attempt to end what was later formulated as
coloniality (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013a). Mobutu promoted a very personal idea of
decolonisation through policies that were embedded in popular culture, from songs to films
and newspapers. Culture, as a unifying element of acquired knowledge and the being, is at the
centre of the decolonisation project that was started by Mobutu with the Second Republic,
which he promoted in terms of cultural revolution. Decolonisation was a pan-African ambition
which, predominant at the time of independence, was then transformed into a vehicle to sustain
different regimes on the continent.4 Mobutu’s Zaire, was one of these revolutionary
environments which adopted the ideas of decolonisation and used them for control.5 Sixty years
later, ideas of decolonisation are resurfacing in southern Africa, but they are framed by the new
term ‘decoloniality’, which is free of its problematic history of dictatorships, but which, in
principle, seeks to attain the same detachment from the colonial past in order to construct
original nations that are devoid of the colonial legacy (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2015, pp.485–496).
Congo achieved independence from Belgium on the 30th June, 1960, and during the next five
years it would battle to keep sovereignty whilst this was being contended by Belgian, Soviet
and US interests. Patrice Lumumba’s nationalist intentions were regarded as a threat to the
mining interests of Belgium and his sympathising with communism also alerted the US that
the country’s abundant mineral resources could end up being Soviet assets. Lumumba’s
governing plans for the country were cut short by greater global preoccupations.6 Although the
end of Lumumba has been imputed to the US as “one National Security Council staff testified
a few years after the fact that Eisenhower’s words ‘came across to me as an order for the
assassination of Lumumba...There was no discussion’…”, further research suggests that
although it was in the USA’s interest, and an attempt had been made to assassinate the premier,
4
See also: John D. Hargreaves, Africa for the Africans? in Decolonization in Africa (Hargreaves, 1996)
Further reading on nationalism and ‘personal dictatorships’: Samuel Decalo ‘African Personal Dictatorships’,
in The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 23, No. 2 (Decalo, 1985, pp.209–237).
6
The political tensions of the Cold War afflicted national politics in Congo as well as in other African countries,
resulting in a new “system of patronage”, as explained by Bourgault: “One after another, radical African leaders
of the 1960s were overthrown: Patrice Lumumba of Zaire in 1961; Kwame N’Krumah of Ghana in 1966; Modibo
Keita of Mali in 1968. In all three cases, the increasingly socialist rhetoric of these leaders and/or their growing
coziness with Moscow/Peking were important factors in their demise”(Bourgault, 1995, p.33)
5
11
it was not liable for the final outcome, in fact, although “…it [the US] was responsible for
setting the stage and providing the impetus, the assassination itself was endorsed by the Belgian
government and orchestrated by the Belgian secret service”(Gondola, 2002, pp.126-127).
Following Lumumba’s assassination, the country was run by President Kasavubu. At first
Kasavubu was trying to suppress the secessionist rebellion of Katanga, which was led by its
self-proclaimed President, Tshombe, who, after an agreement, in 1964 became the country’s
Prime Minister, with the promise of putting an end to the rebellions and the continuous spread
of violence. Tshombe’s attempts to hold peace were supported by the Belgian military and the
Armée Nationale Congolaise but did not result in an improvement in the situation. Ethnic
rivalries and rebellions spread throughout the country until November, 1965, when General
Joseph-Desire Mobutu, who was in charge of the army, performed a bloodless coup d’état and
removed President Kasavubu from office (Gondola, 2002, pp.115-129). The story narrated by
Mobutu himself, and perpetuated in the country’s oral history, depicts him as a diplomatic
leader who, in a moment of necessity, was able to create a movement of change through a
peaceful change of power. As explained to the journalist Jean-Louis Remilleux, on the 24th
November, 1965, Mobutu gathered his army majors at his residence, and whilst his wife offered
them coffee, they decided to occupy all of the capital’s strategic areas. At the house, the group,
declaring themselves to be nationalists, wrote an announcement and then informed the
President of their intentions, at 5.30 a.m. on the following day, the radio station read the
announcement proclaiming a change of government (Langellier, 2017). This narration of the
events imbues Mobutu with qualities as a peacekeeper, as a moderate man who already had a
privileged relationship with the media from the first day of his presidency, marking through
this progressive narrative the beginning of the Second Republic.
On the 25th November, Mobutu, just thirty-five years old, installed himself in the position of
President, and promised that the mandate would only last for a period of five years, technically
allowing him the time required to restore peace throughout the country. Further, it was
promised that after this time national elections would be organised. With this commitment the
Second Republic began. To assure the continuation of his so-called temporary presidency, and
to maintain total control over this position, he changed the constitution immediately, claiming
“extra constitutional legislative powers for a five year period and appropriated full legislative
authority” (Crawford Young, 1998, p.110). This act permitted Mobutu to rule undisturbed until
1970, when elections were held as promised, but with the peculiarity that he was to be the sole
Presidential candidate. Unsurprisingly, Mobutu won the elections overwhelmingly. From the
12
advent of the Second Republic in 1965, the country was pushed to adhere to an aggressive
nationalist agenda, which was expressed through a series of measures that were carefully
crafted to change the cultural consciousness of the citizens and to promote a Zairian identity.
These ideas of a new nation were further developed with the construction of La Cité de La Voix
du Zaïre (The City of the Voice of Zaire) a compound dedicated to National TV, Cinema and
Radio Production. The investment in this studio city, which was colossal and an emblem of
modernity, was envisaged to create a centre for national cinematography and broadcast radio
and television, at the same time, it became a production facility where the nationalist agenda
was actively promoted. Mobutu’s ambition for the studio was it to be “the greatest Tam Tam
of Africa” (Mualaba, 2012, p.240).7
The pivotal change was pushed by the new President who, as a leader of the independent
Congo was in the position to alter the equation of independence, from its conventional
meaning of freedom from the former oppressor to economic betterment for the population,
Mobutu attempted to shift from these meanings of independence to ideological ambitions.
The President’s goal became to create a unique Zairian identity that would be shared by a
diverse population of multiple tribes, and for this new African man to find his place in the
world amongst peers, where his nation would be acknowledged and esteemed because of its
visionary President.8 With this change of perspective, we can read an attempt from the new
leader not to develop a nation as a postcolonial entity but as a country that exists through
disavowing its colonial past and finding its origins in an announced act of decolonisation.
In 1971, Congo became Zaïre and General Joseph-Desiré Mobutu changed his name to
Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga, Father of the Country. This name change
encompasses an ideology that aimed to create a modern, sovereign, African nation that,
originally fabricated in the government offices, was at first aimed at inspiring a generation.
The cultural revolution which materialised in Zaire used the media as cultural vehicles for
the transformation, and film lent itself particularly well to this objective. Film has always
been considered in relation to a range of political structures that, in part, determines but is
also determined by it.
7
My translation. Original text: “Le plus grand TamTam d’Afrique”
The use of the male pronoun and adjectives are to paraphrase all the speeches and interviews of Mobutu read
in the scope of this research, and in these he speaks of the betterment of the Zairian man, rather than the Zairian
person.
8
13
1.2 The Second Republic, the Zairian spirit and the Party Manifesto
The cultural identity constructed by government was often referred to as the Zairian spirit. This
term, which I noted was recurrent when discussing Zaire with respondents during my field
work in Kinshasa, is used by Mobutu several times to refer to a true identity in Dignity for
Africa (Mobutu Sese Seko and Remilleux, 1989), a book of interviews carried out over a series
of private meetings with the French journalist Jean Louis Remilleux. In this book, which covers
biographical narration and political views, Mobutu narrates his modest background and the
landmark moments of his presidency, but mainly he explains his ideas and visions for the
country. In a particular passage, Mobutu explains his government’s aims for cultural
development:
Our cultural program consisted initially of making each Zairese aware of his own
identity. To begin with it was necessary to ‘deculturate’ him to get rid of the scars the
colonial culture had left in him. This was necessary in order to give him back his dignity
which colonization had completely destroyed by imposing assimilation and alienation.
The dazzling development of Zairese arts since that time may be considered a
renaissance, and proves the wisdom of our program….it was a matter of returning to
the thousand year old wisdom of our ancestors, to rediscover ourselves again (cited in
Mobutu Sese Seko and Remilleux, 1989, p.107)9
In these words, it is possible to read Mobutu’s preoccupation with ‘deculturation’, an actual
search for decolonisation, which he interprets not as a healing of the scars of the colony but as
removing the scars and starting over from an ancient past. As if there were no advantage in
recognising a need for healing, this proposition of decolonisation wanted to efface the
immediate colonial past and return to a remote past.
The affinity between the regime and the media was evident from the very beginning. On
assuming power, the General not only brought the rigour and discipline acquired in the military,
but also the sensitivity towards the power of image and words which he had developed as a
journalist during the colonial period. A young Joseph-Désiré Mobutu started working in 1956
for Actualités Africaines a weekly supplement to the more progressive paper L’Avenir colonial
belge, which was later renamed L’Avenir. He wrote under the pseudonym Jean de Banzy,
which he used for a year. The weekly was created by the Belgian editor Pierre Davister, with
the intention of establishing a paper written solely by and for the Congolese. Mobutu rose
9
This text refers to people from Zaire as Zairese, which is a closer translation to the French term zaïrois. In this
research I will be using the term Zairian, which is preferred and used in all of the literature by anglophone authors.
14
quickly in the newspaper and was promoted to the position of editor in chief of the supplement
in 1958. Because of his important appointment he was chosen to travel to Belgium, as a
representative of the colonial press at the Brussel’s World Fair Expo’58 (Langellier, 2017). On
a second trip as a journalist to Brussels, he was able to gain a scholarship and work as a trainee
at Infor-Congo10, “a government agency dealing in information and propaganda on the Congo;
he also attended classes in journalism and social studies” (Monheim, 1967, p.16). These
experiences and this training are important in recognising a level of media preparation, which
was considered extraordinary at the time in comparison to the education received by the
majority of the population. The Belgian colonial system in Congo did not promote university
or higher schooling degrees for the indigenous population, therefore on independence in 1960
there were only thirty Congolese with a university degree earned either at home or abroad
(Gondola, 2002, p.117). This also briefly illustrates how a lack of preparation from the elites
of the country, and Mobutu’s grounding in colonial communication, created an opportunity for
the new leader to advance the dialectics that permitted him to conquer and colonise his own
country by also exploiting the media.
Aware of the President’s preparation in relation to the media, we can further understand the
significance of the date of the inauguration of the National Television system. On the 23rd
November, 1966, precisely one day before the solemn first anniversary of Mobutu’s coup
d’état, the TV system was ready to broadcast, an indicator of the regime’s intention of utilising
the media for the beneficial promotion of the new republic. In the early stages of the Republic,
Mobutu proposed a technical government to keep the peace in the country, indicating that the
government was not supposed to be political, and therefore should not have a party. To bypass
this restriction, Mobutu constituted the so-called Corps des Volontaires de la République CVR11 – which, in 1967, was transformed into an official party: the Mouvement Populaire de
la Révolution - MPR12, of which he was the President. The national broadcast media were used
from its incorporation to establish the importance of the new President and of the two iterations
of his party, beyond their government functions, but with an emphasis on the cultural and
ideological values that they embodied. The construction of power through the media came to
a culmination when the people were incited to glorify Mobutu’s image, in a process of
interpellation, as these words of Zaire’s Minister of the Interior, Engulu explained:
10
‘Office de l’Information et des Relations Publiques pour le Congo Belge et le Rwanda-Urundi’
Volunteer Corps of the Republic
12
Popular Movement of the Revolution
11
15
God has sent a great prophet, our prestigious Guide Mobutu. This prophet is our
liberator, our Messiah. Our church is the MPR. Its Chief is Mobutu, we respect him like
one respects the Pope. Our gospel is Mobutism. This is why the crucifixes must be
replaced by the image of our Messiah. And party militants will want to place at its side
his glorious mother Mama Yemo, who gave birth to such son (Engulu cited in Crawford
Young, 1998, p113)
This exaltation of the President defines the result of a cultural revolution that puts its founder
at the centre and shows a definite change of perspective. The process of decolonisation is
expressed in this exchange, where old mores and ideological codes brought by the colonial
power are replaced with new ones, as is the case when replacing the transcendental power
of the Church with the MPR.13 The shift occurred during the Second Republic through
systematic steps, which lead to the radical transformation of the Church of Congo to the
MPR of Zaire. The pivotal change of this self-proclaimed cultural revolution, unfolded with
a programme in three main strategies: Authenticity in 1971, Zairianisation in 1973, and
finally Mobutism in 1974.
All these programs of personal and legislative conversion originate from the N’Sele Manifesto,
in which the foundations of the nation were authored. Stipulated in May, 1967, during a
weeklong session of secretive meetings between the President and his top officials in the rural
setting of the village N’Sele, the manifesto was finalised later in the year and was widely
distributed in a little book containing the regime’s catechism (Reybrouck, 2014).14 The
manifesto’s stated main objective was to “Free all Congolese men and Congolese women from
all servitudes and ensure their progress by building a truly social and truly democratic republic”
(Ndaywel è Nziem, 2009, p.531).15
The births of the MPR and the manifesto are connected, and this period marks the establishment
of the national party, which claimed that its main concern was to achieve great cultural change.
13
To reinforce this shift in ideals, the MPR announced in June, 1974, that “the people of Zaire would henceforth
celebrate Christmas on June 24, the day the country’s Constitution was proclaimed” (Johnson, 1974)
14
Reybrouck, in his book Congo: The Epic History of a People (2014), writes that it was as a little green pamphlet,
reminiscent of Mao’s Little Red Book. In Nouvelle histoire du Congo. Des origines à la République démocratique
(2009), Ndaywel è Nziem writes about a pamphlet which was distributed after Authenticity (1971) which, inspired
by the Chinese book containing the teachings of Mao, was known as Petit livre vert and contained citations of
Mobutu (Ndaywel è Nziem, 2009, p.535). The only copy of the N’Sele Manifesto I have been able to find is a
“reviewed and corrected” edition of 1984, which is available at the British Library. Its cover is off-white.
15
My translation. Original text: “Libérer les congolais et congolaises de toutes les servitudes et d’assurer leur
progrès en édifiant une république vraiment sociale et vraiment démocratique”
16
The party therefore presented its plans and articulated its mission in terms of assuring a
revolution of authentic nationalism and ending all political infighting; for which, in 1970, it
justified the formation of the single-party state as the only feasible solution. The MPR was to
be accepted as the only party, the absolute point of reference for the country, and consequently
for all of the media. “From now on, the text stated, every inhabitant of Congo belonged to the
MPR. ‘Olinga olinga te, ozali na kati ya MPR’, people sighed, ‘Whether you like it or not, you
are a member by definition’” (Reybrouck, 2014, p.342). By following the logic of the
government in power, if all citizens belonged to the MPR, this forcibly included all media
practitioners. The interpellation of the citizen became, of course, the interpellation of the media
practitioner through the party membership. The government’s desire to associate exemplary
citizenship with the engagement of the media was primary and was justified by a logic of the
development of the country through a cultural revolution. Mobutu “who is not only a soldier
but also a journalist…explains the prime importance he has given the mass media in affairs of
state” (Botombele, 1980, p.10) relied on media adhesion as expressed it Zaire’s communication
policies with these words:
Social communication and national independence are inseparable: for national
awareness is impossible unless the nation is perceived and apprehended as such, as a
whole and in each of its parts. The undeniable achievement of the Second Republic is
to have produced this national awareness, chiefly through the instrumentality of the
mass media. This is the very essence of the cultural revolution (Ibid.)
This declaration recognises the role played by the media in supporting the national ambitions
prescribed by the government. To achieve this, the media were organised, associated and
incorporated, in other words, they were set up and recognised as an arm of the state.
During the same year as the institution of the N’Sele Manifesto, the first indigenous film
association was formed, Organisation des Cinéastes Congolais, OCICO. It was created by the
members of a production house run by Kinshasan University students: Daniel Luntadila Luzolo
Mantwila, Gerard Mulongoy Kalafufu and, lastly, Esele and Luboya, the writers of Congo’s
first international success, the short film La Kinoise (1967)16, which was directed by the
Belgian André Drossart (Convents, 2006). Convents suggests that it is possible to discern that
the birth of OCICO was closely related to the government’s ambitions, since its first client was
the Ministry of Culture, who commissioned the film Retour A' La Terre (1967)17 (Convents,
16
17
The Kinshasa Girl, my translation
Back to the Land, my translation
17
2006). The objective of the organisation was to promote national cinema and to gain support it
sought to collaborate with national institutions. It is important to mention that the majority of
the filmmakers in the country were concomitantly working for national television, their daily
tasks were defined mainly by the employee roster, and whether hours were dedicated to filming
the news or filmmaking, not by artistic inclination (Zoppelletto, 2016b). This continuous shift
within a system that did not have real boundaries between documentary filmmaking and
journalistic filming for the news forcibly established a very strong association between the
filmmakers and the Press association in matters of ethics and conduct. Although I have not
come across an official censorship document for filmmakers, it is plausible to believe their job
was considered no different to the broadcast media and was therefore affected by the same
regulations. Zairian or Congolese filmmakers have not directly addressed the issue of
independent filmmaking, with the exception of the Director Mweze Ngangura, whose film La
Vie Est Belle (Life is Rosy) (1987) found international acclaim and distribution. Ngangura has
addressed the issues and challenges faced by African filmmakers who aspire to make films that
do not adhere to the ruling party’s strategy, and that might carry an anti-party message.
Although the following critique of the production system offered by Ngangura refers to a pan
African issue, it is my assertion that it directly concerned the Zairian system, and he may have
been unable to express it directly:
…if a filmmaker wants to push the message to its logical conclusions, he or she would
inevitably end up making films that disturb the political powers that be and run up
against the problem of freedom of expression, which is very limited in most African
countries. The least that could happen is that the filmmakers work is banned in his or
her country (Ngangura, 1996, p.61)
It is possible to deduce from this declaration that working in the audio-visual industry in Zaire
implied a fidelity to the government, and never using the medium to denounce or question its
actions. In addition to Ngangura’s interpretation of the political climate and artistic freedom, it
is necessary to look at the wider context in which newly trained national filmmakers and
broadcasters learned their practice in a conditioned environment and therefore had a predefined
scope for the media and its functions. This is a point raised by John Akomfrah18 in an
intervention on the concept of the ‘national’ in African cinemas, when explaining the attitude
of film companies and TV stations that served the state post-independence: “Many took this
idea of service to its logical conclusion and bought wholeheartedly into the idea that what you
do as a filmmaker is to film the president or the prime minister on and off the plane”
18
John Akomfrah, CBE, is a British artist, film director and film theorist. He is of Ghanaian descent.
18
(Akomfrah, 2006, p.276). An indication that perhaps underestimates the practitioners’ modus
operandi, and that does not recognise the legitimate excitement of national filmmakers in
capturing their fellow countrymen in government positions and wanting to celebrate the project
of cultural assertion which their position of power represented, in other words, a visual
documentation of decolonisation. Notwithstanding this, both these insights indicate that the
swearing of allegiance by media practitioners to the MPR was an inescapable result of the
environment.
The press association, Union Nationale de la Presse Zaïroise, a few months after the
conception of the N’Sele Manifesto and the new constitution, gathered for an extraordinary
meeting that resulted in the Press Manifesto, in which some of the fundamental principles were
laid out:
The Nation: Without the energetic and salutary intervention of Citizen-President J.D.
Mobutu, the vicissitudes of the past would have brought the disintegration of Zaïre’s
national unity .... The Zairian press rejoices at the results already achieved, and regards
itself as mobilised to reinforce aiming at economic and social progress. It reiterates its
adherence to the doctrine of authentic Zairian nationalism, and will spare no effort to
develop and strengthen national awareness and the public weal (cited in Botombele,
1980, p.47)19
The advancement of mankind: In accordance with the spirit of the N’Sele Manifesto,
the Zairian press will publicly explain the deeper meaning of the revolution and help to
build smoothly, and without compulsion or conflict, a Zairian personality proud of its
uniqueness and oriented towards technical progress (cited in Botombele, 1980, p.48)
These citations are of interest because they pinpoint the specific matters in which the press
association declares itself interested and actively involved, while promoting in unison with the
government, economic and social progress and a national awareness of an authentic identity.
However, what is also remarkable in these, is how they were reconstructed in 1980 for the
study commissioned by UNESCO. In Communication policies in Zaire: A Study, the author,
Botombele, refers to the press association as Union Nationale de la Presse Zaïroise, as the
study was published in 1980, but, at the time of their gathering for the extraordinary meeting
in 1967, they would have been known as Union Nationale de la Presse Congolaise.20 To this
19
J.D. Mobutu stands for Joseph-Désiré Mobutu
The press association is currently called Union Nationale de la Presse Congolaise. The association’s website
explains that the association was born in 1960, but then changed its name at different historical moments: in 1963
it changed its name to Association de la Presse Congolaise APC, then, in 1967, to Union des Journalistes
Professionnels Congolais UJPC, in 1971, Sakombi Inongo created the Union Nationale de la Presse du
20
19
end, the UNESCO publication adds a footnote: “In this document, the words Congo and
Congolese have been replaced by ‘Zaire’ and ‘Zairian’ in order to comply with Zairian
authenticity” (Botombele, 1980, p.47). This shows how Authenticity, which will be discussed
further in this chapter, was used as a tool to attempt to decolonise the country, not only from
the foreign colony, but from any power that came before the Second Republic. This is
expressed in terms of a linguistic decolonisation that also attempted to erase from the country’s
historical memory all government iterations that were born immediately after independence,
and before the rise of Mobutu.
1970 was a pivotal year for the country, since the MPR held its first extraordinary congress to
elect the party’s candidate for the Presidential elections, Mobutu was chosen, and as a
consequence he stood, and he won the election process, in which there were no other candidates
(Ndaywel è Nziem, 2009, p.532). From the film database compiled during this research, not
many films were produced that year, these were:
Election 1970 (1970), Pour L’Abondance (1970), La Main Au Feu (1970), Le Mont Amba Ou
Lovanium Ou La Colline Inspirée (1970), L’Atome Au Service De L’Homme (1970).21
There is very little information available about these films beyond their titles, except for
Election 1970, which has now been recovered and digitised, and Pour L’Abondance (1970)
which translates as For Abundance, by Tshitenge Nsana, which was commissioned by two
State companies: the Économat du Peuple and La Société Generale d’Alimentation (Convents,
2006), which can be translated in The People’s Budget and The General Food Supply
Company. This film title, in particular, already expresses an institutional voice, resonating with
the credo of the press association wanting to promote the advancement of the people through
national engagement with the economic and social policies originated by the government.
Congo UNPC, which then changed to UNPZ, Union Nationale de la Presse Zaïroise, but the website does not
give the specific year for the change of name (Kasonga, no date)
21
Election 1970 – Election 1970, Pour L’Abondance - For Abundance, La Main Au Feu – You can bet on it, Le
Mont Amba Ou Lovanium Ou La Colline Inspirée - Mount Amba in Lovanium, the Inspired Hill, L’Atome Au
Service De L’Homme – The Atom at the Service of Man, my translations
20
1.3 Authenticity
Following the election year, the thoughts and beliefs of the N’Sele Manifesto were defined and
officially named Authenticité, a programme of self-assertion. Inspired by Léopold Senghor’s
philosophy of Negritude (Crawford Young, 1998, pp.96–113), it aimed to transform the idea
of a cultural revolution into tangible actions, whereby the government tried, through a process
of decolonisation, to extinguish all links with the colonial past. As with other ‘solutions’ to
coloniality, coining a term is the first element in the decolonising subjectivity, firstly, creating
a vocabulary of disavowal of the colonial past and recognition of the self.22
Authenticity, which was founded on the concept of an “authentic Congolese nationalism”
(Ndaywel è Nziem, 2009, p.534) was not formally presented to the nation as a protocol, but as
an ideology that would instigate the cultural revolution.23 In fact, it was only during his address
at the United Nations in 1973 that Mobutu officially presented the concept of Authenticity
(Ibid.).24 The ideology was often criticised for wanting to re-establish a past embedded in
nostalgic notions, rather than in realities about pre-colonial society. “To avoid criticisms from
those who condemned in advance the dream of an idyllic return to the past, it was necessary to
specify that the ideology advocated the recourse (and not the return) to authenticity” (Ibid.,
p.543).25 Although it was advocated as a recourse, the return to Authenticity is often found in
literature and is spoken more often than recourse.26
While Authenticity can be explained as a political programme, as this chapter will elucidate, it
also claimed to be a philosophy, to define what makes anything and everything authentic,
ranging from a dress to a film, we need to bring to light the diverse meanings given by the
Party to this word. Mussia Kakama, professor at the Institut Pédagogique Nationale KinshasaBinza,27, calls the word a ‘lexical system’ in the political discourse of the country (Kakama,
22
See Mignolo’s chapter ‘Further Thoughts on (De) Coloniality’(Mignolo, 2014, pp.21–51). Mignolo writes about
Fanon’s work. Sociogenesis is explained as a repositioning of subjectivity through vocabulary which is
transformative as it addresses the experience of the many oppressed, which could not be done with the
phylogenesis and ontogenesis used to explain a Western, Christian white view of the world.
23
My translation. Original text:“nationalisme congolais authentique” emphasis in the text.
24
In the text, Ndaywel è Nziem refers to the speech that took place on the 4th October ,1974, in fact, the correct
date is the 4th October, 1973.
25
My translation. Original text: “Pour se tenir à l'abris des critiques qui condamnaient d'avance le rêve d'un retour
idyllique vers le passé, il était nécessaire de préciser que l'idéologie prônée était le recours (et non le retour) a
l'authenticité”
26
From its first enunciation at the United Nations the idea had been lost in translation. The original French text
read at the UN assembly, and transcribed by the organisation, claimed “The recourse to authenticity is not a narrow
nationalism” (My translation, original: “Le recours à l’authenticité n’est pas un nationalisme étroit” but the official
UN translation reads: “A return to authenticity is not narrow nationalism”(Mobutu Sese Seko, 1973, p.9)
27
The study was carried out at the Institut Pédagogique Nationale Kinshasa-Binza which has been renamed
21
1983, pp.31–58). This explains the multiplicity of uses of Authenticity during the cultural
revolution, and how its uses have created what can be identified as a Zairian spirit, and which
characteristics will be explained throughout this dissertation. Through an analysis of Mobutu’s
speeches and the content of Salongo and Elima, Kinshasa’s daily newspapers at the time,
Kakama was able to determine that the word “authenticity” was used with four different
meanings. The first, indisputable meaning is Authenticity as doctrine, the proper noun of the
MPR’s beliefs, deeply rooted in Zairian affirmation. This was defined by Mobutu himself, in
these words, at his 1973 address to the UN:
It is the refusal of the people of Zaire to blindly espouse imported ideologies. It is the
affirmation of the worth of the Zairean, or of any man, as he is and where he is, with
the mental and social structures that are his own. For authenticity not only implies a
profound knowledge of one’s own culture, but also a respect for the cultural heritage of
others (Kakama, 1983, p.36)28
Authenticity was presented as a universal expression and as a doctrine needed for all humanity,
“an expression of a new humanism, a humanism that frees men from all oppressions” (Mobutu,
cited in Kakama, 1983, p.36).29 This is where we can read its definite source in decolonisation.
The second meaning of the word is method or principle, which was elucidated by Mobutu by
the use of these words: “Nonetheless, because our Revolution is one of action, we have also
thought of authenticity as a method” (cited in Kakama, 1983, p.37).30 In this we can read the
necessity to transform the doctrine, not just into a philosophy to influence the people of Zaire,
but as a practice and implementation method through which to transform the ideas of the MPR
into action in the everyday life of citizens, from private life to the work environment. I argue
Université Pedagogique Nationale UPN. The location of the institute is relevant, as it was at the heart of national
political thinking even before the coup d’état of 1965. Binza, a wealthy neighbourhood of Leopoldville (later
Kinshasa) has been known since independence as being the intellectual hub of Mobutu’s supporters. Between
1960 and 1965 whilst “governments rose and fell in Leopoldville, real power was held behind the scenes by the
‘Binza Group’ a group of Mobutu supporters named for the prosperous suburbs where its members lived”(Meditz
and Merrill, 1994, p.46) Some of these members were “Justin Marie Bomboko and Etienne Tshisekedi” (Kumba,
2013, p.13). Étienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba (1932-2017) became the leader of the opposition in 1982 by forming
the political party Union pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Social. His son Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo
is currently the President of the DR Congo, elected 24th January, 2019.
28
Official UN translation. Original text cited by Kakama: “C’est le refus du peuple zaïrois d'épouser les idéologies
importées. C’est l’affirmation de l’homme zaïrois ou de l’homme tout court, là où il est, tel qu’il est, avec ses
structures mentales et sociales propres. L’authenticité est non seulement une connaissance approfondie de sa
propre culture, mais aussi un respect du patrimoine culturel d’autrui”.
29
My translation. Original text : “L’authenticité est l’expression d’un humanisme nouveau, un humanisme qui
libère l’homme de toutes les oppressions”
30
My translation. Original text: “Cependant, notre Révolution étant celle de l’action, nous avons également conçu
l’authenticité comme une méthode”
22
that, without exception, this method or scheme is also found in film production, such as in the
specific case of OCICO31, where it was integrated into the government structure. These party
manoeuvres were possible also with press endorsements, particularly those of the newspaper
Salongo, which praises the system with these words: “The head of state has spoken also of
authenticity, indicating that it is the MPR’s weapon”32(Salongo, 1973, in Kakama, 1983, p.37),
thus assigning to the philosophy a prescribed role of delivering effective party communication.
Authenticity meant ‘one’s own personality’, in the third definition identified by Kakama. It
reflected a personality, but also, as mentioned in Mobutu’s words at his address to the UN,
these include mental and social structures. This definition implies the term that is considered
to be the person as a whole, and therefore includes not only the qualities but also the flaws of
the person and the structure. By looking at the definition in this wider sense, it can be argued
that one of the strengths of the term Authenticity is that it can condone and accept some of the
choices of its founder, as they will be seen as being part of a person’s innate character, his
mental structures. This interpretation is also supported by one of the government’s most active
promoters, Sakombi Inongo,33 in the Memorandum de FAZ “For this encourages us to accept
ourselves with our qualities and faults, in other words, within our authenticity” (cited in
Kakama, 1983, p.37).34 By referring to “our qualities and our faults”, Sakombi hints at the
unifying traits of a population that can evoke the concept of heritage and this is when the term
Authenticity becomes the equivalent of tradition; this being the most apparent meaning of the
word, or the one that sums it up, as Kakama argued. Tradition is an easily perceived and
identifiable concept that can involve the public emotionally. A representation of this link
between heritage and emotion can be found in these words from Mobutu, in a 1972 speech:
“The notion of a child with an unknown father dates back to colonisation and it is therefore
against the Zairian authenticity” (Mobutu cited in Kakama, 1983, p.39).35 These words aim to
31
Organisation des Cinéastes Congolais
My translation. Original text : “Le chef de l'État a parlé aussi de l’authenticité qui, a-t-il indiqué, était l’arme
du MPR”
33
Sakombi Inongo (1940-1970) “During most of Mobutu’s presidency he served as minister of information and
propaganda and as such was responsible for engineering Mobutu’s public image of a benevolent autocrat. During
the transitional period he retired from politics to engage in religious activity with the Business Men of the Full
Gospel, proclaiming himself a born-again Christian and minister” (Gondola, 2002, p.192)
34
My translation. Original text: “Car cela nous incite à mieux nous connaître et à mieux nous accepter avec nos
qualités et nos défauts, c'est-à-dire dans notre authenticité”
35
My translation. Original text: “La notion d'enfant de père inconnu date de la colonisation et est donc contraire
à l'authenticité zaïroise”
32
23
construct ideas of a profound Zairian ethic, passed on through the generations, meaning that
the discourse of identity implies not only that tradition is heritage, but it is also morality.
The fourth significance, and the use of the term identified by Kakama, attributed Authenticity
to the value of ‘true independence’, not the independence gained by receiving freedom from
the colonialist, but the independence of being. Further, Kakama explains this connotation with
a quote of the party, from the newspaper Le Couraf36 addressing independence in these terms:
“Until 1965, we only had a nominal independence. Since the 24th November 1965, the people
have resolved that we are on the path to a real independence, a concrete one. That is what we
call authenticity” (Le Couraf , 28 December, 1971, in Kakama, 1983, p.39).37 The term is used
to signify the need for personal independence, in terms of a Zairian choice. We can then see
how this association of the terms attempts to affirm Authenticity as a choice of independence,
rather than as a political one of the MPR.
These four expressions of the concept had the potential to radically change people’s ways of
thinking about themselves, along with their nation’s place in the world, explaining why the
media were absorbed in implementing the changes and serving that purpose. At its centre is a
human problem: to give dignity and psychological empowerment to the African people, who
suffered for almost a century oppression that meant they had to revere European ideals of
morals, culture and behaviour. This is the core challenge that the party seemed to want to
address with the Authenticity measures, which we can also read in some of the speeches of
Mobutu. During the MPR 1972 conference, Mobutu addresses this problem: “Amongst the
most harmful consequences of colonisation, we must mention the mental alienation of the
colonised, the denial of his being and all his values” (cited in Kabue, 1976, p.195)38. The
concern raised in this speech over the alienation of the being and values, is at the centre of
decolonisation movements. Mignolo points out that “decolonisation is a communal and
collective work grounded in the self-awareness of the decolonial subjects” (Mignolo, 2014,
p.36). In this respect, Mignolo presents decolonisation as a force arising from the people, but
36
Le Couraf ,as indicated by Kakama, is the short form of Le Courrier d’Afrique, a daily newspaper that was
started in colonial times, “Began with Jan. 12, 1930 issue; ceased with Mar. 5, 1972” ( Le Courrier d’Afrique,
n.d.)
37
My translation. Original text: “Jusqu’en 1965, nous n’avions qu’une indépendance nominale. Depuis le 24
novembre 1965, le peuple a dû juger que nous sommes dans la voie d'une indépendance réelle, concrète. C’est
cela qu’on appelle l'authenticité”
38
My translation. Original text: “Parmi les conséquences les plus néfastes de la colonisation, on ne peut manquer
de citer l’aliénation mentale du colonise, la négation de son être, de toutes ses valeurs”
24
Mobutu’s striving for Authenticity may be understood as a top down process which was
imposed, however, the initial participation of the people and their support may indicate that the
decolonisation process had already started, and the government’s actual addition to the process
was to be able to frame it in an ideology for which they found a name and a derivative
vocabulary (abacos, citoyens, etc). As highlighted in Mobutu’s speech, the shift of perception
required to achieve decolonisation asks the population to embrace the self, something that was
denied by colonialism.
The fight and search for Authenticity were presented as a real concern of President Mobutu,
but some have questioned whether this reflected more personal aspirations, rather than a
legitimate quest for the progress and advancement of the Congolese people. Amongst the critics
of the regime, Emmanuel Dungia advances a different reading of this particular search for a
decolonisation which wanted to pass not only as nationalist, but also as philosophical. Dungia,
a former insider of the regime who worked as a diplomat and secret agent for the President,
became critical of the system and, once exiled, wrote a memoir denouncing the leader, in which
he attributes the invention of the philosophy of Authenticity to the President’s complexes of
self-importance and vanity. In Mobutu et l’Argent du Zaïre (1993), Dungia claims that the
enlightened thinking that inspired the recourse to Authenticity was triggered by Mobutu’s envy
of the other heads of state on the African continent, who, at the time, were receiving great
visibility and praise, as they aspired to change the populations’ vision of themselves by
establishing their rights and dignifying their community. In the immediate post-independence
period Senghor, the first President of Senegal was universally praised for the concept of
Negritude,39 as well as the first President of Tanzania, Nyerere, who started the socio-economic
development policies that were named Ujamaa, from the Swahili ‘familyhood’. These
movements, which were much admired, both by the intelligentsia and the people, were taunting
the pride of Mobutu, who did not want to be left out of the intellectual movement. Dungia
believes that the President contrived a more extreme policy of social change with the ambition
that it would launch him to international fame and help him obscure the achievements of the
other African intellectual revolutionaries who had become heads of state (Dungia, 1993).
39
Although Negritude was conceived by the group of intellectuals which included Aimé Césaire, Léopold Sédar
Senghor, and Léon Damas, and promoted by the Nardal sisters, Paulette and Jane, the ascent of Senghor to the
presidency of Senegal, helped establish his name as the father of Negritude. Furthermore, some of the concepts
that were pivotal in the consolidation of the idea of Negritude were already explored by the earlier writings of
Jane Nardal (Sharpley-Whiting, 2002)
25
Negritude, one of the movements that Mobutu allegedly tried to emulate and better, was born
in the context of men trying to overthrow colonial power, Ujamaa, instead, was born out of
independence, but Mobutu’s invention of Authenticity not only came from a position of
independence, but especially from one of considerable power, as it was introduced in a country
with a single political party. It is possible, nonetheless, to see how they share the same catalyst.
African scholars engaged with the question of coloniality of being from the vantage
point of what they termed ‘African Personality’ and ‘Negritude’ among many other
registers used in the African decolonial search for restoration of denied ontological
density, sovereign subjectivity, as well as self-pride and self-assertion (NdlovuGatsheni, 2015, p.490)
These movements share with Authenticity the common experience of colonial humiliation and
a focus on striving for self-identification through decolonisation. Negritude, a 1930’s
intellectual concept of protest against French colonialism and racism, was to awaken the
affirmation of black culture, “the affirmation of the values of civilization of something defined
as ‘the black world’ as an answer to the question ‘what are we in this white world?’”(Diagne,
2014, p.1). The brainchild of Aimé Césaire, Leopold Senghor and Léon Gontran Damas, the
term, provocative in its nature as it derived from the derogatory term ‘sale nègre’ (from the
French: dirty negro), was reinvented and re-appropriated as symbol of culture, rather than
savagery (Diagne, 2014). This term, which was meant to irritate and draw attention to the
possibility of including the African people and the Africans of the diaspora as producers of art
and thinkers, quickly translated into a new wave of political thought. Césaire explained it as:
“a fact, a revolt and the acceptance of responsibility for the destiny of [my] race”. For
Senghor, Negritude represented “black cultural patrimony, that is to say, the spirit of
its civilisation,” whereas Damas regarded it as the explicit “rejection of an assimilation
that negated [my] spontaneity and as a defence for my condition as Negro and Guyanese
(Sharpley-Whiting, 2002, p.6)
The three fathers of the term, whose different contributions to its development are clear from
these points, became involved in politics, and subsequently became part of the French
Parliament, but the one who pursued the career to its summit was Senghor, who became
Senegal’s first President, and who was in office from 1960 to 1980.
Understandably fascinated by this theorist and poet, it is possible to see how Mobutu might
have been inspired and came to desire his own immortality in political philosophy, and have
been further motivated to find success in a concept that turned out to be Authenticité. Although
Dungia also mentions Ujamaa as the possible inspiration, the Zairian government does not
26
address the Tanzanian model of African socialism directly, whereas the relationship between
Negritude and Authenticity was discussed straightforwardly on various occasions by Mobutu.
Throughout the available reflections of President Mobutu, in the form of speeches, it is possible
to understand more about his character and identify the sense of jealousy discussed by Dungia,
as he seems keen to address and place the philosophy of Authenticity onto a higher level than
the one studied by the Senegalese head of state. By referring to Mobutu’s speeches, we see his
explanation of the differences between the two. Mobutu claims that his concerns, epitomized
by the birth of Authenticity, originate from a wider sense of legitimacy that has to do with the
nature of the human being, rather than the continent from which the person may come. Mobutu
explains that Senghor searched for the affirmation of black people and the acknowledgement
that their way of being is directly linked to their wider African heritage, whereas he exposed a
human need for acceptance. In Mobutu’s vision, the aim of Authenticity was to create a
movement in which the affirmation of the Zairian should be as natural to him as the affirmation
of any other man, not just the contributory factor to a decolonisation process, as this excerpt
from a speech reveals:
All these great African figures, artisans of our liberation, showed us the way so that a
colonized person may regain his dignity as a free man. In our turn, we preach
authenticity, which is a global philosophy. With authenticity, it is the human who is
concerned wherever he may be, whatever he may be (Mobutu cited in Kakama, 1983,
p53)40
The above statement only slightly shifts the thinking from a particular predicament of a
marginalised or oppressed subject to a universal need for the people’s sense of worth. However,
Dungia’s accusations of Mobutu’s sense of self-importance and need for affirmation of his
intellectual stature, can be found in some of the press articles of the time, which were in line
with the government, such as those in the national newspaper, Salongo. The writing frames
Authenticity as a superior understanding of the human condition and explains it thus:
“Authenticity is the mother of negritude…negritude translates the values of the black world,
as they complete the values of a universal. Authenticity, (is) a political philosophy that rejects
all imported ideologies” (Salongo, 1973, cited in Kakama, 1983, p.54).41 Most of Mobutu’s
references to Negritude are meant to give the perception that Senghor’s philosophy was an
40
My translation. Original text: “Toutes ces grandes figures africaines, artisans de notre libération, ont donné la
voie à suivre pour qu'un colonisé recouvre sa dignité d'homme libre. A notre tour, nous prêchons l'authenticité qui
est une philosophie plus globale. Avec l'authenticité, c'est l'humain qui est concerné où qu’il soit, quel qu'il soit”
41
My translation. Original text : “L’authenticité est la mère de la négritude…la négritude traduit les valeurs du
monde noir, telles qu'elles complètent les valeurs d'un universel. L'authenticité, philosophie politique qui récuse
toutes les idéologies d'importation”
27
afterthought to Authenticity, although, just by looking at the matter of temporality, i.e., which
came first, since this one followed forty years after Negritude. Another emblematic quote from
the President shows this attitude: “...negritude was well cradled on its mother’s lap,
authenticity” (Mobutu, cited in Kakama, 1983, p.53).42
Whilst understanding how the picture portrayed by Dungia may be founded on the experience
of working at the core of Zairian diplomatic services, there are also reasons to believe that
Mobutu’s call for action on psychological oppression was genuine. From Mobutu’s first article,
published in 1956 in Actualités Africaines under the pseudonym J.D. Banzy, there was a direct
provocation to change the way Congolese were regarded at large; the article read “Grant us a
concession, a place at the university for black lawyers” (Langellier, 2017, p.37)43. His first
opportunity to make himself heard was used to attempt a significant change to the status quo,
as the Congolese were not allowed to undertake law studies, either in their own country, or in
Belgium, as they were considered subversive (Langellier, 2017). Mobutu’s activism can be
read as meaningful, if we take into consideration that he was living through a period of
collective action towards an effective decolonisation. The idealism that was born out of
independence allowed for grand gestures of detachment from the former European coloniser,
and a search for identity which Mobutu, with the help of the MPR, formulated into Authenticity.
The first of these gestures, which claimed that to decolonise the country consisted in disowning
the colonial intervention and was expressed in the language, entailed changing the name of the
country. The country’s name was changed in order to abandon any psychological debris
attached to the linguistics of the Belgian Congo, therefore the name ‘Congo’ was substituted
by the more authentic44 name Zaïre.45 This measure of the programme of Authenticity has often
been referred to as the de-baptisation of the country (Braekman,2016, p.19).46 The simple, yet
effective, battle against foreign names was not only symbolic, but was thought of as key to
constructing the figure of the new Zairian. Mobutu explained, during the 1972 MPR
conference: “The Zairian had thus lost the authentic meaning of the name, the name that places
him genealogically, fully personalises him, this name which constitutes a great tribute to his
42
My translation. Original text: “la négritude était bien bercée sur les genoux de sa mère, l'authenticité”
My translation. Original text: “De grâce, une place à l’université pour les juristes noirs.”
44
Throughout this text the term authentic in italics does not express its literal translation as legitimate or original,
but, rather, refers to the adjective of belonging to the policy of Authenticity
45
Zaïre is the French spelling.
46
The practice which, despite the name, does not entail any religious disavowal, has been popularly known as
de-baptisation (Braekman, 2016, p.19) or re-baptisation (Wrong, 2000, p.285)
43
28
ancestors”47 (Kabue, 1976, p.196). In Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in
African Literature (1984), Ngugi wa Thiong’o analyses the use of language by exposing its
function to enable communication, but also to hand down culture. Mobutu’s change of
language from the French to the Congolese languages for the names, directed the country
towards a rediscovery of its own culture. Ngugi wa Thiong’o explains that:
Culture embodies those, moral, ethical values, the set of spiritual eyeglasses, through
which they come to view themselves and their place in the universe. Values are the
basis of a people’s identity, their sense of particularity as members of the human race.
All this carried by language. Language as culture is the collective memory banks of a
people’s experience in history (Ngugi Wa Thiong’o, 1986, p.15)
The renaming process was a twofold form of decolonisation, firstly, in ceasing to prolong the
foreign presence through the language and, further, by erasing the collective memory of the
colony in the language. The direct attempt at decolonisation with Authenticity resorted to
measures that encompassed culture from the changes in people’s personal names to the way
the population dressed; the Zairian people were to embrace this new self-image at once. Gone
were the Madame and Monsieur, as European appellations were changed to the more
anonymous, but democratic, Citoyenne and Citoyen, simply translated into: citizen. In an even
more personal move that was to affect every citizen, all people were forced to abandon their
Christian names, which had been adopted during colonial times, in favour of traditional Zairian
names. In 1972, the President himself became Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga
“ ‘the powerful warrior whose stamina and willpower carry him from victory to victory, leaving
behind only fire’ (but also, ‘the rooster that leaves no hen unruffled’, depending on the
translator)” (Reybrouck, 2014, p.348). To Mobutu, however, and according to the logic of the
ideology of Authenticity, this name established his origin and his place in the line of succession
in the “warrior Ngbandi tribe” (Mobutu Sese Seko and Remilleux, 1989, p.110). Unlike
Joseph-Désiré, which reflected a colonised identity, the tribal name also hinted at a detachment
from the Christianity that was associated with the colonial names and the beginning of a
difficult relationship with the Church.
Names of people and places were changed, every city name was Africanised, from
Leopoldville to Kinshasa, Elizabethville was renamed Lubumbashi and Stanleyville now
known as Kisangani. People were instructed to be profoundly true to their roots, not only by
transforming their names, and therefore deleting the foreign language from their everyday
47
My translation. Original text : “Le Zaïrois avait ainsi perdu le sens authentique du nom, ce nom qui le situe
généalogiquement, le personnalise pleinement, ce nom qui constitue un insigne hommage rendu à ses ancêtres”
29
conversation, but they were also asked to change the way they looked. European clothing was
officially banned and was replaced by a non-western suit, called the Abacos,48 for men (from
the sentence “A bas le costume” “Down with the suits”), and full length dresses made of
African cloth49 for women (Meredith, 2011). The traditional dress, unlike other countries in
Africa, was worn with two pagnes, promoting a sense of pride and identification when
recognising other Zairian women throughout the world by their attire. Men and women were
encouraged to embrace their natural beauty, which was transformed into a signifier of political
action, representing an authentic beauty. “Only natural hairstyles were allowed. Extensions
and the “conking” or straightening of hair was forbidden. Even more strongly forbidden were
preparations for lightening the skin” (Reybrouck, 2014, p.352). The aesthetics of Authenticity
were quickly resolved and adhered to as representations of a philosophy that was in a
continuous process of design.
There was going to be a new way of living and thinking, and the media served to communicate
the change. The “new man”, the Zairian, was born through a process of signifiers and methods
of Authenticity that were established by the MPR. This transformation was channelled in all
aspects of life, from within the home to the institutions, including the OCICO (Organisation
des Cinéastes Congolais), which had to rebrand itself OZAC: Organisation Zairoise des
Cinéastes. Amongst its executive members, the respected director “Gérard Mulongoy Kalafufu
assured the government representatives directly that the organisation was to produce films that
were ‘authentically Zairian’ to better disseminate their own culture through cinema”
(Convents, 2006, p272).50 As OZAC promised an authentic representation, and Authenticity
claimed to celebrate the original Congolese and not the westernised, denatured version of the
population, it is important to identify this rediscovery and celebration in film of a national
image and its relationship to the authentic image. The next chapter will address the relationship
between Authenticity and national filmmaking.
48
The suit is referred to as Abacos, but also as Abacost, both names being accepted
Meredith chooses the term African cloth, which, in Congo, is known as pagne
50
My translation. Original text; “Gérard Mulongoy Kalafufu Souligne devant des représentants du gouvernement
que l'organisation veut produire des films authentiquement zaïrois pour mieux diffuser leur propre culture grâce
au cinéma”
49
30
1.4 Zairianisation
“The measures of Zairianisation reflected the desire of Mobutu’s regime to regain its economic
independence”51(M’pereng, 2012, p.72). Zairianisation can be explained as an economic
framework for Authenticity, and it came into full effect in 1973, whereby there was an
appropriation by the government of commercial enterprises owned by foreigners, in order to
benefit the nation of Zaire. Businesses were taken away from their foreign owners and were
redistributed to the Zairian population under a policy of the patrimonialism of national
resources, “roughly 1,500 to 2,000 enterprises were taken from their non-Zairian owners, and
members of the political aristocracy…acquired them” (Callaghy, 1984, cited in Gondola, 2002,
p.145). The Congolese media infrastructure adapted to these measures even earlier, as they
went through a nationalisation process a year ahead of the policy. In 1972, the Ministry of
Information was renamed the Department of National Guidance52, a new name that indicates
the shift of relationship between the party in power and the population, as the ministry changes
its declared mission from Information to the one of Guidance. The department set out a new
proposal of incorporating into the state machine all of the once independent film and tv
production companies, which all had foreign owners or investors. RENACT, Régie Nationale
des Actualités Cinema et Télévision, a newly formed state institution, acquired the country’s
most prolific independent production company, Congovox. At the same time, the government
also decided to create a cultural and educational arm of audio-visual production by creating a
sister company, RENAPEC, Régie Nationale des Productions Educatives et Culturelles, which
became the proprietor of the once church-owned TéléStar, a broadcasting company that was
focused on educational content.
As soon as these measures and acquisitions took place, the content was rebranded in what
might be called authentic standards. The film Mboka Na Ngai (Back to our Roots) (1972) by
the filmmaker Talangai I Kambianuma, is a significant example of this, with its title capturing
the desire to search for Authenticity whilst, at the same time, expressing the government’s
vision (Convents, 2006). Directly after the economic changes brought by Zairianisation started
taking shape, the politics of patrimonialism became visible, as the “confiscated foreign
51
My translation. Original text: “Les mesures de zaïrianisation traduisaient la volonté du régime Mobutu de
recouvrer son indépendance sur le plan économique”
52
The title of Minister of Information also changed to Commissaire d’État à l’Orientation Nationale, State
Commissioner for National Guidance (Botombele, 1975, p.76)
31
companies were allocated to members of the political elite” (Young and Turner 1985, p 328,
cited in Gondola, 2002, p.145). As the policy of Zairianisation spread across the media
industry, all film and television production became part of National Television, meaning that
all production and distribution was fully Zairianised, in other words, it was nationalised
(Zoppelletto, 2015).
Zaire’s communication became important during the period of the Second Republic, especially
as Mobutu’s background in colonial media allowed him to understand the possibilities
available to him and his government with a nationalised system like colonisation, both in
material and ideological terms. It is possible to see how this led to his accepted role of Guide,
Chief and Father of Zaire. Similarly to the methods used by the coloniser, the President created
a new sense of submission in the citizens by using powerful cultural roles. During colonisation,
the Belgian Kingdom took a position of superiority which confined the Congolese population
to a position as ‘eternal children’, who were supposed to be taught and disciplined, and, as a
result of their alleged perennial immaturity, they would be prohibited from attaining places of
responsibility. This was an attitude that was pervasive in all aspects of colonial life. Some
examples of this may be found also in the relationship that was shaped by the Belgians between
the Congolese audience and cinema. One of the active promoters of cinema in the Belgian
Congo, Father Van den Heuvel, in a 1958 paper presented the general attitude towards the
indigenous population:
For this audience that we call primitive, we must make films for Africans. The scenarios
will be simple and will deal with few characters. The characters will be easily
distinguishable from one another, and they will each have well defined habits...The
technique for such films will generally be analogous to the one used when filming for
children. The content however will be different...(Diawara, 1992, p.17)
This attitude, and the consequences of a distorted image of the Congolese population, remained
even after independence, and was publicly denounced by Mobutu himself. He claimed to have
abolished it with his work: “Thanks to the Revolution, the image of the ‘Negro, eternal child’,
imposed on the world by the coloniser, has revealed itself to be so immense, so ridiculous, that
it has been definitely buried”(Mobutu cited in Kabue, 1976, p.257). 53
53
My translation. Original text: “Grace à la Révolution, l’image du ‘Nègre éternel enfant’, imposée au monde par
le colonisateur, s’est révélée d’une telle énormité, d’un tel ridicule, qu’elle est définitivement enterrée”
32
This statement of praise of the cultural revolution hides a contradiction in terms of how Mobutu
and his government looked at the citizens. Having, very early in the political journey of the
party, used the image of Mobutu as ‘Father and Chief of the Zairian people’, this concept was
popularised through all of the media; television, radio, press and songs. This consequently
allowed the President to assume the same patronising relationship with the population, who
would ultimately become his subjects rather than his fellow citizens. The African political
expert, Michael G. Shatzberg, approaches the regime’s sustainability through its dialectics.
Once the regime had acquired power through a martial take over, it was faced with the
challenging task of controlling and keeping power. In Shatzberg’s analysis, it was achieved by
“encouraging citizens to accept valid symbols and metaphors of authority” (Schatzberg, 1991,
p.72). In this context, we can assert that Authenticity functioned to promote the ideas and
symbols of a traditional authority that became fundamental to Mobutu’s implementation of
Zairianisation, as this popular metaphor of the time elucidates: “…two Chiefs could not sit on
the same leopard skin!”(Ndaywel è Nziem, 2009, p.535).54 The past tense of this metaphor
indicates how even the language was used to direct attention to notions of a better pre-colonial
past which, if resumed, would bring an authentic order. Patrimonialism was possible for the
government along with the assignment of the country’s commercial and economic resources to
the political elite because of the undisputed imagery of an authentic democracy in which the
Chief could endow his people and the elders with different national assets.
The recurrent symbol used is one reverting to the pre-colonial era of the Chief, who has to
guide his village and is responsible for his people with his fatherly care. From the top of the
political establishment to the nameless lower level clerk, cited by Shatzberg (1991, p.71),
Mobutu was accepted as being the natural superior of all of the citizens:
A good Chief is a father of the family. As a father he must punish his children, but first
he gives advice and directives. But if the children do not obey, they will be punished,
but that is not his fault (Schatzberg, 1991, p.71)
Through the choice of language and imagery that lead to constant metaphors relating to family
morality and hierarchical traditions, there was an attempt to create a relationship of dependence
between the father and his children, and thus Mobutu and the population. As a consequence of
54
My translation. Original text: “Deux chefs ne pouvaient s’asseoir sur une même peau de léopard!”. The same
saying is quoted in Langellier’s book Mobutu, but the text differs “there is no space for two Chiefs on one leopard
skin”, my translation. Original text: “Il n’y a pas de place pour deux chefs sur la peau de léopard.” (Langellier,
2017, p.226)
33
the promotion of his status as Chief there is the obvious explanation for the population: that it
believed in Mobutu’s cultural and divine right to absolute decision making and its consequence
for them. Similarly, the coloniser held the same power of decision over the Congolese in a
disguised role as teacher and protector, a role which would only be employed to assure the
constant role of privilege over men and land. This way of maintaining power was then emulated
by Mobutu’s neo-colonialism, which claimed that the origin was to be found in the traditional
and authentic Zairian way of life, however contradictory such an ideology may be. By
associating the role of President to that of a traditional Chief and, furthermore, to that of a
father, the ideas of national wealth and personal property were synonymous. This shift in
perspective implied that every state development, whether a school, a hospital or roads, was to
be perceived as gifts that were offered to the population by their magnanimous Chief and father
(Schatzberg, 1991). This mindset may be found in the pre-colonial indigenous way of life but,
according to the hypothesis of this research, it will be also found in government communication
and audio-visual production, which produced a new identity for the population, now the
children of the Chief.
The changes in the country’s media landscape which, as mentioned earlier, were brought about
by the Union Nationale de la Presse Zaïroise and OZAC’s promise of an authentic filmmaking,
meant that by 1972 artistic work had a moral obligation to follow the government agenda, and
this was characterized by ambitions for international recognition and influence. As suggested
by the former diplomat Dungia (1993), the need for affirmation with his contemporaries pushed
Mobutu to making flamboyant gestures. The determination to establish Zaire’s place as a
relevant player in the international arena became apparent as a great deal of effort and funds
were spent for developments of epic magnitude. Whether these developments, all financed in
the name of Zairianisation, can be read as being undertaken for the benefit of Mobutu’s own
ego or for the good of the country, the President seriously attempted to ensure that the nation’s
name resonated globally as an assertion of its people.
The fact that Mobutu did not lead the independence of 1960,55 was compensated for by the
media’s efforts, as most of the material viewed within the scope of this research has been found
55
Mobutu was in Brussels at the time of the round table negotiations for independence, but was not allowed to
participate, since he was there in the capacity of student following an internship and he did not belong to an official
delegation. Although he was not allowed in the room where the meetings took place, he was present around the
Congolese delegation as much as he could, in order to make himself visible (Langellier, 2017, pp.59-60) We
might say he was able to watch history being made, rather than participating in it.
34
to show that a critical component of the country’s communication is a perpetual reminder that,
in the years that followed, there were more conclusive victories for freedom for the people that
were gained by Mobutu. The distinction is often present in the Party’s rhetoric, in which the
first independence brought freedom from oppression, but with Mobutu’s Second Republic
there was independence from political unrest, which was followed by a philosophical
independence:
the third independence, is the independence of the intellect, mental independence. It is
the true meaning of this ongoing research that is resorting to authenticity: it tends to
reveal to the black man, more particularly the Zairian, that he too can create, make
something, that he is someone ( Mobutu, 1975, cited in Kabue, 1976, p.256) 56
Thereafter, Mobutu the Guide came to establish, with precise directives on cultural norms and
economic policies, what the country could achieve, and how this success was to be embodied
by the Zairian spirit.
From theory to practice, Authenticity had to demonstrate the achievements in relation to
emancipating the country, and Zairianisation was perceived as the vehicle for it. One of the
projects of engineering pride and symbols of independence was the Inga-Shaba powerline,
which allegedly contributed to bankrupting the country. The grandiose development was
completed in 1983, but it was six years behind schedule and cost one billion US dollars, four
times its initial estimate (Crawford Young, 1998, p.120). The project, for many years the
longest high-voltage direct current line in the world, was, as was norm at the time, captured in
a film, Inga (1975), which was directed by a prominent member of OZAC, Jean Baptiste
Komba Kayumba. Although this specific film is not available in any of the archives that were
consulted during this thesis’ research, an earlier film production, Voyage Royal Au Congo
(1970), shows the Inga Shaba project to emphasise the narration of the development of the
country during the Second Republic, and the technical modernisation brought by
autochthonous action. A celebratory introduction to the power line can be found in this
documentary film, available at the Brussel’s Cinematek where the archives hold the 35mm reel
of the 24 minutes documentary, produced by Congovox.57 This is one of the many examples
of a Congolese film production which is not catalogued in any of the available texts regarding
56
My translation. Original text: “La troisième indépendance, c’est l’Independence des esprits, l’indépendance
mentale. C’est le vrai sens de cette recherche permanent qu’est le recours à l’authenticité: elle tend à révéler
l’homme noir, plus particulièrement au Zaïrois, que lui aussi peut créer, apporter quelque chose qu’il est
quelqu’un”
57
Later known as RENACT
35
African or Congolese film, probably because of its distribution, which may have been limited
to national television, and because it does not have any opening or closing credits, other than
Congovox, so it would have been difficult to attribute to any filmmaker. This production,
although it had been long forgotten in the Belgian archives, can offer significant information
on the media’s approach to the President’s role and persona.
The film follows the royal visit by King Baudouin in 1970, on his first trip back to Congo since
independence, and his consort, Queen Fabiola’s, first visit to the country. Congovox was
commissioned by the government to make the documentary, and it was significant in marking
the country’s ten years of independence. This Royal visit, as documented by the film, was a
chance for Mobutu to display his vision of sovereignty and for the independent country to be
regarded as a peer, rather than as a developing nation, by those who ruled it for over half a
century. It is possible to get a sense of this particular aim of the film from the first opening
sequence of the arrival of the King and Queen of Belgium at N’Djili Airport. A French voiceover comments on the image of the two statesmen, Mobutu and the King of Belgium, standing
in military attire, smiling for the cameras and the crowd: “On the podium, two men, two friends,
an African and a European. Partners with the same duties, interpreting the destiny of their
people” (Voyage Royal Au Congo, 1970).58 The fifteen-day visit is reported and is filmed with
attention to all the local traditions and the wealth of resources, from the River Congo to the
mining sites, to the final and crowning visit of the Inga dams. We see the Belgian and
Congolese delegations looking over the immense landscape and the chief engineer explaining
the project to them, whilst the voice-over explains: “This project, that has been contemplated
by Belgium for many years, has been successfully undertaken by Mobutu” (Voyage Royal Au
Congo, 1970).59
This Congolese production is an early example of the theme that will then carry the party’s
ideologies. Most African films, in the view of the film director Alain Aubert, cited by Pommier
(1974), are subject to a main theme of tradition versus modernity, but as Voyage Royal Au
Congo shows, both can be used and entwined to introduce a further major theme that is present
in the Second Republic films: development. Pommier explains that, it is usual in African film
to show the conflict of heritage and change, which is expressed by two main storylines, one of
58
My translation. Original text: “Au podium, deux hommes, deux amis, un africain et un européen. Associées
des mêmes devoirs, interprétations des destins dès leur peuples”
59
My translation. Original text: “Ce projet étudié depuis des années par la Belgique, Mobutu le réalise”
36
a clash between generations, which finds its roots in a specific African context, and the one of
modernity which arises from the idea of the conflict between Europe and Africa (Pommier,
1974). In the Congolese and later Zairian context, the idea of tradition is enhanced and glorified
through the expression of Authenticity and its actualisation in Zairianisation, which means that
the themes of generation and modernity can still be present in the film narrative, but a major
theme to discover, which is alluded to by many of the recorded titles, is the one of the modern
development of the land of the forefathers. It may be a peculiarity of both the country and the
period of post-independence construction, but an obvious prerogative in Mobutu’s plans is the
development of the land and its unfolding on film which reconfirm the President’s role as
builder/father of the nation, and as a superlative citizen.
The emphasis on construction and development in the media are some of the aspects that have
been identified as ‘development journalism’, which will be discussed in further detail in the
next chapter, and which has also been recognised as a phenomenon in Zaire and its
neighbouring countries by Marie Soleil Frère, in her study Journalistic Identity and Audience
Perceptions: Paradigms and models under construction in the African Great Lakes region
(2015). Although in most media environments journalism and filmmaking may share some
specific interests, in Zaire, with the consolidation of all media so that those media become a
large state operation, the principles of one can be applied to the other, as journalists and
filmmakers become subservient to the same system. This thesis will therefore consider Frère’s
study on journalists and their practice to be directly relevant to Zairian filmmakers. These
professionals:
were subjected to an essentially external, authoritarian and unilateral (non-consultative)
definition of the nature and missions of their profession, the media existing under a
state monopoly, whether de jure or de facto (Frère, 2015, p.79).
In this context, it is Sakombi, State Commissioner of the Department of National Guidance,
who clarifies the government expectations of the media. “The Zairian journalist is an officer
committed to the realization of the MPR’s vision of society” (Sakombi, cited in Frère, 2015,
p.79). To truly communicate the vision, we might add that the media practitioner was supposed
to understand the genesis of the Party doctrine and its application to the territory, so as to be
able to convey a so-called authentic approach. It is with this reasoning that Sakombi’s
department founded the Institut des Sciences et Techniques d’Information (Institute of Science
and Information Technologies) – ISTI, in 1973, of which he became director with the objective
37
of educating the future voices of the country, giving them knowledge that was adequate to fulfil
the MPR.
Sakombi estimated that “The training given in European or American schools to future
journalists from developing countries takes place in a socio-political context different from the
one in which these agents will one day have to work”(Frère, 2015, p.80). The issue raised by
Sakombi, although it only looks at journalism, determines the provenance of education as a
defining factor of media production, in the same way that Pommier (1974) pointed to a western
sensibility influencing African work, and therefore expressing the concern of decolonisation at
the media’s source. Although the intention of the Party, the MPR, was to enable national
training to sensitise journalists to the government’s ideas and to frame their role as being:
…at the service of national development of which he really is the tool (…) It is in the
context of the party that he in fact enjoys the freedom of expression in his dual capacity
as an activist and a citizen. This freedom to exercise his profession is both conceived
and practised in the context of the National Party (Sakombi, cited in Frère, 2015, p.80).
Through these actions, the MPR was able to form a systematic relationship with the people. It
became the creator of a distinctive philosophy for those people, Authenticity, a school for that
philosophy, the sole icon of the philosophy and its enactment in society through Zairianisation,
as promoted by its students. The role of documenting the country’s development and the
promotion of the process of Zairianisation, in other words, the nationalisation of companies
and further Zairian development, was inescapable for the filmmakers, who were compelled to
partake in this process of emancipation, especially by making films about state companies.
1.5 Mobutism
National identity, engendered by Mobutu’s concept of a Zairian spirit, was partially modelled
on ideas of the Congolese pre-colonial way of life, along with the traditions that had been
rediscovered, and sometimes overtly fabricated by, Mobutu and his government. This renegotiation of history is emblematic of what has been addressed by Hobsbawm in assessing
revolutions and progressive movements, which express their rupture with the past by
mobilising only the relevant past, by the repetition of historic or invented traditions
(Hobsbawm, 1992, pp.1–14). In this particular case, the Zairian spirit and its expression in real
life disengages from the colonial past and actively appropriates some of its traditions. The most
culturally significant tradition, as discussed earlier, is that of the Chief. The Chief’s undisputed
role was created for the public imagination in less than a decade following Mobutu’s coup
38
d’état, and it encompassed a national identity that was fully taken on by the President. Within
this decade, the General’s military attire was discarded and was substituted by the revered
leopard hat and traditional carved wooden cane of the Chief. The ultimate recognition of this
shift in perception is identifiable in the last doctrine: Mobutism. Explained by Mobutu himself
to a broadcast journalist: “It is the ensemble of all that I have preached since my emergence.
Since the historic day, 24th November, 1965, and it is summarised in this: the teachings, the
thoughts and the actions of the founding President of MPR” (Zoppelletto, 2015).60 The
teachings cover all aspects of state and civilian life, whilst simultaneously creating social
models to respect. With no choice, since there were no other political parties that were allowed
to exist or to form, and only one possible party leader and father, all Zairians were not just
authentic citizens but, in effect, Mobutists.
The most famous, and at first popular, Mobutism was Salongo, which was celebrated as a
feature film, Salongo (1974). This documentary feature film was produced with the intent of
being an impressive Zairian production with a large scale and budget, but the film was never
released. Once the film was edited, it was sent to Belgium to have the negative master copy
made, but neither copy was ever returned, and it was therefore never circulated in the national
television buildings, and so it was never seen again. The film literature on Zairian cinema and
the country’s media industry give inconclusive information about it, and erroneously refer to
it as L’Esprit de Salongo - The Spirit of Salongo (1975). During the course of this research, I
was able to locate the film reel, digitise it and analyse its content (see Chapter 5). Concurrently,
knowledge on the word “salongo” itself is just as uncertain. Salongo is a word that is
understood to mean “work”, but it does not originate from any particular Congolese language,
was introduced in Mobuto’s speeches, and was already being used in 1972 to rename the
national newspaper Le Progrès (Le Progrès, 1962) which, under the name Salongo, became
known as a “newspaper of national action”(Salongo, 1972). 61
Salongo became a powerful slogan, since it inspired songs and celebratory dances that were
performed during party rallies, but it was also absorbed into popular culture as Franco, the
country’s most revered Congolese rumba singer, recorded the single Salongo – Alinga Mosala
60
Translation by SUB-TI Ltd. Original text: “C’est l’ensemble de tout ce que j’ai prêché, depuis le début de mon
action. Depuis la date historique du 24 Novembre 1965 et ça se résume en ceci: les enseignements, la pensée et
l’action du président fondateur du MPR”
61
My translation. Original text: “Quotidien d’action nationale”
39
(Salongo – Love to work), in which he uses the Party slogan and other Mobutisms in the lyrics
(Franco & OK Jazz, 1973), such as “Moto na Moto ya Bongisa” meaning “Each and every one
has to improve himself” (Mobutu Sese Seko and Remilleux, 1989, p.97).
The word salongo was accepted as the ‘Mobutism’ of communal work, and claimed to find its
roots in traditional Zairian ethics for the community, but can be summarized as obligatory civic
work. There are no official sources that identify either the expression or the practice that comes
from a pre-colonial tradition. We can instead observe, through the findings of this research,
that due to the implementation of the word in media and popular culture, and the perpetuation
of the story of its origin in the country’s ancestry, both the term and its practice were
legitimised. This collective work, claiming to be beneficial to society, glorified in TV ads and
songs promoting a utopian nation, was later denounced as having different objectives. The
joyful chants whilst working and the slogan on billboards “Salongo Alinga Mosala”62, whilst
the President and father of the country proclaimed “Happy are the people who sing and dance”
(Mobutu, cited in Covington-Ward, 2016, p.130) differ from testimonies that shed light on
Salongo which, for almost a decade, was boosted by collective singing and participation.
Officially described as a revolutionary attempt to return to the values of communalism
and solidarity inherent in the traditional society, Salongo was intended to mobilize the
population into the performance of collective work with enthusiasm and without
constraint. But, in fact, Salongo was forced labour....failure to comply carried penalties
of one month to six months in jail (USA International Business Publications, 2007,
p.79).63
Whilst the President worked so that his Mobutisms would achieve legitimacy in order to contest
any speculation that, once again, the colonial style forced labour was in place, Ramsey Lewis,
the famous American jazz musician, entitled his 1976 album Salongo, to which the music
database Discogs reports the artist gave the meaning, “We come together to create something
beautiful out of love” ( Ramsey Lewis - Salongo (CD, Album) at Discogs, n.d.). This is a
testament to how alleged forced labour, monitored by the military, was taking place inside the
country, whilst the outside world was receiving a very different image through how this
practice was presented, mainly by its accompaniment with, and celebration in, song and dance.
62
“Salongo Love to work”
Please note no author’s name is given for this book. The text is edited by the group ‘USA International Business
Publications’.
63
40
The communal work aimed at developing the nation in peaceful unison is a constant theme in
Zaire and it was articulated as a Mobutism. An all-encompassing philosophy, Mobutism has
been evaluated in terms of authoritarianism:
The regime’s official doctrine - referred to as Mobutism since 1974 - is clearly not an
elaborate and guiding ideology, but rather a distinctive, if eclectic ‘mentality’. The
mobilization achieved by the state-party apparatus is relatively extensive, but it is
certainly not intensive. Finally, President Mobutu definitely exercises broad power
within formally ill-defined limits, but limits to the effectiveness of this broad personal
power clearly do exist…The mentalities of authoritarian regimes are usually an eclectic
and often haphazard blend of ambiguous, fluctuating, and often derivative legitimating
formulas that attempt to give the impression of being an ideology. In fact, however they
lack coherence, complexity, and clear articulation of specific assertions and explicit
commitments. As a result, they also lack sustained mobilizational power (Callaghy,
1984, pp.7,9).
In this regard, the efforts of the regime to bring habits and traditions, such as Salongo, did not
have a lasting impact because they were based on an ideology that, as Callaghy explains, lacked
coherence, one of the reasons why this may have failed. The Mobutism of Salongo, a work
method, similar in ideas to the Ujamaa created in Tanzania, in trying to establish cooperative
economic work, finally waned, as the formula did not find sustained support and the people
were finding themselves trapped by empty slogans. However, the government pursued and
reinforced the ideals of Mobutism by building on the image of the President and his
developments. As seen in the period of Zairianisation, development is at the heart of filmic
themes.
A case that shows how this theme is the focus of Zairian film production is the documentary
Gbadolite, Un Example, Comme Toujours (Gbadolite an Example As Always) (1979)64, a 105
mins film in 16 mm, which is not listed in any of the African and Congolese film texts but is
available at the Cinematek. Directed by Lundu Lusala Khasa, this documentary portrayed the
strength of the regime’s teachings, as well as presenting an aspirational model of a way of life.
Gbadolite was a small village in the area where Mobutu’s father was born. A rural abandoned
area, it became of interest to the President, who decided to develop it as the ideal Zairian town,
not a Belgian-constructed city which was then renamed and restyled with new government
buildings, as was the case for all the major cities in the country, but an authentic African town.
64
My translation
41
The film’s opening titles run over footage of a beautiful tropical landscape bearing just one
non-Zairian name, already a contrast to the opening titles of just a few years before, when
Belgian surnames would have led the production. From these first images the film aims to show
that the MPR had succeeded with the measures of Zairianisation, the foreigner was out, and
everything is run by Zairians. President Mobutu is portrayed walking in a lush green plantation
landscape, admiring the land. From these establishing shots the film cuts to an introductory
interview with the President. Sitting amongst traditional sculptures and masks, the President
talks of his Gbadolite project and its value. “I preach to my people since 1966 that agriculture
is the biggest heritage”65 and he adds to this consideration a statement that further enhances his
position as citizen and father: “I received you here, not in Kinshasa where it is too formal. So
that you will be able to see what the President, the citizen Mobutu does. In N’Sele it is the
Chief, here is where I work.” (Landu Lusala Khasa, 1979).66 The President refers to his
government role in the capital city, Kinshasa, the role of traditional Chief in the village of
N’Sele, made famous by the manifesto, and finally the role of the citizen who builds and
develops his country in the plantations and town of Gbadolite.67
This film is exemplary in expressing the focus of Zairianisation and Mobutism for work,
commercial and agricultural development. It is work and the results of it that are on display in
this film. From images of the endless fields to shots of the farms, we are given a meticulous
account of what the President has developed out of a bare land. Intermittently, from the
descriptions of the vegetation planted, the film cuts to interviews with agricultural engineers
who swear by the knowledge of the President and are grateful for his foresight. From the
working of the land to the hospital that has saved many people from the burden of goitre, an
illness common to the area, and the banks which are now coming into the town, which the
voice-over68 explains in what I categorise as ‘development filmmaking’: “The economic
development of the region has created a harmonious development of the health system for the
65
My translation. Original text: “Depuis 1966 Je prêche à mon peuple que l'agriculture est notre plus grand
héritage.”
66
My translation. Original text: “Je vous reçois ici, pas à Kinshasa où c'est trop formel. Pour que vous puissiez
voir ce que fait le président, le citoyen Mobutu. A N'Sele, c'est le chef, mais c'est ici que je travaille”
67
The Historical Dictionary of Zaire entry for the town: “GBADOLITE. A town on the Ubangi River in the
Equateur Region, 400 kms upriver from Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic. The Mobutu family
originally is from Gbadolite, although he was born and raised in Lisala. Gbadolite has become a model town
with electricity, paved roads, and relatively developed health and social care facilities. It also is the home of the
shrine to Mobutu’s mother, Mama Yemo.” (Bobb, 1989, p.90)
68
Voice over narrator : Lumbana Kapasa
42
region” (Landu Lusala Khasa, 1979).69 Gbadolite is presented as a dream settlement for those
who just have the will to work, to endeavour to build their land, as the President and journalist
reiterate in a litany throughout the film. The feature documentary ends with the promise of an
international airport, and as the President leaves in his helicopter to get back to state work,
there are iconic images of him getting onto the aircraft with the accompaniment of an exultant
voice over: “A challenge for himself, an example for his collaborators, a hope for an entire
people” (Landu Lusala Khasa, 1979).70
Films, slogans and songs are the output of a government which specifically constructed a state
machine for the media with the purpose of reflecting a national image formulated by a canon,
which was directed and examined by the Department of National Guidance and, in particular,
Sakombi, in the name of development.
Much of the country’s expansion, which is identified as a governmental priority and a major
ideological mission of its national cinema, was costly in operational expenses, but it also
allegedly included the corruption costs to accomplish the new vision of the country. Although
nobody ever questioned these, as “the Chief does not have to justify that to his
subordinates”(Schatzberg, 1991, p.95) the economic downturn of the mid-seventies was
starting to weigh on the country.71 The presidency was allocated as much as twenty percent of
the official budget by the government, as well as receiving large foreign exchange sums from
the Bank of Zaire for its operational and upkeep costs (Crawford Young, 1998, p.119). Yet
another donation of the Father of the Nation, this time the inauguration of the La Cité de la
Voix du Zaïre, temporarily obscured the problematic economic context of the country.
1.6 Conclusion
This chapter has presented the main ideology introduced by Mobutu’s government and its
different developments in the years after the coup d’état, as they are ideological markers for
changes in the cultural and media environment. Through Authenticity, Zairianisation and
Mobutism it is possible to retrace the themes of development; firstly, of the African people as
69
My translation. Original text: “Le développement économique de la région a créé le développement de la santé
en façon harmonieuse pour la région”
70
My translation. Original text: “Un défi pour lui-même. Un exemple pour ses collaborateurs. Un espoir pour
tout un peuple.”
71
The end of the war in Vietnam and the subsequent fall in copper prices are often indicated as the negative
turning point in the Zairian economy (Reybrouck, 2014).
43
authentic; then, as being in charge of their economy through Zairianisation and, finally, as the
subjects of a fabricated ‘traditional’ modernism with Mobutism. With the necessity to form a
national identity, the government of the Second Republic appropriated the visions of
decolonisation within the scheme of a cultural revolution in three phases, which formed a new
way of conceiving the notions of the country, as well as of its people. Mobutu and his
government attempted decolonisation by eradicating structures and implementing new ones
that were strictly linked to traditional culture and African modernity, which were interpreted
as freedom from coloniality, although the country could not effectively free itself from the past.
The African modernisation produced in the country was also physical, and was pushed with
the construction of new buildings that would reflect and continue producing the cultural change
from within. This was the core idea behind the construction of the La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre,
one of the country’s symbols of African modernisation through culture, which will be the
discussed in the next chapter. A symbol of national development where ‘development films’
were conceived and produced.
44
CHAPTER 2
AN AUTHENTIC STUDIO FOR ‘DEVELOPMENT FILMS’
The concept of development is fashionable. It has taken a prominent place in
economic literature, although economists are not the only ones to make use of
it. Sociologists, geographers, lawyers and even the man on the street today
speak fluently of development and underdeveloped countries
(Mutuza, 1987, p53)72
2.0 Introduction
This chapter will define the term ‘development films’ for this thesis and situate the term in
relation to African and national film, the concept of development and further how these films
may be revalued if read as film events using Thomas Elsaesser’s proposition of ‘film events’
and the Three As. To begin with, the chapter will look at the emergence of development media
as a possible solution to the issues of national expression and identity faced by the African
continent. “Development media and Zairian ‘development films’” will address the
international notions of development and how these are traceable in ‘development films,’
giving a framework for the genre. The proposed film category can be outlined in government
commissioned filmmaking that is in documentary form and wants to attest to the social and
economic advancement of the independent nation with themes of modernity and
industrialisation. The films indicated as ‘development films’ were conceived under Mobutu’s
authoritarian rule therefore it could be argued that the ideological content of the film
productions relegates them to propaganda. This is why the thesis will attempt to adopt a
different interpretation that shifts the classification from a focus on propaganda to ‘film events’.
72
My translation. Original text: “Le concept de développement est à la mode. Il a pris une place de choix dans la
littérature économique, encore que les économistes ne soient pas les seuls à en faire usage. Les sociologues, les
géographes, les juristes et même l'homme de la rue parlent couramment aujourd'hui du développement et des pays
sous-développés”
45
In the section “Thomas Elsaesser’s methods for framing development films”, I explore the
Zairian films referred to in this thesis using Thomas Elsaesser’s ‘historio-pragmatic’
classification of films which helps re-address them as ‘film events’ (Elsaesser, 2014) using the
rule of the Three As. This approach, which looks at re-appreciating factual films in archives,
attempts to add to existing archival indexing and researching practice by “extending, revisiting
and opening up traditional categories around non-fiction, documentary, industrial
film”(Elsaesser, 2014, p32). Therefore, the recommendations of the Three As, allows to
consider the films as meaningful events of a media composite born from a specific time and
commissioning body. This section will also introduce La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre as the
epicentre of these productions, the producer of these film events and therefore locus of
authentic interpretations of decolonisation and development. To further explain the
establishment of ‘development filmmaking’, the chapter will be presenting the ambitions of
African cinema at independence in order to represent also the point of view of scholars and
filmmakers in the African continent within the scope of the emerging francophone African
cinema, who address the issues of development with ambitions and ideas differing from the
path adopted by the national productions of Congo/Zaire. These perspectives are captured in
the section “The Independent approaches of African and Zairian Film” which will explore ways
in which film could communicate change to the people. This will be then explained in relation
to differences and similarities brought by the implications of the political context of
Authenticity which will be explored in the sub-section “African, National and Authentic
cinema”.
2.1 Development media and Zairian ‘development films’
Development is a contested proposition that, from its apparently innocuous significance and
ambition, bears its history and origin in colonialism. The grand projects of modernisation
which began during colonialism under the guise of civilising remote areas of the world and
bringing wealth to the colonised have proved to be imperialistic opportunism (Craggs, 2014).
With this strategy, the imperialist agenda created and disseminated an ideology whereby
growth and well-being could only be measured in terms of development as conceived by the
West. This model did not cease to exist at independence and the formerly colonised nations,
that still had interests with the West, saw development as the way forward to achieve
sovereignty. These “[i]deologies which coded the West as developed and the rest as
46
developing, and which constructed a linear temporal path of development along which the West
had travelled further continued (and continue) to hold sway after decolonisation”(ibid., p.9)
creating an understanding that everyone else could be or should be ‘uplifted’ to the same
standard. Thus, the idea of development settled for a vocabulary of West, and Third World
which, from its early political connotation of non-alignment later became synonymous to
nations in a different placement, constantly behind. From the 1980s new approaches began to
revisit the concept of development and brought to light that development as a blanket term did
not work because its origin indicated growth in preconditioned imperialist terms and therefore
perpetuated a condition of a rich benevolent West imparting lessons on growth and giving
insignificant handouts in return of access to resources. With the incapacity of this system to
function and ‘uplift’ nations the idea of development has been re-evaluated even in terms of
how it can be measured. An example of this is the early model of Gross Domestic/National
Product GDP/GNP, which since 1989 has been revisited by the United Nations with the Human
Development Index HDI, as an indicator of overall growth including health and education
(Desai and Potter, 2014). Although the world has shifted and attempted to correct its outlook
on development, the changes of post war and independence drove towards a development that
had as a measurement the Western model and desire for “grand scale, new technology, a desire
of industrialisation, a modern aesthetic” (Craggs, 2014, p.7). These are some of the themes that
we can identify present in the government sponsored films of the Second Republic, as
discussed in the next chapters, that I argue are characteristics of ‘development films’ in line
with Mobutu’s national project of cohesion and modernisation. On account of the European
post-war period and the attempts to new diplomatic relations of the early post-independence
the concept of development was pushed by Western institutions as the solution to poverty and
therefore created an important ground for development studies which expressed themselves
also in theories of development communication (Potter et al, 2008).
The concept of development communication, or development media is generally attributed to
Erkin Childers and, later, to Nora Quebral at the University of the Philippines Los Baños whose
department ‘development communication’, became the popular name for the practice of media
for development (Quebral, 1976). The United Nations formed a unit called the Development
Support Communications Service (DSCS), from which Childers promoted its credo and
influenced national governments in financing communication projects because, as he explained
“[n]o innovation, however brilliantly designed and set down in a project Plan of Operations,
becomes development until it has been communicated”(Childers, cited in Colle, 2003, p.102).
47
The idea of this field of communication gained momentum, due also to the influential works
of Daniel Lerner (1958) and Wilbur Schramm (1964). Owing to the different works produced
at the time to support this school of thought, and the general appetite for everything promoting
modernisation, in the 1970s, UNESCO recommended development communication at various
conferences that it sponsored for newly independent nations from Latin America to Nairobi,
with the intent of promoting development communications for the benefit of these nations
(Ogan, 1982, pp.3–13). Generally, the concept of ‘development communications’ had been
interpreted, at that time, as a tool used by journalists to investigate the success and application
of government development projects and to educate the nations about the new opportunities
for development in all spheres of life, but mostly the meaning has taken another form which
accepts the media as a tool for development. The development plan is predetermined,
usually through one or more government agencies, and the job of the press is to assist
in achieving some local or national, social or economic goal (Ogan, 1982, p.6)
This particular interpretation of the original concept indicates its pitfalls, as it represented an
opportunity for institutions and governments to make the media a tool for their own
development, rather than the reverse. Concurrently, across Africa a facet of the media was to
facilitate nation building, which explains its inclusion in government plans, “the rationale for
a controlled press is the fact that all segments of society must be mobilised to realise national
plans of development” (Wilcox, 1975, p.25). This differing view, which interprets development
media as a positive catalyst, is reiterated by governments as well as by practitioners on the
continent, who saw the media as the instruments for national consciousness and unity. One
such example that is mentioned by Wilcox, is Cire Thiam of Senegal, who claimed that “All
news is designed to assist national development. It begins and comes back to that” (ibid., p.24).
Since the emergence of development media, its approach has been revalued in line with all
revaluations of the term development. From its early inception of promoter of effective
governance and citizenship for environments, it has been challenged by a precarious socioeconomic landscape and analysed in terms of the perpetuation of neo-colonial power, whereby
emancipation is set to a Western paradigm of progress (Xiaoge, 2009). Although its damaging
effects have also been theorised in terms of press control, what has become apparent is that
since the 1980s world changes of political and economic vision have influenced changes also
in development journalism, to this end Angela Romano in Journalism and democracy in Asia
(2005) “divided development journalism perspectives into the following five categories: (a)
journalists as nation builders, (b) journalists as government partners, (c) journalists as agents
of empowerment, (d) journalists as watchdogs, and (e) journalists as the guardians of
48
transparency” (Xiaoge, 2009, p362). These definitions attest to different interpretations of the
term which can elicit either assimilation of the media in the government machine or prompt
the media into serving the people in securing good governance. In respect to the governance
and time period analysed for this thesis, we may interpret Mobutu’s media projects as
functioning to nation build and impart government perspectives and knowledge. Romano’s
category of nation building conceives this as “news reporting [that] should be aimed at
maintaining social stability, building social harmony and strengthening national
economy”(ibid.) and a relationship to government in which “press freedom should be subjected
to the overriding national interest of social, economic and political development
priorities”(ibid.). These terms contribute to the ideological environment for the support of
media production that functioned to build an image as inherent to the ‘development’ of nations.
The term ‘development films’, is briefly used in the book, Directory of World Cinema: Africa
to refer to “films and videos produced and distributed within the context of international
humanitarian aid. Films in this category are usually short or feature-length dramatized
narratives, some fictional and some documentary, that impart a particular educational message”
(Stefanson and Petty, 2014, p.34). The word ‘development’ is further used in reference to
colonial filmmaking, with the following explanation:
Development-related-film-making has a generally longer history in Africa than the art
of popular industries described above. Useful primary sources from the 1930s to 1950s
include reports by P Morton-Williams (1950), LA Notcutt (1937) and William Sellers
(1954), and the British Film Institute has made a handful of films available online on
their colonial film site (Stefanson and Petty, 2014, p.35).
Both these suggestions for a meaning of the term indicate films made by external and/or foreign
institutions, both within a humanitarian and a colonial context, that served the purpose of
educating the population through an outsider’s vision of what might be needed for the people
of a particular country and what would be considered to be in their best interests.
This thesis conceives of ‘development films’ and ‘development filmmaking’ as manifestations
of the projects of decolonisation and development originating from Congo, later Zaire. This
Congolese/Zairian ‘home grown’ filmmaking practice I argue was rooted in a way of thinking
about decolonisation through filmmaking that made use of the tools for development for nation
building and as government partners in the terms proposed by Romano (Xiaoge, 2009).
Therefore recognising ‘development films’ as products of a flawed idea of development with
49
imperialistic connotations but re-purposed to culturally express and vision films for a nationally
independent country. The films’ analysis offered in this research, in chapters four, five and six,
point at the following defining canons of ‘development films’:
-
documentary films, produced by the state-run broadcasting service
-
themes discussing the social and economic advancement of the country since
independence
-
reaffirming and celebrating the sovereignty of a united Zaire
-
introducing with imagery and script an iconography of industrial and modern Zaire
‘Development films’ were products of the national television and cinema studios, La Cité de
la Voix du Zaïre, an environment where cinema and journalism blended, along with the
membership of a diverse range of audio-visual practitioners in the national association of
filmmakers, and the hegemony of the press association. To inform this analysis, and support
the concept that ‘development films’ had a nation building mandate, I refer to two particular
explanations on the subject of development journalism, as they look specifically at the subSaharan context. Starting with Development Journalism in Black Africa by Domatob and Hall,
which looks at the topic as a way to recognise the special requirements of underdevelopment:
to decolonise the countries and to support the nascent nations (Domatob and Hall, 1983).
Comparing African nations to the struggles faced by European and Asian countries, the authors
see nationalism as an obligatory passage through which to achieve and develop national unity:
Development journalism demands African journalists awaken citizens to the new
cultural imagery of nationhood, reminiscent of the goals of nationalist movements in
19th Century Europe. Indeed, Mazzini, the great Italian patriot, spoke of “the need to
exist and have a name”, and it has been the common problem of all nationalist
movements, whether among European peoples of Africa, Asia and America, to rouse
their people to the new cultural imagery of nationhood, to force them to accept the
inescapable destiny of the modern…to create a new identity which would be spiritually
and culturally reconciled with new forms of economic behaviour, new loyalties, new
self-identities and citizenship (Domatob and Hall, 1983, p.10)
The requirements of journalism, specified by this definition, transfers ideological power and
duty to journalists as media producers who are committed to support a government in its bid to
develop and sustain national cohesion. This aim and desire for effective nation building, at the
core of development as a topic in the media, is in danger when development becomes a tagline
for rigid ideas that are not debated by journalism but only repeated. Domatob and Hall assert
how this gave rise to a centralised media; whereby both broadcast media and printed press
succumbed to a centralised system in most of Africa, not allowing for private press and where,
50
in most countries, the news agency became a department of the Ministry of Information, with
the exceptions of Nigeria, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Kenya and Liberia.73 They continue by
explaining that questions of a free press, a privatised press or a government press cannot work
in the African context, because the democratic notion of the free press neither belongs to, nor
corresponds to the model of these countries that operate in the belief that the duty of the press
is to educate and develop the country. This may have been relevant to the early 1980s, the time
experienced by Domatob and Hall, but Romano’s analysis shows how later the
conceptualisation of free press was perceived differently for development journalism, which is
to serve as
Watchdogs and Guardians of Transparency…They both advocate that journalism
should monitor the performance of the government and make it as transparent as
possible to the public. Without free press and other civil liberties, good governance and
economic development will be undermined (Romano cited in Xiaoge, 2009, p262)
By assessing this role of social responsibility, the article by Domatob and Hall also highlights
the implications of a governing body exercising ideological and financial control over the
media, resulting in a form of absolute power. Further, without judging the ethical grounds for
development journalism, the argument is left open by showing how “development journalism
is a relatively vague concept charged with political rhetoric. The obvious questions are: who
determines national goals? What are these goals and who benefits?” (Domatob and Hall, 1983,
p.15). The authors’ research of these questions leads to exploring Mobutu’s abuse of power
and dictatorship, but also advancing the principle of journalism that devotes questions of
development for Congo/Zaire. Domatob and Hall note that development should not be
subjected to the role of political tool (ibid.), thus suggesting that there is no threat when
development and journalism are people-led, rather than party-led. It can be argued that this is
not representative of the Second Republic because of the instrumentalization of the country’s
media but concomitantly this research presents in the following chapters the work of
filmmakers who willingly contributed to the government’s media strategy because they
believed in its mission.
Another conceptual framing of what I describe as ‘development films’ comes from Lewis O.
Odhiambo’s Development Journalism in Africa: Capitulation of the Fourth Estate? (1991).
73
For further reading on the freedom of the press on the continent: Dennis Wilcox, Mass media in Black Africa;
Philosophy and Control (1975) and William A. Hatchen, The Growth of Media in the Third World (1993) and for
Zaire in particular Georges Tshionza Mata T. Les Médias au Zaïre S’aligner ou se libérer? (1996)
51
Odhiambo similarly discusses the concrete limitations of development journalism, as
associated with the mass media in Third World74 countries. Odhiambo sees development
communication as concepts relating to the structural functionalism of the media of the 1950s
and 1970s, and that postcolonial structures, or their lack, presented an environment in need of
development (Odhiambo, 1991, pp.17–29). Odhiambo expresses this urgency for development
as an environment for “historically organic ideologies” (Odhiambo, 1991, p.20), which, when
explained in Gramscian terms, are necessary since “they organize human masses and create the
terrain on which men move, acquire consciousness of their position, struggle…”(ibid.). He
goes on to note that although the principle of development could have been historically organic,
“later it was ‘modified and denatured’ (Gramsci’s phrase) by established powers in subSaharan Africa, thereby making it arbitrary rhetoric” (ibid.). The socio-economic focus on
development, which was to enable change and eradicate poverty left by colonial oppression,
was seen during that time as an idealistic principle to which all should adhere, especially the
media, as they could function by becoming the educational vehicle of positive change.
Odhiambo’s analysis of the media, referred to press and broadcast journalists. The purpose of
a centralised media city, as conceived by the MPR, La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, united media
professions of television and radio journalists, as well as filmmakers. During the interviews
held in Kinshasa (2016), journalists and filmmakers were involved in all aspects of media
production pooling new skills and pushing the notion of ideological progress and technological
advancement for the country. Odhiambo also noted, in reference to the continent at large:
Most journalists did not object to this development and actively supported government
nationalization in the belief that this was being done for patriotic reasons, and that
politicians would play their traditional role of leadership and leave journalists to play
theirs of watchdog and sentinel. Some were effusive in their support (Odhiambo, 1991,
p.23)
This journalistic form convinced practitioners as Odhiambo noted, but failed due to the fact
that practitioners have become illegitimate means for “unpatriotic governments” to establish
personal goals and, in the process, they have prevented African journalism from being relevant
or meaningful for actual development (Odhiambo, 1991, pp.17–29). Newly independent
74
Odhiambo refers to sub-Saharan Africa as part of the Third World, the journal article dates from 1991. The
term was first used in the early 1950s by the economist and politician Alfred Sauvy but, at the end of the Cold
War, the term ‘Third World’ ceased to mean non-aligned countries in the war paradigm and, instead, began to
imply countries that were afflicted by poverty, disease and were struggling with development. I use the term only
in reference to how it is expressed by Odhiambo, but will not otherwise as it reflects a West-first legitimacy and
has been used increasingly as a pejorative term (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin, 2007). The term is “now
increasingly used between quotation marks to signify its problematic semantic scope”(Nayar, 2015, p.212).
52
African countries from the 1960s onwards including Ghana, Tanzania, Cameroon, Sierra Leone
and Zaire, whose governments were building nations, with a fervent expectation of support
from the media. President Kwame Nkrumah for example stated the mandate of Ghana’s press:
… [it] must carry out Revolutionary purpose. This is to establish a progressive political
and economic system upon our continent that will free men from want and every form
of social injustice and enable them to work out their social and cultural destinies in
peace and at ease. (In this respect)…the true African…newspaper is a collective
educator – a weapon, first and foremost, to overthrow colonialism and imperialism, and
to assist total African independence and unity (Nkrumah, cited in Domatob and Hall,
1983, p.9)
Media expectations were set by governments across Africa, and they were echoed by Mobutu’s
ideology, so it was known that in “Zaire…the role of journalists is to help educate the masses
and rally support for the government” (Domatob and Hall, 1983, p.12). La Cité de la Voix du
Zaïre became the hub for this project, advocating Mobutu’s concepts of Authenticity,
Zairianisation and Mobutism. The distinction that needs to be made as significant for the
production of ‘development films’ is that although Authenticity presented problematic features
of authoritarian rule, such as being introduced by the one party system, it was the first
established programme and ideology from the Congo in the post-independence era. Later, the
introduction of laws and a power structure evoked by Mobutu through his “teachings”,
transformed the ideology of personal and national development into the absolutist Mobutism.
Identifying ‘development filmmaking’ in Zaire is identifying the Zairian spirit in film, thus the
search for Authenticity, rather than the implementation of authoritarian rule as Mobutism.75
The result of the measures for development communication in Zaire are visible when, as in
other African countries, all media are completely nationalised. We can identify 1976 as the
year in which independent film production was lost, because all private production houses were
nationalised and then absorbed into the main structure at La Cité de La Voix du Zaïre. The
inauguration of this colossal broadcasting and film studio marks a change in industry policy,
although it was not formally prescribed, through government statements and Mobutu’s
75
Definition of Mobutism from the Historical Dictionary of Zaire: “Mobutism encompasses all the policies and
ideological thoughts of Mobutu, whether they be, for example the Zairianisation of private companies of 1973, or
the retrocession of 1974, whether they be the centralization of political power in the 1970s, or the decentralization
of some aspects of the political leadership in the 1980s. Despite some contradictions, Mobutu and Mobutism will
likely be remembered for several notable trends: the political unification of the country in the late 1960s; the rise
of authenticity and Zairian nationalism in the early 1970s; the failure of the economic policies in the late 1970s;
the drastic revisions of the 1980s aimed at correcting the economic decline; and the general amnesty of political
dissidents of 1983”(Bobb, 1989, p.148)
53
encouragement in speeches, political activism became industry compliant and anything else
was deemed to be unpatriotic. This change affected filmmakers, who were unable to find
financial support unless they were making films about the government’s achievements or were
being commissioned by state companies, thus sustaining the regime.
Film titles help to identify this trend, one film exemplary of the period is the documentary La
Guerre De 80 Jours (The 80 Day War)76 (1977), directed by Musoshi Kabela and produced in
colour by RENACT (Régie Nationale des Actualités Cinema et Télévision). In 1977, a battle
was fought against the rebels of the FLNC (Front National de Liberation du Congo) and it was
won by the Mobutu regime with support from the allied forces of France, Belgium and
Morocco (Mobutu Sese Seko and Remilleux, 1989). The film’s title and its provenance from
the broadcasting studio of the victorious government, indicate that this film should be a
celebratory account of the bravery of the Zairian army and its struggle to defend Shaba, known
today as the region of Katanga. Convents describes the film as a propagandist documentary, an
example of the subservient filmmaking of RENACT (Convents, 2006, p.298). Although I have
not been able to find the film, we can envision the editorial bias in it when we read Mobutu’s
accounts of Kolwezi, the most famous battle of this war:
I was visited at Kolwezi itself, before the fighting was over, by several African heads
of state and the representatives of numerous friendly powers, whose material aid had
helped us a lot…It was also a matter of solidarity among the Zairese, and even within
the family. My wife had joined me in the field, although the battle was still raging, in
order to raise the morale of the civilians. Our soldiers, outnumbered at first, had stood
their ground like lions and succeeded in the counter-attack (Mobutu Sese Seko and
Remilleux, 1989, p.71).
Through extra-filmic information we may read and understand this film as an example of
‘development filmmaking’ in that it is celebratory in its approach, telling a narrative of unity
against the enemy, and of a new nation defending itself. These are ideas that will be part of the
celebratory iconography key of ‘development films’ as explored in the films’ analytical
chapters of this thesis.
76
My translation
54
2.2 Thomas Elsaesser’s methods for framing ‘development films’
I have highlighted the context of search for emancipation in which journalists and filmmakers
were working to create films in support of Mobutu’s nation building and transformation into
the Second Republic. The ideas surrounding post-independence cultural production need to be
taken into consideration when revisiting the films produced at the time. To be able to identify
and classify productions as ‘development films’ of the Second Republic we can adopt a method
which will not remit their value in terms of today’s sensibilities and historical understanding.
I propose in this thesis that Congolese/Zairian government media produced in
Leopoldville/Kinshasa since1965 namely Election 1970 (1970), Salongo (1974), Gecamines La volonté de reussir (circa 1986), La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise (1975) may be re-framed
through Thomas Elsaesser’s (2014) notion of the ‘film as event’. This term, especially relevant
to non-fiction film, frees the interpretation and analysis of the films that are discussed in the
following chapters from the rigid canons of genre classifications. Elsaesser’s study in media
archaeology and his proposition of three As - Anlass, Adressat and Auftraggeber (Elsaesser,
2014, pp.19–33) are also referred to in conceiving of Zairian films as ‘development films’.
Media archaeology is a very diverse field of study which stems from key perspectives by
Michel Foucault and Walter Benjamin on the significance of the archive. The discipline tries
to explain the relationship between contemporary media and their audience(s), and/or the coproducer, through the media that preceded them. Rather than being an archaeology in the
classic meaning of the term, which would look at media materials from the past to understand
them better, this particular interpretation of archaeology examines the contemporary through
its past (Parikka, 2012) . At the same time, this analysis of the past and Elsaesser’s
identification of a Medienverbund77 or composite media which will be discussed further in this
chapter, has allowed for the development of new areas of interest that have led scholars to
consider and re-evaluate media outside popular genres, media which were conceived with other
purposes than mere entertainment. The productions outside of the entertainment genre have
been identified as “S/M histories of cinema and media”, indicating:
epistemological perversions: a non-main-stream approach to media cultural
innovations and applications…S/M perversions of film and media history include
77
Elsaesser explains a media landscape deriving from the same source or professional network as a
“Medienverbund” (Elsaesser, 2014, pp.19–33). Medienverbund is German for Composite Media
55
science and medicine, surveillance and the military…the alternative histories for media
culture are sought somewhere on the fuzzy borders of art/science/technology (Parikka,
2012, p.14)
This outlook presents the possibilities to ask questions and form an hypothesis on media which
were not produced for entertainment purposes, this can therefore be helpful in reorganising and
rethinking notions about the films of Zaire as ‘development films’ by engaging with this
discipline which “while media archaeology writes histories of the present, it is also looking for
alternative presents and pasts – and futures”(Parikka, 2012, p.13). One of the issues noted in
this thesis is how non-fiction films have not been considered by African film scholars in writing
the film history of Congo or Zaire, and that with this media archaeology thinking, looking at
S/M histories of film we can provides the basis for these films to be considered in a new light.
The films approached in the following chapters will therefore provide an alternative reading to
their mission which, beyond supporting the government, may be engaged with projecting and
thinking about the nation’s future development through a specific decolonising discourse.
Therefore, further acquiring the name of ‘development films’.
2.2.a Film as event
Zairian state sponsored non-fiction film productions researched for this project are re-framed
using the term “film as event” (Elsaesser, 2014, pp.19–33). The national films collected for
this research and analysed in chapters four, five and six are productions conceived by an
absolutist regime and therefore have not been addressed or acknowledged for their intrinsic
value of documentary films. The influence of the authoritarian rule may relegate these films as
propaganda, to this end, I propose they may also be given a new definition as ‘development
films’, and thought of as events in the Zairian media landscape. The term ‘development films’
expands the way these films are perceived by addressing their qualities as filmic articulations
of a moment of decolonisation which, at the time was perceived as being a Zairian cultural
revolution. Rather than a re-labelling mechanism, the term is a new attribution to these films
to further address their purpose and their origin.
Propaganda films have been present throughout world cinema since its early productions. They
range from Soviet films to Chinese documentaries, as well as European ones, and have found
in government institutions agreeable supporters of the medium with the implementation of
government structures such as ‘propaganda agencies’, as they were known in the mid-1930s in
56
the United Kingdom and United States of America. Although governments saw the benefit of
documentary filmmaking for the socio-economic improvement of their nations, there was also
a certain “propaganda phobia” (Ellis, 2000, p.179) that was raised by ‘creatives’ who saw such
cinema practice as being directed at sustaining governmental policies. It can also be argued
that fiction filmmaking may also be ideologically driven and perceived as propagandist, and
even if it does not formally address political ideologies in its narrative, ideological messages
are embedded in the world represented. John Grierson (1898-1972), a leading UK advocate of
propaganda films, argued that what is needed is a “purposive cinema…to encompass the
concept of social responsibility…[it] is really a case for ‘responsible propaganda’. This is
propaganda that is ‘right’ (Grierson, cited in Ellis, 2000, p.344). The discourse on the social
advantages of a purposive cinema which may be a ‘right’ one, in other words, an honourable
one, may be contentious, because it relies on an adjective that can be used to persuade and
educate the audience on matters that may, with time, be proven to be discreditable. The
propaganda machines of Germany and Italy during World War II (1939-1945) produced social
documentaries that influenced their nations. These presented deceptive narratives in order to
achieve what was perceived to be good for the nation.78 Until the post-war realisation of the
effects of propaganda filmmaking, the ideas that defined propaganda cinema saw it as being
participatory in the modern scene, and that closely corresponded to the “philosophy of public
relations”, placing documentaries as a useful medium in narrowing the gap between public
institutions and the public (L’Etang, 2000, pp.83–94). Grierson’s filmmaking proposed to
governments and public figures that propaganda cinema was a benevolent instrument. It was
no surprise that it was actively supported by leading people, e.g., S.C. Clem Leslie, the
communication advisor to the Labour Party in the 1930s and the public relations officer to
Coke and Gas. Leslie, who was in “correspondence with Grierson in the 1930s and
subsequently recommended that a ministry for democratic propaganda be set up to ‘bring alive
the idea of democracy in the public mind’”(L’Etang, 2004, p.35), further wrote that these
modern techniques were “to make familiar the nature and meaning of democratic procedure:
to ask people to vote…to explain their own institutions to them…to help them understand their
own history”(Leslie, cited in L’Etang, 2000, p.88). These definitions of propaganda, as
advanced by Grierson and Leslie, point at an educative sphere of action of the genre which can
be closely associated with the possible uses of ‘development films’, as one of the films
78
Further reading on propaganda film: Politics and Film (Furhammar and Isaksson, 1971), Politics and
Propaganda: Weapons of Mass Seduction (O’Shaughnessy, 2004)
57
analysed in this research is Election 1970, which mirrors Leslie’s words; it is a documentary
film produced to explain the nature and meaning of the democratic procedure of elections, and
it asks the population to engage with this new institution. The nature of propaganda film, as
explained by Grierson, seems to be entirely attached to the purpose and ideals of the
government that commissions it, indicating that propaganda is not dangerous per se. Grierson’s
suggestion is that it is the exponent of a government that, depending on their intentions, may
be threatening to democracy, and will therefore utilise the media available to them for their
goals. Due to the political layers that have been added to the term propaganda during the
twentieth century, I propose to forego this term for the films that will be analysed so to allow
for the original constructive facet of the medium, aspired by the fathers of documentary
filmmaking: Grierson, Vertov and Flaherty, which we can consider close to those of
‘development filmmaking’. The distinction between the educative and benevolent filmmaking
of Grierson and war films is not immediate in relation to general perception, as they are both
indicated with the word “propaganda”. The difference is clearer in the instance of the films of
the Second Republic following the interviews and the responses of the filmmakers in relation
to the mission of their films, which they saw as benevolent and educative. This leads us to
further define them as ‘development films’; films with a social mandate. In addition, as the
term propaganda has been used in relation to different political strategies and environments, it
may lose the possibility of a concrete and unifying genre identification through aesthetics and
narrative, and so it is appropriate to focus the enquiry on the specificity of those films which
had the concept of development at their core. By acknowledging the political and cultural
context and stripping them of the term propaganda, we are able to not only decipher the specific
message of decolonisation carried by the film, but also to acknowledge the film’s aesthetics
and its accomplishments. As elaborated in the fourth chapter dedicated to the film Election
1970, can a film about a single-candidate election to the presidency possibly be classified as
educational? To be able to work with the historical attributes of these films, we need to evaluate
the possibility of classifications that are more specific to the kind of ideological context in
which they were produced and which they were intended to reinforce or help to construct,
without confining them in the binary discussion of propaganda and, instead, to review them in
relation to their cultural conditions.
The industrial, educative and cultural documentaries produced by the Zairian government
present an opportunity for productions which have been labelled in the past as propaganda
films to be reclassified and, further, to be used to analyse a cultural moment in the history of
58
the country’s independence. By conceptualising them as ‘development films’ the new
framework provides a classification which stands for films made to develop the nation upon
principles of decolonisation which, in Congo, was formulated as Authenticity, that to
summarise can be characterised by the definition that was given by Mobutu at his UN speech
on the 4th October, 1973:
The Zairean experience is based on a political philosophy that we call authenticity. This
is an awareness on the part of the people of Zaire that they should return to their
beginnings and search for the values of their ancestors in order to appreciate the values
which contribute to the country’s harmonious and natural development (Mobutu Sese
Seko, 1973).79
Due to the political nature of ‘development films’, responding to a call to promote Authenticity
a new perspective is needed. When working on a corpus of non-fiction film in media
archaeology, Elsaesser proposes the entire relinquishing of any established classification, in
order to avoid political labels:
…in examining a particular corpus of non-fiction films, it is perhaps advisable to
suspend all pre-existing categorizations, such as they have evolved in film history
around “documentary”, “avant-garde”, or “experimental”, just as much as “advertising
film”, “fascist propaganda film”, or “politically progressive” film making. Rather it is
better to assume, in the first instance, that non-fiction filmmaking (but many fiction
films as well), especially during the 1920s and 1930s, but possibly at other times as
well, functioned as part of a Medienverbund. … [which means] in the first instance, a
network of competing, but also mutually interdependent and complementary media or
media practices, focused on a specific location, a professional association, or even a
national or state initiative (Elsaesser, 2014, p.22)
We can perceive ‘development films’ as a range of films, some of which are educational in
nature, some that are cultural expressions and others about industrial achievement, belonging
to a composite media network that defines a Congolese historical time and the Zairian
ideological instance.80 Although Elsaesser is clearly trying to be ‘careful’ in not assuming
categories or types of films or filmmaking that, in themselves, are the objects of study, and he
therefore proposes the avoidance of the above classifications, which may delimit their meaning,
he acknowledges that we are obliged to engage with the historical connotations of a film in
order to analyse it. Elsaesser proposes a new way to frame a non-fiction film, for, looking at
“film as event is preferable to the traditional idea of film as text. The event has its own temporal
and special coherence” (Elsaesser, 2014, p.32). Key of ‘development films’ is that we can think
of them as events that belong to the decolonisation project. Analysing Zairian films in this way
79
80
UN official translation of the speech
The composite media of Zaire was also expressed in specific autochthonous modes such as animation.
59
shifts the focus and understanding of the value of the films found in the archives and the story
that they can narrate when they are pieced together with witness accounts and interviews. The
importance of looking at film as event opens us to an understanding of the historical moments
to which they are related and those that have particular meanings for the history of Zaire. The
film events analysed in the following chapters are part of a network of ideas and composite
media, or Medienverbund, which defined a cultural revolution in which the role of the
Congolese population, as devised by Mobutu and the MPR, was to inhabit a Zairian identity.
2.2.b Media archaeology through the Three As
By analysing and researching Zairian films, it has been possible to infer that film culture was
inherent to Mobutu’s decolonisation project. The specificity of the creation of a new nation
during the historic period of the Second Republic has been considered in terms of the filmic
discourse that was created by government policies with a view to capturing the historical
narrative of Zaire within the timeframe and social construct that was imposed by the regime.
This framework resonates with the ‘historio-pragmatic’ view, taken by Elsaesser, in respect of
media archaeology. Elsaesser proposes a film classification by the rule of the three As. These
are to be used to define and interpret a film within the theoretical framing of media archaeology.
These three terms are: Auftraggeber, Anlass and Adressat, as explained by Elsaesser:
In this more historio-pragmatic, as opposed to essentialist, perspective I tried to
summarize in the rule of the three A’s that need to be applied to a non-fiction film when
trying to classify it, but also when attempting to read and interpret it. These A’s are
“wer war der Auftraggeber” (who commissioned the film), “was war der Anlass” (what
was the occasion for which it was made), and “was war die Anwendung oder der
Adressat (to what use was it put or to whom was it addressed) (Elsaesser, 2014, p.23)
To describe the Zairian films available to this research as a corpus of ‘development films’, I
adopt Elsaesser’s three As to explore their contribution to the Zairian Medienverbund - film
events. The films analysed in the following chapters are: Election 1970, Salongo, La
Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise (The Zairian Shipping Company) and Gecamines - La volonté
de reussir (The Will to Succeed).81
The films analysed all have the same Auftraggeber or commissioner, as they were created as
national film productions of the Second Republic and were in some capacity linked to the
government and the national television company, the name of which changes in the film credits
81
My translations
60
according to the policy and name changes that the country went through. From RTNC, as the
tv company is credited in Election 1970, the production accreditation on Salongo , which is
dated only four years later, shows the Département de l’Orientation Nationale (Department of
National Guidance), formerly the Ministry of Information, denoting that the production was
conceived at the height of the nationalistic project. The two films made by state companies,
which are analysed in Chapter 6, are co-productions and reflect this in the credits; Gecamines
is self-produced by GMC Exploitation (Gecamines Mining), and La Compagnie Maritime
Zaïroise is produced by La Voix du Zaire and Tele-Zaire-C.M.Z. (Tele-Zaire- Compagnie
Maritime Zaïroise). These films are all produced by the state directly through the Ministry of
Information, or by the state company with the support of the state filming unit.
All these appellations lead to La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, the Auftraggeber which needs to be
explained as a site of inquiry because of its role of studio system that commissioned the
‘development films’. This will trace the commissioning studio as it was envisaged by the
development politics, by Authenticity, as opposed to the site that is investigated in the next
chapter through archival ethnography where instead it showcases the demise of the project.
Opening its doors on the 24th November, 1976, the compound La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre,82
was the largest media venture of its kind in Sub-Saharan Africa. Propitiously inaugurated on
the anniversary of Mobutu coming to power, the studio city, a substantial establishment, was
to be perceived as another gift from the founding father of the nation. It consisted of 600 offices,
6 TV studios, 17 radio stations, 10 edit suites. All of the TV and Film productions for the
country from then onwards would be produced there, a place where, on the top floor, one could
find the office of the Minister of Information (Otten, 1984)83 otherwise known as the State
Commissioner for National Guidance. The physical proximity of the Department of Guidance
and the free broadcast press is indicative of the presence of the state in the media and it
highlights the importance that the government gave to the industry by means of this major
investment in audio-visual production. It is possible to associate with this decision two equally
valid facets. The first, and more obvious, is that the government nationalised the system to
provide the media industry the state-of-the-art equipment and location to shift their focus. This
helped in completing the process of overthrowing any independent voice via the construction
of a wholly controlled production centre for the industry. Through its exciting appearance of
82
Sometimes referred to as The Voice of Zaire, my translation is The City of the Voice of Zaire.
Rik Otten in Le cinéma dans les pays des grands lacs: Zaïre, Rwanda, Burundi p.65 refers to this office as
Ministre de l’Information, but by 1976 it was known as the Department of National Guidance
83
61
modernity, towering over the cityscape, La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre reflected the ideas of
development fashionable at the time. Therefore, reflecting what was discussed earlier in terms
of media as government partners.
Inauguration of La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre (1976). Recognisable in the picture, Mobutu, and, to his right,
Moktar Ould Daddah, the first President of Mauritania, with his wife Marie-Thérèse Gadroy. Photo courtesy of
RTNC Photothèque
Nevertheless, the second interpretation of this investment shows the media actively requested
to participate in what Romano identified as development media for nation building, defining
decolonisation through state media and its expression in ‘development films’. This perception
sees this establishment as the commissioner - Auftraggeber acting to fulfil a different necessity.
Through this lens we can interpret this economic and organisational endeavour as an effort by
the President to give a platform to Zairian filmmakers and television producers from which to
expand their work and create a sustainable business, which would be good for the state and the
population’s appreciation of Authenticity and the growth of the country. In keeping with the
62
ideals of a cultural revolution that would express itself in all areas of life, La Cité de la Voix
du Zaïre can be seen as the available platform for the development of the Zairian industry of
culture and arts. The Auftraggeber of Zaire.
Anlass, which identifies the rationale for commissioning the films at the time, is the
decolonisation that is shared by the four films analysed in the thesis. The decolonisation project
formulated by the MPR government in its different phases, from the N’Sele Manifesto to
Authenticity, Zairianisation, Mobutism, was presented as the government’s action in
developing the country. The action of development, and therefore proactive decolonisation,
was presented in the films through reforms that encompass topics from the voting process to
agricultural policies. Election 1970 educated the people about universal suffrage, by explaining
and promoting the first presidential election as an expression of citizenship and therefore as an
act of decolonisation responding to the colonial past. In Salongo, which is analysed in Chapter
5, the rationale for the film is the presentation and celebration of ‘salongo’, the policy of
communal work in the fashion of the French-Chinese film How Yukong Moved the Mountains
(1976),84 which was greatly admired by President Mobutu. This policy was presented through
the film as an authentic expression of Zairian community service and its way of life, displaying
a movement to decolonisation. The films on the Zairian Shipping Company and Gecamines
are made in celebration and promotion of the industrial achievements of Zairianisation, and
they thus intend to reaffirm how decolonisation is ideological but also economic in its
processes.
The audience for the films researched, or the Adressat, is the country’s population at large.
What changes in different periods, as the collection of films shows, is the name used to address
the population. In the first instance, the audience is Congolese, Election 1970 was made to
impart voting knowhow to a new demographic of voters, the Congolese who, until then, had
not been allowed to vote. Part of the film is in voice-over narration, but there are also segments
of the Minister of Information, Sakombi, addressing the viewer directly by speaking to the
camera, thus solidifying the address to the Congolese audience. The Zairian audience
(Adressat) who would have seen these films broadcast on national television, either on a
personal set or on public sets, as well as at cinema screenings, were addressed so that the
84
Original title: Comment Yukong Déplaça les Montagnes
63
government could present them with a portrayal of industrial and civic unity leading to the
establishment of Zaire.
These three criteria applied to the films also function in relation to understanding and
approaching the archives, as will be elaborated in the next chapter. Firstly, the archives in the
DRC and the building that holds them have radically changed in terms of the Auftraggeber.
Having lost its name as La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, which was immediately recognisable as a
centre of Zairian expression, and that promoted the name used in the attempt at decolonisation,
the site is currently called the RTNC. It is a withered building, hardly recognisable from the
one in the pictures of its 1970s’ past and, just like its exterior image, its presence does not hold
the power and awe it used to, as it is not the only audio-visual company in the country or the
only training centre for aspiring filmmakers. There are now over sixty television channels in
the country and a constantly expanding market for Congolese production houses (Zoppelletto,
2015). The Auftraggeber, in its new form, is documented as a setting of the change and, the
place of the eradication of Mobutu’s iconography, making it a very different environment from
the one that created the key films for this research. Further, there is the researcher, myself, who
is not the Adressat or target audience of the productions, and my relationship with these was
built through the intermediary, the original Adressat of these works, people who experienced
and had a relationship with the Zairian films. These were the filmmakers whom I interviewed
as prime witnesses of the films that have disappeared, and the archivists who have been
managing the archive for the past forty years, with whom I worked to find the films. These
factors are taken into account in order to perceive and interpret the Anlass, the trigger events,
that guided the productions and constructed the cultural system of Zaire.
2.3 The independent approaches of African and Zairian Film
This section will explore both the perception of the continent’s Francophone filmmakers of
what a new African independent cinema could express, as well as it introduces the debates
surrounding an idea of African cinema, rather than a national cinema, which was mainly
proposed by Western scholars who attempted to unify its productions by describing them either
as having an ‘African gaze’ or being ‘negro-African’ films, a view which was supported also
within Africa by wanting to single out films with an ‘African air’. Presenting these definitions
serves the purpose of highlighting the complexities confronted in establishing a new way of
making films as well as trying to define them. In doing so, the research wants to acknowledge
64
how at the time, some African filmmakers were conceiving development through the lens and
looking for alternatives.
Throughout the continent in the immediate aftermath of independence, the first debates
amongst African practitioners and intellectuals on the future of national cinema, revolved
around subverting the colonial interpretation of Africa which produced films that characterised
the Africans as people without a culture, who were saved by Western intervention.85 Film
proved to be a powerful tool for the colonies, especially for Belgium, who maintained support
at home by using images to demonstrate how their work encouraged the emancipation of the
“savage negro” . This sort of depiction was present in colonial filmmaking, as well as in the
Hollywood imaginary86, which produced commercial cinema with demeaning racialised
narratives of Africa. Post-independence meant that African filmmakers could seize the
opportunity to counteract these representations of Africans and their countries, as explained by
the Malian director, Souleyman Cissé:
African filmmakers’ first task is to show that people here are human beings and to help
people discover the African values that can be of service to the others. The following
generation will branch out into other aspects of film. Our duty is to make people
understand that white people have lied through their images.
(cited in Thackway, 2003, p.39)
A shared sentiment that drove the formation of associations and federations such as FEPACI
(Pan African Federation of Filmmakers); during the organisation’s second congress in 1975, it
resolved to promote a legitimate representation of Africa from an African point of view.
FEPACI was also adamant in advocating the rejection of commercial and Western film
language. Having said this, some directors who were looking to assert an African viewpoint,
were opposed to a radical standpoint of absolutist rejection which would not take into
consideration the financial opportunities of commercial film and help to develop the birth of a
new industry (Murphy, 2006, p.29). FEPACI’s filmmakers largely agreed to actively engage
in filmmaking in order to create African stories for an African audience, not African stories
sponsored by foreign organisations that aimed to be screened at world festivals. Artistic
activism throughout the continent resulted in several ‘auteur films’, which spoke to African
audiences, but in the opinion of Mweze Ngangura they did a disservice to the African
85
Further reading African cinemas: Decolonising the gaze. Olivier Barlet (2000)
One such depiction is the one of the African cannibal present in Hollywood comedies, such as Rastus in Zulu
Land (1910), further reading Colonialism, Racism and Representation (Stam and Spence, 1985)
86
65
entertainment cinema, as “[o]ften this did not bring Africans to these films, because they were
not made to affect their emotions”(Ngangura cited in Ukadike, 2002, p.136). In this sense,
Ngangura considered art films alienated the audience which should have been approached as a
commercially viable entertainment cinema of Africa, a popular cinema.87 Ngangura explains,
in an interview with Nwachukwu Frank Ukadike, that the poor man in Africa, exhausted by
the daily struggle, does not want to watch a drama about difficulties, which is generally of
interest to a foreign audience, but wants to be entertained by a story he is able to relate to
(Ukadike, 2002, pp.133-137). A matter of priority to Ngangura, who, having directed two of
the most commercially successful Congolese films, the previously mentioned La Vie Est Belle
and Pièces d’Identités (1998), voiced concern over an African imagery in which there is the
need for African filmmakers to break the clichés of Africa that are proposed by foreign
filmmakers and to champion new imagery in African popular culture (Ngangura, 1996, pp.6064). These viewpoints from Ngangura highlight how from its early stages the independent
cinema of Africa did not follow a homogenous trajectory but was collectively perceived as a
means of decolonisation by altering the previous imagery of Africa. Further it expresses the
desire of Congolese/Zairian artists for a new cinema that would represent and speak to
everyone.
Moreover, these considerations bring to the fore an idea of an African cinema but there is the
need to then identify a national filmmaking as the diversity of the continent needs to be
considered, and although nations may share similar sentiments because of shared histories of
colonisation, the national expression is wholly singular.88 Blandine Stefanson and Sheila Petty,
in reflecting on the notion of African cinema, acknowledge the different environments in the
African continent propose to examine modes of production to help in their analysis of African
cinema:
A responsible consideration of African film must instead account for varied nuances of
internal to this vague category, delineating the specific ways different cinematic
contexts across Africa distinguish themselves and interact with each other, as well as
how these systems are related to film industries and political economies outside the
continent (Stefanson and Petty, 2014, p31)
87
Ngangura does not specify which films he considers art films, but it is possible to think of the great African
auteurs of the post-independence era, such as Ousmane Sembène (1923-2007), Djibril Diop Mambéty (19451998), Med Hondo (1936-2019), to cite but a few. For further reading: Directory of African film-makers and films
(Shiri, 1992) , Africa at the Pictures (Shiri, 1998) Postcolonial African Cinema (Harrow, 2007), Dictionary of
African Filmmakers (Armes, 2008) Cinema and Development in West Africa (Genova, 2013)
88
Further reading in the Directory of World Cinema: Africa, the chapter: Modes of Production What is African
Cinema? The Industries of African Cinema, edited by Blandine Stefanson and Sheila Petty (2014).
66
To address the singular context of Congolese and Zairian films, this research focuses on notions
of sub-Saharan francophone cinema which serves as a platform of interaction as it shares the
common ground of language. As also noted by Stefanson and Petty, by looking at a particular
system it must be acknowledged that this relates to “film industries and political economies
outside the continent”(ibid.). Therefore, even though the common language may create a
connection within the wider francophone cinematic output and permits an understanding of
certain ideas of African cinema, it also presents a divide in the post-independence management
of relationships between France and its former colonies versus the strategy adopted by Belgium
towards its former colonies. The work in what we may now call soft power politics carried out
by the French government is explored by Professor Lieve Spaas in The Francophone Film: A
Struggle for Identity, and explains how France maintained a presence in the continent through
endorsement and sponsorship, or filmmaking by the agency ACCT (Agence de la Coopération
Culturelle et Technique), which in 1993 became the Agence de la Francophonie (Spaas, 2000,
p.2). Whereas Belgium did not invest in the country’s film production post-independence, in
fact, some of the work developed in Congo after independence was supported by the ACCT,
as Zaire became a member in 1977 (La Francophonie, n.d.). An important chapter in this text
is dedicated to the classification of African film, where:
to speak of an African identity would be to ignore the specific character of each ethnic
group and country. However, as André Gardies observed in 1989, it is still difficult to
identify national cinemas in Africa, in spite of the political determination of the ‘new’
countries to assert their own identities (Spaas, 2000, p.131)
This observation attempts to address both the desire to describe an African cinema, which of
course means a disregard for national subjectivities, whilst at the same time addressing the lack
of production that would be able to form a more coherent ‘picture’ of new independent national
cinemas. Scholarly work has instead traditionally revolved around identifying the qualities and
particularities of an African cinema. One such approaches is Oliver Barlet’s interpretation in
Les cinémas d’Afrique Noire: Le Regard en Question comments on the notion of an ‘African
gaze’, one that is shared by the Bantu populations. By joining people through the ethnic groups
and languages of sub-Sahara, Barlet poses the African gaze through the example of Black
Comedy in Africa, he states that it is in opposition to its western counterpart; this expression
of African gaze does not present a cynical take on life, but uses comedy as a therapeutic act
resulting from self-derision and tragicomedy (Barlet, 2000). Another approach to identifying
common African traits in film, is explored by Pierre Pommier who, through the definition of
67
‘Negro-African’ film, analyses the socio-economic content of the films and their impact on the
continent, in Cinéma et Développement en Afrique Noire Francophone (1974). Pommier finds
that the issue with this cinema is to prove its originality, because of the intense foreign influence
at all stages of people’s relationship with cinema, which, in the case of Africa, he proposes can
be traced through an inverse trajectory; from consumption then to distribution and, finally, at
the creation stage. Pommier suggests that foreign influence is embedded in cinemas, at the
meeting point between consumption and distribution, where the African audience experiences
in cinematic language is emergent from foreign films, the only ones that are screened. This
situation continues to have a repercussion on African cinema at the stage of creation, since the
filmmaker is familiar only with foreign cinema and, further, Pommier points out that most
African filmmakers have received their training either in Europe or the Soviet Union.
Nevertheless, Pommier then explores the common themes and cinematographic language of
‘Negro-African’ fiction film to suggest possible canons in the genre (Pommier, 1974). Similar
ideas are touched by the Burkinabe literary and cinema critic, Biny Traoré, in La
Problematique du Cinéma Africain. By exploring the problematics of African cinema, Traoré
looks at the nationality of the filmmakers, the content, which should exude an ‘African air’
and, finally, its audience, who will understand and be receptive to the text and its nuances
(Traoré, 1984). The implications of the ‘African air’ will be discussed in more detail later in
this chapter.
To determine the existence of an ‘African air’, as proposed by Traoré and therefore trace in
film an attempt at decolonising the imagery of Congo/Zaire is difficult as there have been very
few publications specifically about Congolese/Zairian cinema. Furthermore, there is a shortage
of films that have been produced about and by Congolese/Zairian filmmakers, many of the
films are inaccessible, and additionally documentaries which are generally considered
propagandist may not have been contemplated as being of interest in terms of cinematographic
achievement, however they were conceived. As part of the research process I compiled a
database of films produced between 1965 and 1989 from the information gathered from
different texts mentioned further in this paragraph, as well as information from the film archive
registers consulted; through this I was able to collect seventy-six titles, which included a few
titles that I then discovered by finding their physical copies during field work. The list consists
mainly of titles of shorts and features which have not been analysed by film historians and
scholars but that are mentioned in film literature. The books consulted for compiling this
database and learning more about the country’s cinema landscape, were Rik Otten’s Le Cinéma
68
Dans les Pays des Grands Lacs : Zaïre, Rwanda, Burundi (Otten, 1984)89, Guido Convent’s
Images & Démocratie, Les Congolais Face au Cinéma et à l’Audiovisuel (Convents, 2006)90
and Le Cinéma du Congo Démocratique : Petitesse d’un Géant by Gansa Ndombasi
(Ndombasi, 2008).91 These books not only deal with information about the films, such as their
titles and crews, but also give an awareness of the media industry in the country, from the
vestiges of missionary filmmaking to the first Congolese associations for filmmakers and,
further, to the films of the new generation of directors, such as Ngangura. In particular, this
director’s impressions and plans for African filmmaking are the only Congolese/Zairian
perspective taken into consideration in a number of interviews and books, and therefore inform
this thesis on the particular Congolese/Zairian thinking of independent filmmaking.
In in his book African Cinema – Politics and Culture (1992), Manthia Diawara gives an
overview of the history of Zairian cinema from its colonial beginnings and explores the two
main ideas proposed by the historians and practitioners of African cinema on the possibilities
of the postcolonial cinema. One option, in the immediate aftermath of independence, was for
countries to continue in the tradition of missionary filmmaking. Diawara explains that Victor
Bachy “listed Belgian missionaries as the first African filmmakers…” and that Bachy’s
imperialist proposition was that missionary cinema made films of African folklore for an
African public, since they created “…African cinema, which differed from documentaries,
ethnographic films and commercial films, and which was cultural and entertaining” (Diawara,
1992, p.15). The second prospect is presented in the reasoning of Ngangura who, further to his
directorial experience, was also a Professor of Film at the National Institute of Arts in Kinshasa.
Ngangura proposes complete detachment from the colonial model, including the wellestablished missionary educational genre, because of its patronising origin and racist
connotations (Diawara, 1992). This call for a decolonisation of cinema, reflects the desire to
break from the structural racism that was in place during the Belgian colony, which did not
allow Congolese filmmakers to evolve an independent cinematographic unit. The director’s
take on the future of African film in the paper African Cinema - Militancy or Entertainment?
(Ngangura, 1996, pp.60–64) calls for a popular cinema of Africa as a means of emancipation.
However, at independence, this aspiration did not translate into Congolese filmmaking that was
entirely separate from European traditions. Instead, a new national cinema was advanced which
89
Cinema in the Great Lakes Region: Zaïre, Rwanda, Burundi, my translation
Images & Democracy, Congolese confronting Cinema and the Audiovisual, my translation
91
Cinema of the Democratic Congo: Smallness of a Giant, my translation
90
69
used the documentary form of the European model, reflecting the cinematic language of the
foreign educator and anthropologist. This form seems to have been evoked and transformed to
meet the great challenge of national development, through ‘development films’ that were
produced in the context of RTNC, later known as La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre. 92
2.3.a Aspirational cinema for development
Whilst the questions about what African cinema may be, and what kind of African film should
be developed, resonated throughout the continent, another question became important; how
can film become an integral part of the development of a nation? Ngangura, who was able to
make films that carried an artistic vision, acknowledges the fundamental role of the medium
thus: “It becomes evident that the cultural activity most likely to contribute to Africa’s
development is to be situated on the level of popular or so called mass culture” (Ngangura,
1996, p.60). This statement focuses on prioritising the communication that can connect and
speak to the population at large, a means to reach the masses. His recommendation is that
engaged cinema, or ‘auteur cinema’, has to rethink its codes by finding the “necessary
conditions for reconciling the African audience with its own cinema: entertaining films,
African heroes embodying totally positive social values, a familiar cultural context”(Ngangura,
1996, p.63).93 Although Ngangura does not specify this, his concerns appear to be focused on
the enhancement of fiction film for the purpose of entertainment, aiming to have purposeful
images. When asked what the status of the Congolese film industry is, Ngangura answer
denotes that, like many others writing about and discussing Congolese and Zairian film, he
does not take documentaries into critical consideration:
All I can say is that my film La vie est belle is the first feature-length film made under
professional conditions in Congo. Some feature-length films have been made in Congo
but by nonprofessionals (sic). The first feature film ever made in Congo by a Congolese
was Le hazard n’existe pas (There is no such thing as luck, 1977), by Madenda and
Luzolo, and it was filmed in 16mm and in black and white. It was not distributed even
in Congo. After that, there is another feature film, Ngambo (1986), made by Roger
Kwami Mambu. It is an instructional film that was well distributed in schools. Of
course, television directors have made many documentaries in Congo (Ngangura, cited
in Ukadike, 2002, p.134)
92
Brian Larkin (2008) in Signal and Noise, points to a process of the ‘colonial sublime’ whereby the ideas and
aspirations of modernisation of the colony can find longevity in the content produced in the post independence.
93
Ngangura, in the interview with Ukadike, then says: “Actually, in 1999, I am happy to observe that the situation
has drastically changed and most filmmakers now consider the ‘entertainment factor’ important in their
films”(Ukadike, 2002, p.136)
70
This response indicates and acknowledges that there were documentaries but, similarly to
scholars writing about this industry, the director does not consider these works to be films. La
Vie Est Belle is a 1987 production, which he indicates as the first feature film, but Zaire had
produced a few feature films before that, all documentaries. Ngangura’s reply does not explain
why this body of documentaries is not accepted as being legitimate filmmaking, but what this
may express is either their refusal, because of their direct relationship to the government or
because, in his opinion, factual filmmaking does not reflect the creative process of the national
industry, as the director is bounded by the realistic component of the genre. This last may also
be read as a product of its time, since the industry has seen many changes in terms of the
popularity of documentaries and the rise of the mixed genre approach to the medium.
In the same interview, Ngangura explains that his focus, and preferred genre, is comedy, as
well as “dramatic comedy”, a definition he uses for his film Pièces d’Identité (Ukadike, 2002,
p.148). Although there may be differing opinions on what generic conventions the content
might have, the fundamental issue is the values that are brought by the films which Ngangura,
as mentioned earlier are summarised as entertaining films with African heroes and positive
social values. This research argues that the films pursued during the Second Republic
attempted, in the name of development, to deliver positive social values and familiar cultural
contexts but in documentary form and as indicated by Ngangura also, mostly documentaries
were financed, with the exception of just a few dramas: the short film La Case Enfumée (The
Hut Up in Smoke)94, the educational film N’Gambo, Le Hasard N’Existe Pas (There is No Such
Thing as Luck) and La Vie Est Belle by Ngangura himself, which did not receive any
government funding, but La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre contributed in kind by providing lighting
equipment and a crew (Ukadike, 2002, p.139). Ngangura suggested a formula through which
to develop a positive and inspiring African image for the continent’s audiences, and this may
be compared to what we can deduce the government aspired to achieve in an authentic film
manifesto, although one had never been formally stipulated. It has to be noted that Ngangura
has steered clear of describing his films as ‘authentically African’, to ensure that this may not
be confused with the government’s policies of Authenticity, a point which is purposely
highlighted by Convents, who reports an exchange between the film director and a journalist
in Washington in 1988, in which the journalist asked if La Vie Est Belle could be defined as an
94
My translation
71
‘authentic African film’, and Ngangura replied that it was a “real African film”(Convents,
2006, p.289). Nevertheless, it is crucial to assess what may be close to, and what may differ,
in terms of thinking about African film and authentic film, belonging to a Zairian national
project. From this filmmaker’s point of view there is a definite discrepancy of vision, but from
the standpoint of the Second Republic, we can see a parallel in the meaning of inspiring images,
but not in the form of the content with which these had to be delivered: the subject matter
would have Zairian heroes, promoting the positive social values of the MPR in a typically
Zairian environment, embodying the familiar cultural context. The film productions which I
assess to be ‘development films’, on a first reflection, would be antagonistic to the aspirations
of directors such as Ngangura, who summarises the problem by stating: “A good entertainment
film is already a contribution to development. To achieve that, it does not have to speak of
development” (Ngangura, 1996, p.64). Notwithstanding, as this chapter’s opening quotation
highlights, the years after independence were marked by a general enthusiasm for everything
that lead to, and addressed, development: “the man on the street today speaks fluently of
development and underdeveloped countries” (Mutuza, 1987, p.53). These words describe a
concept that became pervasive and aimed to convince the populations, but it also forewarns of
the possibility that this may have to afflict domains such as culture and the media.
From Ngangura’s account, we gather that Congolese/Zairian filmmakers were hoping not only
to become ambassadors of an original African expression of cinema, but also promoters of a
commercial enterprise with the aim that their work would achieve international success. This
may not resonate with the Zairian productions which, as proved by history, did not travel, with
the exception of very few films,95 but it can be argued that Mobutu shared the same wish for
the recognition of Zairian cinema. On the occasion of the first international theatre festival in
Kinshasa in 1977, the programme’s first page quotes an excerpt of the N’Sele Manifesto, with
the President’s stance on the matter:
The monuments of Zaire’s past, national folklore will be protected or restored. The
importance of African arts will be highlighted and expressed in the world’s cultural life.
The MPR firmly encourages all the arts: painting, sculpture, music, dance, theatre,
literature (Zaire. Département de la culture et des arts, 1977)96
95
Moseka (1971), N’Gambo (1984), La Vie Et Belle (1987), Le Damier (1996)
My translation. Original text: “Les monuments du passé du Zaïre, le folklore national seront protégés ou
restaures. L’importance des arts africains sera mise en évidence et particulièrement explicitée dans la vie culturelle
mondiale. Le MPR encourage effectivement tous les arts: peinture, sculpture, musique, danse, théâtre, littérature”
96
72
Although one of the festival’s locations listed in the programme is the MPR’s Cinema theatre,
film is not mentioned amongst the arts, but what should be noted is the desire for the Zairian
arts to reach an international cultural platform, and to be present in the world. Investing in the
construction of La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, as well as investing in the training of the personnel
for its broadcasting, is a convincing argument for a Zairian government ready to show the
world that the arts and communication were taken seriously by a country which was in the
process of equipping itself.97
Mobutu’s desire for the celebration of culture, music and visual arts was omnipresent. During
an interview in 2014, Photo Pao, his official photographer, explained that he had been on every
Presidential foreign visit and at each state event because, even though there were other
photographers, Mobutu wanted to have his own album journaling the important visits and
meetings. Furthermore, the album had to be delivered to him the next morning, meaning that
on many nights Photo Pao had to look through foreign cities for studios where he could develop
the films (Zoppelletto, 2015).98 We may suspect that these demands were made with the aim
of celebrating himself, but also, as the President always preached, to see the Zairian presence
abroad. As Mobutu led the country, he commissioned popular music for entertainment
fashioned to his aspirations; slogans that were enhanced by popular Zairian music would
capture the people’s imagination and promote the government’s politics. This music was then
performed with dances that were known as animation99 during all political and public
gatherings, and was co-ordinated by selected people, who were called animateurs and
animatrices, performers who stirred the crowds to sing and dance to the easy to follow routines.
Some of the country’s provinces had a dedicated group choc, which was the popular name for
a particularly engaging crowd, pre-selected by a star animateur, also known as an animateur
principale, with similar duties to those of a cheer leader, who was entrusted with vivacious
cheering, singing and dancing. For the promoters of the MPR this type of performance was a
way to groom future militants but, on the other hand, it constituted a representation of national
cohesion (White, 2006), as will be shown in Chapter 5 with the various examples of animation
that are seen in the film Salongo. As this political intervention was based exclusively on
97
In his 1973 speech at the United Nations, Mobutu Sese Seko debated against the idea that Zaire was
underdeveloped, a term that would indicate a population of not developed people, instead he suggested the country
was ‘in the process of equipping itself’ (Mobutu Sese Seko, 1973, p.13)
98
This segment of the interview was not used in the final edit of the film La Belle at the Movies, but can be
provided upon request.
99
The tradition of animation and group choc will be discussed and analysed in detail in Chapter 5
73
entertainment, which filmmaking contributed to promoting, it can be argued that the filmmaker
was not considered in any way different from the other animateurs, always present, through
the means of an artform, while cheering for the government, like Photo Pao, developing images
during the night to praise the Chief in the morning.
This possible interpretation of the function of cinema in the country is legitimate in view of the
film content, which seems always to be singing the praise of the government and never being
antagonistic. At the same time Mobutu’s government idea of art for the people was one of mass
entertainment, albeit with a political message. Furthermore, the pervasive atmosphere of
achievement and success popularised by the government, resulted in a commitment from the
filmmakers and the press to disseminate ideas of national development that were in line with
those of the MPR. The period defined as the ‘electric years’ of the government in Van
Reybrouck’s Congo – The epic history of a people, saw Mobutu as a highly popular but feared
leader, who invested in the betterment of his people, combating prejudice from the rest of the
world who referred to his beloved Zaire as a ‘Third World country’, a nation that, after years
of colonisation, was affected by very low self-esteem. The celebration and affirmation of the
self-styled Zairian people was at its zenith and Mobutu wanted everyone to see Kinshasa as its
expression, with mass entertainment coming from America, which was not only popular, but
also in tune with Zaire’s principles of black people’s affirmative action. In a spending spree
that lasted a decade Mobutu also promoted ideas of black pride that came from overseas, by
entertaining his people with shows from America’s finest black talent: The Pointer Sisters,
Sister Sledge, James Brown and, from Latin America, Celia Cruz and Johnny Pacheco
(Reybrouck, 2014). Live events and cinema screenings were devoted to supporting Black is
Beautiful, a slogan that found a fan in Mobutu. This wave from America introduced stars such
as Lola Falana and Paul Harris to Zaire, and the country quickly became enamoured with the
idols of Shaft (1971) and Sweet Sweetback Baadasssss Song (1971) (Convents, 2006).
Although these films showed an American expression of the African heritage and the
experience of being black, the self-respect of the black actors was an attractive narrative for a
people that were told for so many decades that black was neither beautiful nor significant.
Aiming always higher, and during an economically wealthy period, Mobutu outdid himself
with the legendary fight, the ‘Rumble in the Jungle’, when the whole world tuned in to watch
the famous Ali versus Foreman 1974 boxing match broadcast live from Kinshasa in the heart
74
of Africa,100 The night of the famous match, American television crews were in charge of the
international live broadcast, but the national television was also present. Zizi Kabongo, a
student at INA101 in Paris, who was on a Zairian scholarship, explained to Van Reybrouck that
all Zairian students were called back to Kinshasa for a forty-eight-hour journey to do their
national duty and work for the broadcasting of the match. The crew was instructed that the
national broadcast should capture the event, as well as the Who’s Who of Zairian society
(Reybrouck, 2014, pp.335, 362). The soaring popularity of Mobutu went hand in hand with the
effort put into demonstrating that the African people could exercise artistic or popular
influence, such as the case of Ali, and the time had come for him to assert it. As Reybrouck
suggested, the invitation for the ‘match of the century’, as it was known in Zaire, and the
concerts that accompanied it were a promotion of Mobutu’s politics. The arrival of Mohammed
Ali, a legendary figure of a black man who is committed to fight in and out of the ring for racial
pride, and the concert with the greatest African American stars of the time was a call to
demonstrate that “What the slave trade had driven asunder, Mobutu brought back together”
(Reybrouck, 2014, p.349). As Mobutu showed his affinity to the Black is Beautiful movement
by endorsing its films and music, the country was marching on to the beat of Authenticity
which, like the rest of Africa, was fixated on concepts of development. The national press,
Elima and Salongo, insisted that Negritude, and I would like to add, in the same category Black
is Beautiful and all of the movements of the time that were striving for equality, were only to
be considered as cultural concepts. In these national newspapers, the articles argue that
Authenticity differs because it is perceived not only as being cultural, but also as a political and
philosophical concept (Kakama, 1983, p.53). These publications, entrusted with the duty of
supporting the government, understood that by altering the definition with the addition of the
term philosophy, they would be praising the MPR in an otherwise too political concept that
might have alienated the population. The language of Authenticity was composed from ideas
that simplified the complex struggle towards decolonisation by putting issues into a binary
opposition.
100
Viewed by an estimated one billion viewers (Peters, 2014), the ‘Rumble in the Jungle’ started at four a.m. in
Kinshasa to accommodate the US viewership. “The fight was broadcast on closed-circuit television at close to
400 locations across the United States and Canada. Tickets, some 3 million were made available, were $20 apiece,
with the houses having to guarantee $7 per seat in advance, against 60 percent of the gross. Television and radio
rights were sold around the world. A British distributer paid $600,000 to air it on closed-circuit television. Other
European countries paid similar amounts to air it on public TV” (Nash, 2017). The theatre experience is reported
by Jamaica Kinkaid, who watched it from the Victoria Theatre in Harlem, New York, in the article ‘The Triumph
of Bad and Cool’ for Village Magazine (Kinkaid, 1974)
101
Institut National de l’Audiovisuel
75
2.3.b African, national and authentic film
Having attempted to define the different ambitions of filmmakers at independence, it is useful
to address the ways in which authentic films can be considered African and national
expressions as these ideas are reflected in ‘development films’.
In his text, Traoré indicates the factors that could be used as identifiers of this cinema. Firstly,
his analysis proposes that African cinema must be produced by Africans even when this is done
with very few means. This can be true of Zairian cinema, which was achieved, in the main,
with few means and little capital being invested in production. Traoré adds that “…content
alone is not enough, we must appoint an African director so that the nationality of our films is
not equivocated”(Traoré, 1984, p.8).102 To compare this concept to the specific Zairian
situation, nationality during the Second Republic meant forgetting the Congolese past which,
because of language, names and habits, was interlinked with the colonial past, and embraced a
Zairian identity. Since all Zairian citizens, as explained in chapter 1, were participating in the
national system and were nolens volens members of the MPR, one was synonymous of the
other. The MPR found its roots in the principles of Authenticity, which leads to the logical
conclusion that Zairian citizenship meant endorsing and embedding what might be perceived
as a ‘genuine’ and ‘real’ notion cultural expression. In principle, all Zairian films made by the
country’s nationals were made by Zairian filmmakers upholding the political idea of Zairian
sensibility and identity. Lastly, the Authenticity of a film can be achieved when a distinct
African film language is observed. Some of the definitions may be more obvious markers of
Authenticity than others, but we should also consider the possibility that the combinations of
all these factors will be able to produce the canons that enable us to read a definite Zairian
Authenticity on film. The film director and historian, Paul Soumanou Vieyra, in his book Le
Cinéma Africain: Des Origines à 1973 advances a definition of African, and therefore national,
film:
The African film, in its relations with the Negro-African civilization, creator of its own
values which justify it and make it live, will also become a fertile element of this
civilization by its own humanism. Coming from a specific socio-cultural context, which
is African, the African film will be nurtured by values that create this very civilization.
This means that, like all cinemas, African cinema will evolve by its own dynamism, in
the general dynamics of the African societies that carry it. Which brings the intervention
102
My translation. Original text: “Certes, le contenu à lui seul ne suffit pas, il faut lui adjoindre le réalisateur
africain pour que la nationalité de nos films ne soit pas équivoquée”
76
of a number of contingencies, including the environment, the physical and moral
climates, the traditions, the personality of its men (Vieyra, 1975, p.245)103
This definition of ‘national’ resonates with Authenticity, which claimed to eradicate all foreign
influences and establish a Zaire that is similarly the “creator of its own values”, which would
introduce the new citizen who, in time, would have never even been baptised with a foreign
name. It is possible to see a similarity in the interpretation of decolonisation, which is to achieve
and exalt the population’s “true soul” (Mobutu Sese Seko, in Kabue, 1976, p.259) , in other
words, “the personality of its men” (Vieyra, 1975, p.245).
As Authenticity was the Congolese/Zairian decolonising movement, the politics of nation
building were expressed as filmmaking of change which I propose in this thesis as being
‘development filmmaking’. Although, as many critics of the regime have argued, Authenticity
did not represent a legitimate philosophy but, rather, a series of historical opportunities for a
political agenda, ‘development filmmaking’ can be identified not only as a tool of the regime,
but as an expression of the Zairian spirit and African centred thinking and making? Moreover,
cinema is a producer of the imagery that becomes the socio-cultural basis of Zaire. The
assessment of this imagery is comprised of its specific contingencies, its environment and
traditions and, as pointed out by Vieyra, “the personality of its men”. For this reason, the
defining elements of ‘development films’ will include visual signifiers, examples of which are
the Abacos suits and dresses worn by the citizens, and the cane used by Mobutu as the guiding
element of Chieftaincy. A real-life Zairian mise en scène, filled with props, such as the suits
and objects, along with a propagation of music, such as the labour songs of Salongo and the
animation songs in the feature documentary Salongo, created the opportunity for its
reproduction on screen. Another notable element of the performance of Zaire is the use of
language, which should be observed as identifying Mobutu’s neologisms, which coloured the
contemporary popular discourse. As previously shown, paternalism, one of the great semantic
and psychological tools used by the regime to impose presence and power, would invariably
103
My translation. Original text: “Le film africain, dans ses rapports avec la civilisation négro-africaine, créatrice
de ses propres valeurs qui la justifient et la font vivre, va devenir aussi un élément fécondant de cette civilisation
par son propre humanisme. .Issu d’un contexte socio-culturel spécifique, et qui est africain, le film africain sera
nourri par des valeurs que créent cette civilisation même. Ce qui veut dire que, comme tous les cinémas, le cinéma
africain évoluera par son propre dynamisme, dans la dynamique générale des société africaines qui le portent. Ce
qui amène l’intervention d’un certain nombre de contingences dont l’environnement, les climats physique et
moral, les traditions, la personnalité des hommes”
77
have been an underlying message in film and, as a result, would have produced its terminology
in everyday life and on film.
Traoré’s book La Problématique du Cinéma Africain104, is focused in assessing whether there
is actually an African cinema, and tries to point to what may be considered the indicators of its
existence and the issues of the identification of this cinema. In doing this, the author does not
distinguish between film content created by a range of African countries, except for alluding
to the production facilities available and the number of productions generated in the different
nations. Traoré sees African film as being unified in its nature. It is a cinema radiating an
associative quality that is brought by its filmmakers; “The films by our directors, by their
content, speak African. They radiate an African AIR” (Traoré, 1984, p.8).105 The vagueness of
this definition is understandable when Traoré attempts to describe an African air in terms of
imagery;
When we watch African films, no matter the quality, it is Africa that comes alive in
pictures before our eyes. These images show an African decor, African characters in
African cities and countryside; they bring out our cultural identity, our personality; they
express our difficulties, our joys, our sorrows, our aspirations (ibid.)106
The landscape, captured by the imagery, can, in this respect, refer to an ideal of visual
decoloniality. Congo of the 1960s, and Zaire of the ‘70s, gave space to national visual and fine
arts, in particular, to sculpture, with the rising success of Zairian artists, such as Alfred Liyolo
(1943-2019),107 whose works replaced colonial statues and served as new city landmarks.
Many adorned the homes of the country’s elite as symbols of reclaimed space. The aesthetics
of the cities changed so as to reflect the realities of Authenticity, consequently, the location
settings and mise en scènes for the films became ever more authentic, as the urban landscape
was changing, although they may also have included some large colonial structures such as
some of the institutional buildings. Nevertheless, there was an ongoing appropriation as
colonial statues were removed, people were dressed in Zairian attire and the names of
104
The Problem of African Cinema, my translation
My translation. Original text: “Les films de nos réalisateurs, par leur contenu, parlent africain. Ils irradient un
AIR africain”
106
My translation. Original text: “Quand on regarde les films africains quelle qu’en soit la qualité, c’est l’Afrique
en images qui vit sous nos yeux. Ces images font voir un décor africain, des personnages africains dans les villes
et les campagnes africaines ; elles font ressortir notre identité culturelle, notre personnalité ; elles expriment nos
difficultés, nos joies, nos peines, nos aspirations”
107
During the Second Republic, Alfred Liyolo was known by his authentic name ,Liyolo Limbe M’Puanga
105
78
commercial places would display Zairian names, not colonial ones.108 However, in Traoré’s
view, the colonial debris is part of the African air:
African films present us with African images that closely reflect profound African
realities, that means our pre-colonial history (…), our colonial history(…), our past or
present socio-political situation (…), our culture in its evolution or in relation to foreign
cultures, especially the western culture (ibid.)109
Although the regime was engaged in a process of decolonisation and was therefore against all
reminders of its colonial past, the authentic Zairian would inherently possess a sensibility to
his past. The fundamentals listed by Traoré, the landscape and the people, express the essence
of being African, just as much as the Zairian code of behaviour brought by the N’Sele
Manifesto and adopted by its people was expressed in a multitude of visual signifiers; the
choice of décor, words and clothing conveyed the essence of being authentic. Captured in film,
this Authenticity would define the Zairian spirit, which was therefore promoted by the
‘development film’ itself.
For Traoré (1984), the last indicator of an African film is the public. To illustrate the relevance
of the audience, Traoré refers to Jean Paul Sartre’s famous work What is Literature?, in which
the author’s function is essential in light of its consumption by an audience that makes sense
of it:
The operation of writing implies that of reading as its dialectical correlative and these
two connected acts necessitate two distinct agents. It is the conjoint effort of author and
reader which brings upon the scene that concrete and imaginary object which is the
work of the mind. There is no art except for and by others… (Sartre, cited in Traoré,
1984, p.9) 110
Reflecting on Sartre’s assessment of the audience’s contribution in bringing to life the meaning
of the writings, Traoré claims that African cinema, if made for the specific audience on the
African continent, will be able to receive it conclusively. Arguing that this art, compared to
literature, reaches its audience more directly, Traoré discusses the shortcomings of African
108
For further reading on the process of Authenticity on the urban landscape, please see Building for
“l'Authenticité”: Eugène Palumbo and the Architecture of Mobutu's Congo by Johan Lagae and Kim De Raedt
(Lagae and Raedt, 2014, pp.178–189)
109
My translation. Original text: “Les films africains nous présentent des images africaines reflétant étroitement
les profondes réalités africaines c’est-à-dire notre histoire précoloniale, notre histoire coloniale, notre situation
socio-politique passée ou présente, notre culture dans son évolution ou en prise avec la culture étrangère,
notamment occidentale”
110
The original text quotes Sartre in French, for the English quoted in this thesis, I have taken the translation in
Conventional and Original Metaphors in French Autobiography, 2009 (Akli, 2009, p.17)
79
literature as mainly being aimed at a foreign public. He argues that although this may not have
been the wish of the writer, it is a consequence of the utilisation of a foreign language that is
used by the minority of the population and that therefore makes the content inaccessible. For
this reason, he promotes the idea of cinema as a communicator for all classes in Africa, as
cinema, if compared to literature, is capable of reaching a wider audience because its language,
is more direct, thanks to the use of images, and it can communicate to an audience with different
levels of education. Traoré also observes that African films may only speak to an African
audience as, in 1984, when he wrote, the audience for these films was mainly African, present
in the context of African film festivals (Traoré, 1984). The correlation between Traoré’s
observations and those made by Ngangura on the eventual inaccessibility of African narrative
when it is able to communicate with a foreign public but not its own, is noticeable. With respect
to Zairian film and its relationship with the audience, we can say that it was shown to a
population perceptive of Authenticity, aware of its origin and the images and iconography it
manufactured. The films produced by national television, and subsequently by all production
houses incorporated in La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, not only produced Zairian images, but also
used language and music that were produced by the Zairian philosophy of Authenticity. This
assured that, no matter what their level of education was, the audience would have understood,
intellectually as well as affectively, the concepts encapsulated in films such as Salongo, or
Gecamines - La volonté de reussir, which are discussed in the chapters that follow.111
Traoré raises a few questions and debates that are rooted in pan-Africanism, but that are also
exclusivist, as they define African film through the origin of its directors and its consumers.
The problem with his definitions of African film arises in terms of genre, when the author
creates a list of works produced in Zaire. In the previously mentioned publication, Traoré deals
with the problems faced by African film being supported by its governments and private
sponsors, as well as by its distribution. Along with this analysis, the book offers an overview
of the film production of most African countries, Zaire is included in this selection, but there
is no list of productions that goes with the country. Instead, Traoré presents the national
production in the following terms:
ZAIRE: This country has not yet produced any feature films, only short films. Even on
this plane, the production is not rich. Mambu ZINGA KWAMI produced MOSEKA in
1972, and MWEZE N’GANGURA, KINDIESSE or the bitter sweet joys of Kinshasa
the beautiful (1983). In other words, this country, in terms of film production, is far
111
Gecamines – The Will to Succeed, my translation
80
from rising to the level of its spatial and demographic dimension (around thirty million
inhabitants) (Traoré, 1984, p.22) 112
There are, in fact, a few other feature films which, as mentioned, I have compiled into a
database, and although it is true that the percentage of films produced, if compared to other
countries on the continent, is still very low, there is no apparent reason to completely obliterate
the country’s limited but significant production. What appears to be legitimised by Traoré is
the exclusion of all of the documentary filmmaking from Zaire’s film history. There is, of
course, the possibility that the author was unaware of the features produced, as these were not
selected for international festivals, or he may have decided to omit them purposely. Deciding
on what could be categorised as an African film, Traoré might have judged documentaries or
what I have come to identify as ‘development films’ as irrelevant, in the same way as they were
not taken into consideration by Vieyra or Ngangura. The films I have been able to find and
have mentioned thus far, are productions that were commissioned and actively endorsed by the
government, or, at least, were supported due to their pro-government agenda. These films may
have been omitted by Traoré as a result of their involvement with the government, but this
criterion is never mentioned in his study and, furthermore, can contradict the author’s
definitions of African films. They were made by African filmmakers for the purpose of being
consumed by an African audience.
The constant relationship between s/he who creates the art and s/he who will experience it, is
of relevance not only to the discourses of Authenticity or African cinema, but to all forms of
self-identification. The poet, author and politician, Aimé Césaire, exploring the meaning of
Negritude in relation to art, addressed its place and its future during a lecture in Dakar in 1966.
The message was that African art has no prefixed model, nor should it imitate any other art,
not even its own past. It can be whatever it may want to be, because it is in its invention that
we find Africa’s self-invention. “African art of tomorrow will be worth what Africa and the
African of tomorrow are worth”(Césaire, cited in Diagne, 2014, p.26). This point of view may
be a valuable approach when applied to the examination of the relationship between the politics
of Authenticity and the institution of an authentic art that will embody what the Zairian people
112
My translation. Original text: “ZAIRE: Ce pays n’a pas encore produit de longs métrages, mais uniquement
de courts métrages. Même sur ce plan la production n’est pas riche. Mambu ZINGA KWAMI produit en 1972
MOSEKA, et MWEZE N’GANGURA, KINDIESSE ou les joies douces amères de Kinshasa la belle (1983).
Autant dire que ce pays sur le plan de la production cinématographique, est loin de se hisser au niveau de sa
dimension spatiale et démographique (environ trente millions d’habitants)”
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imagine themselves to be, and how they were represented during the Second Republic. With
the last words of his Dakar lecture, the relationship between art and politics is addressed with
a direct plea from Césaire to the continent’s politicians:
…people of Africa and first of all you, African politicians, because you have more
responsibility, give us good African politics, make us a good Africa, create for us an
Africa where there are still reasons for hope, means for fulfilment, reasons to be proud,
give back to Africa dignity and health, and African art will be saved (ibid.).
This address highlights the link to, and responsibility of politics in preparing the ground for the
artist to create original work, by achieving the righteous dignity denied to them until then by
the coloniser. Similarly, the politics and ideology of Authenticity aim to set up the field of
cultural production for positive self-assertion by engaging the work of arts, journalism and the
media. This unique cultural environment, which reflects the principles of the country’s cultural
revolution, would express itself in ‘development films’ which take their roots from the
conceptualisation of development media in Africa as well as other post-colonial countries as
explained in the next section.
2.4 Conclusion
The transformation of the country from Congo to Zaire, under Mobutu’s regime, brought a
dramatic transition in habits, cultural production and teachings on national identity. As the
President explained in a 1975 interview, the revolution attempted to deeply change the citizens
and it aimed at further shaping future generations through education:
The Zairian citizen born of the Revolution will be a completely different man from the
one that came out of the colonial mould. If we take as an example, a child who was
born in 1972, we know that he will start primary school in 1978, without ever having
been baptized with a foreign name. When he will come out of university, in 1993, he
will have nothing in common with the Zairian of yesterday or even today, at times
searching for his own personality, his true soul (Mobutu Sese Seko in Kabue, 1976,
p.259) 113
In this statement, Mobutu sees Authenticity, and its later iterations, as the solution to the
conferring of an identity, for a person who had previously been lost “searching for his
113
My translation. Original text: “Le citoyen zaïrois issu de la Révolution sera un homme complètement diffèrent
de celui qui est sorti du moule colonial, Si nous prenons en exemple en enfant qui est né en 1972, nous savons
qu’il entrera à l’école primaire en 1978, sans avoir été baptisé d’un prénom étranger. Quand il sortira de
l’université, en 1993, il n’aura plus rien de commun avec le Zaïrois d’hier, ou même encore d’aujourd’hui, parfois
à la recherche de sa personnalité de son âme véritable.”
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personality” and who would now be able to find and express it. The most compelling years of
this metamorphosis were from the birth of the Second Republic, in 1965, to the late eighties,
when the Zairian dream faded in popularity. Even if it were not possible to pinpoint an exact
end to this era, because Mobutu’s government fell in 1997, its popularity started paling much
earlier, with former MPR politicians fleeing abroad for protection.114
This is the period under investigation in this thesis to try and trace the metamorphosis and
establishment of a national identity on film. This chapter has shown how in Zaire, the idea of
the national and therefore national African film became entangled with the notion of authentic
culture through the production environment of La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, where
‘development films’ became a vehicle with which author this vision. As explained, the
uncovering of this media composite Mediaverbund, formed partly by the films which will be
presented in this thesis, is testament of the transition captured in what I propose as
‘development films’. These film events created by a national body depict, in documentary
form, the evolution of Congolese people into Zairian sovereign citizens and, as it was thought
of at the time, these films would promote and document the people of Zaire achieving their
own social and philosophical development. The following chapter will look at the relationship
of ‘development films’ with the environment where they were created as well as their demise
in the archive which will be re-constructed to piece together the national filmography.
114
A report on Mobutism by Laurent Kumba, for Groupe INTAL-Congo, highlights 1986 as the year when the
latent popular dissatisfaction is expressed by a decline in the regime’s popularity. The financial crisis of that year
had repercussions for the establishment thus causing a political crisis, worsened by the 1989 fall of the Berlin
Wall and the end of the Cold War, which marked the end of external support for Mobutu’s regime (Kumba, 2013,
p.5)
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CHAPTER 3
THE ZAIRIAN ARCHIVE, CONSTRUCTION AND RE-CONSTRUCTION
3.0 Introduction
Zaire, the product of a government led ideology for decolonisation, existed as an allegedly
thriving Second Republic based on ideas of authentic democracy and modernity. As this
research illustrates, the MPR produced concepts of national imagery through political rhetoric,
which were then developed through the media to sustain the MPR’s ideology. However, since
the fall of the regime and the exile of the president of the MPR to Morocco, where he eventually
died, the ideas of the republic fabricated by Mobutu not only waned but, since the fall of his
regime in 1997, there has been an attempt to destroy Mobutu’s memory from official DRC
archives as illustrated. A process that took place also in popular culture and referred to as an
attempt to ‘de-Mobutise’ culture (Sichone, 1998). The disavowal of the Zairian period enforced
by the two Kabila regimes, as transpires from the information gathered at the archives, drew
my attention on the possibility of reconstructing the filmic notion of Mobutu’s Zaire, whilst
also investigating the collective meaning of Zairian productions. This connotes that I, as an
interpreter for the target audience or Adressat, had to rediscover and investigate the location of
the commissioning body indicated as the Auftraggeber and its archive so as to collect the films
that are available, which would allow for a reconstruction of the Anlass; the occasion or
triggering event.
This chapter explores inter-relational methodologies associated with this research project that
include data collection and digitisation, analysis, and archival ethnography. Beginning with an
understanding of the archive as a site of power, as discussed by Schwartz and Cook (2002,
pp.1–19), this chapter will look at the destruction of the archive and its significance for the
institution that created it, identified as Auftraggeber, as well as the people entrusted with the
repository of national memory. The chapter considers film to be a conceptual artistic expression
84
that constitutes an archive, but it also acknowledges it as a physical component of an archive
that, through its materiality, expresses a historicity of power.
This research has identified Mobutu’s ideology of Authenticity and the conception of
Zairianisation and Mobutism as forming the basis of filmmaking during the Second Republic
resulting in the production of ‘development films’. The ideas of government films will be
analysed in relation to their carrying the notions of the Zairian ‘spirit’, which is explored in the
section of this chapter entitled: ‘The Zairian archive’. This section will explain that the archive
is a social construct, and the interpretative role taken by this research in understanding the gaps
in information and the destruction of the images, as advocated by Paolo Cherchi Usai (Cherchi
Usai, 2001). The chapter will then explore the physical constraints of the environment in which
the films are kept, and the work executed. These are explicated in the ‘Research Procedures
and Archival Ethnography’ section. The section presents the research process to retrieve
contemporary contextual material as conceptualised through media archaeology. This entailed
researching the film archives at the Cinematek in Belgium and the archives at the RTNC in
Kinshasa. At the RTNC, the process included conducting interviews, identifying and physically
examining thirty films for condition and state; restoring some of the films; attempting to screen
some of them on the premises, and, finally, gaining agreement to remove these films from the
DRC to bring them to the University of Westminster for digitisation. Most importantly at the
RTNC, I carried out an archival ethnography. This provides a record of the research carried
out in situ, as well as explaining the interactions during the process of retrieving the films. The
archival ethnography reports the observations and exchanges with the archivists and other staff
who participated in helping to identify the films. It also explores procedures, locations and
introduces the interviewees involved in the historical and personal recollections of the film
production environment of the Second Republic, as participants in the process of reconstruction. This section, which is observational in nature is to serve as a reference point for
this and future research, whilst wanting to avoid stereotypes on the situation of national
institutions in Sub-Saharan countries and affording a more detailed view of the postcolonial
archive, which I have found to be lacking whilst carrying out my own research.
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3.1 The Zairian archive
The situation of the archives in countries that have experienced colonialism and a turbulent
history of post-independence, is known to be in difficulty and presents a common story where
…they have either been destroyed or are in the process of being destroyed by neglect.
In addition they are usually inaccessible and frequently contain only haphazardly
collected fragments of information (Austin, 2012, cited in Decker, 2013, p.162)
Despite this, to experience the archive first-hand means dealing not only with the physical
destruction of information but also with the poignancy created by the impact of this destruction
and abandonment. Walking into the archives at the RTNC, known at the time for its splendour,
La Cité de La Voix du Zaïre offers a demoralising site of chaos, ransack and abandonment.115
These first impressions evoke an image of the national institution of a country that is indifferent
to the value of archival practice because it is consumed with fighting more urgent and vital
battles. The DRC is always at war with poverty and disease outbreaks, resulting in a nation that
seems to have little option but to use all budgetary efforts to combat these pressing issues,
rather than for the upkeep of a film archive. Currently, the DRC is crippled by its dire core
infrastructure, so much so that it concentrates all its resources on meeting its primary needs.
This scenario of poverty, which is well documented by the international media and the large
presence of NGOs in the country,116 has the capability to disguise the present condition of the
archives as a natural consequence of its situation, instead of disclosing the possible calculated
efforts made by governments to destroy the evidence of the Zairian past.
In particular, the current condition of the archives makes it almost impossible to treat them
with the same principles that are used to approach other archive collections, such as the
Cinematek or other well established and preserved ones. To understand how the present
circumstances may differ, it suffices to relate this to the categorisations of archives
recommended by the International Council of Archives, the foremost institution in this field,
active since 1948. Even if the council’s interest rests in national archives as a whole, and does
not address film specifically, this research considers film as part of a country’s formal
documentation. The International Council of Archives defines an archive as being valuable to
115
These impressions refer to my field trips: the first recce visit of September 2014 and the investigative field
trip carried out during the months of July and August 2016
116
“In 2012, 77% of the population was living in extreme poverty on less than $1.90 a day. The most recent
World Bank estimates put the extreme poverty rate in the DRC at 73% in 2018, one of the highest in sub-Saharan
Africa, placing it ahead of only Nigeria” (The World Bank, 2019)
86
society when it can be attested to be a trusted resource, and it recommends it should be checked
with the following criteria:
Authenticity - the record is what it claims to be, created at the time documented, and
by the person that the document claims to be created by.
Reliability - they are accurately representing the event, although it will be through the
view of the person or organisation creating that document.
Integrity - the content is sufficient to give a coherent picture. Sadly, not all archives are
complete.
Usability - the archive must be in an accessible location and in a usable condition.
Earthquakes, hurricanes and war, for example, can all render archives useless.
(ICA, 2016)
In terms of ‘authenticity’, the first criterion posed by the ICA, there was no direct tool, test or
chart available to validate the ‘authenticity’ of the material. The only method of verification
was to engage in conversations and ask the people working at the RTNC if they recognised or
knew anything about the material since its incorporation in the archive. This process is
documented later in this chapter, in the archival ethnography section. Logic suggests that there
was no reason for the films, in their ruined state, to be forged, but the lack of recognition and
identification during the past decades may have caused involuntary changes to the archive due
to possible exchanges of unidentifiable content.
‘Reliability’, the second criterion in the above definition, was fundamental in searching for the
films. By thinking of the archive in Derridian terms, we can see that the rudimentary condition
of the RTNC archives embodies a ghost of the La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, which was the place
of consignment. This place can be assessed for its emblematic value of consignation, which is
explained by Derrida in these terms: “Consignation aims to coordinate a single corpus, in a
system or a synchrony in which all elements articulate the unity of an ideal
configuration”(Derrida, 1996, p.10). This means that, by finding its debris, or the segments of
film, we can see glimpses of a large construction which “…gather[ed] the functions of
unification, of identification, of classification”(Derrida, 1996, p.10). Proving the existence of
the documentary films, would first of all show marks of their destruction and testify to their
erasure as a process caused by the passing of time, as well as their deterioration through
climate, but especially due to political upheaval. Concomitantly, they are also artefacts which,
through their content, would be able to show the output of a prolific state film unit dedicated
to documentary filmmaking that represents the new independent nation. These films are
therefore the material evidence of an otherwise forgotten, but specific, cultural project of nation
building through the filmic image both of and by the Second Republic.
87
The norm of ‘reliability’ that is presented by the ICA encompasses the knowledge that the
archive functions as a representation of the event and, in this case, it is the government’s
investment in ‘development films’. At the same time, the council’s definition acknowledges
that this may be through a specific political viewpoint. The archive at the RTNC, which is
constituted mainly by what was held when the building was called La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre,
holds audio-visual contents which reflect a specific time in which historical events, as well as
daily life and culture, were perceived through the governmental vision of the Second Republic.
The ICA proposes that this should be considered against the principle of ‘reliability’, because
they were conceived through a special political aspect. In this case, though, we can advance
that they are faithful to the Zairian vision and therefore reliable in terms of the material artifacts
of this distinct period. In this sense, the archive collection testifies to the historical period
through its very existence.
‘Integrity’, the third criterion advised by the ICA, was immediately problematic in the scope
of this research, and placed even more importance on the necessity of an ethnographic study at
the archive. Just by looking at the archive in its debased state, and without further investigation,
it appeared to be almost completely destroyed, leaving very large gaps in knowledge. Finally,
the ‘usability’ of the material is directly correlated to its integrity, as the films may be identified
but may not be in screening condition, or they may be lacking the technical support for these
operations, as is documented in the second part of this chapter. This archive presented the
destruction of its content, along with a loss of assets that might permit the consumption of the
said content.
3.1.a Construction and re-construction
The destruction presented by the archive at the RTNC demands interpretation. The archive,
where the word consignment does not mean only a physical depository of information but also
a place for the formation of a singular vision (Derrida, 1996), further expresses this implication
when deliberate action has been taken to erase it. “Archives are a social construct” (Schwartz
and Cook, 2002, p.3), and the material housed at the RTNC represents, on film, the ideological
construction of Zaire. Given the destruction of the environment of the national film archives
and therefore the effort to obliterate the construction of the Zairian project, this research looks
at different aspects relating to the material present in the archive in order to interpret the
88
construction of the ideological framing of Zaire under Mobutu. The material gathered was
analysed through archival ethnography by exploring the environment in which it was found,
and by paying particular attention to the information given, and the commentaries of, those
involved through the years in the archival process by collecting, indexing and looking at the
collection’s items. The testimonies and behaviours towards the collections are captured later
in this chapter in the session dedicated to archival ethnography. These serve to testify that the
function of the archive is not only for “the retrieval of stored information, but the putting
together of a claim about past states of affairs by means of a framework of shared cultural
understanding” (Halbwachs, 1941, cited in Schwartz and Cook, 2002, p.3).
The present state of the archive at the RTNC, which lacked a formal up-to date indexing and
cataloguing system, enabled an open approach to the material which at first was focused on
obtaining as many films and as much paper information as possible, rather than a pre-conceived
list of films that might be relevant. In addition, the circumstances offered more opportunity for
discussion with the people working at and around the archive, as well as obtaining witness
accounts to piece together a historical narrative of both national film production and its archive.
Whilst visiting the archives and engaging with the employees of the RTNC who were
collaborating in the search for these historical images, as well as the interview process and the
observation of the context, the ‘spirit’ of Zaire became more apparent, as the interviewees
recounted their professional stories through a Zairian understanding of their practices. The
comments made by Constantin Katende Kabongo, the Director of the Ciné et Mediatheque, his
staff Odia Oscar Tshifumba and Maman Cécile, as senior archivist, along with other archivists
and the interviews with the filmmakers, Simon Kintenda, Tshitenge Madika, Pierre Mieko,
Willy Massamba and Claude Mukendi, construct an image that would be hard to decipher were
we to look solely at the poor empirical information available now in its current state, where it
is mostly inaccessible.117 Their inputs contribute to external textual material that is able to
explain the politics that have instigated the destruction of all traces of Zaire and indicate the
sentiments which were fundamental for the re-construction of the Zairian ‘spirit’ that has been
attempted by this thesis. The archivists and filmmakers’ memory of their own work facilitated
the accessing of the information on the material, and the interpretation of its meaning for reconstruction.
117
These are the names the filmmakers go by at the RTNC, but their names on the release forms, written and
signed before the interviews, are as follows: Simon Kintenda Ki Mata, Tshitenge Madika, Massamba Makinme
Willy, Pierre Mieko and Mukendi Kalula Simon-Claude.
89
Schwartz and Cook, in Archive, Records and Power (2002), see the archivists as consequential
participants in the formation of the archival social construct, but I expect that the descriptions
that follow in the archival ethnography, will reveal how the archivists I met didn’t use their
agency to keep the memory alive, nor did they use it to destroy it, because of an ideology,
instead, their accounts show that, despite claiming a desire to preserve the archive, they were
ill-equipped to do so, as well as lacking the training to continue and to ensure the archive’s
preservation. This state of affairs helped the governments of Laurent Kabila (1997-2001) and
Joseph Kabila (2001-2019) that followed to erase the memory of Mobutu institutionally. The
issue of the physicality of the material investigated and the lack of equipment for memory
preservation, disrupt the founding principles of the archive. The place of consignment is not
only a conceptual one of the construction of identity, as mentioned earlier, but it is also a
physical place that is defined by the institution in terms that validate its content.
““Management”, “administration”, “reliability”, “authenticity”, “control”” (Schwartz and
Cook, 2002, p.14) are some of the terms used for this space, and through which people,
filmmakers and researchers can look for professional objectivity, true sources. If Mobutu’s
‘development films’ were purposely erased, two possible interpretations may be advanced: the
first is that the content was not considered relevant or meaningful, and it was therefore
neglected due to lack of investment; or, the content was perceived to be politically charged by
the new government in power and it was therefore disposed of. Neither statement can be
advanced with certainty, although some of the informal comments offered by the people
working at the archives and gathered during the course of the research, point towards the
second possibility. Nonetheless, the current status of the national archive does not prevent a
possible re-construction of the Zairian ‘spirit’ that is embedded in the content because, as I
previously mentioned in relation to the ICA definition, part of the archive can be representative
of its whole; meaning that the work to restore and interview respondents, even if not completely
exhaustive, will enable recognition and understanding.
As Mobutu used the term ‘spirit’ to refer to an evanescent quality, able to expose and
distinguish the Zairian from other Africans and other world populations, this research aims to
find the elements that the regime used to construct such a notion on film, elements which are
directly linked and borrowed from the conceptualisation and the construction of Authenticity.
To address these elements, the first goal was to find the physical footage, which meant the first
phase of the research was dedicated to accessing a distant and particular environment, obtaining
90
the material to analyse; ergo, as many films as possible within the present archives, in an
attempt to overcome the ‘usability’ issues encountered in the environment. The only precondition posed at this stage of the investigation was that the films had to be commissioned
and produced by the national television and cinema units of the Second Republic and, in
particular, the period of Zaire was the most appropriate for study. To guide this research and
piece together the little information available, I engaged in a dialogue with all the industry
people that I could access who were involved in this construction of the Zairian ‘spirit’, and
therefore in the filmmaking, during the period of the Second Republic. Conscious of being
perceived as an outsider, I engaged in conversations by giving the premise that I was seeking
the opportunity to know more about works which will probably be unavailable for viewing and
therefore in need of first-person recounting of their content and production environments. The
conversations were not structured through fixed questions but revolved around the main issues
and opportunities of filmmaking conditions in the country during the specific period studied
by the research. These were informal, but filmed, interviews. The results of physically
collecting the films and recording the interviews offers a piecing together of the Zairian culture
of the period, which served as a basis for the following chapters. These offer a re-construction
through the digitised films, interpretation of the images and the interviews. The re-construction
aims to reveal the country’s ideas of the development and nation building of the Second
Republic (1965-1997).
During this period Mobutu’s government constructed a particular vision of the country by
creating the idea of the Zairian, a new national identity for all citizens, regardless of their tribal
belonging.118 In this new nationalist vision of the country, the Zairian people, as a collective
force, were meant to achieve great things for themselves and the nation. I argue that the
ideological construction of the Zairian was possible because of the complicity of the population
and the active commitment of the country’s intelligentsia, who stimulated the constant renewal
of its purpose. Amongst the intellectuals there were the filmmakers, whose relationship with
the then emergent nation of Zaire built a concept of development which permitted the party
philosophy captured in the N’Sele Manifesto to be made visible and accepted. This contract
between the people and the governing system added to the party’s legitimacy through the
imagery produced. With this in mind, the interviews presented material which might offer a
118
Zaire was coined in 1971 but the ideas of nationalism that formed the ideology were already present in
government’s discourse since its instalment, and more precisely since the N’Sele Manifesto of 1967.
91
possibility to resurface this relationship between the filmmakers and the national ideology, and
therefore document its existence until the fall of Zaire.
Therefore, the re-construction of the archive means uncovering this relationship as well as
creating a mediation between the found material and its perceived meaning. This process finds
its source in the writings of Cherchi Usai, in his seminal work on the film archives, The Death
of Cinema (2001) which not only acknowledges the fragility of the film image, meaning the
motion picture film material itself, but the possible meanings when the image is lost. The
significance of a filmic image is therefore an element of the motion picture storytelling that not
only embeds narrative value, but as a filmic component of a larger story told by the film
archive. By approaching the significance of the image through this twofold evaluation, Cherchi
Usai explains how the ‘model image’, that is the perfect image as produced by the filmmaker,
is inexistent. The moving image suffers the effects and wear caused by the passing of time and
this inevitably leads to its loss. The damage enables the historian to have a fundamental role in
the interpretation of the image. According to this principle, and with specific reference to the
non-fiction image, Cherchi Usai brings to the fore the notion that the image cannot be used as
empirical evidence unless it is explained:
Be it ever so eloquent, the moving image is like a witness who is unable to describe an
event without an intermediary. The ability to transform it into evidence true or false, is
inherently linked to a decision to preserve, alter or suppress the memory of the
circumstances under which the image was produced. The loss of the moving image is
the outcome of an ideology expressed by the very object that made it possible (Cherchi
Usai, 2001, p.31)
This definition can be used to explain that the status of destruction suffered by the films held
at the RTNC archive results from the very purpose of their existence, therefore demanding that
the researcher interprets their meaning. I aimed to achieve this by looking at the available
information and by attempting to decipher its absence. The poverty suffered by the country and
the lack of funds for cultural institutions, disguise in the current appearance of the archive the
intentional destruction of the Zairian memory, this is why this research has developed through
the interpretation of the information found concurrently with an analysis of the footage
available, as much as through the void of information that is created by the physical absence
of the films. This method of enquiry has allowed for a new space, where all of the pieces of the
story can be read to form meaning.
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This research project recognises Mobutu’s political project of Zaire as a period of
decolonisation brought about by a culture of revolutionary nationalism with the notion of
Zairian ‘spirit’ as an impetus for the momentum of development. Of course, the meaning of
the word ‘spirit’ is elusive, but the consolidation of its use, a trigger for mottos and animation,
as explained in Chapter 5, had the ambition of becoming an enduring and credible trait of the
revolution. Consequently, the Zairian ‘spirit’ and the cultural forms that may testify to its
existence, such as film, had to succumb to destruction through the change of power in 1997, a
change which opposed it. The absence of an indexed collection of images at the DRC national
archives strongly implies ways in which Kabila’s government aimed to eradicate Mobutu’s
Zairian project from the collective memory, since this was perceived by the new power to be
necessary for the country in order that it could move forward without his ideological presence
and icons. Cherchi Usai’s definition of the relationship between the purpose of the image and
its loss, may serve as a good description of the Zairian archival situation, he states: “The loss
of the moving image is the outcome of an ideology expressed by the very object that made it
possible” (Cherchi Usai, 2001, p.31).
This project gives historiographical value to the Zairian film culture that has been lost due to
the fall of the political party that commissioned it. The forgotten, but meaningful, contribution
by Zairian filmmakers to creating a narrative of decolonisation and Zairian assertion, is brought
to bear with this project. In addition, the research considers the following: the preserved films
found in Belgian archives, the digitisation of original films by the researcher at the University
of Westminster, films which were brought back from the DRC archives; information disclosed
by archivists in the interviews conducted in 2016; and an archival ethnographic analysis of the
archives in the DRC. These elements are explored in the next session.
3.2 Research procedures, archival ethnography
An archival ethnography serves as a detailed account of the ways in which the materials were
collected for analysis. The reason for utilising this method concurs with the thinking that:
by employing ethnographic methods, researchers can immediately expand the scope of
archival investigation to include the sociocultural realm of record creation and
management, thus defining the record in direct relationship to the communities of
individuals who generate, accumulate, and preserve documentary evidence (Gracy,
2004, p335)
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In illustrating this interaction of the current system and the country’s media tradition and its
archival practice since independence in 1960, what will become more perceptible is the
relationship between the practitioners and the employees of the national film and television
industry with Zaire, as a historical past and as an ideology. These observations, which unfolded
throughout the field work, will inform the analytical chapters on the current conflictual
relationship with the national films produced in the past. In other words, the ethnographic
approach helps identify especially the Adressat and the relationship with the Auftaggeber (the
RTNC) and the Anlass (development/decolonisation). The setting of the inquiry, the RTNC, is
described thoroughly, as it is equally significant to the findings because it depicts the
difficulties endured by the industry since the country’s independence and the modus operandi
that has fractured the filmic memory of the country. As well as carrying out the research at the
RTNC, it was important to investigate also the possibility of a Zairian film presence at the
Cinematek in Belgium, in a new post-independence relationship. The subsequent sections will
define the context and material findings at the Cinematek in Belgium and in the different audiovisual archives of the RTNC, as well as the observational notes.
3.2.a Cinematek - The Royal Belgian Film Archive
The relationship between Belgium and Zaire was maintained in media practice even during the
period advertised as exemplar of an authentic and independent film industry free from Western
influence, although this exchange may have been solely for technical support. The search for a
copy of L’Esprit de Salongo or, more precisely, Salongo, is visible evidence that the ideas of
authentic film production did not prevent the national Zairian production collaborating with
the West. All literature available on Congolese cinema points to this film as being key in the
film production of the Second Republic, and as it gained a reputation for being “one of the
great Mobutist documentary films”(Convents, 2006, p.298), although it was never released, its
disappearance had left some unresolved questions, and the starting point of this thesis was to
find the film.
Although the film was produced in colour, without seemingly sparing any expense, and was
ordered to be ready in time to reach the Lagos Film Festival of 1975, the government never
approved the final film and L’Esprit De Salongo was never released (Zoppelletto, 2016, Clip
01130003). Otten provides an explanation of this decision which, it was claimed, was taken
directly by the head of the Department of National Guidance, Sakombi. Allegedly, Sakombi
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found the film was too artistic and not straightforwardly ‘political’ enough. Otten further
speculates that, after much consideration by the department, the film’s “Copy No1”, as he calls
it, was abandoned in a post-production studio in Brussels, with post production fees
outstanding, and concludes that whilst the copy may have been stolen or lost, the negative
should still exist (Otten, 1984, pp.66-67).
As there was no known trace of the documentary in the DRC, the starting point for the field
work was the Brussel’s film archives of the Cinematek. The film, attributed to the years 197274, is currently stored in the Cinematek’s climate-controlled archive storage facilities, in its
original 16mm negative, and it consists of the following: five sound reels and five separate
image reels and a further audio-only track of reel 5. The film amounts to 1224m, 111’ 53”. The
labels on the film cans give the client as the Commissariat d’État, the Department of National
Guidance, naming the laboratory in Brussels where the film was processed as being “L.J.
Dassonville S.A.”.119
To form a clearer idea of the filmmakers’ views about the dynamic between the Zairian
government and artistic freedom, as well as trying to assess if what was required from the
Belgian production house was more than just technical expertise, I attempted to engage in
discussion with anyone who might have worked either in production or post- production on
this film. Not excluding the possibility that the post-production mandate might have had
censorship guidance attached to the reels, I attempted to contact the company, L.J. Dassonville
S.A., but found that they had closed in 1989, the same year Cinematek received the film cans.
I researched to see if other Zairian films produced by L.J. Dassonville S.A. were at the
Cinematek. There were two further films from the film lab, in their original 16mm negatives:
Le Portefeuille du Zaïre (Zaire’s Budget) and Zaïre, Terre d’Authenticité (Zaire, Land of
Authenticity), both directed by Francis Matton.120 The former film appeared to be
commissioned by the ‘Institut de Gestion du Portefeuille’ (Office for the Management of State
Budget) with neither film being dated. Francis Matton is on a few government productions
available at the Cinematek, ranging from the 1969 film Les Tam Tam De Kinmalebo (Tam
Tams of Kinmalebo) to Invités de Mao (Mao’s Guests) of 1977.121 Although Zaïre, Terre
d’Authenticité deals in its title with the return to rural work, a major theme promoted by the
119
Film can label: L.J. Dassonville S.A. 135-141 Rue Berthelot 1190 Bruxelles.
My title translations
121
My title translations
120
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MPR under the scope of Authenticity, it could not be taken into consideration for this research.
The focus of the research pertains solely to Congolese or Zairian directors whose work was
carried out in the country, and that can therefore attest to a national filmmaking wave.
L’Esprit de Salongo, was the primary reason for contacting the Belgian archive, and having
demonstrated to the Cinematek its importance for African cinema studies, they digitised it with
the purpose of supporting this research. By accessing the film, immediately the credits’
information revealed that it had been written about under an incorrect title, for it was simply
called Salongo, as correctly indicated on the film can. Once I had access to the digital copy,
the film text was then transcribed and translated. As a fluent French speaker, I transcribed and
translated the French dialogue. Apart from French, the main other language spoken is Lingala,
which is used in over half of the film, especially by senior party members and Mobutu. For the
Lingala transcription and translation, I sought the expertise of Mike Makana Kitiana, a
Congolese lawyer and member of the Congolese Chamber of Commerce in the UK.
The involvement of the translator was necessary for the translation of the content, but it mainly
provided an opportunity to discuss the material with someone who could be identified as being
a member of the potential audience of the films. Makana was able to engage with the material
further than providing a literal translation as he remembered, and could still recite by heart, the
MPR songs used in the film. Having learnt these when he was a member of the MPR’s youth
movement Jeunesse du Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution, JMPR, Makana instinctively
sang along to the chants and slogans as he was watching the film for the first time. Watching
his ease in this act of enabling once more animation to resurface, I was able to directly witness
the longevity and power of political messages when embedded in popular culture. The
impression was that the Zairian archive stored in Belgium came to life again, providing a
rediscovery of the Anlass, the occasion presented by the celebration of the policy of Salongo.
Additionally, as a representative of the Adressat, the audience for whom the film was made,
Makana was able to clarify the images in the film that portrayed specific traditions that would
be informative for this research. This new relationship with the past uncovered the meanings
of the images, as well as the longevity of the political discourse of decolonisation, as Makana
instinctively recognised it. Some of the comments given by Makana are in note form, as they
happened spontaneously whilst he was working on the translation, but in addition to these I
was also able to conduct a formal recorded interview. Both sets of information, the
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observational and the formal interview, bridged my inexperience in relation to the country’s
traditions and allowed me to have a more informed interpretation of the images on the screen.
3.2.b The archives of the Radio Télévision Nationale Congolaise RTNC
I found the film Salongo in Brussels in February, 2016, and conducted the field work at the
RTNC film and television studios during the summer of 2016. As the film has been written
about as iconic ‘propagandist filmmaking’ for the country, I chose to conduct the research in
the DRC without divulging that I had found the film, so as not to impede any participation from
RTNC employees. Having worked in DRC, I had observed general unease about work which
may be perceived as political, not directly by the people to whom I was speaking, but their
concern was that other people would see it as political. Mobutu’s regime of suspicion and
vigilance was followed by two more regimes, those of the presidents Laurent-Désiré Kabila
and Joseph Kabila, and their governments further perpetuated the idea that the power in place
sees and hears everything.122 A sentiment rather than a documented notion, it became apparent
that the political tension present in the country in 2016, when I conducted the interviews, meant
that I had to be conscious of people’s concern in approaching political films, of any period and
any genre. 2016 was supposed to be an election year, but the elections were never organised,
as they had been postponed in Kabila’s favour, meaning that the research had to clearly position
itself as cultural research, with no affiliations to Mobutu’s political party, or to any other
opposition party.123 Although I had researched and found Salongo in February, I gained access
to the digitised copy of Salongo in December, 2016, and therefore I knew of the existence of
the film, but had no significant information on the content, and this might have influenced the
outcome of the interviews.
The climate of distrust and the awareness of foreign media’s interest in the country is pervasive
in the system. Upon arrival in the country,124 I made an official request to carry out this
research, and although the main body, the national broadcasting company RTNC, welcomed
my project, the departmental directors were not able to grant me access until I had a special
permit from the Ministry of Information. A few days after presenting an official request, along
122
At the time of writing this research (January 2019), Felix Tshisekedi has just been elected President of the
DRC.
123
Mobutu’s MPR still exists under a new name MPR Fait Privé (MPR Private Act)
124
I arrived in Kinshasa on the 14th June 2016 and stayed to carry out research until August 2016.
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with my credentials, to the Ministry, I was granted a permit for research, filming and
photography.125 I was told that it is the country’s policy, in place since the Second Republic,
that nobody is allowed to film without an authorisation from the Ministry; under no
circumstances, and even in a personal or commercial capacity. I was not able to find a law
stating this, but I was warned by the police and industry practitioners that this is the case. This
very impediment to conducting research is further evidence of the power structure that is in
place in the relationship between the media and government. The RTNC is a content provider
who appears to want its work endorsed and studied and it is also keen to set up exchanges to
solve some of its archival issues, as I was told on various occasions. Because the RTNC is
managed by the Ministry of Information, the company’s priorities become a government issue,
but the government seems to be solely concerned with the movement of information and with
guarding the regime from any potential threat, however remote. Finally, in possession of the
certified accreditations I began my work at the RTNC, home to the national film and
photography archives. This research uncovered a catastrophic loss of information due to poor
film preservation and absent cataloguing but, at the same time, it brought to light the existence
of some films which epitomise Zairian cinema.
The difference between the film and television studios, once known as the La Cité de la Voix
du Zaïre, and the renamed RTNC is so striking that the past image of glory is almost
irreconcilable with the present decay and destruction. The twenty-two floors vaguely resemble
the building inaugurated in November 1976. I regularly climbed the broken steps of the badly
lit stairs to the sixth floor, to meet with the Director of Ciné et Mediatheque, Constantin
Katende Kabongo. The Ciné -Mediatheque is a department that comprises the 16mm library,
also known as the Cinémathèque, the photo library, the VHS and the Umatic library. These
archives are not all housed in the same tower but in different buildings within the same
compound. Never demoralised by the combination of poor lighting on all floors, the partial
electricity supply, the infinite number of stairs that discourage impromptu meetings, and the
state of the disrepair of the ceilings in the photo library, Director Kabongo continues operations
as much as possible, since he informed me that there is no budget allocated to his department.
These descriptions are not given to serve as a morbid fascination about how decay and no
125
The permit was granted on the 5th July 2016. My translation of the permit, available in Appendix III: “Motive:
reportage and research on the film production archives as part of the drafting of a Ph.D. thesis in the Democratic
Republic of Congo”. Original text : “Motif: réalisation de reportage et recherche sur les archives de la production
cinématographique dans le cadre de la rédaction d'une Thèse de Doctorat en République Démocratique du
Congo”.
98
maintenance have dilapidated a building, but to illustrate how the setting may have facilitated
an utter neglect of film preservation, as well as allowing for the decline of the image of
modernity that is characterised by the high rise and modernist compound of the national
institution. Setting the scene and appreciating the means available for the functioning of the
national industry further elucidates on the past and on the current status of relations between
the state and the media.
The office of Director Kabongo, like most offices in the building, has not been maintained, it
is not air conditioned and hot humid air makes for difficult working conditions. His office does
not have a computer, but his subordinate manager, Odia Oscar Tshifumba, has a computer in a
shared office. Tshifumba has priority access to the three computers available in the office.
During my frequentation of these offices I noted that the office is used by about ten people,
and the PCs are both for the office’s daily use and for training two small groups of media
students who alternate usage. During the course of the day I noticed senior employees from
other departments come to the office to ask for letters to be typed, or to send emails. The lack
of equipment makes this office an easy place for other day-to-day uses of the computers, which
appear to be the only facility for a large number of employees. The make-do attitude is helpful
in managing the few shared resources and the advancement of employees’ work, but the
fragility of the situation is not taken into account, as these particular computers hold all the
digital information recorded to date about both the films produced and the photographs held in
the photo library. This valuable information is not copied anywhere else, as there are no other
memory storage facilities, nor are there external hard drives provided for the office. The
database is not fully detailed, in fact, only a very small part of the archive information has been
digitised, because I have been told there is never time to work on it. The vulnerability of this
database is evident and although it only holds partial information, its preservation and
development are important for the identification and reconstruction of the archives, especially
as the archive registers in paper format are discontinuous and some incongruent. The majority
of the information is handwritten and, even more significantly, most of the film information
was handwritten between the late eighties and the early nineties by different people in what
appears to be discrepant systems. There are two main registers held in the office, and these
refer to older catalogues that are no longer available. In the 16mm library, we found a series of
discarded ring binders filled with mouldy film cards which, in principle, should match the
registers kept in the offices, but they do not.
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One of the legible cards, Celebrations of the 1st MPR Anniversary. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016
The circumstances make it very difficult to navigate the archive, to the extent that even to look
at the information there is the need for a mediator. This is the reason why I worked alongside
the archivists and engaged in conversations with everyone who had experienced working at the
RTNC, during its La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre era also, in an attempt to try to gather all the data
and observation through archival ethnography to inform my interpretation of the film footage.
The process of interpreting the Adressat through archival ethnography begins with the
following section, which is an introduction to the interviewees. This is followed by my personal
recounting of the informative experiences at the RTNC. These are divided, not in the temporal
succession of how the research was carried out, but in the process of research and digitisation
for the different media, and thus the work is divided into: the 16mm library, the Umatic library
and the Photo library.
3.2.b.i Interviews
In the early stages of the field work, the technical and bureaucratic difficulties of the working
environment shaped a relationship of camaraderie with the departments’ directors, as well as
the employees, with whom I was able to form a line of enquiry. Due to the lack of written
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information about the films, I approached anyone who was involved as film crew during the
1970s and 1980s. This wide call to participate was a practical choice, since some of the
filmmakers active during those decades, such as Kwami, have since passed away. I intended
to gather as much information as possible, even if informally, to piece together the disrupted
official one available in the offices and archive. During this process there was a certain ease
with which I was able to meet and carry out investigations with the filmmakers who worked
for the national broadcasting company at that time. There was a shared eagerness by other
RTNC employees to introduce me to the pioneers of television and cinema production. A
couple of them, still working full time for the RTNC, were contacted immediately, and others
that work on a part time basis as directors of departments were difficult to reach, simply
because of logistics.
I filmed the interviews in-situ and on location. The set-up time on the premises was helpful in
exchanging comments on the equipment and allowed for an ‘interviewer and interviewee
connection’, facilitating a more relaxed and open conversation. It was important to build a
sense of trust in order to overcome suspicions in discussing films associated with the Zairian
period.
The main topic I wanted to discuss, without alienating the interviewees, was the impact of the
work they were commissioned to do, as well as the level of artistic freedom they may have had
in choosing the topics. The interviews were open-ended discussions, during which I also asked
specifically about Salongo, so as to determine if there was a clear reason that prevented the
government from releasing the film, or if there was a collective understanding of an alternative
reason why this might have happened. The following summaries of the interviews provide an
overview of the training acquired by the first wave of Zairian filmmakers, as well as indicating
how they saw their own practice in the formation of national filmmaking.
Simon Claude Mukendi Kalula
Working as a cameraman since 1970, Mukendi started his television career within a UNESCO
programme set up the same year to collaborate with the newly born Ciné -production, the
national television’s in-house film production department, established by the Département de
l’Orientation Nationale, to form a new generation of Congolese filmmakers (Convents, 200,
p.300). As Mukendi recounts, when the Belgians left the country in 1960, the television and
radio institutions were handed over to the new government, but the skilled Belgian employees
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had left with their particular knowledge and skills. This is when UNESCO was called upon to
help the local situation (Zoppelletto, 2016a, Clip 01130002). Guido Convents, in his
comprehensive history of the Congolese audio-visual industry, Images et Democratie Les
Congolais face au Cinéma et à l’Audiovisuel (2006), points out that the UNESCO training
programme was run by the Belgian film director Jules Bechhoff, who personally supervised
the group (Convents, 2006). Mukendi was part of this group that later was to train other young
aspiring filmmakers, he started from the very beginning to train as a cameraman and Director
of Photography, DOP. To complete their course, they were asked to produce a film, and they
made a 16mm short drama, Mukendi calls it his ‘graduation film’, Ndako Eziki (La Case
Enfumée) (1972), which can be translated to The Hut Up in Smoke. The film was shot by a
group of fifteen trainees, sharing crew duties; Mukendi took the roles of cameraman as well as
soundman. The film is acknowledged as being one of the first Congolese films ever produced.
After the successful debut in production, this group of technicians worked on a large number
of films at Ciné -production. Mukendi confirmed that the majority of the films were
documentaries, especially commissioned by the national companies, amongst which there were
the shipping, mining and rail companies, as well as films about the country’s natural reserves.
Zamba Zamba (1974), a black and white feature documentary, was such a film, a tour of the
national parks, with their impressive vegetation and wildlife. The film has been lost, but
Mukendi conserves stills from the production. The most memorable documentary, in
Mukendi’s opinion, was L’Esprit de Salongo, as he referred to it, on which he worked as
cameraman. Although he has never seen the film broadcast, as it was never released, he
explained that he was able to watch the rushes and the final edit. With regard to the film and
its content, Mukendi did not remember any issues with it and affirmed that the “images were
really good and there was no problem in their quality”, even though it was their first attempt at
colour film production (Zoppelletto, 2016a, Clip 01130003). To validate this statement,
Mukendi mentioned that his work was complimented by the film’s director, Kwami, who said
that some of the shots were comparable to those of the Brazilian film Orfeu Negro (Black
Orpheus) (1959), directed by Marcel Camus (Zoppelletto, 2016a, Clip 01130004). The
interview took place at Mukendi’s house, where he also keeps his personal collection of
pictures taken during film productions. These pictures helped him to refine his memory on the
productions which had been filmed over forty years before and that had never been seen again.
The pictures document the filming locations, which include also the industrial facilities, such
as the mining company Gecamines, and the natural beauty of the lakes. The most poignant
images are those of crowds gathering for the political dances at an MPR rally, which are
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captured throughout the documentary Salongo but, in one particular image, Mukendi is at the
centre of the scene, placing him as a central focus of the cultural revolution that had been
envisaged by the MPR.
Claude Mukendi at the camera. Written on the back “Esprit de Salongo”, stamped Organization Zairoise des
Cinéaste. Photo courtesy of Claude Mukendi, private collection.
At the time of writing this thesis, Mukendi still worked at the RTNC, as a director of production
at the Ciné -production. The department still exists, but I was told that it does not produce any
films, except for sporadically working on what is still referred to as “filmed theatre”. This
practice consists of a theatre group enacting a simple and popular plot, usually centred on
family dynamics and traditions, which is then acted at external locations around the city and
filmed chronologically in its entirety (Zoppelletto, 2016a).
Willy Massamba Makinme
At the time of writing this thesis, Massamba is employed at the RTNC as a Director. Formerly
in the army, his professional career in television started in 1968, with the production company
Congo Vox. At the time, the company was directed by Pierre Davister, a prominent figure in
Congolese journalism both before and after independence.126 Under the direction of Davister,
126
As mentioned in Chapter 1, Davister worked on the Belgian paper L’Avenir where he started the weekly insert
Actualités Africaines and talent spotted Mobutu to become its editor (Monheim, 1967). Through different
conversations it became apparent that Davister was able to continue operating after independence without any
problems in Congo and then Zaire having helped Mobutu establish his career as a journalist.
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a few Congolese were trained in camerawork for television production, and after two years of
apprenticeship, Massamba started working as a cameraman. Whilst thinking in retrospect about
his apprenticeship, Massamba said that he had started working before independence, and
explained that it was “when the country was still colonised by the Belgians” (Zoppelletto,
2016e, Clip 01200001), which is incongruent with his starting date in 1968. The country’s
independence was in 1960, but most companies still functioned with majority shares held by
the Belgians. It was only when Zairianisation was put into place in 1973, and companies were
seized, that the entirety of the economy was put into indigenous hands. The misconception in
relation to time could be due to Massamba not remembering dates correctly, but it could also
suggest that he saw a Belgian dominion until the changes brought about by the policies of the
MPR. This association of independence could be one of the effective results of Zairianisation,
whereby the meaning of independence, as preached by Mobutu, meant economic freedom for
the Zairians.
Massamba’s first professional collaboration after training was on the feature documentary,
directed by Francis Matton, Paul Finda and Gerard Loisel: Les Secrets du Nyamulagira (1968),
which is stored at the Cinematek in Brussels. His career grew quickly as he was chosen to
accompany President Mobutu on many of his visits. Massamba recalled that during state visits
the President would travel with a television crew of cameramen and journalists but no official
television or film directors. Their work consisted of the filming and reporting of the President
visiting other heads of state and, whilst on location, they were asked to shoot footage of the
country they visited, which would be broadcast upon their return. The most memorable film
productions Massamba worked on, were linked to the state visits. The first was to the USA,
when he travelled to Hollywood and made a 15-minute documentary on the city and the studios,
Hollywood (1974). The film has been lost. Along with this American visit, which gave him
access to the White House, Massamba was also able to film at the Élysée Palace during Valéry
Giscard d’Estaing’s presidency (1974-1981), and to meet Emperor Hirohito during Mobutu’s
visit to Japan, which is captured in Visite de Mobutu au Japon, the 16mm film found at the
RTNC archives but it is ruined beyond restoration, and Massamba has not been able to watch
it since its broadcast (Zoppelletto, 2016e, Clip 01200001).
Simon Kintenda Ki Mata
Kintenda, now retired and he started training with the RTNC in 1970 as an assistant director
and, after a two-year apprenticeship with the state company, he was employed with the role of
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director for television shows. His first major responsibility was the television show Retour a’
La Terre (1967), which is listed as the first documentary film commissioned by OCICO –
Organisation des Cineastes Congolais (Convents, 2006, p.272). The original television
documentary, produced in 1967, was very successful and from it the RTNC commissioned a
series for television, as an agriculture show in multiple episodes, which he then directed.
Kintenda explained that the show was part of Mobutu’s political plan to get the population to
invest in agriculture in order to become economically independent and develop the country
(Zoppelletto, 2016c, Clip 01150002). The series of broadcasts were short documentaries
demonstrating the different types of cultivation and which horticultures would be available for
development in the country. One of these episodes, Ce Riz Que J’aime Tant (This Rice I Like
so Much) (1982), was later submitted to a German film festival as a stand-alone short
documentary. Kintenda explained that the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany in
Zaire invited the television company to submit a film for the Internationaler AgrarfilmWettbewerb, the International Competition for Agrarian Film, which took place in Berlin. The
direction of Cité de La Voix Du Zaire chose the 26 minutes’ episode on the rice cultivation
process to represent the country, it was submitted via the German embassy. Kintenda was not
invited to attend the festival, but the film won two awards, Gold Prize for Best Film from a
Developing Country, and Bronze Prize overall. As a reward, the director was later given a paid
trip to the Federal Republic of Germany by the Zairian government (Zoppelletto, 2016c,
Clip01150002)
.
Simon Kitenda Ki-Mata holding the 1982 Internationaler Agrarfilm-Wettbewerb Gold Prize. Copyright Cecilia
Zoppelletto, 2016
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Tshitenge Madika Stanislas
Tshitenge, too, was trained by the government, starting in 1966 in Kinshasa, and later going to
France to attend a camera training course. After having returned to Congo and worked for a
few years with the national television, he went back to France in 1974 for a directing course,
and he stayed there until 1978. Returning to Zaire, as it was by then known, Tshitenge joined
Cité de La Voix Du Zaire as producer and director, where he created and was responsible for a
wide range of programs, from documentaries to TV shows. The majority of his work is on films
which he calls “commissioned documentaries”. This body of work is a series of films about
the newly born state companies that bear the name of the commissioners, such as ONATRA
Office National des Transports, the National Transport Company, or Air Zaïre, on the national
aviation company (Zoppelletto, 2016d, Clip 01300002). The release date of these films is
unconfirmed. When asked if every production had to be state approved, Tshitenge explained
that in order to produce a film, one needs funding which, at the time, would only have been
available from the state or by being commissioned by a commercial client, such as a state
company, implying that although the production did not have to be approved by the
government or the Party, it could not go ahead without their support. This explained how the
most expensive production Tshitenge was ever to work on was Mobutu Le Bâtisseur du Zaïre
(Mobutu, Builder of Zaire) (1985), a film which is not listed in any of the film books, but that
was entirely financed by the state. The production also benefited from the use of a private jet,
the pilot was instructed directly from the President’s office to follow all Tshitenge’s requests
and to make any airport available to him, so that he could give a comprehensive vision of the
country “built by Mobutu” (Zoppelletto, 2016d, Clip 01300002). The film could not be found,
and to this day it is considered lost.
Pierre Mieko
Beginning his career at the national television in 1970, Pierre Mieko was one of the founders
of OZACI, the Organisation Zairoise des Cineastes. Mieko explained that the organization was
born out of the desire to group all the filmmakers into one association and establish a common
platform for the filmmakers of RENAPEC (currently named RTNC2) which, at the time, was
run by the Catholic priests, and for the filmmakers of OZRT Organization Zairoise Radio
Television. This platform was thought to be useful for the members to network and work
together within a framework that was completely led by its members (Zoppelletto, 2016b, Clip
01220001).
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Mieko also worked as second assistant camera on La Vie Est Belle, which is internationally
known as Life Is Rosy, for which he is credited with his authentic name as Mieko Maduku di
Nganga (Lamy and Ngangura, 1988), but most of his work was on documentaries about the
state companies, such as the film ONATRA. Explaining further the information given by
Tshitenge, the company had commissioned a mini-series of four documentaries on its work
which incorporated the national railways, river transport and ports, and the ocean port. Kwami
directed the films and Mieko worked as cinematographer on these productions, but his
collaboration with Kwami was longstanding, as he worked on most of the director’s films,
including Salongo and N’Gambo. Mieko is still working at the RTNC, at the television’s
training school, where he teaches cinematography.
3.2.b.ii The 16mm library
The compound of the RTNC in Kinshasa is a maze of corridors, bridges and empty rooms that
make up three main buildings. Most famously, the tower, where the directors’ offices are
located and where, on the ground floor, all of the film archives are kept, accessible only from
an outside staircase which brings one to a recreational area for the soldiers, along with a
vegetable garden belonging to the army. The corridor adjacent to the archive room is occupied
by a long line of camouflage camping beds. I was not able to take a picture of this set up as the
ministerial permit I was given, specifically points out that it does not allow me to photograph
any military outpost. It is upon this sight, and the impossibility of recording it, that one realises
the structure is partly occupied by the army, and that surveillance over the media structure is
just one of the tasks of their job. The military is present physically, because the barracks are in
the compound and because the radio and television are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry
of Information, but it also appears that the soldiers are at home throughout the facilities. The
army’s presence is visible throughout the compound, but this close connection between army,
government and media does not disturb the journalists and management of the national
broadcasting company, whose only complaint to me was that the soldiers steal the working air
conditioners and other semi-valuables they may find around the premises. Some of the air
conditioners, and the miscellaneous parts stolen for repairs, were in the Cinémathèque, the
16mm film library. The heat, dust and humidity have been a constant for decades, and now the
resulting destruction is not surprising but is still to be lamented, not in direct terms against the
army, but as a feeling of resignation towards the general lack of organization in the country.
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The Cinémathèque. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016
I was confronted with a large number of films ruined beyond restoration, and hundreds of films
were missing. It is impossible to say at first glance how much of the national memory has been
lost, but further research might attempt to quantify the damage. Due to the haphazard and
fragmented indexing system over the years, it is difficult to piece together a historiography of
the archive and to understand the events that created the interruption in the archive, or the loss
of certain periods. To address the gaps in the archive, I sought to obtain first-hand accounts of
the missing films, hoping that different testimonies could reveal further insight. The result of
gathering this information is to have a first account knowledge of how film and its function
were perceived in Zaire, and the establishment of the Auftraggeber, a national studio system,
with a gamut of production and archival facilities. Most people I worked with were happy to
participate by narrating their memories and helping to piece the story together, but they were
reluctant to go on record with their stories. Having asked my hosts some information about
what might have happened to the films, I was given a few different explanations, but as I took
notes of their stories nobody wanted to go on record with their version of events. Years after
the military takeover, the relationship with the state is one of fear and caution, although nobody
appears to mind the physical presence of the military. In order to maintain the anonymity of
the participants, I am reporting below the stories relating to the disruption of the archive that
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were repeated to me in confidence by more than one source. The following historiography
permits the understanding of how the people at the RTNC experienced the importance and loss
of the country’s film legacy, informing the sense of powerlessness that is displayed by the
filmmakers in respect of their own work. The final input on the story of the archives was
provided by Odia Oscar Tshifumba, who agreed with my taking notes and providing his name.
The first version, agreed by a few people, is an account of the summer of 1997 when, after the
rebel coup carried out by Laurent Kabila to overthrow Mobutu, confusion reigned in the
country and the national institutions were unsure who they should be taking orders from.
Although the RTNC tried to carry on working as usual, one day, as a senior staff member of
RTNC2 (formerly RENAPEC) recounted in detail, a group of people broke into the premises
claiming to be officials of the new government. They were not wearing military uniforms nor
were they brandishing weapons, and although they could have been just anyone off the street,
my source explained that everyone was afraid of them and did not want to risk being singled
out as uncooperative. The new government officials had very precise demands: to erase and
destroy all films and television programmes about the Second Republic. In fact, the director
recalled, the officials specifically ordered that all images of Mobutu were to be destroyed. To
save their archive, the television staff promptly hid as many Umatic and VHS tapes as they
could and pretended some were blank, but a large library had been destroyed and images lost
for ever.
Another account of 1997, and the change of regime, was of pillage by workers and the
population. The confirmation of this story came from a much younger source, who explained
to me that at the time he had just started working for RTNC. His narrative of the chaos
successive to the fallen government of Mobutu, includes the naiveté of the young employees
like himself who were working on the premises. My source told me that he and his colleagues
were not aware of the value of the films and when they were instructed to destroy everything,
they used the films for all sorts of purposes and played with the film cans. The man explained
that whilst the premises were being ransacked, it was a normal occurrence for him and his
colleagues to play frisbee with the film cans in the courtyard by the archive. I had also asked
about the participation of the population in the pillaging of the establishment, so he further
explained that one of the common uses of film reels and Umatic strips was to make string
curtains, and that, at the time, these curtains adorned most houses in the neighbourhood around
the TV station. During our conversation, the technician told me with regret his acts of
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vandalism, and his regret in the knowledge that he took part in the destruction of their archives
because, at the time, he did not understand what they were doing. This story highlights the use
of the films and their cans which is completely based on their materiality rather than on the
content, showing that once the Anlass was perceived as being over, because the government
that produced it fell, the film’s only value was the material one. At the coup d’etat of 1997,
which marked the end of the life cycle of the Auftraggeber, La Cité de La Voix du Zaïre, the
film object was understood as being meaningless by the Adressat, the people who were
addressed by, and participated in, the Authenticity project, and, finally, as being dangerous by
the new power.
These stories remark a clear pattern of the shift in the power given to the films. A further, but
less defined, aggressive act of destruction of the archive was carried out by Olivier Kasongo,
interim General Director of the RTNC in the late 1990s, who, during his short mandate,
irreparably affected the fate of the library. I learnt of the incident as Odia Oscar Tshifumba,
who witnessed it, told me the story during one of the days when we were working together at
the archive. Tshifumba explained that, without any warning, Kasongo one day came to the
RTNC and ordered that a large amount of the contents of the 16mm archives be burnt.
Requiring further confirmation of this claim, I asked other employees on the sixth floor about
this event, and they confirmed its veracity and retold it to me, still with a certain disbelief that
one man, who held an interim position, could order such a definitive action, a destruction
without any rationale. Some employees have justified the event by explaining that Kasongo
had legitimate concerns. Some archivists had died from what was presumed to be chemical
poisoning, and Kasongo thought that by burning the dangerous films he would simply eradicate
the problem from the source. Unfortunately, due to the lack of information kept in the personnel
archives, I was not able to establish the exact dates of Kasongo’s mandate and could not
establish if this happened before or after 1997, and therefore the fall of Zaire, possibly
indicating a politically motivated action rather than a health concern.
These recounting of stories by various participants during the field work might lead us to
believe that, up to 1997, the archives were kept with appropriate care and in a safe place, until
the demise of Mobutu. These testimonies imply that as the Kabila government took hold of the
country and all its institutions, the archives suffered an imposed regime of a manipulation of
history which was combined with negligence, and that the remaining films and information
available to us now are a reasonable consequence of these factors. These implications do not
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take into consideration two important factors, the pillaging in September, 1991, and natural
causes. The first relates to the incidents of 1991, when the Second Republic suffered
an astonishing week-long spree of looting and destruction by underpaid troops of the
national army laid waste to major cities across the country. More than 200 people were
killed. Much of the modern productive sector of the economy was destroyed. The
sidewalks next to major military bases became thriving markets for looted goods
(Berkeley, 1993).
The looting may have extended to the La Cité de La Voix du Zaïre and had a long-term effect
on the archive’s reliability. One of the accounts of the pillaging explains how the soldiers might
have stolen anything that was perceived to have material value:
... the soldiers coming back from the city, bringing in fabrics, radios and televisions,
computers, groceries, kitchen utensils. Those who had vehicles had taken cartons and
cartons of goods: motorcycles, freezers, fridges, videos, clocks (Jewsiewicki, 1995,
cited in Pongo, 1999, p.551).
Due to the length of time I spent in the RTNC compound and in having informal conversations
with the participants, this gave them the opportunity to add further material from personal
collections, such as pictures and a film script, constantly. One image in particular, given to me
by Claude Mukendi, shows that large amounts of the archives were lost even when the archives
were perceived to be fully functioning and modern. The black and white picture shows a group
of directors and cameramen, standing in front of the archives and trying to rescue the film cans
which they have salvaged from a flooded area. The picture was taken in 1973, and it shows
that although some films were rescued, many cans were lost, and it is not known which films
may have been amongst them. This example reminds us that, even in the years before what has
been recounted as being the intentional destruction of films, many may have been lost to natural
causes.
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Written on the back “After the flood in the building, the filmmakers shelter the films 1973”. Photo courtesy of
Claude Mukendi, private collection.
Presented with the complex state of the 16mm archives I needed to initially ascertain which
films were still available on the premises and which films could be restored and digitised. I
made a copy of the register, as there was only one paper copy available, and analysed the titles
on the register to identify the films made post-independence. Some thirty films could be said
to have been produced after 1960. I negotiated the structure and economics of a work plan with
the RTNC’s directors. In order to access the material, and potentially to digitise it, it was
necessary to second the demands of the RTNC, in terms of how they wanted to become
involved in the digitisation process. The RTNC’s directors made it clear in our agreements that
they were not to invest in any of the refurbishment of the equipment needed for the films’
cleaning and identification, nor with the payment for any of the manpower needed to carry out
these operations. The same terms were set out for digitisation, which was not to be financed by
RTNC. I was to deal directly with the RTNC employees assigned to me. I was told that the
team of archivists and technicians, who were assigned by Director Kabongo, would be paid
directly by me but, at the same time, they remained conscious of their role as employees of the
national company. This meant that although they were not to interfere with my decision
making, they would always safeguard RTNC’s interests and, in terms of their availability, they
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were to work their normal office hours whilst, at the same time, being contracted by me. A
verbal contract was established on mutual trust, entailing that I would comply with the
requested fees and that the archivists’ work would be carried out as fast and efficiently as
possible. As a result of this understanding and financial commitment, I would be able to use
all the information gathered for research or publishing.
3.2.b.ii.1 Identifying, finding and cleaning the films
With the terms of work agreed, I worked on the process of identification and assessment. From
the list of films that might be of interest that I had made from the register, we proceeded in
trying to locate them in the archive room and, once some of them were found, we proceeded
with an assessment of the films to establish which could be rescued, and if we could attempt to
watch them. The second, very delicate stage was to repair the film winder and clean the films
identified for screening, an operation which I was warned might result in losing more films.
Finally, the third stage of the work plan was to repair the projector, which would culminate in
a screening of the rescued films. There is no equipment in Kinshasa for digitising film, and the
only solution we could find was to project the films and record the screening with my own
equipment, in a makeshift telecine operation, allowing me to have a digital copy to take outside
the country.
I was asked to purchase supplies for the operations, some of the items were: tape, scissors,
chemicals, protective masks and gloves and powder to make forty litres of milk for the
archivists’ team to drink. It was explained to me that the archivists had learned the practice
many years ago, and that each employee had to consume two glasses of milk per person per
session, one before starting and one at the end of the session, in order to protect from the toxic
chemicals of the old films, which seemed to be affected by vinegar syndrome.127
This type of work in the archives had been suspended for so long that nobody could quantify
with certainty how many years had passed since a film had been cleaned. I asked what the
archivists did during this time, as they were still full-time employees of the RTNC but, again,
127
Having enquired with David Walsh of The International Federation of Film Archives FIAF, and other
archivists at the Indiana University Libraries Moving Image Archive IULMIA, I can confirm this is a sitespecific practice which is has not been reported in any other world film archives.
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there was no answer. Even though there was no direct answer, by observing the system and
from some chance comments over the weeks that followed, this explained the inconceivable
working environment. The management explains that there is no budget to maintain the
Cinémathèque, therefore no work can be carried out. Deterring even further the archivists’
goodwill to work there are the unsanitary working conditions, they feel unwell and their eyes
hurt every time they visit the unhealthy environment. There are large white areas on the ceiling
and on the floor of the archive room, and it is uncertain what this deposit may be, but it smelled
as though it might be mould. There is an actual impossibility in carrying out the day-to-day
tasks, but the archivists still come to work, despite their only being paid a salary when this is
available. I was told salary availability is random.
Finding and eliminating films at the Cinémathèque. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016
The thirty films were identified within a two-week period, thirteen of these were considered to
be in good enough condition to attempt to clean them. Due to their state of corrosion, four films
did not survive the cleaning process. Three films were eliminated once they were cleaned as I
was able to date them as films produced prior to independence. At this stage, we had cleaned
and restored six films for projection. These are the titles and my translations of those titles: La
Visite de Mobutu au Japon (Mobutu’s State Visit to Japan), Election de 1970 (Elections of
1970), Cité du Parti à N’Sele (The Party’s Headquarters in N’Sele), Communauté des Pays
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des Grands Lacs (CPGL) (Association of the Great Lakes Countries (CGPL)), Defrichement à
Kerenge (Reclamation of Kerenge), La Poterie Congolaise (Congolese Pottery).128
The choice to further invest work and resources into the films was dictated chiefly by their
titles, which alluded to the political and historical connotations of the productions. The two
first titles, Mobutu’s state visit and the film about the election of 1970, already carry strong
connotations of film ‘events’ in the construction of Zaire. Election 1970, in particular,
announces through its title a specific vision of the country, since it addresses an extraordinary
time change in the history of the country and the introduction of the sole candidate election
process. Discovering this film and digitising it allows us firstly to locate it in time, i.e., whether
this film was made before or after the election. The archivists did not remember the film, nor
its images, and therefore its rescue and release to travel to the UK was fundamental. It was
noteworthy to observe that there was no particular interest in this title from the employees with
whom I worked, nor were they capable of giving me any further information on the film. There
was an evident disconnect between the apparent importance that I attributed to the film, and
that demonstrated by the people who worked at the national archive. This film was later
digitised at the University of Westminster, it is analysed in Chapter 4.
By contrast, the last two films, Defrichement à Kerenge (Reclamation of Kerenge), La Poterie
Congolaise (Congolese Pottery), do not disclose much information just through reading their
title. Without a data card or any information on the film can, their ambiguous titles meant that
only by screening them we would be able to allocate them to a historical time. The film title
that left more space for interpretation was Congolese Pottery. Although, after discussion with
the archivists, it was agreed that it has the semantic connotations of an outsider’s take on
traditional crafts, the title might also refer to the independent years when the country was
known as Congo, just before it was renamed Zaire in 1971. A similar title to La Poterie
Congolaise can be found in the short film La Poterie (1972), by Benoit Lukunku-Sampu, which
is listed in Guido Convents’ book of Congolese film (Convents, 2006, p.271). It is with the
same difficulty that we analysed the title Defrichement à Kerenge (Reclamation of Kerenge),
which presented similar problems in defining its production year. To avoid further speculation,
both films had to be screened, and once these two films were digitised in London, I was able
to date them to pre-independence.
128
My translations
115
The historiography work to decipher the era of the films through their titles had generated
interest in the archivists, since everyone was trying to remember historic events, and
filmmakers who worked on specific projects. These challenges to memory recollection while
processing films, also involved the technical team who participated in achieving the next stage
of work, which consisted of the screenings of the films.
Repairs to the only 16mm projector were made. This projector was not owned or purchased by
the RTNC, but it was on loan from the Belgian cultural centre, Centre de Wallonie-Bruxelles,
in Kinshasa. The employees could not remember how many years they had had the projector,
but they explained that since its lamp had broken, they had not been able to return it. The
projector was collected from storage, the lamp changed, but as soon as this was addressed, the
technicians realised there was more work to be done. A lamp, a ventilator, and other parts, were
changed on the original machine, with the hope of restoring it to full functioning. After a few
weeks of unsuccessful attempts and many parts being bought multiple times, due to the lack of
specialised retailers, and thus having to make do with similar parts, we had a test that indicated
that there could be a projection. The next requirement was to find a place in which to carry out
a screening.
3.2.b.ii.2 Screening the films
The administration did not let the films leave the building, and so had to find a solution that
provided a quiet room, with a clean surface, close to a reliable source of electricity. After a
reconnaissance tour of the premises with Director Kabongo, we found that the quietest place,
where the screening and recording would not be interrupted, would be the 5th floor’s elevator
landing. The fire doors could be closed so that no light came in, and because the elevator was
not functioning there was no disturbance from people needing to use it, nor would there be any
noise coming from the shaft. A single working neon light would be loosened from its tube,
which was attached to the ceiling, in order to obscure the space just before projection, which
would be projected onto a white sheet purchased for the project. The fire doors were closed,
and the large sheet was nailed to them. On the other side of the landing, a desk was brought in,
and we placed the projector on it. Electricity was brought in via a ten-metre extension lead.
The projection raised the curiosity of many people who did not participate in the project, and
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as we were getting ready to start the projection people gathered for the screening. The first film
that was put onto the projector was Communauté des Pays des Grands Lacs (CPGL). The light
was loosened, and when the room was darkened, we saw the first images of a monologue from
a man who seemed to be a politician or an authority, it is hard to say with precision, because
the image was upside down, very faded, and his name was not readable. The images were
discoloured and there was no sound. Another film was put on the projector and, again, there
was no sound. We discovered then that the projector, which had been worked on for weeks,
had issues with the sound.
Setting up for projection. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016
3.2.b.ii.3 Permission to transfer the films for digitisation
As this was the only available projector there were no more possibilities for correcting the
situation, and an urgent meeting was held with Director Kabongo and his team. The only
solution that was found was to make an official request from the Department of the Ciné
Médiathèque to Nicole Dimbangu Kitoko, CEO of RTNC, and to the Ministry of Information,
to bring the films to London with the promise that these would be digitised and sent back.
Kitoko replied positively, and added a recommendation to the Ministry.
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Since presenting the then Minister of Information Lambert Mende Omalanga, with the request
in August 2016, there had been a wave of political instability in the country due to the
postponed presidential elections and the establishment of a new ministerial cabinet. Although
the Minister resigned in November, 2016, a few weeks later he returned to his post. This
uncertainty had stopped the effort to ship the films out of the country and, furthermore, whilst
Minister Mende did not oppose the proposal in principle, as this involved the movement of
national archives, he decided to seek advice on the matter from the Ministry’s counsellors. The
notion of these films belonging to the nation became paramount, and although Tshifumba had
pressed for urgency on this matter, the Ministry was hesitant. The following year, in March,
2017, we received permission to ship the films out of the country, and this resulted in the
digitisation of the films at the University of Westminster.
Whilst these developments occurred during research at the 16mm library and, later, the
negotiation for the release of the films, research work continued in the other archives on the
RTNC compound. One of these is the tape library, which is mainly in Umatic format.
3.2.b.iii The Umatic library
The Umatic archives are not in the main tower building, but are kept in the more practical
annexe, it is the building that houses some of the television and radio broadcasting studios.
When I visited the building, works were under way to replace the windows that were shattered
by the bullets of the failed coup d’état of December, 2013 (Reuters, 2013). Funds had been
released during the summer of 2016 to erase the evidence of when, three years prior, the
military was put under siege by a rebel group and the RTNC turned into a battle ground for a
day. The bullet holes on the corridors’ walls were still visible, and they ran along the walls all
the way up the stairs to the third floor, where the archives are kept. Tshifumba, who on the day
of the attempted coup was in the compound barricaded in his office, commented that progress
was being made, but they were still unsure about when they would repair the walls and all the
traces of that day would be erased.
The archive is kept in a simple but clean office, tapes have been stored for years in bookcases,
and a large number of boxes that were lying against the walls. Not much action has been taken
to catalogue the hundreds of tapes, therefore the first activity in this archive was to look through
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all of the collection. As a result, we were able to find five tapes that indicated that they were
produced during the relevant historical period. Thanks to the format in which the films were,
and the technology available to us, the process from finding the tapes to leaving the country
with the material entailed a more immediate and straightforward operation than that relating to
the 16mm films. The tapes were readily converted from Umatic to VHS, as it was impossible
to transfer them to a digital format, and I was given permission to travel with the VHS
recordings.
The five tapes did not contain full recordings, but they appeared to have different sequences
from various films and television broadcasts, almost as if the tapes were recorded repeatedly
at disparate moments of the tape, or perhaps they were purposely recorded over at different
stages. The material I could clearly identify, because their recording was continuous, were the
following: La Voix du Zaire et la Compagnie Maritime Zairoise and Gecamines. These were
two documentaries, the first on the national shipping company and the other on the national
mining company. These films are analysed in Chapter 6. Unfortunately, I was not able to find
the content which is labelled on one of the Umatic cases, it reads:
Abeti (17/12/1983)
VSS Kama Soul
Nazali Balado Te
Documentary film about a sugar cane plantation and a cattle farm
Archive: Good image quality
Warning, do not broadcast because of the symbols and words of the 2nd Republic Zaire
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The tape with ‘unsuitable content for broadcast’. Copyright Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016
The archivist clarified the significance of the card. Abeti was a filmmaker and TV show host
in the ‘70s and ‘80s, and VSS Kama Soul was a guest on the Abeti show. Nazali Balado Te
means “I am not a street child”, and I was told that it must have been the title of a ‘filmed
theatre’ show. The recording I have from the transcoding to VHS, shows some images that
might be part of an agricultural programme, but they are very difficult to distinguish. The image
quality and audio disturbance make it impossible to understand whether this is indeed a
documentary film that is not suitable for broadcast, or just a tape that needed an empty
container, highlighting how, after the fall of Zaire, the films of that period have come to be
only film material rather than images, symbols of the Second Republic, even though the
previous archivists, who wrote the labels, were concerned with this aspect. Further to the films
per se, as in this case, all the paper information that was related to the films was part of the
research process, which was one of the reasons that lead me to investigate the material at the
photo library.
3.2.b.iv The photo library
At the time of the field work in the DRC, this research was focused on tracing the Zairian
‘spirit’, both in documentary film and in the possible imagery of Zaire that might have been
produced in drama films, but the material found until then, was made up of documentary films.
Although I was told this reflected the drama-documentary production ratio of the time, there
was still an attempt to find more data on location. I was informed that all productions from the
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1960s to the 1980s had a stills photographer in the crew, which gave me hope that, despite the
films having disappeared, the still photographs would be there to tell us the plot, give us some
information about who was in the cast and crew, and any available detail on the mise en scène.
The photo library is housed in the main tower building and it shares the same history as the
16mm library. The library has been ransacked, and empty folders now fill the filing cabinets.
Guided by the library’s archivist, François Lisumbu, we located twelve contact sheets on the
production of the drama film Naissances Désirables (1984) (Desirable Births), which was
written and directed by Kwami. The hand-written notes on the top of the sheets indicate what
might have been the working title, the film, in fact, was later known as N’Gambo. The story,
which explores the issues of undesired pregnancies and illegal abortions, made for a very
timely story and assured its success. The film won the Best Screenplay award at FESPACO in
1985 (Convents, 2006, p.282). The contact sheets, which cover the filming of three scenes on
location, were shot by Director Kabongo who, at the time, was one of the official stills
photographers on film sets. When I presented Kabongo with the contact sheets, he thought of
introducing me to Pierre Mieko, the director of photography on the film, who had kept the
original script of the film for over thirty years. There are no copies of the film at the RTNC.
The film has been explained to me by Lisumbu and Kabongo as being a docu-fiction, or as an
educational film. This research of the photo library was particularly helpful in explaining the
kind of investigation I was undertaking and in helping to discover more indications as to who
was still available to discuss the films with, therefore addressing the importance of the
testimony component that is required by the archive.
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Naissances Désirables (N’Gambo), 1984. Photo courtesy of RTNC.
3.3 Conclusion
This chapter has delineated the approach taken in researching the archive in order to reconstruct it and retrieve its meaning for the development of the ideology of Zaire and its
narrative of decolonisation. It has served as a platform to study the relationship between the
archive and its stakeholders (the filmmakers, the archivists and the institution) to further
determine the three As, here is demonstrated how these began with the commissioning body or
Auftraggeber of the La Cité de La Voix du Zaïre. I have traced the archival ethnography process
to highlight how interviewing Mukendi, Kintenda, Massamba, Tshitenge and Mieko,
contributed in giving a sense to the meaning the images once had for the Adressat, therefore
the filmmakers and the audience, as well as to understand the meaning these have now
acquired. As Cherchi Usai explained:
moving images produced outside the world of fiction give identity to the viewing
experience as fragments of empirical evidence, but they can prove nothing unless there
is some explanation of what they are (Usai, 2001, p,31).
The guidance of the interviewees assists in proving the existence of a Zairian Medienverbund
therefore a network of film events of Zaire which has shaped the culture of the Second
Republic. The Anlass, or purpose of the films, is exposed by the filmmakers and archivists
themselves as well as showing what the current state of the archive means to them. These
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notions inform the analyses of the films in the following chapters because they explain how
the films might have been described in the past thereby allowing for an understanding of the
films as events which created a Zairian ‘spirit’.
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CHAPTER 4
ELECTION 1970
New politics and the traditional Chief
Film has the capacity to convey what freedom feels like,
what equality feels like and what democracy sounds like
Robert Stam (Stam et al., 2015 p13)
4.0 Introduction
In this chapter, I examine the content of the available footage of the film Election 1970 and
will explore its contribution to creating a recognisable Zairian imagery. The film, as explained
in Chapter 3, was found in the 16mm archive of the RTNC in Kinshasa. When I first identified
the film, by looking at the film reel and the cardboard box in which it was contained, there was
no information available to help us ascertain whether the film was made before or after the
election. This was an important factor to understand the film’s Anlass, in other words if the
production were engineered to reassure the population about the historical change as they were
preparing to vote for a single candidate, or if the film was made after the election to celebrate
the victory of the candidate and commend the population for their correct choice. The archivists
did not remember the film, nor its images, and therefore its rescue and its release in order to
take it to the UK for digitisation was fundamental. As a result of the digitisation process, carried
out at the post-production facilities of the University of Westminster, this documentary film
was rescued from further deterioration and is now accessible in a digitised Standard Definition
copy. Due to the archive environment at the RTNC, which was explained in Chapter 3, the film
has lost its past original black and white sharpness, but it still shows a critical episode in
Congolese history through extremely grainy images. The images have turned green and cream,
124
and the audio is often distorted due to the atmospheric agents of tropical weather that have
damaged the reel. The scenes reveal that this film does not document the first election that took
place in the country, as the title might lead us to believe. Instead, the film is an educational tool
with which to prepare the population for the country’s first presidential election.129 The images
show an enactment of voting with visual explanations of the process of voting, which was to
be broadcast on national television and screened in the country’s cinema theatres. This film’s
value is not only in its capture of a bygone era, the available images of which had been
predominantly recorded by other countries, but in showing the government’s projection of the
nation’s future and the beginning of the country’s cultural transformation from being
Congolese into becoming Zairian. To explore the film’s relevance in producing this cultural
shift, in terms of ‘film as event’ in the Mediaverbund of the nation of Zaire, I analyse the filmic
text in relation to concern with the ways in which it embeds notions of citizenship, how it
promotes the idea of equality in a previously segregated colonial society, and how the
philosophies of the post-colony relied on ‘new’ concepts of tradition as central to the
formulation of a Zairian identity. In order to engage with the significance of the imagery
produced by the film, I provide an accurate description of the content, as there are no accessible
copies of the film nor is there any known literature on this film.
The chapter is structured in the following subsections: ‘Film data and synopsis’, which gives a
full description of the film by defining how it develops its two main functions through a
conceptual section and a procedural section. These two distinct aims of the film provide a
contextual frame for the narrative that is carried by the film. Further, the section entitled
‘Citizenship on-screen’ attempts to identify the leading theme of the film and how, through the
definite imagery of the acquisition of citizenship, it promotes the formulation of the viewers’
sense of self and nation. These formulations of the audience and of the voters are explored
through Achille Mbembe On the Postcolony (2001), as decolonising elements that are in
opposition to colonial oppression. The following section, ‘Equality and inclusivity’,
investigates how the concept of democracy is portrayed on film by differentiating and
separating genders whilst advocating equality. Lastly, this chapter addresses the theme of
tradition, which is proposed by the film in the section entitled ‘Coining tradition’. It looks at
129
The first general elections were carried out in May 1960, before independence when the country was still
known as the Belgian Congo. “Voting was compulsory for all ‘male citizens of Congolese status’; but in order to
be qualified for registration, the voters had to be at least twenty-one years of age, and domiciled in the
constituencies for at least six month”(Lemarchand, 1964, p.216).
125
the early notions of tradition elaborated by the Second Republic in its political discourse and
portrayed in this film, which was later used by the MPR to introduce and promote Authenticity.
4.1 Film data and synopsis
Film Title: Election 1970
Year of Production: 1970
Format: 16mm, black and white
Duration: reel 1, 17’03’’- reel 2, not found
Producer: RTNC - Radio Télévision Nationale Congolaise
Scriptwriter: S. Tshitenge N’Sana
Commissioned in anticipation of the country’s first general election, the film was produced by
the RTNC, Radio Télévision Nationale Congolaise. Although the director of the film is not
listed in the opening credits, it is possible to attribute the work to the scriptwriter S. Tshitenge
N’Sana. Already the director of a few documentaries, not all of his roles in the film would have
been acknowledged, as working in the RTNC production environment was somewhat flexible,
and a person would have carried out multiple roles and would not necessarily have been
credited for all of them. This situation was extended to most television camera operators who,
at times, were working also as directors and scriptwriters on a single production (Zoppelletto,
2016e).
The documentary, educative in its language and narrative structure, was produced as a visual
guide to voting. Once the film was digitised it became apparent that the film is incomplete. At
the end of the film reel, the Minister’s voice-over graphics finish in mid-sentence, making it
apparent that a second part of the film existed and that possibly poor archival practice has
resulted in its displacement. The film found fits neatly into the original rusty aluminium reel
can that it was found in, leading us to believe that the rest of the documentary was not
intentionally cut off but, rather, that a second reel with the continuation must have existed. This
supposition in contrast to the physical evidence in Kinshasa. In the handwritten film register
found in the archives, only one reel and one copy of Election 1970 are listed, giving rise to the
possibility that part of the film was cut, and the original was transferred onto a smaller reel.
126
The film available to us reveals a structure that is divided into two primary segments: the first
dedicated to the explanation of the concept of an election; and the second to demonstrate the
mechanical process of voting. The two distinctive functions of the film, which I will refer to as
the conceptual section and the procedural section, take place in different environments, and
they are alternated in the overall narrative. Immediately following the opening credits, we are
immersed in the conceptual section, with a piece to camera by the Minister of Information,
Sakombi, which tries to elucidate the notion of an election and its definition. The opening
monologue introduces the viewer to the Latin word eligere, its significance and its meaning as
a political institutional process. Minimalistic graphics with the Minister’s voice-over
demonstrate its functions: legislative, administrative and jurisdictional. The segment is filmed
at a studio location with a very basic interior set, dressed with a table that the Minister uses to
sit either on top of or behind it. The background is a white set with two side panels painted in
abstract art. Hanging on top of the left panel there is a poster that reads “31st October 1st
November Election of the President”. The right panel has both a poster that reads “Election
Political Institution” and a large photograph of President Mobutu.
The filming appears to be shot with one camera on a tripod, with a range of wide shots, medium
long shots and medium close ups. The footage incorporates different camera techniques,
including zooms followed by panning, which creates movement, but, overall, the film presents
a static composition and aesthetic.
Sakombi Inongo, Election 1970. Copyright RTNC.
127
The same framing is used for the second studio set, representing a polling station, where the
procedural section occurs. This is the demonstrative part of the narrative. The studio appears
to be a banqueting hall that has been transformed into a film set, with props that appear in an
elegant but unfussy way, similar to how the polling stations would look. It is a large area, with
plain curtains around the perimeter, and in which a central focus has been created by a long
table where officials carry out their administrative job. The long table, simple like the
Minister’s, accommodates three persons. In the middle, the President of the polling station (this
title is given to him in the voice-over narration) sits, and by his side sit the two officers, called
assesseurs (Assessors), and a witness. This last role is announced by the President of the polling
station, who addresses him by calling him “citoyen témoin du parti”, citizen witness of the
party.
Behind the group of officials there are two tall white panels, one reading “Vote Green” and the
other “31st October 1st November Election of the President”, but in this studio set there are no
images of Mobutu. In front of the table, there are two smaller tables, each has a small ballot
box placed on top of it, one marked “Hommes” (men) and the other marked “Femmes”
(women). The assessors are called by the President and sworn in by him in order to carry out
their duties. This action includes real-time footage of listening to them confirm their honesty
and profess that they will keep the secrecy of the votes. The President further calls upon the
witness to check that the ballot boxes are empty, at this request, the witness and two officers
walk to the ballot boxes, where the two officers pick up each box and tilt them for the citizen
to approve them and confirm their lawfulness.
128
The Assessors, the President of the polling station and the Witness. Election 1970. Copyright RTNC.
In its function as an educational film, the narrative is exhaustive; and to explain both the
significance of election as well as how the process works, it demonstrates and comments the
full voting procedure, without any cuts or supplementary commentaries that might divert the
viewer from the mechanical action.
There is a third shooting location of exterior shots, which are supposed to represent the outside
of the polling station. There, the footage shows people arriving at the polling station and
waiting in orderly queues. This arrival scene is shot with a camera held steady, with people
walking towards it. The two queues formed, one by men and one by women, are filmed with a
moving camera panning in close-up to show the continuation of the people gathered.
The procedural section of the narrative cuts sporadically from interior studio set and the outside
location to create a visually interesting sense of dynamic, which is not achieved with the static
camera work. The interior space is used to show the voting process, where we see and hear
people registering to vote, whereas the exterior location footage serves to show civic order.
The sequence explaining the voting procedure is not voiced over and directed at the audience,
instead, the voting system is elucidated by the President of the polling station and the Assessors
directly to the voters in the film. The protocol is always the same, explained in French to one
voter and in Lingala to the next. The President and the Assessors show the voting cards to the
129
voters in the film and still images, as cutaways of the cards, are provided for the viewers to
show their appearance.
The sequence reveals the voting cards as offering two available choices. The envelope contains
two cards, a green card with a photograph of the President on the top right-hand corner; the
second card, a red one, is without a picture. In other words, a positive (green) elects Mobutu
for President, with the second card (red) signifying a non-vote for the current government.
With the voter having chosen, the corresponding card is put in an envelope and into the ballot
box. The voice-over narration comments on the still image of a green voting card marked with
a diagonal line, to introduce the different appearance of the cards allocated to women.
Footage of voters casting their vote, edited linearly, is followed by footage of a woman arriving
to vote and guiding a blind man. The President of the station explains to the lady and the blind
man that they are both present since the blind man has chosen the lady to be a person of
confidence who will carry out the vote on his behalf and will not use the vote to express her
own voting choice. This action sequence is explained both in Lingala and in French, unlike the
previous voting examples which were explained in a single language. The first voter, a woman,
was spoken to in French, and the second, a man, was inducted into voting in Lingala.
The final available sequence returns to the conceptual segment and is filmed in the studio
mentioned earlier, with Minister Sakombi. The Minister explains what the outcome of voting
means and how the result is calculated. There are a few on-screen graphics to help his
explanations, one of them reads “absolute majority = Half + 1”, which is then followed by
column graphs of majority ‘yes’ votes, and a second one of majority ‘no’ votes.130 The
sequence of graphs is voiced over by the Minister, but the script is completely
incomprehensible during this segment as the reel is badly damaged and it is interrupted by the
abrupt end of the reel.
4.2 Citizenship on-screen
The ideas of decolonisation proposed by the Second Republic, and stipulated in the N’Sele
Manifesto, claim to advance a revolution which will be “respectful of all democratic freedoms”
130
My translation. Original text: “majorité absolue = Moitié +1 ”
130
and which will permit “the exaltation of the country’s values in the intellectual and cultural
domain” (Mouvement populaire de la Révolution (Zaïre). Comité Central, 1984, p.6).131 These
two assertions are presented in the ideas of the general election of 1970 as being representative
of the introduction of national democratic freedom, as well as belonging to the nation’s
particular cultural values by bringing the people to express their vote in their capacity of
citizens of the independent nation. Representations of citizenship are embedded in the film text
to actively respond to the needs of the post-independence period. Pertinent to this are the
writings of Achille Mbembe, particularly in the book On the Postcolony (2001), as an
exploration of the societal atmosphere and political ideologies of the time. I take into
consideration the explanation of the colonial past that is proposed by Mbembe in a chapter Of
Commandement (Mbembe, 2001) as a basis from which to understand the cultural frame
inhabited by the people of Congo who, at the time, began the journey towards a recognised
citizenship, as its expression is captured by its enactment in this film. Of Commandement
explains the principles of violence utilised by colonial powers to maintain sovereignty, these
can be used to understand how, in the instance of Election 1970, the acquisition of one’s own
sovereignty through the process of voting is presented as being liberating, although it conceals
the new authority of the MPR and Mobutu.
The Congolese were called in 1970, by the head of their own government, to acquire an
intellectual and social independence endowed with the vote, in an effort to overcome the
emotional and social effects brought by colonial subjugation. Only ten years prior to the
national election, Congolese men, women and children were subjects to the foreign nation. The
first transition to independence came in June, 1960, after the Belgian government allowed the
Belgian Congo (1908-1960), still under their vigilance, to have a general election. It took place
in May, 1960, but only men over the age of twenty-one who had lived in the same constituency
for more than six months, were allowed to vote, and Patrice Lumumba was elected prime
minister (Lemarchand, 1964). The second transition occurred when the government of the
Second Republic was established by Joseph-Désiré Mobutu’s coup d’état, and Mobutu claimed
to fight for the intellectual and economic freedom of his people. It can be said that the
suggestion of an intellectual freedom was reinforced for the population in October, 1970, when
131
My translation. Original text: “dans le respect des libertés démocratiques”, “exaltation des valeurs du pays
dans le domaine intellectuel et culturel”
131
the President introduced the political action of voting to all the people of Congo, enabling them
to express their independence and sovereignty as well as their right to citizenship.
After the colonial experience, this sense of personal right and maturity in voting was a
distinctively meaningful step. To address the people’s experience of being the subjects of the
Belgian Congo, which followed the customs of the colonial modus operandi, and therefore the
“intrinsic unconditionality that may be said to have been the distinctive feature of colonial
sovereignty” (Mbembe, 2001, p.26 ) we can refer to the explanation of the colonial system by
Mbembe. He attributes to colonialism a ruling force acquired with a combination of types of
violence, a founding violence, its legitimisation and, finally, a specific imaginary that allowed
the violence to be perpetuated. These expressions of violence rested upon the creation of the
image of “the native the prototype of the animal” (Mbembe, 2001, p.26).
Mbembe further analyses this colonial oppression as stemming from two traditions. The first,
falls within the Hegelian tradition, where the so-called native is a being completely unrelated
to the coloniser. This distance produces a relationship which does not evolve, and because it is
preordained, it can only result in domination, since there is only one possible dynamic between
the two people. The colonised is not a human being but, rather, a commodity item associated
with the colony, whose utility is expressed with his or her forced labour, which realises the
colonial project.
He/she was a tool subordinated to the one who fashioned, and could use and alter,
him/her at will. As such, he/she belonged to the sphere of objects. They could be
destroyed as one may kill an animal, cut it up, cook it, and, if need be, eat it. It is in this
respect that, in the colony, the body of the colonized was in its profanity, assimilated to
all other things (Mbembe, 2001, p.27)
Being used as labour does not make the person visible as a human, and therefore s/he is
perceived as being dispensable, not precious, as the abundance of population is a constant
provider of ‘items’ for productivity.
The second tradition exposed by Mbembe is Bergsonian, where the close living proximity of
colonizer and ‘native’ gives the opportunity for sympathy to arise, where affection is possible
but develops solely in terms that can be likened to an exchange between man, the coloniser and
the animal, a ‘native’ who, in this exchange, is domesticated.132
132
In this chapter I refer to Mbembe’s use of the term ‘native’, which is explained with the following: “Under
132
Through the relation of domestication, the master of mistress led the beast to an
experience such that, at the end of the day, the animal, while remaining what he/she
was – that is, something other than a human being – nevertheless actually entered into
the world of his/her master/mistress. This was, however, only possible after a process
of grooming. The colonizer might inculcate habits in the colonized…(Mbembe, 2001,
p.27)
This second tradition of power sees, therefore, the coloniser who, accustomed to the presence
of the ‘native’, develops an affection as if s/he were an animal, existing, but belonging to a less
worthy living species. The colonised then grooms him/her and imparts his/her own world of
superiority as the righteous one, which is returned with servitude by the ‘native’ (Mbembe,
2001, pp.26-27).
Both ideas of abuse and violence, one in the act of domination and the other in the act of
grooming, achieve the same end by dehumanising the subject. Through this definition, we can
recognise Belgium’s mechanism for the subjugation of the population, in their own native land,
so that they think of themselves simultaneously in terms of the product of the Belgian imperial
project and as the producer of the colony’s assets or products. It is clear from Mbembe’s
writing that under neither of these two circumstances are the colonised accepted as human
beings with a voice, whose existence needs to develop a system for his/her own flourishing.
The colonial perspective which oppressed the population bases its legitimacy on the idea that
the dehumanised subject has no power of decision and so is incapable of wishing for personal
fulfilment. From this viewpoint, which allowed the whole system to function, the colonised
was not a human being with a voice. His/her existence was oppressed so that the possibility to
develop a personal system for his/her own flourishing and happiness would not be
contemplated. The existence and raison d’être of the colonised was reduced to a betterment
possible solely by domestication, as suggested by Mbembe, and therefore to the annihilation
of his/her own personality.
As part of the colonial project, put in place to achieve domestication, there was also language.
As a colony, the Belgian Congo, was a French speaking state with French as the official
language. With no choice other than adopting the language under the direction of Belgian rule,
colonization, the object and the subject of commandement combined in a single specific category, the native.
Strictly speaking, the “native” is one born in the country under discussion. As such, the term is close to another,
indigene – that is, a “son of daughter of the soil”, not someone who has settled as a result of immigration or
conquest” (Mbembe, 2001, p28)
133
the peculiarities of the formalities of language became further ways to subjugate the Congolese
population.133 Firstly, in terms of using French in schools and therefore projecting the
coloniser’s language as the superior one for education, and then by using the language to further
accentuate a social difference between the coloniser and the colonised. A linguistic device for
the objectification of the Congolese was the use of the word ‘you’, which can be translated in
French with both vous and tu. The formal vous, was never used to address the Congolese who,
instead, were always called tu, the informal alternative (Lumumba, 1960). This form of ‘you’
is used traditionally by an older person speaking to a younger one, or from a person of higher
social standing to one of lower standing. Tu can also be used between people of same or
different generations that are of similar rank or who share a certain level of intimacy, usually
friends. However, as there was no friendship between the colonised and the coloniser, tu and
vous were used to further define the relationship of master and object, or product, of the colony.
Lumumba admonished this form of linguistic oppression with his independence speech on 30th
June, 1960: “Who will forget that to a black man one said ‘you’ [tu], not as a friend, but because
the honourable ‘You’ [vous] was reserved for whites only!” (Mbu-Mputu, 2010, p.265).134
Language contributed to the enduring power structure inherent to this period. Ten years after
independence, Election 1970, a state-sponsored information documentary, establishes a new
institutional language and a vocabulary of the appropriation of power, capturing the ideas of
election and the right to citizenship.
The Congolese population had endured an eighty-year colonial relationship with Belgium,
which saw them as replaceable parts of a production system, ordered, groomed and
dehumanised by Belgian rule. The elections devised in 1970 by Mobutu addressed a different
perspective for the Congolese person and society, who were given a humanised representation.
With the general elections, the Congolese population, were given the right and obligation to
vote as independent people. With an orchestrated performance of modern governance, Mobutu
introduced the population to the electoral system, presenting them with the tangible and visible
recognition of their humanity in its foremost expression of citizenship.
133
Further reading, Michael Meeuwis The origins of Belgian colonial language policies in the Congo (Meeuwis,
2011)
134
My translation. Original text: “Qui oubliera qu'a un noir on disait ‘Tu’, non certes comme à un ami, mais
parce-que que le ‘Vous’ honorable était réservé aux seuls blancs!”
134
As a primary outcome, this film depicts an actualisation of Mobutu’s political project, which
was at first expressed with the appellations of Citoyen and Citoyenne, as discussed in Chapter
1, a postcolonial renaming practice expressing an ideological rebellion from the Monsieur and
Madame that had been imposed by the Francophone system. Furthermore, it delivers a second
outcome, by enabling a more transcendental effect in providing a visible affirmation of the
human being as a valued person in society. By introducing the meanings and the practice of
the electoral system, Election 1970 develops this idea throughout its narrative, in the script
with the new appellatives, and with the use of both French and Lingala, together with the visual
language. The introduction of Lingala into the national discourse in the film opens up the
affirmation of a native vernacular in the place of institution and formality. The choice of
Lingala as the preferred language, of the four official national languages, was related to both
historical and practical reasons.135 Lingala is Congo’s lingua franca, and it was developed for
commerce on the river. It is a simple language which was principally spoken in the capital,
where people of all tribes have converged. Historically used by the military and spoken by
soldiers coming from all regions of the country, “Lingala also indexes power and authority,
and because it is the language of the capital city it can also stake a claim to urban
sophistication”(Coupland, 2016, p.421).
From the opening scenes of the film the conceptual idea of citizenship is demonstrated through
the piece to camera by the Minister of Information, Sakombi.136 With institutional reassurance
he addresses the audience to explain the electoral system as an achievement of empowerment
through choice, and especially of personal fulfilment: “Election comes from the Latin word
eligere, which means to choose. The right to choose one’s own way of life...Where man is both
the starting point and the culmination of his social activities” (N’Sana, 1970, TC 00.28).137
This definition is spoken with authority by the well-dressed Congolese man, in a dark suit,
promising empowerment to the people with their vote, and it breaks at its core the image of the
135
“With more than 220 different languages identified within its borders, Congo is one of the most ethnically
diverse countries in Africa”(Gondola, 2002)
136
As this film was produced in 1970, the appointment of Minister was still used and will become State
Commissioner for National Guidance only in 1972. Therefore this chapter will refer to his role and the department
with the term Ministry.
137
My translation. Original script: “Élection viens du mot latin Eligere, qui signifie choisir. Le droit de choisir sa
propre voie de vivre...Où l’homme constitue aussi bien le point de départ que l’aboutissement de ses activités
sociales.”
135
indigène138, who, as a dehumanised subject, did not have any power of decision and so was not
expected to wish for personal fulfilment or the culmination of social activities.
Sakombi’s image on the screen, representing the establishment and civic accomplishment, is
in juxtaposition to the imagery of colonisation, which was present until ten years before the
film was produced. During Belgian colonial rule, Congolese citizens were prohibited by the
Belgian colonial administration from assuming any civil servant role in the country (Brausch,
1961, p.24). The new image of the national and postcolonial politician that is embodied by
Sakombi, and his clear on-camera statement, implicitly invite the population to join in civic
duty and acquire membership of the country. The civic duty to vote, and therefore to choose,
is proposed in the film as a recognition of the person, who is being encouraged to form a social
and individual identity. In 1970, the national identity in formation is that of Congo, but with
the resulting elections and Mobutu’s free reign, the country was re-defined in 1971 with the
advent of Authenticity, and it was re-construed as Zaire.
Sakombi, the person in a position of authority, is exemplary of change, which he represents, as
well as the everyday people depicted by the film who participate in this change, the
decolonisation process which the N’Sele Manifesto addresses as revolution. The manifesto lists
as an immediate objective of the MPR “the improvement of individual well-being”
(Mouvement populaire de la Révolution (Zaïre). Comité Central, 1984, p.5). The discourse of
the individual, and therefore the person, is presented by the film as one of the ways in which it
assumes the wider vision as a ‘development film’. In the more demonstrative sequences of the
film, in the procedural section, the President of the polling station greets people coming in to
vote with the customary expression Citoyen and Citoyenne, the process follows by registering
their names, and then asks them to go to the booth and cast their vote. This routine operation
becomes significant when addressing one of the voters, the polling station President reminds
him what to do in the booth: “ in all consciousness you will choose the card that you will vote”
(N’Sana, 1970, TC 00.38).139 The use of the word ‘consciousness’ implies that the person is
138
Racialised term used by the colony to refer to the indigenous population, indigène means native (Zoppelletto,
2015).Mbembe explains the term in the Postcolony: “Strictly speaking, the ‘native’ is one born in the country
under discussion. As such, the term is close to another indigene- that is, a ‘son or daughter of the soil’, not someone
who has settled as a result of immigration or conquest. In colonial political vocabulary, this description was
applied to colonial subjects in general, all natives making up no more than what Albert Sarraut spoke of as that
‘unformed clay of primitive multitudes’ from which colonisation’s task was to shape ‘the face of a new
humanity’”(Mbembe, 2001, p28)
139
My translation. Original script: “Et c’est là dans toute conscience vous allez choisir la carte que vous allez
136
acknowledged as a human being, a substantial change in the relationship between the country’s
institutions and the people. These images can be considered a ‘film event’ which contributed
in the construction of a revolutionary imagery of decolonisation, since they represent a change
of depiction, where women and men are respected citizens, not objectified possessions of the
colonial system that even in 1958 displayed them in the last human zoo (Prendergast and
Bafilemba, 2018).140 The language, specifically in the word Citoyen, is then endorsed by the
visual language, as we see voters smiling after having cast their vote. From the educational
images of learning how to vote the film takes an emotional undertone, as we can see their joy,
expressed as being a state in which human beings develop into citizens and testify membership
to the nation.
The transformation through the act of voting is emphasised visually, as all of the people come
into the polling station as unknowns, they are part of a crowd. Inside the polling station, the
voters’ backs are to camera and very little about them is visible, all it is possible to gather from
this framing of the scene is their gender, as when they are registering there is no reverse shot.
The process of voting is formal and is filmed in full, the slow development of the registration
starts with the President receiving the voter card from the person, and it continues with a long
protocol of checks, finally indicating that the voter should proceed to the booth. Then this
instruction is followed by a short sequence of men and women putting their votes inside the
ballot box. It is only at this point that the sequence, accompanied by seventies’ electronic music
and edited with cutaways of hands reaching for the box, reveals also the faces of the voters and
their happiness whilst carrying out the action. The sequence creates a musical counterpoint to
the institutional images; it is dramatic, with its use of a modern soundtrack and the fast cutting
of images of women and men showing their humanity through personal expression. The
formerly colonised, passive servant or object of the state is now shown to participate
independently with joy. The shift in imagery is very subtle, due to the film’s aesthetic
conventions, which are appropriate to the educational documentary genre, but it constitutes a
linear narrative that shows a mass of people having become registered citizens, participating in
the country’s future. This film reflects the mode of ‘development filmmaking’ in its
documentary style, but mainly in terms of its contribution to the advancement of the principles
of decolonisation and nation building.
voter”
140
Further reading on the objectification of the Congolese population Pamela Newkirk Spectacle: The
Astonishing Life of Ota Benga (Newkirk, 2015)
137
As a result of the nature of this mode of filmmaking, which helped the government in its
mission, the images are edited to solely convey the positivity of the system and to present the
modernity of the ‘democratic’ structure that has been put in place by the MPR. One of the
possible preoccupations arising from this election was the legitimacy of the one-party system,
but because the film’s production is linked to the government and its specific plans for the
emancipation of the country, the film’s contribution and participating activism would have
been used to help to establish the legality of the government’s actions, and especially of the
election. In this respect, Election 1970 can be said to be a ‘film event’ also in the manufacturing
of the legitimacy of the Second Republic, which happened through the years and by the
establishment of different policies. In his first years in power, Mobutu was on a ruthless
mission to eliminate any opposition from the members of the First Republic (1960-1965),
which began with the first hangings in 1966, which were followed by systematic
imprisonments and further threats of public hangings. The forceful control of power meant that
people were afraid of the regime (Reybrouck, 2014, p.340). Despite the dictatorial regime
being supported by the USA and IMF to help contain Soviet influence in the area (Diamond,
2009, p.113), the country had to demonstrate the validity and fairness of all its actions, amongst
these there was, of course, the veracity of its electoral system. The validity of the electoral
system did not stand only as part of the acquisition of power by the MPR government but, at
the same time it represented a particular concept of citizenship which, if doubted, would have
undermined the concept of decolonisation in which people were participating. This is how this
film participates both as ‘film event’ in authoritarianism, and in the discourse of decolonisation.
One of the main issues with an electoral process is the possibility of rigging votes, and this film
actively responds to the possible scepticism of an election run by what had been defined as an
authoritarian government. The idea of the secrecy of the vote is asserted at every opportunity
in the film, serving to reassure the voter that every aspect of this process, which they had never
experienced before and were therefore unable to compare with other systems, would be legal.
At the same time, it builds a narrative of legality as one of the many founding elements of the
new democracy, a democracy created by the government with the voter. The repetitive use of
footage of the Assessors and President of the polling station, checking all the registration
paperwork, and the Witness checking the empty ballot box, creates a validity for the protocol.
More than teaching the future voting public what to expect, it also gives an opportunity to the
public to see that they can denounce the possible malfunctioning of a polling station, involving
138
them in the ritual. The film enhances the idea of the solemnity of citizenship by giving the voter
a monitoring power. The citizen is called to participate with the government to this change,
which is, in one respect, a procedural function of the vote and, at the same time, a philosophical
acceptance of a single candidate election.
The same gravity in the role is shown in relation to the Assessors at the polling stations who,
when introduced by the voice-over, are then asked by the President of the station to swear an
oath. The film contains the complete process, since both assessors, one after the other, are
called to stand and raise their hands for the ceremonial adjuration. The oath is taken by reading
out loud a piece of paper on the table, which is then returned and signed by the President, who
remits it to the Assessors as a certifying proof. There is no sanctity attached to the oath, as it
involves only a script, and there is no Bible.
The construction of this segment is uncomplicated in its form as it is filmed in real time, and
the action is not cut in order to speed up the process for the viewer. The first Assessor is
followed by the second, who is filmed going through the same unaltered operation. The scene
is slow, but it is exact in its repetition and because the editing is not made dynamic by the
addition of close ups and cutaways, it gains a quality that can be described as liturgical in its
effect. The strength of the segment in delivering the importance of its message is its rhythmic
duplication. The images, which are accompanied solely by diegetic sound, acquire an
institutional validity reinforcing the idea that it is a public information film. The scrupulous
performance of the new Congolese democracy, and the economical sobriety of the scene, are
reflected on its actors, who are performing a civic duty on camera.
The association between the people’s civic duty and the President, who has put in place the
electoral structure by allowing it, is constructed visually by astute framings of the performance
of the pledge to the institution and, consequently, to Mobutu. When the first officer stands, his
hand raised to take the oath, the film frame has him in shot with the slogan panel behind him,
the slogan that reads “Vote Green”. The image of Mobutu is absent from this set in the polling
station and his portrait hangs only in Sakombi’s studio, where the conceptual section of the
film is shot. This choice proposes Sakombi’s duty and loyalty as a representative of the MPR
and of Mobutu’s government, meanwhile, in the polling-station set, an appearance of freedom
given to the voters. They, and the viewers, are not reminded of President Mobutu, as they
approach the voting booth where they will be alone with their ‘conscience’. However, the
139
suggestion about whom to vote for is already present in the slogans, they encourage the voters
vote green, meaning that they should continue to support the MPR, which was already ruling
the country, ss opposed to red, which meant not supporting the party. By 1970, Mobutu had
become, in the collective understanding, the saviour of the country, for having halted the Congo
Crisis, which caused thousands of deaths between 1960 and 1965, as well by bringing political
unification to the country in the late 1960s (Bobb, 1989, p.148). This created a special
relationship between the party and its leader, as well as the leader and the population. The
population may have accepted that Mobutu could be ruthless with the opposition, but with the
understanding that, in this way, he was able to assure the wellbeing of all Congolese, in other
words, as a tough security measure that might protect the nation (Smith, 2015). The popular
belief that the single party system was in place for the good of the country, by avoiding the
possibility of falling into widespread chaos and revolt, may have also secured the acceptance
of the peculiar single party election of 1970. It can be argued that it functioned on the concept
that a country with many tribes and specific regional demands, recovering from bloody
secessions in Katanga and South Kasai, should be entrusted to one leader. Mobutu used film
as an opportunity to communicate a political persona that could facilitate dialogue and appease
differences, but the truth was different, those who dared to protest risked government
retaliation. The MPR responded with “imprisonment, physical and psychological torture,
assassinations, poisonings, professional dismissals, banishment of students, arbitrary closing
of universities, deportations within the country, kidnappings, disappearances and so on”
(Nelson, 1995, p.80). These were methods that were understood to secure the peace and unity
of a potentially divided country. This notion of an authoritarian peacekeeper was promoted by
the regime throughout its existence, by promoting the imagery of Mobutu as the Father of the
Nation. His stronghold on the country became ever more rigid, and “Abuse of political power
and co-optation became the hallmark of Mobutu’s regime”(Gondola, 2002, p.135). This hard
line waned as the country succumbed to another economic crisis and Mobutu had to face
internal and external pressure, which resulted in the legitimation of the opposition parties. On
the 24th April, 1990, Mobutu, in a famous televised speech that saw him in tears, lifted the ban
on opposition parties by declaring his historic decision “Alone, before my conscience, I have
considered trying again the experience of political pluralism in our country with, at its roots,
140
the principle of political freedom for each citizen to join the political formation of his choice”
(Mobutu, RTNC, 1990).141
Mobutu’s government was criticised, especially by insiders who fled in the 1970s142, and one
of the few opposing accounts of the regime and its strategies is available in the politically
accusatorial book Un avenir pour le Zaïre (1985), written by an exiled Prime Minister of Zaire,
Nguza Karl I Bond, who gave a different reading of the situation.143 In explaining the party’s
rise to power and the advancement of the single party government, Nguza noted that the MPR’s
strategy was based on a false claim. The MPR claimed that the forty-four parties were at the
core of social unrest and the civil war, and therefore the single party was the only feasible
solution. Nguza responds to this misconception, noting that this multitude of parties only
existed at the time of independence, and by the time Mobutu took hold of the country through
the coup d’état of 1965, there were only two main parties. REDECO, Rassemblement
Démocratic Congolais, which was founded by the Binza ‘intellectuals’ and Mobutu, and
CONACO, Confederation Nationale Congolaise, demonstrating that the country was capable
of playing a fair and democratic political game (Nguza, 1985).
The main concerns about political instability and the fear that comes with violent secessions,
helped in securing Mobutu’s one party system, and it can be argued that the development media
established in the country with pledges from the Press Association, contributed to promoting
the concepts of MPR and Mobutu as being a force for unity.144 Independence, in many African
countries, did not result in automatic unity, and all of the governments on the African continent,
including Congo’s, as demonstrated by the first five years of unrest and the attempted secession
of Katanga, had to find ways to promote the idea of community and to implement it in their
discourse. Domatob and Hall’s analysis of development journalism points to this relationship
141
My translation. Original speech: “J’ai estimé seul devant ma conscience de tenter de nouveau l'expérience du
pluralisme politique dans notre pays avec à la base le principe de la liberté politique pour chaque citoyen d’adhérer
à la formation politique de son choix”
142
“The 1970s saw the publication in Europe of testimonies of Zairians in exile, in particular that of Thomas
Kanza Conflict in the Congo (Penguin Books, 1972) and that of Cléophas Kamitatu, The Great Mystification of
Congo-Kinshasa” (Chrétien, 1974, p327) My translation, original text: “Les années 70 auront été celles de la
publication en Europe des témoignages de Zaïrois en exil, en particulier celui de Thomas Kanza Conflict in the
Congo (Penguin Books, 1972) et celui de Cléophas Kamitatu, La grande mystification du Congo-Kinshasa.”
143
Nguza Karl I Bond, nephew of one of Mobutu’s ardent opposers Tshombe, can be demonstrative of the cooptation politics of Mobutu, as he served “intermittently as Mobutu’s foreign minister, ambassador to Washington,
and prime minister in the 1970s and 1980s” (Gondola, 2002,p135)
144
Further reading on the Communication Policies of Zaire (1980) a UNESCO study conducted by Botombele
Bokonga Ekanga (Botombele, 1980)
141
of internal civil or tribal wars as reasons influencing the advocacy of media activism for
unification:
This concern for community feeling on a nation-wide basis is related to the prevalence
of existing tribal, racial, religious and linguistic loyalties; bringing into focus the
elements of disunity, cleavage, stress and strain – in short, the crises of national
development. The mass media are seen as a means of promoting national sentiments
against destructive regionalism in newly independent African states (Domatob and
Hall, 1983, p.11)
It may be regarded as being certain that, in Congo, the creation of a national sentiment for
Congo unity became a tool for authoritative discourse, and Election 1970 participated in
creating the basis for the language of a party that was concerned with untroubled nationhood.
This educational film on the electoral process reflects and reiterates a language of peace in its
narrative. The voice-over, accompanied by footage of people gathering outside the polling
station, reassures the viewer by explaining that the government will secure peace and safety:
“Everything has been planned so that Congolese citizens will be able to vote in order and
discipline and gather in front of the polling stations” (N’Sana, 1970, TC 06.24).145
Notwithstanding what may be perceived as pertaining to the narrative of a ‘development film’,
this is explained differently by the historian Didier Gondola, who writes that the elections of
1970 were heavily policed, not for security reasons, but as part of an “intimidating campaign”
which was put in place to “make sure that voters picked the right ballot” (Gondola, 2002,
p.140).
The film, instead, calls on all eligible Congolese citizens to participate in an orderly fashion in
what promised to be the demonstration of the MPR’s achievements in relation to emancipation
and peacekeeping. The film encourages the population to “Vote Green”, in other words, to
respect Mobutu’s vision for an African democracy, that did not need to correspond to political
models imposed by the West, and that was going to be different. On the basis of this difference,
first captured in the N’Sele Manifesto of 1967, it mattered little that there was only one
candidate to choose from, because this was the consequence of Mobutu’s leadership. The Party
asked for young and old to participate in its vision and, as seen in Chapter 1, there was no other
possible condition than belonging to the Party. The extensiveness of the rule, which included
the young people of the Jeunesse Mouvement Populaire De La Révolution JMPR, the MPR
145
My translation. Original script: “aux bureaux de vote car tout a était prévu ainsi que les citoyens congolais
puissent voter dans l’ordre et la discipline les électeurs seront”
142
Youth Movement, which counted every child in the country. As people were formed to believe
in its manifesto and celebrate its leader, nationalism, and later Authenticity and Mobutism, were
abided to like a credo.
Within this context, it is possible to appreciate the communicative strength of a simple display
panel propped up at the polling station. The words “Vote Green”, for those who could read,
were a powerful reminder of the law of the land, and especially of he who was the creator of
such peaceful democracy for the nation. Green. as a popular symbol, replacing the name
Mobutu, could communicate the ideas of the MPR. Green, like the little book containing the
N’Sele Manifesto, the Petit livre vert, like the traffic light colour for ‘go ahead’, and soon
afterwards, like the colour of the Zairian flag (1971). In the film, the green colour becomes a
symbolic metaphor for a complete ideology, this is why the choice of frame assumes visual
meaning. The Assessor standing in front of the “Vote Green” panel display with his right arm
raised, swearing to abide by the democratic laws of the secret vote, is captured in the frame to
deliver a message about taking a solemn oath in relation to the principles of the N’Sele
Manifesto, therefore encouraging Mobutu’s victory. Although the vote is secret, the film’s
framing is eloquent in revealing how the people were encouraged to connect with the film’s
efforts for development.
The attempt to co-opt the viewer into this vision of citizenship is realised through the people
that represent the institution, the Assessors and the President, but especially by the involvement
and participation of the crowds. The tension in the film between the ability to cast a vote, along
with the gained freedom of choice, as Sakombi claims, and the reality of the oppressive system,
is lessened by the images of crowds of people arriving at the polling station. First, a large group
of men, raising their arms in the air, and then women smiling, gather in the garden in front of
the polling station. The multitude of faces parade the aggregation, the mass, walking towards
the camera, showing and promising the viewer that they are about to do something
extraordinary. The people walking towards the camera look forward, with their faces
expressing joy, their decisive forward march almost touches the camera, and gives a sense of
embracing the audience.
The multitude walking in shot envelops the frame just before shifting to a further demonstrative
sequence of the inductions for voting emancipation, the MPR way, which is presented as the
national way. In the procedural section, the person is empowered by the vote, because the
143
person who registers at the polling station is now made visible by the action of voting as a
participant in society. This watchable act is, furthermore, a reiteration of a Congolese
decolonisation and a break with the past “imagery of the native” which fuelled the legitimacy
of the colony by dehumanising the colonised who, “not knowing how to write, (she/he)
registered nothing” (Mbembe, 2001, p.33). This visibility is even more persuasive to the
empowered citizen in its message by having the enactment of registration captured on camera,
establishing their worth as part of the national imagery.
“A cross on the ballot is an implicit statement of social identity”(Harrop and Miller, cited in
Evans, 2009, p.173) and its enactment in the film through the significance of choice, engages
the viewers in their projection of social identity. In this respect, it is possible to read this
enactment as an interpellation of the viewer in the national project, which translates into the
party’s ideology. Although Sakombi, as early as the first scene of the film, promised choice
through eligere, and claims that the chosen the method of “direct universal suffrage [which] is
most in line with democratic principles” (N’Sana, 1970, TC03.40)146, the script disguises a
different reality, deprived of choice. As the film’s induction of the voting slips shows in the
procedural section, the choices offered by the slip are either to elect Mobutu as President, or
to disagree with it, but it does not specifically allow the possibility to categorically disagree
with the system and remove Mobutu from power. This determines that to participate in the
election would mean that no matter for which option one might vote, this would mean adhering
to the system of social identity created by the MPR and its formulation of this particular style
of democracy.
This electoral process that claimed to be democratic in view of its alleged Congolese terms,
and that is portrayed in the film as such, is questioned by Nguza, who describes how the system
was corrupted at every stage of the vote, and who exposes in his statements how the
government set up the process. As Nguza explains, the Presidential Election, as introduced in
1970, was constructed on a system in which the central committee of the MPR would choose
the presidential candidate and Congress would vote to confirm the choice. The flawed system
relied principally on the fact that it was the President of the MPR who assigned the positions
in the central committee and Congress, making it impossible for the committee to support the
146
My translation. Original script: “Parce que le suffrage universel direct est le plus conforme aux principes
démocratiques”
144
candidature of any other presidential aspirant (Nguza, 1985, p.23). The vote, in itself, gave
voice only to the agenda of the President in perpetual charge, a strategy what has been often
described as a “permanent coup d’état” (Nguza, 1985, p.18), thereby removing the government
and the voters from any possible choice. The film’s narrative therefore promotes participation
in a flawed system, whilst endorsing the conduct of the government, who abided by it. These
crucial and personalised interpretations of democracy for the benefit of one party are
accomplished also by the endorsement given by the film, which creates an identification of the
people with the acquisition of citizenship, and therefore of identification and modernity.
The film’s mise-en-scène introduces a portrayal of modernity, from the two contemporary sets,
dressed with modern minimalistic furniture and abstract ornamental panels, to the choice of
soundtrack. The opening titles have a more traditional sound, but the graphics with the voting
dates are accompanied by a modern electronic jingle which transports the Congolese into an
atmosphere of change through civic duty (N’Sana, 1970, TC 02.30). This mise-en-scène of
modernity and urbanity would have permitted viewers across the country, including those in
its remote rural areas, to join in the changing of contemporary independent Congo.
The film, produced by the RTNC, was shown on television, but because television sets were
not present in many people’s homes the election message was to be disseminated in any way
possible. The great majority of the population relied on public television sets, which were made
available by the government at street corners and city squares where, since the inception of the
Congolese national television service in 1966, had meant that gathering for programmed films
and evening news was part of the new order of things (Zoppelletto, 2015). Distribution of this
content, especially in distant areas, would also rely on cinema screenings. Finally, these iconic
edifices of colonial life across the vast country, would have received the reels and would have
had to project them. Projecting the voting emancipation content at these locations, which had
a strong segregationist heritage, may have reinforced the film’s value of decolonisation,
modernity and national citizenship.
During the Belgian administration, an ordinance of the Governor General stipulated that a
censorship commission would have to evaluate all films for Africans. Some films were made
by the Belgians for Africans, and they were shown at church gatherings, but they had to follow
a protocol that was written with precision by L.Van Bever, the head of the government’s
cinema department (Van Schuylenbergh and Etambala, 2010, p.82). Films coming from
145
Europe that were destined for the cinemas would never reach the African audience, because
the distributors would neglect the bureaucracy of submitting the film to the commission when
sending films to Congo, which resulted in the Congolese never being admitted to screenings.
The situation changed only towards the end of 1959, when there was no more censorship for
Africans, and they were finally admitted into the general cinemas (Brausch, 1961 p.26).147 The
colonial administrative practice of racial differentiation determined the permission to enter
spaces and access resources, as well as limiting and prescribing content, such as that in films,
on the basis of the African population being a commodity and intellectually inferior, such
inferiority often being compared to a status of eternal infancy.148 The idea that cinemas were a
constitutive part of the politics of division and a symbol of oppression was still perceived at
independence, when Lumumba mentioned them in his speech: “We have known that in the
cities there were magnificent houses for the whites and crumbling huts for the blacks, that a
Negro was admitted neither to the cinemas, to the restaurants, nor to the shops known as
‘European’” (Lumumba, 1960, p.2). 149
This film assumes a further significance in terms of the ‘development film’ as a decolonising
agent, due to its content, as well as the place in which it is screened, the action of watching the
film in the cinema creates a further opportunity for decolonisation. Benedict Anderson’s
Imagined Communities (1983) can be applied in relation to this film in order to establish the
sort of impact and action of development that this film would have had on the audience
watching it at the cinema. Anderson proposes that sacred languages were the vehicles enabling
the imagining of great communities and allowing for their actual formations, as has been the
case for imagining the Christian peoples through the Latin used in the Mass, and in Islam
through Q’uranic Arabic. As printing press capitalism reached all people and Latin was
substituted by other popular vernaculars another type of community rose, which was the
national one (Anderson, 1983). I would like to look at the early stage of this proposition and
147
The book Belgian Administration In The Congo does not specify which Congolese population was admitted
to the cinemas in 1959. The historian Léon De Saint Moulin in the film La Belle At The Movies (Zoppelletto,
2015) explains that by then general cinemas were then accessible only by the évolués, in the film Congolese
filmmaker Balufu Bakupa explains that there were theatres where ‘their fathers’ were not allowed (Zoppelletto,
2015)
148
Further reading on Belgian colonial paternalism, The Belgian (De Mestral, 1957), République Démocratique
du Congo, tout est à refaire: À qui la faute?(Mualaba, 2012)
149
My translation. Original text: “Nous avons connu qu’il y avait dans les villes des maisons magnifiques pour
les blancs et les paillotes croulantes pour les noirs, qu'un Noir ne était admis ni dans les cinémas, ni dans les
restaurants, ni dans les magasins dits ‘européens’”
146
advance the notion that the solemnity of the new language of the vote and its replication in
places previously associated with colonialism, made the film Election 1970 a powerful vehicle
for decolonisation and nation building. This proposition rests on the contemporaneous
communication of the government, which introduced Mobutu as a sacred icon “God has sent a
great prophet, our prestigious Guide Mobutu. This prophet is our liberator, our Messiah. Our
church is the MPR” (Crawford Young, 1998, p.113). The gathering of people in the cinemas
may be interpreted as the gathering of new citizens in temples for the Congolese image. The
action of watching this film in the theatre assumes greater meaning, as the voting act can be
likened to a religious act, especially in its formal repetitive display for the camera. Showing
the vote as an acquisition of citizenship contributed to the formation of the newly imagined
Congolese community, expressed in the regulations of the political party that allowed this
access. Citizenship, as brought by the MPR, was introduced in the film, with its new sacred
language, by the government, and it was shared by the Congolese with the use of an
institutional vocabulary around the electoral system and its functions, which were explained
by Sakombi in terms of legislative, administrative and judicial. This language participated in
the diffusion of the ideology of the MPR. Anderson explains that the propagation of the core
ideas of the religious community happen in the reading or the narration of the scriptures and
by singing hymns, rituals in which people can imagine their fellow men worshipping in the
same way, sharing the communal experience (Anderson, 1983). By seeing a few sharing such
devotion to religion, one could imagine this ritual being replicated by others, or by thousands
of other citizens belonging to the same Congolese community. Imagination can be transformed
into reality when the person can see others, distant people, sharing the same ritual. In this case,
the ritual of the vote, just like the religious ritual, is replicated and enacted by Congolese on
the screen, and this helped to legitimise the community of the MPR.
As discussed in earlier chapters, the power of the media to proliferate ideology was not
underestimated by governments who pushed for development journalism, to which I add
‘development film’. Development journalists were asked to collaborate for educative purposes,
as the media were understood to have a far reaching influence: “mass media should cater for
education…in fact, mass media constitutes a multiplier that should not be neglected” (Laurent,
cited in Domatob and Hall, 1983, p.15). This beneficial and multiplying value of the medium
gave rise to other possibilities, such as the further involvement of the people in adhesion and
activism in the process of social emancipation: “…securing the public’s participation in the
growth process…development journalism serves as an instrument for spiritual and mental
147
emancipation from a legacy of thinking bequeathed by colonialism”(Domatob and Hall, 1983,
p.16).
The Congolese citizenship becomes ‘real’ as the society, with its rules and membership, is
legitimised through the filmic text of Election 1970, which becomes a visual confirmation of
an imagined unified population. It can be argued that the film’s impact, affording the
legitimation of the community, comes from an audience learning how to vote by watching their
fellow people learning how to vote, and becoming citizens. Anderson notes “the imagined
community (is) confirmed by the doubleness” (Anderson, 1983, p.32), which, in this case, is
provided by the image and the sharing of the new language. The image of men and women
voting, is not only a confirmation of identification for the viewer, but also for the person who
enacts the vote, as the filming of Election 1970 is a prelude to the first vote. The image is also
accompanied by a new language, which contains Latin words like eligere, explained at first,
similarly to the way that sermons do in church, in relation to its profound meanings. The
imagery proposed in this film therefore can be read as having a parallel significance to that of
people in line waiting for communion. The imagery constructed can symbolise all of the other
hundreds of thousands of faithful who, after the performance of the ritual are promised that
they will belong to a holy order, and now, with the vote, it is promised that they will belong to
the new Congolese nation.
In factual terms. citizenship is a concept expressed legally, it does not per se mean identity,
which is “therefore a concept not so much of uniqueness or distinction as resemblance and
repetition”(Isin, 1999, p.19). However, the filmic enactment of Election 1970 expresses the codependency of the two, in prompting an acquisition of identity through the legal procedure.
The film presents the MPR as providing a legal protocol to the people, who can then express it
because they belong to that nation and they are reassured of it by its filmic repetition. This
repetition allowing the legal notion of citizenship to be experienced as identity is built on the
idea of state, the independent Congo with a Second Republic. For the reason that state and
nationalism are not necessarily one, it is useful to see how Election 1970 creates a bridge
between them. The state reflects a protocol attached to a government structure, whereas the
nation is defined by culture, history, a language, but the fusion of these two entities, one
material and the other philosophical, comes from creating a personal awareness of the state. In
Nationalism, Calhoun explores ways in which national identity is not randomly invented but is
built upon by the construction of an infrastructure, a bureaucracy, and also with “popular
148
political participation” (Calhoun, 1997, p.10). In Election 1970, we can observe these essential
features of nation building. The perceptibility of bureaucracy is achieved in recording every
step of the registration, state officials performing a vow of allegiance to the constitution and
common people adhering to a voting protocol. All these actions are possible because there is
also the construction of infrastructure, shown in this film with a physical testimony of building
the nation. This is demonstrated in the images of an adequate polling station in a purpose-built
location for carrying out state affairs. The establishing shots of people gathering in front of a
modern Congolese government building are repeated in the visual narrative to propose
belonging, membership and, moreover, political participation.
4.3 Equality and inclusivity
The idea of empowerment by voting, within the narrative scope of Election 1970,
acknowledges the notion of inclusivity. This pivotal element of decolonisation is presented as
part of the film’s narrative, both visually and in the voice over. In the post-independence
context, the need to respond directly to the oppression of the past was delivered by membership
in the nation, “The struggle for citizenship has been the struggle against exclusion and against
the inequalities which exclusion produces” (Barbalet, 1988, p.44). The film responds to the
inequalities suffered during colonisation by addressing inclusion with the population that had
been deprived for decades of the right to inclusion in the social discourse. Through the film,
the Congolese were now being asked to actively participate in the social and national discourse.
As a response to the historical exclusion suffered by the people of Congo, the theme of
inclusivity has been woven in the filmic narrative in multiple ways. Under the colonial system,
the Belgian Congo was structured on racial segregation, where the divide was between the
Congolese, who were Europeans residing in Congo or second generation colonisers who were
born in the country, and the so called indigènes, who were the original tribes of Congo
(Zoppelletto, 2015). Towards the end of the 1940s, when the indigènes were trying to put an
end to oppression, to appease the controversy the Belgian administration introduced a third
division that would create a semblance of affinity between the two. This was not a racial
discrimination, but a class distinction between indigènes and the newly coined évolués , the
evolved (Mulumba, 2007).150 This last social category was a Belgian invention of what the
150
From the study The évolués in the Belgian Congo, the man with identity in pieces (L’évolué au Congo Belge,
149
colony considered were those indigènes who had adapted to, and been assimilated with, a
European way of life, who had been in colonial terms ‘civilised’ and were able to integrate into
Western society. A system which mirrors the Bergsonian model of oppression explained by
Mbembe (Mbembe, 2001).
In 1948, the colonial government created the carte du mérite civique, a card of civic merit,
which allowed a person, known as an évolué, to receive limited assimilation in “court
procedure, movement at night and some other privileges” (Brausch, 1961, p.24). The receiver
of the card would have to go through a series of tests and random checks on their home lifestyle
and family habits in order to obtain the privileges associated with this class. Obviously, the
integration was a relative one, which, due to laws of racial segregation did not permit the évolué
to fully benefit from the privileges enjoyed by the European citizens in Congo. This new special
class was granted small inconsequential allowances, such as living in close proximity to the
white population or in the white areas, and from 1955 he or she would be able to frequent the
same cafés and bars as the Europeans, as well as cinemas, as mentioned previously. An évolué
“…was allowed to become subject to the system of Congolese civil law and to be assimilated
to Europeans in matters of juridical organization, procedure and competence” (Brausch, 1961,
p.24). In reality, this meant they were subjected to the same laws but were not beneficiaries of
the legal system, nor, as mentioned in Chapter 1, were they allowed to work in the legal
profession. Essentially, they were not able to be an active part of the civil service, since
“Africans were not legally regarded as Belgian nationals, but rather as Belgian subjects, they
did not qualify for admission for these positions” (Brausch, 1961, p.29).
The leading elite of the country, after independence, mostly came from the évolué social class,
giving this sector of the population most government positions and power in civic duties. The
film Election 1970 presents a new opportunity, as the message in the film includes the whole
population in civic duty and adhesion to the legality of the vote. This is explained in the film
l’homme à l’identité en pieces) by Josephine Mulumba “‘The numerical growth of the black elite, proud of its
intellectual formation, conscious of its evolution and sensitive to all forms of discrimination’ claims the right to
be recognised as a man in its own right. Following these facts, a certain agitation will be born in the Belgian
colony. To muzzle these claims, the coloniser invents a social category: the evolved. A fuzzy status which wanted
that at the end of the rites of passage the Black is assimilated to the White: ‘for the black colonised, that is to say,
the submissive, to escape the denigrating status of native quickly becomes a dream. An elite will seek, especially
from the 1940s, to distinguish themselves from the mass, to stand out from his fellow “race” in the hope of
flattering the Mundele (white) and thus find the salvation that would open the way to some moral and material
advantages brought by civilisation. But humiliation will be at the end of all his initiatives’” (Mulumba, 2007)(my
translation)
150
by Sakombi, in a medium close-up, talking to camera. In the authoritative tone established form
the beginning of the film, he goes on to explain the concept of universal suffrage:
Why the universal suffrage? Well, because under the constitution all citizens are
equal before the law and therefore it is normal that any member of the Congolese
community participates in the management of common affairs, and it is universal
suffrage that can allow them to use this right (N’Sana, 1970, TC 03.10) 151
This universal suffrage is explained as being in accordance with democratic principles, and
then, to further emphasise the legality of the process and its inclusivity, Sakombi’s piece to
camera is continued with the institutional voice over. Citing law number 65 of the constitution,
over a sequence of images of men walking towards the camera, the voice-over orders
participation in voting for all citizens over eighteen years of age. The men walk raising their
arms, some stop in a victorious stance, and this is then followed by close-ups of the faces of
men, some smoking, some looking into the camera, other men arrive sharing the same joy. This
walk is then reproduced by women, walking towards the camera in what we can assume is the
direction of the polling station, their behaviour is more restrained, they are holding a paper and
raising their arm, but more cautiously, one incited to do so by a man walking by her side. All
these images, and especially the close-ups, give the sense of a sizeable crowd. The flow of
people in their victorious poses, raising envelopes towards the sky, are representative of the
common men and women confirming their citizenship, regardless of their social status.
The images of the crowd express equality, a togetherness of people who now have rights. The
script talks of all citizens and in detail mentions “religious women and men of Congolese
nationality who, as citizens of the Second Republic must take part in the next elections”
(N’Sana, 1970, TC 04.07).152 This recommendation explains that citizenship is democratising
and that even people of the religious orders are to be considered citizens like everyone else. As
the recommendation is reinforced by a specific law of the constitution, it implies that Mobutu’s
government, defined as the Second Republic, is the creator of this equality. The film suggests
that class, social influence, and clerical status are not defining in the new order, and it also
furthers the term of inclusivity with a sequence including a blind man, which presents the
151
My translation. Original script: “Pourquoi au suffrage universel? Eh bien, parce qu’aux termes de la
constitution tous les citoyens sont égaux devant la loi et de ces faite il est donc normal que tout membre de la
communauté congolaise participe à la gestion des affaires communes et c’est le suffrage universel qui pourra lui
permettre d’utiliser ce droit”
152
My translation. Original script: “les religieuses et religieux de nationalité congolaise qui doivent au même titre
que les citoyens de la deuxième république prendre part aux prochaines élections”
151
government’s treatment of disability. As explored earlier in Mbembe’s analysis of the colony
and its treatment of the colonised, it is evident that s/he is a dehumanised being whose function
is to operate to facilitate the colonial enterprise, and his/her utility is based on productivity
value. It can then be argued that, within the context of this exploitative environment, if the
colonised were affected by a disabling condition, s/he might have no value in the production
system and therefore s/he would have been considered useless.153 We can therefore imagine
that such a situation would have created a complex environment for people with disabilities,
whose colonial function was therefore limited. The imagery assumes a decolonising discourse
by showing how, in the Second Republic, the person with a disability was going to be of value
and legally equal to all fellow citizens. The tone of the film remains educational so as to help
future voters find their way and not commit mistakes that would annul their vote, but its
message is cardinal in showing that disabled people were to be active participants in civic life.
The sequence introduces a blind man accompanied by a woman, as repeated in previous
sequences the process of voting is explained to them. Once they both listen to the instructions
on how to vote, the film cuts to them coming out of the voting booth and then the blind man is
taken by his hand to the ballot box where, guided, he slips the envelop in. This last part of the
vote has a French voice-over, but as the sound is distorted, it is impossible to make out the
message. The only understandable words are “your voice” (N’Sana, 1970, tc13.38) as the man
slips the envelope into the box. 154
The woman in this sequence is portrayed as confident and important; this is one of the ways
that the film shows that women are to be valued, it suggests that their inclusion in civic life is
part of the discourse of development. The presence of women in the film is noticeable and
watchable in the performance of the vote, and although no women are sitting at the table in the
studio set at the polling station, we can see the woman in the roles of helper and as a person
who is trusted by members of the community. Arguably, this role is no different in its nature
to the traditional one of the carer or the village maman155, but it shows the woman participating
153
Further reading to the treatment of disabled people in Belgian Congo: “One Difference Is Enough”: Towards
a History of Disability in Belgian Congo (1908-1960 The article illustrates how the general treatment of the
colonised did not permit a real evaluation of disabilities as in the colonial view the disabled person would not
have benefitted from medical progress because uncapable of understanding its value ) (Verhaegen, Verstraete and
Depaepe, 2016)
154
My translation. Original script: “Votre voix”
155
At a 2010 conference in Brussels dedicated to the emancipation of Congolese women, the woman’s role in
society was summarised as a traditional one, her role relegated to caring for the family. In her speech, Liliane
Teixeira Bemba notes: “Her direct influence on decisions affecting both her life and that of our country has been
reduced to the role of popular animator, at best as an occult adviser to their husbands” (Fita, 2010) The word
152
in the civic space and being valued as a citizen. As noted by the critics of the system, such as
Nguza, a few women Ministers, such as the first woman minister in the Congo, elected in 1966,
Sophie Kanza, later known by her authentic name, Zala Lusibu N’kanza, do not constitute a
real opportunity for the development of women who, in the Second Republic “…have evolved
in respect to tradition and local culture which puts them at the centre of the family, unit of our
society” (Nguza, 1985, p.26)156. In this regard also, the N’Sele Manifesto addresses women’s
role in the development of the country and their own emancipation in relation to the colonial
past:
However, the MPR notes that the Zairian woman, the first victim of colonialism, does
not have the right place in today's society. However, she carries within her all the hopes
of the nation, since her role in the children’s primary education is both predominant
and irreplaceable.
The MPR wishes, in respect of family ties, for a policy of emancipation that can allow
millions of Zairian women to discover the development of their personality by
accessing professional, social and political responsibilities, in a society open to all men
and to all women.
Spectacular results have already been achieved with regard to the emancipation of
women, through the action of the founder of the MPR. The fact that this emancipation
will soon extend to the political field, represents a decisive step since, from now on, by
exercising all their rights, Zairian women will be both eligible to vote and to be elected
(Mouvement populaire de la Révolution (Zaïre). Comité Central, 1984, p.23)157
Complying with this vision of the woman as being emancipated in the social field, whilst
allocating her a strong traditional role, the film portrays a woman who is valued as having a
functional role in social development but as not yet having a leadership role. As the camera is
steady on the woman in the frame, we hear the voice of the President of the polling station
telling her how to carry out the vote for the blind man, innocently, the woman, suggesting she
is not used to having cameras filming her, turns directly to the camera and slightly nods her
maman, used to address all women as a sign of respect, can be read as a title that confines women to a predestined
role.
156
My translation. Original text: “La femme a évolué, chez nous, dans le respect de la tradition et de notre culture
qui en fait l'élément essentiel de la famille, cellule de la société”
157
My translation. Original text: “Cependant le MPR constate que la femme zaïroise, première victime du
colonialisme, n’as pas dans la société actuelle la place qui lui revient. Elle porte cependant en elle tous les espoirs
de la nation puisque son rôle dans la première éducation des enfants est à la fois prédominant et irremplaçable.
Le MPR souhaite, dans le respect des liens familiaux, une politique d’émancipation qui puisse permettre à des
millions des femmes zaïroises de connaitre l’épanouissement de leur personnalité par l’accès aux responsabilités
professionnelles sociales et politiques, dans une société ouverte à tous et a toutes.
Déjà par l’action su fondateur du MPR, des résultats spectaculaires ont été acquis en ce qui concerne
l’émancipation de la femme. Le fait que cette émancipation s’étendra prochainement au domaine politique
représentera une étape décisive puisque dorénavant, par l’exercice de tous leurs droits, les femmes zaïroises seront
à la fois électrices et éligibles.”
153
head, the direct look breaking the fourth wall. This action displays a condition of obedience in
showing that she has understood the instructions given to her. Her performance envisions a
tradition of servility towards the men in the film, in addition to confirming her role as a carer
for the more vulnerable people in society. On the other hand, the film portrays an image of
progressive women, who are, as presented by the N’Sele Manifesto, “eligible to vote” and
expected to contribute to society. As women are invited to choose their future, the film reflects
both ideas of tradition and modernity, thus reflecting the early incarnations of Authenticity.
The woman accompanying the blind man, first listening to instructions, and then looking at the camera. Election
1970. Copyright RTNC.
Completing the vote, Election 1970 , Copyright RTNC
154
4.4 Coining tradition
As seen in previous chapters, the Minister of Information, Sakombi, was in charge of the
audiovisual industry, and had been also entrusted with the title of “leader of the mobilisation
and propaganda sector”(Nguza, 1985, p.25).158 This film, in accordance with the
commissioning system of the time, had been produced by the RTNC, and it was assigned to a
filmmaker approved for state productions by the government. Sylvain Tshitenge N’Sana (19422000) was a writer director known for his institutional work, and like many of his
contemporaries was active in the production of documentary films for television. The film that
started his successful career was the 21mins short, Mushenge (1969), which documents the
practices and customs that were associated with King Lukengo of the Kuba Royal Family and
was commissioned by the Ministry of Information and the Kuba Royal Family (Convents,
2006, p.273). Although there is no literature on how the filmmaker was assigned this
production, it is of relevance to note that N’Sana, who had already started working with
representations of traditions and ideas of customary practices, was entrusted with Election
1970, a ‘film event’ that starts new traditions and that was commissioned by the leader of the
practice, later known as ‘mobilisation’, is a testimony to the beginning of change towards a
nationalism that is defined by the ideas of Authenticity.159
At this crucial historical time of Congolese nation building, when the presidential elections are
a necessity and their implementation mean establishing new codes, the film captures a moment
of incongruity between the search for a traditional model and the vision of modernity. With the
newly independent country projected on the trajectory of its own modernity, Mobutu’s
government envisioned that this could be attained by rediscovering traditional values. In
practice, this proved a way to borrow habits and identities from the past and to make them
relevant to the political desires of the government. These traditions of the past, resurrected,
embellished and, at times, partly fabricated by the Second Republic, were used without
reconciling them with the colonial past, disregarding it entirely. To define tradition, though, it
is important to acknowledge the disruption caused by the colonial intervention on the country.
The country’s colonial history impacts on the dissonance of pre- and post-colonial tradition, as
the colony brought in different life models that were expressed in their politique indigène
158
My translation. Original text: “Ministre de l’Information qui est en même temps dirigeant du secteur
mobilisation et propagande du parti unique”
159
The term ‘mobilisation’ was used in terms of MOPAP (Mobilisation Populaire pour l'Action Politique) and
the principles of political activism and participation (Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2001)
155
(indigenous policies). The Congolese who experienced independence from the Belgian Congo,
came to freedom having also experienced a Belgian perception of life which could not be
completely effaced. At first, the colonial project oppressed the colonised by demeaning the
people and the worth of their culture, and then it tried to emancipate them in terms of their own
Belgian culture and social understanding.160 We can advance the notions that decades of
colonisation and foreign education could not be reversed to again achieve a virgin Congolese
outlook. The colonial experience had muted it. As Cheah notes, the common project of
decolonization presents the problem that “there is no pre-existing community for the individual
to be reconciled to” (Cheah, 2003, p.234). Traditions of the past had been affected by
colonisation, and memories find a way to survive and to be recreated in the ideals expressed
by the government. In its mission to communicate the possible existence of an original culture,
the new government had established a creative operation that was based on a modern vision of
the country whilst delivering nostalgia for the precolonial days. This is the bridging point that
begins to transpire in Election 1970, and that will fully develop in the country’s politics in the
year following the presidential election with the institution of Authenticity.
Due to an incapacity to reconcile with a pre-existing community, nation building from the
postcolonial reality had to be invented. This conception was disseminated in a familiar
language which tapped into a memory of tradition and formed a bridge to the novelty of the
imagined being. The presence of women becomes symbolic of traditional values, as we identify
the female role of the woman carer accompanying the blind. Whilst the voice-over explains
that women are treated equally and asked to vote, the images show that this equality also means
separation from the men. The film’s script directly acknowledges the separation of the genders
with words that instruct rather than explain, as the reason for separation seems to be implied
for an audience that is an accomplice in praising the new system:
With the goal to give value to the participation of every social category, at the next
elections it is expected that every polling station will have two boxes, one
exclusively for women and one for men. Here is the voting card for female electors,
it is different from the voting card for male electors (N’Sana, 1970, TC 10.12) 161
160
Further reading on the colonial experience and long term effect on the colonised and the évolué class Black
Skins, White Masks (Fanon, 2008).
161
My translation. Original script: “Dans le bout de donner valeur …la participation de chaque catégorie
sociale aux prochaines élections il est prévu dans chaque bureau de vote deux urnes différentes dans l’une est
exclusivement…aux femmes et l’autre aux hommes.”
156
This comment, read by the voice-over narrator. is the only mention of the practice, which is
enhanced visually by images of men and women outside, queuing separately to enter the
polling station. The film indicates the practice, but does not in any way address the reasoning
behind the separation. A hypothesis to be considered by way of explanation, is that this system
could possibly offer further information to the government in relation to who did not adhere to
the government’s proposition. Concurrently, the practice may be interpreted as being a more
idealistic gesture, identifiable with the first ideas of Authenticity, wanting to promote a reworked traditional image. The film envisages the new society in the making as a system that
would give equal rights of expression to men and women, whilst still recognising their
traditional places in society.
The visual repetition of men and women divided in a communal space endorses the idea of
ancestral customs that belong to all of the tribes of Congo, who function under the leadership
of a Chief, better known as the mwami, the king (Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of
Canada, 2014).
162
This denotes a strongly patriarchal society. Customarily the title is
hereditary, but although the eldest son has the right to the title, a different heir can assume
power if he is considered a better candidate.
It is a whole election that is organized between those who have[s] rights whilst
excluding any broad competition within the population in terms of eligibility of
candidates as well as the constituent population (Dr, Mambi Tunga-Bau, cited in
Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2014).163
This convention of assigning power to the Chief, who has absolute jurisdiction over the
community, not only further testifies to a system that privileges the male for all decision
making, but also identifies a function that cannot be challenged by an opposing or exterior
candidate. This faculty which has roots in the country’s ancient mode of governance, appears
to legitimise the work of Mobutu, as his role, from the beginning of the Second Republic, starts
to change from Marshall to Chief. In the symbolic role of Chief, he interprets the role of guiding
a new country that, whilst embracing modernity, belongs to a people whose legitimacy depends
on accepting that, traditionally, one cannot choose between two Chiefs. This is the state of a
nation that suits both expectations of change and tradition. These images portray a prelude to
162
The term Mwami is used in most tribes but other terms exist, such as Nyim, used by the Kuba people
(Owusu, 2000, p.227)
163
My translation. Original text: “C'est toute une élection qui s'organise entre les ayant[s] droit excluant toute
compétition large au sein de la population aussi bien en termes d'éligibilité des candidats que de la population
électrice”
157
the Authenticity movement, but already express a direction to authentic imagery, which tries
to capture the ideas of Mobutu the Chief.
Women and men waiting to vote. Election 1970, Copyright RTNC.
Establishing exterior shot of the polling station. Election 1970. Copyright RTNC.
The first person we see voting is a woman in traditional dress, and although western clothes
were only banned a year later, in 1971, the choice of this image indicates how the new
government wanted to express its identity through a conventional African recognition. A year
after this documentary was filmed, the famous abacos (for men) was to be invented and
imposed as the national suit, and this is reflected in the images of men in Election 1970, who
are still wearing western jackets, and some even wear a tie, which will then be substituted by
the authentic cravat. Although the men in the film did not wear distinctive African styles, most
women are wearing head wraps and are dressed in pagne (a waxed loincloth), or in dresses
158
made in pagne, showing a traditional way of life in unison with the modern woman standing
in line waiting for voting emancipation.
The Minister of Information wears an elegant suit and tie, and he is credited in the opening title
sequence as D. Sakombi, his full name being Dominique Sakombi. A year later, due to the
implementation of Authenticity laws, he will change his name to Sakombi Inongo. This period
of transition between 1970 and 1971 is more distinctively recognisable through the images of
Mobutu that have been chosen for the film. In particular, his attire represents two distinctive
aspects of his public persona. The first portrayal is linked to the President’s career in the army.
In the official portrait hanging beside Sakombi, Mobutu is dressed in full military attire,
reflecting the image of Marshall to which the country had been accustomed: an authoritative
figure who was associated with the coup of 1965. The second image presented by the film, and
used for the electoral system, is the one of Mobutu on the top right-hand corner of the voting
slip. The President presents a new public visual image of himself by wearing a shirt, as a
precursor to the style that will become mandatory and fashionable with the abacos, and the
leopard skin hat which becomes part of his signature dress and that is notable in the
iconography of Authenticity. In a visual discourse of decolonisation which abandons a Western
imagery of power, Mobutu loses the military persona and chooses to be recognised by the
symbolic animal fur, which was favoured as a sign of wealth and influence by Bantu Chiefs.164
The voting slip, for both men and women, shows Mobutu in the image of the traditional Chief,
continuing a tradition interrupted by the colonial system and now legitimised on film. This
change of image from head of the army to head of the Congolese people, can be seen as being
instrumental in communicating to the population an idea of development that would later lead
to complete single party dominance and a nationalist rhetoric.
4.5 Conclusion
Mobutu’s political motivation for the emancipation of the country gave rise to ‘development
film’, a mode of filmmaking that could establish a national film industry evoking the perception
of indigenous success and knowledge. At the forefront is the establishment of a media culture
164
“As for the leopard skin, widely distributed among the Bantu as chief’s adornment, it shows richness by its
particular brilliance and the tones of its fur. When the leopard is short of food, he starts a ferocious hunt..”
(Kabazélé et al., 2001, p251) My translation. Original text: “Quant à la peau de léopard, répandue parmi les Bantu
comme parure du chef, elle manifeste la richesse par son éclat particulier et les tons de sa fortune”.
159
for the nation that would advance the party politics of decolonisation and would therefore
promote cultural production as key to growth and progress. The country’s investments in the
media reflect a continent wide implementation of media infrastructure projects, which became
integral in sustaining political rule through ideas of ‘development journalism’: “The Black
African media, it seems, is used for the exercise of political and social control as well as for
the legitimization of the system. This is not necessarily a bad thing, but unfortunately the media
have been used to legitimize ruthless dictatorship.”(Domatob and Hall, 1983, p.18).165 The
analysis of Election 1970 demonstrates how the filmic narrative is based on the legality of the
system, inviting the citizens to vote for the system in order to gain membership of the nation
offers a tool of legitimisation for the system. Election 1970 can be explained as a ‘film event’
which participated in cultural development, as it performs a service of government
legitimisation through three aspects of cultural production. The first is the cinematic production
which follows the narrative style of educational documentaries, delivered by a voice over
narration and an official piece to camera, formulated to establish an authoritative voice for the
state. The second provides the visual testimony that the state exists, with its polling stations,
ballots and cards for voting. Thirdly, the film permits the learning of the rules of membership
of the nation, and therefore supports education relating to the rules of membership of the nation.
The incisive protocol delivered by the film Election 1970, creates the environment for the
nationalistic discourse. Nationalism, which is expressed through a radical change the following
year, with the creation of Zaire, happened not only through the delivery of authoritarian
speeches by the President, and party slogans, as depicted in Salongo which is addressed in the
next chapter, but, rather, through the enactment of the Zairian subject who emerges through
the film language. By elucidating on the enactment of citizenship and a specific Congolese
democracy, film is able to create the basis for a deeper discourse of tradition, which will
produce a national consciousness that is at the core of the authoritarian system devised by
Mobutu through the media.
165
Further reading on the media infrastructure in francophone Africa Histoire de la Télévision en Afrique Noire
Francophone, des origines à nos jours (Dioh, 2009)
160
CHAPTER 5
SALONGO
The Zairian as defined by labour
5.0 Introduction
This chapter identifies and explores the main themes of the film Salongo (also known as
L’Esprit de Salongo) in order to assess the rationale that was used by the government to
promote the ideas of national development and reinforce the credo of the Zairian nation. Due
to the significance of finding the film, this introductory section will firstly explain the context
of the research, the term ‘Salongo’, and some of the production information that was acquired
during the interviews. The following section, ‘Film data and synopsis’, will provide the
technical information about the film and its visual content by defining and classifying the
different film sequences into thematic groups. Further, ‘Dance as embodied Authenticity and
performative reverence’, is the section that is dedicated to the practice of dance as a traditional
ritual, and its use to confirm Mobutu’s divine supremacy. The next section, entitled ‘Mobutu
Awakens the Labourer, Apotheosis of the Nation’, will consider the relationship between the
promotion of revolution and dignity through labour, and how these may have been responding
to the concepts observed during Mobutu’s trip to China in 1973.
The film L’Esprit de Salongo (1975), by Mambo N’Zinga Kwami, is mentioned in Congolese
film literature as being Zaire’s most important documentary film project, and it was
commissioned by President Mobutu as the foremost expression of nationalist filmmaking and
benefitted from a considerable budget. Mindful of its importance in understanding the imagery
161
of Zairian ideology, and to identify the development filmmaking mode, I evaluated all of the
available information and considerations in order to uncover what had happened to the film.
The consensus was that the edited film had never been watched by anyone, with the exception
of State Commissioner Sakombi, who did not authorise its release. Amongst the writings about
this film, two in particular offer a more detailed background, these are by the film historians,
Rik Otten, in his 1984 book Le Cinema au Zaïre, Au Rwanda et Au Burundi, and Guido
Convents, in Images et démocratie. Les Congolais face au cinéma et à l’audiovisuel, 2006. In
these texts, they piece together the probable origin and production of the film. At the source of
the commissioning of the film is Mobutu who, during a presidential visit to China in 1973, had
the opportunity to watch the film How Yukong Moved the Mountains (1977). The film’s title is
inspired by the folktale of Yukong from Mao Tse Tung’s writings, and it narrates the story of
an old man who, helped by his children, decided to move the mountains. When mocked by
other people Yukong promised he would never end, and neither would his children, nor the
generations to come, until the mountains in front of his house were gone (Ivens and Loridan,
1976).The documentary, made in collaboration with the People’s Republic of China, shows
the benefits of collective work and the effects of the Chinese cultural revolution on the
workplace. How Yukong Moved the Mountains became a Zairian government favourite,
screened throughout the country in 1973. As requested by the President, the Department of
National Guidance166 commissioned a similar film to promote the Zairian practice of collective
work, which was known as Salongo (Otten, 1984) (Convents, 2006). The discrepancy between
the dates of the film and its screening in Zaire is due to the fact that the documentary, directed
by Joris Ivens and Marceline Loridan and filmed by a Chinese crew, was filmed from 1972 to
1974 and was edited into twelve parts (Ivens and Loridan, 1976). What possibly happened is
that one or more of the twelve short films were finished prior to the film’s official release in
France in 1976, thereby giving Mobutu the opportunity to watch it and to return to Zaire with
a copy.
Finding the film reel at the Cinematek was decisive for this research, and to assessing how the
practice of Salongo was presented to the people, and how the practice and its claimed benefits
were introduced through this ‘development film’, which had to express the spirit of the new
revolution and inspire the population through its cinematic portrayal of Zaire. From the opening
titles, the documentary immediately reveals the importance of the archive and the way that the
166
Ministry of Information
162
physical copy is a testimony that is able to demystify assumptions. It clarifies its true title,
Salongo, and the year of production as 1974. Due to the information found, I will refer to this
film in terms of its real title. The title comes from the policy of Salongo167 that was introduced
in a speech on the 28th January, 1973, which was directly inspired by the President’s diplomatic
trip to China in 1973 (Callaghy, 1984). As with other policies that had been introduced
previously, Mobutu’s decisions were embraced or endured on an absolutist scale, as the
population knew that the President’s command, even if only voiced at a rally, was to be
automatically considered as constitutional and as a pronunciation of a law (Makana Kitiaka,
2018). The ideology and practice of Salongo, from that speech onwards, was absorbed on a
pervasive scale, it is possible to find it celebrated in songs, such as the famous ‘Salongo alinga
Mosala’ by Franco (Franco & OK Jazz, 1973), and it would further be immortalised by an epic
film. From the film, it transpires that there was an effort from the government to incite Zairians
to actively participate in Salongo by finding in it the spirit of community and their love for
their ancestral land. Concomitantly, through this vehicle, the government has been accused of
disguising the opportunity of affording the country a reliable, unpaid and numerous workforce.168 The government was already using the words “retour à la terre” (back to the land) to
enhance the Party rhetoric with promises of abundance in rural work, in fact, this first approach
to rural idealism had already been supported by the film series that was directed by Kitenda.169
These film events constitute the media environment which it was hoped would drive the
population towards heartfelt nationalism through the work provided by the rich land in the
country. Reflecting ideas of ‘development films’, policies were embedded in the film’s
narrative and themes as positive government action.
Mobutu’s motto: “retour à la terre”, which in part legitimised Zairianisation, proposed that the
land of Zaire should be rediscovered by its own people, who were to work proudly to achieve
greatness as a country (Langellier, 2017). However, at a time when nationalistic words of unity,
and mottos, filled the airwaves, television programmes and films, the population was growing
tired of the Saturday Salongo. The collective activity performed every Saturday, demanded a
wide range of chores, such as cleaning the cities’ streets and the banks of the river, constructing
new buildings, planting vegetables and tilling the land (Langellier, 2017). In 1974, the hard
167
The word Salongo was introduced by Mobutu as an ancient Congolese word meaning “work” but no tribe
has identified as belonging to their culture. Refer to Mobutism in Chapter 1
168
Refer to Chapter 1, Mobutism
169
Refer to Chapter 3, Simon Kitenda Ki Mata
163
work was failing to motivate the population towards the greater good and it was becoming a
burden on the country and, as a consequence, it gained ever less participation. Salongo was
then reorganised in different attempts to revive the practice but, by the late ‘70s, it was
abandoned as a weekly task throughout the country, but “continued to be used for special tasks
and occasions”(Callaghy, 1984, p.303).
The opening title of the film is SALONGO 1 ‘awareness’170 (Kwami, 1974)171 and the rolling
titles credit “Directed by Kwami Mambu-Zinga … Salongo 1 1974”,172 indicating the
production of the film that envisaged multiple chapters of this visual essay, similarly to its
Chinese counterpart. During the interviews I conducted in Kinshasa in 2016, there was no
mention of the potential seriality of this documentary film, and because I had not yet viewed
the film myself I could not inquire further whether any other episodes had been contemplated
and then cancelled. I interviewed the two cameramen credited on the film173: Mieko Maduku
di Nganga174 and Mukendi Kalula wa Kabeya175. Mukendi was hired to work as assistant
cameraman, but on the first day of filming in Katanga (at the time called Shaba Province), the
principal cinematographer, Raphael Bukakala, argued with Kwami and walked out on the
production. Shortly afterwards, Mukendi and Mieko were given the responsibility of filming
the entire documentary. With much apprehension, Mukendi took over, and once filming was
over he was able to only ever see the film’s rushes at La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre, since, shortly
afterwards State Commissioner176 Sakombi personally forbade the viewing and distribution of
the final edit (Zoppelletto, 2016a).
170
My translation. Original text : SALONGO 1 ‘prise de conscience’
In all literature on Zairian cinema, the film data refers to a 1975 production, although credits say otherwise. I
will use the official data of the film and contribute with the currently found information.
172
Original text: “Realisation de Kwami Mambu-Zinga Moseka 1972 Salongo 1 1974”
173
In keeping with the tradition of the time, people were presented first by surname, followed by their first name
174
Now Pierre Mieko
175
Now Claude Mukendi
176
Zairian title: Commissaire d’Etat à l'Orientation Nationale
171
164
5.1 Film data and synopsis
Film Title: Salongo 1
Year of Production: 1974
Format: negative 16mm, colour
Duration: 108’08”
Producer: Département de l’Orientation Nationale
Scriptwriter: Ntumba Kabwa ka Ntanda
Director: Kwami Mambu-Zinga
The documentary follows an episodic structure, revealing a narrative that highlights the alleged
achievements of the government through travels to all corners of the country. There are four
main types of episodes, and these are alternated to create an overall engaging story and to carry
the main Party message that is captured in the title. The narrative is carried throughout by a
voice-over from the Director, Kwami. The following film synopsis does not offer a
chronological recounting of the film but, rather, it explores the key themes that form an
interspersed, rather than a linear, narrative. There are four distinctive types of sequences that
exhibit the themes.
One category of film sequences focuses on the depiction of the political rallies and the
associated cultural practices that characterises political engagement with the Zairian crowds,
from speeches to animation culturelle, also simply known as animation. Animation culturelle,
which translates as “cultural animation”, was the institutionalised practice of state-sponsored
performances of singing and choreographed dancing, which was carried out in groups to
motivate MPR fervour (White, 2008). These film sections not only offer footage documenting
the animation, but also footage of segments of speeches made to very large audiences who,
gathered in a large stadium, listen attentively without visibly reacting to the words spoken by
the Party representatives. During most speeches, the reverse shot of the crowds shows an alert
but silent crowd, showing the masses are at the receiving end rather than being a contributory
force; with the exception of one of the speeches, in which the Party representative asks the
people to join in by chanting the slogan “Technique Oye, Professionnel Oye” (Kwami, 1975,
TC 01.28.08), meaning “Technicians Viva, Professionals Viva”.177 Mobutu is mentioned
throughout the film in every type of thematic sequence, both in the voice-over and in songs,
but he is shown only at two different rallies, one of which is the penultimate sequence of the
177
Translation by Makana Kitiana
165
film. This closing part of the film features an impressive rally in a large open area, where the
most distinctive looking armed force is the presidential guard, dressed in light blue uniforms
with red and gold insignia and white hats. All the armed forces participate, not only in their
role as security forces, but also parading, with the army band, wearing uniforms with leopard
hats. There, facing his army, paramilitary groups and the citoyens, Mobutu delivers a speech,
ten minutes of which is captured in the film. In his speech, Mobutu lists a number of
government initiatives as proof of Mobutu’s success in the social progress of his country. The
focus of the speech attacks the internal opposition, which was seen as conspiring against the
revolutionary system that had been put in place by Mobutu’s party. Mobutu recognizes there
is an opposition that plots against the revolution and explains that they are involved in carrying
out illegal business practices in favour of foreign powers. The President’s final message is a
warning that these people, who are now known to the government, are working against Zaire
and will be exposed as the “counter-revolutionaries” that they are, and severely punished.
Animation at the political rally. Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek.
The second type of film sequences are dedicated to communal work, and are intended to
visually express the nation’s political slogan; “Salongo Alinga Mosala” – “Salongo Love to
Work”. These sequences feature long takes of men, and sometimes women, at work, assuming
the quality of people as a spectacle of Salongo. The images cover a range of manual tasks that
are carried out by civilians, at times filmed in worker’s clothes, but often filmed wearing
abacos suits, carrying rocks, or cleaning the riverbanks, demonstrating that everyone from
166
every social class is involved in this practice. The depiction of Salongo is constructed through
popular presence in the film frame, and the ideas are delivered in voice-over and song about
the people’s duty towards the land of Zaire. The voice-over narration, that throughout the film
articulates the beginning of a new sequence, announces that the years of social and economic
breakdown, referring to the period between 1960 and 1965, had turned Zaire into “a big sick
man”, but they were now over thanks to “the formula dear to (our) the ancestors: Salongo
Alinga Mosala” (Kwami, 1975, TC 01.08.16).178 The enactment of the activity of Salongo,
advancing the symbolism of healing the country, is demonstrated in many different examples,
in which the population is involved in either cleaning or building the nation. The first example
is set in the capital, Kinshasa. Women do not seem to be present during all of the tasks, but
when they are, they are also shown carrying children whilst they are performing manual work
on the land.
Working for the nation continues also to be a central theme of the next type of sequence. The
third type functions as a showcase for the industries that were nationalised as part of
Zairianisation in 1973, this is a particular aspect of filmmaking narrative that will be analysed
in more detail in Chapter 6. The film explores the technical capacities and development
achieved by the most renowned factories in the country. From rice farming in Bumba, to copper
mining at Gecamines, fishing in Vishumbi and rubber production, the film illustrates with
images and an informative voice-over narration, the activities of the employees in each
location. The voice-over narration also serves to identify and promote the achievements that
are not demonstrable on camera or quantifiable by a single image, as the indicated success in
the film is never compared with archive imagery that can visually contextualise the benefits of
Zairianisation. This point of view, promoting the results of nationalisation, is narrated by the
voice-over claiming that progress has been possible because the foreigners were ejected from
these businesses. This claim is not measurable by the images in the film, but it can be imagined
as real because of the use of the voice-over narration which is present in all of the ‘development
films’ that are discussed in this research, suggesting that voice-over narration is one of the
defining features of this category of films. An example of this use of voice-over in Salongo is
the longer and more detailed sequence that is dedicated to the Inga-Shaba179 line, the Shaba
dam and the Kolwezi power generating station. All of these ventures were originally colonial
178
My translation. Original script: “Pour guérir le grand malade qui est devenu le Zaïre mettons-nous au travail
…la formule chère à nos ancêtre Salongo Alinga Mosala.”
179
High-voltage direct current, overhead electric power transmission line fully completed in 1982
167
projects, but the film explains that it was Mobutu who succeeded in building them. The voiceover helps to imagine the colonial ‘before’, that the camera had not captured, and to glorify the
present achievement by comparison, noting in this approach a desire to highlight Mobutu’s
success. In terms of the three As, the voice-over narration expresses the Anlass, the trigger
event, as a Zairian victory against Belgian failure in respect of modern projects.
The fourth type of sequence depicts a style of animation which differs to that displayed at the
rallies, as explained earlier. This particular animation, like the other forms, is based on the
choreographed dancing and chanting of political slogans, but it is located and costumed within
a mise en scène which draws on the iconography of traditional folklore. Through these
episodes, one of which is performed solely by children, one by young people and one solely
by men, we see the different folk traditions of dancing and singing in different local languages.
One of them combines both a language from Equateur and Lingala. The dances are set in
atmospheric locations that are reminiscent of the performances traditionally carried out in the
villages, at times amongst the villagers, others in honour of their Chief or guests. The sequences
are not introduced, nor do they carry a voice-over. They can be interpreted as stand-alone films
of folklore, with the Adressat being the Zairian, who should read them as authentic
demonstrations of culture.
The first dance, performed by boys, is in three seemingly unrelated acts. The first act of the
dance is introduced by a wide establishing shot of a group of about thirty children, in traditional
dress, standing behind a fire. Close up shots of the fire are used to cut and introduce the
following acts. Their faces and bodies are painted with white markings and they appear to be
wearing only skirts made of pagne. By their side there is a drummer, who starts the storytelling
with a few beats of the drums. As the singing starts, a group of six children dance into the
frame, by the fire they act out the dance, which is a form of narrative. They are dressed and
painted like the other boys in the choir, but on top of the pagne they wear raffia skirts with a
zigita180, a thick band in red fabric at the hips, to emphasise the dance moves. The boys
involved in the acting and dancing also carry a wooden sword and shield.
180
Zigita: “Generally, all women wore a band or belt between the waist and pelvis, usually matching the wrapper,
made by folding cloth several times until it is approximately two to three inches thick and six to 10 inches wide.
Called the zigita in Lingala, this band of cloth accentuated the pelvis movements common to several Congolese
dance conventions.”(Huckstep, 2004, p129)
168
Traditional dance, Salongo (1974) dir. Kwami. Copyright Cinematek.
I was not able to obtain the full translation of the singing in the sequence, as Makana informed
me that the song is partly performed in a language that he identifies as being from the Equateur,
I have based the exploration of the performance and lyrics of the songs in the film on the
Lingala that is available, as transcribed and translated by Makana. The singing is not
synchronised, the children are set very far from the camera and it is not clear if their singing
and the drum beat were edited later in post-production. From the words in Lingala, Makana
was able to explain that a refrain in the first act tells the story of someone looking for marriage
and the child of the Chief misbehaving. It finishes with the chorus commending the building
of the country.
169
Dancers, Salongo (1974). Copyright Cinematek.
The following act calls to a man by the name of Lokanga and asks him to come to an agreement.
The lyrics, in Lingala, do not explain the reason for the agreement but only say: “Come
Lokanga, come. Come let you and I find an agreement” (Kwami, 1975, TC 01.49.04).181
The third act is solely in Lingala and brings the sad news of the death of a young person called
Wetshi, whose death will sadden the fans of Vea football club. The song is performed with
traditional instruments, but it is the authentic cover of the famous song Liwa ya Wetchi of 1961,
by the country’s first pop star, Franco, and his OK Jazz band. The original mourning song was
written by Franco for the footballer Wetchi of the Vita Club (Bana Vea), who died suddenly in
1961 (Mbokamosika, 2008). The 1961 version is composed in modern afro-jazz style and in
some of the refrains Franco calls Wetchi by his French name François (Franco and O.K. Jazz,
1961). The song in Salongo respected the naming laws of Authenticity182 and therefore the only
names mentioned are Wetchi and Lutumba, the last possibly referring to Simaro Lutumba, one
of the founders of the O.K. Jazz band.
The next dance is performed by a group of children and young people, accompanied by a choir
of women and an animateur principal.183 The role of this person is to lead the performing
181
Translation by Makana. Original text: “Yaka Lokanga, yaka. Yaka yo na nga yokana yo na nga”
Refer to Chapter 1. Further reading on Authenticity: Mobutu's Totalitarian Political System (Ikambana, 2007)
183
Although Huckstep refers to this role as Atalaku, this chapter which is dedicated to the film of 1974 uses the
182
170
crowd by singing and shouting mottos.184 The language used for this sequence was not
identified by Makana, who translated the Lingala, but he was able to affirm that it is not one of
the four national languages. The sequence is introduced by a close-up image of the river and
the sound of an animation group singing. Close-ups of the river and water ripples are alternated
with wide shots of a village on the river bank, until we are led to the side bank where there is
the reveal of the animation coming from a group of young people who are singing and dancing.
The dancers seem to be as young as probably seven years old, and the older ones are about
fourteen years old. As with the other, traditional, dancers, their faces are painted, this time in
orange and blue, but the remainder of their bodies are unpainted. They wear raffia skirts over
a short green pagne, which appears to be in a print with MPR iconography. The children are
also wearing necklaces of coral beads and different belts, some of the young girls cover their
breast with brassieres made of palm leaves. The singers are wearing just the pagne and they
are more fully clothed.
The third and last folkloristic dance is in striking contrast to the others, since it is performed
on a manicured lawn, by Tutsi male dancers placed in two parallel lines of a dozen dancers
each, close to a large group of daffodils. The composition is enriched by the yellow daffodils
matching the yellow pagne worn by the men. Their short pagne is partially covered by a black
and white tapestry, and over their naked torsos they wear large braces in red and white tapestry.
They also wear a head piece of raffia and carry a spear. At the beat of the drum, the men start
jumping and enacting fighting gestures. Their dance is choreographed, and their places change
throughout the performance. There is a main leader for the dance who, rather than singing,
seems to shout orders to the rhythm of the drums, to which some of the dancers respond vocally.
This person could be called an animateur principal too, coherently reflecting this role.
The closing sequence of the film is a montage of images of men speaking at MPR rallies that
are taking place during the day as well as into the night, and these are cut to modern Congolese
music in the style that can be defined as “popular national Zairian music” (Bokelenge, 1990,
p.34).
term animateur principal appropriate for this time. In 1984 this role was renamed Atalaku by the Zaiko Langa
Langa band (Makana Kitiaka, 2018). The expression Atalaku in popular music means a singer that praises people,
the name comes from the Kikongo “look here”(Hertum, no date)
184
Further reading on animation and MOPAP Mobilisation Populaire pour l’Action Politique “Le théâtre au
Katanga : aperçu historique” (Le Lay and Kunda, 2009)
171
5.2 Dance as embodied Authenticity and performative reverence
Dance, in this film, carries two functions. One is to provide a connection between the
government’s narrative of modernity and social progress through the cultural revolution to the
rediscovered tradition and Authenticity. The second function is to recreate the acts of reverence
to the Chief, as practiced in tribal culture, so as to endow him with ancestral power.
The MPR aimed to accomplish a total cultural revolution by implementing cultural policies in
all aspects of life, and especially by reinventing the precolonial narratives of the nation which
were promoted as being authentic culture. To this end, cultural practice was addressed in the
N’Sele Manifesto, which stated that “the MPR’s aim is that the Revolution should express itself
in an exaltation of the country’s intellectual and cultural values”(Mouvement Populaire de la
Révolution (Zaïre). Comité Central, cited in Botombele, 1976, p.47)185. The revolution,
captured in the ideals of Authenticity, was supposed to inspire artists with government
guidelines and allegedly afford them free creative reign186, but this film reveals that
Authenticity also employed definitive artistic codes that resulted in specific content production.
It is possible to see this in the way Salongo is formulated, with its basic structure founded on
national broadcasting conventions, thus showing the close relationship between the ideas of
development journalism and ‘development film’. Daily national broadcasts from the RTNC
(Radio-Télévision Nationale Congolaise), followed a line-up of speeches from the President
with interludes of regional folkloristic dances or animation performances, by the Ballet
Kaké,187 to mark passages in the speeches (Botombele, 1976). The same format is used in the
film by Kwami. The animation is used in the film to cheer at the salient parts of the speeches.
The film narrative is elaborated through displays of national folklore and animation culturelle.
Animation became the pillar of all political and social gatherings in the country from the 24th
November, 1973, when the MPR inaugurated the first national festival of culture and animation
(Botombele, 1975). Like other pivotal national celebrations, the date of the festival coincided
with the anniversary of Mobutu’s rise to power in 1965, so that through every new collective
185
The text used La Politique Culturelle en République du Zaïre was commissioned and published by
UNESCO in 1975 in French, the English translation (Cultural Policy in the Republic of Zaire) was published
one year later. For citation I use the English edition of 1976.
186
Botombele in the same chapter explains “Zairian authenticity is merely the frame of reference for cultural
development and the suggested source of inspiration, the creative artist remaining free in the conception of his
work.” (Botombele, 1976, p47)
187
Ballet Kaké was the Presidential Dance Company (Huckstep 2004, p82)
172
tradition the leader could be further glorified. Botombele, the then State Commissioner of Arts
and Culture188, in the study on political culture that he personally directed for UNESCO, further
praises Mobutu for establishing the event and for personally aspiring to:
…make this festival a school of civic education for the MPR. The Zairian people is
thus mobilized around its guide by song and dance in order to cultivate civic virtues
such as salongo (work), patriotism, vigilance, African brotherhood and international
co-operation (Botombele, 1976, p.108).
The event resulted in the gathering of all of the regional dance companies, who were thus
representing their people and learning other regions’ customs and dance moves. In an effort to
consolidate pan-Zairian unity by utilising folkloric performance, dance therefore went beyond
its value as entertainment for the populace (Huckstep, 2004), or as a way of self-identification
for distinctive groups, instead, it then became a common cultural heritage.
The images in the film appear to be taken at different large rallies, but one of them, in particular,
shows a dance force amounting to probably over two thousand animation dancers. Standing on
one side of a football pitch listening to Mobutu’s speech, they are all wearing a green MPR
pagne, thus ideologically uniting them, when, in fact, they might have belonged to different
ethnic groups. These details, and the magnitude of the event, lead me to believe that some of
the sequences in the film document the first animation festival in 1973. The idea of the large
crowd participating in the MPR’s displays expresses the will to utilise every cultural event to
advance the political vision of the Party, and to establish the animation culturelle, also known
as animation politique, as a paramilitary body.
As Makana explained during our discussion of the content, part of this vision was to unite the
nation and bring together the 250 Congolese tribes that, in an extensive territory, would never
have the occasion, or perhaps the desire, to meet and share ideas and culture (Makana Kitiaka,
2018). Instead, the animation rallies and their depiction in film afford a space in which people
could come together under one flag and finally recognise together the common Chief, in an
attempt, of course, to forge an over-arching nation-state, but one based on cultural material
drawn from a diversity of ‘authentic’ and separate ethnicities. “On this occasion, the people
showed their indestructible loyalty to their chief” (Botombele, 1976, p.108).189 Dancing for the
188
Zairian title : Commissaire d’État à la Culture et Arts
Original text from the 1975 French version “La population a montré à cette occasion son attachement
indéfectible a son chef”(Botombele, 1975, p111), my translation: “On this occasion the population showed its
189
173
glory of Zaire was thus not restricted to dance companies and public events, dancing became a
compulsory daily activity for all (Huckstep, 2004). With the incorporation of moves from
different tribes, and input from different languages, it can be argued that their depiction on film
created the imaginary that the country was moving together in the same direction, towards the
same goal. These utopian ideals of a united country, implying that rebellions and secession
movements were a worry of the past, clashed with the reality of a people who are forced to
embody praise through dance and singing. In reality, the population could only abstain from
showing their devotion and political activism when in a private space. Authoritarian rule
submitted the Zairians to finding Authenticity in a constant humiliating reverence. White, in
his seminal study on Congolese Rumba culture, points to the poignant testimony of a university
professor, who remains unnamed: “How could we maintain our dignity…when we were
supposed to stand up and start shaking our rears?”(White, 2008, p.78). Salongo, which
represents a film event solidifying a united Zaire, affirming the decolonisation project of the
MPR, also participates in establishing a certain subjection of the people by the new traditions.
Animation, in the film, displays a ritual of submission and reinforces the authority of a system
in which obedience is rewarded; those with better performances and choreography skills
became official animateurs, or animatrices, in one of the regional companies. This title carried
a certain amount of prestige and social power, therefore constituting a landmark for citizens in
the value system that was imposed by the MPR. Although visibility in animation may have
accrued social privileges, the practice, in itself, was experienced by the population as a
demeaning reverence to power. Huckstep, through the testimony of a dancer from the Ballet
Kaké, elaborated the concept that the forced, embodied, national representation might be
considered to be a metaphorical rape, otherwise explainable as the “forced entrance of the
Mobutu ideology into the body of every citizen”(Huckstep, 2004, p.168). For many others, it
represented participation in an expression of national brotherhood and the discovery of other
tribal cultures (Makana Kitiaka, 2018). The film presents, amongst other languages, songs in
Lingala and Swahili, narrowing the distance between the main tribes of Zaire, whilst also
expressing the multifaceted culture of the nation. The choreographed and spectacular dances
of people in animation, can be considered a truly “African show”. Kalapanga Gazungil and
Peraya suggest that the “African show” is expressed in collective action, and that the
unwavering attachment to its leader.” The original phrasing offers a more emotional reading of the sentiments
linking the population with Mobutu.
174
community is at the heart of African living. The show does not have to be contained in any
predefined genre, it can be ballet, theatre or religious, but the traditional show has the
community as its defining element:
representation concerns the entire community. Even the griot whose performance may
appear as the culmination of a personal effort is fully reclaimed by the community. It
is the community who sanctions it and approves it. The griot and his audience are linked
by a specular relationship. As an individual, the griot has no existence of his own: it
emanates from the group of which it ultimately embodies the double, but it is also the
mirror where the community reflects itself or it recognizes itself, identifies itself and
therefore is structured. There is no place for the individual outside the community
(Kalapanga Gazungil and Peraya, 1984, p.106)
The large display of animation representing community values, even when led by an animateur
principal, expresses a form of unity of thought and direction. The film becomes a dynamic
vehicle through which the government communicates and promotes both a discourse of
specificity, acknowledging different tribes, and another of kinship, in an effort to achieve the
concepts of Authenticity and modernity, as an attempt to overcome this characteristic of
common contradiction. The different folklores are highlighted by film in a discourse that
reaches people of all tribes, but that wants to create the one Adressat by speaking to them as
citoyens, as Zairians. In the images of the film, one can admire and interpret the traditional
regional attire and folkloric exhibitions. An example of this being the Tutsi male dancers from
the Lake Kivu region, performing an Intore ballet.190 Through the common and distinctive
regional customs of the traditional attire across the tribes, one can assume there was an open
possibility for exchange and communication and the specificities of one tribe to another, thus
defeating the times and distance that separate them. This is the case in the style of the “Bana
Kenge” from Bandundu, in the 1970s, the Kenge introduced the idea of dressing children and
young people in traditional folklore costumes for animation dances (Pongo, 2001). This style
would later be imported into Congolese modern music which had a national appeal (Makana
Kitiaka, 2018).
190
Further reading and photographs about the Intore Democratic Republic of Congo in Pictures (Davis
DiPiazza, 2007) and Africa 2018-2019 (Wiafe-Amokao, 2018)
175
Bana Kenge (Kenge children) from Bandundu and Bas-Zaire. Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek.
176
Tutsi dancers performing the Intore. Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek.
177
The variety and richness of the folkloristic displays are employed and woven into a narrative
that always returns to the rallies and speeches of Mobutu so as to show that the person binding
the country together is Mobutu, the Chief. The role of the Chief became culturally fundamental
to the government in order that it could forge a modern nation state from groups of people
whose diversity of traditional cultures might create difficulty in identifying with the common
project. Government devised a series of modern rituals, such as animation that built on this
imagery to implement Mobutu as the nation’s Chief and therefore as its father. Although
Mobutu was able to be crowned Chief, he was able to achieve a never-before-seen supremacy
due to the acquisition of the ancestral fetish and the power from the chefs coutumiers.191 The
tradition of fetish was abolished during colonial times, but was re-established by Mobutu as
part of his vision of cultural nationalism and Authenticity (Trapido, 2013, pp.205–228).
To explain the impact of fetish and its iconic use to acquire power through dance, I will be
referring to Huckstep’s work on animation politique.192 Huckstep’s interviews with former
animation dancers in the American diaspora, inform the notion of dance as a vehicle with which
to bestow omnipotence. The explanation of the performers that “dance itself held or possessed
the ability to transmit power” (Huckstep, 2004, p.125) echoes the portrayal given by Makana.
The divine power of ancestral origins bestowed on the Chief was transmitted to Mobutu in the
collective imaginary through song and dance, and this film testifies and promotes this
empowerment through the imagery of animation. In traditional Congolese society, the Chief is
the tribe’s God, and his power is maintained by his divine fetish. The fetish is acquired,
activated and held in symbolic objects, for example, in Mobutu’s iconography, the fetish was
believed to be held in his carved cane (Trapido, 2013, pp.205–228). The acquisition of the
fetish happens at a secret sovereignty ceremony of ancient rituals. The endowment of absolute
power is celebrated by the people, who rejoice when they see their Chief, and their joy is
manifested by offering all they have to him. They offer song and dance. As Mobutu apparently
acquired the fetish from all of the nation’s Chiefs193, he became the Chief of Chiefs, and to
testify to this, the traditional songs of the tribal Chiefs were donated to Mobutu (Makana
191
Tribal Chiefs
“Embodied Nationalism ‘animation politique’ (political dance) in Zaire: a Case Study of the dimensionality
and agency of dance as the spirit of individual, community, and national identity” A dissertation submitted to
The Temple University Graduate Board in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of
Education, By Joan Elayne Huckstep May 2005
193
One of such coronations was upon Mobutu’s fiftieth birthday, celebrated in Lisala, when he was installed as
the customary chief of all the Bangala and was named Mobutu Moyi (Mobutu the Sun) (Schatzberg, 1991)
192
178
Kitiaka, 2018). It may be said that by exchanging, in the ancestral tribal songs, the names of
the local Chiefs with that of Mobutu, and by customising the dances to him, this produced a
verbal and visual legitimisation of the leader which is captured as an influential portrayal in
the documentary. The display of empowerment is present in Salongo in the iconic song Djalelo,
from the Katanga region (Shaba Province), which has been modified as a chant for Mobutu
Sese Seko, and which is present at different moments in the film (Makana Kitiaka, 2018). The
activism in both the dance and song, combined with its filming, captures the idea of fetish as
an enactment, but derives from it the agency which ‘development films’ provide. The
‘development film’ aims to support the social emancipation of the country by highlighting and
promoting its uniqueness in culture, in this case, the social specificity of traditional practices.
The film, therefore, with the displays of fetish through animation, provides an acquisition of
leadership that is specifically expressed as a divine right, rather than as a politically acquired
status.
The chief was the ultimate voice in any judicial matter, and presided over the Chief’s
Court, equivalent to the final court of appeal in stateless societies…As the religious
leader, the chief represented the direct link between the group and ancestral guardian
spirits believed to guard the tribe against enemies, natural dangers, and any destructive
spirits (Ikambana, 2007, p.16)
By watching others perform the practice of reverence, the film is an event that contributes to
promoting Mobutu as Chief, whose status was reinforced daily through the compulsory dances.
This is an idea captured in one of the party’s mottos: “In the MPR, one surrenders both the
body and soul” (Covington-Ward, 2016, p.137). Power is therefore transmitted by the people
dancing, and by the population joining in the celebration through animation, the specific
authentic physical language being understood by all of the population.
Additionally, the choice of the filming location of the dances furthers the idea of Authenticity
that is tied into Godly power. The three dances are created within a mise en scène of nature and
traditional costumes, which try to emulate the roots of village life and capture the words ba
koko, the ancestors, often used in Party rhetoric, as well as in the film Salongo. The images of
people dancing tirelessly in choreographed circles and lines, could be read as being a promotion
of the “retour à la terre”, returning to the land or village of one’s ancestry. The nation’s land
was appropriated, economically by Zairianisation, as well as symbolically by the MPR, as the
symbol of the provenance of “le Grand Zaïre”.194 This was also shown in the film Sanctuaires
194
Common expression of the Second Republic, meaning the great nation of Zaire (Carpentier, 2015)
179
Naturels du Zaire - Natural Sanctuaries of Zaire (year unknown).195 The film, available only
at the Cinematek, is dedicated to Zaire’s national parks. The film’s opening titles are in English,
indicating that the filmic portrayal of a rich land at the heart of a mighty population was not
only a vehicle for nationalism, but also a desire to be seen and to participate in, modernity with
the international community. This is the opening dedication, in graphics on panoramic images
of the country:
Our streams, our river, our forests, our insects, our animals, our lakes, our volcanoes,
our mountains and our plains those are our monuments and our cathedrals, they are the
heritage handed down to us by our ancestors, that is to say essentially nature. This is
our wish that, when the scientists have transformed the world of living things into an
all artificial environment, there will still remain in Zaire one of the last refuges of
humanity, nature undefiled. Mobutu Sese Seko (Matton, n/d)
To promote nationalism, this introduction endorses the relationship between nature and
ancestral identity, and in doing so formulates an idea in which all the facets of the power that
is promoted and held by the MPR, such as ancestry, fetish and nature, were ultimately held by
one person.
Mobutu’s government has often been compared to the colonial system, known as Bula Matari
(USA International Business Publications, 2007), due to the strong hold he had on the country
and because “he attempted to replicate the attributes of the Bula Matari state.196 He ran the
government single-handedly as a personal fiefdom, using the national treasury as his check
book. He promoted cronyism, nepotism, and corruption in all sectors of society”( Gondola,
2002, p.5).This internal colonisation, though, was very different to the Belgian colonial rule in
the ways in which it achieved and expressed its power, which was reframed as a personality
cult. Whereas the Belgian system operated by relying on institutionalised and impersonal force,
Mobutu’s government, although very administrative and bureaucratic, involved the population
in a personal relationship with the ruler (Covington-Ward, 2016). This dynamic is in accord
with Shatzberg’s analysis in a study of the regime’s communication, in his book The Dialectics
of Oppression in Zaire, which underlines the media involvement in portraying Mobutu as
“father-chief of the national family”(Schatzberg, 1991, p.76). The film Salongo follows the
same line of communication by using the images of people chanting his name, as well as all
195
My translation
Bula Matari: “The colonial state in Zaïre, whose informal creation dates from 1876, and whose formal
anointment by the European powers followed in 1885, acquired from its earliest days the profoundly revealing
metaphorical representation as Bula Matari, or ‘crusher of rocks’”(Young, 1994, p250)
196
180
his other names, and associating them with unity; providing therefore a depiction of a
population that idolises its father. This documentary was produced during the year of change,
when the politics of Zairianisation were renamed Mobutism, and therefore captures how the
danced and chanted reverence were ostentatious in reiterating and adding superlatives to
Mobutu’s persona. “To ‘Founder-President’, in time, were added ever more extravagant praisenames: ‘Guide of the Revolution’, ‘Helmsman’ (borrowed from Mao Zedong), ‘Mulopwe’
(emperor, or even godking), and finally ‘Messiah’”(Meditz and Merrill, 1994, p.xliii).
Although the imagery of Mobutism assigns him this role of supremacy, the superlative
appellations of Guide, Father or Chief, there is also the one of Citizen, a symbolic gesture to
show empathy with the people. There is an attempt also by the narrative of this film to show
that the role of power does allow the President to be reachable, in touch with all of the people
of the MPR. The last speech captured by the film, in front of a very large crowd, is presented
by the voice-over script as being an opportunity for dialogue between the people and Mobutu.
As Kwami’s voice-over says: “Regularly the Head of State assembles his people in order to
take vital decisions together and to give directives for new activities” (Kwami, 1975, TC
02.38.31).197 However, in fact, the community, did not participate in the decision-making.
Mobutu, his Party and his personal expressions, or Mobutisms,198 were responsible for all
measures, from the economic to the personal.199
Through this strategic communication, the government worked towards creating an
indissoluble link with the President by portraying him at once as father and as a guide of the
country, whilst asking the people to enter into a marriage with him. The President explained it
as an action “of marriage, of the partnership of the people with their leader in revolutionary
action” ( Mobutu Sese Seko, in Botombele, 1976, p.108)200. Like most Mobutisms, this political
vision was captured in a song. The following text, of a song that was customary at the time,
197
My translation. Original script : “Régulièrement le Chef de l’Etat rassemble son peuple afin de prendre avec
lui les décisions vitales et de donner les directives pour les activités nouvelles.”
198
Refer to Chapter 1. Mobutism was an emergence of policies but also of sayings or expressions of the president
which were called Mobutisms.
199
The State rewarded people also in their private sphere, for example women were awarded a Zairian medal of
motherhood and couples were awarded the family medal of mérite conjugal (conjugal merit) on important
anniversaries (Des Decorations Du Congo Démocratique, no date)
200
Mobutu’s original words in the 1975 English version of the UNESCO publication reveal the emotional nature
of his approach to the relationship with this citizens: “du mariage, de la complicité du peuple avec son chef dans
l’action révolutionnaire”(Botombele, 1975, p111). My translation: “a marriage, a complicity of the people with
their chief in revolutionary action”. The choice of the word complicity rather than relationship offers a better
understanding of Mobutu’s choice of image of Chief who has a proximity with the people.
181
shows the tone and the lyrics that people had to learn by heart. It belongs to a composition from
the region of the Equator, the title is Ibala (marriage), from the musician Mambe Imolinga:
Marriage between the Zairians and Mobutu,
Presiding spirit, spouse of Nsongo, the goddess,
Mobutu, son of Mama Yemo,
All of Africa united.
Marriage of Kuku Ngbendu, the Powerful,
With the Equator, with Kivu, with Lower Zaire,
The economy in Zairians’ hands,
Mobutu a hundred years in power ( Mambe Imolinga, in Botombele, 1976, p.108)
Salongo contributes, in terms of being a film event, to this vision, with a narrative form of
matrimony and unification as they are presented throughout the film, in lyrics and in the use of
different ethnic languages within the same song, so as to identify at every opportunity a
matrimony between the people and the Chief, and a unification of tribes with each other.
Distancing himself from the image of the Marshall, the film conveys the President as
abandoning the uniform to take on the fatherly figure of the Chief, who brings conciliation
rather than conflict. Shatzberg describes the fatherly figure as being ambiguous, since it
assumes the value of Chief whilst, simultaneously, the “notion of the chief…also has paternal
overtones in some Zairian cultures” (Schatzberg, 1991, p.78).
The narrative of paternalism that is embodied in metaphors of both the marriage and fatherhood
between the government and the people is strongly embedded in the concluding segments of
the film and during the last speech. Mobutu arrives at the rally in a helicopter, hovering for a
few moments over a large crowd and a display of national flags. This spectacular arrival is
followed by a parade in the stadium, and it is edited to a song in one of the languages from the
Equator, with a refrain in Lingala: “Linga MPR, MPR esangisi biso nyonso - Love the MPR
because it is the MPR that has united us” (Kwami, 1974).201 When the refrain is sung off
camera, by what sounds like hundreds of people, Kwami replies with a voice-over that offers
affirmative notions of the Party, such as the aforementioned “open dialogue” between the Chief
and the people. In a call and answer structure that is thus similar to that of animation, the film’s
director builds on already familiar rhetorical patterns that are embedded in the national artistic
expression of Party celebrations. The call and answer mode, which had become the canon of
authentic musical expression, with the leading performance of the animateur principal, is
visible also in the filmic text, in which Kwami takes a figurative role as animateur principal
201
Translation by Makana Kitana
182
and recreates the dynamic. The call and answer are expressed in audio, but also visually, as
Kwami edits the chorus chanting to Mobutu, who takes centre stage and fulfils the paternal role
of speaking to his children.
The final expression of this structure is in the final sequence, concluding Mobutu’s speech. The
montage of different rallies, spread throughout the country, is accompanied by a song which
includes everyone, through the lyrics:
Parti na nga nalingaka MPR
The party that I love is the MPR.
Bana ya Zaire, boyaka oye
Children of Zaire, come let’s gather.
Tosangana banso, liboke oye
Let’s come together as one people.
Bana ya Mobutu o liboke oye
Children of Mobutu, all as one people,
Bana ya Sese Seko o liboke oye
Children of Sese Seko, all as one people,
Bana ya Zaire o liboke oye
Children of Zaire, all as one people,
(Kwami, 1975, 02.44.32) 202
It can be argued that by specifically merging images of rallies that perform the militancy of the
mass with the absolutist party slogans, the director embodies a cinematic expression of statepatriarchal dominance. In terms of ‘development films’, this film responds to a very specific
requirement of the process of the unification of the country and, rather than being assessed as
a displaced political act, the filmmaker, who was not only the enabler but also the Adressat of
the production, was purposefully participating in the country’s emancipation. To further
explore the three As, the Auftraggeber was not only the government, but more specifically
Mobutu, who required a film that could make Zairians proud, in the same way that the Chinese
were proud of How Yukong Moved the Mountains (Zoppelletto, 2016a). The affirmation of an
authentic Zaire through the reiteration of one Chief is one of the themes creating the Anlass of
the film, the function that the film was meant to perform.
202
Translation by Makana Kitiaka
183
5.3 Mobutu awakens the labourer, the apotheosis of the nation
The labourer, the militant of Zaire is the protagonist of Salongo, but even in this productive
and constructive function for the nation, the role is presented as a gift that is bestowed by
Mobutu. The filmic text portrays Mobutu as the source of a conscious awakening of the people
and a re-appropriation of the land. The idea is woven into the film throughout the sequences
about the labour and productivity of Zaire, in fact, the first sequence plays on juxtaposition to
reinforce the message. To set the tone, the first images of a river, representing the soul of Zaire,
are followed by ones of an unkempt township with people sitting around and not working. The
voice-over commentary explains that the years after Independence were a dark period of
instability and rebellions. The images change to wide shots of an open-air bar, otherwise called
a “terrasse”, followed by a sequence of mid-shots of men, and a few women, drinking beer.
The voice-over commentary adds that people, overwhelmed by the chaos that enveloped the
country, threw themselves into an easy life that was beneficial only to the prosperity of the
local breweries. The overall edit of the segment is reproachful in tone, and it is set-up for
Kwami’s voice-over which was to appear to be a revelation and a response to the state of
chaos: “It is only then, that a voice was heard to put an end to this general abandonment”
(Kwami, 1975, TC 01.04.53).203 This introduction effectively prepares the viewer to be
reminded of the voice of ‘the saviour’, and the edit continues with Mobutu’s voice. Mobutu’s
speech is a forceful but paternal speech, sounding almost as if he were scolding the crowd for
not taking Salongo and Authenticity seriously. The set-up of which enhances ideas of an unruly
past and a solution in the future, due to Mobutu’s wisdom in the ideology of Authenticity, and
this enhances the discourse of the Father of the country and Guide saving the country. Similarly
to the colony’s treatment of the Congolese population as children, Mobutu’s effort to denounce
the infantilization of the colonised204 is in vain, since he is depicted as repeating the pattern,
but through a shared language of belonging.
The film thus opens with a discourse of disapproval about the years before Mobutu’s coup
d’état. To do so, it visually creates a subtle atmosphere of misery by utilising newly filmed
images which are re-appropriated to build a visual memory of an unacceptable country that
203
My translation. Original text: “C’est alors qu’une voix retentit pour mettre fin à cet abandon général.”
Refer to Chapter 1, Mobutu: “Thanks to the Revolution, the image of the ‘Negro, eternal child’, imposed on
the world by the coloniser, has revealed itself to be so immense, so ridiculous, that it has been definitely buried.”
(Mobutu cited in Kabue, 1976, p.257)
204
184
was left to its own devices. Once the new memory of an inadequate past is formed, it is then
juxtaposed with the constructed image of a man, Mobutu, awakening the people and stirring
them into being a proactive population, masters of their future. Although it may be likened to
a strategy of political propaganda, the images are not intrinsically deceptive, as the places
filmed are real and the voice-over narration does correspond to one version of history that
depicts the chaos of the early post-independence years. The function that can be attributed to
this film and, in turn, can classify it as ‘development film’ is the bid to unite the population in
creating wealth through working the land. It can be argued that the filmmaker would not have
created a false representation, but would have felt that this was part of the development
discourse constructed by Authenticity. Kwami’s participation in the ideology would have been
a demonstration of the power of the ideology in reaffirming notions of decolonisation and
development through an authentic vision.
Expressed in songs, one particular image of Mobutu saving the nation by inciting the people
to work for the collective is contrived to deliver the Party rhetoric. After a four-minute
sequence of people working the land, which is accompanied by traditional instrumental music,
the tune is embedded into a chant, and the image changes to a wide shot of a field. Over a
hundred men, and a few women, in traditional dress, march forward chanting and carrying
tools, mattocks and shovels. Their singing is in praise of Mobutu, and they are not guided by
an animateur principal. They are accompanying their march to a session of Salongo with the
following lyrics:
Ae Mobutu, mobikisi ya Zaire
Ae Mobutu, saviour of Zaire,
Ae Sese Seko, mobikisi ya Zaire
Ae Sese Seko, saviour of Zaire,
Ae Kuku Gbendu, mobikisi ya Zaire
Ae Kuku Gbendu, saviour of Zaire,
Ae Wa Za Banga, mobikisi ya Zaire
Ae Wa Za Banga, saviour of Zaire (Kwami, 1974, TC 02.19.33).205
The refrain, one by one, mentions all the names that Mobutu gave himself after Authenticity:
Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Gbendu Wa Za Banga. At each reprise he is called the saviour, but
the word has a further visual meaning of “the awakener”. The march of the people, walking
from the left to the right, but filling the frame, presents an image in which the mass, the
Zairians, is the focus. The musical counterpoint created by the imposing offscreen presence of
205
Translation by Makana Kitiaka
185
the saviour, the protagonist of the song, reduces the Zairian to a minor, dominated entity. The
image of the people moving forward on the road to progress, which the MPR believed was
tangible in the “retour à la terre”, are constructed to demonstrate the importance of the worker.
Instead, the overall effect is different, as the imagery of men enthusiastically walking towards
the fields whilst singing in praise of the President, creates a mise en scène which mirrors a
plight in which the saviour is omnipresent, in a condition which can be read as the enslavement
of the population. The image captures the way that, at every step, the saviour guides the people,
who dedicate their songs, bodies and material possessions to him, although he is not physically
present in the frame. It should be noted that the Saturday activity of Salongo was in no way
subsidised by the government, and people brought which ever tools they had as a contribution
to the nation (Makana Kitiaka, 2018).
People marching towards their weekly Salongo, Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek.
186
The practice of Salongo, as the film confirms, was exalted through slogans and chants relating
to social progress through labour. The slogans repeated and produced the collective belief of
the affinity between the good of the people and the land of the ancestors. As Mobutu explains
in an interview, his vision was for the politics of the Second Republic to reconnect the
population to their heritage: “Since Zairianisation, and thanks to radicalisation, everything is
in our hands. In other words, we have command of our economy. We are masters of the soil
and subsoil of our ancestors” (Mobutu Sese Seko, in Zoppelletto, 2015, TC 24.34).206 The
statement reveals that there is a very fine connection between nature, the heritage of Zairians,
and the MPR pushing for its exploitation, and what is claimed to be emancipation through an
authentic modernity. The long takes of men working at the rubber factory, or men in blue
overalls getting into an elevator to go into the dark depths of the mines, visually embody the
Party’s slogans and laud the labourer. In a communication with the labourer as its focus, there
are clear echoes and similarities of the socialist realism of the Soviet Union and the People’s
Republic of China, and it is valuable to briefly look at how these have an impact on the Zairian
film.
Labourers at the rubber factory, Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek.
206
Translation by SUB-ti. Original interview text: “Depuis la zaïrianisation d’abords en suite au mesures de la
radicalisation, tout est entre nos mains. C’est-à-dire en claire, nous maîtrisons notre économie. Nous sommes les
maîtres du sol et du sous-sol de nos ancêtres”
187
There is no empirical evidence of Mobutu viewing different Chinese documentary productions,
the only knowledge, both in literature and the interviews carried out in Kinshasa, is that How
Yukong Moved the Mountains was the film used as an outline for Salongo. As the film was
directed by the Dutch director, Joris Ivens, and his wife, the French director, Marceline
Loridan, it may not be possible to make a direct comparison with notions of Chinese national
film and the Zairian counterpart, which aimed to be a national production. As the French film
was made with a Chinese crew, and was sponsored by the People’s Republic of China, what
may be of interest are the parallel concepts that can be drawn between the two centralised states
and economies regarding their views of the role and purpose of cinema as an expression of
nationalism and as a vehicle for the ideals (or over ideologies) of the governing parties. The
Chinese and Zairian productions are different in their aesthetics and narrative style, but they
present very close notions about the function of content. When Mobutu went to China in 1973,
ideas of development journalism were already in play as part of a Pan-African vision of
progress, and the cultural policies of Zaire were already indicating the necessity for active
participation by the media in the national project, nevertheless, it can be said that the trip to
China was undoubtedly significant for ‘development film’. This trip appears to have been
crucial in terms of the application of cinema culture, because it further exposed Mobutu and
his government to the ways other countries understood the function of film, so much so, that
the film was personally brought to Zaire by the President.
At the beginning of the 20th Century, China developed a film industry that followed a cultural
code of production which was modified through time, and was further explored with the advent
of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, but that followed principles and classical notions
of culture that were embedded in Chinese ideas of morality, education, and then politics (Chu,
2007). The connection between morality and education is to be found in classical Chinese
aesthetics “the Huaxia meixue, according to which art should serve the educational purpose of
teaching lunli (Confucian ethics)” (Li, 2001, p.64 cited in Chu, 2007, p.40). The relationship
between art and morality that is aspired to in the Chinese ethics is similarly explored by the
system that was put in place by the MPR, and that would see films as opportunities to seek out
and reinforce Authenticity, an ideological construction that was meant to decolonise, and “that
aimed to reclaim the dignity of the African people of Zaire by proclaiming them responsible
for their own destiny” (Ikambana, 2007, p.24). Although China had a functioning protocol for
film production, Zaire did not impose a strict, written production code or a censorship guide
188
for film.207 Instead, national Zairian filmmaking had put in place a working environment that
was not overtly restrictive but that, in practice, presented limitations by connecting funding
availability directly to filmmaking that participated in the promotion of the government’s work,
therefore informing production by utilising the understood implications, rather than the
apparent instructions. Through the interviews with the filmmakers, especially those with
Kintenda and Tshitenge, it is possible to acknowledge that, although there were restrictions in
their view, this did not affect their practice, as they were not in ethical disagreement with the
work that they were doing, because they state that they were portraying the best of the country
and all its potential. When asked if the filmmaking practice was imposed, Kintenda replied:
No, on the contrary. The work of journalist or director cannot be done if you don’t like
the job. Personally, I liked what I did. I was very committed to providing this service
to our people. Teaching people to improve their industrial production, I found it a very
noble objective. Very noble, and I gave myself very heartily, and I hope that the people
who loved agriculture at that time still benefitted from what I presented on television
at that time (Zoppelletto, 2016c).208
In response to the commissioning of films by the government and state companies, Tshitenge
replied similarly:
It was really good, because it coincided with a great time for the country, where there
was a lot of creativity. Where creators of all artistic disciplines had a voice, they created.
I mean, for example, sculptors who had participated in the creation of monuments,
sculptures that exist in the city, to embellish the country. It coincides with that. And
with the birth of television, which is a very, very, important mode of expression
(Zoppelletto, 2016d, clip 01300002).209
What is apparent from these interviews is that there is no blatant dissatisfaction, on the contrary,
but by interpreting the further responses given during the interviews, it is possible to gather
207
The publication Communication Policies in Zaire (1980) by UNESCO, a study directed by Botombele, does
not show any specific resolution with regards to film. Instead the section dedicated to cinema and television, from
p19 to p24, lists some of the colonial productions made by Zairians and names some of the films produced in
post-independence and their directors. It continues by mentioning the films produced for broadcast by RENAPEC
Regie Nationale des Productions Educative et Culturelles. It does not address what is the national code of
production.
208
My translation. Original: “Non au contraire. Le travail de journaliste comme réalisateur, si vous n’aimez pas
ce métier vous ne pouvez pas y rester. Moi personnellement, j’aimez bien ce que je faisais. J’étais tout à fait
engagé de rendre ce service là à notre population. Apprendre aux gens à améliorer leur production industrielle, je
trouvais c'était une objective très noble. Très noble et je me suis donne' de très bon cœur et j'espère que les gens
qui aime' l'agriculture à cette époque-là avait quand même tire' profit de ce que je présentai à la télévision à cette
époque-là”
209
My translation. Original: “C’était vraiment quelque chose de bien, parce que ça coïncidé avec une période
faste du pays où il y avait beaucoup de créativité. Où les créateurs de toutes les disciplines artistiques s’exprimé,
créaient. Je veux parler par exemple des sculpteurs qui avait participé à la création de monuments, des sculptures
qui existent dans la ville, pour embellir le pays. Ça coïncidé avec ce là. Et avec la naissance de la télévision, qui
est un mode d’expression très très important…”
189
that they would have liked to be able to make more films, rather than different films. Massamba
stated:
Television was at the service of the President. Here there was the editorial request to
talk about the good of the President, of everything he did. On the social level and in
terms of his power. It was necessary (Zoppelletto, 2016d, clip 01200001).210
When speaking about creative roles in terms of both creativity and expression, however,
Massamba, while explaining how a documentary was produced, recounted his experience
while filming in Brazil for RTNC, and he indicated that there was no strict censorship guide or
code, explaining that:
Sincerely, at the time I constituted my own unit, that is to say, I was cameraman and
director - because there were no directors. There was no written script. Everything was
imagined and realised spontaneously (Zoppelletto, 2016d, clip 01200001).211
The kinship between Zairian and Chinese cinema can be noted as both countries nationalised
the film industry, as well as both regarded film as being purposeful for the political regime.
Whereas Zaire did not become involved in the actual film text, in China, during the Mao era,
and especially during the Cultural Revolution, policy and explicit ideological control did not
confine itself to the scope of curating content by financing projects that were in line with Party
politics. Instead, the government addressed filmmaking through defined protocols. China’s
filmmakers adopted Lenin’s guidelines for cinema, which are captured in his speech The
Party’s View on Film, teaching that “making news and documentary films should be like
publishing the Party’s newspaper” (Chu, 2007, p.55). This core idea resonated with Mao Tze
Tung who, while similarly less involved in aspects of film form, but more in political content,
proposed in 1942 the concept of geming wenyi, revolutionary art (Chu, 2007, p.56). In this
regard, it can be argued that there is a substantial affinity between the idea of revolutionary art
and ‘development film’, as proposed by the films recovered during the course of this thesis,
due to their function of actively participating in the decolonising attempt of Congo, which is
expressed as being ‘the revolution’.
In terms of Mao Tze Tung’s vision of a cultural revolution and Mobutu’s revolutionary
Authenticity, filmmaking is viewed as a tool that can be used to communicate with the masses,
210
My translation. Original: “La télévision était au service du Président. Ici il y avait comme éditoriale parler
beaucoup du bien du Président de tout ce qu’il faisait. Sur le plan social et sur le plan de son pouvoir. Il fallait.”
211
My translation. Original: “Je vous dit que sincèrement dans ce moment-là je constitué un tout, c’est à dire
j’étais cameraman et réalisateur. Parce qu’il n’y avait pas des réalisateurs. Il n’y avait pas un texte écrit. Tout
était imaginé et réalisé spontanément”
190
not the elites. As both notions of revolution and development can be effective only when
carried by the wider population, the workers become the protagonist and the Adressat of these
films that would, in turn, support the government’s ideals. Chinese documentary film was not
about the bourgeoisie but, by portraying the worker and peasant as a protagonist,
documentaries could be used to influence or re-educate the bourgeoisie by teaching them about
the “massive participation of workers, peasants and soldiers in the revolution under the
leadership of Communists” (Chu, 2007, p.56), a feature that is present also in How Yukong
Moved the Mountains, a film that enthusiastically embraced the supposed ideals of the Cultural
Revolution. Similarly, Salongo’s focus is on the people, the citoyens, who are shown working
for the revolution, but the Zairian depiction of labour is created with images that show workers
and farmers working side by side with the elites because, under the policy of Salongo, everyone
without exception was to contribute to the upkeep and development of the country. The film
appears to want to reconcile the classes, and not to show one as being morally superior to the
other, but both as being engaged in constructing an indigenous economy and culture. The use
of a realistic medium, such as the documentary film, can therefore convey a compelling
narrative and theme by combining the imagery of the worker with the strength of the
documentary form, which is supposed to be perceived by the audience as being simultaneously
truthful and aspirational.
Weaving together the ideals of Authenticity, Mobutu’s policy of Salongo, as portrayed by the
film, aims to reflect a truly African, and particularly Zairian, ethical code of conduct, which
puts the community before the individual, in a manner like that of the aforementioned ‘African
show’ (Kalapanga Gazungil and Peraya, 1984, pp.103–107). The worker in Salongo, and all
the people gathered to clean up the country, as well as the dancers in animation, who belong
to the workers’ union of the MPR, form the visual representation of the nation. A nation in
development through the spirit of Authenticity and in the action of Salongo, which not only
unites the classes, but also all the tribes, as examined earlier. To read these expressions in their
context it is useful to look at how they fit into an African understanding of society. Kasoma
explains that the traditional values of social cohesion are at the core of African ethics (Kasoma,
1996, pp.93–116). By proposing a “society-centred media morality”, Kasoma discusses the
value of communication media that are founded on the principles of “Afriethics” (Kasoma,
1996, p.93). Kasoma warns against the dominion of a regime over its country’s media, which
may fit the case of Zaire, with its authoritarian rule, but it exposes the African origin of a
community centred morality. Kasoma encourages journalists to behave according to African
191
principles of morality which benefit the wider community, rather than the single person or
institution; his work was to define a way that would enable African journalism not to follow
the journalistic examples from the North, but to find its rationale in African ethics. I look at
this work in order to understand the African traditional meanings and ethical paradigms that
are explored within this Zairian film. I argue that aspects of African morality which are
identified by Kasoma are captured and utilised by Salongo to galvanise Party alliance.
By reading Salongo through the lens of Afriethics, it is possible to see how ‘development film’
is a Zairian filmic expression, and although it may share some ideas with socialist-centrist film,
or with Chinese socialist realism, the film’s strategy can be considered authentic, as pertaining
to the specific ideas of Authenticity, which claim to connect the people of Zaire to the land of
their ancestors through their original way of life and morality. Kasoma indicates, as the
foundation of African ethics, an indissoluble bond between the people of Africa and their
heritage. “The basis of morality in African society is the fulfilment of obligations to kinspeople,
both living and dead” (Kasoma, 1996, p.107). Understanding the sense of community in an
African context, means taking into account its spiritual aspects, which include the wishes of
the dead in the decision making of the present. As discussed earlier in this chapter, there is the
spirituality of the fetish, passed on to the Chief, as the guardian of his people, and the spiritual
world that is shared by all people and the dead. “The living and the dead all share one world –
the world of the living-dead or dead-living – in which they also share one life and one vital
force” (Kasoma, 1996, p.102). As a result of this spiritual aspect, the community transcends
the visible world and incorporates an invisible dimension, like the fetish, which is deeply felt
and is passed on as a cultural trait and belief system which has an impact on the visible world
that we inhabit.
What the dead do or not do can have a telling effect on the living. The evil spirits (bad
dead people), for example, have the power and influence to haunt those among the
living against whom they have a grudge by generally making life difficult for them.
The good spirits, on the other hand, have the ability and the power to protect the living
from problems which come with life’s vicissitudes or are deliberately planted on them
by evil living people or spirits (Kasoma, 1996, p.102).
The moral obligation towards the dead, and a continuum of their existence into the sphere of
the living, is put forward in Salongo as part of the discourse for development. Whilst Salongo
was embedded with the political notions of the MPR, at the same time, it promotes the
revaluation and importance of pre-colonial ethics, as part of the discourse of dignity for the
Zairian heritage. In different sequences of the film, both in the speeches and the songs of
192
animation, there is a reminder of the value of the development work that is carried out by the
people, especially in the relation that this work has with the dead, the ancestors. The following
two examples expose this fabric of African ethics as being central to the understanding of
morality, and promote this relationship as central to the reasons why the people should work
and engage in free communal labour in order to develop the nation. The first comes from a
speech in which the speaker addresses the firm spiritual connection between the Chief, Mobutu,
and the dead: “My fellow citizens, my/our speeches to you in all our rallies are not our own
speeches, they purely are Mobutu’s; they are the words of our ancestors” (Kwami, 1974, TC
01.18.16). 212 These words of the Party’s representative set out to state that Mobutu speaks on
behalf of the ancestors, cautioning the population that their behaviour should not be in
opposition to the words of the dead.
The second example is expressed by an animation song that is used as the soundtrack for a
long sequence showing people planting seeds in what seems to be an orchard, which then
continues with generic views of people working in line on a field. During this sequence. the
voice-over narration explains that development and growth are only possible through the
communal work of Salongo, and not through the ways of the past when the country was
exploited by the foreigners (Kwami, 1974). The song, the name of which remains unknown, is
at times more prominent during the sequence, and in others only the instrumentation is
perceptible, but it gives the idea that all the workers in the sequence are working to its rhythm
and lyrics:
Ba Zairoises, ba Zairois, ye ye Salongo,
Zairian women, Zairian men, Salongo,
Ye ye tolanda, Tata Mobutu akati elanga e
Let’s follow the example of our father Mobutu, who engaged in the agriculture.
Na Zaire, Sese, Mokonzi, abongisela mboka ya ba nkoko ye ye
In Zaire, it is Sese the leader; the builder of the country of our ancestors.
Abimisa libota ya MPR, ye ye Mokonzi e
He created the family of MPR, ye ye Chief.
Na Zaire ye ye, Salongo
In Zaire, Salongo.
Mosala ba nkoko batika bilanga
That is our heritage, agriculture.
Tozongela Nzela bankoko batika ye ye
Let us go back to our ancestors’ heritage
Bilanga e
212
Translation by Makana Kitiana. Original speech: “Bandeko na nga, maloba nalobaka, maloba nazali koloba,
maloba tolobaka na ba meetings ezali na biso te, ezali maloba ya Mobutu ye moko, ezali maloba ya ba nkoko”
193
Agriculture.
Mosala ya Salongo, Equateur bazali liboso
In the work of Salongo, Equateur you are ahead.
Baloni pondu na loso, masangu na nguba, biteku-teku, kuanga na makemba, boyoki e
They produced cassava leaves and rice, maize and peanuts, biteku-teku (greens),
chikuangue and plantains, did you hear that?
Cotton ya kosala bilamba, cafe, Salongo, nyonso tout Equateur asali, keba!
Cotton to make clothes, coffee, and basically everything, Salongo, Equateur has done
it. Just be warned!
Tata Mobutu ye ye, avancez, kolemba te
Father Mobutu, go forward, do not get tired
Kolemba te kobingisa mboka ba nkoko batika , avancez
Do not give up building the country our ancestors have left to us, go forward”
(Kwami, 1974, TC 02.15.17).213
These lyrics perpetuate an iconography of Mobutu who, respectful of the ancestors, is capable
of awakening the nation and guiding the labourer towards the wishes of the dead. This song of
animation interprets the image of workers engaged in Salongo for the nation as a coronation
of tradition, Authenticity and ultimate spirituality, because it fulfils the harmonious
cohabitation of the living and the dead in this world and, more precisely, in Zaire.
Mobutu waving the carved cane, the fetish. Salongo (1974) Copyright Cinematek.
213
Translation by Makana Kitiana
194
5.4 Conclusion
This film represents a ‘film event’, in which the policy of Salongo had been announced in the
previous year and it had to be demonstrated that it was effective, and its importance for the
unity of the Zairian nation and the path of Authenticity had to be affirmed. The Anlass of the
film, whose Adressat were all the tribes of Zaire, were called to participate in this by the
different languages in which songs are sung in the film, and this was participation in communal
work. Salongo defines the features of ‘development filmmaking’ by presenting, in its narrative
and form, the important themes that contributed to an attempt at decolonisation through the
ideology of Authenticity. Within these themes there is the relationship between the people of
Zaire and the land of the ancestors, the multi-tribal country perceived as being the one people
of Zaire, and the acceptance and adhesion to traditional governance by the Chief.
‘Development film’, as a mode of filmmaking, presents, in the example of Salongo, a
documentary structure that is embedded in the context of ‘African show’ displayed in the
community scenes of Salongo and animation. Dance, and the practice of animation, stimulate
participation in ancient rituals that have been re-appropriated in celebration of the Second
Republic and Mobutu, in order to confer on him the role of Chief and to entitle him to continue
in this role. This is a role that not only becomes personal and familiar to the citizens through
the father figure waving the cane, but also that which awakens the labourer who is shown as
being the finest expression of Zaire.
195
CHAPTER 6
LA COMPAGNIE MARITIME ZAÏROISE214
and GECAMINES - LA VOLONTÉ DE REUSSIR215
Zairian industrial modernity
...the Gecamines company has become the biggest family business in the world; it’s the
property of the great Zairese family, the jewel of our revolution...
(Mobutu Sese Seko and Remilleux, 1989, p.134)
6.0 Introduction
This chapter analyses the films La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise and Gecamines - La Volonté
De Réussir, which were originally found at the Umatic library of RTNC. They were then copied
from Umatic onto two VHS tapes, which were then digitised at the University of Westminster.
The films will be explored to trace their production, in terms of being considered to be
‘development films’, and to assert their function in the construction of Zaire. Conceptually, the
notion of ‘development’, in the Zairian context, is closely linked to the re-appropriation of
one’s costume, as conceived in the ideology of Authenticity and its practices. The framing of
Authenticity, and its legitimacy through film, are then twofold, in their re-invention of tradition
as cultural development and its expression through modernity and economic development,
which are captured by both films. In explanation of the importance of creating the image of the
Zairian that is projected in the industrial future, it will firstly be valuable to further explore how
the reinvention of the past is intrinsically connected to it.
214
215
The Zairian Shipping Company
Gecamines - The Will to Succeed
196
As has been seen in the previous chapters, the reinvention, which also constructed the idea of
national identity, is formed either by attempting to bypass or by eradicating the colonial
experience. Evidence for this can be found in the imposition of ‘returning’ to the use of
authentic names. We can observe the cultural shift in the obligation to change one’s names
from Christian, and therefore European colonial names, to traditional Bantu names. With this
policy, we can interpret the return to the Bantu name as being an element in looking back to
one’s traditions before the colonial experience. By disclaiming colonial names, history is
annulled, resulting in the impression of authentic development that is projected to the future,
which the government simulated with the term postnom, an authentic Zairian invention. With
a declaration of the repudiation of the past, Mobutu announced that “the names and monuments
of the colonial period were to disappear before the 1st January, 1972” (Ndaywel è Nziem, 1998,
p.102).216 After being criticised by the Belgian press for this decision, Mobutu responded by
extending the renaming to the personal names of the citoyens, and he did this by imposing a
formal mandate on the 15th February of that same year: “Every Zairian woman and Zairian man
(from that day) had to have Zairian names, and was obliged to add to the names he had always
borne, one or more of his ancestors’ names” (Ibid, p.103).217 A law introduced on the 30th
August, 1972, recommended218 criminal sanctions for priests or pastors who would baptise
members of their congregation with foreign, non-Zairian names. The addition of ancestors’
names called for a new authentic category to reflect the addition of one’s heritage and, to this
end, the Second Republic introduced the Zairian term postnom (Ndaywel è Nziem, 1998,
pp.102-103). In effect, the postnom functions as a reinterpretation of the middle name,
expressed with an invented French word and, in so doing, it further demonstrates the
contradictions and reinventions of a unique identity that was constructed to express a pure
authenticity, but faced the challenges brought by language that can span an entire ‘nation’,
which is still defined by its colonial history. Despite the fall of Mobutu’s regime, the Zairian
peculiarity of the postnom is still in place, and is a formal category in Congolese passports.
This self-professed cultural revolution, which aimed to obliterate any trace of the colonial
experience, was clearly unattainable, but we can read the imposition of an institutional Zairian
216
My translation. Original text: “les noms et les monuments de la période coloniale devaient disparaître avant
le 1er janvier 1972”
217
My translation. Original text: “ Toute Zaïroise et tout Zaïrois (à dater de ce jour-là), devait porter des noms
typiquement zaïrois, et était tenu d’ajouter aux noms qu’il avait toujours portés, un ou plusieurs autres de ses
ancêtres”
218
The original summary reported by Ndaywel è Nziem explains the law suggested criminal sanctions but did
not specify that they were made mandatory
197
identity as an attempt by the government to indoctrinate the country into thinking, not in terms
of a postcolonial condition, but to perceive everything in Zairian terms, from the name, which
is the most personal trait of one’s identity, to the communal vision of a national Zairian identity
The formation of the ideology is, then, pervasive, as it filters from the government buildings
into the person’s private sphere, the person is then interpellated to think in ideological terms.
The cultural development that was promoted by the Second Republic was intrinsically linked
to the economic development of the country, and its film production expressed in ‘development
film’ is a reflection of this. The primary focus of such filmmaking was the economy and,
secondly, the healthcare system, as illustrated in films like N’Gambo, and the documentary
Gbadolite, Un Example, Comme Toujours (Gbadolite, an Example As Always),219 the only
known existing copy of the latter is held at the Cinematek in Brussels. Within the economic
domain, the country’s primary resources were the chief interest of the government, along with
the opportunity to showcase them favourably. This focus is a continuation of the discourse of
Zaire’s true heritage, which is expressed in terms of the richness of its nature, and it positions
Zairians as the guardians of its wealth, of the soil and in its subsoil, as articulated in films like
Sanctuaires Naturels du Zaire, and further developed in Salongo. It can also be argued that the
discourse that combines economic development with heritage was one of the strategies Mobutu
deployed to continue to hold power. These were articulated through promoting communal work
and by cementing the special relationship that the population were encouraged to believe he
had with the ancestors, who were invested in his status as Chief of all Chiefs in an organisation
that can be advanced as being common to African customs:
The organizational structure of traditional societies was based on kinship and ancestry.
The primary mission of political power was the survival of the group as an economic,
spiritual, political, and military unit (Ikambana, 2007, p.14)
The reinterpretation of the structure by Mobutu gave rise to what has been referred to as
‘patrimonialism’ and as a centralisation of power.220 By nationalising private companies
through Zairianisation in 1973, power was centralised and entrusted to the political elite. As
explained by Tshitenge, after Zairianisation, the majority of films made were those
commissioned by singular state companies and produced by the RTNC, later called La Cité de
la Voix du Zaïre (Zoppelletto, 2016d). Amongst these productions, which are referred to as
219
My title translation
Further reading on ‘patrimonialism’: Rethinking Patimonialism and Neopatrimonialism in Africa (Pitcher,
Moran and Johnson, 2009)
220
198
“commissioned documentaries”221 by Tshitenge, I was able to find: La Compagnie Maritime
Zaïroise produced in 1975, and Gecamines - La volonté de reussir in the RTNC Umatic library.
The latter film did not have any information on its production date but, after examination, I
estimate that it was made between 1986 and 1988 (Mabolia, 2018). As discussed in Chapter 3,
the Umatic library does not have an official archive register that is available for consultation,
and the film itself does not mention any date. As with the 16mm films, viewing the material
would enable identification and classification. In the footage I recognised Mr Yenga Mabolia,
who appears in the generic interior views of the Gecamines London office at the London Metal
Exchange. Mabolia could not remember the exact year of filming, but he confirmed that he
held his position as Gecamines’ UK Branch Manager in London for two years, starting in
1986.
The two productions, although they are cinematic expressions of the political ideology of the
MPR, do not implement the narrative structure and canons that are present in the television
productions of the time or in the celebratory film Salongo, which rely heavily on slogans and
animation.222 The two documentaries are also different to each other, not the least because a
decade had passed between the productions but, primarily, because of their specific narrative
choices and aesthetics. To examine these films and understand how they contribute to the
overall idea of being ‘development films’, the chapter is divided in two main parts: the first is
dedicated to La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise. with a section ‘Film Data and Synopsis’ to
provide sufficient technical information and to have a contextual basis on which to position the
arguments that are proposed by the analysis. This is followed by ‘The militant company’ a
section within which the ways in which Zairanisation had engaged public companies in order
to represent modern Zaire and had utilised modernity as a spectacle with which to promote
development through the MPR. The second section is focused on Gecamines - La Volonté de
Réussir, beginning again with ‘Film Data and Synopsis’ and this is then followed by the
analytical section ‘Inserting the omitted protagonist of modern History’. This section looks at
the ways in which the film draws on a narrative of world history to establish Gecamines on the
global scene, and to re-appropriate a Zairian element through its signification of geological
wealth and the consequences of Zairian’s labour.
221
Refer to Chapter 3
The films do not use animation as a storytelling device but there is in each film one example of animation.
In La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise a group of ladies dance in the style of animation on the ship in a sequence
that shows different evening activities. In Gecamines there is one short scene of a gathering with animation from
a group in traditional wear, but it is part of a sequence where many different leisure activities are displayed.
222
199
6.1 Film data and synopsis La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise
Film Title: La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise
Year of Production: 1975
Format: Umatic
Duration: 31’41”
Producer: La Voix du Zaire, Tele-Zaire-C.M.Z.
Scriptwriter: not known
Director: Hemedi Mwanamboyo
The opening sequence begins with a man standing on a cliff overlooking the harbour at Matadi.
The voice-over narration is spoken over a Congolese Rumba soundtrack, which accompanies
most of the film, and introduces the viewer to the port. The voice-over narration begins by
presenting essential information, such as the geographic location of the harbour and the
significance to a nation of having a national commercial and mercantile fleet. Images of the
port and a montage clearly drawn from archival shots introduce the landmarks of the national
shipping company, Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise or CMZ. The various acquisitions of ships
for the fleet are listed by the year they were commissioned, along with details of which country
and shipyard had built them. The last ship introduced in detail is MS Lumumba, the sequence
includes images of its launch, in which it is possible to see that Mobutu presided. This short
introduction is followed by the opening titles, which are of images of the sea with large graphics
for the credits.223
After the introduction and credits, it is possible to divide the film into three main parts which
follow the visual and temporal narrative of the trip of both the mixed cargo and the passenger
ship, the MS Kananga, from its base in the port of Matadi, Zaire, to its final destination in
Antwerp. The first part gives an overall explanation of the headquarters and the formation of
the legislation that permits the company’s vessels to travel internationally. During this section,
the voice-over narration explains the state’s ownership of the company, the professional and
political role of the company’s managing director, and also shows an assembly of the youth
workers’ union.224
223
The beginning introduction followed by the opening credits is a style conforming to a television
documentary format of the time.
224
My Translation. Original text: “jeunesse ouvrière”
200
Members of the workers’ union on the Kananga. La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise (1975) Copyright RTNC.
From this set up in its homeland, the ship starts its navigation, thus marking the second part of
the narrative. With the graphic contribution of a map, the voice-over narration explains the
various shipping routes of the CMZ; from Zaire to the Americas via the Gulf of Mexico, Zaire
to the Far East, including Hong Kong and Japan, to Northern Europe via Antwerp and, finally,
the route from Zaire to the Mediterranean via Marseille and the Italian harbours. Once at sea,
the onboard footage and voice-over narration attempt to evoke the experience of the trip.
Although the point of view is not given through a first-person narration and has connotations
of a polished commercial film, the viewer sees life on-board. Footage from the bridge towards
the sea and footage of the ship’s amenities, as well as its engine and control rooms, show the
viewer the greatness of the ship and what passengers and crew do during the voyage. This
second part of the film also includes the welcoming of passengers on-board and the comfort in
which they travel.
The portrayal and description of life on-board is exhaustive in explaining the work and duties
of the important crew categories on the ship. The viewer is shown various work situations,
amongst which feature: the constant polishing and painting of the maintenance team, the work
of the radio operator, which the narration notes is subject to an irregular schedule, the infirmary
and the tasks of doctors and nurses who sometimes have to deal with passengers who have
been affected by illness caused by the open sea. The Captain is first shown in his office in his
201
cabin and, later, with elegantly dressed guests and officers at the captain’s cocktail party, a gala
evening that takes place four times during the eleven-day cruise. Captain Lelo’s synced
interview is used twice, at first as a more personal record of impressions of his work tasks, and
then to chronicle his career, in which he gives a detailed account of his experience.
The third part is dedicated to the maritime industry, the professional training, the opportunities
offered by the CMZ and the presence of the company abroad. As the ship completes its journey
and arrives at the Port of Antwerp, the narration discusses the costs of visiting ports and
explains the importance of having a representative office in such a location, to carry out not
only administrative duties but also to provide family and professional assistance to its
employees and those on a training scholarship. These explanations are edited with images of
Antwerp’s port making it appear that they have very grand and modern looking offices where
a secretary is attending to Zairian employees at a meeting. As the voice-over narrates the role
of CMZ abroad, the segment finishes abruptly indicating the end of the VHS. The second VHS
made by RTNC seems to carry the rest of the film, but there are only a couple of general views
from the ship at sea followed by the closing titles. The continuation of the film on a different
VHS tape does not permit us to know whether there is a segment missing, and this is a
significant possibility as the person carrying out the transcoding could have lost part of the film
when exchanging the recorded VHS for a new one.
6.2 The militant company
The call for militancy that is present in the MPR’s rhetoric meant that companies had to actively
engage in the political and ideological life of the country.225 The film La Compagnie Maritime
Zaïroise actively responds to this call by showing the company’s engagement with the national
ideology and, in this sense, it represents a ‘film event’ for Zairian filmography, in which, as in
the Elsaesser classification:
the event has its own temporal and spatial coherence, but as a process and usually tied
to a site; an event is linked to a time structure not as a continuum like narrative, but as
a pulse, intermittent and shaped by intervals (Elsaesser, 2014, p.32).
225
The call for militancy was present especially in the TV show “la demi heure du militant” which can be
translated into “the militant’s half hour” (Langellier, 2017, p.226)
202
It can be argued that this ‘film event’ represents a specific response that is conditioned by the
temporal and spatial coherence afforded by Zaire. In this context it is possible to see how the
film introduces its protagonist, the Zairian vessel, as an icon of emancipation for the country,
with this presentation in the voice-over: “The MS Kananga, a CMZ mixed cargo ship, is a giant
of the sea” (Hemedi, 1975, TC 20.21).226 It further articulates this knowledge of the vessel’s
impact and as a model of emancipation, thanks to its twofold contribution to the country.
Firstly, this contribution is seen through its role in the industrial and economic development of
the country and, then, the second input, its purpose as the forerunner of social progress due to
its symbolic value, as the film itself seeks to demonstrate. The script, delivered mainly through
a voice-over narration with the addition of interviews and soundbites, is very direct in pointing
out these roles. Additionally, the script is sustained by the imagery, which serves as visual
proof of the ship’s role as a signifier of modernity by situating it in enthralling settings and as
part of a process of modern industry, by showing equipment such as cranes, containers, and its
arrival at a massive commercial port. The film is edited with a soundtrack of modern Congolese
Rumba, with the exception of a few scenes that deliver a more experiential view of the ship, in
which the images of the working environments and technical operations are edited solely with
the accompaniment of ambient sound. These passages, which attempt to evoke an unfiltered
reality, without commentary, let the viewer appreciate the soundscape of industrial modernity,
such as radio frequencies, the noises of machinery being activated, and the voices of the officers
in charge giving commands to their crew.
The script implies from the beginning that the “sea giant”, this leviathan ship, is firstly an
economic giant, and it therefore continues to reiterate the idea that the CMZ represents
economic development and national independence. The film starts this immediately by
appraising the role of the port of Matadi, not only as benefitting the country and representing
an accomplishment for Zaire, but as a Zairian establishment of global significance:
Most of the production, equipment and consumption that contribute to the development
of Zaire arrives by sea. This double vocation makes Matadi one of the most important
harbours of the world, especially when considering the number and diversity of ships
that throw their anchor there. Among all these vessels there are those of the CMZ, the
Zairian Maritime Company (Hemedi, 1975, TC01.02). 227
226
My translation. Original text: “MS Kananga cargo mix de la CMZ est un géant de mer”
My translation. Original script: “La majeure partie de bien de production et équipement et consommation
qui participent au développement du Zaïre arrivent par voix de mer. Cette double vocation fait de Matadi un
port de plus importants du monde surtout si on le considère le nombre et la diversité de navires qui jettent
227
203
This declaration aims to shift perceptions. Instead of presenting a pre-independence image of
the country, and aspiring to have the facilities that are available to other economies, the script
acknowledges the value of the country’s assets, such as Matadi, and gives it a prominent role
as a desirable partner, a gateway for other countries’ commerce. With this portrayal, Zaire
represents itself as being on a par with the rest of the world, and so the film establishes it as a
competitive economy. Putting forward a discourse of decolonisation, the film then further
interprets freedom of trade and economic expansion under a Zairian flag as signifiers of its
independence and, furthermore, of its sovereignty. The voice-over narration continues to
explain:
The reasons for a country to have a national fleet are usually grounded in economic
independence. An economically independent country must know how to safeguard its
prestige and sovereignty. For this purpose, a national merchant fleet is also an attribute
of absolute sovereignty (Hemedi, 1975, TC 01.02.)228
The merchant fleet, and therefore the role of CMZ, a state-owned company, is represented as
being to the fore in establishing sovereignty for Zaire, meaning that the film advances not only
an industrial role but also a political one for the company. As such, the company’s filmic
discourse, made in association with Tele-Zaire, constructs its activist, militant role. The script
can be read as an indication of the synergy between the television company and the filmmaker
who are engaging in a ‘development film’, a film enabled by the company; CMZ appears to
want to be portrayed as being in full cooperation with the government’s ideals by highlighting
the political contribution that is made by the people on-board. The voice-over narration tells
the audience that the managing director has a political role in the company and, on-board, the
Captain of the ship is the President of the Party chapter. The youth workers’ union is shown
during what seems to be an assembly; there is no use of ambient sound, nor of sound bites from
the meeting, and the sequence is explained through the film’s voice-over commentary:
Here we see the workers’ youth committee of the MPR. As they are all members of the
Popular Movement of the Revolution, it is normal for the employees of the CMZ to
have access to loyal activists at the heart of the company. This political party cell is a
working tool put at the disposal of the Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise, in order to
l’ancre. Parmi ces navires ceux de la CMZ la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise.”
228
My translation. Original script: “Les raisons pour un pays d’avoir une flotte nationale sont généralement fonde
par l’Independence économique. Un pays économiquement indépendant doit savoir sauvegarder son prestige et
sa souveraineté. A cet effet une flotte marchande nationale est aussi un attribut de la souveraineté absolue”
204
contribute to the conscientisation229 of the working masses to re-enact the spirit of
Mobutism (Hemedi, 1975, TC04.55 -05.20). 230
Drawing on the same ideas, the ship’s Captain reiterates this role later in the film in one of his
statements about political involvement. Sitting in his office on a stylish leather, upholstered
chair and in his white uniform, and beside the portrait of Mobutu, the Captain is relaxed and
he comfortably declares:
I know that I contribute to the economy and the emancipation of this country. As
Chairman of the MPR chapter of this vessel, I am very happy and very satisfied with
my career (Hemedi, 1975, TC19.25) 231
The pose and the words spoken by the Captain depict an ascent to success and personal
satisfaction that are intrinsically linked to the choice of adhesion to the MPR and Mobutism.232
The mise en scène communicates an aesthetic of accomplishment, befitting a man who claims
to be actively involved in building the nation. The position of prestige and command are
defined by the uniform and the Captain’s pose against the background of a modern and elegant
office offering all comforts. Whilst showcasing the Captain’s personal achievements, the film
uses his speech to show that the Captain is aware of the origin of this emancipation is the MPR
especially as he is sitting by the portrait of President Mobutu.
The spectacle of modernity and comfort used by the film to evoke development is present in
different filming locations of the ship, not only within the Captain’s office, these are
highlighted also in the display of the luxury cabins and the ship’s dining room and salon where
the gala evening takes place. These are the most emphatic manifestations of a commercial
approach in showing an established wealth on board the MS Kananga, encapsulating Zaire via
a metonymy. Zaire representing the ideology of Authenticity and decolonisation, is
contextualised to show that political activism results in decolonisation. The script alludes to its
sovereignty at sea as a showcase of political action:
229
Conscientisation: “Originally in Latin America: the action or process of making others aware of political and
social conditions, especially as a precursor to challenging inequalities of treatment or opportunity; the fact of
being aware of these conditions. Origin 1960s. From conscient + -ization, after Portuguese conscientização”
(Conscientization, no date) Word used in French in the original script.
230
My translation. Original script: “Cette cellule du parti est un instrument de travail mise à la disposition de la
Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise afin de contribuer à la conscientisation des masses ouvrières à réidifier sans cesse
l’esprit du Mobutisme. Cette cellule du parti est un instrument de travail mise à la disposition de la Compagnie
Maritime Zaïroise afin de contribuer à la conscientisation des masses ouvrières à réédifier sans cesse l’esprit du
Mobutisme.”
231
My translation. Original text: “Je sais que je contribue à l'économie et à l'émancipation de ce pays. Comme
Président sectionnaire du MPR de ce navire, je suis très content et très satisfait de ma carrière”
232
Mobutism begins in 1974 and the film dates 1975
205
At the head of the crew is the long course Captain, the commander of the ship who also
ensures the functioning of the political discipline aboard this ship which remains a part
of the Republic of Zaire in perpetual move (Hemedi, 1975, TC18.52) 233
This representation of the new country, claiming to be ideologically far from the Congo that
gained independence and suffered a period of chaos for five years, aims to demonstrate that it
is a Zaire of civil order, as depicted in Election 1970 and of work and prosperity as shown in
Salongo. This ‘development film’ carries on the theme of labour by showing the lower paid
workers on the ship rewarded for their work with exceptional comfort. In a panelled and
modern dining hall, a few seamen in uniform are sitting having a coffee. Another man, an
officer, is sitting amongst them. They are all served at the table by a man in uniform, and the
voice-over explains that because their workload is heavy, they receive a very energetic diet of
three full meals a day and an obligatory coffee break. These details are not only interesting
because they may be interpreted as ostentations of abundance available to the lower level
employees, and therefore exciting for the mass, moreover these details serve as a message of
inclusion. The meals and breaks serve to demonstrate that everyone can be part of the
expansion and can participate in the creation of better living conditions created by a modernist
state. The imagery shows a cohesion of intent, and the production of the image corresponds to
the role of the filmmakers in using the medium of cinema and television itself to produce a
‘development film’.
When discussing the role of companies commissioning films, Tshitenge during the 2016
interview previously mentioned, explains that the exciting and prolific period of the economic
boom of the 1970s and the growth of the 1980s, meant that the birth of many national
companies and the development of the nation advanced together, at the same pace, and was
intrinsically linked to the development of television and the arts. Newly born, or nationalised,
companies were keen to show how they were contributing for the cultural revolution and
betterment of the country, and to that end would commission films, but this practice was not
enforced, rather, in his opinion, it was a voluntary initiative (Zoppelletto, 2016d). Reflecting
on this version of the production environment it can be said that the national companies and
those that changed ownership through Zairianisation are the Auftraggeber of ‘development
films’, as they saw their existence intrinsically linked to the nation. Further, the Anlass to
233
My translation. Original text: “A la tête de l'équipage le Capitaine au long cours est commandant du navire
veille également fonctionnement de la discipline politique à bord de ce navire qui reste une partie de la République
du Zaïre en perpétuel déplacement”
206
present their latest achievements for emancipation can be defined in a desire to show what
decolonisation looks like to the people who are stimulated with the imagery. The Adressat are
the people who, in turn, are expected to contribute to the decolonisation of
Authenticity/Zairianisation/Mobutism by continuing the ideology. The films commissioned by
state companies were an opportunity to show the country’s development through its industries
and “it was, therefore, necessary to produce a number of documentaries on these different
companies on their evolution, their operation and their future projects” (Zoppelletto, 2016b,
clip 01300002). 234 The statement resonates with adherence to the national and specific project
of decolonisation and the desire for its continuation.
The film La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise follows the structure explained by Tshitenge, as it
narrates the change from the structure of the Congolese shipping company to a Zairian shipping
company, which is now presented as a legitimate enterprise welcomed in harbours around the
world, and finally continues its narrative by looking at what the different operative cells of the
company do. To complete this structure the film’s ending should offer a review of the
company’s ambitions and its future projects, but it is not possible to confirm this as the film
available to this research finishes abruptly, possibly because of incorrect transcoding as
explained previously.
The Kananga arriving in Antwerp. La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise (1975) Copyright RTNC.
This documentary film of the CMZ, is not only of value to the regime because it carries the
discourse of party militancy and displays the material results of development that are achieved
234
My translation. Original text: “Il a fallu donc réaliser un certain nombre de documentaires sur ces différentes
sociétés sur leur évolution, sur leur fonctionnement et sur leurs projets d’avenir.”
207
through nationalistic Zairian politics and Mobutism, but its contribution is also in recording the
actions and results of this development. The film medium provides the national company with
a visual testimony of its technical and commercial progress. The world map, with arrows
leading from Zaire to all continents, and with a voice-over narration noting the fashionable and
exotic destinations of the CMZ fleet, is an iconic signifier of Zaire’s valuable international
relationships as well as signifying what has been achieved by 1975. In evaluating the industrial
significance of record and rhetoric, Vonderau and Hediger in their chapter Record, Rhetoric,
Rationalization – Industrial Organization and Film, explore the principle functions of
industrial films:
‘Record’ means that media provide industrial organizations with an institutional
memory, i.e., an archive of their operations on all levels of activity. ‘Rhetoric’ means
that media are used to induce workers and employees to share the company’s stated
goals and collaborate toward attaining those goals (Vonderau and Hediger, 2009, p.40)
Although this particular film and its record of industrial memory was lost and has resurfaced
during the process of this research, it would have served as reference to the company’s past
functioning during its periods of transformation and change. The rhetoric of the film has
multiple functions: one to stimulate employees’ collaboration as they are presented with a
successful and enticing portrayal of the company, and the second that confirms the national
ideology of decolonisation whereby the company is the representation and output of a wider
vision, which has the MPR at its centre as a generator of progress and development. The
rhetoric therefore aims to engage with the Adressat, the worker, but also the Adressat, the
citoyen, whereby the former is also the latter. The company uses rhetoric to motivate workers
and employees to attain the company’s goals but these, in the case of Zaire, were not a private
matter but, rather, a matter of the Second Republic. The company speaks to the citoyens to
show what the state company can provide in terms of technical advancement and logistics, in
other words, progress, but also speaks to the Adressat as fellow comrades of the MPR, assuring
them that the CMZ is run with the same shared ethics, and that the future of their naval
sovereignty is assured. Due to the double nature of the Adressat in Zaire, as both citizen and
party member, the rhetoric transforms industrial filmmaking into political activism.
208
6.3 Film data and synopsis Gecamines - La volonté de reussir
Film Title: Gecamines - La volonté de reussir
Year of Production: circa1986-1988
Format: Umatic
Duration: 29’
Producer: GMC Exploitation
Scriptwriter: Muteke Wa Mulamba
Director: Tshilonda Tsha Mulamba and Kwembe Kimpele
The film opens with an atmospheric sequence that idealises the labourer in the mine. The
opening image is of a group of miners, in overalls and helmets, standing in an outdoor lift
which is about to descend. As soon as the lift starts moving downwards, the image goes to
black, speckled by the lights of the miners’ torches, accompanied by sing-song music whistled
by what we may suppose is a large team of workers who are about to start their shift. The lift
descends, the camera frames the rock walls of the mine, and a citation in white graphics
appears: “If we have to cut our way in the rock, we will cut it in the rock. Mobutu Sese Seko”235
(Tshilonda and Kwebe, circa1986, TC01.35). Once reaching a dark area, where it is still
possible to see the movement of the torch lights, the rest of the opening titles appear. As some
silhouettes of miners start to become visible, we are aware that we have descended into the
depths of the Gecamines’ deposits, accompanied by the narrating voice-over, which is read by
Gerard Herold, and which begins; “History confronts some men with unpredictable
encounters” (Tshilonda and Kwebe, circa1986, TC02.42).236 From this first sentence the film
goes to an opening wide shot of the outside of the Gecamines.
The documentary film is structured around a narration of the history of the company from the
years of the Belgian colony, when it was called Union Minière du Haut Katanga, UMHK, to
its Zairian nationalisation in 1967, when it was named Générale Congolaise de Minerais, and
was referred to by its famous acronym, Gecamines. In tracing its history, the film provides a
chronicle of colonial management and a praising account of all the innovations and
modernisations achieved by the Second Republic.
235
236
My translation. Original text: “S’il faut tailler notre chemin dans le roc, nous le taillerons dans le roc”
My Translation. Original text: “L'histoire comble certains hommes des rencontres imprévisibles”
209
The narrative is divided into two parts, the first, edited with archive images and employing a
voice-over narration, explores the colonial system with emphasis on the critical role played by
the UMHK for the enriching of Belgium. Voice-over and images shape a narrative of historical
facts that permitted Belgium to generate vast wealth through exploration at the UMHK. Some
of the historical examples recounted include UMHK’s involvement in the two world wars. The
film narrates how, during the First World War, the UMHK supplied 820,000 tons of copper to
the European weapon factories and, subsequently, the company’s role during the Second World
War, when it supplied the Allied Forces with 800,000 tons of copper, cobalt and uranium.
These facts are given in a narrative that shows the UMHK, and therefore the Congolese miners,
as being active participants in world affairs. As the narration comes to the Second World War,
it stresses that, beyond the international tragedy of the war, the country was experiencing its
own tragedy with the massacre of 1941, which took place in Lubumbashi, when a group of
miners who were striking in demand of a small pay raise, were shot by the colonial
management.237 The story unfolds in voice-over narration over still images of pen drawings of
the strike, and it continues with the video contribution of a testimony of the last surviving
witness of the event, Papa Mpoy. The interview is filmed in a classic medium shot, with the
subject sitting in an exterior location, surrounded by greenery.
Miners on strike, pen drawings Gecamines - La volonté de reussir (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
237
Further reading on the treatment of Congolese miners during the Second World War Les Ouvriers Du HautKatanga pendant la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale (Banjikila, 1983, pp. 91–108)
210
The overall narrative follows a historical, chronological order, which moves from this event of
1941 to 1945. The voice-over narration resumes the theme of men meeting their destiny
through unpredictable encounters, which was launched at the beginning of the film, and
introduces the important ‘meeting’ of Albert Einstein with the mining company at the bombing
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The voice-over announces: “Albert Einstein’s famous theory
announces the era of nuclear apocalypse. The victims were Japanese, the bombs American,
the uranium suppliers were Belgian, and the minerals Zairian” (Tshilonda and Kwebe,
circa1986, TC 08.32).
238
The film then shows in succession an image and commentary
montage of archive images of the Yalta conference, the birth of the UN, and the liberation
struggles of Africa, Latin America and Asia. From these global events, the focus returns to
Congo, the formidable economic success of UMHK and the alleged support of the company
for the rebels of the Katangan secession (1960-1965), strongly implying that this support was
a Belgian effort to destabilise the newly found independence of Congo. The segment leads to
an explanation of the role played by Mobutu in requiring the UMHK to move their registered
office from Brussels to Kinshasa. The voice-over explains that the refusal by the directors of
UMHK forced Mobutu to nationalise the company in 1966. In summary, the visual narrative
of the film is constructed through a montage of repertoire images of the mining company,
archive images, sketches, still photographs, and photographs of the front pages of Belgian
newspapers. The first section of the film finishes with the image of the closing of a book
entitled UMHK.
The second section of the film looks directly at the company, which is now called Gecamines,
with a timeline spanning from the beginning of the Second Republic to the ‘present day’, circa
1986. The section is edited using images of the company, the mine, the processing plant, as
well as the facilities built for the workers from houses to recreation centres. This half of the
narrative is made up of small sequences relating to different aspects of Gecamines, including
technicians at work, miners in recreation, miners’ children at school, and a lady being examined
at the modern health clinic which is provided by the company. Amongst these, there is also a
short scene of a miner at home, sitting at the table eating with his family. The narration follows
him as he changes into his work overalls and helmet, then leaving the house on his own bicycle
238
My translation. Original text: “La fameuse théorie de Albert Einstein annonce l’ère de l’apocalypse
nucléaire. Les victimes étaient japonaises, les bombes américaines, fournisseurs d’uranium belges, minerais
zaïrois.”
211
and cheerfully going to the mine. From this familiar imagery of the workers and the expansion
carried out in Zaire both by and for the miners, the second section of the film addresses the
international ventures started by the company. This is constructed through general views of
London, followed by images of the Gecamines’ management in meetings at the Metdist Ltd
offices at the London Metal Exchange. From a trajectory highlighting the working life of the
simple miner to the international ambitions of expansion, the film finishes with a speech by
Mulenda Mbo, the company’s Délégué Générale, or General Director.
Mulenda Mbo, Gecamines - La volonté de reussir (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
The film appears to be structured to demarcate and comment on the two phases of history, the
colonial and the independent, and therefore the second part of the film, which begins with the
new Congolese ownership, is distinctively different to the first. Its narration focuses on an
intensive display of the difficulties and challenges that are faced by the company when it is
freed from foreign ownership, which is then resolved by the new management, who heroically
regenerate the company after nationalisation. The film praises the management by reinforcing
the importance of the Zairian Board of Directors, and with the narration it introduces each
‘Délégué Générale’ (General Director) since the nationalisation of the company. The
presentation of the managing directors also pays homage to the Belgian former director, who
helped to establish a Zairian Board of Directors. The last images return to the General Director
who, sitting behind his desk, is framed in a news-reader style shot in which a portrait of
President Mobutu is prominently positioned behind him on a wall, and to his left. As is
212
conventional in ‘commissioned films’, co-produced by a state company and the national
television station, the film ends with the company’s future projects and strategies. These are
delivered in the piece to camera by Mbo. The film ends with a voice-over noting the importance
of Gecamines for the people of Zaire, but also for humanity.
6.4 Inserting the omitted protagonist of modern history
During the mid-1980s the first signs of disapproval of the government started showing, with
politicians abandoning their positions and seeking refuge abroad, and a general sense that the
Second Republic was not creating the wealth it claimed for itself, but only for its Chief. From
the images and narrative techniques employed by the films discovered through this research,
there is further evidence and an understanding that the government needed the support of
‘development films’ and other media productions to maintain an ideological momentum that
was defined by the desire for decolonisation. This is attempted by projecting images of what
they promoted as remarkable achievements for the benefit and emancipation of the entire
population. In this ‘development film’, in particular, the images aimed to promote the MPR’s
vision of the nation, which establishes Zaire as a world player, not as a producer of wealth for
other international powers, but as an equal participant in international economics. At the centre
of this discourse are the mines, the country’s most coveted resource.
This discourse is articulated through a montage of archive images and a scripted narration about
the relevance of the Gecamines company in world affairs, and then by attributing the reappropriation of its value to the heroism of the country’s President, who guided the country to
victory in a corporate battle for economic independence against the Belgians. As becomes
apparent through the imagery produced by the film, the promotion of the leader through a set
form of communication can only be possible with the full support of the institutions, which is
part of the ambition of ‘development film’. This ‘development film’ can be taken as an example
of the pervasive consequence of the ideology, since it becomes a unifying bond between what
the government wants to accomplish, and the support given by all of the participants in the
national system, from the companies to the filmmakers. The fact that this film is co-produced
by national television and Gecamines, under the name GCM Exploitation, testifies once again
that state companies had a vested interest in being active promoters of the production of this
imagery. There is a very subtle difference, in the eyes of Tshitenge, about what the television
213
documentary film practice of the time tried to achieve, when he explains that the companies’
financing of films created an atmosphere of creative possibilities rather than of obligations:
there were a lot of directors who produced a lot of films, not because it was imposed
on them, but because they participated in the development of the country. They
presented a snapshot of the country in each domain. These movies were not imposed
(Zoppelletto, 2016b, Clip 01300002).239
These films that captured snapshots of the country, as defined by Tshisenge, were, however,
produced in an ideological context, and while their form and subject matter were relatively
free, they were still produced with the specific intent of supporting decolonisation, as envisaged
by the MPR. At the same time, Tshitenge differentiates these documentaries from the films
that, in his view, were imposed, such as the documentary Mobutu Bâtisseur du Pays (Mobutu
Builder of the Country) that was commissioned with “… a precise intent to sing the praises of
a prince” (Zoppelletto, 2016b, Clip 01300002).240
It can be argued that although the imposition on the filmmakers was not overtly expressed in
the film produced by and with Gecamines, the message provided by the film did not allow any
space to construct an alternative narrative through which the Party and its leader were not the
creators of all the positive changes in the country. However, from interviewing Tshitenge, what
is evident is his emphasis on a collective participation in what appeared to be a utopic project,
in other words, a true Zairian spirit transpires, in which the key element is the filmmakers’
sense of participation in the development of the country, which is at the heart of the idea of
‘development film’. A similar distinction is offered by Kintenda, of whom I asked if films
about development were a good thing, and whether filmmakers were denied a creative space
because of these films. Kintenda’s answer on the worthiness of films on development241 was
both firm and direct, and did not leave space for any interpretation: “Absolutely, absolutely”.
Nonetheless, when I further asked if some filmmakers had complained about the lack of
creative space in the film and television system of the time, Kintenda’s answer gave an
insightful distinction regarding the modes of creation:
I do not know who says that. I do not share this point of view. We had a panoply
of programmes on television. There were political broadcasts, of course, where
the Marshall was praised, but that was within a purely political context…A
239
My translation. Original text: “…il y a eu beaucoup de réalisateurs qui ont produit beaucoup de films non pas
parce que ça leur était imposé mais parce qu’il participé ainsi au développement du pays. Ils présentaient les
instantanés du pays dans chaque domaine. Ce n’était pas des films d'imposition.
240
My translation. Original text: “Ça c’était sur un bout précis de chanter la louange d’un prince.”
241
At the time of the interview in 2016 I had not yet used the concept of ‘development films’ but with the
interviewees there was already an understanding of the films we were referring to.
214
television channel has a programme schedule, and in a programme schedule
there are educational programmes, cultural programmes, entertainment
programmes, political programmes, it’s a shame, if I had known that you were
going to ask me this kind of question, I would have looked for a schedule of the
time and given you the percentage of different broadcasts. Education and culture
took as much as 80% and politics barely reached 10%, the rest was advertising.
Politics did not occupy a prominent place in the schedule of Congolese
television programmes (Zoppelletto, 2016a, Clip 01150003).242
Although Gecamines embeds, in its narrative, the effects of the politics of the nationalisation
of the country’s companies, Zairianisation, there appears to be a distinction between what is
perceived by the filmmakers to be propaganda film, which sings the praises of Mobutu, and
the films that, instead, were understood to be active participations in development and
snapshots of Zaire, the modern nation. The difference appears to be one of embracing the
ideology as a strong direction in relation to decolonisation and the acquisition of dignity for
Zaire, and the other, which is understood to be propaganda, was imposed because it was
focused on Mobutu rather than on the country’s ambitions. As it is possible to see through
Gecamines’s text, all communication on encouragement and the promise of national
development are strictly linked to the political party. As the MPR had, since 1970, become the
only vehicle of political expression in the country, national communication did not allow any
other interpretation than a tautology in which the political party creates social and economic
expansion and, in turn, these are only possible by sustaining the party’s vision. This logic of
constant promotion turns the labour force, such as that in Gecamines, or that previously
observed in La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise, into the militants of the Party. The Party proudly
affirmed this concept in the film’s script, which is read in voice-over:
At Gecamines, production is a political act and a proof of militancy, because it offers
the Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution, and the leader of the Party, the means to
reach the objectives of economic development and social welfare faster (Tshilonda
and Kwebe, circa1986, TC17.20). 243
242
My translation. Original text: “Je ne sais pas ceux qui disent cela. Moi je ne partage pas ce point de vue-là. A
la télévision nous avons une panoplie d’émission. Il y avait des émissions politiques, bien entendu ou' on faisait
l’éloge du Marechal mais là c’était dans le cadre purement politique…Mais une chaine de télévision a une grille
de programmes et dans une grille des programmes on trouve des programmes éducatifs, des programmes culturels,
des programmes de divertissement, des programmes politiques.
Donc c’est dommage, si j’avais su que vous me posé ce genre de question j’aurais carrément cherché une grille
de l’époque et vous donner le pourcentage de différentes émissions.
L’éducation et la culture prenait pratiquement plus que 80% et la politique arrivait à peine à 10%, le reste par les
émissions publicitaires. La politique n’occupait pas une place de choix dans la grille des programmes de la
télévision congolaise”
243
My translation. Original script : “A la Gécamines la production est un acte politique et une preuve de
militantisme, parce qu’elle offre au Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution et au chef du parti, les moyens
d’atteindre plus vite les objectives de développement économiques et de bien être sociale.”
215
Here, again, there is the intention to promote the continuation of public engagement and to
glorify the MPR as it is implied that its ideas are those at the source of the economic and social
revolution.
Primary school at the Gecamines mines - La volonté de reussir (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
Medical centre at the mines Gecamines - La volonté de reussir (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
216
By acknowledging the contribution of the working man, the narrative empowers the miner
whilst, at the same time, it is producing more civic militancy. The script delivers the concept
that the Zairian soil and the miner’s labour are no longer at the service of a foreign power, but
they are there for the wellbeing of all Zairians, who are now in control of an asset which the
entire world desires and needs. They are now the masters of their own economy and the
guardians of a superior and coveted value. This is how the voice over comments on the images
of the miner leaving the table, where he is eating with his family, and then going to work:
For too long, Gecamines and its workers have served foreign causes, participated in
war efforts, they ignored everything. Now, integrated into the basic cells of the Party,
the GECAMINES worker knows the reasons for his ploughing and the justification of
his efforts. He knows he works for his Party and for his country. He also knows that he
works to earn his daily bread, his bukari244, for him and for his children (Tshilonda and
Kwebe, circa1986, TC 19.47)245
The importance of the individual’s work is then projected as being substantial and meaningful,
not only for Zaire but also for humanity. The last sentence of the film’s voice over, is charged
with dramatic effect so as to link Zaire with a destiny that puts the country at the centre of
human development in the way that Authenticity claimed to aspire from its inception:
As long as there is mankind, as long as it is animated by the passion to live, the will to
survive, as long as somewhere in the world smoke will come out of the chimney of a
factory, the Gecamines will always have a reason to exist (Tshilonda and Kwebe,
circa1986, TC29.36).246
The script leads to this final dramatic message with many direct connotations of Gecamines’
importance throughout the storyline, by revisiting history, starting from the expansion of
Belgium, thanks to the mineral exploitation of the Congo, resulting in the poverty and
oppression of the Congolese population. To further express the humiliation that results from
being the objects, and not the subjects, of history, the film recalls the facts of colonial
occupation and exploitation by narrating the infamous Lubumbashi massacre: “On November
9, 1941, the colonial police fired on a crowd of black miners on strike, demanding a salary
increase of just a few pennies. War funds for all, yes. Salary compensation for blacks, no.”
244
Bukari or fu-fu: flour, corn or semolina mixture
My translation. Original script: “Pendant de trop long de temps la GECAMINES et ses travailleurs ont servi
des causes étrangères, participée a des efforts de guerres dont ils ignorées tout. Désormais intégré aux cellules de
base du parti l’ouvrier de GECAMINES connait les raisons de son labour et la justification de ses efforts. Il sait
qu’il travaille pour son parti et pour son pays. Il sait aussi qu’il travaille pour gagner son pain quotidien, son bukari
pour lui et ses enfants.”
246
My translation. Original script: “Ainsi tant que il y aura des hommes, tant qu’ils seront animés par la passion
de vivre, la volonté de survivre, tant que quelque part dans le monde une fumée s’échappera de la cheminé d’une
usine la GECAMINES gardera toujours sa raison d’exister”
245
217
(Tshilonda and Kwebe, circa1986, TC07.07).247 For historicity, and therefore legitimacy, the
story is then verified by the testimony of Papa Mpoy, who narrates the aftermath of the tragedy
and the number of colleagues who were shot. The Belgian colonial system of abuse, in the
second part of the film, is then juxtaposed with the change brought about through Zairian
ownership, which is depicted as being the result of Mobutu’s decision to confront the Belgian
owners on the 30th July, 1966, and to move the headquarters to Kinshasa with “an uncertain
and dangerous challenge, but a heroic act with incalculable consequences” (Tshilonda and
Kwebe, circa1986, TC10.20).248 The institutional tone of the voice over confers on the
President a quality of heroism.
Papa Mpoy Gecamines - La volonté de reussir. (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
As the narration develops through a classic documentary structure that culminates with a
victorious ending that claims Zaire’s consequence for the world, and it serves to affirm the
247
My translation. Original text: “ Le 9 Novembre 1941 la police coloniale tire sur une foule des mineurs noirs
en grève pour réclamer une augmentation de quelque centime. Les fonds de guerre pour tous, oui. Compensation
salarie pour les noirs, non...”
248
My translation. Original text : “Un défis incertain et dangereux, mais un acte héroïque au conséquences
incalculables”
218
positive impact of Mobutu’s leadership as reflected in a Zaire that is capable of conquering all
challenges. In part, this narrative is created by constructing a historical narrative that puts the
MPR government in a favourable light. Such is the function of one of the stories narrated in
the film, dated 1978, it directly addresses the subjugation of Congolese miners during the
colonial period, and it finds a positive outcome by explaining the newly found empowerment
and assertiveness that is derived from the policies of the Second Republic. The story is narrated
by the following voice-over:
A new challenge is launched; it is technical and political at the same time. Deserted by
almost all of its expatriate executives in the aftermath of the Second Shaba War,
severely damaged by the fighting, Gecamines was virtually paralysed. Then, out of love
for their homeland, a group of young Zairian engineers and technicians, confident in
their know-how, have achieved a real accomplishment. They will restart the Kolwezi
mining complex in two weeks. Despite the most serious studies providing for a
minimum of six months’ concordat for expatriate engineers and technicians (Tshilonda
and Kwebe, circa1986, TC12.30).249
The images used for this sequence are of the exterior complex of the Kolwezi mine, and the
interior subterranean work of the mine in which Zairian labourers symbolise the authentic
productivity for the country, they are the masters of their own subsoil. The subtext created by
the voice-over and images build on Authenticity through the display of the mineral sources as
a national heritage received from the ancestors, the labour, and the engineering brilliance of
the Zairians.
The film’s discourse is based on a formula which asserts that the Zairian people and their
government are joint producers of the wealth that will resonate internationally and bring
dignity, jobs and healthcare for all. However, this passage also deploys a language of national
pride, of a national willpower to succeed independently and, most of all, succeeding in
modernisation, communicating an opposing image to the colonial stereotypes of the Congolese
subject, where it was always used to show a worker, but never as the thinking agent of
production. The key sentiment used to bring attention to this change is willpower, which is
characterised by the Mobutism used in the opening titles of the film “If we have to cut our way
249
My translation. Original text: “Un nouveau défi est lancé, il est technique et politique à la fois. Déserté par
quasi-totalité de ses cadres expatrié au lendemain de la deuxième guerre au Shaba, gravement damagé par les
combats la Gécamines était pratiquement paralysée. C’est alors que par amour pour leur patrie, un groupe de jeune
ingénieurs et techniciens Zaïrois, confiants dans leur savoir-faire, signent un véritable exploit. Ils vont remettre
en marche en deux semaines le complexe minier de Kolwezi. Alors que les études les plus sérieuses prévoyant un
minimum de six mois avec un concordat d’ingénieurs et techniciens expatriées”.
219
into the rock, we will cut it into the rock” (Tshilonda and Kwebe, circa1986, TC01.35), 250
which was already a well-known phrase, and which is used also in the closing titles of Salongo.
The theme of willpower appears in the film at different moments, but it is indicated
immediately by the film’s tagline: La volonté de reussir (the will to succeed) and, as mentioned
in the opening titles. The significance of this reiteration of volonté is the formation of a
discourse.
The issue with nonfiction film is in its representation of ‘truth’, or ‘the real’, and in how it is
able to use images and reconstruct a verisimilitude by using referents, meaning real places,
people and interactions, but in almost inevitably constructing some kind of discourse or
narrative that organises such referents causally, logically, semantically. Gecamines takes real
people and an existing company to represent the history of the country and from them it
constructs a discourse of self-assertion, through the will power of the Zairian. Carl Platinga, in
discussing the role of the referent and the connotation of truth attached to visibility, draws upon
Colin MacCabe’s claims in Theory and Film Principles of Realism and Pleasure, which argue
that the construction of discourse gives meaning to a reality which does not signify that that
said reality is invented. On the other hand, the reality forms part of a culture in which “film
discourse is productive work, in its transformation of reality” (Platinga, 1997, p.45). Zaire’s
claims to have participated in the shaping of the world, even during the most inauspicious
chapters of history; such as the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima, to which it contributed with its
cobalt, and the World Wars and the war in Vietnam, with its copper, are not untrue. By offering
a different perspective, it switches the reading from a Eurocentric narration to a Zairian one
and, in the process, constitutes a discourse of decolonisation . The film therefore aims at
transformative action in which power, the images, and the referents are designed to affect a
change in the intended audience. The miners, and all Zairians, can feel as though they belong
to a wider history, in which Zaire is the source of all development, in which the Gecamine
chimney will be active as long as there is human life in this world. With this reading, it is
possible to discern the difference, that is expressed by both Tshitenge and Kintenda, between
films of political praise and those that are defined by this thesis as ‘development film’, which
are made to form a national sentiment of belonging and of the nation of Zaire, under the MPR’s
policies.
250
My translation. Original text: “S’il faut tailler notre chemin dans le roc, nous le taillerons dans le roc”
220
This Zairian-centric way of reading history is not problematic per se, with its claims of crucial
global importance, but the hegemony of the MPR disturbs the nature of the development media,
which should be focused instead on national emancipation, rather than political serfdom. In
reading the film with a traditional view of the Second Republic, which condemns Mobutu as
the oppressor of the freedom of all of the media in Zaire, the film changes meaning. Watching
the film through this perspective would signify that this imagery served only as further rhetoric
of a Zaire that had been awoken by Mobutu, one where all of the media were utilised to repress
the population, rather than to create socio-economic development for the country.
Development journalism, as an expression that is used to refer to a period from the 1960s to
the 1980s in African countries, has most scholars agreeing that this specific type of journalism
did not mean or involve anything other than governments co-opting the media for empty party
rhetoric:
Both as paymasters and as gatekeepers of public interest, African governments have,
almost without exception, kept the press in check…States sought to make the press
partners in nation-building and development, by harnessing its magic multiplier
capacity to inform and educate citizens in government policy and action (Nyamnjoh,
2005, p.43)
Although it may be true that the Department of National Guidance was the gatekeeper of
information by placing itself as the main commissioning body, at La Cité de la Voix du Zaïre,
it is possible to see how the government needed “to make the press partner in nationbuilding”(Nyamnjoh, 2005, p.43) in order to overcome the colonial legacy afflicting the
country. Gecamines presents images of ‘development filmmaking’, as they push for notions of
decolonisation in response to the years when the Belgian Congo was subjugated to a one-sided
reading of history. It can be argued that this very experience of colonial oppression led the
director and the editor to work towards expressing a liberated interpretation of history, in which
Zaire is the protagonist. The montage of archive images of Albert Einstein, Zaire’s mines, and
the voice-over narration over orchestral music, are meant to bring to the spectator a feeling of
legitimacy and of belonging on equal terms to a system of nations that engage in politics and
economic exchange. The clarity of the discourse around the legitimacy of Zaire in the world,
should not be obscured by the failings of the system that produced it, but should, instead, be
read as a film event of liberation against the belittling and oppression suffered at the hands of
the Belgian Colonial Empire.
The film is a production that can be situated within the ideological context of Authenticity, a
call to one’s roots, and it therefore reiterates and reproduces the guiding principles of the Zaire
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that is constructed by the government. Within the spectrum of the themes of tradition and
Authenticity, there is also, in this film, the iconography of the Chief, or the guide, in the figure
of Mobutu. The Zairian ‘spirit’ that is evoked by the film through a particular narrative
discourse and dramatization, articulates notions of heritage and a re-appropriation and further
development of resources along the ‘correct’ path of progress. Akin to the first sentences of a
fable, the film opens with an emotional evocation, a prologue about the great meetings in
history of men who changed the destiny of a country. At first, in the film, this is explained
through the crossing of the paths of Einstein and the Congo and, then, the film epically narrates
the story of a barefoot child, who was born between the World Wars and without knowing
what the future had in reserve for him, the film hints at the two: the mining giant and the African
child’s, parallel lives. Later, the film explains how the child grew up in order to save it from
the foreign hands that had exploited it during the wars. This child is, of course, Mobutu, and a
family picture shows him barefoot beside his mother and siblings, whilst the voice-over
explains:
The history of the mining giant with copper feet will result in a fight to the death, three
years into the life of this barefoot black child. But we are still in 1940. The Second
World War has just broken out (Tshilonda and Kwebe, circa1986, TC06.17).251
Later, the film explains how Mobutu fought to shift Gecamines’ managing power from
Brussels to Kinshasa. The film traces, again, an indissoluble link between the Chief and the
destiny of the country, giving rise to a Zairian spirit, as the image of the barefoot child is
understood collectively to herald a social redemption for all of the citizens that are presented
as a pre-determined prophesy, uniting not only a mythological presence in Mobutu, but also
the forthcoming rebellion of the people of Congo, who will become citoyens of Zaire.
251
My translation. Original script: “L’histoire du colosse minier aux pieds de cuivre, trois ans de chemin de cet
enfant noir au pieds nu, Il y aura une lutte à mort. Mais nous sommes encore en 1940. La Seconde Guerre
Mondiale vient d’éclater”
222
Mobutu standing on the left, next to his mother, Mama Yemo, and his siblings. Gecamines - La volonté de
reussir. (c1986) Copyright RTNC.
6.5 Conclusion
In this chapter, I have attempted to highlight how these films express, and have contributed to
the formation of Mobutism; La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise, by portraying an environment
in which personal and political life were perceived as being for the benefit of the country’s
emancipation, and Gecamines, for acknowledging Zaire as a crucial participant in world
history, something that was omitted by the colonial narrative. They are film events, for they
participated in the Zairian cultural revolution, not only in their use of Mobutisms and the
testimony of the ideology which explains the deterministic vision of the very concept, but the
films’ very production actively engages with the principles of the Zairian world in which the
citoyens were living. They served to construct the ideological world, which presented a shift in
perspective from the world as seen through a colonialist ideological lens to a Zaire-centric
viewpoint. They are films that testify to, and promote, growth, and their narrative use of
industrial modernity as the tangible proof of this success. At the same time, they are
‘development films’, because they utilise the national discourse of emancipation to stimulate
militancy and production. From the filmmakers and the companies involved in the production
223
of these documentaries, to the people then watching them, their purpose is to perpetuate and
incentivise adhesion to the nation. Although interpreted as an expression of activism,
‘development films’ also testify to the change in the perception of the country’s achievements,
which could instil and develop national confidence in the capacity of the nation to be relevant
in the world economy and its affairs.
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CONCLUSION
This research aimed to recover lost and disregarded film productions from the Democratic
Republic of Congo, ones which were associated with the period of the Second Republic (19651997), to deepen an understanding of approaches to film production taken by the government
in power, that sustained a decolonised perspective. In doing so, this thesis has highlighted the
situation of the archives in the DRC in order to document the current crisis for the national
memory as well as to serve as information that may be useful in designing an archive policy.
A prospective policy has the opportunity to establish an optimal working environment for
archivists as well as promoting access and interest of researchers and filmmakers. This research
has addressed the DRC’s difficult past by drawing attention to the intrinsic cultural value of
the film output of the country. I advocate for the rescuing and conservation of the films and
film practice and offering further insights in the question of decoloniality which were
unresolved in the struggle for decolonisation.
The research carried out in the process of archival ethnography has pointed to the relevance of
the archive and its essential role in examining the past. Gaining access to the archive and
navigating it was important in order to establish the existence of a documentary filmmaking
practice that was engaged in the nation building effort as part of a Zairian postcolonial film
practice. The film output analysed within the scope of this research has been defined as
‘development filmmaking’, or as ‘development films’. This form of filmmaking has been
evaluated in terms of its contribution to promoting notions of decolonisation and its
relationship with the political campaign of Authenticity and its later transformations through
Zairianisation and Mobutism. The thesis explores how the political reforms of the national
party affected the range of films made as Mobutu Sese Seko’s vision became a pervasive
ideology that coerced the Zairian population and the country’s filmmakers. In this sense, it is
possible to identify ‘development films’ as a Zairian national ‘product’ . This mode of
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filmmaking can be distinguished as films produced by the state-run broadcasting service La
Cité de la Voix du Zaïre (currently the RTNC), which, in documentary form present a narrative
of national unity and Zairian sovereignty through ideas of modernity, socio-economic
empowerment and cultural heritage.
These findings contribute to the understanding of Mobutu’s attempts at decolonisation which
resulted in an oppressive authoritarian government that failed to create real economic and
social sovereignty. Across Africa other ideological revolutions of African socialism took place
in the name of decolonisation, two such examples are Ujamaa in Tanzania and Nkrumaism in
Ghana.252. But as Ndlovu-Gatsheni highlights: “[d]ecolonisation did not succeed in removing
coloniality” (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013, p.11). Realisations of its failure also come from the
present status of sub-Saharan countries which are rich in natural resources and remain at the
mercy of the Global North. As current debates on decolonisation call for resolution, (NdlovuGatsheni, 2015) it is important to be informed of the past attempts and their failures.
Decolonising approaches have been revived by a new generation, such as
the ‘fallist
movements’ including the Rhodes Must Fall movement (Oxford Rhodes Must Fall Movement,
2018). These activist movements which began at the University of Cape Town in 2015 and
then expanded to University of Oxford want to look at the enablers of imperialism, knowledge
and education, to decolonise universities (ibid.) and bring attention to what Ndlovu-Gatsheni
explains as the “coloniality of knowledge…how knowledge has been used to assist imperialism
and colonialism and into how knowledge has remained Euro-American centric. Endogenous
and indigenous knowledge have been pushed to the margins of society” (Ndlovu-Gatsheni,
2015, p.11). Supporting Afrocentric knowledge of the continent’s history, through historical
documents and resources, provides a significant contribution to understanding the nation and
its history through an African gaze, in this instance through a Congolese gaze. The rise of
Mobutu and the transformation of the country into a pervasive dictatorship that manipulated
information and education through the media, should be object of analysis from a Congolese
perspective. This can be done critically through access of the material produced at the time,
‘development films’ being part of this material, as to better discern the decolonisation project
and how it changed into an oppressive system.
252
Further reading on Kwame Nkrumah’s ideology and reforms: Consciencism: philosophy and ideology for
de-colonization (Nkrumah, 1970) and The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah (Biney, 2011)
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The research brought to light the transformation and decolonising agenda of the Second
Republic, moving the country from being Congo to being Zaire through the construction of a
filmic image. The new citizen who, as illustrated throughout the research, would understand
his/her identity in terms of being a worker, a nationalist and a modernist, whilst remaining true
to the principles of his/her African ancestors. By approaching the different themes of
emancipation, from social to economic, the research has attempted to demonstrate how this
project of identification was also accomplished by the representation of the new habits,
language and citizenship shown on film. Through film analysis, it has been possible to explain
how the documentary films, digitised and restored under the scope of this research, contributed
to portraying a new people who were united and working towards a prosperous future that was
conceived in Zairian terms. Each analytical chapter has aimed to explain these moments of
change which are relevant in thinking of the films as ‘film events’ belonging to a national
media composite, Medienverbund which brought change for the nation; forming and reflecting
the ideology of the Second Republic in its decolonising mission. These ‘film events’
contributed to changing the perception and collaboration of the citizens who were called to
participate in the Zairian project, and which therefore reconciled the spectator with their own
reality as citoyens. These ‘film events’ are agents of change and are contributors to the Zairian
‘spirit’ of the people. Each ‘film event’ signals and invites the Zairian, who has been recognised
as the Adressat of all these film productions, as the interlocutor in transforming their status
from formerly being a passive person who was oppressed by the colony, to being an active
shareholder in the new postcolonial nation’s government, its politics and economy, all of which
were to be fashioned on traditional African customs.
To reflect upon their key interpretations of the new nation it is necessary to summarise the
films’ thematic approaches to the decolonisation effort. Starting with the film about the
presidential election, Election 1970, which is a ‘film event’ introducing the people of Congo,
women and men of all social classes, to the notions of voting emancipation. The film confirms
to the people of Congo the existence of a Congolese government, which abides by a system
that has been created for the new nation. The film calls for Latin vocabulary expressing the
democratic process of suffrage but, at the same time, introduces a voting practice that is
relevant and unique to the country, introducing therefore a context-specific notion of
development. The single candidate election represents the adoption of a new custom that has
been introduced based on the notions and discourse of ancient traditions, but that aspires to
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represent a trajectory of modern emancipation. Election 1970 is relevant in the historiography
of Congo and Zaire since it points to the acceptance of new traditions in the name of the
decolonising voice of the MPR, and of its advocacy for membership of the nation. Election
1970 narrates a bright future to come for those who take membership in the new nation and
entrust their future to the MPR. The Anlass, or motivation, for this ‘development film’ can be
read as the invitation to become citizens of a traditional and self-defining Congo.
From rethinking what democracy means in a newly independent country, Salongo, the next
film taken into consideration, captures the ideas of what the new nation means for a multilingual and multi-ethnic society by conferring power on one man. The film, which recreates
the terms of Chieftaincy by employing animation in its narrative, presents a new reading of the
nation, one that is based on notions of Mobutism – that is, a collection of
Africanist/development agendas advanced by President Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa
Za Banga. This third iteration of Authenticity wanted to present material and cultural wealth
through the teachings of Mobutu and the MPR, amongst which was the policy of Salongo. This
documentary feature, as a ‘film event’, clearly attempted to cement the new government into
the position of being a reflection of what the country would have been, were it not for the
colonial disruption brought by the Belgian colonial empire. By doing so, the film calls on the
people of Zaire to connect with the ancestral mores and to rethink their value as producers of
their own national wealth which, in turn, is entrusted to the Guide, President Mobutu. The
Adressat is the people of Zaire, as one collective, who are interpellated to see themselves
represented in their tribal characteristics, but in unity, advancing previous famous Mobutisms
that were consolidated into the national discourse, e.g., “Nation... Moko! Chef... Moko!
Gouvernement... Moko! Congo... Moko!” (White, 2006, p.56) meaning “One nation! One
Chief! One government! One Congo!”.
The last two films recovered during the field work at the RTNC were La Compagnie Maritime
Zaïroise and Gecamines, both produced in the context of the state and national broadcasting
company partnership as “commissioned documentaries”. These films create and assert the
connection between the Zairian private citizen and the state which, in terms of national
activism, was supposed to be mirrored. The film’s rhetoric presents national advancement at a
personal level. It portrays the people of Zaire as historical agents, not only capable but assertive
workers who were empowered by the government to achieve goals that are inherent to worldly
progress. Within this spectrum, the term ‘development films’ brings to the fore the possible
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disconnection between supporting the national ideology, which is focused on the political ideas
of the single-party system and promoting a sense of emancipation and dignity that drive the
country forward. Born of the need to communicate Authenticity, these films have captured a
moment in time when the country was led by a leader who centralised power, and filmmakers
who were in the system of cultural production that subscribed to a national project by
participating in the promotion and creation of Zaire. It seemed, at this point, that the
mobilisation was most effective.
These ‘development films’ are not defined as such because they widened party membership,
or because they developed the party agenda, but because their focus was to assist the
government in creating a national image which served to bring national cohesion, which is a
facet of development media. This has been explained in terms that were advanced for
development journalism, whose purpose was to:
awaken journalists to the new cultural imagery of nationhood… to create a new identity
which would be spiritually and culturally reconciled with new forms of economic
behaviour, new loyalties, new self-identities and citizenship (Domatob and Hall, 1983,
p.10)
The intention of the films, as clarified by the interviews with the filmmakers and the
observations made with the translator, were to participate in progress. As it is recognisable in
the listed canons of ‘development films’, such as imagery and themes of national unity, social
advancement and economic progress through industrialisation. Specifically, in Election 1970,
the process of citizenship is rendered possible by its enunciation on film. In Salongo, the
demonstrations of a rich cultural heritage are envisaged as a model for unity and progress. On
the economic and social expansions of the nation, La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise and
Gecamines introduce a state-run economic model which asks for loyalty and commitment from
the citoyens in order that it can function. What also became evident was the growing
disharmony between national filmic intentions in depicting progress in terms of the Zairian
‘spirit’, and the elites’ self- serving political strategy. This disharmony manifested itself in the
subsequent oppression of the people of Zaire by the MPR government. It reduced the
importance of the national ‘development film’ culture and, ultimately, it led to the loss and
destruction of many of the documentary films which could be identified as being Zairian
‘development films’. Accessing more films identifiable in this category, through the feature of
having been commissioned by the same Auftraggeber, the national studio and national
companies, would have assisted in relating a further defined list of canons of the ‘development
film’ genre. It is arguable that the films’ generic features were mainly expressed in
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documentary form and were entirely based on images of crowds of the people of Zaire as part
of the “African show”, as discussed in Chapter 5.
Depictions of traditional dances and
animation displays, juxtaposed to images of technical and industrial modernity, were also
common. These elements were presented by an authoritative voice-over, whose narration at
times epitomizes the reflections and hopes of the new nation. Further material, displaying the
distinctive practices of animation within the documentary aesthetic, might establish the link
between staging performance and ideological reproduction in ‘development films’ as ‘film
events’ that demonstrated a conformity between heritage and modernity.
This research thesis, in its bid to salvage as many films as possible from the dwindling national
film archive of the DRC at the RTNC, attempted to highlight the urgent need to locate and
restore historic material. Poor resources have undermined the viability of film archives across
sub-Saharan Africa. A recent report on the archival landscape in Africa (conducted by the
Goethe Institute and the International Federation Film Archives FIAF), points to the issue “that
political, official support for the preservation of the national audio-visual heritage does not
exist in many countries in Africa” (Orbanz, 2015, p.2). This is demonstrated with this research
project in the DRC. During the course of this research more film and video material in the DRC
has probably deteriorated beyond salvaging, highlighting the concerns of a disappearing
national heritage. The UNESCO Recommendation for the safeguarding and preservation of
moving images (1980) proposes a national duty towards the preservation of film in the
following statement:
[I]t is necessary for each State to take the appropriate complementary measures to
ensure the safeguarding and preservation for posterity of this particularly fragile part of
its cultural heritage, just as other forms of cultural property are safeguarded and
preserved as a source of enrichment for present and future generations (UNESCO,
Recommendation for the safeguarding and preservation of moving images, 1980)
Safeguarding the national audio-visual output and providing access to more film material,
whether in film or tape format, would present the possibility of re-addressing and restoring the
productions from the post-independence phase as valuable testimonies of the trajectory taken
by African postcolonial leaders in the context of decolonisation. In its attempt to re-frame the
significance of factual films produced during the Second Republic, this research wants to show
how these film, products of an ideology, can be used to undertake a critical evaluation of the
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works that may be still found and recovered in sub-Saharan Africa so as to give film scholars
a larger framework for the study of development media. On a research platform, this can be
significant in determining how film in newly independent countries in Africa was implicated
in bringing social change and national identification whilst responding to the cultural
negotiations brought by a foreign national language, such as French, for the former colonies,
and the lack of the countries’ own long-standing film traditions.253 The term ‘development
film’ formulates the filmmakers as being active participants in the country’s movement towards
decolonisation. The films reflect not only a cultural past, but also embody futuristic ambitions.
In this respect, the documentary and industrial nature of ‘development film’ can be a
contribution to the field of research into industrial film, in order to understand this particular
film mode in developing African through their government produced films. As recent studies
have focused on the relationship between industrial films, often classified as orphan films, and
social agency, the national identity issues that are embedded in ‘development film’ may add a
further understanding of factual film and agency for progress, especially in the African
context.254
My attempt to characterise the films as ‘development films’ is strategic, since they can be
reclassified as documentaries. It provides more scope to retrieve the films and distribute them
more widely in the contemporary era. Prior to my work, the content and format of some these
films had hitherto been unknown, decades after they were produced. My research has
recovered both their political connotations and their artistic, aesthetic and narrative values. As
addressed in Chapter 2, documentary film productions from Congo/Zaire have not been taken
into consideration as national film productions because of their political commissioners, noting
that the films’ Auftraggeber has prevented them from being recognised for their artistic value.
There is, therefore, the possibility of adding and reanalysing these and other documentary films
under the scope of ‘development films’ and within the history of African film.
The African continent has a rich legacy of films and of television footage from the early years
of independence. This work has provided ways of accessing and salvaging such ‘development
films’, which may be currently disintegrating in national film archives across Africa, or
253
Cultural production and language have been re-evaluated by prominent African thinkers and artists such as
Ngugi Wa Thiong’o (refer to Chapter 1) who refused to English and adopted Gikuyu in his post-independence
writings and Ousame Sembene’s work which included African languages (Thomas, 2002)
254
Further reading Films that Work Industrial Film and the Productivity of Media (Hediger and Vonderau, 2014)
231
orphaned in European archives. There is a crucial need for the promotion of access for the
filmmakers from the African continent, whose historic storytelling is currently invariably
attached to having resources to secure archival footage by collaborating with foreign archives
and collections. This situation inevitably means that archives in certain countries of subSaharan Africa, are not able to provide their documentary filmmakers with filmic testimonies
of their own independent past. The DRC in this regard will have to access its filmic memory
available at the Cinematek in Belgium where some national films have been deposited and
whose copyright is still uncertain. Otherwise, footage of the nation can be found at the INA
library in France, where the historic images of Congo, archived and accessible at a fee, are the
ones filmed principally by international filmmakers and journalists and therefore they mediate
the country’s image for a foreign reading.
The challenging research environment at the RTNC, where the archive has been disrupted by
voluntary human action as well as natural causes, has contributed a new historical research
methodology. As it was not possible to go through a selection process of films relevant to the
thesis’ argument but, instead, all of the accessible material was taken into consideration, the
absence of a large body of work provided a research environment which testified to the actual
impact that the lost or destroyed films had in creating nation building within the scope of the
Second Republic. The absence of a usable collection showed its value in developing Zaire
which was immediately replaced by the current name, the Democratic Republic of Congo,
which was adopted by Laurent-Désiré Kabila’s self-proclamation of presidency (17th May,
1997)255 and successively by Joseph Kabila (2001-2019). The current archive, with its gaps
and disruptions, meant paying greater attention to the testimonies of the filmmakers involved
in Zairian filmmaking, and meant being able to interpret their views uncritically.
The limitations of this study did not restrain the restoration task or the unique narrative of the
dimensions of early postcolonial film, in terms of the production circumstances and ambitions
of Zairian filmmaking. It shows limitations that were encountered, in terms of the politics of
memory. ‘Development film’ may, in the future, be a useful and complementary term for
documentary films in order to access the politics of memory and identity which have shaped
255
“Saturday the 17th May 1997, Kinshasans witness military troops of the Alliance arriving in the capital whilst
from Lubumbashi, Kabila proclaims himself ‘president of the Democratic Republic of Congo’”(Ndaywel è
Nziem, 2009, p604). My translation, original text : “C’est donc le samedi 17 mai que les Kinois assistèrent a
l’entrée des troupes de l’Alliance dans la capitale, pendant que, de Lubumbashi, Kabila se proclamait ‘président
de la République démocratique du Congo’”
232
and destroyed certain African archives, and to assist in archival reconstruction. Further, the
term ‘development film’ may be useful in understanding the impact and importance of
industrial and government film in formulating ideological discourse with the audience, as well
as in introducing a distinct genre that addresses and participates in decolonisation through
country-specific notions of politic, economic and social empowerment.
A better engagement with film archives would be to adopt a national archive policy that
conserves and protects past films as well as those made in the future. Fundamental to address
and engage with national memory is the establishment and advancement of an archive policy
for countries that are managing their media archives in challenging environments. The archive
is a source of significant study but also a living entity which needs to be accessible and
preserved for future generations without political prejudice. This requires gaining knowledge
of the current state of the archives and material available and exploit its appeal by promoting
its richness and securing its longevity through professional archival work. This research has
contributed to clarifying the nature of the material currently available about the DRC as well
as reinforcing the case for protecting the national film archives at the RTNC. The knowledge
from the research project will help promote the national film archive as a substantial source of
learning and advocate for the consideration of a preservation policy for the archives.
A national policy that preserves the archives would acknowledge the significance of the archive
as a working resource for the country, establishing it as part of a public asset and service. Of
foremost importance for a national policy for the archive will be documenting and
disseminating the policy, as a joint effort from the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of
Information which is currently responsible for the RTNC archives. As noted in Ray
Edmondson’s book Audiovisual archiving - Philosophy and principles, published by UNESCO
- Memories of the world “[a]ll archives have policies, but they are not always articulated and
documented to the same degree of detail, if they are documented at all” (Edmondson, 2016,
p.63). This issue is currently present in the DRC, the RTNC’s archives do not function in
respect to a defined and documented policy and that is why that firstly this should be made
known to the concerned authorities and institutions. Bringing to the fore a national policy
which unifies the principles of the national archives (film, video, photographic, digital, audio
etc) by disseminating its principles with appropriate documentation, would allow the national
institutions to come onboard, rectify it to comply with current technological challenges and use
it as a tool to protect and invest in archive preservation. UNESCO, along with the other
233
institutions for audio-visual archives, recommends that countries develop an archival policy
through adopting these three key areas: collection development, preservation, access and
collection management (ibid.).
Policies directing ‘collection development’ of audio-visual archives remain problematic in the
DRC. The upkeep of collections characteristically consists of selecting, acquiring, deselecting
and disposing of archive items. For a public service engaged in the physical and digital life of
the country’s archives, this means selecting and preserving memories separated from the
political nature of the party in power. The loss of knowledge about Mobutu’s Zaire and the
destruction of valuable footage during the change of regime in 1997 has affected what
constitutes the nation’s history. In this regard a national policy can articulate the parameters by
which the collection process is executed and protected.
The collection process would also be entrusted to trained archivists who can assure an ethical
process as:
audiovisual archivists have to apply individual qualitative judgments… They will be
influenced by their own artistic, technical and historical knowledge of the audiovisual
media and of their subject specialties, their personal perspective, and their practical
limitations (Edmondson, 2016, p.64)
Whilst this inevitably creates discrepancies and changes to the collection process, such
archivist could ensure and determine the conservation of national films made by national
filmmakers.
‘[P]reservation, access and collection management’ are intrinsically linked where
“[p]ermanent access is the goal of preservation: without this, preservation has no purpose
except as an end in itself”(ibid.). In endorsing and embedding a national policy of preservation
for the audio-visual material, guidelines for access to the archive would also assure filmmakers.
This relationship between filmmakers and the archive can evolve in many trajectories, for
example in research for constructing new fiction material as well as for incorporating in factual
content, or for working on mixed media arts. Accessibility to the archives by the public is also
key to the strengthening and protection of the archives.
The Fédération Internationale des Archives de Télévision / The International Federation of
Television Archives FIAT/IFTA proposes a ten-step emergency plan for endangered archives.
234
The following can serve as a protocol guideline for the RTNC in collaboration with the
Ministry of Culture and Ministry of Communication to address the imminent issues:
1. Upgrade storage conditions
o environmental conditions : film (12°, 30% humidity, air circulation), video
(18°, 35% humidity)
o separate storage for film and video material
o for film affected by the vinegar syndrome : separate storage from the rest of
the collection, separate conditioning for film and sound tapes in plastic bags
2. Create an inventory of the collections
o considering the physical condition of the material and the value of contents
o identify the most valuable parts to be preserved in priority
3. Assess the importance of the collection
4. Involve your top management in the crusade for archive preservation
5. Create a culture within the organisation that values the archive
6. Assess the most urgent training needs, and train archive managers. Provide them
with the relevant tools
7. Draw up rules/guidelines for intake/collecting the archives and access/use of the
archives
8. Make a preservation programme
9. Market the archive / lobby within the organisation and influential political officials
10. Acquire the minimum equipment that will give you technical independence
o viewing and copying equipment
o documentation software
o ensure expertise in the use of the equipment and long term maintenance
(CCAAA, no date)
These measures give a practical approach to the rescue and management of the archives but
can only be successfully implemented with the support of the government of the day. Although
all the points in this plan are worthy of discussion, two are most urgent for the DRC audiovisual archives the “upgrade of storage conditions” and addressing “training needs” are vital
to the work that needs doing. As explored in this research and thesis, films are currently stored
in decade old mouldy cardboard boxes, but could easily be rectified with moderate funds. Many
international archives stipulate in their working protocols the upgrade of storage holders.
During the upgrade stage, the cans in acceptable condition could be donated to the archive and
repurposed by the RTNC. These cans would already present a considerable improvement from
the present storage of the films and would allow the infrastructure sufficient time to provide
the funds for more and new equipment.
Addressing training needs, underlines the ways in which preservation is linked to professionals
that in future will mentor new generations of archivists. This is especially relevant for the
235
RTNC archives which are currently run by a small team of professionals who have been in that
position since the late 1970s. They have not been given any recent training without which they
are less able to devise new strategies for the archive. This in-house team has only one younger
person who has been carrying out some of the work, but is not in charge and is not officially
part of the archive team. This means that as they retire, lack of continuity will be an issue. The
Co-ordinating Council of Audiovisual Archives Associations CCAAA256 promotes a range of
professional training opportunities for archivists and collectors, such as FIAF international
“summer schools”, staff exchanges and ‘volunteers abroad’ schemes (CCAAA, 2006).
Accessibility to this training expertise may be attained especially should there be a dialogue
between the national stakeholders (Ministry of Culture and Ministry of Communication) and
the professional international bodies such as the already mentioned UNESCO, CCAAA, FIAF
and FIAT/IFTA. Such collaborations will also be fruitful to pursuing the repatriation of films
to the DRC as this requires legal expertise and logistic assistance.
The development of national conservation policies for the DRC audio-visual archive, not only
secures what remains of the visual documentary as national memory of the country, but allows
for the archives to actively be expanded. It gives contemporary filmmakers reassurances that
their work will be preserved and that their future contributions will be publicly accessed and
acknowledged by future generations. In this way, the DRC’s national audio-visual archive has
the real potential to reach many and become fully established as a location and institute that is
able to safeguard the historical knowledge of the nation.
256
The Coordinating Council of Audiovisual Archives Associations (CCAAA) was established in 1981 by the
International Federation of Film Archives (FIAF), International Federation of Television Archives (FIAT/IFTA),
International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA), International Association of Sound
Archives (IASA) and the International Council on Archives (ICA). Its mandate is to respond to UNESCO’s call
of “cooperation and coordination between organizations tasked with preserving the world's audiovisual
heritage…CCAAA is an ‘association of associations’”(CCAAA, no date)
236
APPENDIX I
TRANSCRIPT
Interview with Simon Kintenda Ki Mata, Kinshasa 20th July 2016
Clip 01150002
CZ : Pourriez-vous me dire votre nom et quel metier vous avez fait ici à la RTNC ?
SKM : Je m’appelle Kintenda ki Mata Simon. Agent retraité de la RTNC. J’avais été engagé
le premier Mars 1970, en qualité d'assistant réalisateur. Après une formation par l’État j’étais
confirmé réalisateur deux années plus tard. Depuis lors à cette époque-là on m’avait confiée la
production de quelque émission de télévision, particulièrement une émission agricole qui
s’intitulé Retour à la Terre.
CZ : Retour à la Terre, c’était une émission qui parlait de quoi ?
SKM : De l’agriculture, des problèmes agricoles.
En fait le bout principal c’était d’inviter la population à se donner aux travails de la terre. À
cette époque-là sur le plan politique le Président de la République, le Marechal Mobutu Sese
Seko avait lancé l'opération que on avait qualifié de “retour à la terre”. Il invitait toute la
population congolaise de se donner aux travaux de champs de ne pas négliger l’agriculture.
Alors nous, a' la télévision dans le cadre de la mobilisation de la population, il était tout à fait
normal que nous poussions initie des émissions qui allait dans ce domaine-là.
Et moi j'avais en charge notamment une émission agricole, comme je l'ai dit, qui s'intitule'
Retour à la Terre.
CZ : Retour à la Terre, c’était un film ou seulement des émissions ?
SKM : Nous faisons des émissions. À cette époque-là nous travaillons avec de la pellicule
16mm, alors on allait filmer, moi personnellement comme j'avais en charge une émission
agricole, j’allais dans des fermes, dans des champs, partout où il y avait une activité agricole,
j’allais solliciter de …et lorsque on m’autorisait je filmé. Comme je l’ai dit, je faisais des
émissions pour aider la population à comprendre comme on peut pratiquer telle ou telle culture.
Je faisais des émissions par exemple sur la culture du maïs pour montrer aux gens comment on
peut faire une bonne culture de maïs et obtenir un bon rendement et c’est notamment dans ce
cadre-là que je suis arrivez à réaliser une émission sur la riziculture. J’avais donc fait un film,
une émission au départ, pour apprendre aux gens comment faire un bon champ de riz.
CZ : Donc c’était une émission qui est devenu un film ?
SKM : Comme je l’ai dit nous tournions sur 16mm, des films de 16mm, et ces films le soir
selon la programmation de la chaine diffusé à la télévision.
Alors à un moment donné nous avons reçu une invitation de l’Ambassade de la République
Fédérale de l’Allemagne, parce que à l'époque il y avait deux Allemagne, l’Allemagne de l’Est
et Allemagne de l’Ouest.
La République Fédérale de l’Allemagne nous avait adressé une invitation où nous informé que
à Berlin il y avait un Festival de Films Agricoles et comme nous avions une émission qui faisait
notamment des émissions dans ce cadre agricole, ont nous avez demandé si on pouvait
participer à ce concours-là. Alors au niveau de notre service nous avons, en accord avec la
237
direction, nous avons choisi ce film Ce Riz Que J’Aime Tant. Que nous avons envoyé à ce
festival à Berlin.
CZ : Vous avez eu quelle réponse de la part de la RTNC et du ministre de l’Information après
la projection en Allemagne ?
SKM : Après la projection, à notre grande surprise, je dois d’abord préciser que je n'étais pas
parti en Allemagne. Nous avons simplement envoyée le film par le soin de l’Ambassade de la
République Fédérale d’Allemagne, alors que normalement il aurait fallu que le réalisateur
accompagne son film pour le présenter lors du festival. Ici chez nous le gouvernement n’avait
pas trouvée les fonds nécessaires pour payer les frais de voyage donc on a simplement envoyée
le film et moi-même le producteur, réalisateur je n’étais pas là. Et c’est bien après que, toujours
par le canal de l’Ambassade de la République Fédérale d’Allemagne, que nous apprendrons
que le film que nous avons envoyée au festival de Berlin avait obtenu deux prix.
Le prix d’or pour les pays en voie de développement et le prix de bronze pour l’ensemble des
pays du monde entier.
Donc on était vraiment très content et lorsque notre PDG, le Ministre avait appris cette bonne
nouvelle, à ce moment-là on m’avait payée un billet pour aller visiter la République Fédérale
d’Allemagne. Comme récompense.
Clip 01150003
CZ: Ce Riz Que J'Aime Tant est un film de quelle année?
SKM : Ce Riz Que J'Aime Tant c’est le titre exact. Au moins que ma mémoire me trahisse, je
pense que je l’avais réalisé en 1982.
CZ : Un long métrage ?
SKM : Ça faisait à peine 26 minutes.
CZ : Que pensez-vous de ce documentaire, pensez-vous qu'il avait un agenda politique?
Pensez-vous-qu’en tant que réalisateur, vous avez été engagé pour montrer le nouveau Congo
ou qu'il s'agissait d'un documentaire imposé?
SKM : Non au contraire. Le travail de journaliste comme réalisateur, si vous n’aimez pas ce
métier vous ne pouvez pas y rester. Moi personnellement, j’aimez bien ce que je faisais. J’étais
tout à fait engagé de rendre ce service là à notre population. Apprendre aux gens à améliorer
leur production industrielle, je trouvais c'était une objective très noble. Très noble et je me suis
donne' de très bon cœur et j’espère que les gens qui aimé l’agriculture à cette époque-là avait
quand même tiré profit de ce que je présentai à la télévision à cette époque-là.
CZ : Alors vous pensez que le désir de Mobutu Sese Seko de faire des films sur le
développement du pays était une bonne cause ?
SKM : Absolument, absolument madame.
CZ : Des réalisateurs disent qu’il n’y avait pas de l'espace créatif, à cause des films politique,
il fallait faire seulement des films politique. Il n’y avait pas d’espace à la créativité. C’était
comme ça pour vous aussi ?
SKM : Je ne sais pas ceux qui disent cela. Moi je ne partage pas ce point de vue-là. À la
télévision nous avons une panoplie d’émission. Il y avait des émissions politiques, bien entendu
où on faisait l’éloge du Marechal mais là c’était dans le cadre purement politique. Mais à part
cela, comme j’ai dit, nous avions. Mais une chaine de télévision a une grille de programmes et
dans une grille des programmes on trouve des programmes éducatifs, des programmes
culturels, des programmes de divertissement, des programmes politiques.
238
Donc c’est dommage, si j’avais su que vous me posé ce genre de question j’aurais carrément
cherché une grille de l’époque et vous donner le pourcentage de différentes émissions.
L’éducation et la culture prenait pratiquement plus que 80% et la politique arrivait à peine à
10%, le reste par les émissions publicitaires.
La politique n’occupait pas une place de choix dans la grille des programmes de la télévision
congolaise.
CZ : Vous étiez réalisateur de combien de films à l'époque ?
SKM : J’avais des émissions en charge, notamment celle qui nous concerne maintenant Le
Retours À La Terre. Mais à part cela, j’avais aussi une émission qui s’intitulait Le Code De La
Route. L’objectif de cette émission était d’apprendre aux citoyens le code de la route. À tous
les usage de la route, à savoir circuler normalement. Les automobilistes, les piétons comme les
cyclistes. Je ne me suis pas limité seulement à ces deux émissions, j’avais aussi en charge une
émission qui s'appelle' Nous Les Jeunes. C'était pour l'éducation et la mobilisation de notre
jeunesse. J'avais aussi parmi les émissions que j'avais animé' pendant ma carrière
professionnelle, une émission qui s'intitule' Science et Vie. Des émissions que j’avais démarré
mais qui finalement était confié à des autres réalisateurs pour que je ne sois pas trop surchargé.
En tout cas, sans me vanter, j'étais à la base de la création de plusieurs émissions à notre chaine.
CZ : Vous avez une copie de Ce Riz Que J'Aime Tant?
SKM : Malheureusement, personnellement je n’ai pas gardé les copies. Ce que nous produisons
c’était propriété de l’entreprise et je n’avais pas le droit d’importer ça chez moi à la maison. Et
je n’ai pas gardé des copies pour moi même malheureusement.
Vous m’avez posé une question à laquelle j’ai répondu seulement partiellement.
À part Ce Riz Que J'Aime Tant qui était en fait une émission agricole, mais produit sous forme
de documentaire, j’ai eu à produire trois autres documentaires, qui ont connus en certain succès.
Et là c’était avec la collaboration de l’Institut de la Recherche Scientifique de notre pays, qui
avait voulu qu’on puisse mettre la médicine traditionnelle congolaise à l’honneur. Et pour ce
là nous avons produits un documentaire sur les guérisseurs traditionnels.
Et le film s’appelait, il y avait trois films en fait.
Il y avait un film qui d’intitulait Zebola, qui montrait le rite Zebola. C’est un rite qui est pratiqué
dans notre pays, particulièrement dans la province de l’Équateur. Il y a des guérisseurs qui
soignent les gens sellons ce rite qui s’appelle Zebola, et qui arrive à guérir des gens. Avec des
plantes médicinales, et bien sûr tout cela accompagné par les rites que je pourrais qualifier
mystiques.
Là il n’y a qu’eux peuvent expliquer exactement ce qu’il faisait. Mais nous avons donc produit
ce documentaire Zebola qui montré le processus de ce rite Zebola.
Clip 01150004
CZ : Il y a du bruit de fond, je ne sais pas si on a entendu ce que vous avez dit. Vous pouvez
s’il vous plait me raconter encore sur ce film ?
SKM : À part cette émission sur la riziculture j’avais tourné quelque documentaire qui avait
cette fois ci demandé par l’Institut de la Recherche Scientifique.
Un des documentaires s’intitulait Zebola, dans ce documentaire là il était question de montrer
ce rite qui était pratiqué particulièrement dans la province de l’Équateur, ici à Kinshasa aussi
mais beaucoup plus dans la province de l’Équateur. C’était un rite pratiqué par la population
Mongo, qui arrivé à guérir certains malades à teint de certaines pathologies. Notamment la
folie, et ces gens par des pratiques qui leurs était propre que nous pourrons peut-être qualifié
239
un peu magique, ils arrivaient à soigner les gens. Et ces gens retrouvaient vraiment leur
plénitude, ils guérissaient complètement.
Alors à part le documentaire Zebola, toujours dans le cadre de cette collaboration avec l’Institut
de la Recherche Scientifique nous avons été à l’Équateur tourner un autre documentaire, qui
s’intitulait Mbindolala. En fait Mbindolala c’est le nom d’un village, qui se trouve à l’Équateur.
Mais ce village avait comme particularité n’... Que le guérisseur et ses malades. Donc les gens
qui venait à ce village, ils y venaient pour consulter le guérisseur a' fin de chercher la guérison.
Et ce monsieur recevait tout sort de malades. Des gens qui souffraient de folie, de tuberculose.
Toute sorte de malades. Du moment nous sommes passé par là nous avons trouvé une trentaine
de malades, qui était hébergé là-bas dans ce village et chaque matin le guérisseur avec son
équipe, parce qu’il avait des aides. Ils les rassemblait, il faisait ses rites. Et lorsqu’il estimait
que le malade est guéri, il y avait une dernière cérémonie de séparation et il libèrait le malade
qui pouvez regagner son village d’origine. Donc là c’était le fameux documentaire Mbindolala.
Et à part ça, nous avons aussi tourné au Bas Congo cette fois, notre documentaire sur quelqu’un
qui se disait prophète.
TRANSCRIPT
Interview with Pierre Mieko, Kinshasa 4th August 2016
Clip 01220001
CZ : Pourriez-vous me dire votre nom et quel metier vous avez fait ici à la RTNC ?
PM : Je m’appelle Pierre Mieko, je suis cinéaste, cameraman et à la fois formateur à l’Institut
Congolais de l’Audiovisuel. J’ai commencé' ma carrière depuis le 14 Septembre 1970 ici à la
RTNC. C’est une date importante parce que je fais partie d’un groupe à partir du quelle le
cinéma congolais était sur le chantier. Donc on avait démarré la formation un certain 14
Septembre 1970, avec un formateur belge Jill Bischoff, qui est déjà décédé paix à son âme. À
ce moment-là nous étions à Kalina, actuellement la commune de la Gombe. Donc ça fait déjà
plus d’une quarantaine d'années que je suis dans ce métier.
CZ : Ils m’ont dit que vous faisait part de l’OZACI ?
PM : OZACI – Organisation Zaïroise des Cinéastes, j’en faisait partie. Jusqu’ à aujourd’hui
j’en fait partie. Cette organisation date après que Kwami soit engagé ici, il avait terminé ses
études à Bruxelles. Il était rentré ici au Congo, Zaïre à l'époque, je pense c’était en 1972. On
s’…. Déjà s’organiser dans une autre organisation. L’idée de créer justement le groupe est
arrivée. D’une idée le résultat est là, l’organisation a été créé, nous faisons partie de ce groupe.
CZ : Quel était le but de l'organisation ?
PM :L’Organisation...l’idée est venue du fait que on a travaillé éparpillé et il y avait que deux
chaines de télévision ici. C’était pratiquement la même chaine mais à l'époque c’était deux
chaines. La RTNC2 à l’époque c’était la RENAPEC avec les pères catholiques et la
240
Radiotélévision Nationale c’était le même nom qu’aujourd’hui. Et après c’est devenu OZRT
Office Zaïrois Radiotélévision.
On était deux groupes, un à RTNC2 ex RENAPEC il y avait des cinéastes aussi et OZRT ex
RTNC à l'époque il y avait aussi des cinéastes. Donc d’où l’idée de faire un seul groupe c’est
venu, c’est pour quoi on a créé le OZACI.
CZ : Est-ce que le groupe était indépendant de ce que le gouvernement voulait en tant que
films ou devait suivre la ligne éditoriale de l’état ?
PM :À l’époque il n’y avait pas une autre station de télévision, il y avait que la RENAPEC et
la RTNC à l’époque. En formant nos …nous étions tous membres de deux chaines de la
télévision donc nous étions contrôlés par l'état.
CZ : J’ai lu que l’OZACI avait reçu de l’argent de l’état pour commencer ?
PM :Oui. De temps à autres quand il y avait un dossier à parfaire on devait introduire le
document à qui de droit au ministère et l'État nous aide. Pas 100% mais il y a eu des périodes
où il y avait des subventions de l’État pour faire un travail.
CZ : Quels films avez-vous souhaité faire à l'époque? Quel était le désir des réalisateurs
congolais ?
PM :Pour nous, surtout pour notre direction à nous, parce que la ciné-production existait depuis
l'époque coloniale, les Belges avait lancé la ciné-production mais à une certaine époque, à
l’Independence il y a eu un relâchement. Mais à partir de notre production l'idée de faire partir
la ciné-production est arrivé c'est pour quoi on avait procédé à une formation. On a demandé à
l’UNESCO d’organiser une formation de cinéastes et nous en faisons partie. Donc notre idée
c'était de faire des films de fiction. Et c’était en fur et mesure que on trouvait des moyens à tout
moment on s’est lancé dans les documentaires aussi. Mais le but principal était de faire des
films de séries et des films fiction.
Clip 01220002
CZ : Pouvez-vous m'en dire un peu plus sur les films sur lesquels vous avez travaillé à
l'époque ?
PM :Moi à l'époque je me suis abandonné à la prise de vue. Je ne suis pas faire le méli-mélo je
me suis lancé uniquement dans la prise de vue et j'ai épaulé les amis qui était dans la réalisation
pour faire leur truc mais ce n'ai que, ça fait deux ans que je me lance moi-même à réaliser des
trucs personnels. J’étais à la prise de vue de beaucoup de films, j'étais à la prise de vue du film
Ngambo qui a été primé au festival de Ouagadougou. J'étais là comme cameraman et mon ami
collègue Mukendi était directeur photo mais de temps à autre on s'échangée des idées sur la
direction de la photographie. En dehors de Ngambo j'ai fait beaucoup de films, le film qui a
fait que papa Wendo avant de mourir retrouve un peu de gloire. Tango à Ba Wendo avec les
belges et Kwami aussi, J’étais dans l’équipe.
J'ai fait quatre documentaires sur l'ONATRA. À cette époque-là l'ONATRA était dirigé par un
Belge, monsieur Palins et c'était des films commandés par l’entreprise. Kwami était le
réalisateur et moi cameraman. Donc quatre séries documentaires sur l'ONATRA.
241
CZ : Qui est l’ONATRA?
PM :Office National de Transport ferroviaire et fluviale aussi. Mais notre quatre documentaires
était basé rien que sur le rail.
J’étais directeur photo et cameraman dans le film Bakanja et j’étais aussi l'un des cameraman
dans le film La Vie Est Belle de Benoit Lamy et Dieudonné Ngangura
Clip 01220003
CZ : Vous pouvez me raconter le film Bakanja ?
PM :Bakanja on l'avait tourneé en 1986, en trois mois de tournage à Bandaka et c'est un film
religieux. C'est quelqu'un qui s'est fait tuer, le mundele le blanc, ne voulait pas des chrétiens
au tours d'eux.
Donc Bakanja était plus un chrétien religieux et donc ça n’avait pas trouvé le consentement des
blancs et il s'est fait tabasser jusqu’as trouver la mort. C'était une vraie histoire, il a même été
béatifié par le Pape, je croix par Jean Paul II. C'était une histoire vraie mais dans le film on a
essayé un peu d'étoffer quoi, il n’y avait pas assez de vie comme dans les archives Bakanja
n'avait pas de sœur mais pour réaliser ce document on devait étoffer, pour lui donner une sœur,
pour lui donner un peu de vie. Mais c'était une histoire vraie et le Cardinal Etshau avait
dirigenté pour que ça soit un film réel.
Clip 01220004
CZ : Vous pensez que dans les années 70 il y avait un style Zaïrois de films ?
PM :Non, je ne trouve pas qu’il y avait un style Zaïrois, parce que ce que on faisait à l'époque
la différence c'est que les belges faisait des films avec des caméras à viser par ….
Tandis que nous à l'époque c'était des films avec des camera à viser reflex.
Mais dans le fond il n’y avait pas un style vraiment typiquement congolais zaïrois, non.
On faisait que suivre ce que on visionnée à l'époque.
Peut-être la différence c'était dans l'histoire qu'on racontai, mais le fond techniquement c'était
pratiquement la même chose.
Jusque à aujourd'hui je dirais que nos films était comme si on écrivait un roman, donc il n’y a
pas vraiment le mouvement très suivi. Tandis que les autres films européen et américains c'est
vraiment le mouvement. Il y a le mouvement. Nous c'est comme si on racontait un poème. Là
l'acteur est là en douceur, il fait sa partition. Mais comme pour le moment je suis là je suis
assis, je reste jusque à la fin de l'interview assis. Tandis que c'est ça toutes les films congolais
mais les films européens il y a du mouvement. Je peux me lever, faire le tour dans la salle, dans
le salon, la camera suive. C'est ça la seule différence.
CZ : La tradition du raconte ou aussi dans le contenu ? Mais les histoires que ont raconté dans
les années 70 était seulement des documentaires politiques ou aussi des histoires que racontais
les congolais ?
PM :Les documentaires à l'époque-là était des documentaires dans la plus part des cas
commandité ou c'est une entreprise qui demande qu'on lui fasse un documentaire sur son usine.
Pas les documentaires dans le sens feuillé, comme le documentaire que je suis en train de
préparer dans ce moment-là, dont le titre est controverse. Donc l'histoire le colonisateur arrive,
242
tous les guérisseurs fuit dans la brousse, jusque à la création des églises de réveil aujourd’hui.
Là c'est le mouvement.
Mais à l'époque les documentaires était plus commandité par des entreprises.
Par exemple OZACAV. On vous appelle pour venir montrer comment fonctionne l'usine de la
fabrication de café, ou j'avais fait à cette époque sur une usine de textile les pièces wax.
Donc ce n’était pas vraiment des documentaires feuillés, c'était statique quoi.
CZ : Mais il y a un documentaire que je voudrais parler de XVC, il a été réalisé par Kwami, il
n'a jamais été visionné, que savez-vous de ce film?
PM :Ce film là j'étais moi-même cameraman aussi. Mais c'est un long film qui nous a fait,
j'étais jeune et beau, aujourd'hui je perds déjà ma jeunesse. On a fait le tour du Zaïre à l'époque.
On a ...toutes les provinces pour faire ce film-là. L'idée était venue quand le Président Mobutu
était parti en Chine. Arrivée en Chine il avait visionnait un film intitule' Esprit de Yu Kong.
Yu Kong c'est une cite' en Chine là-bas, c'est une ville en Chine. Et dans le film on montre
comment les Chinois ont transformé cette cité Yukong vraiment en une ville habitable.
C'était une cite' montagneuse, on a détruit la montagne pour en faire une ville.
Donc on a montré l’effort dès l'individu par le travail
Quand le Président Mobutu est rentré au pays, il a demandé' au Ministre Sakombi, qui était le
ministre de l'information à l'époque de dirigenter un film dans ce sens-là. Et la demande a était
adressée' à Kwami de constituer une équipe d'aller faire ce travail-là. Et on était parti, on avait
fait pratiquement plus de trois mois en province. Mais le résultat était quand on ait venu après
le montage de ce film-là, le ministre et son cabinet est venu visionner le film. À la sortie on
avait conclus que ce film ne montrait pas vraiment l'effort du congolais dans le travail, c'était
plutôt un film touristique, artistique. Parce que on ne voit pas les congolais en plein travail.
C'est les congolais dans toutes ses activités, dans la bière, dans la ville.
Donc le film n'avait pas rencontrée l'approbation du ministre et depuis le film ont l’a plus vues,
c’est cette copie-là.
CZ : Pensez-vous que ce film pourrait être un exemple de la créativité cinématographique
zaïroise? Donc, un style de film typiquement zaïrois?
PM : Effectivement on avait mélangé un peu de tout, il y avait des comme même des congolais
au travail, dans un chantier ou' on déplacé des grosses pierres et on avait aussi mélangé' dans
le plan politique, le gouverneur de la province mobilisé toute la population pour faire une
marche pour soutenir Mobutu. Mais du point de vue de la créativité' il y avait comme même
de la matière. Mais ce n'était pas du gout du ministre Sakombi.
CZ : Alors qu'est-ce qui est réellement arrivé au film?
PM : Depuis que ce film a été' visionné par les ministres à la sortie de la salle on a plus vu ce
film. On a n'as pas parlé' jusque à aujourd'hui.
CZ : Pourquoi vous pensez ?
PM : Je ne sais pas, j’étais un de bras droit de Kwami et en tout cas, jusqu' à ce jour on n'a
aucune nouvelle de ce film. Tout ce que je sais, les rushes et la valise de rush, parce que on
avait fait plus d'une centaine de boites de 120 mètres de pellicule que on avait envoyée à
243
Dassonville pour le développement et après j'apprendrais que Dassonville c'est toujours, une
cinéaste italienne Marina. J'étais en contact avec elle à tout moment m'avait dit que Dassonville
était tombe' en faillite. On avait envoyée toutes ces rushes là à metteur titra pour conservation.
Jusque à aujourd'hui personne s'en occupé, cette valise-là est toujours là-bas chez metteur titre.
CZ : Un de vos collègues m'a dit que même si les films étaient politiques, il était heureux de
participer car ils concernaient le développement du pays. Vous pensez ça aussi ? Ou pensezvous que les films politiques étaient restrictifs ?
PM :Personnellement je ne sais pas.
Je n'ai pas un élément probable pour répondre à ça. Mais moi je vois qu’actuellement que on
essaye de faire mieux. On essaye de mélanger le tout, ambiance et créativité' et coloration
filmique. Le tout mélanger. Je ne sais pas. Je n’ai pas une ligne de conduite. Dans le temps il
fallait aussi suivre la ligne de conduite du pays, la ligne politique du pays mais aujourd'hui on
est dans le même rythme. Mais un peu libre. Mais une liberté' bien soigne'. Il ne faut pas aller
au-delà. On est toujours sur le qui-vive.
244
APPENDIX II
TRANSCRIPT
LA COMPAGNIE MARITIME ZAIROISE
(nc) = audio not comprehensible
TC 00.10
V/O Matadi cela veut dire pierre mais c’est devenu surtout synonyme d’un port d’où part la
plus grande quantité de ressources produites au Zaïre vers l’étranger. La nature est (nc) le
majestueuse fleuve Zaïre de sucrière (nc) n’a pas rendu navigable la partie du fleuve qui serve
de Matadi à Kinshasa
Pour palier a cet inconvénient naturel les hommes avait tailler dans le roc à la force de leur
bras, à la sueur de leur front traçant une ligne de chemin de fer. Ainsi marchandise et voyageurs
peuvent (nc) le seul débouché qui dispose la République du Zaïre vers l’océan Atlantique
TC 01.02
V/O La majeure partie de bien de production et équipement et consommation qui participent
au développement du Zaïre arrivent par voix de mer. Cette double vocation fait de Matadi un
port de plus importants du monde surtout si on le considère le nombre et la diversité de navires
qui jettent l’ancre. Parmi ces navires ceux de la CMZ la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise.
TC 01.38
V/O Les raisons pour un pays d’avoir une flotte nationale sont généralement fonde par
l’Independence économique. Un pays économiquement indépendant doit savoir sauvegarder
son prestige et sa souveraineté. A cet effet une flotte marchande nationale est aussi un attribut
de la souveraineté absolue. Beaucoup des pays dont l’économie nationale est lourdement
tributaire de services maritimes réguliers ont développé leur marine de commerce afin de
dépendre moins des services de transport étrangers
TC 02.14
V/O La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise remédie progressivement à ses mal que constitue le
manque de divises dont souffrent les pays sous-équipés
TC 02.23
V/O Elle y parvient grâce à l’accroissement au nombre d’unités qui en dix ans est passe de
trois à dix. La République du Zaïre a doté la CMZ d’un cargo de onze mille tonnes la MS
Kasavubu construit au Japon et d’un cargo mixte le Kananga soixante-onze passager et quinze
mille trois ceinte cinquante tonnes construit aux chantiers de (nc) en Belgique en dix-neuf cent
soixante-onze. Un an plus tard en dix-neuf cent soixante-douze (nc) était commende aux
chantiers de Brenner Vulkan en République Fédérale Allemande. Novembre soixante-quatorze
le Président Fondateur du MPR, le citoyen Mobutu Sese Seko inaugurée le MS Lumumba le
premier des six navires dont le dernier en date a été livre en Novembre soixante-quinze.
TC 03.19
245
V/O Le MS Lumumba comme les autres unités qui ont pour nom Mbandaka, Bandundu,
Kisangani, Mbuji Mayi et Bukavu viens renforce le port a lourd de la Compagnie Maritime
Zaïroise
TC 03.33
Opening titles
LA VOIX DU ZAIRE
Présente
LA COMPAGNIE MARITIME ZAIROISE
(Novembre 1975)
Une coproduction
TELE-ZAIRE -C.M.Z.
Réalisation
HEMEDI MWANAMBOYO
TC 04.02
V/O Mais une flotte marchande comme toutes organisations sociales doivent être bien
administre A la tête de la CMZ comme toutes les grandes unités de production et de distribution
le Délégué General l’équivalent du Directeur Général et nomme par ordonnance présidentielle.
Responsable politique et administratives de la compagnie il rencontre des activités de celle-ci
au gouvernement et au Président de la République.
TC 04.35
V/O Conformément à la volonté du Guide Mobutu Sese Seko entériné par le bureau politique
qui institutionnalisé la suprématie du parti le Délégué General est président sectionnaire du
MPR dans sa société.
TC 04.55
V/O Ici nous voyons installé le comité de la jeunesse ouvrière du MPR. Les ouvriers employés
de la CMZ entaient tous membres du Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution il est normal
qu’ils puissent disposer aux seins de la société des loyaux animateurs.
TC 05.20
V/O Cette cellule du parti est un instrument de travail mise à la disposition de la Compagnie
Maritime Zaïroise afin de contribuer à la conscientisation des masses ouvrières à réédifier sans
cesse l’esprit du Mobutisme.
TC 05.40
V/O Il en va de la vie de la CMZ comme de toute la grande famille du MPR telle qu’on ne peut
obtenir de grands résultats en travaillants en ordre dispersée mais en conjuguant les efforts dans
une communion du même pensée celle du Guide
TC 06.05
V/O Les structures administratives à la CMZ sont de type classique, une direction générale,
divers services administratives, commerciale et technique. Le service social dont la
responsabilité encombre à une citoyenne est une preuve de plus de la politique nationale qui
est orientée vers l’émancipation de la femme. Quant au service d’armement il a sa base au port
d’attache de Matadi.
246
TC 06.55
Man : Le service d’armement est très important pour une société maritime parce que c’est celui
qui coordonne les activités de navire, je dois dire, avec la maison mère, avec la société. L’armée
le mot le dit bien, c’est mettre le navire dans toutes les conditions exigées pour l’exploitation.
C’est-à-dire mettre le certificat de navigabilité en ordre contrevérifier mettre les équipages en
ordre et le matérielle le navire à contrôler, les machines, le tout. Comme ça il y a un service
technique, il y a un service personnel.
TC 07.53
V/O L’existence de la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise date de 1946 lorsque à l’époque coloniale
fut créé une société maritime sous l’appellation Compagnie Maritime Congolaise.
TC 08.12
V/O En l’absence de toutes législations maritimes nationales les navires de la défunte CMC
continuée de battre pavillon Belge. D’une façon pratique les activités de cette société se faisait
sous tutelle de la compagnie maritime Africaine de navigation de droit Belge qui prenait en
affrètement ses navires. En (nc) 1966 sous la Deuxième République fut créé la nouvelle
Compagnie Maritime Congolaise dans laquelle l’état détenait la majorité de participation au
capital. Mais c’est l’ordonnance loi 66/98 en création d’un code de navigation maritime qui
acheva l’édification juridiques de la compagnie dont les navires pouvaient alors battre pavillon
nationale. Aux termes de cette loi le Zaïre pouvait souscrire à toutes les conventions maritimes
internationales.
TC 09.13
V/O Le MS Lumumba première acquisition issue de 10% de participation que détenait la CMC
ancienne formule au sein de la CMAN fut le premier navire à battre au pavillon national.
TC 09.34
V/O Construit en 1948 le MS Lumumba avait été déclassé pour avoir attend la limite
règlementaire de navigabilité. Il est cependant remplacé par le MS Kananga de conception
moderne et d’un tonnage supérieur
TC 10.02
V/O Concrétisant les décisions économiques du 30 Novembre 1973 l’ordonnance loi du 2
Décembre 1974 permit à la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise société à 100% Zaïroise de
s’imposer sur les mers et dans les ports du monde entier, et déjà au port de Matadi la
participation de la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise à l’exportation ne cesse d’augmenter
TC 10.35
V/O En 1971 la participation de la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise est de 6,09% à l’exportation
et de 3,26% à l’importation, en 1972 ces chiffres sont de l’ordre de 9,29% et 2,27% et en 1973
la CMZ participe pour 12,04% à l’exportation 4,34% à l’importation.
TC 11.11
V/O A côté du transport des ressources minière et ainsi d’autres produits de consommation la
Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise est également équipé pour le transport des voyageurs qui
quittent ou rentre au Zaïre. Elle met à leur disposition un personnel d’accueil qualifie et
spécialisé.
TC 11.30
247
V/O Ici le client est roi, (nc) bénéficié d’une attention afin de gouter au maximum aux joies et
au plaisirs que procurent une randonné touristique.
A bord du MS Kananga par exemple le commissaire de bord et ses adjoints sont conscients de
ses problèmes aussi mettent-ils tout à l’heure pour faciliter et rendre agréable le séjour de 71
passagers. Au bureau de réception le commissaire de bord tient à jour les états civiles des
marins, des passagers, planifie le loisir et organise les jours.
TC 12.10
V/O La prise en charge se fait toujours dans un débordement d’attention et de serviabilité qui
comble les voyageurs. Le Kananga possède quatre cabines de luxe dont le confort n’a rien à
envier au luxueuse chambre d’hôtel six étoiles. Et une trentaine de cabines de classe
économique. Les consommations peuvent être prise dans les cabines, comme au bar ou au
fumoir. Le passager au bord su MS Kananga est un client privilège, qui est lodge nourri blanchi
pendant toute la durée de la traversée pour le prix du billet qui ne dépasse pas celui d’avion à
trajet égale.
TC 13.08
V/O Cette image tous les passagers des navires Zaïrois et équipages, matelots et touristes l’ont
gardé en mémoire car elle commence et recommence chaque fois que les navires quittent le
port et les eaux calmes du fleuve Zaïre pour atteindre mer et océan les lointaine terres
étrangères
TC 13.32
V/O A partir d’ici il faudra un minimum de six heures pour atteindre Banana où l’état Zaïrois
conte construire un port en eau profonde. A partir d’ici également commence pour le marin des
journées, des nuits fort chargées des travaux de nettoyage et d’entretiens afin que le navire
amène à bon port hommes et marchandise. Pour affronter une telle perspective rien (nc) d’un
bon repas. Les marins doivent récupérer des forces sont soumis à un régime alimentaire intense
et toujours amélioré. En plus de leurs trois repas quotidiens trois collations leur sont servi à 5,
9 et 16 heures autour desquelles le café est de rigueur.
TC 14.19
V/O Avec ses propres navires la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise exploite actuellement un réseau
de services réguliers au départ du Zaïre qui couvrent les cinq continents. Elle serve notamment
la Zaïre Amérique par la rangé du Golfe du Mexique jusqu’au lac Canadien la ligne Zaïre
Extrême Orient, par la rangé Hong Kong Singapour et le Japon, la ligne Zaïre Europe du Nord
par la rangé Anvers Hambourg, et la ligne Zaïre Méditerranée par la rangé Marseille et les ports
Italiens.
TC 15.40
V/O Les navires comme le MS Kananga sont capables de relier les différents ports de leurs
lignes respectives dans les (nc) qu’aujourd’hui paraissent de moins en moins long cela
principalement grâce à la puissance de leurs moteurs. Celui du MS Kananga développé une
puissance de 15 milles chevaux, une vitesse de croisière de 120 au minute qui permet
d’atteindre un maximum de 19 nœuds, ce qui représente à peu près 40 kilomètres à l’heure. Il
faut en moyenne 50 tonnes de (nc) pour obtenir cette performance.
TC 16.16
V/O Onze personnes, chef engeigner et trois nettoyeurs arrivent à pourvoir cette bonne marche
et à balustrer le navire. Le système consiste à doser le niveau d’eau de (nc) et d’huile de palme
248
dans les différents tanks situés au front du navire afin de donner à celui-ci un équilibre constant
sur l’océan.
TC 16.54
V/O Le radio operateur relie ce grand village flottant qu’est le bateau au reste du monde et
surtout un monde continental. Travaillant aux heures par fois irrégulières de la journée et de la
nuit il capte tous les messages radiophoniques radionavigation télégrammes télex aussi autres
intéressant chaque catégorie de personne prise à bord.
TC 17.45
V/O Pour des nombreux touristes la traversé est d’abord un voyage d’agreement (nc) n’y
d’avoir mal soi-même ni les personnes qui vous accompagne. A bord de ces navires de la
Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise médecin généraliste infirmière mettent en soigne en particulier
à la consultation et au traitement d’éventuels patients. Les cas graves il est vrai sont plutôt rares
et vaux-il pas mieux prévenir que guérir.
TC 18.22
V/O A côté de la salle de consultation qui reçois par jour plus d’une vingtaine de cas soin de
première nécessité il existe également une salle d’hospitalisation et une pharmacie. Les
meilleurs produits pharmaceutiques sont une garantie contre les intempéries quelque fois
provoquée par les nombreux changements de vent et de climat auquel sont soumis les
personnes navigantes ainsi que tous qui participent à la sauvegarde de vie et de marchandise à
bord.
TC 18.52
V/O Il est important en effet que le navire soit bien entretenu, ce travail est régulièrement
effectué par des (nc) fermeture des calles doivent être constamment lubrifiée, les partis unis
doivent être peintre pour éviter à la rouille d’attaquer le fer. A la tête de l’équipage le Capitaine
au long cours est commandant du navire veille également fonctionnement de la discipline
politique à bord de ce navire qui reste une partie de la République du Zaïre en perpétuel
déplacement
TC 19.25
Captain : Je sais que je contribue à l’économie et à l’émancipation de ce pays. Comme
Président sectionnaire du MPR de ce navire, je suis très content et très satisfait de ma carrière.
Tous les jours en haute mer par exemple vers neuve heure j’ai un petit briefing avec l’état
majeur, les officiers qui forment mon état majeur : discussion, état du navire suite l’état d’esprit
à bord, la navigation, la vitesse. Dans la zone à fort trafic, selon la loi je suis obligé d’être à
côté de l’officier à la passerelle pour superviser les opérations et la navigation.
TC 20.21
V/O Avec ses 15.350 tonnes de marchandise et ses 12.200 tonnes de passagers et bagages MS
Kananga cargo mix de la CMZ est un géant de mer. Il faut donc toute la dextérité du capitaine
au long cours pour le conduire dans ce décor étranger dans le quelle flotte au vent le flambeau
de la révolution Zaïroise
TC 21.17
V/O Penser que tous les navires dont dispose le Zaïre répètent les mêmes manœuvres sur toutes
les mers sur tous les océans des cinq continents au mesure (nc) maritime Zaïroise autant que
249
(nc) mondiale au service de l’économie Zaïroise et de l’amitié entre le Zaïre et les nations du
monde.
TC 21.53
V/O La vocation Zaïroise d’ouverture vers le monde aura permis au moins aux navires de la
marine marchande d’offrir aux passagers d’apprécier des paysages quelle celui de Santa Cruz
de Tenerife aux iles Canaries
TC 22.15
V/O Ce jour-là à bord tout le monde s’agitait, vite les enfants au lit. Un (nc) toilette chez son
coiffeur car le commandant offre aux passagers un cocktail. Et les voilà tous réunis dans le
salon bar du MS Kananga, tous, membres de l’équipage et passagers
TC 23.15
V/O L’ambiance est à la gayet les conversations vont bon (nc), elles se poursuivrons jusqu’à
table. Pendant les onze jours que dure la traverse de Matadi à Anvers les passagers seront
invités quatre fois à ces cérémoniales, seul le menu varié.
TC 23.57
V/O Les hommes de toutes les races réunis dans ce navire mangeant trois fois par jour à la
même table jouant au même jeu, occupant des cabines voisines voilà une occasion de mieux se
connaitre, de lier des nouvelles amitiés et surtout d’apprécier un service à bord qui fait de la
CMZ une grande compagnie de transport maritime.
TC 24.33
V/O Le commandant Lelo, 33 ans, (nc) pour arriver à telle résultat besoin d’afficher le visage
de ces homme avance en âge dont on a souvent habitué une certaine époque, aujourd’hui révolu
TC 24.38
Captain : J’ai commencé ma carrière maritime en 61, c’était après un examen de sélection au
Zaïre en 1961, navire école belge 61-62, école supérieure de la navigation maritime d’Anvers
1962-1964 après c’était la navigation qui commençait. Après quelques années il fallait de
nouveau aller présenter des examens. Ainsi j’étais présenter mon examen (nc), en1968. Mon
examen maintenant (nc) 1970 et l’examen pour l’obtention d’brevet de capitaine au long cours
en 1971
TC 25.40
V/O Le dynamisme de toutes entreprises se mesure aussi bien par sa capacité de production
que par la valeur de ses cadres. La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise consciente de l’une et de
l’autre est très soucieuse de la formation et de la qualification professionnelle de ses cadres
navigants et des équipages. Il est important en effet que la vie humaine, le matériel naval aussi
que la cargaison soit confiée dans les mains des hommes capables d’apprendre les
responsabilités que sont les leurs. A l’école supérieure de navigation des jeunes zaïrois sorti
des écoles secondaires techniques et scientifiques (nc) avec application à la tâche de faire ces
longues études permettrons d’assumer plus tard le lourd de responsabilité à bord des navires.
Dans l’ensemble plus de 50% des état majeurs à bord du navire de la CMZ sont zaïrois. De
telle équipage navigue déjà régulièrement sur toutes les lignes de service exploité par la CMZ
suivant les conférences maritimes dont elle fait partie.
TC 27.00
250
V/O Au port d’Anvers ce navire de la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise fait partie de cinquante
navire d’haute mer qui entre par jour. Accostera au long d’un quai trajet aménagé dans le bassin
artificiel qui donnent au port d’Anvers la forme d’un interminable labyrinthe.
TC 27.26
V/O Le système économique est organisé de façon que ce sont des groupes privés qui loue des
placements pour une période de 99 ans avant que le port ne revienne entièrement à l’état belge.
Les frais de port peuvent variée entre 1500 et 2000 Zaïres par jours. On comprend alors la
nécessité qu’il y a pour le Zaïre d’avoir sur place dans chaque pays de la conférence maritime
un bureau de représentation
TC 28.10
V/O Le bureau de représentation qui assure le prolongement de la direction générale à
l’étranger a une triple fonction. Fonction commerciale par laquelle elle participe aux
conférences maritimes à la négociation des frets avec divers armateurs. Fonction administrative
par laquelle elle centralise les nouvelles maritimes, destinées à la direction générale. Fonction
sociale par laquelle elle traite les dossiers sur la situation financière, matérielle, familiale et
même professionnelle des boursiers ou des membres d’équipage de la CMZ.
TC 28.55
V/O C’est pourquoi assez régulièrement les autorités de la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise
visitent le bureau de représentation.
TC 29.24
V/O Dix ans après la révolution Mobutiste la Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise a presque découplé
ses potentialités avec ses nouvelles acquisition le port en lourd de la CMZ représente
aujourd’hui quelque 140000 tonnes. Le Zaïre en pleine expansion exporte principalement le
coton, le caoutchouc, le cuivre, l’huile de palme et beaucoup d’autre matières premières
TC 30.07
V/O Le pavillon Zaïrois flottant au vent de climat Européen Asiatique Américain c’est
assurément un témoignage du dynamisme de la politique zaïrois adopté par les autorités de la
Deuxième République, une politique penchée sur la croissance économique dans le respect de
l’homme et la nature.
TRANSCRIPT
GECAMINES - LA VOLONTÉ DE REUSSIR
(nc) = audio not comprehensible
Opening Titles:
« Même s’il nous faut tailler notre chemin dans le roc nous le taillerons dans le roc »
Mobutu Sese Seko
GECAMINES
251
La volonté de réussir
Prises de Vue
OSY FISCHLER
Assistant
JOHAN DENEVE
Prise de Son
JOOS SUETENS
PHILIPPE VOTQUENNE
Script
MATEKE WA MULAMBA
Montage
OSY FISCHLER
Production
GCM Exploitation
Producteurs Délégués
KITENGE LUBIKA
LOSHI KASEMWANA
Commentaire
KWEBE KIMPELE
TSHILONDA TSHA MULAMBA
Dit par
GERARD HEROLD
Conseiller à la réalisation
KASONGO MWEMA
Réalisateurs
TSHILONDA TSHA MULAMBA
KWEBE KIMPELE
TC 02.42
V/O
L’histoire comble certains hommes des rencontres imprévisibles. Il arrive pourtant que ce
rendez-vous devient réalité.
Le rencontre de la GECAMINES et le destin du peuple Zaïrois conduit par le Marechal Mobutu
Sese Seko.
Il existe peu d’Enterprise minière au monde comparable à la GECAMINES née dans
l’ensemble minière du Haut Katanga, la GECAMINE a hérité du meilleur comme du pire
La place que l’histoire du XX siècle lui a réservée est unique. Comme sont uniques les
évènements aux quelle elle a pris part, les tragédies que sa seule distance a provoquées et les
passions qu’elle a suscitées.
Du haut de cette cheminé près d’un siècle de tourmente et de drame.
TC 03.39
V/O
Pourtant l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga aurait pu rester une simple et paisible entreprise de
production de cuivre, mais parvenue au sommet de sa puissance la société devin le champ clos
et de rivalité politique et financière et d’un jeu stratégique ont fini par se comporter comme un
état dans un état. L’ordre ainsi crée aurait pu continuer pour l’éternité, il n’en fut rien.
TC 04.06
V/O
252
Fleurent du system domanial Léopoldien dans l’état indépendant du Congo, dotée d’un capital
initial de dix millions de Franc-Or, érigée en société Congolaise à responsabilité limitée mise
en valeur de la richesse du sol et du sursol, l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga voit le jour le
dimanche 28 Octobre 1906 aux termes d’un décret Royale.
L’année d’avant, en 1905, un obscur professeur de physique Albert Einstein avait publié à
Vienne les résultats de ses travaux de recherche sur la relativité
Quarante ans plus tard l’histoire organisera à Hiroshima et à Nagasaki un rendez-vous
involontaire entre le savant et la société minière
TC 04.56
V/O
L’exploitation industrielle du cuivre commence dans la mine de l’Etoile en 1909. En fait
l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga apporte les nouvelles techniques à l’aventure minières déjà
séculaires dans la région. Après main de difficulté technique et financière, la première coulée
de cuivre était finalement obtenue en 1911. Trois and après éclate la Première Guerre
Mondiale. Pendant les quatre années de la salle guerre l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga livrera
420000 milles tonnes de cuivre aux usines d’armement des nations Européenne, coalisée contre
l’empire allemand de Guillaume II.
TC 05.42
V/O
Après les railleries et les réticences du début l’affaire pour les actionnaires devient en fin
rentable et c’est ainsi à la fin du conflit la société distribuait les premiers dividendes.
De 1925 l’expérience s’ajoutant aux moyens techniques la production annuaires du cuivre est
rapidement portée a plus de 40000 tonnes. La mise en exploitations de la mine de Prince
Léopold a Kiputshi a puissamment contribuée.
TC 06.17
V/O
Mais l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga veut aussi faire œuvre de civilisation.
Elle bâti des villes : Lubumbashi, Kipushi en suite Likasi, et en fin Kolwezi en 1930
Cette même année à Lisala naisse Mobutu Sese Seko futur Marechal du Zaïre. A la fin des
années trente, il est âgé de dix ans et vit dans un autre univers, loin de l’entreprise et péril
nucléaire qui menace le monde. Pourtant vingt-six ans plus tard produira l’impossible
rencontre. L’histoire du colosse minier aux pieds de cuivre, trois ans de chemin de cet enfant
noir au pieds nu, Il y aura une lutte à mort. Mais nous sommes encore en 1940. La Seconde
Guerre Mondiale vient d’éclater.
TC 07.07
V/O
A l’immense tragédie qui déchire le monde l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga ajoute la sienne
propre. C’est l’affaire du massacre des ouvriers à Lubumbashi. Le 9 Novembre 1941 la police
coloniale tire sur une foule des mineurs noirs en grève pour réclamer une augmentation de
quelque centime. Les fonds de guerre pour tous, oui. Compensation salarie pour les noirs, non.
Un des rescapés du massacre, Papa Mpoy dernier témoin encore vivant s’en souviens.
TC 07.32
MPOY
253
Il y avait vingt et un qui était morts sur place, au totale quarante-huit. On m’a appelé au parquet,
j’ai dit la vérité quoi ça était tombé. C’est parce que le gouverneur était venu brusquement sans
même avertir le commissaire de district.
TC 07.52
V/O
A sa façon l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga se bat au premières lignes. Pendant les cinq
années de guerre elle livre aux pays allies 800000 tonnes de cuivre en plus du cobalt, de l’étain
et uranium en quantités gardé secrètes. Durant cette période la vente de produits minier rapporte
à la Belgique environs soixante-cinq millions des dollars par an. Un puissant soutien au
gouvernement Belge en exile et à la Belgique. Ce pays va non seulement se trouver à la
libération sans la moins de dettes vis-à-vis de ses alliées mais aussi se relever de ruines avec
une monnaie forte lui assurant du coup un redressement économique plus rapide que celui de
la plupart de ses voisins.
TC 08.32
V/O
8 Mai 1945, le Troisième Reich s’effondre et signe sa capitulation, mais la guerre n’est pas
finie pour tout le monde.
Le 6 puis le 8 Aout 1945 l’heure sonne pour les bombardements atomique de les villes
japonaises d’Hiroshima et de Nagasaki. La fameuse théorie de Albert Einstein annonce l’ère
de l’apocalypse nucléaire. Les victimes étaient japonaises, les bombes américaines,
fournisseurs d’uranium belges, minerais zaïrois.
TC 09.07
V/O
Le destin de la planète connait alors une fantastique accélération. Réunis à Yalta les puissances
victorieuses partagent le monde. Tandis que à San Francisco l’Organisation des Nations Unies
voit le jour au milieu d’un immense espoir.
TC 09.22
V/O
Mais voici que décennie les années cinquante allume déjà les brasiers des guerres de libération
en Afrique, en Amérique Latine et en Asie. Pourvoyeuse des usines d’armements l’Union
Minière du Haut Katanga avec un capitale porte à cinq milliards de Francs atteint alors le
sommet de sa puissance, tandis qu’elle fête le cinquantenaire de sa création. Désormais la
société peut assurer ses investissements à concurrence de prêt de 80% en autofinancement.
Cette prospérité ne sera pas démentie, même au plus fort de la crise qui surviendra la Belgique
et de son ancienne colonie, indépendante depuis le 30 Juin 1960 et aussi tôt confronte à la
sécession du Katanga. De toute évidence le mouvement sécessionniste bénéfice du soutien
morale et financier du milieu proche de l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga. La société croyez
s’ouvrir avant elle un avenir que rien ne serait perturbé mais l’histoire vas bien lui porter un
sanglèrent démentir.
TC 10.20
V/O
Le 30 Juin 1966 le président Mobutu Sese Seko adressait un ultimatum au responsable de
l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga, ils leur accordent une délayés de six mois pour opérer le
transfert du siège social de Bruxelles à Kinshasa. Un défis incertain (nc) dangereux, mais un
acte héroïque au conséquences incalculables. Devants le refus de la Belgique l’affrontement
254
dévente inévitable. A travers ce conflit deux auteurs Hubert Galles et Yannis Thanassekos ont
admirablement situé l’ampleur des taches et la nature des exigences auxquelles le peuple
Zaïrois et son chef ont dû faire face
Il s’agissait en vérité et au-delà des apparences d’affronter la puissance la plus moderne, la plus
perfectionnée, plus implacable que jusqu’à ici qu’avait connu l’histoire
Cette puissance qui peut tout à la fois construire et détruire, procurer le bien-être et engendrer
la misère, cette puissance qui peut faire la guerre et se payer la paix.
TC 11.17
V/O
Le premier Janvier 1967 le président Mobutu Sese Seko décrète la nationalisation de tous les
avoirs de l’Union Minière du Haut Katanga au Zaïre.
Le deux Janvier la Générale Congolaise de Minerais naissait XXX défunte Union Minière du
Haut Katanga sous le regarde hostile de la haute finance internationale.
TC 11.45
V/O
Les (nc) au tour de l’entreprise s’active davantage. Ils reviendront à deux reprises semer la
mort et la désolation aux pieds de la grande cheminait, chaque fois ils réservent leurs coups
plus durs aux installations de la GECAMINES et visent la destruction (nc) pour contrainte le
pays pour recourir à l’aide extérieur
Déjà lourdement handicapé par la détérioration (nc)des métaux et la fermeture du chemin de
fer de Bengwela, le deuxième plan quinquennal d’expansion appelé P2 est interrompu avec la
seconde guerre du Shaba
Ce plan aurait permis à la GECAMINES à partir de 1980 de raffiner sur place 100000 tonnes
de cuivre supplémentaires et d’augmenter sa capacité de production. Jamais le cuivre n’a mérité
au tant qu’ici le nom de métal rouge.
TC 12.30
V/O
Un nouveau défi est lancé, il est technique et politique à la fois. Déserté par quasi-totalité de
ses cadres expatrie au lendemain de la deuxième guerre au Shaba, gravement damagé par les
combats la Gecamines était pratiquement paralysée. C’est alors que par amour pour leur patrie,
un groupe de jeune ingénieurs et techniciens Zaïrois, confiants dans leur savoir-faire, signent
un véritable exploit. Ils vont remettre en marche en deux semaines le complexe minier de
Kolwezi. Alors que les études les plus sérieuses prévoyant un minimum de six mois avec un
concordat d’ingénieurs et techniciens expatriées.
TC 13.07
V/O
Forts de cette expérience le président Mobutu Sese Seko, va ouvrir largement aux cadres
Zaïrois les portes d’accès aux responsabilités techniques de plus en plus élever au centre de
l’entreprise. Ils seront d’abord nommés de la fin du conflit directeurs des mines et usines
fonction jusque a l’heure exercée uniquement par des cadres expatries. Par la suite, ils
accèderont au poste d’adjoint au directeur expatries des trois groupes de la GECAMINES.
Faisant preuve d’un haut dégrée de compétences techniques et d’un sens élevée itérée
nationaux, les cadres Zaïrois accèderont enfin aux fonctions de directeurs de groupe.
255
TC 13.40
Management : Nous avons réalisé un chiffre record de 476200 tonnes de cuivre
V/O
De 80% à la création de l’entreprise, le tôt d’africanisations des cadres dépasse aujourd’hui le
88% Ce processus est accompagné d’une profonde restructuration de l’entreprise. Avec
notamment (nc) d’une appréciable autonomie aux trois groupes de la société.
TC 14.02
V/O
Tout au long de l’itinéraire suivi par la politique d’africanisation des cadres, l’histoire retenue
quelque nom reste gravés sur la façade de la GECAMINES.
Umba Kiamitala nommé à la tête de la société en Octobre 1973, le premier vent de
l’authenticité soufflé au Zaïre. La promotion de cet ingénieur zaïrois fut le morse du
mouvement d’africanisation des cadres.
Robert Krem il a accéléré le processus dans les années 80s alors qu’il assumait les fonctions
de Délégué Générale de la GECAMINES.
Mulenda Mbo dont l’exploit technique fait désormais parti de la légende dans la GECAMINES.
Il a conduit le cadre technique et le personnelle zaïrois qui ont assuré la reprise des activités de
production de la GECAMINES à Kolwezi en 1978. Six années plus tard, le président Mobutu
Sese Seko le placera à la tête de l’entreprise.
TC 14.57
V/O
Mais ils restaient encore à la politique d’africanisation de cadres les preuves de la production.
Premier test de vérité pour les cadres nationaux, le maintiens plus l’amélioration de la cour de
production celle si mobilisera toutes les énergies durant des nombreuses campagnes
d’exploitation minière.
TC 15.15
V/O
Aujourd’hui concentrée autour de trois puissances industrielles et minier, avec un effective
globale avec 36000 agents la GECAMINES dispose d’une concession de 34000 mètres carre,
alignée sur an axe routier Lubumbashi, Likasi, Kolwezi.
TC 15.39
V/O
Le sous-sol riche en gisement de cuivre contient du cobalt, de zinc, ainsi que des réserves
d’uranium et étain actuellement inexploitées.
TC 15.53
V/O
Les activités d’extraction, de concentration de minerais et métallurgiques sont dans trois
groupes décentralises. Le groupe ouest, il y a son siège à Kolwezi, interviens pour 80% dans
l’extraction des minerais de la société. Ils comprennent des mines à ciel ouvert, une mine sous
terraine, deux concentrateurs et deux usines hydro métallurgiques. Le groupe centre au tour de
Likasi, et le groupe sud au tour de Lubumbashi possèdent chacun a ses mines et ses usines
métallurgiques. Pour les nécessités de maintenance et économie de devise et en fin de
raccourcir le temps de livraison des pièces de rechange la GECAMINES a installé des ateliers
spécialisés dans l’ensemble des groupes.
256
TC 16.40
V/O
Depuis les mines sous terraines a plus de mille mètres de profondeur (nc) 24 heures sur 24 les
fonds d’abatage ne connaissent aucune trêve où les hommes et les machines sont mise a’ rue
des preuves pour arracher les précieux minéraux aux entrailles de la terre et en assurer en suite
le transport vers les usines jusqu’aux carrières où des (nc)et des excavatrices déplacent des
tonnes de minerais, le cadre Zaïrois en parfaite intelligence avec le travailleur a définitivement
détruit les mythes et préjugés du passé.
Mais ces résultats flatteurs sont aussi la conséquence d’une mobilisation politique efficace
depuis la base jusqu’au sommet de la société.
TC 17.20
V/O
A la GECAMINES la production est un acte politique et une preuve de militantisme, parce
qu’elle offre au Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution et au chef du parti, les moyens
d’atteindre plus vite les objectives de développement économiques et de bien être sociale.
A quelque niveau qu’il soit le cadre se fait le devoir de canaliser les énergies d’expliquer le
sens des orientations parti pour la hausse de la production et pour poursuivre le dialogue direct
avec les masses laboureuse, les rassemblement populaire mensuelles à travers les trois groupes
de la GECAMINES sont l’occasion Délégué Générale de s’adresser directement aux
travailleurs.
TC 18.10
V/O
A la GECAMINES la production est un acte de joie, c’est ainsi que se rencontres sont toujours
accompagne par des séances d’animation politique et culturelle
TC 18.20
Animation
TC 18.53
V/O
Mais toute joie et tout succès mérite, la GECAMINES taille aussi son chemin dans le roc.
TC 18.58
Speaker :
Mesdames et Messieurs, Citoyennes, Citoyens
(nc)du développement vous avez permis à la GECAMINES l’exploitation de (nc) dynamique
et capable de performer des hautes performances.
TC 19.20
V/O
A la GECAMINES la production est un acte d’engagement totale
TC 19.31
Spectacular dancing in traditional attire and dancers in costume.
TC 19.47
V/O
257
La plantation de cellule de base du Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution aux seins des
équipes de travaille dans les mines et les usines, la propagande, la diffusion des messages du
parti, l’application par tous les personnelles des consignes, touchant à la vigilance
révolutionnaire à la sécurité des biens et des personnes, ont ainsi grandement contribuée aux
excellents résultats de la production
Pendant de trop long de temps la GECAMINES et ses travailleurs ont servi des causes
étrangères, participée a des efforts de guerres dont ils ignorées tout. Désormais intégré aux
cellules de base du parti l’ouvrier de GECAMINES connait les raisons de son labour et la
justification de ses efforts.
Il sait qu’il travaille pour son parti et pour son pays. Il sait aussi qu’il travaille pour gagner son
pain quotidien, son bukari pour lui et ses enfants.
TC 20.34
V/O
Il peut chaque jour se rendre à son travail rassuré quant ou présent et confient dans l’avenir.
Par une politique sociale courageuse la GECAMINES met son travailleur à l’abris de tout aléas.
TC 20.53
V/O
Dans le domaine de la santé plusieurs unités de soin spécialisée fonctionnent dans chaque
groupe. Des appareils d’investigation et d’analyse médicale produits de technologie de pointe,
équipes, hôpitaux et cliniques.
TC 21.13
V/O
Il existe même à Likasi un centre spécialisé dans la médicine du travail. L’action sanitaire de
la GECAMINES s’ (nc) également au population des localités avoisinantes
TC 21.26
Doctor: Inspirez, expirez. Inspirez, expirez.
TC 21.33
V/O
Les activités sportives et de loisir nombreuses et variées témoignent également de la volonté
de recherche de bien être sociale qui animaient les responsables nationaux de la société.
Pour les cadres, les ouvriers ou leurs enfants des infrastructures et des complexes sportifs
moderne offrent diverses possibilités d’apprentissage ou de perfectionnement et préparent aux
sports de haute compétition. En plus du sport il y a mille occasions d’exercer à divers métiers
domestique et la couture.
TC 22.00
V/O
La GECAMINES d’aujourd’hui est également tournée vers demain, et l’avenir ce sont ses
enfants. Pour leur éducation et leur instruction la société instillée dans chaque groupe et même
au niveau des différentes siège d’exploitation des complexes éducatives qui vont des unités de
formation près scolaire aux établissements d’enseignement secondaire professionnelle et
technique.
TC 22.00
Teacher : KaKwata
258
Student : L’exemple que je peux donner est cinq et six
Teacher : C’était ça
TC 22.42
V/O
L’apprentissage de la discipline indispensable au fonds des mines commence très tôt. Quant
aux cadres un centre spécialisée organise régulièrement de sessions de perfectionnement et de
recyclage à leur (nc)
TC 23.17
V/O
Dans la GECAMINES d’aujourd’hui, l’homme, le citoyen, l’ouvrier ou le mineur, le militant
du parti est la première richesse. Il est plus précieux que tous les minerais qui dorment dans le
sous-sol du pays.
TC 23.27
Worker : Kolwezi prière annoncé à (nc)ouest arrivée dans une demi-heure d’un groupe de
géologues. A vous
Radio : Ok
TC 23.40
V/O
De nos jours il ne suffit plus de battre des records de production à n’importe à quel prix.
D’heure en avant les exigences de rentabilité donnerons le seul baromètre capable de
renseigner sur la viabilité d’une entreprise. Les impératives de productivité ne peuvent être
satisfait que grâce à la compression de cout de production, et par la maitrise de tous les éléments
intervenants dans le calcul de prix de reviens des produits.
TC 24.00
V/O
Désormais la rationalisation de la production impose des contraintes et méthodes de gestion
qui conditionnent la survie même des entreprises. Aux termes d’une application rigoureuse
directives du président Mobutu Sese Seko en matière d’augmentation de la production les
responsables nationaux de la GECAMINES ont fait de la productivité un objectif prioritaire,
et il y ont affectée tous les moyens nécessaires.
L’usage généralisée de l’ordinateur, l’utilisation des moyens de transport et de communication
les plus rapides permettent à l’entreprise d’être présente et performante sur la scène nationale
et mondiale.
Mais loin de se contenter des résultats immédiats, les dirigeants de la GECAMINES content
sur des objectives à moyen et long terme et concentrent des gros efforts à faveur de la recherche
et dans les laboratoires et sur le terrain.
TC 24.46
V/O
Face au défi du développement socio-économique du Zaïre la GECAMINES assume des
responsabilités particulières. En affait la nouvelle politique d’intégration économique et
industrielle du Zaïre a trouvé en elle un de ses (nc) essentielles. Déjà dans l’environnement
économique régionale du Shaba l’entreprise a établi des liens étroits avec des nombreuses
petites et moyennes industries située en amont ou en aval de ses activités. Depuis l’agro-
259
industrie, les pêcheries, ou l’agropastoral, jusqu’aux industries chimiques, mécanique et
métallurgique, en passant par les fonderies et les constructions métalliques.
D’autre part de toutes les entreprises nationales elle arrive au premier rang pour les employé et
les recettes d’exportation et grâce aux impôts (nc) au bénéfice du trésor publique elle apporte
outre une part remarquable au budget de l’état.
TC 25.51
V/O
Dans un pays comme le Zaïre aux dimensions continentales le transport sur des long distances
de tonnage élevée des produits miniers avec des (nc)sur trois ou quatre points de rupture de
charge est restée à travers les années un pari difficile à tenir. Aux relations traditionnelles lient
la GECAMINES au Société de Transport Ferroviaire et Maritime l’arrivée des dirigeants
nationaux a apporté un climat nouveau par l’amélioration et l’intensification des rapports de
communication et de compréhension mutuelle.
TC 26.28
V/O
Alsol leader mondial dans la production et l’exportation du cobalt maintenant le Zaïre dans le
(nc) de tête, premier producteur africain de Zinc la GECAMINES pèse d’un pois certain aux
prêts de nombreuses industries à travers le monde.
TC 26.45
V/O
Malgré les cours erratiques des marches des métaux sur les grandes places de la bourse à
Londres, à New York et ailleurs des centaines usines sur la planète, et des centaines des milliers
d’employées industrielles sont conditionnées par le cuivre, le zinc ou le cobalt produit par la
GECAMINES.
TC 27.20
V/O
Les domaines d’utilisation du cuivre sont nombreux et variée à l’état pur ou sous forme
d’alliage, le métal rouge intervient entre autres dans la fabrication des câbles électriques et des
fils téléphoniques. Il constitue en outre la matière de base pour les robinetteries et les (nc).
Mais rien n’est éternel ni le cuivre ni le cobalt, demain l’exploitation intensive des gisement
(nc) accéléra le (nc).
Des métaux de substitution pour être en outre entraîner la réduction de la demande mondiale
du métal rouge et ses associes. Pourtant quel que soit le défi quel que soit le niveau des réserve
minière rien ne serait troubler la confiance de la GECAMINES dans son avenir, ils existent
déjà des réponses aujourd’hui pour les interrogations de demain.
TC 28.04
DG : Notre préoccupation principale est la recherche permanente de l’amélioration de (nc)
suivant certaines dispositions pratiques et je citerais entre autres l’amélioration de la
connaissance de nos gisements actuels, la découverte des gisements nouveaux, la
consommations des produits (nc) telle que s’est appliquée ces derniers années et dans le cadre
de notre cadre de notre programme quinquennal de la réhabilitation, c’est l’augmentation de la
productivité au niveau des concentrateurs, entraînant une certaine augmentation de capacité
des traitements.
Toutes ces actions nous permettrons à cours sûr d’augmenter d’avantage nos réserves minières
260
TC 29.00
DG : Mais parallèlement à ceci, nous devons dès à présent nous préoccuper de la reconversion,
nous allons favoriser le développement d’un tissu industriel-économique dans l’environnement
régionale et nationale de la GECAMINES exploitation. Et ceci doit se faire dans le cadre de
l’intégration industrielle prôné par le président fondateur, président de la République. Ceci
pour éviter ce qui arrive souvent, c’est de faire la reconversion à dernière minute dans la
précipitation.
TC 29.36
V/O
L’avenir de la GECAMINES et la survie du métal rouge sont également conditionnés par
l’apparition de nouvelles technologies qui réservent une large place à l’usage du cuivre et
d’autres métaux produits par la GECAMINES
Ainsi tant qu’il y aura des hommes, tant qu’ils seront animés par la passion de vivre, la volonté
de survivre, tant que quelque part dans le monde une fumée s’échappera de la cheminai d’une
usine la GECAMINES gardera toujours sa raison d’exister.
261
APPENDIX III
262
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FILMOGRAPHY
L’Atome Au Service De L’Homme (1970), Dir. Jean Baptiste Komba Kayumba, DR Congo,
60’
Air Zaïre (n/d) Dir. Tshitenge Madika, Zaire
La Belle at the Movies (2015) Dir. Cecilia Zoppelletto, UK - Belgium – DR Congo, 67’
Ce Riz Que J’aime Tant (1982), Dir. Simon Kintenda Ki Mata, Zaire, 25’
Cité du Parti à N’Sele (1972) Dir. Kalafulu Mulongoy, Zaire
La Compagnie Maritime Zaïroise (1975) Dir. Hemedi Mwanamboyo, Zaire, 31’41”
Communauté des Pays des Grands Lacs (CPGL) (n/d) Dir. (n/a), Zaire
Le Damier (1996) Dir. Balufu Bakupa-Kanyinda, Zaire, 40’
Defrichement à Kerenge (n/d) Dir (n/a), Zaire
Detruire, Disent-ils...Le Plan Manhattan (1972), Dir. Victor Matondo Kamanka, Zaire
Election 1970 (1970), Dir. S. Tshitenge N’Sana, DR Congo, reel 1:17’03’’
L’Europe N’Existe Pas (1972), Dir Victor Matondo Kamanka, Zaire
Gbadolite An Example pour Toujours (1979) Dir. Landu Lusala Khasa, Zaire, 105’
Gecamines - La volonté de reussir (circa 1986), Dir. Tshilonda Tsha Mulamba, Kwembe
Kimpele, Zaire, 29’
La Guerre De 80 Jours (1977) Dir. Kabela (Emmanuel) Musoshi, Zaire, 120’
How Yukong Moved the Mountains (1977), Dir. Joris Ivens, Marceline Loridan Ivens, France,
736’
Inga (1975), Dir. Kayumba Komba, Zaire
Invités de Mao (1977), Dir. Francis Matton, Zaire
L’Ivoirerie (1972), Dir. Gerard Mulongoy Kalafufu, Zaire
Kindiesse (1983) Dir. Mweze Ngangura, Zaire
La Kinoise (1967) Dir. André Drossart, DR Congo, 13’
276
Liberdade e Terra (1972), Dir. Victor Matondo Kananka, Zaire
La Main Au Feu (1970), Dir. Lukunku Sampu, DR Congo
Mokili à la Foire (1972), Dir Bonaventura Bagalama Kayange, Zaire
Le Mont Amba Ou Lovanium ou La Colline Inspirée (1970), Dir Jean Baptiste Komba
Kayumba, Congo, 60’
Moseka (1971), Dir. Mambu Zinga Kwami, Zaire
Mushenge (1969), Dir. S. Tshitenge N’Sana, DR Congo, 21’
N’Gambo or Naissance Désirable (1984) Dir. Mambu Zinga Kwami, Zaire
Ndako Eziki (La Case Enfumée) (1972) Dir Mulamba Mbuyi Yahamu, 18’
La Nièce Captive (1969) Dir. Luc Michez, DR Congo
Orfeu Negro (Black Orpheus) (1959), Dir. Marcel Camus, Brazil – France - Italy, 100’
ONATRA Office National des Transports (n/d) Dir. Tshitenge Madika, Zaire
Pièces d’Identité (1998) Dir. Mweze Ngangura, Belgium, 93’
Pour L’Abondance (1970) Dir. Tshitenge Nsana, Zaire
La Poterie Congolaise (n/d), Dir. (n/a)
Retour A' La Terre (1967), Dir. Simon Kitenda Ki Mata, Zaire
Salongo (1974) Dir. Mambu Zinga Kwami, Zaire, 108’08”
Sanctuaires Naturels du Zaire (n/d) Dir. Francis Matton, Zaire, 42’
Les Secrets du Nyamulagira (1968), Dir. Francis Matton, Paul Finda, Gerard Loisel, DR
Congo 30’
Un Séjour, Un Souvenir (1972), Dir. Gerard Mulongoy Kalafufu, Zaire
Les Tam Tam De Kinmalebo (1977), Dir. Francis Matton, Zaire
La Vie Est Belle (Life is Rosy) (1987) Dir. Mweze Ngangura, Benoît Lamy, Zaire-Belgium,
87’
La Visite de Mobutu au Japon (n/d), Dir. (n/a)
Zamba Zamba (1974) Dir. Mambu Zinga Kwami, Zaire
277
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